Records of South-Eastern Africa : collected in various libraries and archive departments in Europe

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

SIR
GEORGE HERBERT FARRAR

D.5.O

RECORDS OF SOUTH-EASTEEN AFRICA,

EECOEDS

OF

SOUTH-EASTERN AFRICA

COLLECTED IN VARIOUS LIBRARIES AND ARCHIVE
DEPARTMENTS IN EUROPE

BY

GEOKGE McCALL THEAL, D. LIT., LL.D.,

HISTORIOGRAPHER TO THE CAPE GOVERNMENT.

VOL. VIII.

PRINTED FOR

THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CAPE COLONY.
1902.

LONDON :

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,!
DUKE STREET, STAMFORD STREET, S.K., AND GREAT WINDMILL STREET, W.

Stack
Annex

CONTENTS.

DATE PAGE

1622. Wreck of the Ship Sao Joao Baptista on the South African Coast . 1
1635. Wreck of the Ship Nossa Senhora de Belem on the South African

Coast . 139

1647. Wreck of the Ships Sacramento and Nossa Senhora da Atalaya on

the South African Coast ....... 235

Abstract of documents relating to South-Eastern Africa from 1569

to 1700, and an account of the first appearance of the English

and Dutch in South Africa . 361

TEATADO

DO SVCESSO QVE TEVE
A NAO S. JOAO BAPTISTA,

E JORNADA QUE FEZ A GENTE QUE BELLA ESCAPOU,

DESDE TRINTA E TEES GRAOS NO CABO DE BOA

ESPERANgA, ONDE FEZ NAUFRAGIO, ATE

SOFALA, VINDO SEMPRE MARCHANDO

POR TERRA.

POB

FKANCISCO VAZ DALMADA.

A DIOGO SOARES SECRETARIO DO CONSELHO DA
FAZENDA DE SUA MAGESTADE, &c.

EM LISBOA; ANNO 1625.
VIII.

BECOKDS OF SOUTH-EASTEEN AFKICA.

NATTFRAGIO

Da Nao S. Joao Baptista no Cabo de Boa Esperanja no anno de 1622.

Em o primeyro dia de Mar?o de seis centos & vinte dons,
partimos da barra de Goa a Nao Capitania, de que era Capitao
mor Nuno Alvares Botelho, & a Nao Sa5 Joao, de que era
Capitao Pero de Moraes Sarmeto, & depois de termos navegado
quinze, ou vinte dias indo-se ver a bomba se acharao nella qua-
torze, ou quinze palmos de agua, & tratando de a esgotar, nao
foy possivel, porque erao pequenas as bombas, que a Nao trazia,
por serem feytas para hum Galeao, de maneyra que as desfizerao,
& acrescentarao, & nunca pode servir mais que hua ; & com
barris fazendo baldes delles a puzemos em estado de quatro
palmos, & fomos fazendo nossa viagem com grandes calmarias
ate vinte cinco graos, que dahi por diante tivemos notaveis frios.

A dezasete de Julho nos apartamos da Nao Capitania de noyte
por se Ihe nao ver o forol : outros dizem, que porque o quizerao
fazer os officiaes. De mim sey dizer a V. M. como quern perdia
tanto em perder a companhia do Capitao mor, que toda a noyte
vigiey, & que nunca o vi.

Em dezanove de Julho hum Domingo pela manhaa em trinta
& cinco graos & meyo largos vimos por nossa proa duas Naos
Olandezas, & logo nos fizemos prestes, pondo a Nao em armas, o
que nos custou muyto trabalho por estar empachada ; de maneyra
que ainda aquella tarde Ihe demos duas cargas, & fomos brigando
com estas duas Naos, entrincheyrandonos com fardos de liber-
dade, & foy este grande remedio, porque dalli por diante matarao
muy pouca gente, sendo assim que nos primeyros dous dias que
nao tinhamos feyto esta diligencia nos matarao vinte homes, ate
altura de quarenta & dous graos em espa^o de dezanove dias, dos

B 2

4 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

quaes so nove brigarao com nosco de Sol a Sol cada dia, & nos
puzerao em o mais miseravel estado que se pbde imaginar, porque
nos quebrarao o gouropes pelos cabrestos com bombardadas, & o
mastro grande dous covados por cima dos tambores, & o traquete,
& o leme, posto que era velho, que tinha sido de hua Nao, que
em Goa se desfez, & havia dous annos, que estava deytado na
praya, & ja podre, que desta maneyra se costumao haviar as Naos
nesta terra. Digo istb, porque o nao termos leme foy causa de
nossa distruicao, porque vinha elle tal, que so duas bombardadas
bastarao para o fazer em pedacos. E nao foy esta so a falta, com
que esta Nao partio de Goa, porque nao trouxe munifoes, nein
polvora bastante para poder brigar, trazendo so dezoyto pepas do
artilharia de muy pequena bala, & com serem estas, brigamos
ate nos nao ficarem mais que dous barris de polvora, & vinte
oyto cartuxos.

Vendo-se que a Nao nao tinha arvore nenhua, & as entenas de
sobrecellente todas cheas de pelouradas, que a que tinha menos
tinha nove, & a Nao indo-se ao fundo com agua, porque nos
fuudiarao a pelouradas por huma braga debayxo d'agua; & o
leme quando quebrou levou duas femeas comsigo, abrindo os
buracos das cavilhas das mesmas femeas, de modo que nos liia-
mos apique ao fundo sem podermos veneer a agua, nem se ter
esperanpa de remedio algum dando de noyte, & de dia a bomba,
& gamotes todo genero de pessoa, tratarao os Eeligiosos de haver
algum concerto de modo que se entretivessem os inimigos, para
que entretanto vissemos se podiamos veneer a agua, & tapar
alguns buracos. E para isso me pedirao quizesse eu ser huma
das pessoas, que tratasse com os Olandezes hum concerto honrado,
sobre o que tive alguas razoes com elles, & disse, que quern que-
ria o tal concerto, que fosse la, & que nao erao meus amigos, pois
tal me aconselhavao, & me fuy meter na estancia, de que o
Capitao me encarregou, de maneyra, que nao vi batel a bordo,
nem Olandezes, ficando odiado com muyta gente da Nao.
Depois pedirao a Luis d'Afonseca, & a Manoel Peres quizessem
ir fazer este contrato, os quaes forao, & as tormentas forao tao
grandes, & continuas, que nao vimos mais a Nao para oude estes
dous home's forao. A outra nos foy seguindo sem nos querer
abalroar, & madou saber pelo batel se viramos a outra sua Nao,
porq tinha desapparecido della, & pela muyta agua, que de con-
tino faziamos estaudo desaparelhados, & faltos de todo o remedio,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 5

veyo saber, que determinacao era a nossa, & estando toda a gente
muy miseravel, & desconfiada Ihe dissemos, que nao sabiamos da
Nao, & com esta reposta se tornou o batel para donde viera,
estando nos cada vez mais desconsolados, porque padeciamos as
mais notaveis tormentas, & frios, que os homes virao, chovendo
neve muytas vezes, de maneyra que morrerao muytos escravos
com os frios, os quaes nos faziao muyta falta pelo remedio da
bomba, & alijar ao mar, o que tudo faziamos continuamente, &
com trabalho por as tormentas, & balanfos da Nao nao darem lugar
a que se acendessem os fogoes, que era causa destes trabalhos nos
ficarem sendo muyto mayores. Estando neste estado tizemos
hua bandola do mastro da mezena, & a puzemos na proa, & o
botalo por goroupes, & hiamos para onde o vento nos levava, de
maneyra que muytas vezes era o vento bom para virmos para
terra, & a Nao tomava na volta do mar, que como nao tinha leme,
nem governo, andava de 16 para onde o vento a levava. Isto
tudo aconteceo andando em quarenta & dous graos, & vindo-nos
sempre seguindo esta derradeyra Nao. E hua noyte sendo com
ella na volta do mar, por ser grande o escuro, & a tormenta,
amaynamos a bandola, pedindo a Virgem da Conceycao, que
permitisse a Nao tomassse na volta da terra, ficando apartados
da que nos seguia : E assim socedeo, porque amanhecemos na
volta da terra, na qual fomos muytos dias. As Naos Olandezas
pelo que agora soubemos nos forao buscar na volta do mar ate
altura de quarenta & seis graos : la se deve contar o estado, ein
que chegarao a Zacotora.

A nos, como tenho dito nos pareceo tinhamos mais remedio
apartandonos das Naos pelas continuas tormentas, & buracos,
que de novo se abriao, & por a gente vir toda desmayada com os
trabalhos, & alem deste, que digo acudiao a hum leme, que no
conves se fez, o qual o carpiuteyro da viagem meteo em cabe?a
ao Capitao, que em tal altura, & com taes tempos o havia de
meter, sendo assim, que muytas vezes deyxao as embarcayoes de
o meter estando em bahias, & rios com qualquer alterafao de
tempo. 0 Capitao Pero de Moraes como nao era muy experi-
mentado, supposto que valente, nao quiz tomar parecer dos
officiaes da Nao, nem das pessoas, que nella hiao de mais experi-
encia, & seguio o de hum vilao pertinaz, nao querendo usar do
remedio de espadellas, que foy sempre o que as Naos costumarao
fultandolhe leme. E por derradeyro nunca este leme se pode

6 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

meter, andando quinze dias amarrado pela popa, aguardando,
que tivessemos alguma quietacao para o poder meter ; & que-
brandonos os viradores, com que estava amarrado o perdeinos
hua noyte, & tivemos, que fora merce de Deos, porque nos que-
brava a Nao com as continuas pancadas, que sempre estava
dando.

Em quanto se isto fazia, esperavamos cada hora nos fossemos
ao fundo, & nao tinhamos ja mais esperanfas, que da salvayao
das almas. Os Keligiosos, que nesta Nao hiao, exhortavao as
inais pessoas fizessem penitencia de seus peccados, fazendo pro-
cissoes os mais dos dias, & disciplina da qual senao escusava
pequeno, nem grande, antes todos assistiao com rnuytas lagrimas.
E tivemos todos nestas miserias, que fora castigo de Deos aparta-
remse as Naos inimigas de nos; porque tinhamos por cousa
nunca acontecida vir hua Nao sem leme, nem vellas de tao longe
em partes tao tormentosas a porto algum. No que se vio ser
manifestamente milagre da Virgem, como acima digo.

Depois que o leme desappareceo se fizerao duas espadellas
muyto bem feytas dos pedapos dos mastros, & goroupes, que
ficarao metidos na Nao, & se pode affirmar, que nao houve
remedio algum humano, que senao usasse, que como cada hum
tratava de remediar a vida, era o trabalho geral de todos. Feytas
as espadellas como nao tinhao bandolas, nem paos de que as
pudessem fazer, nao hia a Nao despedida. Depois destes reme-
dies todos ficou a Nao aos mares toda desfeyta, porque os
inimigos desfizerao a mayor parte dos castellos, ficando os pregos,
& a madeyra em rachas, & escadeada, & com os grandes balan-
ces, que a Nao dava cahia a gente, & se feria, & por este
respeyto se acabarao de cortar.

Acabando nesta confusao, & aperto, em vinte nove de Setembro
fomos amanhecer duas legoas da terra em trinta & tres graos, &
hum terfo, & foy tamanha a alegria em todos como se fora a barra
de Lisboa, nao imaginando o muyto caminho, que tinhamos para
andar, & os trabalhos, que nos aguardavao ao diante. Na briga
da Nao nao morrerao homes conhecidos, salvo Joao d'Audrade
Caminha, & Joao de Lucena. Lopo de Sousa, que Deos tenha
no Ceo, & o Capitao Vidanha assistirao no conves, donde pelejarao
valerosamente, & ficou Lopo de Sousa ferido com tres dedos meiios
do pe esquerdo, & o pe quebrado todo, com hua raxa em hum qua-
dril, outraina barriga, outra no rosto, & duas na cabe?a ; & o Capitao

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 7

Vidanha com duas raxas, hua na cabeca, & outra na barriga. No
castello de proa assistio Thome Coelho Dalmeyda, & da tolda do
Capitao assistio Kodrigo Affonso de Mello ; & eu nas pefas do
lerne, aonde o inimigo mais frequentava, porque todas as vezes,
que vinha dar carga, dava nas primeyras pe^as, tendo primeyro
dado no goroupes por bayxo da varanda atirando ao leme. Nao
trato aqui do procedimento, que nesta tao comprida briga tive-
mos, nem o dano, que os Olandezes receberao, porque espero, que
elles proprios sejao os pregoeyros neste particular.

Aquelle dia nao nos pudemos chegar a terra tanto como dese-
javamos para nella surgir, & desembarcar, mas ao outro pela
manhaa, que foy dia de S. Jeronymo amauhecemos mais abayxo,
& niais juntos a terra, & como a Nao nao tinha governo, tememos,
que desvairasse indose para o mar. E porque nos pareceo hua
praya de area, & bom desembarcadouro (o que depois conhecemos
nao ser assini) surgimos em sete bra^as com duas ancoras. Man-
dou logo o Capitao a Rodrigo Affonso de Mello com quin/e
homes arcabuzeyros reconhecer a terra, & tomar bom sitio donde
se defendesse a desembarcapao ; o que elle fez com muyto cuy-
dado como fazia tudo, & nos mandou agua doce, & hervas cheyro-
sas, com que nos causou notavel alegria. E porque nao fique
caso notavel acontecido nesta viagein, quero contar a V. M. o
seguinte.

Vinha nesta Nao hum horn em por nome Manoel Domingues
Guardiao della, ao qual o Capitao tinha posto no lugar de Mestre
por elle ser morto. Este se fez tao soberbo, mal ensinado, &
livre, que havia poucas pessoas com quern nao houvesse tido
historias. E como tinha a mayor parte da gente do mar por si,
se desavergonhou de maneyra, que se foy ao Capitao, & Ihe disse :
V. M. pela manhaa ha se de meter no batel com trinta homes,
que para isso tenho escolhido, & havemos de levar com nosco
toda a pedraria, & saltar em terra daqui a tres legoas onde
mostra a carta hum areal, & havemos de atravessar essa Cafraria
ate o cabo das Correntes, porque assim indo so trinta pessoas
escoteyras com suas armas poderemos chegar aonde digo, &
tratar de ir com arrayal de mulheres, & mininos por terras tao
fragosas, & caminhos tao longe, era fallar no ar. Pero de Moraes
Ihe respondeo nao havia de fazer tal, que nao queria que o
castigasse Deos, & q conta havia de dar ao mesmo Deos, & aos
homes em commeter tal crueldade, & que nao fallasse tao livre.

8 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Elle respondeo, que quer quizesse, quer nao quizesse o havia de
tomar em bracos, & botar no batel. Dissiinulando o Capitao
vendo o danado intento que este homem levava, & os muytos
trabalhos, lastimas, & perdas que de tao mao conselho haviao de
resultar, se deliberou ao matar, & assim o fez matando-o as faca-
das o segundo dia depois de estar a Nao surta, sem embargo, que
o Mestre andava ja de sobre aviso, cuja morte foy sentida de
poucos, & festejada de muytos.

Depois se poz em terra o mantimento, & armas necessarias,
ainda que foy com muyto trabalho ; porque era a costa brava, de
maneyra que todas as vezes, que o batel desembarcava algua
cousa antes que chegasse havia de surgir com hlia fateyxa pela
popa, & haviao de saltar em terra tendo mao nelle, de modo
que ficasse direyto posto as ondas, em tanto que hua vez que
nao surgirao pela popa, se afogarao dezoyto pessoas ao desem-
barcar de hua so batelada. Este foy o respeyto, porque depois se
nSo tratou de fazer embarcafao, porque he esta costa tao tormen-
tosa, que se temeo, que depois de feyta se nao podesse deytar
ao mar.

Aos tres de Outubro estando nos acabando de desernbarcar as
cousas necessarias para a viagem da terra, & fazendo nossas choupa-
nas, aonde nos pudessemos recolher dos grandes frios, que naquella
paragem faz,o tempo, que alii podiamos estar, derao rebate os homes
que estavao de vigia, que vinhao negros. Tomamos armas, & elles
se vierao" chegando a nos, dando as azagayas, que traziao a seus
filhos, ate que ficaraS muyto pegados com nosco assentados em
cocaras, tangendo as palmas, & assubiando mausamente, de modo
que todos juntos faziao hum som concertado, & muytas mulheres,
que com elles vinhao se puzerao a bailhar. Estes negros sao
inais brancos, que mulatos, homens corpulentos, & se disformao
com as unturas de almagra, & carvao, & cinza, com que ordi-
nariamente trazem o rosto pintado, sendo assim, que sao bem
afigurados. Trouxerao de Sagate esta primeyra vez hum boy
capado grande, & fermoso, & hum fole de leyte, & o Key o apre-
sentou a Kodrigo Aftbnso de Mello, que entao servia de Capitao
por Pero de Moraes estar ainda na Nao. As cortesias, que este
Key fez ao Capitao, que digo, forao encayxarlhe a barba muytas
vezes. E depois de nos Ihe darmos o retorno do Sagate, que
forao hus peda$os de arcos de ferro, & huns bertangis, se foy o
Key ao boy, & o niandou abrir, estando vivo, polo embigo, & elle

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 9

com a mbr parte dos que trazia meterao as maos no buxo do boy,
que ainda estava vivo, & berrando, & se untarao todos com
aquella bosta; & entendemos, que todas estas ceremonias faziao
em fe, & sinal de amizade ; & depois cortarao o boy, & nolo
entregarao em quartos, tomando elles para si o couro, & as tripas,
que logo comerao alii mesino posto nas brazas.

Em hum mez, & seis tdias, que alii estivemos se nao pode
entender nunca a esta gente palavra algua, porque o seu fallar
nao he como de gente, & para qualquer cousa, que queriao dizer
davao estralos com a boca, hum no principio, outro no meyo, &
outro no cabo, de modo que se pbde dizer por estes : que nem a
terra he toda huma, nem a gente quasi quasi.

Estando ja entrincheyrados em terra, fizemos hua Igreja
cuberta com velas forrada toda por dentro de cobertores da China
borlados de ouro, & de outras muytas pecas ricas, de modo que
toda estava consida em ouro, na qual se diziao tres Missas todos
os dias, & nos confessamos, & comungamos todos. Ordenou o
Capitao Pero de Moraes depois que os homes do mar disserao que
se nao podia fazer embarcapao, se queymasse a Nao por os Cafres
senao aproveytarem dos pregos, & nos ficar o resgate caro, & que
a pedraria toda, que na Nao vinha, se metesse em hua borpoleta
nos proprios bisalhos, em que os homes, a quern se entregou a
traziao mutrados, & tudo isto com papeis autenticos, dizendo,
que pois o trabalho de a vir defendendo era de todos, que
tambeni parecia razao, que o galardao, & proveyto, que disto se
tivesse, fosse de todos, cabendo Ihe pro rata a cada hum confornie
sens procedimentos, & lugar.

Neste tempo hiarnos resgatando vacas, que comiamos, posto
que ntto erao tantas quantas haviamos mister, & as que nos
pareciao boas para trabalho as guardavamos em hum curral de
estacada, que para isso fizemos, acosturnando-as a aiidar com
albardas, que para isso se fizerao de alcatifas muyto bem feytas,
que nao faltarao officiaes na companhia, que soubessem este
officio. Eu neste tempo como cheguey a terra doente de gota,
cV' mal de loanda, & vi o muyto caminho, que tinha para andar,
tratey de fazer sahidas, tomando hua espingarda a melhor de
sete que trazia, & me andava a ca9a, hora para a banda do cabo
de boa Esperaupa, hora para estoutro do cabo das Correntes, que
como sou filho de ca^ador, & criado na ca?a, foy me isto de gosto,
iV proveyto, porque ao cabo de hum inez, & seis dias, que nesta

10 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

terra estivemos, fiquey tao forte, & bem disposto, que posso dizer,
que ninguem no arrayal vinha com melhor disposifao que eu.

Aos seis de Novembro partimos desta terra de trinta & tres
graos em hum arrayal formado, em que hiao duzentas setenta &
nove pessoas repartidas em quatro estancias, de que erao Capitaes
Eodrigo Affonso de Mello, Thome Coelho Dalmeyda, Antonio
Godinho, & Sebastiao de Moraes. A companhia de Eodrigo
Affonso de Mello, & de Sebastiao de Moraes hia na dianteyra, o
Capitao Pero de Moraes hia no meyo com a bagage, & mulheres,
& Thome Coelho, & Antonio Godinho vinhao na retaguarda.
Traziamos com nosco dezasete boys carregados com mantimentos,
& cousas para o resgate necessarias, & quatro andores, em os
quaes vinhao Lopo de Sousa, Beatriz Alvrez mulher de Luis
d'Afonseca, D. Ursula mulher que foy de Domingos Cardoso de
Mello, & a may de Dona Ursula. Este dia foy de muyta chuva,
& como as cousas nao hiao ainda bein concertadas, andariamos
hua legoa, & assentamonos a borda de hum rio de agua doce, &
tivemos roim noyte por chover sempre. Esta terra he toda
cortada de rios de muy boa agua, & tern leuha, mas falta de
fruita, & de mantimeutos, sendo assim, que parece tal, que dara
tudo o que nella se semear abundantemente. A gente que nella
habita nao se sustenta mais que de marisco, & de huas raizes
como tubaras da terra, & da ca$a. Nao conhecem sementeyra
algua, nem outro modo de mantimento ; & assim andao beni
dispostos, & valentes, & fazem cousas notaveis de forpas, & ligeyre-
zas, porque tomao a cosso hum touro, & o tern mao sendo elles
os mais monstruosos animaes de grandes, que se podem imaginar.

Ao outro dia sete de Novembro fomos fazendo nosso caminho
sempre pegado pela praya, & tendo andado obra de tres legoas,
a tarde assentamos o arrayal a borda de hum rio, & puzemos
nossas tendas em redondo, metendo de noyte as vacas no meyo,
pondo nossas postas de vigia, & rondas com muyto cuydado, &
vigilancia, mas nao nos valeo isso para que os Cafres deyxassem
de roubar todas as vacas, ainda que nao foy muyto a seu salvo,
porque como estes Cafres sao grandes cafadores, trazem consigo
seus caes de capa, & como estas vacas sao criadas entre elles, &
as vigiao dos tigres, & leoes, que nesta costa ha, os quaes caes
quando os sentem as despertao com seus ladridos, & assim andao
sempre juntos, & misturados com ellas, ainda que animaes brutos,
conhecem-se, & se fazem festa. E como as vacas se hiao afastando

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 11

da terra onde se criarao, de contino davao berros como saudosas,
& no quarto d'alva vindo os Cafres botar os caes dentro com
grandes assobios, & gritas, as vacas como os sentirao saltarao por
cinia das tendas fngindo com os caes detras. Fomos apoz ellas
brigando com os Cafres, aos quaes Ihes matamos o filho do Rey, &
muytos de sua copanhia, & elles nos ferirao tres homes.

Este dia foy para nbs muyto triste, porque nos levarao as vacas
em que traziamos todo o mantimento, & ellas per si o erao tam-
bem. Traziamos em nossa companhia hum Cafre, que veyo ter
com nosco onde desembarcamos, natural das Ilhas de Angoxa,
ao qual somente entendiao os nossos Cafres, & vinha preso, por-
que como nos tinha prornettido vir ensinando os caminhos, &
depois o nao fazer, foy necessario trazelo assim. Este nos disse,
que dali a vinte dias de caminho de Cafre a chariamos vacas, que
vinhao a ser dous mezes do nosso caminho, & que tudo ate la era
deserto, como depois achamos, & ainda muyto mais do que elle
nos affirmou. Fomos fazendo nosso caminho em ordem, comendo
cada hum daquillo que podia trazer as costas ; alem das armas,
& resgate, que com todos se repartio, de modo que vinha cada
pessoa muy carregada, & erao os orvalhos tantos, que ordinaria-
mente vinhamos molhados todos ate o meyo dia, que o Sol os
derretia, mas isto era para nos trabalho suave a respeyto das
chuvas, que ordinariamente nos perseguiao, & de outras miserias,
& apertos mayores, em que nos vimos ao diante, & em que
muytos acabarao a vida.

A vinte hum deste mez pouco mais, ou menos, decendo hiia
serra altissima, chegamos a hum rio, que passamos em espaco de
dous dias, & foy o primeyro que passamos com jangadas, ao qual
puzemos nome do Almiscre, por o Capitao mandar deytar nelle
todo o que na companhia vinha por descarregar os homes, que o
traziao. E caminhando dous dias por serras altissimas de pedra,
demos em huma praya toda chea de pedra solta, & em hum rio,
que passamos com huma jangada, que fizemos, & da outra banda
delle achamos huns Cafres cacadores, os quaes nos venderao hiia
pouca de carne de cavallo marinho, que foy para nos grande
alento, & a este rio puzemos nome, o dos Camaroes por nelle nos
venderem muytos. Dali fomos caminhando por hua serra acima
ate voltarmos a praya de pedra solta, que nos custava muyto
trabalho o caminhar por ella.

Aqui aconteceo hua cousa lastimosa, & nos mostrou o tempo

12 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

hua grande crueldade, & foy, que vindo na companliia hua mopa-
sinha branca filha de hum velho Portuguez, que nos morreo na
Nao, o qual era homem rico, & a levava para a meter Freyra em
Portugal, indo caminhando em hum andor enfraquecerao os que
por partido de dous mil cruzados a levavao ; & como ella alii nao
tinha mais que hum irmao moposinho, que pudesse manifestar ao
Capitao a grande crueldade, que era deyxar hua moja donzela,
& fermosa em hum deserto aos tigres, & leoes, se nao teve a com-
payxao, que em tao notavel caso se devia ; ainda que o Capitao
fez algumas diligencias tomando o andor as costas, fazendo-o
assim todas as pessoas nobres, que hiao na companhia, por ver se
com este exemplo o queriao fazer alguas das outras, prometendo-
Ihes muyto mayor partido do que antes se Ihes dava. Com tudo
nao houve alguem, que o quizesse fazer, nem realmente podiamos
pela muyta fome, que entao padeciamos. Foy ella ate o outro
dia caminhando a pe encostada em dous homes, & como vinha
muyto fraca o nao podia fazer senao com muyto vagar, & assim a
trouxemos ate que ella nao pode mais dar passo, & se comepou a
queyxar, & lastimar, pois era tao desgrapada, & queriao seus
peccados, que aonde hia tanta gente, & se levavao quatro andores,
nao houvesse quem levasse o seu por nenhum dinheyro, sendo
assim que era o mais leve que hia na companhia, por ella ser
muyto magra, & pequenina, & outras palavras lastimosas, que
dizia com muyto sentimento. Pedio Confissao, & depois de a
fazer disse em voz alta de modo que foy ouvida : Padre Frey
Bernardo eu fico muyto consolada, que Deos ha de haver miseri-
cordia com a minha alma, que pois elle foy servido, que em tao
pequena idade padecesse tantas miserias, & trabalhos, perniit-
tindo me deyxem em hum deserto aos tigres & leoes sem haver
quem disso tenha compayxao, ha de permittir, que seja tudo para
minha salvapao. E dizendo estas palavras se deytou no chao
cobrindo-se com huma saya de tafeta preto, que trazia vestida, &
de quando em quando indo passando a gente descobria a cabefa,
& dizia : Ah Portuguezes crueis, que vos nao compadeceis de
hua mofa donzella Portugueza como vos, & a deyxais para ser
mantimento de animaes ; nosso Senhor vos leve a vossas casas.
Eu que vinha de tras de todos consoley ao irmao, que com ella
ficava, & Ihe pedi andasse por diante, o que elle nao queria fazer,
antes mandou dizer ao Capitao, que queria ficar com sua irrnaa,
o qual me avisou, que por nenhum caso consentisse tal, & que

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 13

o trouxesse comigo, como fiz vindo-o consolando, mas sua dor
foy de maneyra, que dahi a poucos dias se ficou tambem. Veja
V. M. que cousa tanto para lastimar, de mini sey dizer, que estes,
& outros espectaculos semelhantes me davao mayor pena, que as
fomes, & trabalbos, que padecia.

Fazendo assim nosso caminho tres dias, vienios ter a hum rio,
o qual fazia bua praya de area, & nella acbamos algum marisco,
que foy de nos muy festejado pelas notaveis fomes, que hiamos
padecendo. Aqui esperamos bua tarde que acabasse de vazar
para podermos passar, mas a tardanja foy mayor do que cuyda-
vamos, & como a gente vinba tao faminta, puzerao-se a comer
todos biias favas, que pela borda do rio se achavao, as quaes nos
puzerao a morte, & se nao fora a muyta pedra vazar, que trazia-
mos, nao escapara pessoa alguma. E com isto ser assim, cada
bora nos punba neste mesmo perigo a grande fome, para remedio
da qual se comia todo genero de berva, & fruta, que achava-
mos, & nao era bastante conbecer o mal, que nos faziao para
deyxar de as comer.

No meyo destes apertos nos foy de grande proveyto muyta
quautidade de figueyras bravas que nesta terra acbamos, com os
talos das quaes, & com muyta ortiga fomos passando muytos dias.
Neste rio estivemos dous dias esperando tornassemos do grande
accidente, que tivemos, & partindonos daqui nos vierao seguindo
a retaguarda bus poucos de Cafres, os quaes nos tinhao furtado
dous caldeyroes, & porque nos Ihe nao demos o castigo, que seu
atrevirnento merecia, vierao a fazer tao pouco caso de nos, que
nos vinbao tirando com paos tostados, mas pagaraS logo sua
demasiada ousadia, porque o carpinteyro da viagem que mais
perto se acbou, Ibe tirou com a espingarda, & quebrou os bragos
a bum, & o atravessou pelos peytos. Os quaes vendo o muyto
dano, que bua so anna das nossas Ihes fazia, deytarao a fugir, &
nos viemos fazendo nossa viagem.

Forao apertando as fomes tanto com nosco, que nos obrigarao
a comer immundicias, que o mar botava fora, que erao alforrecas,
& inija vinagre, & era tal a necessidade, que quern tinha alguma
cousa de comer a nao dava, ainda que visse perecer bum amigo,
ou parente. Eu em todas estas necessidades (seja Deos bemdito)
passey melhor, que muytos, porque me posso gavar, que trazia
a melbor espingarda da companbia, & que era o que melbor
tirava, & assim nunca me faltou cafa, pouca, ou muyta, posto

14 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

que me custava muyto trabalho buscala, & achala, por esta terra
ser muy deserta de aves, & animaes, de maneyra que nunca
houve occasiao, que pudesse matar animal grande : & do que
matava partia com quern me parecia, & o demais escondia-o que
nao soubessem parte delle mais que os matalotes, & tudo era
necessario pelos odios, malqueren9as, & perigos, que dahi podiam
succeder.

Caminhanios assim mais algus dias ate chegarmos a hum rio,
em que ha via muytos caranguejos, & por chover infinita agua o
nao pudemos passar, & ao outro dia pela manhaa aconteceo hum
notavel caso, & foy : Que nas terras atras tinhao dito ao Capitao
Pero de Moraes, que hum Sebastiao de Moraes Capitao de huma
estancia, que se dizia ser seu parente, tratava com a gente de que
era Capitao, de que a mayor parte erao mancebos mal acostu-
mados, adiantarse com ella, & tomarnos a pedraria, apartando-se
de nbs, dando por razao, que queriao andar mais depressa. Ao que
Pero de Moraes acudio logo, & com muyto segredo abrio a borso-
leta, & tirou della os oyto bisalhos, em que vinha resumida toda,
& os meteo em hum alforge, o qual entregou ao carpinteyro da
viagem Vicente Esteves, de que elle muyto confiava, & dentro
na borsoleta, em que a dita pedraria vinha, meteo pedras, que
podiao pesar a quantidade, que della tinha tirado, & isto tudo
fez com tanto segredo, que muyto poucas pessoas o sabiao. E
neste rio, em que estavamos, por as fomes serem notaveis, &
andarmos todos esfaimadissimos, aconteceo na tenda do carpin-
teyro, que tenho dito, verem os seus negros andar demais hum
alforge, que seu amo nao fiava de ninguem, & pareceolhes, que
seria arroz, & ajuntando-se com os do Capitao, determinarao abrilo
de noyte, como fizerao, tirando-lhe hum dos ditos bisalhos, pare-
cendolhes era cada hum hua medida de arroz, porque assim o
costumavamos trazer repartido em atadozinhos de medida cada
hum. Tirado fora o bisalho forao-no abrir ao mato, & vendo que
era pedraria, temendo, que os enforcassem pelo furto, fugirao
com ella.

Pela manhaa vio o carpinteyro o alforge rasgado, foyse logo
ter com o Capitao, dando gritos, & dizendo, que era roubada a
pedraria. E como nella vinha nosso remedio, tomamos as armas,
& fomos muyto depressa a tenda do Capitao Sebastiao de Moraes,
& vimos a borsoleta chea, & fechada com os cadeados, que dantes
tinha, & julgamos ser tudo por zornbaria. 0 Capitao Pero de

Becorcls of Soutli-Eastern Africa. 15

Moraes muyto agastado nos contou a historia, que atras tenho
dito, dizendo-nos, que alii nao vinha pedraria & mostrandonos
aonde estava, vimos o furto, que se tinha feyto, & tendo por
certo o que o carpinteyro Ihe tinha contado, sem mais vereficar
cousa algua se foy a tenda de Sebastiao de Moraes, & o mandou
prender, amarrandolhe as maos atras, & juntamente a quatro
homes de sua companhia, a hum dos quaes deu crueis tormentos
estando cego da payxao, sendo assim, que estavao os pobres homes
innocentes do que Ihe tinhao levantado. Este se chamava Joao
Carvalho, ao qual Ihe derao rijos tratos. O pobre homem cham-
ava pela Virgem Maria da Conceyfao Ihe >acudisse, a qual per-
inittio, que neste mesmo tempo se soube quern tinha furtado a
pedraria, que se se nao descobrira tao depressa tinha o Capitao
urdenado de os mandar enforcar. Como se conheceo a innocencia
dos quatro homes, os mandou soltar, ficando preso o seu Capitao
Sebastiao de Moraes.

E logo chamou o Capitao os mais principaes homes, que alii
vinhao, os quaes erao Rodrigo Affonso de Mello, o Capitao
Gregorio de Vidanha, Thome Coelho Dalmeyda, Vicente Lobo
de Sequeyra, Antonio Godinho, & eu, & a cada hum de nos per
si so nos mostrou hum libello, que contra Sebastiao de Moraes
tinha feyto, no qual se dizia, que era homem inquieto, & revol-
toso, cabepa de rancho, amotinador, & que se temia, que elle
fosse causa de nossa destruicao, & que fizesse com os homens
de sua parcialidade divisao, & se fosse roubando-nos, & ficando o
arrayal enfraquecido sem aquelles homens de annas, que erao da
melhor gente, que havia, & com outras palavras criminosas desta
qualidade, dizendonos, que para quieta9ao do arrayal era neces-
sario matar este homem, pois de sua vida podiao resultar muytos
trabalhos, & com sua morte ficavao evitados todos, pedindo a
estas pessoas votassem sobre a materia ; as quaes votarao o que
Ihes pareceo, & chegando a eu haver de votar, propondo-me elle
a causa, Ihe disse, que eu nao era Dezembargador para sentencear
a ninguem a morte, & que se elle o queria mandar matar Ihe
armasse outro caramilho. Elle me respondeo estas palavras :
Que direis aquillo se o eu tenho afrontado ? Caleyme, & elle se
foy a cabana de Lopo de Sousa a communicar o negocio, & fey-
tos huns papeis, o mandou degolar, sem a isso Ihe poder valer
ninguem, nem se soube causa bastante para esta morte deyxar
de ser estranhada, antes se teve a grande crueldade, mayormente

16 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

em tempo, que haviamos mister companheyros, & sendo aquelle
de boa disposipao, & mancebo.

Fomos fazendo nosso caminho por estes desertos, subindo, &
decendo cerras muyto fragosas, passando muytos rios todos
cheyos de cavallos marinhos, & notaveis animaes. Aqui mata-
mos hum Cafre, que atras disse tinhamos achado onde desem-
barcamos, que dizia ser de Angoxa. Este nos prometteo pelo
que Ihe la demos de vir com nosco, & nos ensinar o caminho, &
porque nos quiz fugir por muytas vezes, o traziamos preso, &
temendo nos dissesse aos Cafres algus descuydos, que em nos
havia, & como as nossas espingardas nao faziao obra pelo tempo
de chuva, o que elle ordinariamente vinha perguntando aos
nossos negros, & via muytas vezes quererem-nas disparar, & o
nao poderem fazer por virem molhadas, alem do que muytas
vezes nos dizia hua cousa, & depois outra em contrario, & por
todas estas causas se resolverao a matalo.

Continuamos nossa viagem ate quinze de Dezembro pouco
mais, ou menos, & chegamos a hum rio, aonde vinhamos ja tao
mortos de fome, que vendiam no arrayal os Grumetes, & mari-
nheyros a medida de arroz por cento & cincoenta pardaos, &
chegou a valer cento & oytenta, & houve pessoas, que gastarao
nisto mais de quatro mil pardaos, das quaes foy huma Dona
Ursula para seu sustento, & de seus filhos, & outra Beatriz
Alvrez. E vinhamos muy tristes por nos ir faltando muyta
gente, & nenhua de doenfa por ser a terra sadia.

Aqui me aconteceo hua historia, que por ser a V. M. tenho
confianca para a contar, & porque tambem foy notoria a todos.
Antes que decessemos a este rio encima na serra disse o Capitao,
que fosse eu com quinze homes arcabuzeyros obra de huma legoa
por cima ver se descobria algua povoafao, porq erao ja limites
donde o Cafre nos tinha dito achariamos vacas, & indo eu obra
de meya legoa na volta, que fazia o rio em huma vargea, vi estar
hua povoacao de quinze casas de palha, & por nao causar espanto
aos Cafres mandey seis homens fossem ver se havia algum modo
de mantimento, que nos vendessem, ao que elles se escusarao
dizendo, que aquella povoacao mostrava ter muyta gente, &
ficavamos longe para os poder socorrer. Com o que eu enfadado
depois de ter razoes com elles, escolhi os melhores quatro arca-
buzeyros, que alii estavao, que erao Joao Kibeyro, Cypriano
Dias, Francisco Luis, & o despenseyro, & eu com elles, & nos

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 17

fomos pela serra abayxo passar hum valle, que entre nos, & a
povoapao dos negros estava, no qual havia hum rio cheyo entao
com a mare ; passamolo com a agua pelo pescojo, & chegamos a
porta da cerca, & pedimos-lhe nos vendessem algua cousa de
comer fallando-lhe por acenos, metendo a mao na boca ; que por
inadvertencia, & esquecimento nao levamos lingua, que Ihes
dissesse a que hiamos, nem a pedimos ao Capitao, porque estes
Cafres ja entendiao aos nossos, que da India traziamos. Elles
corno nos virao vestidos, & brancos pasmarao, & as rnulheres, &
mininos derao grandes gritos, chamando gente da outra povoapao,
que estava no mato. E os maridos, que com ellas estavao nos
forao seguindo, & atirando co paos tostados. Vendo eu o dano,
que nos podiao fazer, mandey a Joao Kibeyro, que atirasse com
o seu arcabuz, o que logo fez, & nao tomando fogo dentro se
assanharao mais os Cafres, & tiverao por feyticeria o acenderse
fogo. E visto o perigo, em que estavamos puz a espingarda no
rosto, & matey tres de hum so tiro por atirar sempre com hum
pelouro, & tres feytos em dados. Causarao estas mortes graude
espanto, & pararao os outros com o furor, com que vinhao. Torney
a carregar a espingarda, & vieinos muyto de vagar, & quando
chegamos ao brapo do rio, que atras digo, o achamos quasi vazio,
& nelle hua gamboa com dous cbvos muyto grandes cheyos de
tainhas, os quaes abrimos, & nisto decerao os outros compa-
nheyros como ouvirao o estouro da espingarda, & nos carregamos
deste peyxe, que em tal tempo foy hu grande soccorro ; mas
vinhamos temerosos do que nos tinha succedido, a respeyto do
Capitao nos haver encomendado, que nos sofressemos, & nos nao
descompuzessemos com os Cafres, porque tinha para si, que fica-
ria hua guerra alevantada por toda a Cafraria, & seria causa de
nossa destruicao. O que foy pelo contrario, porque daqui por
diante, & depois que foy forfado matalos em alguas partes, logo
das mesmas povoapoes nos vinhao pedir algua cousa para a
mulher, ou filho do morto.

Chegando a presenca do Capitao Ihe fiz hum fermoso presente
de tainhas, que elle festejou muyto, & depois de estar contente
com a vista de cousa tao desejada, & para estimar em meyo de
tantas fomes, Ihe contamos o que nos succedera, o que elle sentio
muyto, & nao duvido, que se deste caso resultara algum mal, que
me custara caro, porque se castigava muy rigurosamente toda a
desordem. Neste mesmo dia como o Capitao chegou abayxo ao

VIII. C

18 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

rio, vio-se hum Cafre, & tomando falla delle, disse que dali por
diante havia vacas, & algumas sementeyras, & logo pedio a
Rodrigo Affonso de Mello fosse com vinte homes descobrir o que
havia, & o negro foy com elle, & depois Ihes disse, que se reco-
Ihessem, que era tarde, & que ao outro dia viria, & os levaria
aonde Ihes tinha dito, o que logo fez Rodrigo Affonso, & fazendo
caminho pela povoafao aonde tinhamos mortos os tres negros, os
achou ainda por enterrar, & Ihos mostrarao com muyto medo, &
tremendo, do que Rodrigo Affonso ficou espantado, porque nao
sabia do que acontecera, & Ihe disserao, que os mortos tiverao a
culpa, porque comeparao a guerra primeyro, & que ja o tinhao
feyto saber ao seu Rey, & Ihes derao do que tinhao em sua
sementeyra, que erao aboboras de carneyro, & patecas verdes.
Rodrigo Affonso Ihes deu dous pedacinhos de cobre, que he a
melhor veniaga destas partes, & veyo-se recolhendo.

Ao outro dia tornou a vir o mesmo Cafre, & foy Rodrigo
Affonso com elle, & andou la hum dia, & hua noyte, & caminhado
mais avante encontrou o filho do Rey, que os Cafres diziao, com
cem Cafres de guerra bem armados todos com suas zagayas de
ferro em hum valle, os quaes vinhao visitar o nosso Capitao, &
traziao o rnais fermoso boy, que nunca vi, sem cornos, & fizerao
Saguate delle ao Capitao, & ao outro dia nos *trouxerao mais
quatro vacas, que nos venderao, dizendo, que se quizessem esperar
mais oyto dias, nos trariao a vender quantas quizessemos, &
quando nao que esperassemos ate o outro dia, que nos venderiao
vinte vacas, o que fizemos, mas elles nao vierao. E porque nos
hia enfraquecendo a gente, principalmente os que traziao os
andores, & se acabava a comida, & estavamos quedos, & tambem
pelo que o Cafre nos tinha dito entendemos, que seria ja a terra
farta, determinamos de ir por diante, & ao outro dia fomos dormir
a hua alagoa, a qual nao tinha raas, do que ficamos muyto senti-
dos. As fomes erao ja intoleraveis, & se comia ja 110 arrayal todo
o cao, que se podia matar, o qual he muyto bom comer (fallando
fora de fomes) porque eu muytas vezes tinha vaca, & se havia
cao gordo, a deyxava pelo comer, & assim o faziao muytas pessoas.
Os homes que traziao os andores se escusavao ja de os trazer, por
nao poderem, & querendo o Capitao forpar algfis a isso, fugio
nesta paragem hum marinheyro para os Cafres, que se chamava
o Rezao.

Indo caminhando hits poucos de dias cheganios a hum rio,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 19

aonde da banda do Cabo nurn alto estava huma povoacao de
Pescadores, & nos assentamos o arrayal da outra banda. Elles
nos trouxerao a vender hua pouca de massa feyta de huas se-
mentes mais miudas que mostarda, de huas hervas, que apegao
no fato, a qual sabia muyto bem a quern della podia alcanfar
algua cousa. Aqui se puzerao todos os homens, que traziao os
andores em hum corpo, dizendo, que se nenhuma pessoa do
arrayal podia dar passada com fome, & ficavao muytos mortos,
que fariao elles, que traziao os andores as costas, que bem os
podiao mandar matar, que nao haviao de passar dalli com elles
ainda que Ihes dessem por isso os thesouros do mundo, & que
parece bastava haver mais de mez, & meyo, que os traziao,
subindo, & decendo serras, que elles perdoavao tudo o que se
Ihes tinha promettido pelo trabalho atras passado, & isto com
grandes clamores, & lagrimas. Ao que acudirao os Religiosos,
dizendo ao Capitao, que elle nao podia forcar a ninguem a toma-
rem trabalhos mortaes, & que ja nos tinha fugido hum para os
Cafres, & que estes pobres homes parecia ja cada hum huma
semelhanca da morte. 0 Capitao ajuutou a todos, & em voz alta
mandou lancar hum pregao, dizendo, que se houvesse quatro
homes, que por pref o de oyto mil cruzados quizessem levar Lopo
de Sousa as costas, & outro si a qualquer das mulheres, que nos
ditos andores vinhao, que logo os depositaria na mao de cada
hum pro rata como Ihe coubesse, ao qual pregao ninguem sahio.

Neste lugar succederao por meus peccados as mayores cruel-
dades, & os mais lastimosos espectaculos, que ja mais acontecerao,
nem se podem imaginar, porque a estas mulheres, que vinhao nos
andores se Ihes perguntou se nos podiao acompanhar por seu pe,
porque doutra maneyra nao podia ser, & a seu respeyto tinhamos
vindo tao vagarosamente, & estavamos muy atrazados do cami-
nho, & era morta muyta gente so de fome, & nao havia quern
por prefo algum os quizesse trazer as costas, & que por evitar
males mayores, & por parecer de hii Religioso Theologo' se tinha
ordenado de se nao esperar por ninguem, que nao pudesse andar,
porque nos hiamos cosumindo, que as que tivessem saude para o
poder fazer se deliberassem ate o outro dia, & as que haviao de
ficar, as deyxariao em companhia de muytas pessoas, que no
arrayal vinhao fracas, & doentes, na povoafao de pescadores, que
defronte de nos estava. Julgue V. M. agora, que nova podia
esta ser para Beatriz Alvrez, que trazia alii quatro filhos, tres

c 2

20 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

delles crianpas, & para Dona Ursula, que trazia tres filhinhos, o
mais velho de onze annos, & sua may velha, que de forfa havia
de ficar, sendo-lhe ja morto seu marido, & seu pay, nao tratando
de Lopo de Sousa fidalgo tao honrado, & tao valente, & como tal
tinha brigade na Nao, de que ainda trazia as feridas abertas, &
vinha doente de camaras, na qual dor, & sentimento me coube a
mim mayor parte, por sermos ambos de hua criacao em Lisboa,
& sermos de hum tempo no servipo da India.

Toda esta noyte se passou em puras lagrimas, & gemidos, de-
spedindo-se os que hiao dos que haviao de ficar, & foy a mais
compassiva cousa, que ja mais se vio, que todas as vezes, que isto
me lembra nao posso ter as lagrimas. Ao outro dia pela manhaa
se soube, que ficava Beatriz Alvrez com dous filhos dos tres
machos que tinha, & hiia filha de idade de dous annos linda
creatura, & o filho mais pequeno Ihe tomamos, ainda que contra
sua vontade, por nao ficar alii hua gerapao toda ; & a may de
Dona Ursula Maria Colapa, & Lopo de Sousa, & tres, ou quatro
pessoas muyto fracas, que nos nao podiao acompanhar, os quaes
se confessarao todos com grande dor, & lagrimas, que realmente
parecia huma cousa cruel nao nos deyxarmos ficar com ellas,
antes que vermos tal despedida. Por hua parte se via Beatriz
Alvrez mulher delicada, & mimosa com hiia minina de dous
annos no collo de hua Cafra, que com ella ficou, a qual nao quiz
nunca largar, com hum filhinho de cinco annos, & outro de de-
zasete ; o qual mostrou grandissimo animo, & amor, fazendo a
mais honrada cousa que naquelle estado pudera fazer pessoa
algua, & foy, que a may Ihe disse por inuytas vezes, que ella
ficava meya morta, porque o seu nial antigo do figado a tinha
entrado muyto, que poucos haviao de ser seus dias de vida, ainda
que ficara entre regalos, & que seu pay hia com huma Nao da-
quellas, que brigara com nosco, & podia ser morto, que era mopo
que nos acompanhasse, & todos os Religiosos apertarao com elle,
dando-lhe muytas razoes, dizendo-lhe, que nao so arriscava o
corpo, mas que tambem arriscava a alma por ficar em terra de
infieis, aonde Ihe podiao entrar os seus maos costumes, & cere-
monias. Ao que respondeo com muy bo animo, que nosso
Senhor haveria misericordia de sua alma, & que ategora os
tivera por seus amigos, & agora os ficava tendo em differente
conta, & que razao podia elle dar depois aos homes, deyxando sua
may em poder de Cafres barbaros. Por outra parte se via Dona

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 21

Ursula despedir da may, que ficava : julgue V.M. as lastimas,
que se diriao hua a outra, & as que nos causariao. De Lopo de
Sousa se forao todos despedir, & vendo elle, que eu o nao fazia,
mandou, que fosse o andor, que o levava, & passasse pela tenda
onde eu estava, & me disse estas palavras em voz alta, & com
muyto animo : Eya senhor Fracisco Yaz d'Almada nao sois o
amigo, com que me criey na escola, & na India andamos sempre
juntos como me nao fallais agora? Veja V. M. qual eu ficaria
vendo hum fidalgo, de quern era particular servidor naquelle
estado. Levanteyme, & abraceyo, & disse Ihe : Confesso a V. M.
de mim esta fraqueza, porque nao tive animo para ver a pessoa,
que eu tanto amava em tal estado ; que me perdoasse, se nisso
o offendera. Elle, que ate entao teve o rosto enxuto nao pode
ter as lagrimas, & disse aos q o traziao, que andassem, & que-
rendo eu acompanhalo ate a povoa?ao dos Cafres donde elle
havia de ficar, o nao quiz consentir, & tapando com a mao os
olhos me disse : Ficayvos em bora amigo, & alembrayvos da
minha alma, levandovos Deos a terra onde o possais fazer. Con-
fesso, que foy esta a mayor dor, & sentimento, que nunca ate
entao tive. 0 Capitao Ihe deu cousas de resgate, como erao
muytos pedapos de cobre, & de latao, que he cousa, que aqui val
mais que tudo, & dous caldeyroes. Aqui ficarao dous homens
escondidamente, que se chamavao Gaspar Fixa, & Pedro de
Duenhas.

Partimonos muy lastimados fazendo nosso caminho por serras
altas, & fomos albergar aquella noyte a borda de hum rio, aonde
achamos algus carangueginhos pequenos, que nao foy pequeno
bem para nos, & ao outro dia continuamos o caminho, & assenta-
mos o arrayal a noyte em hum rio fresco, ao longo do qual por
elle acima havia tres, ou quatro povoafoes, as quaes mandamos
saber por hum Cafre lingua se havia vacas, ou quern desse razao
dellas, & nos entretanto fomos esfaymados a huma ponte de
pedra, que a praya fazia, ao marisco, & cortar figueyras bravas
para comer. Vindo-nos recolhendo a noyte as tendas, que
deyxamos armadas, muy contentes por trazermos muytas figu-
eyras cortadas para comermos, achamos por nova, que viera a
lingua, & trouxera dous negros comsigo, que diziao, que Ihe
dessem dous homes, & hum pedapo de cobre, que elle os levaria
aonde houvesse vacas, £ que levassem cobre, que elles as trariao
pela manhaa, o que o Capitao fez com muyta alegria mandado

22 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Fructuoso d'Andrade, & Gaspar Dias, os quaes levavao o que os
Cafres pediao, & nbs ficamos muy alvorocados esperando nos
trouxessem muyto bom recado, porque delle dependia a vida de
todos. Quiz Deos, que ao outro dia as dez horas vierao os
homens muy alegres, trazendonos hua vaca, & dando-nos por
novas virao muytas povoapoes todas com vacas. Logo se mandou
matar a vaca, & partir, & se conieo assada, da qual costumavamos
nao deytar fora mais que a bosta grossa, porque a mais miuda,
& as unhas, & o miolo dos cornos, & couro tudo se comia. E nao
se espante V. M. disto, porque quern comia todos os negros, &
bran cos, que morriao, mais facil Ihe ficava este man jar.

Logo nos fomos em busca das aldeas levando por guias os
Cafres, que com os dous Portuguezes, que trouxerao a vaca tinhao
vindo, & nao podendo chegar la aquelle dia posto que andamos
muyto, dormimos aquella noyte em hum valle, que tinha feno
mais alto que huma lanca, & ao outro dia pela manhaa levanta-
monos cedo. & caminhando por hua ladeyra acima terra bem
assombrada, encoutramos alguns negros aos quaes perguntamos
pelas povoacoes, & nos disserao, que se caminhassemos bem, como
o Sol empinasse chegariamos la. E como hiainos desejosos, &
necessitados, supposto que fracos, nos puzemos ao caminho su-
bindo sempre, & chegamos a tarde acima de hua serra, da qual
vimos a mais fermosa cousa, que a vista entao podia desejar,
porque se descobriao dali muytos valles todos cortados de rios, &
serras mais pequenas, pelas quaes se viao infinitas povoacoens
todas cheas de vacas, & sementeyras, com a qual vista decemos
a serra muy contentes, & nos vinhao trazendo ao caminho vasos
de leyte a vender, & vacas, as quaes Ihe nao compramos alii, &
Ihes dissemos, que passando hum rio, que aparecia do cume, em
hua serra pequena, haviamos de assentar o arrayal, & estar tres,
ou quatro dias, pelo que falassem huns com outros, para que
quern tivesse alguma cousa de comer, & a quizesse vender por
aquelle dinheyro, que erao pedacos de cobre, & latao, se fossem
ter com nosco. Passando o rio chegamos ao Sol posto a para-
gem que digo, & pondo nossas tendas em ordem, mandou o
Capitao a Antonio Borges, que tinha a seu carrego comprar todas
as cousas de comer, com quatro homes de espingarda de guarda
afastados do arrayal, para que os negros se nao misturassem
com nosco (costume, que sempre nesta viagem se guardou invio-
lavelmente.) E para que Y. M. sayba que vinhamos com boa

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 23

ordem, digo, que traziamos todo o resgate, & cousas com que se
comprava de comer repartido entre nbs, trazendo o homem, que
menos arma trazia, mayor quantidade, de maneyra que nao havia
pessoa nenhuma, que ficasse izenta destes trabalhos. E todas as
cousas por pequenas que fossem vinhao assentadas em hu livro
por receyta, as quaes despendia este Antonio Borges como feytor,
& comprador, que era, & se algua outra pessoa queria comprar
algua cousa, era castigado muy rigurosamente, ainda que fosse
com cousa, que trouxesse escondida ; & isto se fazia por evitar a
alteracao do pre?o, que os muytos compradores costumao fazer.
Este homem dava conta ao Capitao com escrivao do que despen-
dia, & isto se guardou em vida do Capitao, & depois de Ihe eu
succeder ate o fim, como ao diante se dira.

Ainda neste dia se resgatarao quatro vacas, entre as quaes
vinha hum grande touro, que o Capitao me pedio matasse a
espiugarda, porque estavao infinites negros juntos, para Ihe
mostrar a forpa, & poder das armas que traziamos. E andando
este touro com as vacas comendo entre ellas, para fazer mayor
espanto, Ihes disse, que se afastassem todos, & que aquillo Iho
dizia, porq Ihes nao fizesse mal aquella arma. Elles fazendo
pouco caso, se deyxarao ficar, & eu me fuy chegando ao touro
obra de trinta passes, & dando hum grito alevantou a cabefa, a
qual tinha bayxa por andar comendo, & Ihe dey com o pelouro
na testa caindo logo morto. E vendo os Cafres o effeyto, que
fez a espingarda botarao a fugir, & depois o Capitao os mandou
chamar, os quaes vierao muy temerosos, & ficarao ainda muyto
mais depois que virao o boy morto, & que meterao o dedo pelo
buraco do pelouro, que na testa tinha. Todas estas quatro vacas
se matarao este dia, & se repartirao igualniente por toda a gente
como sempre se fazia por pessoas, que para isso havia separadas ;
& ao outro dia se resgatarao dez, ou doze, & se matarao outras
quatro, cabendo a cada pessoa de quatro vacas tres arrateis, a
fora o couro, & tripas, porque tudo se repartia. Qujz aqui o
Capitao dar esta fartura a gente para ver se tornavamos a tomar
forfas, & disposipao, matando todos os dias, que aqui estivemos
quatro vacas. Mas foy esta fartura causa de nos .dare camaras a
respeyto de comermos a carne mea crua, & assim ficamos com
pouca mais melhoria da que trouxemos, que realmente nos
causa va espanto ver, que morriamos por nao comer, & que o muyto
tauibeui nos matava. Aqui nos trouxerao tambem a vender

24 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

muyto leyte, & huas frutas da cor, & sabor de cerejas, mas mais
compridas.

Esta foy a paragem, em que se resgatou mayor quantidade
de vacas juntas, que em toda a Jornada, porque alem de treze
que se matarao em quanto aqui estivemos, que forao sinco dias,
levamos com nosco outras tantas, no fim dos quaes nos fomos
caminhando por huma serra alta, & muy comprida, aonde nos
traziao muytos cabapos de leyte a vender, & das frutas, que
tenho dito, & alojamos no meyo de hua serra rodeada de povoa-
coes todas cheas de gado, & sementeyra, & hum rio pelo pe. Ao
outro dia acudindo negros com vacas para vender Ihe compranios
dez, on onze. Aqui aconteceo mandar o Capitao enforcar hua
negra por furtar hua pequena de came, que nao pezaria meyo
arratel (demasiada crueldade.) E ao outro dia acabamos de
subir aquella serra, que era muyto alta, em busca de huma
povoapao, aonde vivia o Key de todo aquelle Concam, a qual
chegamos a tarde, & era a mayor que ate entao tinhamos visto.
O Key que era cego veyo visitar ao Capitao, & Ihe trouxe de
Saguate hum pouco de milho em hum cabapo, o qual, ainda que
velho era bem disposto. E he cousa para notar, que sendo
barbaros sem conhecimento da verdade, sao tao graves, & tao
respeytados de seus vassallos, que o nao sey encarecer, elles os
governao, & castigao, de modo que os tern quietos, & obedientes.
Tern suas leys, & castigao os adulteries galantemente desta
maneyra, se hua mulher faz adulterio a seu marido, & Iho prova
com testemunhas, a manda matar, & ao adultero juntamente se
o podem apanhar ; com as mulheres do qual casa o aggravado.
Quando se querem casar, o Key he o que faz o concerto, de
maneyra que senao pode fazer casamento sem elle nomear a
mulher. E tern por costume, que os filhos sendo de dez annos
os botao para o mato, & se vestem de humas folhas de arvore
como palmeyra, da cintura para bayxo, & se untao com cinza
ficando cayados, os quaes se ajuntao todos, & nao chegao a povo-
ado, porque la aos matos Ihes levao as mays de comer. Estes
tern por officio balharem nos casamentos, & festas, que elles costu-
mao fazer, aos quaes pagao com vacas, & bezerros, & com cabras
aonde as ha ; & depois que neste officio ajunta qualquer d elles
tres, ou quatro cabe^as de gado, & he de idade de dezoyto annos
para cima, vay o pay, ou a may ao seu Key, & Ihe diz que tern
hum filho de idade conveniente, o qual tern por seu brapo ganha-

Eeeords of South-Eastern Africa. 25

do tantas cabe?as de gado, & o dito pay, ou may o quer ajudar,
dando-lhe mais algua cousa, & Ihe pede o queyra casar. EIRey
Ihe diz : Ide a tal parte, & dizey a fulano, que traga ca sua filha,
& era vindo os concerta no dote, que o marido he obrigado dar
ao sogro, & sempre o Key nestes concertos costuma ficar com as
maos untadas. Isto he o que se usa ate Unhaca Manganheyra,
que he o rio de Lourenpo Marquez.

Depois de o Capitao ser visitado deste Eey, como era mayor
que todos os que ate entao tinhamos visto, determinoulhe dar de
Saguate hua grande pessa, a qual foy hum casti?al de latao
pequeno com hum prego preso no fundo, com o qual ficava tan-
gendo como compainha, & muyto bem limpo, atado com hum
cordao de retrbz Iho lanfou ao pescoco, ao que o Rey fez grande
festa, & os seus ficarao espantados de ver cousa tao excellente.
Dali nos fomos ao outro dia continuando nosso caminho ate junto
de hum rio o mayor que ate entao tinhamos visto, acima do qual
dormimos, & ao outro dia caminhamos pelo meyo de serras muyto
altas, que por junto delle estavao, com proposito de ver se Ihe
podiamos achar vao, ou parte em que fosse estreyto, & que
corresse com menos furia para o podermos passar com jangada.

Levavamos em nossa companhia vinte vacas, & supposto que
matavamos cada dia hua, & cabia a cada pessoa hum arratel,
padeciamos grandissimas fomes. E por ser o rio muyto largo
caminhamos por cima de hua serra por caminhos muyto in-
gremes, & arriscados por ficarem caindo encima do rio dous
dias ate chegarmos a hua vargea, por cima da qual ficavao alguas
aldeas, em que determinavamos comprar vacas. Os negros
se einboscarao pela borda do rio, aonde de forpa haviamos de
mandar buscar agua, & nos furtarao dous caldeyroes, que para
ella serviao, mas pagarao o atrevimento, porque depois de Ihe
termos comprado duas vacas, vendo que nao traziao mais a vender,
& vindo hum negro com huas canas de milho para vender, as
quaes costumavamos comprar para comer, por serem doces, me
mandou o Capitao Ihe atirasse a espingarda, o que logo fiz, pas-
sando-o pelos peytos com hum pelouro, & assim botou a fugir
pela serra acima. Aqui mandou o Capitao enforcar hum nosso
Cafre por nos fugir duas vezes.

Tendo caminhado mais dous dias pela serra ao longo do rio,
chegamos a hua parte onde nos pareceo mais estreyto rio. Aqui
mandou o Capitao hu mulato seu, que nadava muyto bem, a ver

26 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

se podia passar o rio, o qual se afogou logo em se lanpando, por
ser grande corrente de agua, & ir em redemoinho. Como vimos,
que a agua vinha com tanta forpa, determinamos de ir mais
acima, & ao outro dia fomos caminhando por huas serras bem
assombradas, por serem cheas de povoapoes, & ao meyo dia assen-
tamos o arrayal. E depois continuando nosso camiuho com o
proposito, que tenho dito, passamos por huma povoapao, que
estava em hum alto, & ao passar della nos trouxerao a vender
muyta quantidade das frutas que atras disse, as quaes nos vendiao
por agulhetas de atacas.

Vindo detras da retaguarda dous grumetes fracos com suas
espingardas as costas, como os virao taes, & que vinhao afastados
de nos Ihes sahirao da povoapao huns poucos de negros, & Ihes
tomarao as espingardas. Ao que acudirao Thome Coelho, & eu,
& outros soldados, que na retaguarda vinhao, & Ihe entramos a
povoacao, matando todo genero de pessoa, que nella achamos, &
tomando quatorze novilhos, que dentro estavao presos, os trouxe-
mos com nosco, & viemos assentar o arrayal abayxo desta aldea,
da outra banda de hum riosinho pegado com outras aldeas,
sempre com muyta ordem, & vigilancia. Ao outro dia pela
manhaa nos mandarao dous negros velhos a compor, & fazer
amizades, ao que o Capitao se mostrou muyto aggravado, dizendo,
que vindo elle seu caminho sem fazer mal a alguem o roubarao,
& que promettia de vingar toda a injuria, que nisto se Ihe tinha
fey to. Elles derao suas razoes, dizendo, que Ihe mataramos
muyta genre; & em fim de razoes, nos trouxerao as espingardas,
& nos pagarao de composifao duas vaquinhas, & pelas azagayas,
que Ihes tinhamos tornado nos derao outras duas, & nbs Ihes
entregamos nove bezerros dos quatorze, que Ihes tinhamos to-
rnado, porque os sinco matamos aquella noyte, & descendido a
mim, & a meu matalote nos coube hum, de que partimos com os
amigos. A tarde nos trouxerao outras duas vacas, & hum touro,
que Ihes compramos ; & por ser o touro muyto bravo, mandou o
Capitao o matassem as catanadas, ao que se defendeo elle de
maneyra, que o nao puderao matar, antes elle deu hiia revolta
teza ao Capitao, & a tres, ou quatro pessoas, pelo que me pedio
o matasse a espingarda, o qual antes que eu o matasse me deu
hua grande estropiada, lanfandome a espingarda por hi alem ;
& alevantandome logo Ihe atirey, & o passey pelas espadoas
caindo logo morto por hua ribaneyra abayxo, encima da qual me

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 27

pimha todas as vezes que se offereciao, seinelhantes occasioens,
& era alvitre para mim, porque por cada touro que matava a
espingarda, me davao huma mao, que naquelle estado nao era
pequeno bem.

Dali fomos a borda do rio, & nos puzeinos junto a elle encima
de hua serra, lugar forte, que escolhemos para esperar ate que
vazasse com menos furia, o que nao fez por espaco de vinte sinco
dias pouco mais, ou menos, que foy os que gastamos neste con-
torno, andando sempre ao longo do rio ; no qual tempo nos
acontecerao as cousas seguintes : Dia de Natal pela manhaa man-
dou o Capitao a Thome Coelho Dalmeyda com vinte homens
subisse hua serra muy alta, que se estendia sempre ao longo do
rio, & caminhasse sinco, ou seis legoas por ella a vista do rio, &
visse se por la podia haver algua passagem. E depois de andar
por la dous dias, se veyo, dizendo, que nao achava melhor para-
gem para se poder passar, que alii onde estavamos, que aguard-
assemos se acabassem as chuvas, & que logo o rio havia de correr
com menos furia, trazendo pouca agua, & assim o fizemos. Aqui
mandou o Capitao enforcar dous negrinhos hum de Thome
Coelho, & outro de Dona Ursula so por furtarem huns pedacinhos
de came, sendo assim, que o mais velho nao chegava a doze
annos, dos quaes se teve muyta lastima, & se estranhou tanta
crueldade.

A este rio puzemos o nome da fome, porque nelle padecemos
as mayores que tivemos em toda a viagem. E por ver se havia
remedio para se passar, prometteo o Capitao cem cruzados a
qualquer das pessoas, que o passasse da outra banda, levando
comsigo hua linha de pescar para poder passar outra mais grossa,
que pudesse ter huma jangada em que passassemos como ja tinha-
mos feyto noutro rio atras, & como ninguem o fizesse, se offereceo
hum meu negro por nome Agostinho sem nenhum interesse, o
qua! o fez com facilidade por ser grande radador ; mas depois de
passar a linha a quebrou a grande corrente da agua/ em que
claramente se vio, que se nao poderia passar como queriamos
senao dahi a alguns dias ; nos quaes nos fomos entretendo,
pondouos a vista de huas povoapoes por ver se nos queriao vender
alguas vacas, o que fizerao mais por temor, que vontade por lhas
irmos comprar dentro as mesmas povoapoens ja desesperados
para que quando nolas nao quizessem vender, lhas tomassemos
por forpa.

28 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Aqui indo eu a hua povoagao em companhia de Antonio
Godinho depois de termos comprado duas, ou tres vacas, vendo
que nao havia mais que fazer me vim para o arrayal, que a
vista de nbs estava. E depois de ter andado bum pedapo virey
para tras, & vendo que nao vinhao ainda os companheyros, me
assentey a stia vista, esperando, elles viessem, ficandome nas
costas hum feno muyto alto, por entre o qual veyho hum Cafre
muy acachado, & se abracou comigo por detras, pegandome na
espingarda com huma mao pelo couce, & outra na ponta, ficando
eu entre elle, & a espingarda, andando hum grande espaco as
lutas coroigo. E acordeyme, que trazia hua faca, & a arranquey
chamando por nossa Senhora da Conceycao, porque me vi sem
alento nenhum, por ter o Cafre muyta forpa, & Ihe fuy dando
com a faca ate que me largou a espingarda, a qual meti logo no
rosto, & indo para a disparar cahi no chao de fraqueza, & Ihe nao
pude atirar, se nao quando ja hia longe, & ainda assim o tratey
mal, & depois Ihe apanhey a sua capa de pelles, que trazia em-
brulhada no brapo, & a deyxou com a pressa. Todos estes Cafres
usao de capas, que Ihe dao por bayxo do quadril de pelles muy
bem adobadas de animaes pequenos de fermoso pelo, & segundo
a qualidade do Cafre se vestem com melhores pelles huns que
outros, & nisto tern muyto ponto ; & nao trazem mais vestido,
que estas capas, & hua pelle mais galante, com que cobrein as
vergonhas, & eu vi a hum Cafre grave huma capa toda de Martas
Zebelinas, & perguntando-lhe onde havia aquelles animaes, disse,
que pela terra dentro havia tanta quantidade d elles, que todos
em geral se vestiao de suas pelles. Tambem achey no chao duas
azagayas, & hum paosinho de grossura de hum dedo, & de dous
palmos & meyo de comprido, forrado do meyb por diante com
hum rabo de buzio, o qual pao costumao trazer quasi em toda
a Cafraria ate o rio de Lourenpo Marquez, & nao costumao
fallar sem o trazerem, porque todas as suas praticas sao apon-
tando com este pao na mao, a que chamao sua boca, & fazendo
esgares, & meneos. Os companheyros vinhao chegando, & vendo
o que me acontecera apressarao o passo cuydando ficara eu
maltratado do successo, & nos viemos todos ao arrayal, o que
estava esperando por nbs com muyto alvorofo pelas vacas, que
estavao vendo Ihes traziamos.

Estando nbs neste mesmo posto, dahi a dous dias chegou hum
negro dos nossos, que tinha ficado na companhia de Lopo de

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 29

Sousa, ao qual se foy o Capitao, & sem ninguem Ihe dizer nada,
pegando nelle Ihe disse : 0' cao, quern matou os Portuguezes ?
confessa-o senao hey te de mandar enforcar logo ; o negro ficou
trespassado, & disse, que elle nao era culpado em taes mortes,
nem nenhum dos nossos, que com elle ficarao. Pasmamos de o
Capitao fazer aquella pergunta sem saber nova alguma da dita
gente, & Ihe perguntamos quern Ihe dissera tal nova, ao que
respondeo, que havia dous dias, que andava sempre com a imagi-
nayao naquella gente ; & que sempre o corapao Ihe dissera, que
os negros, que com elles ficarao os tinhao mortos, & por isso
fizera a tal pergunta. Disse mais este negro, que os Cafres da
terra matarao em huma noyte a Gaspar Fixa, & a Pedro de
Duenhas, & ao sobrinho do contramestre Manoel Alvrez, por Ihes
tomarem hum caldeyrao, & que os nossos negros seus compa-
nheyros ficarao em outra povoacao mais abayxo apartados dos
Portuguezes. E perguntando-lhe como ficava Lopo de Sousa,
disse, que quando de la partira havia tres dias, que estava sem
falla, & sem duvida morreria no derradeyro que o vio, & que
Beatriz Alvrez mulher de Luis d'Affonseca ficava muyta doente
feyta lazara, de maneyra que se nao podia bolir, & as outras
pessoas muyto mortas de fome, que por nao terem forfas para
poderem andar, nao vierao com elle, & sem duvida seriao todas
mortas. O Capitao o mandou olhar, & achando-lhe pessas de
ouro, & diamantes, que conhecerao ser dos Portuguezes, que la
ficarao, mandou tivessem tento nelle, com fundamento de o
mandar matar de noyte, o que elle nao aguardou, porque dahi
a pouco espaco vimos vir dous mo?os de sua companhia, & como
elle os conhecesse temendo descobrissem a verdade fogio, & os
dous que digo em chegando forao logo prezos, & dando-lhe tra-
tos confessarao o seguinte, dizendo, que depois de nos apartados
de Lopo de Sousa, dahi a tres dias chegou aquelle mesmo lugar
hum Hey Cafre, o qual trazia quarenta vacas, & disse, que era o
que atras tinha promettido vir com ellas ao Capitao, pelo qual
perguntara ; & dizendo-lhe como era partido, & que estivera
esperando por elle, & como vira, que nao viera no tempo, que
promettera, se fora : Respodeo elle, que por causa das enchentes
de hus rios nao pudera vir mais cedo, & perguntou se nos poderia
ainda encontrar, ao qual disserao, que nao, por haver muytos
dias que eramos partidos, mas que alii ficarao dous ranches de
gente sua, hum de Portuguezes, & outro de negros, & que tinhao

30 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

dinheyro coin que Ihes podiao comprar alguas vacas. Respondeo,
que folgava muyto, porque para isso as trazia de tao longe, &
logo os Portuguezes comprarao tres vacas, & os negros quatro,
& pedirao ao Key, que se nao fosse com as que Ihe ficavao, que
depois daquellas comidas Ihe comprariao mais. Ao que re-
spondeo, que por alii nao haver bos pastes dava hua volta, &
tornaria dalli a seis, ou sete dias com ellas para Ihes vender as
que houvessem mister. Neste tempo foy o rancho dos Portu-
guezes comendo as que tinhao comprado, & faltandolhes se foy
Gaspar Fixa abayxo a outra povoapao aonde estava o outro dos
nossos negros, & que ainda tinhao duas vacas vivas, & Ihes pedio
matassem hua daquellas vacas, & Ihes emprestassem ametade,
que logo em tornando os Cafres comprariao com que satisfazer,
o que elles fizerao logo com facilidade, matando hua dellas,
& dando-lhe o que pedia. Dahi a dous dias vierao os Cafres, &
se proverao todos de vacas, & querendo os negros Ihes pagassem
o que tinhao emprestado, Iho forao pedir em hum dia, em que os
Portuguezes tinhao morto hua vaquinha muyto pequena : &
respondeo-lhe Gaspar Fixa, que elles tinhao morto o que viao, q
por ser pequeno quinhao, a respeyto do que elles Ihe tinhao
dado, Iho nao davao, mas que esperassem dous dias, que era o
tempo em que elles a podiao comer, & que logo Ihes dariao ame-
tade da mayor que alii tinhao : disserao os negros, que a matas-
sem logo, & Ihes pagassem; ao que Gaspar Fixa replicou, que
entao Ihes ficaria a carne perdendo-se, & vendo, que nao se
aquietavao com estas razoes, agastado com reposta tao desa-
vergonhada, & atrevida, deu hua bofetada em hum negro Chinga-
la que era a cabepa dos outros chamando-lhe cao, & outros roins
nomes, & elles se forao. E fazendo Gaspar Fixa, & os outros
companheyros pouco caso do acontecido, estando de noyte dor-
mindo na sua povoapao vierao os nossos negros com algumas
azagayas, que pelo caminho tinhao tornado aos Cafres, que vinha-
mos matado a espingarda, & mandando hu diante pedir Jume
para que Ihe abrissem a porta, a qual Ihe abrirao, nao se lem-
brando do que Ihes podia acontecer, & entrando todos juntos
matarao quantos na casa de palha estavao, tirando Lopo de Sousa,
que estava no estado, que tenho dito, & os mortos sao os que ja
atras nomeey. Tambem derao por novas que Beatriz Alvrez
ficava no mesmo estado, que o outro tinha contado. Disserao tam-
bem mais estes dous negros, que elles se nao acharao em tal obra,

Records of South -Eastern Africa. 31

& que a cabeca destas nialdades era ja morto, que o matara o
negro, que primeyro tinha chegado, o qual era ja fugido.

Fieamos sentidissimos com tal nova, vendo, que so nos faltava
levantarem-se os nossos negros contra nos, & demos todos gramas
a Deos, pedindo-lhe misericordia. 0 Capitao os mandou logo
enforcar aquelle dia, os quaes nao chegarao a pela manhaa a
estar na forca, por causa das muytas fomes, que entao padeci-
amos, & forao comidos escondidamente dos negros do nosso
array al, & de quern o nao era tambem, o que se dissimulava, &
senao fazia caso disso. E eu vi muytas vezes de noyte pelo ar-
ray al muytas espetadas de carne, que cheyravao excellentissi-
mamente a carne de porco, de maneyra que alevantandome a
vigia, me disse Gregorio de Vidanha meu copanheyro, que visse
que carne era aquella, que os nossos mocos estavao assando, que
cheyrava muyto bem. Fuy ver, & perguntando-o a hum dos
mocos, me respondeo, que se queria comer, que era cousa excel-
lente, & que punha muyta forpa, & conhecendo eu que era carne
humana me fny, & dissimuley com elles. Por aqui pbde V. M.
ver, a que miserias foy Deos servido, que chegassemos, tudo por
meus peccados.

Dahl a dous dias estando nos neste mesmo lugar, mandou o
Capitao enforcar hum mancebo Portuguez criado do contramestre
por o acharem resgatando cousas de comer com hum pedapo de
arco de ferro que tinha tornado do alforge do Sotapiloto, & tam-
bem por ter fugido para os Cafres, sendo moco forte, & que podia
ser de utilidade a companhia, que realmente em meyo de tantas
miserias nos acabavao de consumir estes excesses de crueldades,
sem embargo, que he necessario usar dellas quern houver de
governar homens do mar, mas nao por modo tao demasiado.
Este pobre pedia o mandassem enterrar por nao ser comido, mas
nao Ihe valeo seu peditorio, porque dando lugar ao poderem fazer
os mossos, que andavao muyto fracos, & mortos de fome, o man-
dou o Capitao lanpar no mato, os quaes tiverao bom cuydado
de Ihe darem a sepultura, que costumavao dar aos outros, que
morriao.

Logo ao outro dia mandou o Capitao a tres pessoas passassem
este desaventurado rio, que tanto nos custou a sua passagem, &
que andassem da outra banda, vendo que terra era, & se havia
vacas, & vissem se os negros tinhao noticia de nbs, o que fizerao
com muyto cuydado, & vindo dahi a dous dias muyto contentes

32 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

pedirao alvicaras ao Capitao, & perguntando elle a Joao Kibeyro
que era o principal, se queria huma peca que valesse trezentos
cruzados, respondeo, que nao, que antes queria que Ihe fizesse
merce de Ihe dar todos os corapoes das vacas, que dahi por diaute
se matassem no arrayal, para elle, & para o calafate seu compan-
heyro, o q o Capitao Ihe concedeo. Veja V. M. quao pouco se
estimava entao tudo por precioso que fosse, a respeyto do comer.
Depois q se Ihe fez este prometirnento, disse, q da outra banda
do rio dahi a quatro legoas havia muytas povoacoes todas com
muytas vacas, & que a gente dellas parecia boa, que estavao de-
sejosos que passassemos para nos venderem do seu gado, & que
Ihe fizerao bom gasalhado. Esta foy para nbs muyto grande
nova por nao termos ate entao sabido cousa algiia do que la
havia, & tambem porque guardavamos alguas vacas para levar
para a outra banda para as irmos comendo quando la as nao
houvesse, & com estes temores faziamos esta provisao, que nos
custava muyto, porque por essa causa comiamos muyto menos.

Com estas novas fomos chegando ao rio, passando pela povoa-
fao aonde atraz disse Ihes mataramos muytas pessoas, & achamos
os negros de todo aquelle Concam postos em armas, que nos
perseguiao a retaguarda, indo passando, com muytas azagayadas,
& pedradas, mas quiz Deos nos nao fez mal nenhuma de quantas
atirarao. Nelle achamos a jangada, que fizemos a primeyra vez,
que alii estivemos cuydando nos desse lugar de o passar a cor-
rente das aguas, & como achamos este aparelho nos foy facil a
passagem, antes da qual tivemos huma fartura por matarmos as
vacas, que ja disse poupavamos para a outra banda, supposto nos
haverem promettido, que la as havia. Passado o rio, em que
puzemos dous dias, fomos caminhando por huma serra acima
muyto ingreme, que julgarao ser de altura mais de tres legoas,
porque comepando de andar por ellas as onze horas nao chega-
mos ao cume senao a noyte fechada ; aonde ficamos decendo por
hum modo de valle, em que achamos agua, mas nao foy possivel
fazerse de comer, por ser ja muyto tarde. E ao outro dia em
amanhecendo caminhamos em busca das povoapoes, as quaes che-
gamos ao meyo dia. Os Cafres dellas se chegarao a nos com
tres touros muyto grandes, & velhos, porque estes nos costuma-
vao vender tanto, que nao prestavao para fazer filhos, & outras
vacas deste teor ; com tudo haviamos, que nos faziao muyta
merce. E porque ainda Ihes nao tinhamos mostrado a estes

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa. 33

negros o para que prestavao nossas annas, me mandou o Capitao
tirar a espingarda a hum dos touros, que Ihes tinhamos compra-
do, o que fiz, & elles vendo-o morto fizerao os espantos costu-
mados. Aqui estivemos esta tarde comendo-o, & esperando nos
trouxessem mais a vender, & vendo que o nao faziao, nos fomos
caminhando pela manhaa, & elles nos vierao seguindo a retagu-
arda ao decer da serra, na qual por ser muyto ingreme, nos
puderao fazer muyto dano, de que Deos nos livrou.

Seguindo nosso caminho fomos por entre aldeas ate o meyo dia,
& jantamos por cima de hum rio, ao qual lugar nos trouxerao a
vender dous boys, & hum delles por ser bravo se matou a espin-
garda, de que jantamos. Fomos dormir aquella noyte por cima
de tres povoapoes, que ficavao em hua ladeyra, & tomando falla
da gente della nos disserao, que dahi a quatro dias nao haviamos
de achar povoapoes, & que se queriamos vacas, que esperassemos
dous dias, ao que respondemos, que nao podiamos esperar, que
se quizessem vendelas viessem pela manhaa, porq nos haviamos
de partir logo em amanhecendo, como fizemos. E tendo andado
hum pedaco da manhaa nos sahirao ao encontro hus poucos de
Cafres bem armados de azagayas cuydando nos fizessem algu
assalto, os quaes nos venderao hua vaca muyto brava, & depois
de cobrarem o porque a venderao, fugirao, & a vaca fez o mesmo.
Mas nos lanpamos mao de hum dos Cafres, & amarrado o trouxe-
mos hum pouco com nosco para ver se nos traziao a vaca, que
nos haviao levado, o que fizerao logo, vindo juntamente hum
Cafre muyto grande, desculpando o furto, que os seus Cafres nos
pretendiao fazer.

Continuando nossa viagem por serras menos montuosas afasta-
dos da praya tres, ou quatro legoas, chegamos a hua ribeyra
muyto fermosa, em a qual nos trouxerao a vender muytas frutas
do tamanho, & feycao de frutas novas, mas sem carocos, as quae s
tinhamos ja atras comido, mas alii em mais quantidade. Depois
conhecendo-se o grande mal, que estas frutas continuarnente nos
faziao, trabalhou o Capitao muyto pelo evitar, mandando lancar
pregoes com penas rigurosas, o que nunca pode fazer pelas
grandes fomes que padeciamos. Aqui achamos hum Jao da
perdifao de Nuno Velho Pereyra, o qual era ja muyto velho, &
fallava mal, & com muytas lagrimas beijou os Crucifixes, que
traziamos, & fazendo o sinal da Cruz. Confesso a V. 31. que toy
para mini notavel alegria ver em terras tao remotas, & entre

VIII. D

34 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

gente tao barbara hum homem, que conhecia a Deos, & os instru-
meutos, & figuras da payxao de Christo. Este nos contou como
Nuno Velho se perdera em hua praya abayxo, que sera Jornada
de hum dia : & porque elle ficara muyto maltratado dos olhos,
& com as pernas feridas, se deyxara logo alii ficar. Advertionos
de muytas cousas, que com os Cafres haviamos de usar, dizendo-
nos, que dahi a quatro dias de caminho achariamos hum negro
Malavar, que tambem tinha escapade da propria perdipao, &
dahi a nove, ou dez achariamos hum Cafre por nome Jorge tam-
bem da mesma, & que na propria povoacao onde o Cafre vivia
estava hum Portuguez natural de Sao Groncalo de Amarante, que
se chamava Diogo, o qual estava casado, & com filhos.

E porque meu companheyro Gregorio de Vidanha vinha ja
muyto cansado, determinou de se ficar com este Jao por nao
acertar de Ihe ser necessario fazelo em algum mato, & deserto,
como atras teve fey to por muytas vezes, o que foy para nbs de
sentimento, & perda por ser a pessoa, que atras tenho dito. 0
Key desta comarca veyo ver o Capitao muy authorizado, trazendo
hu fermoso carneyro de sinco quartos para Ihe comprarem, &
pedio por elle mais do que custava hua grande vaca. E vendo
nbs o pouco, que nos remediavamos com hum carneyro a respeyto
da vaca, que podiamos comprar, com o que por elle pediao, disse-
mos, que nos mandassem vir vacas, que nao queriamos carneyro,
& assiin o fizerao trazendo logo tres, & determinando de nos fazer
algum engano, & furto, nos venderao hua vaca, & como tiverao
a valia della na mao, botarao a fugir com a vaca. Mas nbs fize-
mos preza em hum delles, & querendo-o matar, disse o Jao o nao
fizessemos, que elle traria logo a vaca, & que estes negros nos
nao conheciao, & por esse respeyto fizerao isto, & que elle vinha
logo com ella, pedindonos se nao descompuzesse ninguem, o que
fez com presteza. E vendo quam ma gente era esta, nos fomos
logo daqui, deyxando Gregorio de Vidanha em casa do proprio
Jao, & hum marinheyro, que se chamava Francisco Eodrigues
Machado em sua companhia, aos quaes demos cousas, que alii
valiao, que elles logo esconderao para comprarem algua vaca de
leyte, ou outra cousa, que os sustentasse ate vir a novidade do
milho, que entao estava verde.

Passando pelo meyo desta povoacao nos viemos fazendo nosso
caminho, no qual ficou tambem Cypriano Dias, & a nossa vista o
roubarao. Depois todos os Cafres desta povoacao juntos nos

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 35

vierao com grandes gritas perseguindo a retaguarda com muytas
pedradas, & azagayadas. E vendo o dano, que nos podiao fazer
por serein muytos me deyxey ficar com oyto companheyros, &
vindo-se elles chegando Ihes tirey com a espingarda, & caindo
hum pararao todos fazendo roda, & nos deyxarao de perseguir,
cobrando tal medo do estouro da espingarda, que muytas vezes
vindonos assim seguindo Ihe sahiao dous homes com fundas, que
para isso fizerao, & como estrallo, que ellas davao se botavao no
chao. Desde aqui viemos caminhando por terras muyto faltas
de inantimentos, ate que no cabo de quatro dias decendo hua
serra demos em hua povoacao aonde a vanguarda, que chegou
rnais cedo gritou passando a palavra, dizendo estava alii hum
Canarim de Brades, ao que apressamos o passo, & chegando
todos, vimos que era o Malavar que o Jao atras nos tinha dito,
o qual se veyo a nos com muytas mostras de alegria, dizendo :
Yenhais enibora minha Christandade, & que ficassemos alii, que
elle nos negocearia o que houvessemos mister, & que aquelles
Cafres ja sabiao havia dous dias como vinhamos, & Ihe tinhao
dito, que comiamos gente, os quaes estavao armados : mas depois
ao outro dia conhecendo ser tudo mentira, nos veyo ver o Eey
niuyto anojado por haver pouco, que seu pay era morto, & nos
vendeo quatro vacas a rogo do Malavar, o qual nos trouxe a
mostrar suas filhas, que erao as mais fermosas negras, que alii
havia, & perguntando-lhe quatas mulheres tinha, disse que duas,
das quaes tinha vinte filhos, doze machos, & oyto femeas. Per-
guntamos-lhe porque se nao vinha com nosco pois era Christao,
respondeo, que como podia elle trazer vinte filhos comsigo, & que
era casado com hua irmaa do Rey, & tinha gados de que vivia,
que ainda que elle o quizesse fazer, o nao deyxariao os parentes
de suas mulheres, nem a nos nos vinha bem trazellos em nossa
companhia, pelo dano, que dahi nos podia vir, que elle que era
Christao, & que Deos se lembraria de sua alma. Pedio-nos humas
contas, que logo Ihe demos, & beyjando a Cruz com lagrimas as
lan^ou ao pescoco.

Aqui nos ficarao tres mocas casadas com tres Cafres nossos, as
duas Cafras, & huma Jaoa. E ao outro dia fazendo nosso caminho
nos veyo acompanhando o Malavar hum grande pedaco, & com
muytos abrafos, & mostras de sentimento nos disse, que tinhamos
muyto caminho para andar cheyo de serras altissimas, & se foy
embora. Os Cafres daquella povoapao, que era grande nos nao

D 2

36 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

fizerao mal nenhum, & por isso Ihe chamamos a terra dos amigos.
Andamos mais tres dias, em espapo dos quaes achamos pouca
gente, & nenhuma povoapao, & no fim delles hum dia a tarde
vimos de longe andar hus poucos de carneyros pastando, & por
ser ja tarde nao passamos dali, mas mandamos descobrir o que
ao diante havia para pela manhaa nos aproveytarmos do resgate,
que vinhamos fazendo. E vindo as pessoas, que tinhao ido saber
o que havia, disserao, que por ser tarde nao virao mais que
muytos fogos, & em varias partes berrar muyto gado, & sendo
manhaa nos subimos em hua serra, & vimos muytas povoapoes
em partes muyto fragosas, & desviadas do rumo, que hiamos
seguindo ; mas logo veyo a nos hum Cafre, & nos disse, que para
todas as partes tinhamos povoapoes, tirando donde vinhamos, &
nos enculcou huas, que ficavao no caminho, que nos haviamos de
fazer. E vindo com nosco vimos em hua ladeyra duas grandes
povoapoes cheas de muytas vacas, & com alguns carneyros, & nos
pareceo esta gente mais pulida, & farta. Aqui nos venderao hua
vaca, & depois se queriao arrepender de o ter feyto, & conhecendo
nos isto, Ihe atirarao a espingarda, o que elles sentirao, & ao que
a vendeo Ihe deu muyta pancada hum seu irmao mais velho,
porque senao aconselhara com elles. Estas duas povoapoes tinhao
suas sementeyras de milho, & abobaras as quaes nos venderao, &
nos souberao muyto bem.

Depois de alii termos jantado fomos dormir por cima de
huma povoapao, aonde nos venderao tres vacas, & aquella foy a
primeyra onde vimos hua galinha, que nos nao quizerao vender.
E caminhando dous dias por entre valles, donde havia muytas
semeuteyras de milho, que nao estava ainda para se poder comer,
nos vierao vender ao caminho alguas galinhas ; & chegando a
hua aldea, aonde nos disserao estava o seu Anguose, que assim
chamao ao Key naquellas partes, resgatamos nella algumas
galinhas, que bastarao para dar a cada duas pessoas hua. Aqui
nos deyxamos estar aquelle dia esperando nos trouxessem vacas,
porque tinhamos ja muyta necessidade dellas, & em fim nos
venderao hum pouco de milho velho, & leyte, & duas vacas. E
ao outro dia nos fomos decendo a hum rio, ao qual puzemos nome
das formigas, por nelle haver tantas, & tao grandes, que nos nao
podiamos valer com ellas, no qual estivemos dous dias, & ao
terceyro o passamos em hua jangada, que fizemos.

Ao primeyro dia de Fevereyro de 623 comepamos a caminhar

Records of South- Eastern, Africa. 37

da outra banda deste rio por hua serra altissima com immensa
chuva, que nos durou muytos dias, & naquelle mesmo nos fomos
alojar ainda de dia em huma ladeyra pegado a huas povoa?oes,
em que nao havia mais, que alguas abobaras, & poucas galinhas,
de que resgatamos algua parte. Aqui nos derao por novas, que
adiante pouco espajo achariainos muyta fartura, o que festejamos
muyto por irmos sem cousa alguma de comer, & se nos faltara
mais dous dias, acabaramos todos de fome se Deos nos nao
socorrera, porque aqui nos ficara5 hii marinheyro, que chamavao
Motta, & hum Italiano por nome Joseph Pedemassole, & hum
passageyro, que era manco, & o filho de Dona Ursula, que foy
cousa lastimosa, o qual se chamava Christovao de Hello, & seria
de onze annos bem ensinado, & entendido, que vinha ja tao
mirrado, que nao parecia senao a figura da morte, sendo-o elle
de hum Anjo antes destes trabalhos. Como virao, que este
minino nos nao podia acompanhar, fizerao ir a may diante, & elle
ficou atras como costumava por nao poder andar tanto, & como
vio, que nos nao podia acompanhar, disse, que se queria confessar,
o que fez, & depois pedio ao Capitao pelas chagas de Christo Ihe
mandasse chamar sua may, que se queria despedir della, ao que
o Capitao disse, que nao podia ser porque hia longe, & o minino
se queyxava, dizendo : Basta senhor que me nega V.M. esta
consolacao? Elle dizendo-lhe palavras de amor o foy trazendo
pela mao ate que nao pode andar mais, & ficou como pasmado, &
nos nos fomos todos chorando, & he de crer, que se a may o vira,
arrebentara com tarn grande dor, & por esse respeyto Ihe tolheo
o Capitao, que nao visse a may.

A dous dias de Fevereyro dia de nossa Senhora das Candeas,
caminhando desde pela manhaa fomos jantar a hum fermoso
bosque, ao qual atravessava hum rego de agua. Aqui nos
trouxerao a vender sete cabras, com as quaes nos fomos por ver
se podiamos chegar a humas aldeas onde nos disserao havia muyto
mantimento, & como a chuva era muyto grande, nao nos deu
lugar para andarmos tanto, & fomos dormir aonde nos estavao
esperando hus poucos de Cafres com balayos cheyos de milho,
que depois de resgatado se repartio por todos, & coube a cada
pessoa hum copo de milho, & das seis cabras, que tambem se
matarao, coube a cada hum seu pedacinho, & o que levou a pelle
ficou de melhor partido.

Ao outro dia chegamos as povoacoens da desejada fartura, aonde

38 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

logo nos vierao vender nmytas cabras, & vacas, & bolos tao
grandes como queyjos de Framengos, & tanto milho, que depois
o nao podemos levar todo. Aqui mandou o Capitao matar dezoy to
cabras, & hua vaca, & nos couberao seis arrateis a cada hum.
Tambem acodirao tantas galinhas, que derao huraa a cada pessoa,
& foy tanto o comer, que houveramos de morrer todos se nos
nao dera em camaras. Ao outro dia nos veyo visitar o Mana-
muze daquelles lugares, & trouxe hum touro muyto grande de
saguate, o qual me maudou o Capitao matasse a espingarda, para
que a ouvissem, porque trazia muyta gente comsigo, & porque
tambem vissem as armas, que traziamos ; & como virao cair o
touro morto atirando-lhe de muyto longe, botou o Rey a fugir
de maneyra que foy necessario mandarlhe dizer, que aquillo se
fazia por festa de nos elle ter vindo ver, que tornasse, senao que
o Capitao havia de ir buscallo. Ouvindo estas razoes tornou a
vir, mas tal, que de negro que era se tornou branco. 0 Capitao
Ihe botou ao pescoco hua fechadura de hum escritorio dourada,
& Ihe deu hua aza de hum caldeyrao, & forao estas pessas delle
bem estimadas ; & com boas palavras, & mostras de agradeci-
mento se foy, & nos ficamos repartindo o milho, & bolos, que
tinhamos resgatado, que erao dous grandes montes. E depois
de tomarmos quanto cada hum podia levar, nos fomos, deyxando
ainda alguin por se nao poder levar mais, & caminhamos por cima
de serras, pelas ladeyras, das quaes havia tantas, & tao fermosas
povoagoes, que era huma fermosura de ver a muyta quantidade
de gado, que dellas sahia ; & traziao-nos ao caminho muyto
leyte a vender, o qual era todo azedo por os Cafres o nao
comerem de outro modo.

Ao meyo dia fomos assentar o array al em hum fresco rio, que
estava ein hum valle, no qual acodiraS muytos Cafres, & todos
traziao que nos vender, da outra banda do qual fizemos o resgate
na forma, que costumavamos apartado das tendas com gente de
guarda, & aqui se fez com mais seguranga por acodirem mais
Cafres do que nunca tinhamos visto, & foy tanta a quantidade
delles, que se sobiao muytos por cima das arvores so para nos
verem, principalmente em cima de tres, a cujos pes se fazia o
resgate por ficarmos amparados do Sol, que fazia, que nao sey
como nao quebrarao com tao grande pezo ; & por certo, que se
podia fazer hum paynel daquelle sitio, & concurso de gente.
Aqui estivemos ate a tarde, & depois resgatamos quinze vacas, &

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 39

muytos bolos, com que todos ficamos mais carregados, & aqui nos
ficou huma mo9a de Beatriz Alvrez, & outras quatro pessoas de
empachadas com o muyto comer, das quaes tres nos tornarao
acompanhar. E fazendo nosso caminho fomos dormir em huma
queymada, ao pe da qual corria Lii rego de boa agua, que bastou
para nos matar a sede, & ao outro dia a tarde assentamos a vista
de duas povoafoes, que estavao em huma ladeyra, & os negros
dellas nos trouxerao a mostrar todas as vacas que nellas havia,
& nao nos querendo vender nenhuma, se nos deu pouco disso,
porque traziamos alguas vinte com nosco. Caminhando outro
dia fomos passar a calrna em huma ribeyra, que estava em
huma vargeasinha cuberta de arvores, debayxo das quaes
estivemos.

Aqui veyo ter o Cafre, que o Jao nos tinha dito, & fallando
Portuguez nos disse : Beyjo as maos de vossas merces, eu
tambem sou Portuguez ; & nos contou como em huma povoa9ao,
que estava diante por onde haviamos de passar estava hum
Portuguez, que se chamava Diogo, & era natural de Sao Gon^alo
de Amarante. Ao que disse o Capitao se queria vir comnosco,
& elle respondeo, que o nao haviao de deyxar ir os Cafres, porque
Ihes dava chuva quando faltava, & que era ja velho, & tinha
filhos ; & rindo-nos do que Ihe ouviamos nos disse, que elle nos
mostraria a sua casa. Alii resgatamos muytas galinhas, & bolos,
leyte, & manteyga crua, & algumas canas de assucar. Este
Cafre nos pedio hum panomantas, que logo Ihe derao, & elle
licando contente disse em voz alta para onde estavao muytos
Cafres com suas molheres na sua lingoa : Cafres moradores desta
terra trazey a vender aos Portuguezes, que agora aqui estao, &
que sao senhores do mundo, & do mar, todas as cousas que
tiverdes de comer, nomeando-as por seus nomes, aproveytayvos
dos thesouros, que trazem comsigo, olhay que vem comendo em
cousa, que vbs outros trazeis por joyas nas orelhas, & nos bracos,
chamando-lhes bestas pois nao acodiao todos depressa com o que
tinhao. Depois de termos feyto o resgate, & comido, nos fomos
pondo em ordem para marchar, & antes que o fizessemos nos
furtou hum Cafre hu tachosinho, mas nos pegamos logo doutro,
ao qual deu Thome Coelho huma cutilada pela cabepa, & o
prendemos, & indo nos andando nos mandarao o que nos tinha
tornado, & logo seguimos nosso caminho, largando o que tin-
hamos preso, subindo hua serra, decima da qual se descobriao

40 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

muytas aldeas, entre as quaes estava hua muyto grand e, a qual
nos mostrou o Cafre, que atraz digo, & nos disse : Aquella
Cidade he do Portuguez. E indo-nos chegando mais a dita
povoapao, ua qual vimos huma casa de quatro aguas de palha,
cousa que nao tinhamos visto em todo este caminho, porque as
outras todas erao mais pequenas, & redondas, insistiinos com o
Cafre o fosse chamar, o qual nos disse, que nos nao canpassenios,
que nao havia de vir.

Fizemos daqui nosso caminho, & com muyta chuva fomos
dormir em hum alto, & nesta noyte se foy o Cafre, que ate entao
nos tinha acompanhado ; & como ja sabia o como vinhamos,
voltou aquella mesma noyte por entre hum mato, que nos fieava
nas costas do arrayal, & levantando a ponta de huma tenda
aonde elle vira guardar hum arcabuz, o apanhou, & fez isto com
tanta sutileza, que ninguem o sentio estando todos acordados
por causa da chuva, que bavia dous dias nao cessava tendonos
molhado quanto traziamos, & pela manhaa achando-se menos o
arcabuz logo entendemos quern o levara. Querendo nos ir por
diante, no lo nao consentio a continua chuva, & nos deyxamos
ficar mais hum dia, no qual nos trouxerao a resgatar alguns
bolos, & cabras, & hum fermoso touro. E vendo, que se nao
acabava a chuva, antes parecia vinha cada vez com mais furia,
eammhamos o dia seguinte ate a tarde, que chegamos a hum rio
grande, junto do qual nos alojamos em parte alta, de maneyra
que nos fieava perto a lenha, & a agua, & para nos enxugarnios
fizemos grandes fogueyras, que durarao toda a noyte, & pondo as
vigias costumadas no quarto da prima rendido sendo doze de
Fevereyro nos derao os Cafres hum assalto, tomando-nos por tres
partes. Ao que acodio toda a gente, tomando as espingardas as
quaes estavao muyto molhadas por haver tres dias, que continua-
mente chovia, & vendo, que nao podiao fazer obra com ellas,
gritey as metessem assim no fogo, como estavao para se descar-
regarem da polvora que tinhao dentro, o que fizerao todos ; &
em quanto isto tardou nos tiverao quasi desalojados donde esta-
vamos com notaveis alaridos, & assubios, que parecia o inferno,
& nos matarao Manoel Alvrez, & hum bombardeyro, que se
chamava fulano Carvalho, os quaes morrerao logo, & nos ferirao
sessenta pessoas muyto mal, dos quaes rnorreo Antonio Borges ao
outro dia. Como tivemos as espingardas quentes, fomos matando
nelles, & o primeyro que isto fez foy hum marinheyro, quo se

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 41

chamava Manoel Gonfalves, & isto se conheceo por atirar a
primeyra espingardada. E como os Cafres virao o muyto dano,
que Ihes faziamos, fugirao, dos quaes ficou grande rasto de
sangue, & quiz a Virgem Maria da Conceycao, que deyxou
de chover em quanto pelejamos, que foy espa$o grande, &
aclarou o luar de maneyra, que foy grande parte para nos nao
destruirem.

Todo o resto daquella noyte estivemos postos em vigia, &
subimos mais acima o arrayal a parte mais forte, & ficamos tao
mal tratados, que pouco bastara para nos acabar a todos. Estes
Cafres pelejao com melhor modo do que os outros atraz, porque
usao de humas rodelas a maneyra de adargas de couro de bufaras
do mato, as quaes sao fortes, & cobrindo-se com ellas atirao
infinitas azagayas, de que ficou cuberto o arrayal, & foy tanta a
quantidade, que se acharao ao outro dia, que so de ferro forao
quinhentas & trinta, a fora muytas, que arrancando-lhe os ferros
os esconderao para resgatarem com elles : as de pao tostado forao
tantas, que se nao puderao contar, & faziao tanto dano como as
outras. Logo pela manhaa nos entrincheyramos, & se puzerao
em cura os feridos, que forao tantos, que ninguem escapou que
o nao fosse, ou de azagaya, ou de pedradas, & fizerao-se as
mayores curas, que eu nunca vi, porque havia muytos atraves-
sados pelos peytos de banda a banda, & pelas coxas, & cabe^as
quebradas, & nenhil delles morreo, & so com tutanos de vacas
erao curados. Ao Capitao Pero de Moraes passarao hum bra?o
pelo sangradouro.

Aqui estivemos dous dias, em os quaes fez o carpinteyro
Vicente Esteves hua jangada a modo de batel, na qual remavao
quatro remos. E neste tempo os proprios que nos roubarao nos
vierao vender galinhas, & bolos, & pombe, que he hum vinho,
que fazem de milho, & nos dissimulando com elles fazendo que
os nao conheciamos, Ihes compravamos o que haviamos mister.
Da oiitra banda do rio nos vierao tambem vender o mesmo,
passando o rio em huns paos, & emcima de huas forquilhas, que
iicavao da agua mais altas, aonde traziao dependurada a merca-
doria. Estes nos perguntarao porque razao Ihes matamos tanta
gente, & contando-lhes nos o que nos tinha acontecido, disserao,
que nos passassemos para a outra banda, porque naquella havia
ma gente, & que elles nos ensinariao por onde se passava o rio
dahi a tres dias, que erao mayores as aguas, & ficava menos

42 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

agua ; & nos antes disso passamos na jangada duas pessoas, &
depois indo nella Rodrigo Affonso, & Antonio Godinho, & o
Padre Frey Bento da Ordem de Sao Francisco, & outras pessoas,
se virou antes de chegar la, & estiverao quasi afogados, & o Padre
largou o habito, que levava despido, no qual se perdeo muyta
pedraria, que era de deposito, que na sua mao se fazia de arroz,
que se tinha comprado, & davao diamantes de penhor, & outros,
que Ihe entregarao muytas pessoas, que ficarao pelo carainho, &
outras, que morrerao. E no dia, que os Cafres tinhao dito,
passamos o rio mais por cima, ao qual puzemos nome, Rio do
sangue. Nelle ficarao quatro companheyros, & aqui vimos os
prirneyros elefantes, hum de huma banda, & outro de outra.
Ao outro dia depois de passarmos morreo o Padre Manoel de
Sousa.

Daqui fomos marchando dous dias por dentro de duas legoas
da pray a, no fim dos quaes viemos dar em hu rio, que parecia
alagoa, & tinha a boca na praya, na qual vimos andar hu elefante
com hu filho, & recolhendo-se a retaguarda mais tarrle encontrou
com muytos elefantes, os quaes nao atentavao em nbs, nem em
toda esta Jornada nos fizerao mal nenhum. E passando este rio
pela boca delle com a agua pela garganta, fomos caminhando
sempre pela praya ate chegarmos a outro, que tinha muytos
penedos grandes na boca, aonde nao pudemos passar por ser
muyto alto; & sobindo hum outeyro ingreme vimos andar huns
Cafres, que nos disserao nos ensinariao a passagem, & dando-lhes
huns pedacinhos de cobre, nos passarao os mininos, & muytas
pessoas, que vinhao doentes. Esta gente daqui por diante he ja
melhor, & puzemos-lhe por nome os Naunetas, por dizerem
quando nos encontrarao, Naunetas, que em sua lingoa quer dizer,
venhais embora, a qual cortesia se respond ia, Alaba, que quer
dizer, & vbs tambem. Aqui nos venderao muyto peyxe, & nos
ajudavao a levar a carga, que os nossos negros levavao, cantando,
& tangendo as palmas.

Fomos daqui dormir na borda da praya, aonde nos veyo ver o
Rey da terra, a que chamao Manamuze, o qual era mancebo, &
vinha muyto autorizado com tres collares de latao no pescofo,
que he o que naquellas partes se estimava mais, & vendo-o o
Capitao Ihe levou hua campainha de prata, a qual para elle nao
tinha comparafAO sua valia, & tomando a sua roupeta vermelha
de escarlata, se chegou aonde o Rey estava esperando ; fizerao

Records of Soutli-Eastern Africa. 43

suas cortesias, nao perdendo o Cafre de seu brio nada, mas
depois que o Capitao vio o seu modo, comepou a bolir com o
corpo fazendo tanger a campanhia, ao que todos ficarao pasmados,
& o Key se nao pode ter que se nao descompuzesse, tomando-a
na mao, & olhando, que era o que tinha dentro, que a fazia
tanger, & bolindo com ella, & tangendo deu grandes rizadas, &
nunca em quanto alii esteve tirou os olhos della. He cousa de
notar como estes brutos pelo seu modo sao venerados, & como
suas gerafoes, & familias sao unidas, que ja mais perdem seus
filhos os lugares, & povoafoes, que de seus pays Ihe ficarao,
ficando ao mayor tudo, ao qual cbaraao os outros pay, & como tal
o respeytao. Castigao cruelmente os ladroes (sendo-o elles
todos) & usao de hu modo de justica galante, & he, que se
hum Cafre furta ao outro hum cabrito, ou outra cousa menor,
Ihe da o castigo o dono do cabrito com seus parentes, o que elle
quer, & ordinarianiente he enterralo vivo. Aqui nos venderao
hu boy capado muyto grande, & gordo, aos quaes chamao
Zembe.

Caminhamos mais tres dias por dentro ate que fomos dar a
hum rio grande, cuja passagem nos ensinarao os Cafres com
mostras de amizade, no qual nos ficou hum marinheyro por nome
Bernardo Jorge ; & daqui fomos pela praya dous dias ate chegar-
mos a outro rio, que na boca era estreyto, mas dentro muy largo.
E por irmos ja faltos de milho esperarnos hum dia, ao qual
acodirao tantos Cafres, que cobriam os outeyros trazendonos
muytas galinhas a vender. Alii vi trazerem aleyjados as costas
para nos verem. Passando este rio ao qual puzemos norne do
lagarto, por vermos andar hum nelle, fomos nosso caminho por
dentro afastados da praya huma legoa, & caminhando sinco dias
por entre boa gente, viemos sair na boca de hum rio, que parecia
se nao passaria a vao, & estando ahi hum dia nos vierao a vender
algiiHias galinhas. Aqui nesta paragem ha infinitos elefantes,
& toda a noyte os ouvimos bramir, mas com os rnuytos fogos, que
ordinariamente faziamos nao ousarao chegar nunca. Os Cafres
nos disserao, que fossemos mais a dentro, que la se passava, &
indo, nos ensinarao por onde era o vao, & nos ajudarao a passar.
Neste rio esteve Dona Ursula quasi afogada, porque como a
agua dava pela barba, & ella era pequena, fora cobrindo, &
como ella sabia nadar pareceo-lhe pudesse romper a agua, &
vendo-se, que hia pelo rio abayxo, Ihe acodirao trabalhosamente.

44: Records of South-Eastern Africa.

A este rio puzemos nome, o das Ilhas por ter algumas por
dentro.

Daqui fomos por cima de huns outeyros em busca de milho, de
que hiamos faltos, que por nao irmos carregados o nao com-
pramos neste rio, & a noyte chegamos a humas povoapoes pobres,
que nao tinhao senao abobaras, & tendo caminhado mais quatro,
ou sinco dias chegamos a outro rio que teria huma grande legoa
de largo, & na borda muytos espessos canipos, o qual passamos
sempre com a agua pela cinta ; & por aqui atraz nos foy ficando
muyta gente com camaras, & outras enfermidades, que por ser
muyta quantidade me nao alembra. Todos estes males nos fez o
milho, porque o comiamos inteyro, & cru, & como nao eramos
acostumados a este mantimento, traziamos os estamagos de
muytas cousas pe9onhentas fraquissimos, & debilitados. Este
rio no meyo fazia hiia Ilha, na qual vimos muytos cavallos
marinhos, & poudo quasi todo o dia em o passar, chegamos a
outra banda a tarde aonde dormimos. E ao outro dia marchamos
por huns carnpos desertos, & nos veyo ao caminho. hum Cafre
com huma joya redonda de latao botada ao pescopo, que Ihe
cobria todos os peytos, & nos disse, que fossemos com elle que
nos levaria onde havia muyto matimento, & indo-nos guiando
nos levou por dentro de hum rio, aonde dava a agua pelo joelho,
todo cheyo de arvoredo tao alto, & tao espesso, que em mais de
duas horas, que fomos por elle, nao vimos o Sol. Passado elle, &
andando todo aquelle dia sem parar, por irmos faltos de milho, a
tarde fomos ter as povoapoens, & querendo-nos prover, nao
achamos mais que hum mantimento, que he o mesmo, que em
Lisboa dao aos canaries, a que chamao alpiste, & os Cafres
amechueyra ; & foy esta gente buscarnos ao caminho so para nos
ver, do que faziao muytos espantos ; & perguntando-nos qual era
a causa de virmos por terras alheas com molheres, & filhos, &
contando-lho os nossos Cafres torciao os dedos como que rogavao
pragas a quern fora causa de nossa perdicao.

Daqui marchamos por terra chaa povoada de gente miseravel,
em quern achamos bom gasalhado, & no fim de dous dias chega-
mos a huma povoapao, que estava perto da praya, na qual achamos
algum peyxe, & a gente se mostrou mais compassiva, que toda a
outra, porque molheres, & meninos se forao a praya atirando
muytas pedradas ao mar, dizendo-lhe certas palavras como
pragas, & viraudo-Jhe as costas alevantando humas pelles, com

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 45

que traziao cuberto o trazeyto, Iho mostravao, que he entre elles
a mayor praga, que ha, & faziao isto por Ihes terem contado, que
elle fora causa de nos padecermos tantos trabalhos, & de andar-
mos havia sinco mezes por terras alheas, que he o de que mais se
espantavao, porque nao costumao afastarse donde nascem dez
legoas, & tern isso por causa notavel. Daqui metendo-nos pela
terra obra de huma legoa, fomos caminhando por terras bayxas,
areentas, & de pouco mantimento, & no cabo de tres dias demos
com o rio da pescaria, no qual achamos muyto peyxe, & a gente
delle nos fez muyta festa. He este rio na boca estreyto, & alto,
rnas hua legoa por dentro he de mais de tres legoas de largo, &
em bayxa mar fica em seco. Tern os Cafres nelle infinites
pesqueyros, a que chamao gamboas, feytas de escadas juntas, nas
quaes entra o peyxe com a enchente, & com a vazante fica em
seco. Como a mare foy vazia de todo, atravessamos o rio indo
comnosco muytos Cafres, que nos ajudavao a levar o que mais nos
carregava, indo cantando co grande alegria.

Fomos este dia pela praya jantar a borda do mar, & nao
achando agua doce na terra, de que ficamos muyto tristes, a
fomos achar dentro na agua salgada, & era hum olho de tanta
grossura como huma concha, & metido no mar, & sahia com
tanta furia, que arrebentava por cima da agua salgada hum
palmo de alto, & vazando logo a mare, ficou em seco, aonde
todos matamos a sede, & fizemos de comer. Caminhamos dous
dias sempre pela praya das medas do ouro, que ja aqui comefavao,
& no fim delles hiamos ja muyto faltos, & so com tres vacas, &
por parte onde se nao achava agua, & aqui nos disse hum Cafre,
que nos levaria onde nos venderiao muyto milho, & galinhas, &
cabras, & guiando-nos para huma aberta que a terra fazia nos
deyxou junto de huma grande fonte, & dando recado as povoa-
poens nos acodio muyto milho, & galinhas, & nos vierao ver os
Cafres mais principaes com differente trajo, que erao humas
grandes capas de pelles, que os cobriao ate o bico do pe, & elles
em si muyto sizudos, & graves, os quaes pedirao ao nosso Capitao
quizesse ir fazendo caminho pelas suas povoapoes, que nellas se
poderia prover de mais mantimento, o que fizemos logo no
mesmo dia, & por ser tarde dormimos em hum valle, & no outro
seguiute fomos as povoacoes aonde nos receberao bem, mas nao
achamos o que elles nos tinhao dito.

Estes Cafres me virao matar hum passaro a espingarda, de que

46 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

fizerao grande espanto parecendo-lhes ser feyticeria, & assim
fallando huns com outros se veyo ao Capitao hum aleyjado de
huma perna, que Ihe aleyjara hum lagarto ha via muyto tempo,
& assim o mostrava a ferida ser velha, dizendo-lhe, que se se
atrevia a curallo, que Ihe pagaria muyto bem. Ao que o Capitao
respondeo galantemente, dizendo que aquella ferida havia muyto
tempo que era feyta, & que por isso se nao podia curar em
pouco tempo, & mais que Ihe havia de dar alguma cousa, com
que fizesse a cura co boa vontade, que sem ella nao podia fazer
nada. Ao que o Cafre disse, que era contente ; & mandando
buscar huma bandeja de milho, Iho deu, & o Capitao depois de
o tomar disse, que ainda nao tinha vontade. O Cafre mandou
buscar mais tres galinhas, & dando-lhas Ihe perguntou, se tinha
ja vontade, ao que respondeo o Capitao, que si ; & o Cafre
replicou, que se a nao tinha, que o nao curasse, que elle bem
sabia, que o nao podia curar bem contra sua vontade. O Capitao
o curou desta maneyra. Tomou huma escova, que trazia, que
tinha nas costas hum espelho pequeno, & pondo-lho diante dos
olhos, o Cafre ficou pasmado, & chamando outros. que alii esta-
vao, Ihe disse o Capitao, que se nao bolisse, nem fallasse ; &
estando quedo depois de ter visto o espelho, tomou a escova, &
escovou-lhe aonde tinha a ferida, & untando-lha com huma
pouca de gordura de vaca lha atou com hum pedafo de bertangil,
& depois de isto feyto Ihe disse, que dahi a duas luas havia de
ficar sao, que por ser a ferida tao velha nao sarava logo. 0
Cafre ficou muyto confiado, & Ihe disse, que era pobre, que por
isso Ihe nao dava mais. Logo acodirao mais aleyjados, & forao
curados pelo mesmo modo.

Caminhamos mais dous dias pela praya, & chegaraos no fim
delles ao rio de Santa Luzia, aonde se estimavao ja panos, & por
elles resgatamos milho, & galinhas. Nelle estivemos hii dia, &
ao outro o passamos, no qual nos morrerao nove pessoas de frio.
He este rio de duas legoas de largo, & como a agua nos dava
por cima dos peytos, & corria com muyta furia, quando-o aca-
bamos de passar, ficamos quasi mortos. Aqui endoudeceo hum
marinheyro velho, que se chamava Francisco Dias, o qual vinha
aleyjado de ambos os bracos de duas azagayadas, que os Cafres
atraz Ihe tinhao dado. Logo fizemos grandes fogueyras, em que
nos aquentamos, & o marinheyro tornou em si depois de quente.
Detivemo-nos aqui ate o outro dia resgatando muyto milho, bolos,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 47

& massa de ameychueyra, que elles costumao comer crua, & nos
o faziamos tambem. Eesgatamos mais duas vacas, das quaes
matey huina a espingarda. Fomos daqui caminhando sempre
pela praya das medas do ouro, & com razao Ihe puzerao este
nome, porque nao parecem senao medas, sendo de hurna terra de
cor de ouro, & tao fina como farinha, mas dura, & toda cheya de
ribeyros de agua. os quaes partem estas medas, & a agua delles
lie amarela da mesma cor da terra. E pelo que a diaute vi nas
terras de Cuama, me parece, que esta deve de ter ouro, por se
parecer com aquella da qual se tira muyto em po, & isto me
certificou mais o ser esta pezada. Estas medas estao pegadas
com a praya, & vao em corda por cima, & tern de comprido obra
de quarenta legoas.

E marchando por diante passamos hum rio, no qual roubarao
os Cafres a hum marinheyro, que se chamava Antonio Martins
por se afastar da companhia querendo comprar alguma cousa,
que o nao vissem, & indo pela praya chegamos a outro pequeno,
que dava a agua pelo joelho, & nelle jantamos. E fazendo tomar
o Sol ao Piloto, tomou de altura vinte seis graos largos, o que
causou alegria na gente, porque cuydavamos estar mais longe.
E soube-se por esta altura estarnaos do rio de Lourenco Marquez
vinte seis legoas, ou pouco mais. Aqui nos trouxerao huma
bufara morta a vender, com a qual ficou a festa sendo mayor, &
achamos hum Cafre com hu chapeo na cabeca, & vestido de hum
pano, que nos assegurou ser certo o que o Piloto tinha dito.
Tarnbem vimos outros Cafres com panos, & nos disserao, que em
quatro dias podiarnos chegar ao Inhaca. Aqui nao conhecem
rio de Lourenco Marquez, nern cabo das Correntes, se nao o
Inhaca, que he hum Key, que esta em huma Ilha na boca do
rio de Lourenpo Marquez, como adiante direy. Neste riosinho,
que digo, nos ficou hum menino, que traziamos filho de Luis da
Fonseca, & de Beatriz Alvrez, o qual vinha muyto magro, & se
tinha deyxado ficar muytas vezes nas povoajoes atraz, & os
Cafres no lo traziao ao outro dia, & como elle tinha ja feyto isto,
pareceo-nos viesse como das outras vezes.

Marchamos mais quatro dias pela praya, & no fim delles nos
sahio ao caminho hum Cafre acompanhado co outros seis, o
qual era muyto gentilhomem, & vinha bem concertado com
huma cadeya de muytas voltas a tiracolo, & hum pano galante
cingido, & as maos cheas de azagayas, que nisto se esmerao mais

48 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

os graves. E nenhuma cousa me admirou mais desta gente,
desda mais remota, que he aonde desembarcamos, que esta, que
direy. Tinhao tao pouca noticia de nbs, parecendo-lhe sermos
creaturas nascidas no mar, que por acenos nos pedirao Ihes mos-
trassemos o embigo, o que fizerao logo dous marinheyros, &
depois pedirao, que assoprassemos, & como nos virao fazer isto,
derao a cabeca como quern dizia, estes sao gente como nos.
Todos estes Cafres ate Zofala sao circunsidados, nao sey quern
Ihes foy la ensinar esta ceremonia. Este, que atraz digo, era
filho do Inhaca Sangane o verdadeyro Hey, & Senhor da Ilha,
que esta no rio de Lourenpo Marquez, a quern o Inhaca Manga-
nheyra tinha despojado della, & elle vivia na terra firme com sua
gente ate ver se morria este tyrnno, que era muyto velho, para
se tornar a sua posse, como adiante direy. Levou-nos pela terra
dentro obra de huma legoa as suas povoapoes, onde nos venderao
algumas cabras, & pedindo Ihe nos levasse aonde seu pay estava,
o dilatou hum dia, querendo que Ihe comprassemos nas suas
terras alguma cousa, mas nbs desejosos de chegar detivemonos
alii pouco, & comepando a fazer nosso caminho, vendo elle, que
por nenhum modo nos queriamos deter, no lo mandou mostrar.
No qual caminho vimos huma casa grande de palha, & antes que
a ella chegassemos muytas figuras sem rosto, a modo de caens,
& lagartos, & de homens tudo de palha, & perguntando, que
era aquillo, disserao-me, que alii morava hum Cafre, que dava
agua quando faltava nas sementeyras : todo o seu governo sao
feyticarias.

Fomos jantar debayxo de hu arvoredo, no qual nos trouxerao
a vender muyto mel em favos, & veyo ter conosco hum Cafre,
que fallava Portuguez, que trazia hu recado do Inhaca Sangane
pay do Cafre, que atraz nos fica. Foy a vista deste Cafre para
nbs novas de muyta alegria, porque nos desenganamos com elle,
& tivemos por certo ser assim o que nos tiuhao dito. Deu seu
recado, o qual era, que nos mandava dizer esse Inhaca, que nos
fossemos logo para onde elle estava, que nos nao faltaria nada,
& nos daria embarca9ao para passarmos o rio da outra banda, &
faria tudo o que quizessemos, & nao se fiando o Capitao de tudo
isto, Ihe mandou la hum Portuguez, pelo qual Ihe enviou hum
presente de cousas de cobre, o qual foy, & fallando com elle,
& com muytos Cafres, que ahi estavao se veyo, & trouxe ao
Capitao hu cacho de figos, os quaes festejamos por ser fruta da

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 49

India boa. Este homem disse, que o Key parecia bom homem,
& que nao tinha forca, com que nos pudesse fazer mal, & que
estava esperando por nos, & que diziao os seus, que alii vinhao
todos os annos muytos Portuguezes. E para nos fazer ir mais
depressa nos mandou hum marinheyro de Mopambique, que alii
tinha ficado de huma embarcapao, que os annos passados alii
tinha ido. Com isto nos fomos, & tendo andado obra de huma
legoa pela borda de huma alagoa, chegamos onde este Eey
estava, que era em hum alto entre dous pequenos outeyros, &
como era ja noyte nao nos fallou, & mandou pelos seus nos mos-
trassem hum lugar apegado com suas povoapoes, onde assentamos
as tendas, & ao outro dia o foy o Capitao ver, & Ihe lanpou hua
cadeya douro com hum habito de Christo ao pescopo, & Ihe deu
duas sarasas, panos, que as molheres na India vestem, & sao de
estima. Elle tomou isto com muyto sizo, & fallando poucas
palavras, disse, que se nao agastasse, que havia de ir das suas
terras muyto contente, porque elle nao tinha mayor bem, que ser
amigo dos Portuguezes, & com isto se veyo o Capitao. Este
negro he grande pessoa, & foy sempre leal aos Portuguezes.
Ao outro dia nos veyo ver, & mandou trazer cabras, & carneyros,
& muytas galinhas, & amechueyra ; & dilatando-o nao nos
mandar mostrar huma embarcapam, que dizia tinha, nos viemos
direytos a praya, & caminhando por ella dous dias, demos no rio
de Louienpo Marquez de nos tao desejado, a seis dias de Abril de
seis centos & vinte tres, o qual nos nao appareceo senao quando
entramos por elle dentro, porque esta Ilha, que atraz disse, fica
muyto perto de terra firme da banda do Cabo de boa Espe-
ranca, & assim quando vinhamos caminhando nos parecia tudo
terra firme.

Tanto que entramos dentro obra de hum quarto de legoa,
puzemos nossas tendas, & atiramos tres, ou quatro espingardadas,
& sendo de noyte fizemos nossos fogos, & todos com o Padre
Frey Diogo dos Anjos Capucho, & com o Padre Frey Bento
demos grapas a Deos de nos trazer aonde nos conheciao, & vinhao
embarcacoes de Mozambique. Ao outro dia vimos dims almadias
com negros, que fallavao muyto bem Portuguez, com o que fica-
mos muyto mais contentes, porque ate alii nao tinhamos visto
almadia nenhuma, nem embarcapao. 0 Capitao mandou visitar
o Rev da Ilha, que era o Inhaca Manganheyra, que atraz ja disse,
pedindo-lhe nos mandasse dizer se tinha embarcacao, em que

VIII. E

50 Becords of South-Eastern Africa.

pudessemos ir para Mozambique, & se tinha inantimentos, com
que nos pudessemos sustentar hum mez que alii podiamos estar,
ate concertar embarcacao, em que nos fossemos, & passassemos
a outra banda para podermos ir a tempo conveniente que achasse-
mos embarcacao de Mopambique. Ao que o Inhaca respondeo,
que fossemos para la, que de tudo nos haviaria, mandando-nos
tres embarcapoes pequenas para passarmos a Ilha, o que logo
fizemos. E tanto que toda a gente esteve nella, marchamos com
a ordem, que traziamos ate a povoapao onde o Rey estava, a qual
era de casas grandes todas com seus patios de paos altos, de
modo que logo pareciao casas de homem bellicose. Estava assen-
tado em huma esteyra cuberto com hua capa de perpetuana de
cor de canella, que parecia Ingreza, & com hum chapeo na
cabeca, & em vendo o Capitao se alevantou, mas nao se bolio, &
Ihe deu hum grande abrapo. O Capitao Ihe tirou a capa, com
que estava cuberto, ficando nu, & o cobrio com outra de capi-
chuela preta, & Ihe deytou ao pescoco huma cadeya de prata,
que foy do contramestre Manoel Alvres, com o apito, que foy
pessa, que elle muyto estimou. He este negro muyto velho ao
que parecia, & gordo, sendo assim, que em toda a Cafraria nao
vi Cafre que fosse alcatruzado, nem gordo, senao todos direytos,
& enxutos. Mandou-nos que puzessemos nossas tendas junto
das povoacoes, & ao outro die nos acodiriao a vender muyto
peyxe, galinhas, & amechueyra, & alguns carneyros ; & o Rey
veyo ver o Capitao, & Ihe foy mostrar as embarcacoes, que tinha,
as quaes erao pequenas, & estavao todas quebradas, & como os
nossos carpinteyros as virao, disserao, que nao erao capazes para
mais, que para nos passar a outra banda do rio, que era dahi a
sete legoas, nem tinhao hombros sobre que se pudessem fazer
mayores embarcacoes, & que se nao haviamos de esperar po..
embarcapam de Mozambique, a qual nao podia vir senao no
Marco do anno seguinte, que pedisse ao Inhaca mandasse con-
certar as embarcapoes depressa, porque os Cafres sad muyto
vagarosos ; ao que o Capitao respondeo : Parece-me bem passe-
mos a outra banda, iremos marchando ate Inhabane, que nos
fica perto, & podemos gastar, ao mais, hum mez no caminho, &
nao ficarmos hum anno aqui esperando na terra deste Cafre, que he
hum traydor, que matou ha dous annos aqui hum Clerigo, & tres
Portuguezes, polos roubar, & por esta razao nao tern vindo aqui
pangayo ha tantos tempos, nem vira tao cedo, & o mesmo nos ira

Records of Souih-Eastem Africa. 51

fazendo a nos pelo tempo em diante poucos a poucos. Tudo isto
Ihe tinha contado o outro Inhaca da outra banda, & assim tinha
acontecido. E ditas estas palavras se foy ao Inhaca, & Ihe pedio
mandasse concertar as embarcagoens, porque estava resolute a
se ir, & nao esperar pelas de Mozambique, as quaes havia dous
annos, que nao tinhao alii vindo polo gasalhado, que os tempos
atraz Ihes fizera, & que o anno vindouro pbde ser nao viessem
tambem. Ao que Ihe respondeo o Inhaca, que era verdade
matara o Clerigo, & os Portuguezes, mas foy, porque elles Ihe
matarao seu irmao, & que se nos nao queriamos fiar delle, que
nos fossemos para huma II ha, que esta logo ahi pegado, a qual
se passava a pe em bayxamar, que alii tinhamos agua, & que nos
mandaria fazer para cada dous Portuguezes hua gamboa, &
teriaruos o mantimento, que nos bastasse, que alii tinhao inverna-
do por muytas vezes Portuguezes, & que nunca se queyxarao
delle senao agora. Disse mais, que elle nos daria dez Cafres
seus, que mandasse com elles dous Portuguezes a Inhabane dar
recado como estavamos alii esperando, para que viessem em-
barcafoes, ao que replicou o Capitao que Ihe importava chegar
depressa. Tornou-lhe a dizer o Cafre, que Ihe requeria nao
fizesse tal viagem porque o haviao de matar os Mocrangas assim
como fizerao a gente de Nuno Velho Pereyra, que nao coube na
embarcacao, & que erao terras muyto doentias, & que elle tinha
as suas casas cheyas de marfim, & ambre, & se os Portuguezes
Iho nao comprassem, nao tinha elle remedio, pelo que Ihe con-
vinha fazermos muytos mimos, & nao nos escandalizar, que Ihe
dessemos credito.

Nao quiz o Capitao senao irse, & assim Iho disse, rogando-lhe
mandasse concertar as embarcafoes, & despedindo-se delle, nos
viemos estar na Ilha, que tenho dito, que esta obra de huma
legoa dalli, na qual estivemos em quanto as embarca^oes se
concertarao, que foy ate dezoyto de Abril. Aqui nos quizemos
ficar Eodrigo Affonso, & eu, & nos fomos ao Capitao dando-lhe
conta disso, & que nos nao atreviamos a marchar mais por terra,
que dalli iriamos quando viesse pangayo. 0 Capitao nos levou
por desconfian^a, dizendo, que se espantava de querermos arri-
piar a carreyra quando eramos a sua guedelha, que por se dizer
havia ladroes adiante, o nao haviamos de deyxar, & que quando
de todo o fizessemos, nos havia de fazer hum protesto, & parece,
que adivinhava este fidalgo. Com estas razoes nos embarcamos

E 2

52 Records of SoutJi-Eastern Africa.

com a mais companhia em quatro embarcafoes, as quaes nao
puderao levar toda a gente de huma vez, & foy necessario voltar
outra. E este dia, que partimos chegamos a meya noyte a outra
banda a huma Ilha, que dentro no mesmo rio esta, na qual
saltamos em terra, & nella dormimos o que restava da noyte.

Ao outro dia Rodrigo Affonso de Mello, que ja vinha doente,
amanheceo muyto mal, mas ainda fallava bem, & confessando-se
veyo a morrer noutra Ilha, donde viemos a outra noyte. E
affirmo a v. m. que nao puderamos ter cousa, que nos causasse
mais sentimento, & a mim me coube a mayor parte como seu
servidor, porque alem de ser tao grande cavalleyro, era hum
Anjo de natureza, & posso dizer, que elle era causa de todos os
trabalhos padecidos nos serem faceis de passar, porque era o
primeyro, que hia busear a lenha, & a agua as costas, & se metia
no mar primeyro que todos busear o marisco, & quando os outros
viao huma pessoa de tanta qualidade fazer isto, dava-lhe animo
para fazerem o mesmo, & nao descorfoavao. Aqui nesta Ilha o
enterramos ao outro dia pela manhaa, & Ihe puzemos hum sinal
na cova. Daqui fomos por hum bra$o deste rio ter a outra
Ilha de hu negro, que se chama Melbomba, aonde desembarca-
mos, & esperamos ate que as embarcapoes tornarao com o resto da
gente, que nos ficava na Ilha do Inhaca, que foy ate sete de
Mayo. No qual tempo adoecemos todos por ser a terra ma, &
tambem porque nos metemos em muyto comer cru, & morrerao
o Padre Frey Bento, Manoel da Sylva Alfanja, Pascoal Henri-
ques bombardeyro, Antonio Luis marinheyro, & Joao Grumete.
Chegou a outra gente, da qual vinha tambem doente a mayor
parte, & erao mortas oyto pessoas das que deyxamos com ellas,
que por nao Ihe saber os nomes os nao digo aqui. Nesta Ilha
deyxamos por estarem muyto doentes, & nos nao poderem
acompanhar Antonio Godinho de Lacerda, Gaspar Dias despen-
seyro, Francisco da Costa marinheyro, & hum criado do Capitao.

Passando-nos a terra firme marchamos sempre pela praya ate
chegarmos as terras de hum Hey que chamao Ommanhisa, que
he o mais poderoso, que nestas partes ha, o qual a treze (lias
deste mesmo mez nos veyo ver ao caminho onde estavarnos
aguardando convalecesse alguma gente, & como algua peyorava,
a deyxamos com este Rey, que nos mostrou bom animo, & ordi-
nariamente, quando a estas partes vem embarcapao, na sua terra
tern a mayor feytoria. Pedio-nos fossemos por dentro, que era

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 53

melhor gente, & nos avisou, que pelo caminho que levavamos
nos haviao de roubar, & matar a todos. E como o Capitao
nunca tomoti conselho doutrem, & se governava so por sua cabepa,
nao acertou em muytas cousas, & com ser este, vinha tao unido
com a gente do mar, que nao fazia cousa, que Ihes nao parecesse
bem, ainda que fosse em castigo, que nelles proprios fizesse, por
este respeyto senao remediou isto, & porque os homens nobres
erao poucos.

Aqui ficou Dona Ursula com hum filho mais velho, que se
chamava Antonio de Mello, & ficarao com ella Jaques Henriques,
& dous grumetes, & huma negra de Thome Coelho. Esta Dona
levarao em hum andor, que fizerao de panos, com o filho nos
brafos, que era graiide lastima de ver huma molher mopa, fermo-
sa, mais alva, & loura, que huma Framenga, molher de huma
pessoa tao honrada como foy Domingos Cardoso de Mello
Ouvidor geral do crime no Estado da India, tao rico, em poder
de Cafres chorando muytas lagrimas. E por nos parecer, que
iiao escaparia, Ihe trouxemos o filho mais pequeno com nosco, o
que foy cousa, que mais Ihe acrescentou o sentimento. 0 Key a
levou comsigo, dizendo Ihe nao faltaria nada, & o Capitao Ihe
prometeo de Ihe dar hum bar de fato polo bom tratamento, que
Ihe fizesse, & pelas mais pessoas.

Tanto que o Rey se foy nos partimos, indo caminhando pela
praya sempre. Ja neste tempo o Capitao hia doente, ao qual
levavao em hum andor, ate chegarmos a hum rio, que chamao
Adoengres, que foy a dezaseis do proprio mez, no qual o Capitao
vendo o estado, em que estava, que muytas vezes nao fallava a
proprio, ordenou de eleger com parecer de todos huma pessoa,
que tivesse merecimentos, & partes para poder ficar em seu
lugar, & mandando chamar a todos, Ihes disse, que elle ja nao
hia capaz para os poder governar, que vissem elles a pessoa, que
alii hia, que melhor o pudesse fazer pois bem conheciao a todos,
»\r o para que prestava cada hum, que em suas maos punha esta
eleypao, porque depois se nao queyxassem delle, & que depois
de todos votarem votaria elle, os quaes votanao em mini, dizendo
suas virtudes, disse o Capitao que esse era ti mbem o seu voto,
& mandando-me chamar Pero de Moraes, me disse como aquelle
povo me tinha eleyto por Capitao, & que esse fora o seu voto
tambem, que esperava em Deos, que eu os governasse com mais
prudencia do que elle ate entam o tinha feyto, que como pessoa

54 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

de fora tinha sabido no que Ihes dava molestia. Eu respondi,
que havia de trabalhar por ver se o podia ir imitando.

E logo me fuy para a minha tenda, levando comigo a mayor
parte da gente, aos quaes disse, que aceytara aquelle lugar so
com zelo de DOS irmos conservando, & para que em nenhum
tempo se pudessem queyxar de mim, escolhia seis pessoas as mais
principaes, que alii hiam, sem o parecer das quaes nan faria cousa
de considerapao ; & pareceo isto a tod«'S bem por o Capitao Pero
de Moraes o nao tomar nunca de ninguem em materia algiia. As
pessoas, que para isto escolhi foy o Padre Frey Diogo dos Anjos,
Thome Coelho de Almeyda fidalgo, Antonio Ferrao da Cunha
fidalgo, Vicente Lobo de Sequeyra fidalgo, Andre Velho Freyre,
& o Piloto. Depois de isto feyto, veyo o Escrivao do arrayal
com estas seis pessoas, & me requerer ao da parte delRey,
dizendo, que a pedraria, que vinha na borsoleta, Tinha arriscada,
por quanto os Cafres havia tres dias nos perseguiao, & que a
trazia hum homem occupado so com ella, que podia acon-
tecer a diante, aonde nos tinhao dito estavao Cafres muyto
belicosos, desbaratarem-nos, & tomarnola toda por ir junta em
modo, que fazia tamanho volume, & que hiamos arriscados a isso
por ir a gente toda doente, & nao poderem co as espingardas, &
a polvora nao ter forca nenhua por se ter molhado muytas vezes,
que mandasse abrir a borsoleta, na qual vinhao sete bisalhos
muyto bem mutrados, que os repartisse pelas pessoas, que me
parecesse, cobrando de cada huma seu conhecimento, em que
confessassem levar em seu poder o dito bisalho com tantas mutras
de lacre, & com taes annas, & que em nenhum tempo pudesse a
pessoa, que a levasse (em caso que a salvasse) requerer mais
salvafao delle, que aquella que Ihe coubesse, repartindo-se por
todos conforme os merecimentos de cada hum, & que isto se fazia
para bem de todos, & para melhor se poder salvar. E como isto
pareceo bem a mais da gente, & era o melhor remedio que podia
ter em caso que tivessemos huma desaventura, mandey vir a
borsoleta, & perante todos a mandey abrir, & aos sete bisalhos,
que dentro vinhao, os mandey cada hum forrar de couro, &
fazendo os conhecimentos, os entreguey as pessoas seguintes :
Thome Coelho de Almeyda, Vicente Lobo de Sequeyra, Andre
Velho Freyre, o Piloto, Vicente Esteves Mestre carpinteyro,
Joao Eodrigues, & eu, & feytos os conhecimentos, & mais papeis
de entrega, se depositarao em minha mao.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 55

Havia ja dous dias que alii estavamos, onde nos ficarao tres
companheyros, hum delles bombardeyro, & dous grumetes, & os
Cafres nos nao traziao a vender cousa alguma, antes nos faziao
todo o mal que podiao, nao nos querendo mostrar por onde o rio
se passava; pelo que eu mandey a hum negro nosso fosse
apalpando com hum pao na mao por onde era a passagem, & para
o fazer com melhor vontade, Ihe dey huma cadeya de ouro, porque
elles nao erao alii nossos cativos, & porque nao fugissem para os
da terra, era necessario trazermolos contentes, o que fez logo,
andando para huma parte, & para a outra, ate que acertou com o
vao, & pondo nelle balizas, fomos passando com a agua pela
barba, & corno tinhamos entrado na terra dos ladroens trabal-
hamos caminhar o mais que pudessemos, & assim o fizemos, indo
continuarnente brigando com elles, o que ja a gente fazia com
muyto trabalho por virmos doentes, & com poucas forcas pelos
mantimentos serem poucos, & os Cafres no los nao quererem
vender. Assim fomos ate o rio do ouro, o qual he muyto
caudeloso, & largo, & vem com tanta furia, que achamos antes
que a elle chegassemos mais de oyto legoas, arvores grandissimas
arrancadas pelo pe em tanta quantidade, que enchiao as prayas,
que muytas vezes nao podiamos passar com ellas, & logo enten-
demos haver alii perto algum rio grande. He senhor de toda
esta paragem hum negro muyto velho, ao qual chamao Hinham-
puna. E ficamos muyto desconsolados com a vista deste rio pela
impossibilidade, que viamos na passagem, mas nao tardou muyto
tempo, vimos vir por elle abayxo duas almadias, com cuja vista
ficamos com menos receyos, & chamando-as a nos, Ihes mandey
dizer se nos queriao passar, ao que responderao, que si, que
viriao ao outro dia com mais almadias para o poderem fazer, &
rnandando-lhe dar hum pedapo de bertangil pela boa reposta,
se forao.

E esperando nos por elles pela manhaa, os homens que estavao
de posta virao vir da nossa mesma banda mais de duzentos Cafres
muyto bem armados co muytas azagayas, & frechas, & forao os
primeyros, que com estas armas vimos, logo fiz por a todos em
ordem, & desparar alguas espingardas. Vierao-se elles chegando
todos juntos trazendo o seu Rey no meyo, o qual vinha vestido a
Portugueza galantemente com hum gibam de tafecira de linha,
com o forro para fora, & hum calcam a comprida com a barguilha
para traz, & hum chapeo na cabef a ; & vinha com este vestido

56 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

por nos mostrar, que tinha comercio com nosco, & nos fiassemos
delle, mas logo foy conhecido seu desenho. Trouxe-me de
saguate dous ramos de figos, que Ihe eu paguey muyto bem,
dando-lhe hum bertangil. E tratando nos mandasse passar pelas
suas embarcajoes, disse, q como Ihe pagassemos o faria, sobre o
que nos concertamos por tres bertangis, & depois de concertados
pedio mais dous, ao qual refusando disse, que por elle ser velho,
& nos ter vindo ver Ihe dava mais os dous que pedia. Dahi a
hum pouco disse, que Ihe haviamos de dar mais, & alevantando-
me me vim para as tendas, & mandey estivessem todos com as
armas nas tuaos ate depois de meyo dia, & vendo, que elles senao
hiao, Ihe mandey dizer, que os Portuguezes nao consentiao nunca,
que junto com elles estivesse outra gente, que Ihe madava dizer
isto, porque se hia ja fazendo tarde, & de noyte Ihe podiao matar
alguem da sua companhia com as nossas espingardas, com que
toda a noyte vigiavamos. Elle mandou dizer, que a sua gente se
hia logo, & que elle so havia de ficar com quatro Cafres, esperando
ate o outro dia viessem as almadias para nos mandar passar, que
era nosso amigo.

Tanto que vi esta gente se hia, mandey atirar duas espingar-
dadas co pelouro por cima delles, os quaes ouvindo zunir os
pelouros, deytarao-se no chao, & mandarao saber que era
aquillo, que elles nao queriao brigas com nosco ; ao que Ihe
mandey dizer que fora hum desastre, que descarregando duas
espingardas acertarao de passar por la os pelouros, & assim se
forao, ficando o Key, como digo, & nos toda a noyte com muyta
vigia, & como se acabavao os quartos, atiravamos espingardadas.
E pela manhaa vendo elle como tinhamos estado toda a noyte, &
que nao podiao fazer o que desejavao sem seu risco, se foy
despedindo-se de mim, dizendo, que logo madava dous Cafres
para se concertarem comigo sobre a passagem, que o que elles
fizessem havia por bem feyto, & assim o fez mandando os dous
Cafres, com os quaes me concertey em oyto bertangis, que Ihes
nao forao dados senao depois de nos terem passado. Aqui nos
morrerao quatro companheyros. E nesta passagem determinarao
de nos assaltear desta maneyra : mandarao dizer aos Cafres da
outra banda, que depois que ametade da gente fosse passada,
dessem la nella, que o mesmo fariao de ca, & para poderem fazer
isso como o Cafre desejava, trouxerao quatro almadias pequenas,
& determinarao passar huma, & huma, mas eu que conheci seu

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 57

intento, mandey amarrar as almadias duas & duas juntas para
poder caber mais gente nellas, & mandey meter ametade da
melhor gente dentro com ordem que tanto que la fossem
tomassem hu lugar alto, que de ca se via, aonde se fizessem fortes
em quanto passava a denials, & que tomassem em cada duas
almadias duas pessoas com suas espingardas, para que nos nao
fugissem. E em quanto isto se fazia ficamos com as espingardas
nas maos, & murrioes acesos, de modo que nunca Ihe demos lugar
para fazerem cousa alguma, & foy de grande acordo mandar
andar os dous homens nas almadias em quanto se fazia esta
passagem, porque em nos dividindo logo eramos perdidos. E no
firn passey eu com oyto companheyros ; & entao me contarao os
Cafres da almadia toda sua determinapao, dizendo-me, que dalli
por diante vissemos como hiamos, porque era aquella terra dos
mais maos que ha via em toda a Cafraria, que so por nos roubarem
o que levavamos vestido, nos matariao, & que erao muytos ;
agradecendo-lhe o aviso, Ihe dey hum pedago de bertangil, & me
fuy caminhando com toda a pressa possivel.

Tanto que souberao, que eramos passados, vierao buscarnos
muytos Cafres, com que vinhamos todo o dia pelejando, & a gente
vinha descor^oada por nos ferirem de longe com suas frechas, que
muytas vezes nao viamos quern nos fazia mal, por nos atirarem do
mato, & nos vinhamos pela praya, & erao poucos os homens, que
soubessem atirar com as espingardas. E temendo nos destruissem
vendo-nos tao fracos, me embosquey de dia, fazendo caminhar
toda a noyte pela borda do mar, porque alii espraya muyto a
mare, & ficava-nos longe o mato, & assim ficamos caminhando na
bayxamar de noyte, para que a enchente apagasse o rasto, que
faziamos na area. E vespora do Espirito Santo de noyte indo
caminhando vimos estar muytos fogos na praya, aos quaes furta-
mos o corpo, caminhando bem junto com o mar, & muyto calados
passamos sem sermos vistos delles, & apressandonos andando ate
o quarto da lua, nos metemos no mato, & alii estivemos com
vigias ate que foy noyte, & a mare esteve meya vazia, & come£a-
mos a marchar todos em ordem, & tendo andado meyo quarto
da modorra vimos estar a diante muytos fogos, os quaes tomavao
desda borda da agua ate o mato, para que Ihes nao pudessemos
escapar, & chegando perto, nos mandou dizer o Mocaranga
Muquulo, que era o Rey de toda aquella paragem, que nao
passassemos de noyte pelas suas terras, que nao era costume, &

58 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

que nao queria brigar com nosco. EU Ihe mandey dizer, que os
Portuguezes nao haviao mister licenca de ninguem para poderem
passar por toda a parte : mandou-me dizer, que visse o que fazia,
que nao fizesse guerra, que todos os Portuguezes, que por alii
passavao, Ihe davao a sua curva, como o faziao em outras partes.
E a este recado comecarao todos os da companhia com grades
vozes dizendo, que por dous bertangis, que Ihes podiamos dar, os
queria matar a todos, nao estando nenhu para poder pelejar.

Vendo eu estes clamores chamey as pessoas, que atraz disse,
para que juntos assentassemos o que melhor nos parecesse, aos
quaes disse, que me parecia acertado passar pelejando de noyte
com estes Cafres, porque nao poderiao enxergar as faltas, com que
vinhamos, & que as espingardas de noyte causavao mais horror, &
quando nos acontecesse ma fortuna poderiamos mais a nosso salvo
escapar a pedraria, & que se aguardavamos, que fosse manhaa,
como elles pediao, poderia vir mais gente da que alii estava, &
verem-nos fracos, & descorpoados. A isto me responderao, que elles
vinhao taes, que de dia nao pelejavao, que fariao de noyte, & que
querendo eu fazelo, haviao so de brigar dez, ou doze homens, que
tinhao vergonha, & os outros todos haviao de fugir ; & que pode
ser contentando-se com o que Ihes podiamos dar se fossem, & nos
ncavamos sem nos pormos nesse risco. Ao que insistindo eu em
passarmos, disse por muytas vezes, que se no rio do sangue os
Cafres virao a pouca, gente, que pelejava, que nos houverao de
matar a todos, mas a noyte encobrindo isto, cuydavao pelejarem
todos & por esse respeyto fugirao ; & Deos sabe quantos forao os
que defenderao esta noyte que digo. Elles me respouderao, que
me nao cansasse, que nao convinha passarmos de noyte, & este
era o parecer de todos. E como vi esta vontade na melhor gente,
disse, que elles erao testemunhas como o ficar era contra meu
parecer, & que disso me haviao de passar os papeis que me fossem
necessaries : parece que me adivinhava o corapao o que depois
succedeo.

Como vi que havia de ficar ate pela manhaa, busquey o mais
forte lugar que alii havia em hum alto, & mandando fazer muytas
fogueyras tomey todos os bisalhos, & mandey-os enterrar em
segredo, & em cima donde elles estavao mandey fazer hua grande
fogueyra, estando o restante da noyte todos com as armas nas
maos sem ninguem dormir. E vindo a manhaa veyo o mesmo
Key, com o qual me concertey em nove bertangis, & hua roupeta

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 59

de escarlata, & depois pedio mais humas pecas de prata das
cabepadas de hum cavallo, que tambem lhas demos, & foy pedindo
mais de maneyra que Ihe dey tudo o que pedio, & mostrando
estar satisfeyto se despedio de nbs com mostras de amizade.
Depois de elle ser ido, & nao aparecer ninguem mandey tirar os
bisalhos, & os torney entregar a quern os trazia, & indo marchando
pela praya nos sahirao do mato mais de mil Cafres, & dando-nos
hum assalto na retaguarda, que so pelejou, a desbaratarao logo
deyxando todos os que nella vinhao muyto mal feridos, &
des'pidos sem Ihe ficar cousa nenhuma, co que pudessem cobrir
suas vergonhas. E a demais gente como vio este disbarate
fugirao para o mato sem poderem esconder nada, porque logo
forao sobre elles, & os despirao, sendo assim, que se elles pele-
jarao nao nos houverao de desbaratar, & forao atirando as suas
espingardadas entretanto carregavamos nos as nossas, & assim
pelejaramos, & como nbs os foramos matando elles se retirarao,
como fizerao outros mais valentes, com que muytas vezes
brigamos.

Vendo-me eu nu, & ferido com sinco frechadas penetrantes,
huma na fonte direyta, outra nos peytos por onde me sahia o
folego, outra que me atravessava os lombos, da qual ouriney
sangue doze dias, & de que nao pude tirar o ferro, & outra na
coxa esquerda, de que tambem nao tirey o ferro, & outra na perna
direyta, que me estava vazando em sangue, determiney meterme
pela terra dentro com estes ladroes para me curarem, & ver se me
queriao dar alguma cousa para me cubrir, & estando com este
pensamento me mandou dizer Thome Coelho, & os mais, que nao
se haviao de ir dalli sem ruim, que fossemos assim caminhando,
que ja Inhambane devia estar perto. Ao que respondi, que nao
estava para nada, que fossem elles, & os ajudasse Deos, & pedi a
hu marinheyro, que chamavao o Tavares que tambem estava
ferido em huma perna, que quizesse vir comigo, & que nos tor-
nariamos, se Deos nos desse saude, que nao podia ser, que aquelles
Cafres nao tivessem compayxao de nos ver assim : elle o fez de
ma vontade, & nos fomos detraz delles hua grande legoa, de
maneyra que eu ja nao podia comigo, & alii n'um descampado se
ajuntarao todos com os furtos, que nos roubarao, & o Eey con-
hecedo-me me mandou tirar as frechas, & curar com hu azeyte,
que la tern, a que chamao mafura, & depois de curado me derao
hum gibam velho sem mangas, & do mantimento, que nos tinhao

60 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

roubado me derao hu pouco. Alii repartirao todas as riquezas
que traziao, fazendo mais caso de hu trapo, que de preciosissimos
diamantes, os quaes tomou todos para si o Key por Ihe dizerem
dous Cafrinhos nossos, que ja com elles estavao, que aquillo era a
rnelhor cousa, que havia, que por cada hum Ihe haviao de dar
hum bertangil. E como fizerao esta repartifao, se forao, & ficando
sos nos tornamos a praya para ver se podiamos encontrar alguns
dos companheyros, & trazendo hum murram aceso para fazermos
logo de noyte, & tendo ja andado hum pouco, ouvimos de dentro
do mato hus assubios, & virando vimos dous negros vestidos, os
quaes conhecemos logo serem nossos, & fallando com elles nos
disserao, que esperassemos, q hiam chamar Joao Rodrigues de
Leao, que Gcava no matto, & vindo logo me abragou, & disse, que
a elle o nao roubarao por se esconder -bem, & despindo a sua
roupeta ma deu, & me disse, que alii trazia o bisalho, que eu Ihe
entregara inteyro, que visse o que queria que fizesse delle. Eu
Ihe respondi, que pois elle o soubera guardar tarn bem, que o
trouxesse ate Inhambane, & que alii se determinaria o que
haviamos de fazer, & assim vieinos caminhando de noyte, porque
de dia nos nao deyxavao estes malditos Cafres esses fracos trapos
q traziamos. Tambem veyo ter com nosco hum nosso corn-
panheyro Francez, que se chamava Salamao, ao qual festejey eu
bem para me sangrar. porque nao me podia bulir com sangue
pizado das feridas, o que fez logo co hua lanceta, que trazia.

E caminhando quatro dias pela praya fomos passar hum rio
com agua pelo pescopo fria como neve, a qual me tratou bem mal.
Aqui achamos a mayor parte da nossa gente, os quaes estavao
contentes, por os Cafres Ihe darem de comer logo, & veyo ter
comigo Andre Velho Freyre, & disse como salvara o bisalho, que
eu Ihe entregara, que mandava, que fizesse delle. Ao qual Ihe
disse, que o trouxesse a Inhambane, & que alii se ordenaria o
que melhor parecesse. E assim fomos caminhando pelas terras
do Zavala hum cheque, ou regulo nosso amigo, ate darmos com
hum Cafre velho de hum Key, ao qual chamao Aquerudo, o qual
tanto que nos vio senao quiz apartar de nos dizendo-me, que
haviamos de ir pelas terras do seu Key, & que nos nao faltaria
nenhuma cousa, & assim foy depois que o encontramos ate, nos
por em Inhambane. Aquelle dia nos fez caminhar muyto para
chegarmos aonde este Key estava, & chegando de noyte nos fez
muyta festa, mandando-nos dar todo o necessario, em quanto alii

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 61

estivemos, & nos matou huma vaca, & me vinha ver todas as
noytes tres vezes, trazendo-me sempre cousas de comer, & di-
zendo, que nos nao agastassemos, que ja estavamos em terra de
Portuguezes, & que elle o era como nos, que nao tinha mais
differenpa que ser negro. Aqui nos teve quatro dias, & no fim
delles nos veyo acompanhando hum dia de caminho, & dando-
me dous denies de marfim, se foy, & deyxou seu filho mais velho
para ir com nosco ate Inhambane, & o velho que atraz disse, os
quaes nos forao dando de comer por todo o caminho ate que la
chegamos, que foy a dezanove de Junho. aonde fomos bem
recebidos, & aquella noyte nos nao faltou de comer, & ao outro
dia me veyo ver o Piloto, juntamente com o Padre Frey Diogo,
os quaes havia dous dias tinhao chegado a outra banda do rio com
a de mais gente, que nos faltava, os quaes me disserao, que o
Inhapata, & Matarima, dous Keys, que la havia, estavao esperando
por mini para repartirem em minha presenfa todas as pessoas,
que daquella banda estavao, ficando eu de Ihe pagar todos os
gastos, que nisso se fizessem. Eu os festejey, & Ihes disse, que
ainda hontem chegara, que parecia razao accommodar primeyro
os que estavao da banda do Chamba, que era aonde eu estava, &
que depois passaria la a fazer o que me tinhao dito.

Logo no mesmo dia veyo ter comigo hum negro Christao, que
alii vivia, ao qual chamavao Andre, que servia de lingoa aquelles
Keys quando alii vinhao Portuguezes ; este me levou para sua
easa, & nella estive ate me vir para Inhambane. Ao outro dia me
veyo ver o Rey, que tenho dito, com o qual tratey de accommo-
dar a gente por casas dos negros que mais posses tivessem, & elle
Ihe pareceo isto bem, mas disseme, que aquelle dia nao podia
ser, porque era necessario mandalos chamar, que ao outro dia viria
cedo, & os traria todos, & assim o fez, & depois de os ter ahi
todos me disse, que havia de pagar os gastos, que aquella gente
fizesse, disse-lhe, que eu os pagaria, & elle rindo-se me respondeo,
que nao havia em mim, com que pudesse comprar hum frango,
por estar ainda despido, como se haviao elles de confiar : ao que
respondi, que mais valia a palavra de hu Portuguez, que todas
as riquezas dos Cafres, & no fim de muytas palavras, que houve
de parte a parte, que he o de que se mais prezao, me fez pro-
metter de Ihe pagar tudo o que com elles gastasse, & o Bey
disse, que ficava per men fiador. E logo reparti os Portuguezes,
segundo me dizia este negro Christao, & chamando-os por seu

62 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

nome me dizia : A este Cafre pode v. m. dar algum homein grave,
porque he bom negro, & rico ; & assim ficarao accommodados
todos os da banda do Charnba, que fica da parte do cabo das
Correntes, & passando-me a outra banda, onde me fizerao muyta
festa, fiz o mesmo.

He este rio fermosissimo, tern de largo meya legoa, & da
banda do Camba bom surgidouro para embarcapoes de ate trezen-
tas toneladas, fica no meyo a mayor parte em seco de bayxamar,
aonde ha muyto marisco, de que os Cafres se aproveytao, a terra
em si he muyto sadia, & mais farta, & barata, que ja mais se vio,
abundantissima de mantimentos, como he milho, ameychueyra,
jugos, que sao como graos, mungo, gergelim, mel, manteyga,
muyto fermosos boys, dos quaes val cada hum por mayor que
seja dous bertangis, muytas cabras, & carneyros, o peyxe he o
melhor que comi em toda a India, & tao barato, que he espanto,
porque dam por hum bertangil, ou inotava de contas, que ainda
val menos, cem tainhas muyto grandes. Os matos todos sao
cheyos de laranjas, & limoes, tern muyta madeyra, de que se
podem fazer embarcacoens.

As ventagas, que ha na terra sao muyto ambre, & marfim, alii
tern ido muytas vezes os Olandezes, & segundo me disse o Mata-
tima, que he hum dos Keys, desejavao ter alii comercio, & que
os mais dos annos passando por alii, mandavao os bateis a terra
resgatar laranjas, & vacas, & que depois que Ihes tomarao hum
batel matando-lhe a gente, nao os mandavao a terra, mas que os
Cafres hiao as Naos. Muyto receyo senhoreem estes inimigos
este porto, pelo que sey de algua gente delle, q aqui nao digo
por me nao alargar, & porque sey se nao ha de remediar isto, por
mais que escreva. Aqui estive muyto mimoso destes Cafres,
principalmente dos Keys, & antes que me fosse morrerao sete
pessoas, entendo que foy de muyto comer, porque vinhamos
muyto fracos, & debilitados, & depois com a fartura nao repararao
no que Ihes podia succeder, & forao os seguintes, Thome Coelho
de Almeyda, Vicente Esteves, Joao Gomes, Joao Goncalves o
Balono, o Condestable, & Bras Gonfalves.

Vendo que havia dous annos, que alii nao vinha embarcacao,
& que corria risco nao vir aquella moncao, me disse o Motepe,
que he o negro, que servia de lingoa, que como passassem tres
mezes, & os Cafres nao vissern donde Ihes podessernos pagar os
gastos, que a gente tinha feyto, que a mim se haviao de tornar

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 63

todos, que fosse a Zofala, que como eu era tao conhecido, nao
faltaria quern me emprestasse quatro bares de fato, com que
viesse resgatar aquella gente, & que elle fallaria com os Keys,
dizendo-lhes, que indo eu a Zofala faria vir logo embarca^ao co
roupa para pagar os gastos dos Portuguezes. Eu estava entao
muyto doente, & disse-lhe, que me nao atrevia, porque havia de
morrer logo no caminho. E indo-se ter com o Padre Frey Diogo
Ihe contou o que passava, o qual me pedio muy encarecidamente,
quizesse fazer esta Jornada, que nao houvesse medo de morrer no
caminho, que quern hia a cousa de tanto service de Deos, elle
teria cuydado particular de o guardar. Eu disse, que faria o
que me pedia, que fosse o Motepe fallar com os Keys para me
darem negros que me acompanhassem, o que fez logo, & elles
rindo-se, disserao, que me nao havia de ir de sua terra, porque
eu era o penhor de toda aquella gente. Com tudo la Ihes deu
tantas razoes este negro, que o acabou com elles, dando-lhes huns
panos que para isso me emprestou, os quaes Ihes paguey tres
vezes dobrados. E tendo licenja ordeney de levar hum compan-
heyro Portuguez comigo pelo que podia acontecer, & este foy o
mais bem desposto, que havia na companhia, & se chamava
Antonio Martinz, & depois de os Keys me darem vinte negros
para me acompanharem, me despedi de todos com muytas lagri-
mas, os quaes estavao muy desconfiados de eu tornar por elles,
dizendo, que de Zofala me iria para minha casa, & que elles alii
morreriao. Ouvindo eu isto, tomey as maos do Padre Frey
Diogo, & beyjando-as, fiz hii voto solemne a Deos em alta voz,
em o qual prometti a vir buscalos, se a morte mo nao atalhasse,
& com isto ficarao mais quietos, & eu me parti a dous de Junho
com a companhia, que tenho dito, ficando a pedraria enterrada
em hum cabajo, da qual sabiamos duas pessoas, que a trouxerao
& o Padre Frey Uiogo.

E tendo andado aquelle dia todo fomos passar hum rio, &
dormindo da outra banda, se vierao ajuntar mais Cafres a compa-
nhia carregados com marfim, & ambre para venderem em Zofala,
& assim o forao fazendo por todas as terras a diante, de maneyra
que cheguey a levar comigo mais de cem Cafres, & faziao isto
pelo respeyto, que por aqui se tern a hum Portuguez. Por todo
este caminho fuy muy bem agasalhado, & o que mais pena me
dava nesta Jornada, era a detenpa, que me faziao ter os regulos,
que por aqui ha, que ainda que esta gente esteja mais perto de

64 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

nbs, que a do Cabo de boa Esperanca, fazem mais espanto quando
vein hum Portuguez. E depois de ter andado quinze dias, fuy
ter a povoacao de outro regulo mayor, que os que tiiiha visto, ao
qual chamam o Inhame, & tiiiha vinte molheres, & querendo-ine
eu ir logo ao outro dia, o nao quiz elle consentir, dizendo-me,
que tinha seus parentes longe dalli, & que os tinha mandado
chamar para me verem, porque nunca por alii tinha passado
Portuguez algum, & assim parecia pela muyta gente que con-
corria a verme, os quaes davao muytos gritos, & alaridos, fazendo
festa ; & se me nao importara chegar de pressa a Zofala, nao me
sahia isto em perda, pelas muytas cousas, que me traziao, de que
toda a companhia comia, & ainda sobejava muyto, que depois
levarao para os caminhos onde nao havia povoacoes.

Daqui a alguns dias fuy ter com outro regulo, que esta de-
fronte das Ilhas do Bazarito, que chamao Osanha, o qual me fez
o mesmo. E dahi atravessey hum rio, que em baxamar fica em
seco, & tern de largo mais de tres legoas : passado elle fiz o
caminho sempre pela pray a ate vespora de Santiago, que che-
guey a Molomono que sao ja terras de hum mulato por nome
Luis Pereyra, o qual vive em Zofala, & he a mais venerada
pessoa, que nestas partes ha. Antes que chegasse a povoufao
soube como nella estavao dous filhos seus, aos quaes mandey
hum escrito, que trazia feyto para mandar a Zofala antes que
la chegasse hua legoa, em que dava conta de como vinha, &
pedia me fizessem esmola de me mandar por amor de Deos huma
camiza, & huns calpoes para poder ir diante delles com minhas
vergonhas cubertas ; & dando Ihes o escrito, me mandarao o que
pedia, & huma capa, com que fuy cuberto ; & elles me vierao
esperar ao caminho, onde os abracey com muytas lagrimas, &
porque eu vinha sem semelhanca de creatura, me fizerao dey tar em
hum esquife ; & pedindo-lhe me fizessem merce querer mandar
quatro Cafres seus com hua rede, em que eu tinha vindo em
busca do meu couipanheyro, que me ficava atraz muyto mal duas
legoas, o fizerao logo, & ao outro dia me fizerao concertar hu
luzio para nelle passar a Zofala. Ate qui me morrerao dezasete
Cafres por a terra ser muyto chea de alagoas fedorentas, & eu, &
men companheyro estavamos muyto mal, & embarcando-nos
fomos dorinir aquella noyte a Quelvame tambein terras de Luis
Pereyra, aonde me matarao hum carneyro, & fizerao muyta festa.
Ao outro dia a tarde vinte oyto de Julho fomos a Zofala, &

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 65

como os casados, & Luis Pereyra virao vir a embarca?ao pelo rio
acima forao a borda delle, aonde os Cafres com muyto grandes
gritos disserao : Muzungos, muzungos, & faltando logo dentro
me vierao abracar, & eu que apenas podia andar, fuy com elles
fazer oragam a Igreja aonde pedi mandassem trazer o men com-
panheyro, que vinha tal, que depois de chegar pedio confissao,
& confessando-se deu a alma a Deos, & alii o enterrarao logo,
ficando eu desconsoladissimo. Dalli me mandou levar Luis
Pereyra para humas casas, aonde me mandou dar todo o necessa-
rio ate que Dom Luis Lobo veyo, que era Capitao da dita forta-
leza, & como eu estava ja muyto mal, me levou para casa onde
estive ungido ; & depois de estar alguns dias convalecente, Ihe
pedi me quizesse fazer merce emprestar ouro, com que pudesse
comprar quatro bares de fato, & que Ihe daria todos os ganhos, q
elle quizesse, & obrigaria todas as fazendas que sabia tinha na
India, & que alem de nao arriscar nada, me fazia muyto grande
merce, & esmola aos homens que em Inhambane estavao, que
como era morto Nuno da Cunha, que era o Capitao daquellas
partes, & havia pouco fato, nao havia de ir la pangayo, & elles
ricariao parecendo. Elle me disse faria tudo o que Ihe pedia
com obrigar minhas fazendas, como logo fiz.

E porque a disposifao, em que estava, Ihe nao parecia capaz
para tanto trabalho, me requererao nao fizesse tal viagern, lem-
brando-me qual era o estado em que estava, & as muytas rnerces,
que Deos me tinha feyto em me livrar donde tantos acabarao, &
pois estava em terra de Christaos, que me deyxasse ficar, que hu
homem era mais obrigado a si, que a outrem ninguem. Ao que
eu disse, que nunca Deos quizesse, que perigos da vida fossem
parte para deyxar de fazer o que tinha de obrigacao, que era ir
buscar meus companheyros. E vendo elles esta deliberafao, se
nao cansarao mais em me fazerem estas lembrancas, & comprando
hum luzio grande a Luis Pereyra por cento & vinte metiquaes,
rneti os quatro bares de roupa, que tinha comprado, & levando
comigo hu companheyro Portuguez casado na propria fortaleza,
me parti para Inhambane a quinze de Agosto, & pela detenca,
que fiz em Quelvame cheguey com muytas tormentas milagrosa-
mente por cima de Inhambane dez legoas, & cuydando nao
tinhamos ainda la chegado, queriao os Malemos ir por diante, &
como eu conhecia a terra por haver pouco que por ella tinha
passado, disse, que nos ficava atraz, & fazendo para la nosso

VIII. F

66 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

caminho vimos dahi a tres horas a Ilha, que na boca tern, & indo
entrando pelo rio acima chegamos a tarde a Inhambane, onde me
vierao todos receber com muytas lagrimas, dizendo, que a mim
se me devia tudo, & que eu os vinha tirar do cativeyro de Farab,
& que os Cafres ja Ihes nao queriao dar de comer, & os deytavao
fora de suas casas, & que se tardara mais dez dias morrerao todos
sem nenhuma duvida: mas durou muyto pouco este conheci-
mento, porque depois que gastey em os resgatar tres bares de
fato, despendendo, & pagando em particular quanto tinhao gasta-
do, tratando de querer ir com hum bar, que me ficava, as terras
do Quevendo para dahi resgatar toda a pedraria, & pessas ricas
que nos tinhao roubado, para que seus donos me pagassem con-
forme isto merecia, porque tanto que cheguey a Inhambane,
mandey hum presente a este Hey Quevendo que foy o que
depois de roubados nos trouxe a Inhambane, dando-nos de comer,
como ja tenho contado, o qual era dous panos de pate, & meya
corja de bertangis, em agradecimento do que por nos tinha feyto,
o qual ficou tad grande, que logo mandando ajuntar toda a sua
gente, matando muytas vacas para celebrar co festas a tao grande
honra. Este me mandou dizer, que ficava esperando por mim
para ir comigo onde nos roubarao a resgatar tudo quanto nos
haviao tornado. E querendo me eu fazer prestes para a Jornada,
deyxando a todos livres, & com roupa para • poderem comer
largamente em quanto eu la estivesse, me encontrarao esta ida,
fazendo queyxa aos Keys de Inhambane, dizendo, que para que
consentiao irme eu, levando tanta roupa fora das suas terras,
devendo ficar toda onde nos agasalharao : os qtiaes como ouvirao
isto, me mandarao dizer, que por nenhua via me havia de bolir
dalli, senao para Zofala, que empregasse a roupa, que me ficava
em as mercadorias da terra, que erao ambre, & marfim, & logo
determinarao de me roubar o que tinha, minando-me hua noyte
a casa.

Vendo eu, que todos quantos hiam na companhia erao contra
mim, desisti da ida, que pretendia fazer, & mandey dizer ao
Quevendo, que nao podia ir la, que quizesse mandar hum reca-
do aonde estavao os furtos, que viessem, que eu os resgataria, &
que mandasse seu filho com elles. Respondeo-me, que me deti-
vesse, que dalli a tempo de quinze dias viriao todos com o seu
filho, & que para isso hia elle mesmo la ter com elles. E tanto
que estes homeiis souberao, que eu havia de esperar pelos negros,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 67

se forao todos a embarcapao, em que tinha vindo, & a botarao ao
mar, & antes que fosse monjao me fizerao embarcar a forca, por-
que ate o Padre era contra mim. E fazendo-me dar a vella, tor-
namos a arribar por ser fora de moncao, & aquella costa ser muy-
to tormentosa. Depois tornando a sahir fora, nos deu tao grande
vento do mar, que nos fez dar a costa doze legoas de Inhambane,
donde ate Melonone fomos marchando, & dahi em almadias ate
chegar a Zofala. Veja vossa merce a paga, que me derao de os
eu ir a buscar com meu dinheyro, que se os nao quizera trazer de
Inhambane, & empregara la a roupa, que com elles gastey, em
anibre, sem duvida, que trouxera mais de quinze mil cruzados
por ser muyto, <fe haver dous annos, que nao tinha ido roupa a
este porto. E realmente, que me maravilho todas as vezes que
imagine, que houve taes homens no mundo, que permittissem
viesse hum estranho a resgatar o que haviamos trazido a custa
de tantos, & tao grandes trabalhos, & padecendo tao excessivas
fomes, como ja tenho dito, antes que eu, que os vim servindo a
todos, sem exceptuar nenhum, & por quern derramey muyto san-
gue, & a quern elles tinhao tanta obrigajao. Seja Deos louvado
com tudo : mas estimara ficara tudo isto em memoria, para que
daqui por diante vissem, & attentassem os homens por quem
deviao arriscar suas vidas, & perder suas fazendas.

Desta fortaleza de Zofala nos fomos para Mozambique com
menos quatro companheyros nossos dos que aqui tinhamos che-
gado Antonio Sigala, que matarao em Zofala, Pero de Torres
niarinheyro, que se ausentou por hum furto, que tinha feyto, hu
Grurnete, que ficou casado, & Fructuoso de Andrade, que cahio
no mar na barra desta fortaleza, & chegamos a Mozambique as
pessoas seguintes : o Padre Frey Diogo dos Anjos, Antonio Fer-
rao da Cunha, Vicente Lobo de Sequeyra, Andre Velho Freyre,
& tambem o Piloto Domingos Fernandes, & o Sotapiloto Fran-
cisco Alvrez, Miguel Correa escrivao, Pero Diniz tanoeyro,
Joao Kodrigues de Leao, Joao Ribeyro de Lacen, Joao Kodrigues
carpinteyro, Manoel Gonpalves, Joao Carvalho, Joao Tavares,
Antonio Gonpalves, Manoel Gonpalves Belem, Sebastiao Eodri-
gues, Diogo de Azevedo, Salamam Frances, Ventura de Mesquita,
Fructuoso Coelho, hum Grumete, que chamao o Candalatu,
Domingos Salgaclo, Belchior Eodrigues, Joao Coelho, Alvaro
Luis, & Luis* Moreno.

Desembarcando em terra fomos todos em procissao a nossa

F 2

G8 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Senhora do Baluarte, levando hua Cruz de pao diante, cantando
todos as Ladainhas com muyta devagao. E depois de darinos
gramas a Deos pelas muytas merces, que nos tinha feyto de nos
trazer a terra de Christaos, fez o Padre Frey Diogo hua devota
pratica, trazendo-nos a memoria os muytos trabalhos, de que
Deos nos tinha livrado, & lembrando-nos a muyta obrigafao que
tinhamos todos de fazermos dalli por diante vida exemplar.
Daqui se forao todos buscar embarcapao para se virem para Goa.

AN ACCOUNT

OF THE MISFOETUNE THAT BEFELL
THE SHIP SAO JOAO BAPTISTA,

AND OF THE JOURNEY OF THOSE WHO ESCAPED, FROM THE

PLACE WHERE SHE WAS WRECKED ON THE COAST

OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, IN LATITUDE 33°, TO

SOFALA, THE WHOLE OF WHICH JOURNEY

WAS PERFORMED BY LAND.

BY
FRANCISCO VAZ D'ALMADA.

TO DIOGO SOARES, SECRETARY OF HIS MAJESTY'S
COUNCIL OF THE TREASURY, &c.

LISBON: 1625.

Eecords of S&uth-Eastern Africa. 71

WRECK

OF THE SHIP SAO JOAO BAPTIST A ON THE COAST OF THE
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, IN THE YEAR 1622.

On the 1st of March 1622 we left the harbour of Goa with the
flag-ship of which Xuno Alvares Botelho was commodore, in the
ship Sao Joao, of which Pedro de Moraes Sarmento was captain.
After sailing fifteen or twenty days the pump showed fourteen or
fifteen spans of water in the hold, which we endeavoured to clear
out. But this proved impossible, the pumps of the ship being
very small, as they had been made for a galleon and afterwards
taken to pieces and enlarged, and only one of them was of any
use. Using barrels as buckets we reduced the water to four
spans, and continued our voyage, enduring great heat until we
reached latitude 25°, and thereafter much cold.

On the 17th of July we parted from the flag-ship in the night,
because we could not see her light ; others say it was done by
the will of the officers. For my part I can only tell you, as one
who suffered much by the loss of the commodore's company, that
I watched all night and never saw him.

On Sunday the 19th of July, iu the morning, in latitude rather
over 35° 30' we saw two Dutch ships ahead, and immediately
made ready, putting the ship in readiness for fighting, which
cost us a great deal of trouble, as she was much overburdened.
Even so we fired upon them twice that afternoon, and having
made a rampart of some bales of cloth, which proved an effectual
shelter, for from that time they killed very few, while during the
first two days, before we adopted this plan, they killed twenty of
our men, we continued fighting with these two ships until after
nineteen days we reached latitude 42°. During this time they
fought with us only nine days, from sunrise to sunset, reducing
us to the most miserable condition that can be imagined, for
they broke off our bowsprit at the stays with their bombs, and
broke the main-mast a yard and a half above the deck, and the

72 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

foresail and rudder, which was old, having belonged to a ship
that went to pieces at Goa, where it had lain on the shore for
two years, and so was rotten, such being the usual way of fitting
out ships in this country. I say this because the want of a
rudder caused our destruction, and it was in such a state that
two shots sufficed to shatter it to pieces. This was not the
only deficiency with which this ship left Goa, for there was no
proper armament nor sufficient powder for fighting, and she
carried only eighteen pieces of artillery of very small calibre,
nevertheless we fought until we had only two barrels of powder
and twenty-eight cartridges left.

Seeing that the ship was without any mast whatever and that
the spare yards were so riddled with shot that the least damaged
had nine holes in it, that the ship was foundering because the
shot struck us a fathom under water, and the rudder in breaking
wrenched away two of the gudgeons, leaving open their bolt
holes, so that we were unable to overcome the leak and were on
the point of sinking without any hope of remedy, though every
soul on board worked at the pumps and scoops day and night,
the religious endeavoured to arrange some plan to entertain the
enemy, that in the meanwhile we might try to get the better of
the water and stop up some of the holes. For this purpose I was
asked if I would be one of those to go and treat with the Dutch
for some honourable agreement. I had an argument with them
upon the subject, and said that those who wished for such an
agreement might go thither themselves and they were not my
friends since they gave me such advice ; and I went and
stationed myself at the post which the captain had assigned to
me, so that I saw neither boat on board nor any Dutch, and
was consequently hated by many in the ship. They afterwards
asked Luis da Fonseca and Manuel Peres to go and make the
said agreement, and they set out to do so, but such severe and
continual storms arose that we saw no more of the ship to which
these two men were sent.

The other ship followed without attempting to board us, aud
sent a boat to learn whether we had seen their consort, for they
had lost sight of her. Seeing that our ship continued to leak so
much and that we were so unprovided and without resource, they
enquired what determination we had taken, and all the people
being very wretched and discouraged, we replied that we knew

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 73

nothing of their ship. With this answer the boat returned
whence it came. We grew more and more disconsolate, for we
suffered from the most notable storms and cold ever experienced
by men. It snowed very often, so that many slaves died of the
cold, and we felt their loss greatly for working the pumps and
throwing things overboard, in which we were all employed
unceasingly with great difficulty, because the storms and the
rolling of the ship prevented us from lighting the fires, thus
greatly increasing the hardships we endured. Being in this
state, we made a jury-mast of the mizzen-mast and put it in the
prow, with the spanker boom for a bowsprit, and so went wherever
the wind carried us. Frequently the wind was favourable for
reaching the shore and the ship went out to sea, for as she had
no rudder nor means of steering, she drifted at the mercy of the
gale. All this occurred in latitude 42°, the aforesaid ship follow-
ing us constantly. One night as we were going seaward with her
in a great storm and dense darkness, we struck our jury-mast
and prayed to our Lady of the Conception to allow the ship to
go landward that we might be separated from the one which
followed us. And so it fell out, for at daybreak we were going
landward, and so continued for many days. The Dutch ships, as
we now know, went in quest of us as far as latitude 46° ; irom
this may be told in what state they arrived at Socotra.

It seemed to us, as I have said, that we were better off
separated from the ships, on account of the continual storms and
the leaks which opened again, the men being worn out with
hardships, for besides those I have stated, they set about making
a rudder, which was done on deck. This was prompted to the
captain by the carpenter, who said that in this latitude and in
such weather it was necessary to put one on, although vessels
very often went without them in bays and rivers during slight
disturbances in the weather. Captain Pedro de Moraes, who,
though brave, had not much experience, would not take the
advice of the ship's officers nor that of the most qualified persons
on board, but followed that of an obstinate clown, refusing to
make use of large oars, the usual resource of a ship without a
rudder. And after all the rudder could never be fixed, though it
was bound to the stern for fifteen days awaiting a lull in the
weather to place it in position ; and the ropes with which it was
bound breaking, we lost it one night, which we considered a

74 Records of South-Eastet n Africa.

mercy from God, for it was damaging the ship by perpetually
bumping against her.

While this was being done we expected to go to the bottom
every moment, and had now no other hope than the salvation of
our souls. The religious who were in the ship exhorted the
others to do penance for their sins, making processions nearly
every day, and performing the discipline in which great and
small took part without exception, all assisting with many tears.
We held in all this misery that it was by the will of God that
the enemy's ships had been separated from us, for we considered
it a thing unheard of that a vessel without a rudder or sails
should have come so far in such stormy regions and reached a
port. In which a miracle of the Yirgin was manifestly displayed,
as related above.

After the loss of the rudder two sweeps were made, very well
contrived from the pieces of the mast and bowsprit left in the
ship. It may be affirmed that no human resource was left
untried, for as the life of every one was at stake the labour was
general. When the sweeps were finished, as there were no jury
inasts or wood to form them of, the ship was still unable to make
progress, and lay helpless at the mercy of the waves, for the
enemy had destroyed the greater part of the castles, leaving the
nails and wood splintered and jagged, so that in the rolling of
the ship people were thrown against them and hurt, and there-
fore they cleared all away.

In this confusion and extremity, on the 29th of September we
found ourselves at daybreak two leagues from land, in latitude
33^° ; and such was the joy of all on board that it might have
been Lisbon harbour, no one thinking of the length of the road
we were still to travel and the hardships which awaited us in the
future. In the combat there fell on board no men of note
excepting Joao d'Andrade Caminha and Joao de Lucena. Lopo
de Sousa — may he be with God in heaven — and Captain
Vidanha were stationed on deck, where they fought valiantly.
Lopo de Sousa lost three toes of his left foot, and the foot was
completely crushed ; he received a wound in the hip, another in
the stomach, another in the face, and two in the head. Captain
Vidanha had two wounds, one in the head and another in the
stomach. Thome Coelho d' Almeida was stationed in the fore-
castle, and Kodrigo Affonso de Mello aft on the poop. I was in

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 75

the steerage, which the enemy attacked most frequently, for
every shot after the destruction of the bowsprit was aimed at the
rudder under the gallery. I do not dwell here upon the manner
in which we bore ourselves during this long fight, nor upon the
damage suffered by the Dutch, because I hope that they will
themselves make it known.

We could not reach the shore that day, much as we desired it,
in order to cast anchor and land ; but the next morning, which
was the feast of St. Jerome, we found ourselves at daybreak
lower down the coast and nearer the shore ; and as the ship was
unmanageable we feared she would drift out to sea. It appeared
to us to be a sandy shore and good landing place, which we
afterwards found to be a mistake, so we anchored in seven
fathoms with two anchors. The captain then sent Kodrigo
Affonso de Mello with fifteen arquebusiers to reconnoitre the
shore and choose a good site from which to protect the landing.
He acquitted himself with the zeal which he showed in all
things, and he sent us some fresh water and fragrant herbs,
which gave us great delight. As no incident of note occurred
at this time, I will relate the following.

On board the ship was a man named Manuel Domingues, who
was boatswain, and the captain gave him the post of master upon
the death of that officer. This man became so proud, unruly,
and insolent, that there were very few persons with whom he had
not some quarrel. As the majority of the seamen were on his
side, he became so bold that he went to the captain and said to
him : " Sir, to-morrow morning you must get into the boat with
thirty men whom I have chosen for the purpose ; we must take
all the jewels, and land three leagues from this place, where the
chart shows a sandy shore ; we have to traverse this land of
Kaffraria as far as Cape Correntes, and travelling thus freely,
thirty persons with only our arms, we may reach the aforesaid
place, but to attempt the journey with a camp of women and
children over such rough ground and for such a distance would
be labour lost." Pedro de Moraes replied that he would not be
guilty of such a deed, fearing the punishment of God, for what
account could he render to God and men if he committed such
an act of cruelty ; and he bade him not to speak so boldly. The
man replied that he would place him forcibly in the boat,
whether he were willing or not. The captain, seeing the wicked

76 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

design of the man and all the trouble, sorrow, and loss which
would be caused by his evil counsel, determined to kill him, and
accordingly stabbed him to death the second day after the ship
had anchored, although he was then behaving more cautiously.
This death caused sorrow to few and rejoicing to many.

After this we landed the necessary provisions and arms,
though with great difficulty, for it was a wild coast, and every
time the boat approached it it was necessary to cast out a
grapnel from the stern and go ashore holding on to the line in
order to keep before the waves, so much so that once when they
disregarded this plan eighteen persons were drowned in landing
one boat load. This was the reason why we did not aftervrards
attempt to build some sort of vessel, for this coast is so stormy
that we feared when it was made we would not be able to
launch it.

On the 3rd of October as we were completing the landing of
the things required for the journey by land and building huts to
shelter us from the excessive cold of those regions during the
time we remained there, those who kept watch raised an alarm
that negroes were approaching. We took up arms, but as they
approached us they gave the assagais which they carried to their
children until they were quite close to us, and squatted down,
clapping their hands and whistling softly, so that altogether it
made a harmonious sound, and many women who were with them
began to dance. These negroes are whiter than mulattoes ;
they are stoutly built men, and disfigure themselves with daubs
of red ochre, crushed cinders, and ashes, with which they
generally paint their faces, although they are really good looking.
On this occasion they brought as a present an ox, very big and
fine, and a leather bag of milk which the king gave to Kodrigo
Affonso de Mello, who was serving as captain at the time, Pedro
de Moraes being still on board the ship. The courtesy which
this king did the aforesaid captain was to pass his beard through
his hands many times. When in return for his present we had
given the king some pieces of iron hoops and of cotton cloth, he
went to the ox and ordered it to be cut open alive at the navel,
and he with most of those who were with him plunged their
hands into the entrails of the ox while it was still alive and
bellowing, and anointed themselves with its dung. We under,
stood that they performed these ceremonies as a sign of friendship

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 77

and good faith. After this they cut the ox into quarters and
gave it to us, keeping for themselves the hide and entrails, which
they placed on embers and ate on the spot.

During the month and six days that we remained in that place
we could never understand a word these people said, for their
speech is not like that of man, and when they want to say any-
thing they make clicks with their mouths at the beginning,
middle, and end, so that it may be said of these people that the
earth is not all one, nor all mankind alike.

When we had entrenched ourselves on land we made a church
covered with canvas and hung inside with Chinese cloth
ornamented with gold and many other rich stuffs. Here three
masses were said every day, and we all went to confession and
communion. When the seamen declared that it was impossible
to build a vessel, Captain Pedro de Moraes ordered the ship to be
burnt, that the Kaffirs injght not take the nails and make the
rate of barter high for us ; and that all the jewels in the ship
should be placed as they were in a leather bag in which they
were to be carried sealed by the men to whom they were
entrusted, all this with authentic documents declaring that as
the labour of defending them fell upon all, it seemed but just
that whatever reward and profit was derived from them should
also be shared by all, each according to his rank and conduct.

During this time we traded for cows, which we ate, though
there were not as many as we required. We kept those which
seemed fit for work in an enclosure of stakes, accustoming them
to carry pack-saddles, which were very well made out of carpets,
for there was no lack of workmen in the company who knew how
to construct them. I, having reached the land suffering from
gout and scurvy, seeing the long way we had to travel,
endeavoured to make excursions during this time, and taking
the best of our seven guns went out hunting, sometimes in the
direction of the Cape of Good Hope and sometimes in that of
Cape Correntes; and being the son of a hunter and reared to
the chase this was a pleasure to me and did me good, so that at
the end of the month and six days which we remained there I
was so strong and healthy that I may say there was no one in the
camp in better condition than myself.

On the 6th of November we set out from that place in latitude
33° in a properly formed caravan, consisting of two hundred and

78 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

seventy-nine persons divided into four bodies, the captains of
which were Kodrigo Affonso de Mello, Thome Coelho d'Almeida,
Antonio Godinho, and Sebastiao de Moraes. The company of
Affonso de Mello and that of Sebastiao de Moraes marched in
front, that of Captain Pedro de Moraes was in the middle with
the baggage and women, and Thome Coelho and Antonio
Godinho brought up the rear. We had with us seventeen oxen
laden with provisions and articles necessary for barter, and four
litters in which were Lopo de Sousa, Beatriz Alvares, wife of
Luis da Fonseca, Dona Ursula, who was the wife of Domingos
Cardoso de Mello, and the mother of Dona Ursula. This day
was very rainy, and as things were not yet very well arranged
we walked for about a league and halted upon the banks of a
river of fresh water, where we passed a very bad night on account
of the incessant rain. This country is crossed in every direction
by rivers of very good water, and is also provided with wood, but
there is a lack of fruit and provisions, though it seems as if the
soil would yield abundant crops of any seed sown in it. The
inhabitants live solely upon shell-fish, certain roots found in the
earth, and the produce of the chase. They have no knowledge
of any seed or other kind of provisions. They are healthy and
courageous, and perform notable feats of strength and agility,
for they will pursue a bull and hold it fast, though these animals
are of the most monstrous size imaginable.

The next day, which was the 7th of November, we continued
our journey close to the shore. When we had gone about three
leagues we pitched our camp in the afternoon on the bank of a
river, and placed our tents in a circle, within which we put the
cows at night, posting sentinels and making rounds with great
care and vigilance. But this did not prevent the Kaffirs from
stealing all our cattle, though not without damage to themselves,
for these Kaffirs are great hunters and always have their dogs
with them, and the cows are reared with the dogs that guard
them from lions and tigers, which are found on this coast, and at
their approach the dogs rouse the cattle by their barking; and
thus they are always together and mingle with each other, and
though brute beasts know and make much of each other. As
the cows were driven from the country where they were bred
they lowed continually, as if with longing. During the third
watch the Kaffirs came and let loose the dogs among them with

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 79

loud whistling and shouts, and the cows, hearing them, jumped
through the tents and fled with the dogs behind them. We
followed, fighting with the Kaffirs, and we killed the son of their
king and many of his company, and they wounded three of our
men.

This was a very sad day for us when they carried off our
cattle that were laden with all our provisions, and were them-
selves destined for the same purpose. We had with us a Kaffir
who came to us at the place where we landed, a native of the
islands of Angosha, whom only our Kaffirs could understand. He
was a prisoner, because he had promised to guide us and did not
do so, and so we were obliged to hold him captive. He told us
that within twenty days as the Kaffirs travel, which would be
two months at our speed, we would come to cows ; but until then
the country was a desert, as we afterwards found, and it extended
even farther than he said. We continued our journey in order,
each one subsisting every day upon what he could carry on his
shoulders besides his arms and articles for barter, which were
divided among all, so that every one was heavily burdened.
The dews were so heavy that we were generally wet till noon,
when the sun dispersed them ; but this was a light hardship
compared with the rains which generally afflicted us, and other
greater miseries and extremities which we afterwards suffered
and in which many lost their lives.

About the 21st of this month on descending a very high
mountain we reached a river which we crossed in the space of
two days. This was the first river that we crossed on rafts, and
we called it the Musk river, because the captain ordered all the
musk we had to be thrown into it, in order to lighten the burden
of those who carried it. After two days' journey over very high
stony mountains, we reached a shore of loose stones and a river
which we crossed on a raft that we made. On the opposite bank
we came upon some Kaffir hunters, who sold us a little hippo-
potamus meat, which was a great relief to us. We called this
stream the Shrimp river, because they sold us many there.
Thence we journeyed over a mountain until we returned to
the shore of loose stones, along which we travelled with great
difficulty.

Here a most pitiful incident occurred, which time showed us
to be a great cruelty. There was a young white girl in the

80 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

company, daughter of an old Portuguese who died in the ship ;
he was a rich man, and was taking his daughter to Portugal to
become a nun. She was carried in a litter, but those who bore
it for a sum of two thousand cruzados grew too weak, and as she
had no one but her brother, a young boy, to impress upon the
captain the cruelty of leaving a young and beautiful girl in the
desert to the lions and tigers, such compassion was not shown
as the case demanded, although the captain made some efforts,
taking up the litter himself, in which he was imitated by all the
nobles in the company, to see if their example would move any
of the others to do so, promising them a much larger sum than
had previously been offered. But, in spite of all, no one could be
found to do it, nor were we really able, on account of the hunger
we then endured. She travelled the next day on foot supported
by two men, but being extremely weak she could only walk very
slowly. So we brought her along until she could not go a step
farther, and began to weep and bewail herself that she was so
unfortunate that for her sins, among so many people, where four
litters were carried, there was no one to bear hers for any money,
though it was the lightest in the company, she being so thin and
small, and uttered many other pitiful words with great sorrow.
Then she asked for confession, and afterwards exclaimed aloud
so that she might be heard : " Father Bernardo, I am greatly
consoled, for it cannot be but that God will have mercy on my
soul, as since He is pleased that I should suffer such misery and
hardships at so tender an age, allowing me to be abandoned in a
desert to the lions and tigers with none to take compassion upon
me, He will surely permit that all shall be for my salvation."
Saying these words she threw herself upon the ground and
covered herself with a mantle of black taffeta which she wore,
and every now and then as the people passed by she uncovered
her head and said : " Ah ! cruel Portuguese, who have no com-
passion upon a young girl, a Portuguese like yourselves, and
leave her to be the prey of animals; our Lord bring you to
your homes." I remained behind all the others, consoling her
brother, who was with her, and begging him to go forward,
which he refused to do, sending word to the captain that he
would stay with his sister. The captain bade me not by any
means to allow it, but to bring him with me, which I did, con-
soling him ; but his grief was such that a few days afterwards he

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 81

was also left behind. See, Sir, if this be not a grievous incident.
For my part I can say that these and other similar spectacles
caused me more sorrow than the hunger and hardships which I
endured.

Journeying thus for three days, we came to a river which
discharged itself on a sandy shore, where we found some shell-
fish, at which we rejoiced greatly because of the extreme hunger
we were enduring. We remained here one afternoon for the
tide to finish ebbing that we might cross, but the delay was
greater than we expected, and the people being so famished ate
certain beans that tliey found upon the banks of the river, which
brought us all to the point of death, and had it not been for the
quantity of bezoar stone which we had with us, not one would
have escaped. And yet every hour famine brought us into the
same danger, driving us to eat all kinds of herbs and fruit which
we found, and knowledge of the danger could not suffice to
prevent us from eating them.

In the midst of this extremity we derived great benefit from
the quantity of wild fig-trees which we found in that country,
upon the stalks of which and a quantity of nettles we lived for
many days. We remained by this river for two days, waiting to
recover from our accident. When we set out again we were
followed by a few Kaffirs who had stolen two large kettles from
us, and as we did not punish them as their insolence deserved,
they made such small account of us that they hurled their
wooden assagais among us. But they instantly paid for their
daring, for the ship's carpenter, who was the nearest, fired his
gun at one of thorn, the bullet breaking his arms and entering
his breast. The Kaffirs, seeing the harm done them by a single
one of our weapons, took to flight, and we proceeded on our way.

We were now reduced to such straits by famine that we were
obliged to eat the refuse cast up by the sea, as star-fish and jelly-
fish. Our necessity was so great that he who had any food
would not part with it, though he saw a friend or relation
perishing with hunger. In all these extremities, praise be to
God, I came off better than many, for I carried the best and
surest gun in the company, and thus I never lacked game more
or less, though I had great trouble in seeking and finding it,
the country being very bare of birds and beasts, so that I never
had an opportunity to kill a large animal. I divided whatever

VIII. G

82 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

I shot with those I thought proper, and concealed the rest so
that only the sailors knew of it. This was necessary, because of
the hatred, illwill, and perils which otherwise might have arisen.

We continued on our way for several days until we reached
a river in which there were many crabs, and which the heavy
rains prevented us from crossing. The next day in the morning
a notable incident occurred, which was as follows. In the
country which lay behind us, the captain Pedro de Moraes was
told that Sebastiao de Moraes, captain of one of the divisions
and calling himself his kinsman, was endeavouring to persuade
those of his company, who were mostly inexperienced youths, to
go forward with him, take the jewels from us, and separate, upon
pretext of travelling with more speed. Acting upon this, Pedro
de Moraes very secretly opened the bag and took from it the
eight packets of rough diamonds which it contained, placed
them in a wallet which he entrusted to Vicente Esteves, the
ship's carpenter, in whom he had great confidence, and filled
the bag with stones of about the same weight as those he had
removed. This was done with such secrecy that very few knew
of it. While we were on the bank of this river, where we
remained because we were all nearly famished, it happened that
the carpenter's negroes saw an extra wallet in his tent, which
their master would trust to no one. Thinking it must contain
rice, they joined with the captain's negroes and resolved to open
it in the night, which they did, taking out one of the packets
that they mistook for a measure of rice, which is iisually carried
in little packets containing a measure apiece. They carried the
packet into the woods to open it, and finding that it contained
precious stones, feared they would be hanged for their theft, and
fled with it.

In the morning the carpenter, seeing the wallet rifled, rushed
to the captain, crying out that the jewels were stolen. These
stones being our only hope, we took up arms and hurried to the
tent of Captain Sebastiao de Moraes, where we found the bag full
and fastened with the same locks as before, so that we thought
the whole thing was a hoax. Captain Pedro de Moraes in great
vexation told us the aforesaid story, and that the bag contained
no jewels, and showing the place where they had been we
perceived the theft. Attaching full belief to the carpenter's
story, without verifying it further, the captain ordered Sebastiao

Records of SoutJt- Eastern Africa. 83

de ^loraes to be seized and his hands to be bound behind him,
together with four men of his company, one of whom in his
blind passion he put to cruel torture, though these poor men
were quite innocent of the theft. The man who was put to this
rigorous torture was named Joao Carvalho. The poor wretch
called upon the Virgin Mary of the Conception to assist him,
and she permitted that the true thieves should be discovered at
that time; and if the discovery had been delayed the captain
would have had them hanged. The innocence of these four
men being now evident, the captain released them, keeping
their captain Sebastiao de Moraes still a prisoner.

Then the captain summoned the chief men of the company,
who were, Rodrigo Alfonso de Mello, Captain Gregorio de
Vidanha, Thome Coelho d' Almeida, Vicente Lobo de Sequeira,
Antonio Godinho, and myself. To each of us privately he
showed a charge which he had prepared against Sebastiao de
Moraes, in which he was called a restless rebel, the head of a
faction, a mutineer, and that it was feared he would be our
destruction by making a division with those of his company, and
would go off with them after robbing us, leaving the camp
weaker for want of these fighting men, who were the best we
had, with other incriminating charges of this kind. He told us
that the peace of the camp demanded that this man should be
put to death, for his life might be the source of great trouble
which his death would prevent. Then he called upon us to
vote on the subject, and all voted as their judgment prompted.
When it came to my turn I said that I was no chief judge to
sentence a man to death, and if he wished to order his execution
he must bring another calumny against him. He answered me
in these words : " Would you dare say this if I had injured
him ? " I was silent, and he went to the hut of Lopo de Sousa
to inform him of the matter. After drawing up certain deeds
he ordered the accused to be beheaded. No sufficient cause for
his death being known, it did not fail to be a source of wonder,
and was looked upon as a great piece of cruelty, especially at
such a time when we had need of all our comrades, and this man
being young and of a good disposition.

We continued our journey through these deserts, climbing
and descending very rugged mountains, and crossing many
rivers which were full of seacows and other strange animals.

G 2

84 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

Here we killed the aforesaid Kaffir whom we had found at the
place where we disembarked, and who said that he came from
Angosha. In return for what we gave him he had promised to
accompany us and show us the way, and as he tried many times
to escape from us we held him prisoner. Fearing that he would
tell the Kaffirs of our weak points and that our guns were useless
through the rain, which he was perpetually inquiring about from
our negroes, and he frequently saw us try to fire them without
success because they were wet, besides which he would some-
times tell us one thing and then the contrary, and for all these
reasons we resolved to put him to death.

We continued our journey until about the 15th of December,
and reached a river, being all half-dead with hunger, so that the
sailors and ship's boys in the camp sold a measure of rice for a
hundred and fifty pardaos, the price rising to a hundred and
eighty, some persons spending more than four thousand pardaos
on this, among whom were Dona Ursula, for her own subsistence
and that of her children, and Beatriz Alvares. We were very
sad, because we were losing many of our company, but none
through sickness, the country being very healthy. Here a thing
befell me which I have sufficient confidence to relate, and also
because it was well known to all. Before we came down to the
river, at the top of the mountain the captain bade me go forward
with fifteen arquebusiers about a league to see if we could
discover a kraal, for we had now reached the place where the
Kaffir had told us we would find cows. Having advanced about
half a league along a winding made by the river through a plain,
I saw a kraal of fifteen straw huts, and in order not to alarm the
Kaffirs I ordered six men to advance and see if there was any
kind of provision which they would sell us. But they excused
themselves, saying that there appeared to be many people in the
kraal and we were too far off to succour them. At this I was
very angry, and after arguing with them I chose the four best
arquebusiers, who were Joao Eibeiro, Cypriano Dias, Francisco
Luis, and the ship's steward, with whom I descended the moun-
tain and crossed a valley which lay between us and the negroes'
kraal, in which there was a river then at high tide, and we
crossed it with the water to our necks.

Having reached the entrance of their enclosure, we requested
them to sell us something to eat, speaking to them by signs, and

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 85

putting our hands to our mouths, for by inadvertence or forget-
fulness we had no interpreter with us to explain the object of our
coming, and we had not asked the captain for one because these
Kaffirs could understand those we had brought with us from
India. The negroes were amazed at seeing us white and clothed,
and the women and children shouted to those of the other kraal
which was in the thicket. Their husbands who were with them
followed us closely, throwing their assagais at us. Seeing the
harm which they might do us I ordered Joao Eibeiro to fire his
arquebus at them, which he immediately did, but it hung fire,
and the Kaffirs grew more enraged, thinking that the striking of
a light was witchcraft. Seeing the danger we were in, I pointed
the gun in their faces and killed three at one shot, for I always
fire with one ball and three pellets. These deaths caused great
amazement, and the others paused in the fury with which they
were advancing.

I loaded the gun again, and we proceeded very slowly. When
we reached the bank of the river aforesaid we found it almost
dry, and a fishgarth with two deep trenches full of fish, which we
opened. Then our comrades, who had heard the report of the
gun, came down, and we loaded ourselves with this fish, which
was a great relief at that time. We were anxious on account of
what had occurred, for the captain had enjoined us to be patient
and not to fall out with the Kaffirs, because he thought it would
lead to a general rising and warfare throughout the whole of
Kaflfraria, which would end in our destruction. But the contrary
proved to be the case, for thenceforward, and afterwards when we
were obliged to kill some of them in different parts, they came
from the same kraals to ask us to give something for the wife or
child of him who was killed.

On our return to the captain we made him a fine present of
fish, at which he rejoiced greatly, and when he was well satisfied
with the sight of a thing so much desired on account of the great
hunger, we related what had happened. He was much grieved,
and I made no doubt but that some evil would befall me through
this, and that it would cost me dear, because all disorders were
very rigorously chastised. That same day, as the captain was
going down to the river he saw a Kaffir, who on being spoken to
said that farther on there were cows and some grain. Then the
captain asked Kodrigo Aftouso de Mello to go with twenty men

86 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

and see what was to be found. The negro went with them, but
afterwards told them to return, because it was getting late, and
he would come the next day and conduct them to the place he
had spoken of. Kodrigo Affonso followed his advice, and making
his way towards the kraal where we had killed the three negroes
he found them still unburied, and the negroes pointed them out
with great fear and dread, at which Rodrigo Affonso was sur-
prised, for he had not heard of what had taken place. They told
him that the dead were to blame, because they had commenced
hostilities, and so they had reported to their king ; and they
gave him some of their produce, which was calabashes and
green water-melons. Kodrigo Affonso gave them two little
pieces of copper, which is the best article for barter in these
parts, after which he returned.

The next day the same Kaffir came again, and Rodrigo Affonso
went with him, and they travelled a day and a night ; and on
the way he met in a valley the son of the king of whom the
Kaffirs had spoken, with a hundred men all well armed with
iron assagais. He was on his way to visit our captain, and had
with him the most splendid ox we had ever seen, without horns,
and he made the captain a present of it. The next day they
brought four cows, which they sold to us, saying that if we would
remain there eight days they would bring us as many as we
wished, but if we would not they said we should wait until the
next day, and they would bring us twenty cows for sale. We
did so, but they never came.

The men were growing weak, especially those who carried the
litters, and the provisions were finished, and now we were rested,
therefore, as we gathered from what the Kaffir said that the
country was well provided, we resolved to go on. Next day we
went and slept near a swamp which had no frogs in it, at which
we were much grieved. The famine which we now suffered was
intolerable, and all the dogs in the camp that could be killed
were eaten. They make very good food — not speaking of times
of famine — for often when I had cow's flesh and there was a fat
dog to be had I chose the latter and left the beef, and so did
many others. The men who carried the litters now refused to
do so any longer, being unable, and when the captain tried to
force some of them to do so, a sailor named Rezao fled to the
Kaffirs in that place.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 87

After journeying a few days we came to a river, and on the
side in the direction of the Cape, upon a height, there was a
kraal of fishermen, and we pitched our camp upon the other
bank. They brought us for sale a kind of dough made of a seed
finer than mustard which grows on a herb that sticks to every-
thing. It tasted very good to those who were able to get any of
it. Here all the men who carried the litters assembled in a body,
saying that if no one in the camp could take a step for want of
food and all were half-dead, what could be expected of them who
carried the litters upon their shoulders ? that they might be
ordered to be put to death, but they could carry them no farther,
though they were offered all the treasures in the world ; and it
seemed to them that they had done enough in carrying the
litters for more than a month and a half up and down mountains,
and they were ready to forego all that had been promised them
for their past labour. All this they urged with a loud outcry
and tears. Then the religious intervened, saying to the captain
that he had no right to force any one to undertake mortal
labour, that one man had already fled to the Kaffirs, and all these
poor men looked the picture of death. The captain then
assembled all the people, and in a loud voice ordered a procla-
mation to be made that he would give eight thousand cruzados
to any four men who would carry Lopo de Sousa on their
shoulders, and the same for any of the women who were in the
litters, and he would immediately pay the money into their
hands, each according to his share. But no one came forward in
answer to this proclamation.

In this place, for my sins, I witnessed the cruellest incidents
and the most grievous sights which ever occurred or can be
imagined. The women who were in the litters were asked if
they could accompany us on foot, for anything else was impos-
sible, and for their sakes we had come very slowly and were very
backward in our journey, and many of our company had died of
hunger, and there was no one willing to carry them for any
money. Upon the advice of a religious, who was a theologian,
it was decided not to wait for any one who could not walk, for
our numbers were decreasing. Therefore those who had strength
to walk were given until the next day to decide, and those who
were to remain would be left with many others in the camp who
were weak and ill in the kraal of fishermen opposite to us.

88 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

Imagine what such a decision was to Beatriz Alvares, who had
with her four children, three of tender age, to Dona Ursula, who
had three little children, the eldest eleven years old, and her old
mother, who would necessarily be left behind, her husband,
Dona Ursula's father, being already dead, to say nothing of
Lopo de Sousa, that honourable and valiant nobleman, who had
fought as such on board the ship, from which his wounds were
still open, and he suffered from diarrhoea. This to me was the
greatest grief and sorrow of all, for we were brought up together
in Lisbon and served in India at the same time.

All that night was spent in tears, lamentations, and taking
leave of those who were to be left behind. It was the most
pitiful sight ever witnessed, and whenever I think of it I cannot
restrain my tears. The next day it was known that Beatriz
Alvares would remain with two of her three boys and a girl two
years old, a lovely little creature. We took her youngest son
with us, though against her will, that a whole generation might
not be left to perish there. There remained also Maria Colaca,
mother of Dona Ursula, Lopo de Sousa, and three or four
persons who were very weak and could not accompany us. They
all confessed themselves with great sorrow and tears, so that it
seemed a cruel thing that we could not remain with them rather
than suffer such a parting.

On one side we saw Beatriz Alvares, a delicate and gently
nurtured lady, with a little girl of two years on the breast of a
Kaffir woman who remained with her and would not consent to
abandon her, a little son five years old, and another of seventeen.
The latter showed the utmost courage and love, behaving in the
noblest manner possible in such a situation, for his mother told
him many times that she was half-dead, her old disease of the
liver having made great progress, so that she had not many days
to live, even if she had been surrounded with every comfort, that
his father had gone in one of those ships which had fought
against us and was probably dead, and that he was young and
ought to go with us. All the religious likewise surrounded and
reasoned with him, saying that he risked not only his body but
also his soul by remaining in a land of infidels, where he might
be perverted by their evil customs and ceremonies. To these he
replied with great courage that God would have mercy on his
soul, that he had always looked upon them as his friends but

Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 89

now thought differently, for what excuse could he give to men if
he left his mother in the hands of barbarous Kaffirs ?

On the other side was Dona Ursula bidding farewell to her
mother who was to remain, and the sorrowful words can be
imagined which they spoke to each other, and the grief which it
caused us. All took leave of Lopo de Sousa, and lie, seeing that
I had not done so, ordered his litter ,to be carried to the tent
where I was, and he spoke these words aloud to me with great
spirit: "How now, Senhor Francisco Vaz d'Almada. are you not
that friend who was brought up with me at school, and were we
not always together in India ? have you nothing to say to me
now ? " Think what my feelings must have been on seeing a
nobleman whose faithful servant I was in such a state. I rose up
and embraced him, saying : " I confess my weakness, your
Worship, I had no courage to see one whom I love so much in
such straits," and I begged him to pardon me if I had offended
him in this. He, whose eyes had hitherto been dry, could not
restrain his tears at this, and he bade those who carried him go
forward, and when I would have gone with him to the Kaffir
kraal where he was to remain he would not suffer it, and covering
his face with his hands he said : " Rest in peace, my friend, and
remember my soul when God shall bring you to a land where
that is possible." I confess that this was the greatest sorrow
that I had hitherto endured.

The captain gave him articles of barter, such as many pieces
of copper and tin, which are more valuable than anything else in
these parts, and two cauldrons. Two men, named Gaspar Fixa
and Pedro de Duenhas, secretly remained behind here.

We set out full of sorrow, making our way over high moun-
tains ; and that night we camped on the bank of a river where
we found some little crabs, which were no small blessing to us.
The next day we went upon our road, and pitched our camp at
night by a fresh river, along which there were three or four
kraals, to which we sent a Kaffir interpreter to learn whether
they had any cows or any one who could tell us of any. In the
meanwhile we went famishing to a stony point formed by the
shore, to look for shell-fish and to cut wild fig-trees for food. At
night we returned to the tents which we had left pitched, well
pleased, for we had cut many fig-trees to eat ; and here we heard
that the interpreter had returned, bringing two negroes with

90 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

him, who asked for two men and a piece of copper, and they
would take them to a place where there were cows, and if they
carried copper they would bring cows in the morning.

The captain joyfully agreed, and sent Fructuoso d'Andrade
and Gaspar Dias, who took with them what the Kaffirs advised,
and we were greatly rejoiced, expecting they would bring back
very good tidings, upon which the lives of all depended. It
pleased God that the next day at ten o'clock we should see these
men returning joyfully, bringing a cow and information that they
had seen many kraals and cows at all of them. Then the cow
was ordered to be killed and divided, and it was eaten roasted.
It was our habit not to reject anything but the large dung, and
the smaller, with, the hoot's, marrow of the horns, and hide, were
all eaten. Let not this amaze you, for such food was welcome to
those who ate all the whites arid negroes that died.

Then we went in search of the kraals, taking as guides the
Kaffirs who had come with the two Portuguese that had brought
the cow. We could not reach them that day, though we
travelled far, and therefore we slept that night in a valley in
which the dry grass was higher than a lance. The next day we
rose early in the morning, and journeyed up a hill through a
pleasant country. Meeting several negroes, we inquired of them
concerning the kraals, and they replied that if we walked fast we
would reach them when the sun was in the meridian. Being
eager and in want, though weak, we kept on climbing, and in
the afternoon we reached the top of a mountain from which we
had the most beautiful view our eyes could desire, for many
valleys lay before us intersected by rivers and smaller mountains,
in which were an infinite number of kraals with herds of cattle
and gardens. At this sight we descended the mountain very
joyfully, and the negroes came out bringing vessels full of milk
and cows for sale. We would not buy the cows then, but told
them we would cross a river which was seen from the summit
and pitch our camp upon a small mountain, and there we would
remain three or four days ; and therefore we bade them consult
among themselves, and all those who had any provisions which
they wished to sell for that money, which was pieces of copper
and tin, should come and speak to us.

Crossing the river, we arrived at sunset at the appointed place,
and set up our tents in order. Then the captain sent Antonio

[Records of South-Eastern Africa. 91

Borges, whose duty it was to buy all the provisions, with four
men with guns, to station himself at a distance from the camp,
in order to prevent the negroes from mixing with us, and this we
al \\ays did throughout the whole of this journey. That it may
be seen \\hat good order prevailed among us, I will say that we
carried all the articles of barter and things to be exchanged for
provisions divided amongst us, those who had less weight of arras
carrying the most, and thus no one was exempt from this labour.
Everything, however small, was entered in a book as received,
and was expended by Antonio Borges as factor and purchaser,
which was his office ; and if any other attempted to buy anything
he was severely punished, although the purchase was made with
something which had been concealed. This was done to prevent
the fluctuations of price which are caused by many buyers. This
man gave the captain an account like a secretary of everything
he spent, and this was done during the life of the captain, and
after I succeeded him, until the end, as will be related hereafter.

That day we bought four head of cattle, with which there was
a large bull that the captain asked me to kill with my gun,
because a great number of negroes were assembled, and he wished
to shew them the strength and power of the arms we carried.
The bull was feeding among the cows, and in order to surprise
the negroes more I told them to stand aside that the weapon
might not harm them. They took little notice of this, and
remained where they were. I approached to within thirty paces
of the bull, and shouted so that he raised his head, which was
bent down in grazing ; and 1 put a bullet into his forehead, so
that he immediately fell dead. The Kaffirs, seeing the effect of
the gun, took to flight. The captain sent to call them back, and
they returned very timidly, their fear being greatly increased
when they saw the bull dead and put their fingers into the
bullet hole in his head.

All the four head of cattle were killed that day, and equally
divided among the people, as was always done, by men appointed
for that purpose. The next day we bought ten or twelve more,
and four others were killed, the share of each person amounting
to three pounds, not including the hide and entrails, for every-
thing was divided. The captain wished the people to enjoy this
plenty, to see if they would recover their health and strength,
and he had four head of cattle killed every day while we

92 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

remained in that place. But the result was that it caused us all
to suffer from diarrhoea, because we ate the meat half raw, and so
we were but little better off than before. It truly horrified us to
see that we died from want of food, and that plenty likewise
killed us. The negroes also brought us for sale quantities of
milk and certain fruit of the colour and taste of cherries, but
longer.

In this place we bought more cattle than at any other during
the remainder of the journey, for besides the thirteen which were
killed while we remained there, which was five days, we took the
same number with us at the end of that time. We travelled
along a high and very long mountain range, where the negroes
brought us for sale many calabashes of milk, and the aforesaid
fruit, and we camped on the top of a mountain which was
surrounded by kraals with abundance of cattle and gardens, with
a river at the foot. Negroes coming the next day with cattle for
sale, we bought ten or eleven head. Here the captain ordered a
negress to be hanged for stealing a small piece of meat which
did not weigh half a pound : too cruel a punishment.

The next day we climbed to the top of that mountain, which
was very high, in quest of a kraal in which dwelt the king of
the whole of that district. We reached it in the afternoon, and
it was the largest we had yet seen. The king, who was blind,
came to visit the captain, and brought him as a present a little
millet in a gourd. Though old, he was in good health. It is
worthy of note that though they are barbarians without any
knowledge of the truth, they are so grave and so respected by
their subjects that it is impossible to exaggerate it. They
govern and punish them in such a way that they keep them
quiet and obedient. They have their laws, and punish adultery
strictly in the following manner: if a woman is guilty of
adultery towards her husband, and he can prove it by witnesses,
she is ordered to be put to death with the adulterer if he is
captured, whose wives the aggrieved husband marries.

When any one wishes to marry, the king makes the match, so
that no marriage can take place unless he names the bride. It
is their custom when their sons are ten years old to turn them
into the woods; they clothe themselves from the waist down-
wards with the leaves of a tree like the palm, and rub them-
selves with ashes till they look as if they were painted. They

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa. 93

all assemble in a body, but do not come to the kraal, their
mothers taking them food. Their duty is to dance at weddings
and feasts which it is the custom to hold, and they are paid with
cattle, calves, and goats, where there are any. When one in this
way has got together three or four head of cattle and has reached
the age of eighteen and upwards, his father or mother goes to
the king and tells him that they have a son of a fitting age who
by his own exertions has gained so many head of cattle, and the
said father or mother is willing to help him by giving him
something further, and they request the king to give him a
wife. He says to them : "Go to such a place and tell so and so
to bring his daughter here," and when they come he arranges the
payment which the husband is obliged to make to his father-in-
law, and in making these contracts something always falls to
the share of the king. This is the custom as far as Unyaca
3Ianganheira, which is the river of Lourenpo Marques.

After the captain had been visited by this king, as he was
greater than any we had yet seen, he resolved to give him an
important present, which was a small tin candle-stick with a nail
tied to the bottom so that it made a noise like a bell. It was
well cleaned and tied to a twisted cord, and the captain hung it
round his neck. The king showed great delight, and his people
were astonished at such an excellent thing. The next day we
continued our journey till we arrived near a river which was the
largest we had yet seen, above which we slept ; and the following
day we travelled along very high mountains which were near
the said river, with the intention of seeing if we could find a
ford or some part where it was narrow and flowed with less fury,
that we might cross it on a raft.

We had with us twenty head of cattle, and though we killed
one every day, and the share of each person was a pound, we
suffered great hunger. The river being very broad, we journeyed
two days along high mountains overhanging it by very rough
and dangerous roads, until we reached a meadow above which
were several kraals, where we resolved to buy some cattle. The
negroes lay in ambush on the bank of the river where we were
obliged to go for water, and they stole from us two cauldrons
which served to hold it, but they paid for their insolence, for
when we had bought two cows from them, seeing that they
brought no more for sale, and a negro bringing some stalks of

94 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

millet for barter, which we often bought to eat because they were
sweet, the captain ordered me to fire my gun at him, which I
did, wounding him in the breast, and he fled up the mountain.
Here the captain ordered one of our Kaffirs who had deserted
from us twice to be hanged.

When we had marched over the mountains along the river for
more than two days we reached a place where it appeared to be
narrower. Here the captain ordered a mulatto of his who was a
good swimmer to try if he could cross the stream, but he was
drowned as soon as he jumped in, for the current was very strong
and like a whirlpool. Seeing the strength of the current we
resolved to go farther up ; and the next morning we journeyed
along well wooded mountains, which were thickly populated, and
at noon we pitched our camp. After this, continuing our
journey with the design aforesaid, we passed through a kraal
which stood upon a height, and as we were going on the inhabit-
ants brought us a large quantity of the before mentioned fruit,
which they bartered to us for the tags of laces.

Two ship's boys who were very weak were walking in the rear
with their guns upon their shoulders. Seeing them in this
state, and that they were separated from us, a few negroes came
out of the kraal and took their guns from them. Thome Coelho,
I, and other soldiers who were in the rear flew to the rescue, and
entered the kraal, killing every person we met. We captured
fourteen calves which we found penned up there, and brought
them back with us. We pitched the camp below this kraal, on
the other side of a rivulet near other kraals, with great order and
vigilance. Early the next day they sent two old negroes to
make peace and friendship, but the captain showed himself much
offended, saying that he was going on his way without harming
any one when they robbed him, and he threatened to be
revenged for the injury they had done him. They gave their
reasons, saying that we had killed many of their people ; and in
the end they brought back the guns and paid us an indemnity
of two small cows, and for the assagais which we had taken from
them they gave us two others, and we returned nine of the
fourteen calves we had seized, five having been killed that
night, one falling to the share of me and my comrades, which we
divided with our friends.

In the afternoon they brought us two cows and a bull, which

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 95

we bought from them. The bull was very wild, and the captain
ordered him to be killed with swords, but he defended himself so
that they could not kill him, and he tossed the captain and three
or four others severely. Then he bade me shoot the bull with
my gun, but before I could do so he gave me a severe wound
and sent my gun flying. 1 rose up and shot him through the
shoulder blade, and he fell dead do\vn a bank upon which I
stood, as was my habit upon such occasions, which was a con-
trivance of mine, for they gave me the foreleg of every bull that
I shot, and under the circumstances this was no small blessing.

Thence we went to the bank of the river and camped near it
on a mountain, a strong place, which we selected to wait there
till the violence of the current abated, which was not for twenty-
five days, more or less, that we spent in this neighbourhood,
always patrolling the banks of the river. Daring that time the
following incidents occurred. On Christmas day in the morning
the captain sent Thome Coelho d' Almeida with twenty men to
climb a high mountain which was parallel to the river, and to go
five or six leagues along it in sight of the stream to see if they
could discover a place to cross. When they had been away two
days they returned, saying that there was no better place than
that where we were, and recommending that we should wait till
the rains were over and then the river would flow less furiously
and have less water ; and so we did. Here the captain ordered
two little negroes, one belonging to Thome Coelho and the other
to Dona Ursula, to be hanged, simply for stealing two small
pieces of meat. The eldest was not twelve years of age, and
every one grieved for them and wondered at such cruelty.

We called this river the Famine, because we suffered there
worse hunger than during all the rest of the journey. In order
to see if there were any means of crossing it the captain pro-
mised a hundred cruzados to any person who would swim to the
other side, carrying a fishing line by which to get one stronger
over that could sustain a raft on which we could cross it as we
did the river before mentioned. As no one would attempt it, a
negro of mine named Augustine volunteered to do it without any
reward, and he accomplished it easily, being a strong swimmer.
But when he reached the other side the line was broken by the
violence of the current, so that it was clearly shown that we
could not cross it as we wished for a few days, during which we

96 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

subsisted by placing ourselves in sight of certain kraals to induce
them to sell us cattle. This they did more from fear than good-
will, for we went into the kraals to buy, and, being desperate,
when they would not sell us any we took them by force.

Here I went to a kraal with Antonio Godinho, and after we
had bought two or three cows, seeing that there was nothing
more to be done I left to return to the camp, which was in sight.
When I had walked a little away I looked back, and seeing that
my comrades had not come up I sat down to wait for them where
they could see me. Behind me was some high grass, in which a
Kaffir crouching down drew near and seized me from behind,
holding me with one hand on the butt and the other on the
muzzle of my gun, so that I was caught between him and the
gun, and we struggled for a long time. I remembered that I
carried a knife, and I drew it, invoking our Lady of the Con-
ception, for I was almost breathless, the Kaffir being very strong.
I struck at him with the knife until he loosed his hold of the
gun, which I thrust into his face and was about to fire when I
became faint and could not do so until he was a long way off.
Even thus I wounded him, and afterwards I picked up his cloak
of skins which he had wound round his arm, and left behind in
his haste.

All these Kaffirs wear cloaks of very well-dressed skins, which
hang below their hips. The skins are those of small animals
with very beautiful fur, and these furs are better or worse accord-
ing to the rank of the wearer, and they are very punctilious
about this. They wear nothing but these capes and a more
ludicrous covering of skin over the privy part. I saw a grave
Kaffir with a cloak of sable skins, and when I asked him where
these animals were to be found he said that there were so many
of them in the interior that their skins were generally worn.

I also found upon the ground two assagais and a little piece of
wood of the thickness of a finger and about two spans and a half
in length, covered from the middle upward with a monkey's tail.
It is customary to carry a stick of this kind throughout almost
the whole of Kafir-aria as far as the river of Lourenco Marques,
and they never converse without it, for they emphasise their
speech by holding it in their hands, and they call it their mouth,
gesticulating and making grimaces. My comrades who were
approaching saw what had happened to me and pressed forward,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 97

thinking that I was hurt, and we returned together to the camp,
where we were eagerly awaited because of the cows which we
were bringing.

Two days afterwards, while we were still in the same place,
there arrived one of our negroes who had remained behind with
Lopo de Sousa. The captain went to him before any one had
spoken a word to him, and seized him, saying: "Dog! who
killed the Portuguese? confess it, or I will order you to be
hanged at once." The negro was surprised, and said that he was
not guilty of such a deed, nor were any of our negroes who had
remained behind with him. We were astonished that the captain
should ask such a question without having heard any tidings of
those people, and we asked him who had brought him such
intelligence. He replied that for two days those people had been
constantly in his mind, and he felt in his heart that the negroes
who had remained with them had put them to death ; and this
was the cause of his question.

This negro further stated that the Kaffirs of that country
killed in one night Gaspar Fixa, Pedro de Duenhas, and the
nephew of the boatswain Manuel Alvares, in order to steal a
cauldron from them ; and that our negroes, his companions, were
in another kraal lower down and separate from the Portuguese.
Being asked about Lopo de Sousa, he replied that when he left
that place three days before he was speechless, and had doubtless
died since he saw him, that Beatriz Alvares, wife of Luis
da Fonseca, was very ill and had become a leper so that she
could not move, and that the others were almost dead with
hunger and had no strength to walk, therefore they did not
accompany him and were doubtless all dead. The captain
ordered him to be searched, and finding on him some gold pieces
and diamonds which he knew had belonged to the Portuguese
who remained there, he ordered him to be watched, intending to
have him put to death at night. But he did not wait till dark,
for a little while afterwards we saw two young men of his com-
pany approaching, and when he recognised them, fearing the
truth would come to light, he fled.

When the two young men arrived they were seized and put to
the torture, and confessed as follows. Three days after we sepa-
rated from Lopo de Sousa, a Kaffir king came to the said kraal
with forty cows, saying that it was he who had promised to bring

VIII. H

98 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

them to the captain, and he asked for him. They told him that
the captain had gone, that he had waited, and seeing he did not
come at the time he promised, had set out. The Kaffir replied
that the swollen state of the rivers had prevented his coming
sooner, and asked if it was possible for him to overtake us. They
said it was not, for we had been gone many days, but that two
companies of our people had been left behind, one of Portuguese
and one of negroes, and that they had money with which to
purchase cows. The Kaffir replied that he rejoiced to hear it, as
he had brought the cows so far for that purpose. The Portuguese
immediately bought three, and the negroes four, and they asked
the king not to go away with those that were left, for when they
had eaten what they had they would buy more. He replied that
there was no good pasture there, and he would make a tour and
return in six or seven days to sell them as many as they required.
During that time the company of Portuguese were eating those
they had bought, and were left with none. Then Gaspar Fixa
went down to the kraal where our negroes were, who had still two
cows left alive, and asked them to kill one and lend them half,
and when the Kaffirs returned they would buy sufficient to pay
the debt. They made no difficulty in doing so, killing one of
the cows and giving him what he asked for. Two days afterwards
the Kaffirs returned, and all provided themselves with cows.
Then the negroes claimed payment for what they had lent, and
went to ask for it on a day when the Portuguese had killed a
very small cow. Gaspar Fixa replied that they saw the
slaughtered cow, and their share would be very small in com-
parison with what they had lent, and therefore he would not
give it to them that day, but asked them to wait two days, the
time it would take to eat that cow, and then he would give them
half of the largest he had. The negroes bade him kill it at once,
and Gaspar Fixa replied that then some of the meat would be
wasted ; and seeing that they would not be persuaded by his
arguments, and angered by their insolent boldness, he struck
Chingala, a negro who was the leader of the others, calling him
dog and other abusive names ; and then they withdrew. Gaspar
Fixa and his companions took no notice of this incident, and
when they were asleep in their kraal at night our negroes came
with some assagais which they had taken from the Kaffirs whom
we had shot on our way. They sent one on before to ask for a

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 99

light, that the Portuguese might open the door for him, which
they did, never thinking of what might befall them. The
negroes entering in a body killed all whom they found in the
straw hut except Lopo de Sousa, who was in the condition
aforesaid ; and the names of the dead have been mentioned.
They said also that the account given by the other of the state
of Beatriz Alvares was correct. These two negroes affirmed that
they took no part in this matter and that the ringleader in the
crime was already dead, having been killed by the negro who
arrived first and had now fled.

We were deeply grieved at this information, for it only
remained for our negroes to rise up against us, and we gave
thanks to God, beseeching his mercy. The captain ordered
them to be hanged that day, but they did not remain on the
gallows until morning, because of the famine we suffered, but
were secretly eaten by the negroes of our camp and others, which
was overlooked and allowed to pass. Often in the camp at night
I saw quantities of meat which had an excellent smell like pork,
so that one day when my comrade Gregorio de Yidanha relieved
me on guard he told me to go and find out what our young men
were roasting that smelt so savoury. I went and questioned one
of them, and he asked me if I would like some, for it was very
good and strengthening. But I, knowing that it was human
flesh, went away, saying nothing to them. Thus it may be seen
to what straits it pleased God to bring us, all for my sins.

Two days after this, while we were still in the same place, the
captain ordered a Portuguese youth who was servant to the
boatswain to be hanged because he was detected bartering food
with a piece of iron hoop which he had taken from the wallet of
the under-pilot, and also because he had fled to the Kaffirs. He
was a strong young man, who might have been of use to the
company, and truly this excessive cruelty completed our misery,
for though it is necessary in governing seamen, it should not be
carried to such excess. This poor wretch begged for burial, that
he might not be eaten ; but his petition availed him little, for
the captain gave the young men, who were weak with hunger,
an opportunity by ordering him to be thrown into a thicket, and
they were very careful to give him the usual burial of those
who died.

The next day the captain ordered three persons to cross the

H 2

100 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

formidable river, the passage of which had cost us so dear, and
to explore the opposite bank and see what kind of country it
was, whether there were any .cattle, and if the negroes knew
anything of us. They did this carefully, and returned two days
afterwards very joyful, and asked the captain for a reward as the
bearers of good tidings. He enquired of Joao Eibeiro, their
leader, if he would like a piece worth three hundred cruzados,
who replied that he would rather have the hearts of all the cows
killed in the camp after that time for himself and his comrade
the caulker, which the captain granted him. From this may be
perceived how things, however precious, are despised when
compared with food. When he had received this promise he
said that four leagues on the other side of the river there were
many villages at which there were plenty of cows, that the
natives appeared to be well disposed and wished us to go thither
that they might sell us some of their cattle, and that they
received him well. This was welcome information to us, for we
had no previous knowledge of what was to be found there, and
we were keeping some cows to take with us to the other side for
food, in case there were none farther on, and this fear was the
cause of our making a provision which was a great hardship to
us, because we ate much less on that account.

Upon receiving this information we moved towards the river,
passing through the kraal in which we had killed many people.
We found all the negroes of that district up in arms, and they
persecuted our rear, molesting us with stones and assagais ; but
it pleased God that none of the many they hurled should do us
any harm. Here we found the raft which we had made some
time before, when we thought that the current might afford us
an opportunity of crossing ; and with this contrivance we easily
accomplished the passage. Before doing so we ate to repletion,
killing the cows which, as I have said, we had been saving for
use on the other side, as we were now assured that we should find
some there. Having crossed the river, which took us two days,
we went up a very rugged mountain that we judged to be more
than three leagues high, for we began our ascent at eleven
o'clock and did not reach the summit until night had closed in.
Thence we descended into a kind of valley, where we found
water, but it was impossible to cook any food, because it was
very late.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 101

The next day at dawn we set out in quest of the kraals, which
we reached at noon. The Kaffirs living there brought us three
very large old bulls, for they usually sold us such as were useless
for breeding, and cows of the same sort ; nevertheless we thought
they did us a great favour. As we had not yet shown these
negroes what we could do with our arms, the captain ordered me
to fire at one of the bulls which we had bought from them. I
did so, and they, seeing it dead, displayed the usual amazement.
We remained there that afternoon, eating it and waiting for
them to bring us others for sale ; and seeing they did not do so
we set out again in the morning, and they followed us as we
descended the mountain, where, as it was very steep, they might
have done us great damage, from which God delivered us.

Proceeding on our way we passed through kraals until noon,
and dined above a river, for in this place they brought us two
oxen for sale, and one of them being very wild was shot and
furnished our dinner. We slept that night above three kraals
which were on the side of a hill, and speaking to the people
thereof they told us that during four days' journey we would find
no kraals, and if we wanted cows we should remain there two
days. To this we replied that we could not wait, and if they
wished to sell us any they must come in the morning, for we
would set out as soon as it was day, which we did. When
we had journeyed some part of the morning we met a few
Kaffirs well armed with assagais, who thought to attack us in
some way. They sold us a cow which was very wild, and having
received the price of it they fled, and the cow with them. But
we seized one of the Kaffirs and bound him, and took him on
with us a short distance to see if they would bring us the cow
they had taken from us. This they did immediately, a very tall
Kaffir coming with it and apologising for the theft which his
people had tried to practise on us.

Continuing our journey over lower mountains three or four
leagues distant from the shore, we reached a very beautiful river,
where they brought us quantities of fruit for sale, like apricots
in size and appearance, but without stones. We had eaten of
these before, but they were more plentiful here. Afterwards
recognising the great harm this fruit constantly caused us, the
captain did his best to avoid it, issuing proclamations with
severe penalties ; but he could never prevent it, because of the

102 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

great hunger we endured. Here we found a Javanese from the
shipwrecked party of Nuno Velho Pereira, who was already very
old and spoke incorrectly, and with many tears he kissed the
crucifix which we wore and made the sign of the cross. I
confess that it was a great joy to me to see in these remote
regions and among a people so barbarous a man who knew God
and the instruments and figures of the passion of Christ. This
man related to us that Nuno Velho was wrecked upon the shore
about a day's journey farther down, and as his eyes were much
injured and he was wounded in the legs he remained behind in
this place. He warned us of many things to be observed in
dealing with the Kaffirs, telling us that after four days' journey
we would find a Malabar black who had also escaped from the
same shipwreck, and after nine or ten days we would find a
Kaffir named Jorge, of the same party, and in the kraal in which
this Kaffir lived there was a Portuguese, a native of Sao Gonpalo
de Amarante, whose name was Diogo, and who was married and
had children.

As my comrade Gregorio de Vidanha was quite worn out he
resolved to remain with this Javanese, that he might not after-
wards be left in some forest or desert, as had many times
happened before ; and this was a great grief and loss to us, he
being such a man as I have previously stated. The king of this
district came to see the captain with great ostentation, bringing
a fine sheep with a very large tail to sell to him, and he asked
more for it than the price of a large cow. Seeing what little
profit a sheep would be to us compared with the cow which we
might buy with the price demanded for it, we told him to order
cows to be brought to us, for we did not want sheep. Upon this
they brought three, and determining to practise some cheat or
theft upon us, they sold us a cow, and when they had the price
in their hand they fled with the animal. But we captured one
of them, and would have put him to death had not the Javanese
bade us desist and he would bring back the cow, saying that
these negroes had acted thus because they did not know us, and
he advised us not to be disturbed and he would return with it,
which he promptly did. Seeing what badly disposed people
these were, we departed from the place at once, leaving Gregorio
de Vidanha in the house of the said Javanese with a sailor
named Francisco Rodrigues Machado in his company. We gave

Records of South-Eastem Africa. 103

them articles which were of value there, and they concealed
them in order to buy a milch-cow or something else on which
they might subsist until the season of the millet harvest, which
was now green.

Passing through this kraal we went upon our way, and
Cypriano Dias also remained there, and they robbed him in our
sight. After this all the Kaffirs of that kraal assembled and
came and molested our rear with stones and assagais. Seeing
the harm which they might do us as there were many of them, I
remained behind with eight companions, and when they ap-
proached I fired my gun at them and one fell, whereupon they
all stopped and, turning back, followed us no more. The noise
of the gun so terrified these people that many times when they
followed us thus two men would stand out and face them with
slings which they made for the purpose, and at the crack of the
slings they would throw themselves upon the ground.

Thence we journeyed through a country in which there was
great lack of provisions, till, after four days, on descending a
mountain we came to a kraal at which the vanguard arriving
first shouted and passed the word that here was a Canarim of
Brades, upon which we hurried forward, and when we all arrived
we saw that it was the black of Malabar, of whom the Javanese
had told us. He hastened to us with many signs of joy, saying:
" Welcome, my Christians," and he bade us remain there and he
would negotiate for all that we required. He said these Kaffirs
had known of our coming two days before, and they had been
told that we ate men and therefore they were in arms. But the
next day, finding that this report was false, the king came to see
us, very mournful, his father having recently died. They sold
us four cows at the request of the Malabar, who took us to see
his daughters, the most beautiful negresses in those parts. We
asked him how many wives he had, and he answered two, by
whom he had twenty children, twelve sous and eight daughters.
We asked him why he did not come with us as he was a
Christian, but he said it would be impossible for him to bring his
twenty children, that he was married to one of the king's sisters
and had cattle from which he lived, that even if he wished to go
his wives' relations would not permit it, neither would it be good
for us to have them in our company, because of the evil it might
bring upon us, and that he was a Christian and God would be

104 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

mindful of his soul. He asked us for some rosary beads, which we
gave him, and kissing the cross, with tears, he hung them round
his neck.

Three of our young women who were married to three of our
Kaffirs remained here, two of them were Kaffirs and the other a
Javanese. The next day we continued on our way, the Malabar
accompanying us a good distance ; then with many embraces and
signs of sorrow he told us that we had a long journey before us
with very high mountains on the road, and so he left us. The
Kaffirs of that kraal, which was large, did us no harm whatever,
and therefore we called it the Land of Friends.

We journeyed on for three days, during which we saw few
natives and no kraals ; and at the end of this time one afternoon
we observed a few sheep grazing in the distance. As it was now
late, we went no farther, but sent some men to see what was
ahead, that in the morning we might have recourse to our usual
barter. On their return, those who had been exploring said that
as it was late they had seen nothing but many tires, and had
heard the lowing of cattle in different directions. In the morning
we climbed a high mountain and saw many kraals in very rugged
places out of the course we were following. But presently a
Kaffir came to us and said that there were kraals in all directions
except that whence we had come, and he pointed out some which
were upon the road we must follow. And as he went with us we
saw upon the side of a hill two large kraals with many cows and
a few sheep, and it seemed to us that these people were more
polished and were living in greater abundance. Here they sold
us a cow, but would afterwards have repented of it, and we,
knowing this, shot it with a gun, at which they were grieved ;
and an elder brother of him who sold it to us gave the latter a
sound beating because he had not taken counsel with them.
These two kraals had gardens of millet and gourds, of which they
sold some to us, and we found the taste very good.

After dining here we went and slept above a kraal where they
sold us three cows, and this was the first place where we saw a
.> hen, which they refused to sell us. Travelling for two days in
valleys where there were many gardens of millet, which was not
yet fit to be eaten, they came and sold us several hens. When
we reached a kraal where they told us their inkosi, as they call
the king in those parts, was, we traded for some hens, and obtained

Records of Soutli-Eastern Africa. 105

sufficient to allow one between every two persons. We remained
here that day, waiting for them to bring us cows, for we were in
great want of them, and at last they sold us a little stale millet,
some milk, and two cows. The next day we went down to a
river, to which we gave the name River of Ants, for these insects
were so large and numerous that we were helpless against them.
We remained there two days, and on the third we crossed the
stream on a raft that we made.

On the 1st of February 1623 we began our journey from the
other side of this river, up a very high mountain. Heavy rain
was falling, which lasted many days, and we made our camp
while it was yet light upon a slope adjoining two kraals, in which
there was nothing but some gourds and a few hens, part of which
we bought. Here they informed us that only a little farther on
we would find great abundance, at which we rejoiced exceedingly,
for we had nothing whatever to eat, and if we had lacked food
two days longer we would all have perished of hunger, if God
had not succoured us.

Here remained behind a sailor named Motta, an Italian named
Joseph Pedemassole, a passenger who was a cripple, and the son
of Dona Ursula, the last a very grievous case. He was called
Christovao de Mello, and was about eleven years old, of good
education and understanding; and he was so wasted that he
looked the picture of death, whereas before these hardships he
was like an angel. When it was seen that the child could not
accompany us, his mother was sent on in front, and he remained
behind as usual, as he could not walk so fast ; and when he saw
that he could march no farther with us he said that he wished to
go to confession, which he did. Then he begged the captain by
the wounds of Christ to send for his mother that he might bid
her farewell, to which the captain replied that he could not do so,
as she was already far away, and the child lamented, saying : " It
is enough, Sir, does your Worship deny me even this consola-
tion ? " The captain spoke loving words to him, and led him
by the hand until he could go no farther, but remained as in a
trance, and we all went weeping on our way ; and if his mother
had seen him then her heart would surely have broken with
excessive grief, therefore the captain prevented him from seeing
her.

On the second day of February, Candlemas day, we journeyed

106 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

in the morning, and dined near a beautiful wood, through which
there flowed a stream of water. Here they brought us seven
goats for sale, with which we went on to see if we could reach
some kraals where they told us there was an abundance of pro-
visions. But as the rain was very heavy we could not get so far,
and we slept at a place where a few Kaffirs were waiting for us
with baskets full of millet, which was bought and divided among
us all, a cup of millet falling to the share of each person. Of six
goats which were killed, each one received his little piece, and
he who had the skin had the best share.

The next day we reached the kraals of the desired abundance,
where they brought us for sale many goats, cows, cakes as big as
Flemish cheeses, and so much millet that afterwards we could
not carry it all. The captain ordered eighteen goats and a cow
to be killed, and the share was six pounds to each. They also
brought so many hens that each person had one, and the food
was so plentiful that we must all have died if we had not been
attacked by diarrhoea.

On the following day the chief of those parts came to visit us,
bringing a large bull as a present. The captain ordered me to
shoot it with my gun, that his followers might hear it, for he
had many men with him, and also that they might see what
arms we possessed. When they saw the bull fall dead, though
I fired from a great distance, the king took to flight, so
that it was necessary to send and tell him that this was done
as a sign of rejoicing because of his coming to see us, and
that he must return or the captain would have to go and
bring him. Hearing these arguments he came back, but in
such a state that from black he had turned white. The captain
hung round his neck the gilt lock of a writing desk, and gave
him the handle of a cauldron, and he valued these things
very highly and withdrew with friendly words and a show of
gratitude.

Then we divided the millet and cakes which we had bought,
and which formed two large heaps ; and after we had taken as
much as each of us could carry, we set out, still leaving some,
for we were unable to take away more. We journeyed over
mountains, upon the sides of which there were so many and such
beautiful kraals that it was admirable to see the great quantity
of cattle which came out of them. They brought us OH our way

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 107

quantities of milk for sale, but it was all sour, for the Kaffirs do
not drink it otherwise.

At noon we pitched the camp by a fresh river in a valley, and
thither came many Kaffirs, all bringing something for sale. We
traded in our usual manner on the other side of the river apart
from the tents, with men keeping guard, and here we did it with
greater caution because there came more Kaffirs than we had
ever seen before. Their numbers were so great that many
climbed the trees simply to get a sight of us, especially three
trees at the feet of which the bartering was carried on, because
they sheltered us from the sun, so that I do not know how they
did not break beneath the weight ; and certainly a good picture
might have been painted of this place and concourse of people.
We remained there until the afternoon, and afterwards we
bought fifteen cows and many cakes, so that we were all heavily
Uvlen.

A young woman, servant to Beatriz Alvares, remained here
with four other persons who were ill of a surfeit from over-eating,
three of whom overtook us afterwards. We proceeded on our
way, and slept in a burnt clearing, at the foot of which flowed a
stream of good water that sufficed to assuage our thirst. The
next day in the afternoon we camped in sight of two kraals
which were upon a slope, and the negroes brought all the cows
they had to show us, though they would not sell us any, but
this disturbed us very little, as we had about twenty with us.
Journeying on next morning we spent the heat of the day near
a river which was in a little plain covered with trees, under
which we rested.

Here came to us the Kaffir of whom the Javanese had told us,
and speaking in Portuguese he said : " I kiss your Worship's
hands, I am also a Portuguese," and he told us that in a kraal
farther on, through which we must pass, there was a Portuguese
named Diogo, a native of Sao Goncalo de Amarante. The
captain asked if he would like to go with us, but he replied that
the Kaffirs would not permit it, because he gave them rain when
it was required, and he was already old and had children. As
we laughed on hearing this, he said that he would show us his
house. Here we bought a store of hens, cakes, milk, butter, and
some sugar canes. This Kaffir asked us for a towel, which we
immediately gave him, whereat he was well pleased and called

108 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

in a loud voice to many Kaffirs and their wives in their language :
" Kaffirs, inhabitants of these lands, come and sell to the
Portuguese who have come hither, and who are the lords of the
world and of the sea, what things you have to eat (enumerating
them by name), and avail yourselves of the treasures they have
brought with them ; see how they eat off things which you
wear as jewels in your ears and on your arms." And he called
them beasts, because they did not immediately bring what
they had.

When we had finished our trading and had dined, while we
were forming in order of march a Kaffir stole a small copper pot
from us ; but we immediately seized one of them whom Thome
Coelho cut over the head, and we captured him, and as we went
on they returned us what they had stolen. Then we set our
prisoner free, and went upon our way, climbing a mountain from
the top of which we discovered many kraals. Among them was
a very large one which the aforesaid Kaffir pointed out, saying
" There is the city of the Portuguese." We approached nearer
to the said kraal, and saw a thatched house with four corners,
a thing we had not seen before during our journey, for all the
others were smaller and round. We urged the Kaffir to go and
call the occupant, but he told us not to tire ourselves in vain,
for he would not come.

Thence we went on through heavy rain and slept upon a
height, and that night the Kaffir who had hitherto accompanied
us departed. As he knew our arrangements he returned that
same night through a wood which was at the back of the camp,
and raising the side of a tent where he had seen an arquebus
put away, carried it off; and he did this so cunningly that no
one noticed it, though all were awake on account of the rain
which had not ceased for two days and wet everything we had ;
and in the morning when the arquebus was missed we guessed
at once who had taken it. We wished to go on, but the con-
tinuous rain prevented it, and we remained there one day more.
They brought us several cakes and goats for sale, and a fine bull.
Seeing that the rain did not cease, but seemed rather to increase
in fury, we journeyed the next day until the afternoon, when we
came to a large river, near which we camped on high ground,
so that we had wood and water at hand. In order to dry our-
selves we made large fires, which we kept up all night.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 109

Having set the customary watches, after the first watch was
relieved, it being the 12th of February, the Kaffirs surprised us,
attacking us on three sides. All sprang to the defence, taking
the guns, which were very wet, because it had rained unceasingly
for three days. Seeing that nothing could be done with them,
I called out to put them by the fire as they were, in order to
discharge the powder which was in them, and every one did so.
While this was taking place they almost drove us from our
camp, with such extraordinary war cries and whistling as if hell
were loose. They killed Manuel Alvares and a bombardier
whose name was . . . Carvalho, both of whom died on the spot,
and they seriously wounded sixty others, of whom Antonio Borges
died next day. When the guns were hot we began to kill the
Kaffirs, and the first to do so was a sailor named Manuel
Gonfatves, who is known to have fired the first shot. When the
Kaffirs saw the harm we were doing to them they took to flight,
leaving a large track of blood behind them. The Virgin Mary
of the Conception was pleased that it should cease raining during
the fight, which lasted a long time, and the moonlight was so
clear that it was in great part due to it that we escaped
destruction.

We kept watch all the rest of that night, moving the camp
higher up to a stronger place, and we had suffered so severely
that little would have sufficed to put an end to us. These
Kaffirs have a better mode of fighting than those previously met,
for they used shields like targets of wild buffalo hide, which are
very strong, and covering themselves therewith they hurled
countless assagais, with which the camp was covered, the number
being so great that five hundred and thirty were found of iron
alone, not including many from which the iron had been taken
and concealed in order to trade with. Those of fire-hardened
wood were so numerous that they could not be counted, and did
as much damage as the others. In the morning we entrenched
ourselves, and set about caring for the wounded, who were so
many that not one of us escaped without damage from an assagai
or a stone. We made the best recoveries 1 ever saw, for several
were pierced through the breast from side to side, and through
the thighs, and some had broken heads, but none of them died*
though we had no dressing but cow's marrow. Captain Pedro
de Moraes had his elbow pierced through.

110 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

We remained here two days, during which time the carpenter
Vicente Esteves made a raft like a boat, which was rowed with
four oars. During this time the very Kaffirs who robbed us
came to sell us hens, cakes, and pombe, which is a kind of wine
that they make from millet. We dissimulated, pretending not
to know them, and we bought what we required. They also
came from the other side of the river, bringing us the same
things, and crossing on pieces of wood, with a kind of pitchfork
high above the water, on which they hung their merchandise.
They asked us why we had killed so many people ? and when we
related what had happened they urged us to go over the river
because of the wicked men on this side, and offered to show us
where it might be crossed in three days, for now the water was
high and would then be lower. But before this two persons had
crossed upon the raft, and afterwards Eodrigo Affonso, Antonio
Godinho, Father Bento of the order of St. Francis, and others
embarked upon it, and it capsized before they reached the shore,
and they were almost drowned. The father dropped his habit
which he had taken off, and in it were lost a quantity of precious
stones that had been given into his keeping, the proceeds of the
sale of rice, for which people pledged diamonds and other stones,
and which had been entrusted to him by many persons, some of
whom had been left behind on the way, and others had died.
On the day mentioned by the Kaffirs we crossed the river higher
up, and we called it the river of Blood. Four of our comrades
remained here, and we saw elephants for the first time on each
bank. The day after we crossed the river Father Manuel de
Sousa died.

Thence we went forward for two days within two leagues of the
shore, and at the end of that time we came to a river which
seemed to be a swamp with a mouth open to the sea, and here
we saw an elephant with a young one, and they disappeared in
our rear. Later on we met many elephants, but they took no
notice of us, and never attempted to harm us during the whole
of our journey. Having crossed this river at the mouth, with
the water to our necks, we went on along the shore until we
reached another with many large rocks at the mouth, and we
could not cross it because the water was so deep. Climbing up a
steep hill, we saw some Kaffirs who said they would show us the
ford, and for a few little pieces of copper they carried over the

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 1 1 1

children and many persons who were sick. The people thence-
forward were much better, and we called them the Naunetas,
because when they met us they said Naunetas, which in their
language signifies you are welcome, and to this greeting the
reply is Alaba, which signifies and you also. Here they sold us
a great quantity of fish, and helped us to carry the loads which
our negroes bore, singing and clapping their hands.

Thence we went and slept on the margin of the beach, and the
king of the country, whom they called Manamuze, came to see
us. He was a youth, and came with a great show of authority,
with three necklaces of tin round his neck, which is valued in
these parts above everything else. Seeing this, the captain wore
a little silver bell, the value of which to the king could not be
compared with the other metal, and putting on his scarlet coat,
he approached the spot where the king was waiting. They
greeted each other, the Kaffir abandoning nothing of his high
bearing, and the captain, seeing this, began to move his body so
that the bell rang, at which they were all astonished, and the
king could not help losing countenance. Taking it in his hand
he looked inside, which made it ring again, and he moved it
about, laughing loudly when it rang, and he never took his eyes
off it while he remained there. It is a notable thing that these
barbarians are respected in their way, and as their race and
family are united, their children never lose the territory and
kraals left them by their fathers, everything descending to the
eldest, whom the others call father and respect him accordingly.
Thieves are cruelly punished, though all are thieves, and a very
fine mode of justice is in use among them, which is that when a
Kaffir steals a kid or any smaller thing from another, such
sentence is passed upon him by the owner and his relations as
they choose, and it is generally that he be buried alive. Here
they sold us a very large and fat ox, and these they call zeimhe.

We journeyed three days more into the interior until we came
to a great river of which the Kaffirs showed us the ford, with
marks of friendship. A sailor, whose name was Bernardo Jorge,
remained there. Thence we travelled two days along the shore,
until we reached another river, which was narrow at the mouth
but very wide farther up. As we were in want of millet, we
waited a day, and there came so many Kaffirs bringing hens for
sale that the hills were covered with them. I saw the maimed

112 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

brought here to see us, borne upon the backs of others. Having
crossed this stream, which we called the Crocodile river because
we saw one there, we made our way into the interior a league
from the shore, and journeying five days among well disposed
natives, we came to the mouth of a river which seemed as if it
could not be forded, and remaining there a day, they brought us
some hens for sale. There are numberless elephants in these
parts, and all night we heard them trumpeting, but they never
dared come near us because of the many fires which we always
made. The Kaffirs told us to go farther inland, for there the
river could be crossed ; and when we did so they showed us the
ford and helped us in our passage. Dona Ursula was nearly
drowned in this river, for the water reached to our beards, and as
she was small it covered her. As she could swim she thought
she would be able to stem the current, but she was carried down
the river, which being perceived she was rescued with difficulty.
We called this the river of Islands, because there were several
in it.

Thence we journeyed over some hills in quest of millet, of which
we were in need, for we did not buy any at this river in order
not to burden ourselves, and at night we reached some poor
kraals in which there was nothing but gourds. After journeying
four or five days longer we came to another river, which was a
good league in width, with many thick reeds along the banks,
and we crossed it with the water to our waists. Here and farther
back many persons remained behind through diarrhoea and other
infirmities, and there were so many that I cannot remember
them. These evils were caused by the millet, which we ate
whole and raw, for we were not accustomed to this food, and our
stomachs were impaired and weakened by eating many poisonous
things. This river forms an island in the middle, and in it we
saw many hippopotami. We were almost the whole day crossing
it, and slept that night upon the opposite bank.

On the following day we journeyed over deserted plains, and a
Kaffir came to meet us with an ornament of tin hung round his
neck which covered all his breast, and he bade us go with him
and he would lead us to a place where there was abundance of
provisions. He led us along a river with the water to our knees,
and it was covered by trees so high and thick that during the
two hours we were in it we did not see the sun. Having crossed

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 113

it, we travelled all that day without stopping, because we had
no millet. We reached the kraals in the evening, and seeking
to provide ourselves we found only one kind of food, which is the
same as that which is given to canaries in Lisbon, which is
called alpiste, and the Kaffirs call it ameichiteira. These people
had sought us on our way simply to see us, and they showed
great surprise at sight of us. They asked the reason why we
journeyed through strange lands with women and children, and
when our Kaffirs explained our case to them, they twisted their
fingers as if invoking curses upon those who were the cause of
our shipwreck.

Thence we travelled over a level country inhabited by very
poor people, who gave us a good welcome ; and after two days
we reached a kraal near the shore, in which we found some fish,
and the people showed themselves more compassionate than
any others we had met, for the women and children went down
to the shore and threw many stones into the sea, uttering certain
words which seemed like curses, then turning their backs upon
it they lifted up the skins with which they cover their hinder
parts and exhibited them, which is the worst form of impreca-
tion in use among them. They did this because they had been
told that the sea was the cause of our suffering so many hard-
ships and of our wandering five months through strange lands,
which was what surprised them most, for they never travel ten
leagues from the place of their birth, and look upon a long
journey as an extraordinary event.

After this we went a league into the interior, traversing low
sandy lands poorly supplied with provisions, and after three days
we reached the river of the Fishery, where the people made much
of us. This river is narrow, with high banks at the mouth, but
a league inland it is more than three leagues in width, and at
low tide it is dry. The Kaffirs have countless fishing places
here, which they call gamboas, made of wattles joined together,
which the fish enter at high tide, and when it ebbs they are left
dry. As the tide was quite out we crossed the river, many Kaffirs
going with us, helping us to carry our heaviest baggage, and
singing with great joy.

This day we went along the shore and dined beside the sea.
We found no fresh water on the shore, at which we were very
downcast, but we discovered some in the salt water, for there was

VIII. I

114 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

a spring the size of a conch which was in the sea, and bubbled
up with such force that it burst a span above the salt water.
When the tide went out it was left on dry land, and we all
quenched our thirst at it and cooked our food. We journeyed
on for two days, keeping along the shore of the golden downs,
which now commenced, at the end of which we were in great
want, having only three cows, and there was no water to be
found in these parts.

Here a Kaffir came to us and said that he would lead us to a
place where they would sell us plenty of millet and hens. He
guided ns through a valley in the land, and leaving us near a
strong spring, he gave notice at the kraals, and they brought us
plenty of millet and hens. Here the principal Kaffirs came to
see us, wearing a different dress, which was large capes of skins
covering them to the instep, and they were very dignified and
grave. They asked our captain to go through their kraals, for
there he could provide himself with more provisions, and we
intended to do so that same day, but as it was late we slept in a
valley. The next day we went to the kraals, where we were
well received, but did not find what the chiefs had promised.

These Kaffirs saw me shoot a bird with my gun, at which they
were much astonished, for it seemed witchcraft to them. While
they were talking of it among themselves, a man came to the
captain who had been crippled in one leg by a crocodile a long
time before, and he showed him that the wound was old, and said
that if he would undertake to cure it he would pay him well.
The captain cleverly replied that the wound had been inflicted
so long before that it could not be cured in a short time, and
further that he must give him something that he might cure it
with a good will, without which nothing could be done. At this
the Kaffir said he was content, and sending for a dish full of
millet, he presented it; and when the captain had taken it he
said he was not yet willing. Then the Kaffir sent for three hens,
and gave them to him, asking if he were willing now ? The
captain said that he was ; and the Kaffir replied that he must
not attend to him unless with a good will, for he knew that he
could not be cured without that. The captain treated him in
the following manner : he took a brush which he carried and
which had a small mirror at the back, and putting it before his
eyes the Kaffir was amazed, and called to the others who were

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 115

there ; but the captain told him not to move or speak, and when
he was still after he had seen the mirror the captain took the
brush and stroked his wound with it, and anointing it with a
little cow's fat he bound it up with a piece of calico. This being
done, he told the Kaffir that after two moons he would be cured,
but the wound being so old it could not heal directly. The
Kaffir was full of confidence, and told the captain that he was
poor, or he would give him more. Then other cripples came to
the captain, and were treated in the same way.

We journeyed two days more along the beach, at the end of
which we reached the river of Santa Lucia, where pieces of cloth
are valued, and we traded with them for millet and hens. We
remained there one day, and crossed the river the next, in which
nine persons died of cold. This river is two leagues in width.
The current is very furious, and the water came above our breasts ;
and after we had crossed it we were half dead. Here an old
sailor named Francisco Bias fell sick ; he was maimed in both
arms by two assagai wounds which the Kaffirs had given him in
our late fight. W"e made two large fires, at which we warmed
ourselves, and the sailor recovered when he was warm. We
remained here until the next day, trading for plenty of millet,
cakes, and dough made of ameichueira, which they eat raw ; and
we did the same. We bought two cows, one of which I shot with
my gun.

Thence we continued our journey along the shore of the
golden downs, and this name was bestowed upon it with good
reason, for it looks like nothing but a down, being of gold-
coloured earth as fine as flour, but hard, and full of rivulets of
water which course through these downs, and the water is yellow,
of the same colour as the earth. From what I saw farther on in
the lands of Cuama, it seems to me that there must be gold here,
for the earth resembles that from which quantities of gold dust
are extracted, and I am the more convinced of this because the
ground is heavy. These downs extend backward from the shore
and stretch along it a distance of about forty leagues.

Going forward, we crossed a river where the Kaffirs robbed a
sailor named Antonio Martins, who separated himself from the
company in order to buy something in secret. Keeping along
the shore, we came to another small river, in which the water
reached to our knees, and there we dined. The pilot being told

i 2

116 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

to take the altitude of the sun, found the latitude rather over 26°,
which caused great joy among us, for we thought we were farther
off, and we knew by this latitude that we were twenty-six leagues
or a little more from the river of Lourenpo Marques. Here they
brought us a dead buffalo for sale, at which our rejoicing in-
creased ; and we met a Kaffir clothed with a loin cloth and with
a hat upon his head, who assured us that what the pilot said was
correct. We saw other Kaffirs wearing cloths, who told us that
we could travel to the Inyaka in four days. Here they do not
know the river of Louren^o 'Marques, nor Cape Correntes, but
only the Inyaka, who is a king residing on an island at the
mouth of the river of Lourenfo Marques, as I shall relate
hereafter.

At this rivulet a child was left behind, the son of Luis da
Fonseca and Beatriz Alvares, who was very thin and had often
stayed behind in the kraals through which we passed, and the
Kaffirs had brought him to us the next day ; and as he had done
this before, we thought that he would join us again this time.

We travelled for four days along the shore, at the end of
which a Kaffir came to meet us, accompanied by six others ; he
was very polite and well adorned with a chain twisted many
times round his neck, and was girt with a fine cloth ; his hands
were lull of assagais, for the grave among them distinguish
themselves by this. I wondered at nothing so much among
these people, from those of the remotest parts where we landed,
than this which I shall now relate. They had so little knowledge
of us that they thought we were creatures born of the sea, and
asked us by signs to show our navels, which two of the sailors
did ; then they requested us to take a deep breath, and when
they saw us do this they nodded their heads, as if to say these
are men like us. All these Kaffirs as far as Sofala are circum-
cised, and I do not know who went thither and taught them
this rite.

This Kaffir abovementioned was the son of Inyaka Sangane,
the legitimate king and lord of the island in the river of
Lourenco Marques, whom the Inyaka Manganheira had dis-
possessed, and he resided upon the mainland with his followers,
awaiting the death of this tyrant, who was very old, to return to
his possessions, as I shall relate hereafter. He led us about a
league into the interior to his kraals, where they sold us some

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 117

goats. We asked him to lead us to his father, but he detained
us for a day, wishing us to buy something in his territory.
Being eager to reach our destination, we would not remain long,
and set out again, and seeing that we would by no means be
detained, he ordered the way to be shown to us. Upon the said
road we saw a large straw house, and before we reached it many
figures without faces, fashioned like dogs, crocodiles, and men, all
made of straw ; and asking what they were I was told that this
was the house of a Kaffir who gave rain when the gardens
required it. Witchcraft is their only form of government.

We dined in a grove of trees, where they brought us a
quantity of honey in the comb for sale ; and a Kaffir came to us
who could speak Portuguese, and brought us a message from the
Inyaka Sangane, the father of the Kaffir we had met before.
The sight of this Kaffir was a great joy to us, for he reassured
us, and we knew that what they had told us was the truth. He
delivered his message, which was that the Inyaka bade us go to
his kraal, and nothing should be wanting to us, and he would
give us a vessel in which to cross to the other side of the river
and would do all we wished. The captain, not trusting to all
this, sent a Portuguese to him with a present of articles of copper.
He went and spoke to him and many Kaffirs who were there,
and returned bringing the captain a bunch of bananas, with
which we were delighted, for they are good Indian fruit. This
man said that the king seemed a good man and had no forces
with which he could harm us, that he was waiting for us, and his
followers said that many Portuguese came there every year. In
order to hasten our coming, he sent us a sailor of Mozambique,
who had remained there from one of the ships which had visited
the bay in past years.

Upon this we set out, and having journeyed about a league
along the edge of a swamp, we came to the place where the king
resided, which was a height between two small hills. As it was
now night, he did not speak to us, but sent his men to show us a
place adjoining his kraals where we might pitch our tents. The
next day the captain went to see him, and hung a gold chain
with the habit of the order of Christ round his neck, and gave
him two pieces of chintz, a kind of cloth worn by Indian women,
which is highly valued. He received this with great dignity,
speaking but a few words, and telling the captain not to distress

118 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

himself for he would leave his lands well satisfied, as he had no
greater desire than to be a friend to the Portuguese. Thereupon
the captain withdrew. This negro is a great personage, and was
always loyal to the Portuguese. The next day he came to see
us, and ordered goats, sheep, many hens, and ameiehueira to be
brought to us. Then as he delayed in ordering the vessel he
had spoken of to be shown to us, we went straight to the shore.
After travelling along it two days, we came to the river of
Lourenco Marques, which we so greatly desired, on the 6th of
April 1623. We could not see it until we arrived there, because
the aforesaid island is very near the mainland on the side of the
Cape of Good Hope, and thus as we approached it all appeared
to us part of the mainland.

When we had gone along the shore about a quarter of a league
we pitched our tents and fired three or four guns ; and as it was
then night we lit our fires, and all with Father Diogo dos Anjos,
a Capuchin, and Father Bento gave thanks to God that He had
brought us to a place where we were known and to which ships
came from Mozambique. The next day we saw two canoes with
negroes who spoke Portuguese very well, at which we were much
pleased, for previously we had seen neither canoe nor other
vessel. The captain sent to the king of the island, who was
the Inyaka Manganheira aforesaid, asking him to let us know
whether he had any vessel in which we might go to Mozambique,
or provisions upon which we could subsist for the month which
we might have to remain there until we could repair a vessel in
which to cross over to the other side, in order to reach it at the
proper time to find the vessel from Mozambique. The Inyaka
replied that we should go to him and he would provide us with
everything, and he sent us three small vessels to enable us to
cross to the island, which we immediately did.

When all the company had landed on the island, we marched
in our usual order to the kraal where the king was. It was com-
posed of large houses with palisaded courtyards, so that they
looked like the dwellings of warlike men. The king was seated
upon a mat, covered with a serge cape the colour of cinnamon,
which appeared to be of English manufacture, and with a hat
upon his head. Seeing the captain, he arose, but without moving
forward, and gave him a hearty embrace. The captain took off
the cape with which he was clothed, leaving him naked, and

Records of Soutli-Eastern Africa. 119

covered him with another of black silk, and put round his neck a
silver chain which had belonged to the boatswain Manuel Alvares,
with the whistle, a thing which he esteemed highly. This negro
appeared to be very old and fat, whereas throughout the whole of
Kaffraria I never saw a Kaffir who was crooked or fat, all being
upright and lean. He bade us pitch our tents near the kraals,
and the next day they brought us for sale quantities of fish, hens,
and ameichueira, and a few sheep.

The king came to see the captain and showed him the vessels
he had, which were small and all broken ; and when our car-
penters saw them they said they were not fit for more than to
cross to the other side of the bay, which was a distance of seven
leagues ; neither had they any stocks upon which to build larger
vessels, and that we could not wait for a vessel from Mozambique,
for it would not come until March of the following year, and
therefore we should ask the Iiiyaka to order the vessels to be
quickly repaired, for the Kaffirs are very dilatory. To this the
captain replied : " It seems good to me that we should cross to
the other side and travel to Inhambane, which is not far distant,
and we may be a month at most upon the way; and that we
should not remain a year waiting in the lands of this Kaffir, who
is a traitor, and killed here two years ago a priest and three
Portuguese to rob them, and therefore no pangayo has come for
so long, nor will one come soon, and in time he will gradually
do the same to all of us." All this had been told him by the
Inyaka on the other bank, and so it had occurred.

Having spoken thus, the captain went to the Inyaka, and
asked him to order the vessels to be repaired, for he was resolved
to set out and not to wait for the ships from Mozambique, which
had not come there for two years, because of the treatment
formerly received from him, and perhaps the next year they
would not come either. The Inyaka replied that it was true he
had killed the priest and Portuguese, but it was because they
had killed his brother, and if we did not trust him we might go
to an island close by, which could be reached on foot at low tide,
and there we would find water, and he would order a gamboa to
be made for every two Portuguese that we would have sufficient
provisions, and that Portuguese had often wintered there and
none had ever complained of him before. He said further that
he would give us ten of his Kaffirs, and we might send two

120 Records cf South-Eastern Africa.

Portuguese with them to Inhambane to make known that we
were here waiting for the ships to come. To this the captain
replied that he was anxious to arrive quickly. The Kaffir begged
him not to undertake this journey, for the Mokarangas would
surely kill him, as they did those of Nuno Velho Pereira's com-
pany who could not find room in the vessel ; that the country
beyond was very unhealthy, that his houses were full of ivory
and ambergris which he could not dispose of if the Portuguese
did not buy it from him, and therefore it was convenient for him
to treat us very well and not offend us, that we might give him
the credit of it.

But the captain insisted on going, and told him so, begging
him to order the vessels to be repaired, and bidding him farewell.
We went to the island aforesaid, which was about a league
distant, and there we remained while the vessels were being
repaired, which was until the ]8th of April. Kodrigo Affonso
and I wished to remain there, and we went to the captain and
told him that we did not dare march any farther by land, but
would leave when a pangayo arrived. The captain rebuked our
want of confidence, saying that he was surprised at our wishing
to turn back from the journey when we were in the right direc-
tion, and as it was said there were robbers farther on we ought
not to leave him, but if we did so in spite of everything he must
protest against it ; and it seemed as if he were prophesying.
Upon these arguments we embarked with the rest of the company
in four vessels, which could not contain us all at once, and it was
necessary to return for those who remained behind. The next
day at midnight we reached an island on the other side, which is
in the same bay, and we landed and slept there the remainder of
the night.

The following day at dawn Rodrigo Affonso de Mello, who was
ill, became much worse, but he could still speak plainly, and
having confessed himself he died on another island which we
reached the next night. I assure you that nothing could have
caused us greater grief, and the greatest was mine as his servant,
for besides being a noble gentleman he had an angelic disposi-
tion, and it was due to him that all our hardships were easily
endured, for he was the first to carry wood and water on his back
and to enter the sea in search of shellfish, and when the others
saw a person of his rank do this they were encouraged to imitate

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 121

him and not to lose heart. We buried him in this island the
next morning, and put a mark upon his grave.

Thence we followed an arm of this bay to another island
belonging to a negro called Melbomba, where we landed and
waited for the vessels to return with the rest of the company who
had remained at the island of the Inyaka, which was until the
7th of May. During that time we all fell ill, the country being
unhealthy, and also because we ate much of our food raw ; and
there died Father Bento, Manuel da Silva Alfanja, Pascoal
Henriques, bombardier, Antonio Luis, sailor, and Joao, a ship's
boy. When the remainder of the company arrived most of them
were also sick, and eight persons had died of those we had left,
but their names being unknown to me I cannot set them down
here. We left in this island, because they were very ill and
could not accompany us, Antonio Godinho de Lacerda, Gaspar
Dias, steward, Francisco da Costa, sailor, and a servant of the
captain.

Crossing to the mainland, we continued along the shore until
we came to the territory of a king called Manisa, who is the
most powerful in these parts. On the 13th of the said month he
came to see us on our way, where we were waiting till some of
the people should be convalescent, and as some of them grew
worse we left them with this king, who showed good will towards
us ; and generally when vessels come to these parts they find the
best market in his country. He told us to travel inland, for the
people were better, and warned us that upon the road we were
following we should all be robbed and killed. As the captain
never took advice from others, and only followed his own
opinions, he acted unwisely in many things, besides which he
was so partial to the seamen that he would do nothing they
disapproved of, even though it might be a punishment which he
inflicted on themselves; and therefore this was not remedied,
and also because there were few men of noble birth.

Dona Ursula remained here with her eldest son, whose name
was Antonio de Mello, and with her remained Joaquim Henriques,
two ship's boys, and a negress belonging to Thome Coelho.
They carried this lady in a litter made of pieces of cloth, with
her son in her arms, and it was most pitiful to see a young and
beautiful woman, whiter and fairer than a Flemish woman, the
wife of a man so honourable as Domingos Cardoso de Mello, the

122 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

chief judge of criminal cases in the state of India, and so rich, in
the power of Kaffirs, and shedding many tears. As we feared
she would not escape we took her younger son with us, which
added to her grief. The king took her with him, telling her
that she should want for nothing, and the captain promised to
give him a bar of merchandise if he used her and also the
others well.

As soon as the king was gone we set out, still keeping along
the shore. The captain, who was now ill, was carried in a litter
until we reached a river called Adoengres, which was 011 the
16th of the same month. Here the captain, seeing the condition
in which he was and that frequently he could not speak properly,
ordered the election according to the opinion of all of one with
merit and parts sufficient to take his place. Summoning the
whole company, he said that he was now incapable of governing
them, and therefore they must consider what man among us
could best do so, for they knew every one well and how far each
was fitted for it, and therefore he placed the election in their
hands, that they might not afterwards complain of him ; and
when they had voted he would do so likewise. They voted for
me, giving their reasons, and the captain said that this was also
his choice. Then Pedro de Moraes summoned me, and told me
that these people had elected me their captain, and that such
was also his vote, and he hoped to God that I would govern
them with more prudence than he had hitherto shown, for as a
spectator I knew in what he had offended them. I replied that
I must use my best endeavours to imitate him.

Then I withdrew to my tent, taking most of the people with
me. I told them that 1 took this office upon me solely out of
zeal for our preservation ; and that no one at any time might
have cause to complain of me, I chose six of the principal persons
present, without whose advice I would take no important step.
This was approved by all, because Captain Pedro de Moraes
never took counsel with anyone upon any matter whatever. The
persons whom I chose thus were Father Diogo dos Anjos, Thome
Coelho d'Almeida, a nobleman, Antonio Ferrao da Cunha, a
nobleman, Vicente Lobo de Sequeira, a nobleman, Andre Velho
Freire, and the pilot.

When this was done, the notary of the camp and these six
persons represented to me on behalf of the king that the precious

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 123

stones in the wallet were in danger, for the Kaffirs had been
molesting us three days, and it was carried by one man, whose
sole business it was ; and it might happen farther on, where we
were told that there were very warlike Kaffirs, that they might
defeat us and take it all from us, as it was all together, making a
large packet. That we were in this danger because the people
were sick and we could do nothing with the guns, and the
powder was useless because it had been wet so many times.
That therefore I should order the wallet to be opened, in which
there were seven packets of rough diamonds very well sealed,
and divide these among such persons as I thought proper, taking
a receipt from each declaring that he had in his possession the
said packet of rough diamonds with so many wax seals and such
and such arms, and that at no time could the person who carried
it, in case lie should save it, claim more for doing so than what
fell to his share, dividing it among all according to the merits of
each one, and that this was done for the good of all, and for its
better security. As this was approved by most of the company,
and was the best plan in case some misfortune should befall us, I
sent for the wallet, and in the presence of all ordered it to be
opened and the seven packets of rough diamonds it contained to
be covered with leather ; and making out the receipts I entrusted
them to the following persons: Thome Coelho d'Almeida,
Vicente Lobo de Sequeira, Andre Velho Freire, the pilot,
Vicente Esteves, master carpenter, Joao Rodrigues, and myself,
and the receipts and other papers relating to the transaction were
deposited in my hands.

We had now been here two days, and we left at this place
three of our comrades, one of them a bombardier and two ship's
boys. The Kaffirs brought us nothing whatever for sale, but on
the contrary did us all the harm they could, refusing to show us
where the river could be forded, and therefore I sent one of our
negroes to sound it with a pole and find the passage, and that he
might do it with a better will I gave him a gold chain, for here
they were not our captives, and to prevent them from escaping
and joining the natives it was necessary to keep them well
satisfied. He did this at once, sounding the river in one
direction and another until he found the ford ; and setting up
sign posts, we crossed it with the water to our chins. As we had
now entered the country of thieves, we endeavoured to go forward

124 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

as fast as we could ; and we did so, skirmishing with them
continually, which we did with great difficulty, being sick and
weak, for provisions were scarce and the Kaffirs would not sell
them to us.

We journeyed thus until we came to the river of Gold, which
is very deep and wide, and flows with such fury that more than
eight leagues before we came to it we found huge trees torn up
by the roots in such quantities that they covered the shore, so
that very often we could not pass through them, by which we
knew that we were approaching some great river. The lord of
all this region is a very old negro, named Hinyampuna. We
were very disconsolate at the sight of this river, because we saw
the impossibility of crossing it. But before long we saw two
canoes coming down it, at the sight of which our fears
diminished. Calling to them I sent to ask if they would carry
us across, to which they replied in the affirmative and said that
they would come the next day with more canoes in order to do
so. I ordered a piece of calico to be given to them for this
favourable answer, and they went away.

As we were waiting for them the next morning, those who
were on guard saw advancing upon our side of the river more
than two hundred Kaffirs very well armed with many assagais
and arrows, and they were the first we had seen with these arms.
Then I put all the company in order, and fired several guns.
They approached all together with their king in the middle.
He was bravely dressed in the Portuguese fashion with a doublet
of taffeta inside out, a pair of long drawers back to front,
and a hat upon his head. He wore this dress to show us that
he had commerce with us, that we might trust him, but his
design was immediately perceived. He brought me a present
of two bunches of bananas, for which I paid him well, giving
him a piece of calico. Treating with him that he should order
his canoes to take us across, he said that he would do so if we
paid for it, upon which we agreed to give three pieces of calico.
After this was agreed upon he asked for two more. I said that
as he was old and bad come to see us I would give him the two
other pieces he asked for. A little later he said we must pay
still more, upon which I arose and withdrew to the tents, and
ordered all to be ready with their arms in hand until past mid-
day. Seeing that they did not withdraw, I sent him word that

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 125

the Portuguese never allowed other people to remain with them,
and that I told him this because it was growing late and at
night we might kill some of his followers with our guns, with
which we kept watch all night. He answered that his people
were going, and that he alone would remain with four Kaffirs
waiting for the canoes to come next day, when he would give
orders that we should be taken across, for he was our friend.

When I saw his people going I ordered two loaded guns to
be fired above their heads, and when they heard the bullets
whistling they threw themselves upon the ground, and sent to
ask the meaning of this, for they did not wish to quarrel with
us. I replied that this was an accident, and that in discharging
two guns the bullets happened to go that way, whereupon they
withdrew. The king remained as he said, and we kept strict
guard all night, firing guns after each watch. In the morning,
seeing how we had acted all the night and that he could not
carry out his design without danger to himself, he took his leave
of me, saying that he would send two Kaffirs to arrange with me
for our passage, and whatever they did he would agree to. He
kept his word, and sent me two Kaffirs, with whom I agreed for
eight pieces of calico, which were not given to them till they
had taken us across. Four of our comrades died here.

During the passage the Kaffirs had resolved to attack us in
the following manner. They sent word to the Kaffirs on the
other side to wait till half the company had landed and then to
fall upon them, and they would do the same on their side. In
order to accomplish this as the Kaffirs desired, they brought four
small canoes, intending that they should cross one by one, but
I, knowing their design, ordered the canoes to be tied together
two and two that they might carry more people, and sent half
the best men in them, with orders as soon as they arrived to
take possession of a height which was visible and to entrench
themselves while the others crossed over. And I ordered two
men with guns to return in each two canoes, so that they could
not escape. While this was being done we remained with our
guns in our hands and lighted match, so that we gave them no
chance of attempting anything ; and it was extremely prudent to
order two men to remain in the canoes, for if we had been
divided we should have been lost. At last 1 crossed over with
eight comrades, and then the Kaffirs in the canoes told me all

126 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

their design, bidding me be on my guard in future, for that was
the country of the worst Kaffirs in Kaffraria, who would kill us
simply for the sake of our clothes, and they were very numerous.
Thanking them for their warning, I gave them a piece of calico,
and went upon my way with all possible speed.

As soon as they knew we had crossed the river, many Kaffirs
came in search of us, and we fought with them all day. The
people were disheartened, because they wounded us from afar
with their arrows, so that very often we could not see who injured
us, because they shot at us from the thicket and we journeyed
along the shore, and there were but few men who knew how to
fire a gun. Fearing that they would destroy us, I hid in the
thicket all day and marched by night along the sea shore, for
the tide rises very high there and the woods are far off ; and
thus we journeyed by night while the tide was low, that when
it rose it might efface our track upon the sands. On the eve of
Pentecost at night as we went along we saw many fires on the
shore, from which we concealed ourselves, keeping very close to
the sea; and we passed quietly without being seen, pressing
forward until the third watch when we sought cover in the
thicket. We remained there keeping strict watch until it was
night and the tide was half out, when we marched on in order
till in the middle of the second watch we came upon many fires
which stretched from the edge of the water to the thicket, that
we might not escape them.

As we approached, Mocaranga Mukulu, who was king of all
that region, sent us word that we must not pass through his
country at night, for such was not the custom, and that he did
not wish to fight with us. I replied that the Portuguese required
no man's permission to pass everywhere. He bade me beware
of what I did, and not to cause a war, and said that all the
Portuguese who passed that way paid him tribute, as they did
in other parts. Upon this message all the company raised a
loud clamour, saying that for the sake of two pieces of calico
which we could pay, I would destroy them all, for none of them
were in a condition to fight.

Hearing this outcry, I summoned the persons aforesaid to
determine with me what was best to be done. I told them that
it seemed best to me to fight and pass through these Kaffirs by
night, that they might not perceive our necessities; that the

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 127

guns inspired greater terror by night, and if a disaster befell us
we might more easily escape with the precious stones ; but if we
waited till morning as they desired, a greater number might
assemble than was now before us, and they would see that we
were weak and disheartened. To this they replied that they
were in such a state that they could not fight by day, much less
by night, and if I insisted on doing so only ten or twelve men
who were ashamed to do otherwise would fight, but all the rest
would flee. That it might be that the Kaffirs would be contented
with what we could give them and would withdraw, and thus we
should escape exposing ourselves to such a risk. I insisted that
we ought to pass, saying many times that if at the river of Blood
the Kaffirs had seen how few of us were fighting they would
have killed us all, but the darkness concealed this, and thinking
that we were all fighting they fled ; and God knows how many
defenders there were the night I speak of. They bade me not
to weary myself, for it was not advisable for us to pass by night,
and this was the opinion of all. When I saw that such was the
will of the best men there, I said that they were witnesses that
we remained against my judgment, and that they must give me
such documents to that effect as I thought necessary. It seemed
as if my heart divined what afterwards occurred.

When I found that we must remain there until morning I sought
the strongest position to be found, upon a height, and ordering
many fires to be lit I took all the packets of diamonds and had
them buried in secret, and ordered a large fire to be made above
the place where they were ; and we spent the rest of the night
with our arms in our hands, without anyone sleeping. The next
day the king himself came, and I arranged to give him nine
pieces of calico and a scarlet coat ; and then he asked for some
pieces of silver from the head-trappings of a horse, and we gave
them also ; and he kept asking for more, and we acceded to all
his demands, til], declaring himself satisfied, he took leave of us
with demonstrations of friendship. When he had gone, as no
others appeared, I ordered the diamonds to be dug up and
returned them to those who had charge of them.

But us we were proceeding along the shore more than a thou-
sand Kaffirs came out of the thicket and attacked the rearguard,
which alone resisted until the Kaffirs defeated them and left
them all badly wounded and stripped so that they had nothing

128 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

with which to cover their nakedness. The remainder of the
company, seeing this defeat, fled into the thicket, but could not
conceal themselves, for the Kaffirs immediately fell upon them
and stripped them, whereas if they had fought we should not
have been defeated, and had they fired their gnns while we were
loading ours, we could have gone on killing the Kaffirs until
they retreated, as others more valiant than these had done in our
frequent combats.

Finding myself naked and with deep arrow wounds in five
places : one in the right temple, one through the chest, from
which my breath escaped, one through the loins, from which
my urine was mingled with blood for twelve days, and from
which I could not extract the arrow-head, another in the left
thigh, in which the iron also remained, and another in the
right leg, from which the blood was flowing, I determined to go
inland and remain with these robbers, that they might tend me,
and to see if they would give me something with which to cover
myself. Being in this mind, Thome Coelho and the others sent
me word that they would not go on without me, and that we
should go forward, for Inhambane must be near. I replied that
1 was good for nothing, and bade them go on and God help
them. I asked a sailor named Tavares, whe was also wounded in
one leg, to accompany me, and we would return if Grod gave us
health, for it could not be but that the Kaffirs would take com-
passion on seeing our plight. He consented unwillingly, and we
followed them for a good league until I could proceed no
farther, and there in a desert place they all assembled and
divided what they had stolen from us.

The king, recognising me, ordered the arrow-heads to be
extracted and my wounds to be dressed with a certain oil they
have, which they call mafura, and when this was done they gave
me an old doublet without sleeves and a little of the provisions
they had robbed us of. Here they divided all the treasures they
had brought, setting more value on a rag than on the most
precious diamonds, all of which the king kept for himself, for
two of our little Kaffirs, who were with them, told him that they
were the most precious of all, and he would be given a piece of
calico for each of them. When they had made this division
they went away, and we being left alone returned to the shore to
see if we could find any of our comrades, carrying a lighted match

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 129

with which to make a fire at night. When we had gone a little
way we heard whistling in a thicket, and turning round we saw
two negroes clothed, whom we recognised as ours, and on speak-
ing to them they told us to wait and they would go and call
Joao Rodrigues de Leao, who was in the thicket. He came at
once, and embraced me, saying that he had not been robbed, for
he had hidden himself well ; and taking off his coat he gave it
to me, and told me that he had the packet of diamonds I had
entrusted to him intact, bidding me dispose of them as I pleased.
I answered that since he had guarded them so well he should
carry them as far as Inhambane, and there we would decide what
we must do. Thus we travelled on by night, for in the day
these cursed Kaffirs would not have left us the miserable rags
we wore. We were also joined by another of our comrades, a
Frenchman named Salamao, whom I received with joy because
he could bleed me, for I could not move on account of the
congealed blood from my wounds ; and he did this with a lancet
which he carried.

Proceeding along the shore four days, we crossed a river with
the water to our necks, which was as cold as snow, and did me
great harm. Here we found most of our company, who were
glad because the Kaffirs had given them food. Then Andre
Velho Freire came to me and said that he had saved the packet
of diamonds which I had entrusted to him, and asked my orders
concerning it. I bade him carry it to Inhambane, and there we
would decide as seemed best. Thus we journeyed on through
the lands of Zavala, a chief or petty king who was our friend,
until we met an old Kaffir, the subject of a king named Aquerudo,
who as soon as he saw us refused to leave us, telling me that we
must go through the territory of his king, and we would want
for nothing ; and so it proved from the time we met him until
we reached Inhambane.

That day he made us travel far in order to reach the place
where the king was; and when we arrived at night he made
much of us, ordering us to be provided with everything necessary
while we remained there, and killed a cow for us. He came to
see me three times every night, bringing food and telling us not
to be disturbed, for now we were in the country of the Portuguese,
and he was like us, the only difference being that he was black.
We remained there four days, after which he accompanied us for

VIII. K

130 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

a day upon our journey, and giving me two elephants' tusks he
returned, leaving his eldest son to go with us to Inhambane
with the old man aforesaid, who fed us all the way until our
arrival, which was on the 19th of June.

We were well received there, and had no lack of food that
night. The next day the pilot came to me with Father Diogo,
who had reached the opposite bank of the river two days previously
with the others of the company who were missing. They told
me that Inyapata and Matarina, two kings there, were waiting
for me to distribute in my presence all those who were on the
opposite bank, that I might afterwards pay them for all they
should expend therein. I rejoiced at this, saying that I had
only arrived the day before, and that it seemed best to arrange
first with regard to those who were on the side of Chamba,
which was where I was, and that afterwards I would go there and
do as they said.

That same day there came to me a Christian negro, who lived
there, named Andre, who served those kings as interpreter when
Portuguese came thither. He took me to his house, and I
remained there till I went to Inhambane. The next day the
aforesaid king came to see me, and I arranged with him that the
people should be lodged in the houses of those Kaffirs who had
most property, as he approved of this, but told me that it could
not be done that day, because it was necessary to send for them,
and he would return early the next day and bring them with
him. And so he did, and when they were all assembled he told
me that I must pay the expenses of these people. I answered
that I would do so, and he objected, and replied that I had not
so much as would serve to buy a chicken, being thus stripped,
and how could they trust me ? To this I replied that the word
of a Portuguese was worth more than all the riches of the
Kaffirs; and after much talking on both sides, which is what
they most prize, he made me promise to pay all the expense, and
the king then said that he was my security. Then he distributed
the Portuguese as the Christian negro had advised, and calling
them by their names he said " To this Kaffir you may entrust
some grave man, for he is a good negro and rich." Thus all
those on the side of Chamba, which is in the direction of Cape
Correntes, were lodged, and crossing to the other side, where
they made much of me, I did the same.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 131

This is a most beautiful river, a league wide, and on the side
of Chamba there is good anchorage for ships of three hundred
tons burden ; the middle is for the most part dry at low tide,
and there is a quantity of shell-fish, of which the Kaffirs make
use. The country itself is very healthy, and the best provided
and cheapest I have ever seen, abounding with provisions, such
as millet, ameichueira, jugos, which is like grain, rnungo, sesame,
honey, butter, very fine oxen, one of which, however large, is
valued at two pieces of cloth, and numerous goats and sheep.
The fish is the best I ever tasted in the whole of India, and so
cheap that it is marvellous, for they will give a hundred very
large mullet for a piece of cloth or a motava of beads, which is
worth even less. The woods are full of oranges and lemons, and
there is abundance of timber from which vessels may be built.

The articles of trade of this country are much ambergris and
ivory. The Dutch have often been here, and according to what
Matarina, one of the kings, said to me, they wish to carry on
commerce, and nearly every year when they passed by they sent
boats ashore to trade for oranges and cows, but since one of their
boats was taken and some of their people killed, they have not
sent ashore, but the Kaffirs have gone to the boats. I greatly
fear that these enemies will get possession of this port, from what
I know of some of their people, which I do not relate here for the
sake of brevity, and because I know that it will not be prevented
however much I write. Here I remained much cherished by
these Kaffirs, especially the kings. Before I left seven persons
died, and I believe it was through too much food, for we were all
very weak and sickly, and afterwards in the midst of this
abundance they took no care of what the consequences might be.
Those who died were the following : Thome Coelho d' Almeida,
Vicente Esteves, Joao Gomes, Joao Gon^alves the lalono, the
gunner, and Bras Goncalves.

Seeing that it was two years since a vessel had visited the
port, and that there was an uncertainty whether one would come
that monsoon, Motepe, the negro who served as interpreter, said
to me .that when three months had gone by and the Kaffirs saw
there \vas no chance of their being paid, they would all turn
upon me, and therefore I should go to Sofala where, as I was so
well known, I should have no difficulty in finding some one to
lend me four bars of merchandise with which to ransom these

K 2

132 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

people ; and that he would speak to the kings, telling them that
my going to Sofala would be the cause of a vessel coming with
merchandise to pay the expenses of the Portuguese. I was then
very ill, and replied that I dared not do this for fear of dying on
the way. Then he went and related the matter to Father Diogo,
who strongly urged me to undertake the journey, bidding me
have no fear of dying on the way, for God would take particular
care of one employed in a matter so greatly to His service. I
said I would do what he asked of me, and therefore Motepe
might speak to the kings and get them to give me some negroes
to accompany me. He did so at once, but they objected, saying
that I must not leave their territory, for I was the security for
all these people ; however the negro put forward so many argu-
ments that he concluded the matter with them, giving them
some pieces of cloth which he lent me for the purpose, and for
which I paid him six times their value.

Having leave to go, I resolved to take a Portuguese comrade
with me in case of emergencies, the best disposed of the com-
pany, whose name was Antonio Martins, and after the kings had
given me twenty negroes to accompany me I bade them all
farewell with many tears. They were full of doubt that I would
return for them, saying that from Sofala I would go to my home
and leave them to perish there. Hearing this, I seized the
hands of Father Diogo, and kissing them, I made aloud a
solemn vow to God to return for them, unless prevented by
death. Upon this they became more tranquil, and I set out on
the 2nd of June with the aforesaid companion. The jewels were
left buried in a gourd, their existence being known only to the
two who had brought them thither and to Father Diogo.

Having journeyed all that day, we crossed a river and slept
upon the opposite bank, where more Kaffirs joined the company,
laden with ivory and ambergris to sell at Sofala. This continued
throughout the journey, till at last I had more than a hundred
Kaffirs with me, and they did this because of the respect they
have here for a Portuguese. I was well received everywhere
upon the way, my chief regret upon this journey being the delay
caused by the petty kings of that region, for though these
people are nearer to us than those of the Cape of Good Hope,
they make a greater marvel at the sight of a Portuguese. After
travelling fifteen days I reached the kraal of a king greater than

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 133

those I had hitherto met, and who is called Inyame. He has
twenty wives, and when I wished to set out the next day he
would not consent to it, saying that he had sent for his relations,
who were at a distance, to come and see me, for no Portuguese
had ever passed that way before. And so it seemed from the
concourse of people who flocked to see me, shouting, howling,
and rejoicing. If I had not been so anxious to reach Sofala this
would not have been a loss to me, because of the many things
they brought me, which fed all the company, and yet much
remained over which we carried with us, to serve for that part of
the journey where there were no kraals.

A few days afterwards we came to another king, who resides
opposite the islands of Bazaruto, and whose name is Osanya;
and he received me in the same way. Thence I crossed a river
which is dry at low tide and is more than three leagues wide.
Having crossed it, I continued along the shore until the eve of
the feast of Saint James, when I reached Molomono. Here
commences the territory of a mulatto named Luis Pereira, who
lives at Sofala, and who is the most respected man in these parts.
Before reaching the kraal I heard that two of his sons were
there, to whom I sent a letter I had ready to forward to Sofala a
eague before I reached it, in which I gave an account of my
approach and begged them for the love of God to give me the
alms of a shirt and a pair of drawers that I might cover my
nakedness before coming into their presence.

When this writing was given to them they sent what I asked
for and a cloak as well, and came to meet me on my way, and I
embraced them with many tears. As I did not look like a
living being, they made me lie down in a skiff, and when I
asked them to send four Kaffirs with the net hammock in which
I had come thither to bring my comrade who had remained two
leagues behind very ill, they did so directly. The next day
they had a large boat repaired for me, in which I might proceed
to Sofala. Before this seventeen of my Kaffirs had died, the
country being full of stagnant swamps, and my comrade and I
were very ill. Embarking, we went and slept that night at
Chiloane, which is also in the territory of Luis Pereira, where
they killed a sheep for me, and held great rejoicing.

The next day in the afternoon, being the 28th of July, we
reached Sofala, and when the married men and Luis Pereira saw

134 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

the vessel sailing up the river they came to meet it, and the
Kaffirs shouting aloud : Muzungos, muzungos, they came on
board and embraced me, and I, who could hardly walk, went with
them to the church to offer a prayer, and asked that my comrade
might be brought thither. He arrived in such a state that he
asked for confession, and having confessed himself, rendered his
soul to God, and was buried there, leaving me disconsolate.

Luis Pereira ordered me to be taken to a house and provided
with everything necessary until the arrival of Dom Luis Lobo,
who was captain of the said fortress ; and as I was very ill they
took me to the house, where I was anointed. After some days I
became convalescent, and asked him to do me the favour of
lending me gold with which to purchase four bars of merchandise,
and I would give him whatever interest he chose and pledge all
the property he knew I had in India; and besides risking
nothing he would do me a great favour, and show great charity
to those who were left at Inhambane ; for as Nuno da Cunha,
who had been captain of those parts, was dead, and there was but
little merchandise, no pangayo would go thither, and they would
be left to perish. He said he would do all I asked, if I would
pledge my property, which I immediately did.

Thinking that I was not in a fit state to undertake such labour,
they urged me not to venture on this voyage, reminding me of
the great favour God has shown me in delivering me when so
many others had perished, and since I was now in a Christian
land I should remain there, for a man's first duty was to himself.
To which I replied that please God no danger to my life should
make me fail in what I held to be my duty, which was to return
for my comrades. They, seeing my resolution, wearied themselves
no more with these arguments, and having purchased a large
boat from Luis Pereira for a hundred and twenty maticals, I
placed in it four bars of cloth which I had bought, and taking
with me a married Portuguese of the said fortress, I set out for
Inhambane on the 15th of August.

Through delaying at Chiloane, after many storms I miraculously
arrived ten leagues beyond Inhambane. The pilots thought we
had not yet arrived there, and would have gone on, but I,
knowing the country, having so lately passed through it, told
them that it lay behind us. Going in that direction, three hours
later we came to the island at its mouth, and going up the river

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 135

we arrived that night at Inhambane. Here they all came to
receive me with many tears, saying that they owed me everything
and that I came to deliver them from the captivity of Pharaoh,
for the Kaffirs would no longer give them food and drove them
out of their houses, and if I had delayed ten days longer they
must all have perished beyond a doubt ; but their gratitude did
not last long.

When I had expended three bars of merchandise in ransoming
them, repaying each one in particular for what he had spent, I
would have gone with the bar which remained to the territory of
Quevendo to redeem the jewels and valuables of which they had
robbed us, that the owners might repay me as this deserved. I
sent a present to this king Quevendo as soon as I arrived at
Inhambane, for it was he who brought us thither after we were
robbed and gave us food, as I have related, and the present was
two pieces of cloth of Pate and ten pieces of ordinary calico, in
gratitude for what he had done for us. He was so noble that he
assembled all his people and killed many cows to celebrate this
great honour with feasting. He sent me word that he was
waiting for me to accompany me to the place where we were
robbed, to ransom all they had taken from us.

But when I was preparing for my journey, leaving the people
free and with plenty of merchandise to buy food during my
absence, they opposed my departure, complaining to the kings of
Inhambane, and asking why they allowed me to take all this
merchandise out of their country, for it ought to remain where
they had found hospitality. Hearing this, they sent me word
that I must not by any means depart except to go to Sofala, but
should use the goods I had left in buying produce of the country,
which was ambergris and ivory. Then they resolved to rob me
of what I had, and undermined my house one night.

Seeing that the whole company opposed me, I desisted from
my intended journey, and sent word to Quevendo that I could
not go thither, requesting him to forward a message to the place
where the stolen goods were that they might be brought, and I
would redeem them ; and I asked him to let his son accompany
the messengers. In reply he bade me remain there, and in
fifteen days the things would arrive with his son, for he would
go himself and speak to the people for the purpose. As soon as
these men knew that I was to wait for the negroes, they all went

136 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

to the vessel in which I had come, and put out to sea, forcing me
to embark beforei the monsoon, for even the Father was opposed
to me. After obliging me to sail, we were driven back again,
because it was not the monsoon, and that coast is very stormy.

When we put out again the wind blew so violently from the
sea that we were driven ashore twelve leagues from Inhambane,
whence we travelled on foot to Melonone, and thence in canoes
until we reached Sofala. See now, Sir, how they repaid me for
going for them at my own expense, for if I had refused to bring
them from Inhambane, and had employed the merchandise I
spent upon them in buying ambergris, there is no doubt that I
would have brought back more than fifteen thousand cruzados,
as there was a large quantity, no calico having been taken to
that port for two years. Truly I marvel whenever I think that
such men could be found in the world, who would let a stranger
go and trade for what we had brought thither at the cost of such
great hardships and enduring such famine as I have related,
rather than I who had come to serve them all without exception,
for whom I had shed so much blood, and to whom they owed
such gratitude. God be praised in spite of all ; but I wish that
this should be kept in mind that henceforth men may see and
consider for whom they risk their lives and lose their property.

From this fortress of Sofala we went to Mozambique, all
except four of our comrades who arrived with us : Antonio
Sigala, who was killed in Sofala, Pedro de Torres, a sailor who
absented himself because of a theft he had committed, a ship's
boy who married and remained there, and Fructuoso d'Andrade,
who was drowned in the harbour of this fortress. Those who
reached Mozambique were as follow: Father Diogo dos Anjos,
Antonio Ferrao da Cunha, Vicente Lobo de Sequeira, and Andre
Velho Freire ; also the pilot Domingos Fernandes, the under-
pilot Francisco Alvares, Miguel Correa the notary, Pedro Diniz
the cooper, Joao Eodrigues de Leao, Joao Eibeiro de Lucena,
Joao Eodrigues the carpenter, Manuel Goncalves, Joao Carvalho,
Joao Tavares, Antonio Gonpalves, Manuel Goncalves Belem,
Sebastiao Eodrigues, Diogo de Azevedo, Salamao the French-
man, Ventura de Mesquita, Fructuoso Coelho, a ship's boy whom
they called Candalatu, Domingos Salgado, Belchior Eodrigues,
Joao Coelho, Alvaro Luis, and Luis Moreno.

On landing we went in procession to Nossa Senhora do

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 137

Baluarte, carrying a wooden cross before us, and all chanting the
litanies with great devotion. And after we had rendered thanks
to God for all His mercies, by which He had brought us to a
Christian land, Father Diogo delivered a pious discourse, re-
minding us of the many hardships from which God had delivered
us and of the obligation we were all under to lead exemplary
lives thenceforward. Thence all went to seek a ship in which to
return to Goa.

NAVFEAGIO
DA NAO N. SENHOEA DE BELEM

FEYTO NA TERRA DO NATAL NO CABO DE BOA ESPERANQA, &

VARtOS SUCESSOS QUE TEVE 0 CAPITAO JOSEPH DE

CABREYRA, QUE NELLA PASSOU A INDIA NO

ANNO DE 1633, FAZENDO 0 OFFICIO DE

ALMIRANTE DAQUELLA FROTA ATE

CHEGAR A ESTE REYNO.

ESCRITOS PELO MESMO
JOSEPH DE CABEEYEA,

OFFERECIDOS

A DIOGO SOAEES

DO CONSELHO DE SUA MAGESTADE, & SEU SECRETARIO
DE ESTADO EM MADRID.

COM TODAS AS LICENgAS NECESSARIAS.

EM LISBOA

POR LOURENQO CRAESBEECK 1MPRESSOR D'ELREY.
ANNO DE MDCXXXVI.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 141

NAVFEAGIO

DA NAO NOSSA SENHOKA DE BELEM

Na terra do Natal no Cabo de Boa Esperanga no anno de 1635.

Parti da barra de Lisboa para a India em seis de Mar?o de 633
em Companhia de tres naos, de que era Capitao mbr Antonio
de Saldanha, fazendo eu o officio de Almirante na Nao Nossa
Senhora de Belem, a mais fermosa, mais bem fabricada, & a
mayor, que nunca navegou esta carreyra, & todos prospera-
mente em boa conserva, chegamos a Goa em 19 de Agosto do
mesmo anno.

Depois de descarregadas as Naos se tratou do concerto dellas,
principalmente da em que eu hia, por necessitar mais delle,
assim por haver arribado, como invernado neste Keyno. E por
razoes que se offerecerao, houve esta Nao de ficar na India para
melhor se concertar, o que fez de tudo o necessario ate dia do
Apostolo Sao Mathias 24 de Fevereyro de 635 em que o Conde
de Linhares Viso-Key daquelle Estado veyo fazer desamarrar as
Naos, obrigando os officiaes ao trabalho, nao so com sua assist-
encia, mas com grandes liberalidades, que com elles usou, de que
aos da minha Nao nao coube pequena parte, porque ao Mestre
della Miguel Jorge o Grego, deu hum anel de hum diamante
de muyto prepo, que tirou da propria mao, & do pesco?o hum
chaveyro de ouro, que deu tambem ao Piloto ; com que feytas as
duas Naos a vela, vi logo que na minha me quiz Deos mostrar hu
annuncio do triste fim que nos esperava ; porque virando a proa
para as prayas de Bardes, mostrava que era melhor ficar nellas,
que seguir a principiada navega^ao, que muytas vezes ate as
cousas insensiveis mudamente avisao dos sucessos futuros; mas
esquecendo estes presagios com o tornarse a por a Nao a caminho
(o que se fez com excessive trabalho) & seguindo nossa viagem,
nao deyxey eu de ficar com grande cuydado pelo que havia

142 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

sucedi do, em razao do receyo que trazia, por haver estado a Nao
em seco duas vezes, posto que depois que encalhou a primeyra,
se havia concertado muy bem, o que tudo foy necessario por
haver quebrado mais de quarenta cavernas, & brapos, & have-
remse-lhe cortado os mastros para que pudesse sair do bayxo, &
depois de dada a querena, se emmastreou no Rio de Goa, com
grandissimo trabalho por serem os mastros muy pezados, assim
em razao do que excediao em grandeza aos que levou deste
Keyno, como do excesso que faz o peso da Pugna, de que estes
erao, ao pinho de Flandes.

E saindo para a barra para se acabar de aparelhar, & tomar a
carga da Pimenta, & mais drogas, tornou a Nao a encalhar no
banco que faz a barra, onde esteve em quato a mare vazou, & na
enchente sahio do bayxo, assim por espias dadas ao mar, que se
viravao com a forca dos cabrestantes, como por toas dadas nos
navios da Armada, que se remavao a poder de braco; o que
tudo foy necessario ; porque de mais ser a Nao hum monte de
madeyra, & ja emmastreada ; as pancadas que deu com a quilha
forao muytas, ate porse em nado, & assim surta na barra, se Ihe
deu outra querena por ordem do Conde Viso-Rey, que em todos
estes trabalhos acudio sempre com grandissimo cuydado, & so
com sua presenca se puderao veneer as muytas difficuldades, que
entam se offerecerao, supposto que o dano que se Ihe achou, foy
so no codaste hua faceyra da quilha fora.

A considerapao de todos estes sucessos me animavao o receyo,
com que vinha, & me fazia reparar muyto na volta, & rnao
governo da Nao, quando no principio desamarrou, & assim com
este temor (ainda que vencido da esperanpa que tinha em Deos
nos levar a salvamento) fuy seguindo minha viagem, vendome
em breves dias co novos trabalhos, em razao da pouca gente do
mar que trazia, que nao erao mais de cento & quarenta & cinco
pessoas com os officiaes, de que a mais della vinha enferma, &
debilitada, & a outra ainda mal convalecente das doencas que
havia passado em Goa, & serme necessario vir de noite dando
a bomba de roda com os escravos, que erao bem poucos, por
poupar a gente do mar para as mayores necessidades ; pois em
razao da que convem a hua Nao, & da que levey deste Reyno,
que forao duzentas pessoas de mar, vinha eu desemparadissimo
de gente, & ainda essa que trazia tao enferma coino tenho
referido.

Hecords of South-Eastern Africa. 143

E desvelandome muyto a agua, que a Nao tinha, perguntey
aos calafates donde procederia, & me responderao, que da aguada
que tinhamos feyto para a viagem, & nao me satisfazendo desta
razao, assist! hua noyte a bomba ate a esgotar de todo, para
averiguar o bem que tinha, ou o dano que me esperava, mas ao
outro dia achei a bomba com agua, & assim dahi por diante
vinhao todos os negros ao conves a dar a bomba por exercicio
quotidiano, & tiravao sempre quantidade della, o que me dava
grande pena, porque ou fosse a agua das pipas, ou a que fizesse
a Nao, era sempre de dous males duvidosos haver de ter hum
por certo ; porque ou a doce veria a faltar para o sustento da
viagem, ou a salgada a crecer para impedila, com a felicidade
que todos desejavamos. E esta affliccao occultava eu sempre a
todos, pelos nao desanimar, supposto que obrigados destes nioti-
vos foy geralmente profetizado o miseravel fim que tivemos.

Com esta ancia continuava a viagem trazendo sempre menos
vela, que a outra Nao, por conservar sua copanhia, & assim mo
ter ordenado Sua Magestade em seu Regimento, & chegando a
altura de cinco graos da banda do Sul entre os bayxos das sete
irmas, & os de Pero dos Banhos, nos deu hua noyte hu chuveyro
tao forte, que levou pelos ares a vela de gavia grande, supposto
que vinha arriada, & bem a sombra do Papafigo mayor, & nesta
fayna se comecou a sentir a falta da gente, assim por pouca,
como por debilitada, com que trabalhosamente se acudia como
convinha, por mais que a diligencia dos officiaes se adiantasse :
porein navegando assim para mais altura, nos levou tambem a
furia do tempo outras velas de gavia, com que ao passo que nos
creciao os trabalhos comefavao os temores, & a agua que a
Nao fazia a crescer para elles serem mais intimos, que este he hum
dos tranzes mayores da navega?ao ; porque tudo impossibilita.

Quasi nesta altura se apartou de mim a outra Nao, fazendo-se
em outra volta ; & se he que me fez os sinaes que o Regimento
de Sua Magestade manda, de ca os nao vimos, nao faltando boas
vigias, ainda que as Naos estavao hum pouco desviadas hua da
outra. Eu segui a mesma volta ate amanhecer, em que me
achey so ; mas virando a Capitania outra vez pelo rumo que o
dia de antes levamos por ser o conveniente de nossa navega^ao,
nos tornamos a encontrar, & com huma vara de bons ventos
Suestes que nos derao, fomos o primeyro dia de Mayo amanhecer
com a Ilha de Diogo Rodrigues, que esta em vinte graos ao Sul

144 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

da linha, a qual fomos correndo de longo muyto alegres, assim
por irmos tambem navegados, como por fazermos ponto novo,
parecendonos a todos que em breves dias nos livrariamos dos
perigos que ha no passar do cabo de boa Esperan9a, durandonos
o veto que entao levavamos ; mas a Capitania se foy sempre com
a proa no mar, enchendo a altura, & se poz em mais de trinta &
quatro graos, que he o Sol que os meus Pilotos tomarao, onde o
vento passou ao Noroeste Oesnoroeste, que sao nesta paragem os
inimigos mais certos, que esperao as Naos. Crecerao os tempo-
raes, amiudandose com tanta forpa, que conhecendo eu os achaques
da minha Nao, me cheguey a Capitania, & Ihe disse que eu me
fazia na volta da terra, nao so porque a razao o pedia, mas porque
assim o ensinavao todos os Kegimentos dos Pilotos antigos : com
muyta causa, porque em paragem de tanta altura, & tanto ao
mar, sempre o perigo he mais certo, & os remedios mais impossi-
bilitados, & junto a terra achao as Naos mais abrigo, & em Abril,
& Mayo (porque os ventos cursao Levantes, & Nordestes) he
melhor ir ver terra do cabo em altura de trinta & hum para
trinta & dous graos, & nao desgarrar tanto ao mar a buscar
tormentas : de mais que para os infortunios desta navegapao
sempre na terra se offerece mais prompto acolhimento. Pelo
que nesta volta viemos ambas as Naos mais de oyto dias ate ver
a primeyra terra daquella costa, que entendo era de trinta &
dous para trinta & tres graos, donde contra o curso ordinario
desta monpao comefarao os tempoiaes a ser tao rijos, & continues
que parece que cada qual procurava de acabar com nosco de
hua vez, & era cousa digna de notarse, que apenas havia algua
bonanca, & lanpavamos as Eascas ao mar para colher algum
peyxe (que he o desta paragem com grande excesso o melhor
que deve de haver em nenhua do mundo) logo se nos seguia
nova tormenta, de sorte que muytas vezes com o peyxe entre os
dentes se acudia a marear as velas, & tinhamos ja por certo sinal
de borrasca, este breve alivio da pescaria, que com ser eo tanta
pensao, ainda o julgavamos por favor da ventura : que este bem
tern o estado da miseria, que ate os pequenos alivios recebe por
grandes contentamentos.

A Nao ja neste tempo com o exercicio continuo de a desagoar,
vinha muy falta de fuzis, chapeletas, & torneis de ferro para a
bomba de roda, que as ordinarias nao vertiao agoa por sairem da
India mal concertadas, culpa do Calafate da viagem, que em Goa

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 145

proverao em lugar do que levey deste Reyno, por ficar em terra
muy enfermo, & este tambem o estava, como de sobreselente,
& na India com a pressa da embarcapao tratou mais de meter
quatro fardos de canela, do que o necessario para as bombas ;
& o Mestre da Nao (que he o que podia acudir a estas faltas)
tambem adoeceo malignamente, & muytos dias dantes nao pode
vir a bordo a tratar do que mais convinha para viagein tao
prolongada: de maneyra que todas estas cousas ao presente
nos auginentavao o trabalho, & desde Goa parece que ja nos
encaminhavao a perder.

Mas por intentar todos os remedies, me cheguey a outra Nao,
& Ihe pedi alguns fuzis, & arneis de bomba, & que me empre-
stasse algum Calafate, & Carpinteyro, & outras cousas, que
tambem me erao necessarias ; & porque neste dia em que Ihe
manifestey minha necessidade andava o mar grosso, & inquieto,
nao ouve mais tempo que de falarmos, & dahi a dous me responde-
rao que deytasse o batel fora para me darem o que quizesse, que
foy o mesmo que negarmo cortes, mas nao piadosamente, porque
langarmos o batel era impossivel, assim porq elle nao estava
calafetado, antes muy esvahido, & hurna das cousas que eu pedia
era calafate, como se me faltava gente para a mareapao das velas,
quanta mais me era necessaria para guarnecer aparelhos, &
lanfalo ao mar, alem de que tambem neste tempo trazia rendido
o garlindeo da mayor, & nem para se fazer hum de pao havia
Carpinteyro da obrigagao que o fizesse, porque o de viagem de
mais de ser velho, estava muy doente, & o de sobreselente no
inesrno estado.

Perdidas pois as esperancas de que a outra Nao me socorresse,
assim pelo que me responderao, como porque a furia do tempo
nao dava lugar, a necessidade sempre mestra, & investigadora de
remedies, me encaminhou a valerme do que tinha na propria
Nao, & assim mandey arrancar todas as argolas que cravao da
banda de fora da proa, & todas as que vem debayxo da varanda,
que huas, & outras servem, para que os homens se embalsem,
quando convem concertar, ou leme, ou proa, & destas metidas
no fogo fiz fuzis, & torneis, remedeando como melhor pude, o
concerto da bomba.

A primeyra manhaa que o tempo nos deu lugar, mandey aos
Calafates assim doentes com mais algiis homens, que os ajudassem
pela banda de fora, a ver se havia algua estopa sahida por bayxo

VIII. L

146 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

das mesas de guarnifao, e a proa, & popa, que como a Nao
trabalhava muyto com os balances por estes lugares obrigao as
enxarceas a muyto dano, & todo o que se vio, se calefetou o
melhor que foy possivel; & imaginando eu que so por estas
partes fazia a Nao agoa, sempre que daqui avante nos dava algum
temporal, tanto que era mais brando, mandava pessoas de
confiaca ao porao, & por entre cubertas, a ver se ouviao, ou
enxergavao algua agoa ; mas nunca se descubrio outra cousa, que
gotejar da que vinha pelas amuradas, por estarem ja as cubertas
muy abaladas, & o costado muy esvahido, levada a estopa de
muytas partes, com os grandes balanpos da Nao.

E porque o trabalho crecia cada vez mais, reparti a gente da
Nao em tres esquadras : o Guardiao JBelchior Dias com os
grumetes nao so servia o seu officio, mas o de Calafate, ajudando
sempre com grande cuydado, & vigilancia no apresto dos fuzis,
& chapetas da bomba de roda, que por infinitas vezes faltarao,
quebrando a cadea por ser muyto pesada. 0 Contramestre com
os marinheyros, que tambem acudia a seu quarto com pontuali-
dade, & Simao Gonsalves Franco despenseyro da Nao com os
passageyros, & alguns Artilheyros, que estavao com mais saude
para o trabalho, a que todos assim por esta ordem acudiao com
grandissimo desvelo, & assistencia.

Entramos no mez de Junho, que he a forpa do inverno,
naquella costa, como bem a nossa custa o experimentamos, com
os grandes furapoes, & temporaes, que aqui tivemos, & dous dias
antes de Santo Antonio nos deu hu tao rijo, que nos deyxou a
todos atemorizados, & sem darnos lugar de tomar alento nos
entrou outro a noyte do mesmo Santo tao forte que ficandome a
Capitania por popa, por fugir ao mar, fuy correndo com os
Papafigos, com o farol aceso, como S. Magestade ordena : mas
quando amanheci, foi sem a outra Nao, a qual nao vi mais ate o
dia em que encalhey.

0 ponto dos Pilotos se fazia perto da Bahia de Sao Bras, mas
com a furia dos ventos, com os balances que a Nao dava nao
tinhamos lugar para se dar as bombas, que era so hua das do
zoncho, & outra da roda, com quern intentamos todas as dili-
gencias para haver de as concertar, ate querer tiralas, & meter
outras velhas, que vinhao na Nao, o que nao pudemos nunca
effeytuar, em razao do tempo, & a que laborava so ficou mal
concertada, & assim nos ajudava pouco.

Records of South-Eastern Afrwa. 147

Pelo que considerandome entre tantos apertos, & que para
nossa conservacao vinha a Nao muy falta de tudo, & sobrada de
iniserias, & que os temporaes cresciao por momentos mais riguro-
sos, como que nos queriao consumir, comecey a tratar do ultimo
remedio, que em cases semelhantes se usa no mar, ordenando que
se fizessem gamotes no conves, prevenindo-me assim para os
sucessos, que antevia ; & eomo a gente era tao pouca, & o traba-
Iho tanto, quando a occupava em hua cousa, me faltava para a
outra ; mas com tudo se concertarao quantidade de barris para
os gamotes, e nao tardando muyto avelos mister, em que os passa-
geyros, & os negros continuavao neste tempo com mayor fervor,
no que Simao Gonsalves assistio sempre, gastando muyto de sua
matalotagem para os esforcar, & animar, assim aos negros, como
aos mais que o ajudavao.

E posto que as afflicfoes erao grandes, todos ainda neste tempo
tinharnos muytas esperanpas de que Deos nosso Senhor nos daria
algum vento prospero para poder continuar nossa viagem, &
dobrar o cabo de boa Esperanpa tarn tormentoso, & fatal para os
navegantes; mas como as tempestades nunca nos davao mais
descanpo, que de cinco, seis horas, & nellas ficava o mar sempre
tarn grosso, & levantado, que este vinha a ser o mayor perigo,
porque a Nao com os balanpos de mar entraves era possivel que
abriria mais, chamey a todos os officiaes que vinhao nella, & a
gente do mar mais pratica, & outras pessoas, & Keligiosos que
me accompanhavao, presente o Escrivao delKey, Ihes propuz, que
considerando o estado, em que me via, & a paragem em que me
tomavao tantas miserias, discursassem todos em seu entendimento,
& vissem as suas consciencias o que melhor se podia fazer para
salva?ao daquella Nao, Pimenta de Sua Magestade, & o mais
que nella vinha, & dando-lhe o Escrivao o juramento dos Santos
Evangelhos a cada hum per si, se assentou por todos, que a Nao
nao estava em estado de poder tornar acometer o cabo de boa
Esperanya, & que antes arribassemos a Mozambique, se pudesse-
mos la chegar ; porem o Mestre foy de parecer como mais experi-
mentado, que a Nao nao podia atravessar a buscar a cabefa
da Ilha de Sao Louren^o, & em razao dos ventos Nordestes,
que muytas vezes costumao a ser naquella altura muyto
aturados, & tormentosos, & ser necessario o payrar com a Nao,
trabalho, que ella ja mal poderia sofrer, & que antes fossemos ao
longo da costa alcancando onde mais perto pudessemos chegar.

L 2

148 Records of South-Eastern Africa,

E tornado pelo Escrivao este assento no livro de S. Magestade,
ficamos todos bem desconsolados, & muyto affligidos, pois havendo
nao so dous annos, & tres mezes, que aviamos partido da barra
de Lisboa, mas cinco que durava esta viagem, desda primeyra
arribada que fiz a este Eeyno, nos viamos entre nossos trabalhos
com mais certeza da morte, que de poder chegar a este Eeyno
desejado, premio, & apetecido descanpo de todos os que se
deliberao a tarn prolongada navegafao.

Estando as cousas neste estado, os temporaes com pouca
diferenca huns de outros nos nao largavao nunca, & como a agoa
principal que a Nao fazia era pelo alto, & vinha por cima, calava
pelos payees da Pimenta, com o que pouco a pouco foy inchando,
& por algua greta, que abrio cahia no porao de sorte, que por
momentos crecia em tanta quantidade, que de todo nos julgamos
por perdidos. Pelo que obrigados da falta da gente, que nao
chegava a guarnecer as bombas, & os gamotes ; acudiao a traba-
Ihar ate as mesmas molheres, desanimando a todos, & enfraque-
cendo-os muyto, assiui as furias das tempestades, que nos nao
largava, como o grande frio que nos regelava, & o desvelo
continue de tantas noytes ; porem como em quanto se sustenta
a vida nunca desmayao as esperanpas, depois de por todas em
Deos, fiavamos de nosso trabalho, todo o remedio de tantas
necessidades, & assim para tomar algum alento, se revezava a
gente, & acudiao todos pontualmente a sua obrigacao.

E como en ate entao nao presumia que toda a agoa era
por cima, ordeney a hum marinheyro meu por nome Manoel
Fernandes, que era o que so nos ajudava, por ser bom Carpinteyro,
porque o da Nao, & o de sobreselente, nao sahiao de seus gasa-
Ihados (hum por muyto velho, & ambos por estarem doentes) que
fosse a bayxo, & fizesse exquisitas diligencias haver se podia dar
com agoa para a reinedearmos, & assim em hua noyte de muyto
tempo, topou na proa por onde a Nao a fazia, achando-a aberta
por onde chamao o coral, & tudo como hu canissado, de sorte que
quando cahia com o balance, se metiao hus paos pelos outros,
entrando hum rio de agoa, fazendo hum estrondo grande, medo-
nho, & triste, & se hua impulheta deyxaramos de dar as bombas,
& gamotes, foramos a pique ao fundo, porque ainda assirn a agoa
crecia, mas, parecendo-nos que tinhamos nas nossas rnaos este
breve intervalo da vida, por sustela se trabalhava excessive . A:
anciosamente.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 149

Mandey com tudo ao Mestre, & ao Guardiao com alguas pessoas,
mais, que vissem se naquella parte podia haver algum concerto,
mas conhecendo elles que alii era a fortaleza da Nao, donde vem
a rernatar, & fechar toda a obra della, vierao muyto desconsolados ;
mas nem assim nao cessando de buscarlhe algum remedio, se nos
o tempo permitisse algum jazigo : quizerao nossos peccados que
indo eu abayxo aos gamotes, que pareciao o retrato do mesmo
inferno, assim com a matinada, & grita dos que trabalhavao, &
estrondo da agoa que cahia, como com os grandes balancos que
tudo arrojava de hum ao outro bordo, sem haver quern se pudesse
sustentar, nem ainda estando pegados, & mandando eu chamar a
este Manoel Fernandes para eu ver pessoalmente o que se podia
fazer, vindo decendo pela escotilha donde estava o primeyro
gamote, com hum balango cahio por ella ate o porao, & quiz
nosso Senhor que o guardava para valernos no que ao diante
direy, que nao topou em cheyo em nenhum dos paos que estavao
sobre a cuberta do porao, donde se enchiao os barris da agoa, a
inaneyra dos que se poem nos possos das noras para afastar os
alcatruzes, que se nao quebrem nas paredes ; mas deu tarn grande
pancada sobre a agoa, que erao mais de dez palmos, que vindo
pura cima meyo desconjuntado, & mohido, acabey de perder
quasi toda a esperanya que podia ter de remedio humano, confi-
ando so no do Ceo, pois nao havia outra pessoa, que me ajudasse
na obra de carpintaria com tao boa vontade, nem com tanta
perfeyyao, & sendo que sempre nestas Naos vao de ordinario
entre a gente do mar homens deste officio, & de outros, nesta
parti da India so com hum Thome Fernandes, que nos havia
cahido ao mar de hum vagado, havendo ido a bordo estando
sangrado alguas vezes.

E porque nenhum remedio nos faltasse, tinhamos ordenado
huma moneta estofada, para que dando-nos o tempo lugar a
corressemos por bayxo da proa da Nao para por esta via se
vedasse algua agoa, o que o tempo nos nao permitio nunca,
antes rebentando pouco a pouco os payois de Pimenta se
comeyartio a entupir as bombas (rigurosa demonstrapao em
tantas miserias, & quasi indicio certo, que nos profetizava o
ultimo tranze.)

Neste tempo nos faltou o Calafate de viagem de morte subita
todo inchado, por se haver metido muytas vezes na agoa frigi-
dissima, o que despertou o auinio de todos para nos aparelharmos

150 Records of Soidh-Eastern Africa.

a dar conta a Deos de nossos peccados, confessando-nos, & fazendo
outros actos de Catholicos.

As tormentas nao cessavao sem nos permitir lugar de descanco
por quatro boras aturadas, & era tanto mayor nosso trabalho,
quanto mais nos chegavamos as ultimas miserias de perdernos.

E assistindo eii no convez com toda a gente, para que traba-
Ihassem com mais pressa, por nos irem ja faltando as bombas,
que ocupavao huma Estacio de Azevedo Coutinho com seus
escravos, & ate sua mo] her D. Isabel da Branches, que com aniino
robusto offerecia a dureza do trabalho a brandura de suas maos ;
& na outra revezados, hora Simao Goncalves, hora o Guardiao,
que sempre acudiao com singular cuydado, & eu no continue
laborar dos gametes, me gritavao decima, que mandasse gente
do mar a bracear a vela de correr, por nao atravessar a Nao, que
ja governava pesadamente, por levar toda a proa metida debayxo
do mar, & nos nao desse algum atravessado, que a acabasse fazer
pedacos ; que suposto que estava gente as escotas, nao bastava
quando o mar crecia ; & assim sempre que mandava algus homens
do mar, quando tornavao aos gamotes, se achavao mais dous, &
tres palmos de agoa a popa, & a proa dobrados duas vezes,
com cujos inter valos se acabarao de entupir as bombas, & so os
gamotes laboravao com muyto trabalho, pela muyta Pintenta que
vinha na agoa : e por isto nao desocupava a gente para haver de
alijar, que he hu dos remedios destas necessitades, se bem a
Nao vinha tarn descarregada, que o que entao tinha de agoa Ihe
faltava de peso ; que se viera como costumao as da India, muytos
dias antes nos tiveramos ido a pique sem nenhum remedio ; uias
com tudo sendo-me necessario alijar para mais alivio da Nao, o
nao podia fazer, vendo que me havia de levar toda a gente se o
quizera dispor, & gastar o tempo, que era o que eu mais poupava ;
& so quern experimentou o que he huma Nao da India com algfia
carga entre cubertas, pbde julgar como nos era possivel acudirmos
com tao pouca gente ao que tinhamos entre maos, & ao trabalho
de alijar.

Tarn rigoroso aperto me aconselhou a prevenirme para o que
esperava, & assim mandey por alguns negros, que por pequenos
nao serviao para a bomba, com o Tanoeyro, & Meyrinho por em
cima mosquetes, balas, coleyras de cargas, polvora, & as mais
municoes, que tudo mandey meter em pipas, & barris estanques,
& juntamente algum aroz, que tudo ao diante nos foy necessario.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 151

Pouco mais depois do Sao Joao, para remate de nossas ancias,
veyo a Pimenta a fazer code ja por cima da agoa, de maneyra
que huns apartala com paos, & outros a tirala, nao vinhao acima
em cada empullieta quatro barn's de agoa, & ainda essa ametade
era Pimenta.

Aqui pbde considerar todo o juizo desapayxonado, on quern se
vio em semelhantes naufragios, quaes estariamos todos, abarbados
com a morte, sem divisar outro remedio mais que a immensa
misericordia de Deos ; & assim tomando a Virgem Santissima
por nossa intercessora, que como May de piedade ouvio nossos
clamores, & nos deu o tempo algum alivio.

E porque ja neste hia toda a proa da Nao quasi metida
debayxo do mar, & os gamotes de todo entupidos com a Pimenta,
por haverem arrebentado todos as payois della, de sorte que so
com enxadas se poderia tirar, fiz outro assento com os officiaes,
& gente do mar, sobre o que se devia fazer, para salvarmos as
vidas, & o mais que pudesse escapar, & assentou-se por commum
voto de todos, ja que as miserias nos chegavao a tanto aperto,
que fossemos em demanda da terra para encalhar com a Nao, &
salvar a vida, o que a tivesse destinada por Deos.

E tomada esta miserrima resolugao no livro delRey, fomos a
buscar a terra, que ao outro dia vimos ser o principio da terra do
Natal de trinta & dous graos, & nao foy menos festejada, que se
descobriramos a deste Keyno, que hum estado penoso faz que
alvorecem ate as mesmas desgrapas.

Aqui por aliviar a Nao em vespora de S. Pedro, deytamos a
verga grande ao mar bem resistidos do tempo, que ainda tormen-
toso mal nos prometia nem este breve desafogo, & indo assim
correndo a terra por ver se descubriamos alguma pray a, ou
enseada, onde com menos risco, & mais comodidade pudessemos
encalhar, vimos huas serras niuy altas, & cortadas como de algum
Rio, & hiis fumos em partes, como que havia povoacoes de gente ;
& como sempre nestes casos sao tantos os pareceres, & as opinioes
como as pessoas, me foy necessario particular favor de Deos para
tomar resolucao certa do que convinha que foy chegarme bem a
terra, para melhor poder divisar o que viamos ; mas ficando-me
o vento mais escasso, nao pude canjar senao quasi hua legoa mais
adiante das referidas serras.

Determinada a mais gente a encalhar logo com a Nao por
recearein irem-se a pique, por quanto a agoa crecia cada vez

152 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

mais, eu o nao consent!, antes atropellando por todos os pare-
ceres, & confusoes, mandey surgir com hua ancora, nao cessando
de dizerem huns, que alii nos haviamos de afogar sem remedio
algum, o que nao chegaria a todos se nao encalhassemos : ontros,
que aquella noyte por isto ser ja bem tarde, nos havia de quebrar
a amarra, & dar a Nao a costa, & com a escuridade nao ser
possivel escapar pessoa algua.

Com tudo entre este laberinto de pareceres, & guiado de
melhor discurso, mandey lan$ar o batel fora, no que tambeni
ouve bravas opinioes, & grandissima confusao ; e em flm metendo-
me nelle ja disposto a morrer, ou a reconkecer a praya que nos
ficava atraz, & em que sempre puz o olho para nossa salvapao, &
bem pronostiquey como ao diante sucedeo, levey comigo ao
Guardiao da Nao por obrigado acompanharme quando sahia
della, & trinta & sete homens mais, todos armados corn sens
mosquetes, & espingardas, hum barril de polvora, ballas, & a
corda necessaria, sem nenhum mantimento, porque a pressa o
nao permitio.

E pedindo ao Padre Jeronymo Lobo da Companhia de Jesu
quizesse acompanharme naquelle tranze, pois em todos os da
Nao o havia feyto com grande caridade, elle por sua muyta
virtude ouve por bem de o fazer : juntarnente chamey ao Padre
Fr. Antonio Capellao da Nao, & sendo bem tarde me larguey
della, que vista de fora estavao torcidas as sintas a maneyra de
hum cajado, & determinando primeyro reconhecer as semis que
havia discurrido, que a praya que me ficava defronte da Nao,
disse aos que nella estavao, que ate o quarto da madorra tornaria
a dar razao do que tivesse visto.

E sendo eu julgado de todos que hia a morrer por quanto na
aspereza daquella costa mal se podia navegar com embarcapao
muyto grande, quanto mais em hum batel tao pequeno ; com
tudo entendendo que so por este caminho tao arriscado podia
haver algua esperanpa de remedio, tendo-a muy grande em Deos
nosso Senhor, me resolvi entre tantos trabalhos a exporme a este
com tao evidente perigo de minha vida : mas como confiava que
o logro havia de ser grande (ainda que o aperto foy hum dos
particulares em que me vi) tudo considerava facil no proveyto
de poder chegar a terra, aonde dando a Nao a costa, era forga,
que a mayor parte da gente se salvasse em jangadas, em paos,
& taboas ; & que indo assim algum meyo morto, ou de frio, que

Becords of South- Eastern Africa. 153

era graudissimo, ou ferido dos pregos, & rachas, & atropelado do
rolo do mar, que arrebentava furiosissimo muyto antes de chegar
a costa, nao visse algum Alarve de entre aquelles matos, & pelos
roubarem acabassem de os matar, a cujo resguardo eu podia
acodir, com a gente que me acompanhavao. E tambem tomando
terra deyxallos assim armados, cubertos com alguma trincheyra,
ou valo para defensa dos Cafres que bayxassem a praya, como
para recolher seguro tudo o que podesse sair a terra, & voltarme
outra vez para a Nao, para o que conviesse fazerse della.

Com se remar fortemente, & a agoa ir comnosco, nao pude
chegar a terra, senao com o ar muy pardo, depois de se haver
posto o Sol, & me vi em grande necessidade, por andar o mar
muy alterado, & nos nao dar lugar a descobrir nada ; & era
grande merce de Deos nao arrebentar no batel algua das muytas
ondas, que de longe vinhao quebrar na costa, porque infali-
velmente pereceramos todos : & como com a noyte nao podiamos
ver, nem ainda as serras altas, alargando nos hum pouco espaf o
para fora surgimos com huma fateyxa, escolhendo este pelo
ultimo remedio, pois nao descobriamos outro, aparelhando-se
cada hum em seu corapao, para dar conta de seus peccados,
parecendo-nos que nos nao poderiamos sustentar sobre o mar,
nem duas horas.

Mas por entre a grande miseria daquella noyte, assim com os
grandissimos frios, como com o muyto mar, que atravessava por
cima do batel, veyo rompendo a manhaa, pelo que tratamos logo
de fazer ao que haviamos vindo ; mas sem divisar paragem donde
pudessemos chegar com o batel, nem ainda que vimos as serras
talhadas, destinguir claramente se havia Kio caudaloso ; porque
como o mar na resaca andava muy levantado, & arrebentava em
flor muyto distante della, por serem tudo bayxos, era impossivel
reconhecer o que pretendiamos.

E com esta desconsolapao ao longo da costa fomos remando
outra vez para a Nao com excessive trabalho, por quanto nos
detinhao as agoas, que velozmente corriao para o cabo de boa
Esperan^a, & a gente nao so cortada dos trabalhos passados, mas
muyto fraca, pela falta de comer ; & assim andavamos pouco ;
mas com tudo com o cuydado em vigiar se havia algua parte
onde pudessemos chegar, o que nao permitio Deos que fizessemos,
porque quiz sua divina providencia que toda a obra fosse sua,
pois sendo isto quasi as tres da tarde, em dia de S. Pedro, estando

154 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

a vista da Nao, nao pude chegar a ella, & surgindo outra vez
para descangar a gente, tornou o vento a crecer do Sueste (que
he travessam naquella costa) e o mar a cmzarse dos tempos
passados Oestes, Oessuduestes, de maneyra que vendo-nos em
tarn miseravel estado, recorremos todos a pedir a Deos miseri-
cordia, pois mostrava que nem era servido de que tornassemos
a Nao a buscar nossos companheyros.

E fazendo o Padre Jeronymo Lobo em alta voz hum acto de
contrifao, que todos repetiamos, puzemos a popa no mar, & a proa
em terra, & remando a todo impeto, porque o batel fosse mais
despedido levados do vento, & das ondas, nos dispuzemos a
encalhar onde melhor pudessemos, & ja perto da terra veyo hum
mar como hum monte, que cubrindo-nos por cima, ficou o batel
cheyo de agoa, & a nao ser hum marinheyro, a quern chamao
Antonio Domingues, que hia governando com hum remo por
leme, junto do qual eu hia, sem duvida fora este o ultimo tranze ;
mas sempre animado, & com grande sentido procurava que nao
atravessassemos no alto deste mar, a que logo se seguirao outros
nao menos terriveis, como he costume em costas bravas. E
gritando pela Virgem do Rosario sempre protectora nas mayores
miserias, foy ella servida que fossemos a terra por bayxo delles,
& misturados com as ondas sem ninguem se afogar, antes levando
todos suas armas nas maos, aventurando-se mais os que melhor
nadavao, que em tomando pe, acudiao ajudar aos outros, se forao
salvando todos. Eu que sabia mal sustentarme sobre a agoa
me deyxey estar ate que puxarao por mim, & tambem pela
misericordia de Deos fuy a salvamento.

Tiramos as muni^oes, & a polvora enxuta, por ir em barril
estanque, tratey primeyro que tudo de que se fizesse fogo nas
pedras das espingardas para enxugarmos as armas, & voltando
para o batel, vi que estava ja meyo quebrado, & todo cheyo de
area, julgando este por hum dos mayores milagres que Deos
nosso Senhor nos fez, nos abrapamos huns aos outros, dando-lhe
muytas gra?as ; & como pessoas que de novo naciamos para esta
vida, havendonos visto quasi na outra.

Recolhemo-nos logo a hum pequeno mato que nos pareceo
mais acommodado, assim para nos defendermos dos Alarves da
terra, como para nos enxugarmos, fazendo cada hum fogo onde
melhor Ihe pareceo, o que bern permitia a muyta lenha de que
esta terra abunda.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 155

Neste tempo tanto que os da Nao virao que o batel virara logo
entenderao pelo grosso mar que fazia, que me hia a perder, &
picando a amarra, largarao o traquete, & vierao para o mesmo
lugar, que era pouco mais adiante que as serras que atras digo,
onde sempre tivemos tencao de encalhar, & como o vento era
Levante, vinhao em popa, o que visto por nbs fomos correndo a
praya, & Ihe puzemos na ponta de hiia lanpa hua toalha, para
que vissem, que nos nao haviamos afogado, & que os podiamos
ajudar quando encalhassem : mas como com o grosso mar nos
nuo podiao ver, & a Nao nao queria governar, ora punha a proa
para o mar, ora para a terra, imaginando que os mais que tinha-
nios vindo no batel eramos afogados, se forao buscar a praya, em
que assima niuytas vezes tenho fallado, & eu havia ido reconhe-
cer, & nella encalharao, muy perto onde hum rio say ao mar, que
de hua, & outra parte tudo he bayxo de area, & pelo canal vaza,
& enche a mare com niuyto impeto, sendo donde tocarao a terra,
mais de hum terpo de legoa, & como era bayxamar, & andava
toda a costa em flor, nao divisarao por entao o canal do Kio, &
abonan^ando o tempo algum pouco, tiverao mais esperanfa de
vida, passando aquella noyte, & o dia seguinte em mil discursos.

He necessario advirtir aqui, que tanto que me sahi da Nao,
deyxando ordem para isso, alijarao ao mar tudo quanto estava a
proa, & no mais corpo da Nao por cima, com que se puderao
sustentar ate vir encalhar.

Ao outro dia depois de a Nao 'estar encalhada, botarao ao mar
hum balao que vinha nella do Conde Viso-Rey que foy todo
o nosso remedio, & se meterao nelle os mais aventureyros a ir
reconhecer se tinhao canal, ou paragem comoda para desembarcar,
que posto que o que havia era muyto estreyto, & de sete ate
oyto palmos de agoa, nao dava jazigo senao a espapos, porque
quebrando o mar no bayxo, corria toda a costa com grandissimo
impeto, & impetuosa resaca.

O dia em que me perdi no batel, que foy o mesmo em que
encalhou a Nao, vierao a demandar algus Alarves a gente que
comigo tinha vindo, que eu deyxey com o Padre Jeronymo Lobo,
por eu haver ido com algus homens por cima de hua serra a
descobrir aonde a Nao estava encalhada, & com toalhas Ihe
fizemos muytos sinaes, para que todos nos animassemos, assim
elles por ver que haviamos escapado da forfa do mar, & que
tambem podiao vir a terra, aonde os podiamos ajudar, como

156 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

nbs, parecendo-nos que tinhamos companheyros, para os futures
trabalhos que esperavamos, que nao he pequeno alivio para os
desgraciados, ver que tern participes em seus males.

Ao outro dia antes de amanhecer mandey ao Gluardiao, &
Simao Franco, com mais quatorze pessoas da raelhor gente que
tinha vindo comigo todos armados, para que fossem defronte
donde a Nao estava aos ajudarem no que conviesse, em quanto
eu o nao podia fazer, por ficar acompanhado o resto da gente, a
mais della impossibilitada para poder caminbar : partidos elles
veyo o Sol saindo, & de entre os matos ajtmtar-se poucos, &
poucos, tantos alarves, que vierao a ser mais de trezentos, o que
nos poz em grande cuydado, por sermos tao inferiores em numero,
& os mais delles quebrantados da agoa do mar, & nao beni
armados.

- He esta terra de ares excellentissimos, & de grandes matos,
madeyros muy altos, & grosses, & de suaves cbeyros, supposto
que os frios sao excessivos, ba muyta lenba, & como o Sol levanta
aquenta bastantemente a terra ; isto be no inverno, que quando
se cbega mais a nbs, nao deyxa de haver calma, mas fuy sofrivel
sem fazer mal o Sol, porque andando nos sempre a elle nos nao
adoeceo nunca ninguern, antes vindo a gente muy doente,
convaleceo a mayor parte della, & so nos morrerao quatro, ou
cinco pessoas, que do mar vinhao muy enfermas ; & com o temor,
& espanto de se verem deytados naquellas prayas, acabarao as
vidas nos primeyros cinco, ou seis dias, os quaes enterramos em
hum lugar, que para isso se escolheo, por nos parecer que
morreria muyta gente, pondo-lhe hua Cruz sobre a sepultura, o
que nos movia a grande magoa, & acrecentava may ores saudades,
por ver nossos companbeyros enterrados donde nunca puzerao
pes mais que alirnarias bravas, ou aquelles Alarves naturaes, que
tambem se distinguem pouco das proprias feras.

A gente desta terra he muyto enxuta, & direyta dos corpos,
grande das estaturas, & fermosa de gestos, muy sofredora de
trabalhos, fomes, & frios, vivem duzentos annos, & ainda mais
com boa saude, & com todos os dentes, & sao tao ligeyros, que
andao por cima das frogozidades das serras, tao velozmente,
como veados, andao cubertos com humas peles por cima dos
hoinbros, que Ihe chegao por bayxo dos joelhos, estas sao de
vaca, mas por seu artificio as abrandao tanto, que parecem bum
veludo, entre elles tambem ha pobres, & ricos, mas isto vein a

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 157

ser o que tern mais, ou menos vacas ; trazem todos na mao hus
paos de quasi dous palmos, & por remate delles hum rabo como
de Raposa, que Ihe serve de lenpo, & abano, usao de humas
alparcas redondas de pele de Elefante, que trazem dependuradas
nas niaos, & nunca lhas vi postas nos pes : as armas de que usao
sao Azagayas com seus ferros bem feytos, & largos, seus broqueis
de pele de Elefante com impunhadura corno os nossos, mas a
feyf ao ou modo de adargas ; os mais ricos se servem de outros :
todos trazem cachorros cortadas as orelhas, & rabos, com que
capao porcos montezes, & veados, como tambem Bufaros, Ele-
fantes, Tigres, & Leoes, & muytos cavallos marinhos, & das aves
ha perdizes, galiiihas do mato, tambem ha cazeyras, mas sao
muyto pequenas, pombos verdes, & papagayos, que he muy bom
comer, porque destas matamos muytas, tambem ha coelhos,
lebres, ginetas, que tudo isto tomamos em la^os : os Keys tern
quatro, cinco, & sete mulheres, estas todas sao as q trabalhao,
semeyao, & lavrao a terra com hus paos para disporem suas
searas, que sao de milho tao grosso, ou inais que linhaca : tambem
o ha de ma?arocas ; semeao balacias muy grandes, & muy boas,
fey joes, abobaras de muytas castas, canas de assucar, ainda que
disto pouco nos trouxerao ; mas o de que mais fazem fundamento
he de vacas, que sao fermosissimas, & o mais manso gado que
tenho visto em terra algua ; quando he o tempo de leyte se
sustentao delle coalhando-o, & fazendo-o azedo, do que nos
gostavamos pouco. Comem tambem hiias raizes, que na feifao
se parecem com o trovisco, & dizem Ihes da muyta forca, & assim
ha outras que dao hua semente miuda, que tambem nasce
debayxo da terra, a qual comem com grande gosto, & a rezina
das arvores, sem gastarem nenhuma fruta da que ha nos matos,
em nenhum modo, o que nos foy a todos de muyta utilidade ;
porque com ella nos ajudamos a sustentar muytos dias, posto que
nao tem semelhanca com nenhua deste Reyno, nem com as que
ha na India. Nos casamentos nao trazem as molheres dotes,
antes elles os dao a seus pays de vacas, & ellas sao como suas
cativas, & de seis, ou sete que elegem cada lua metem hua
em casa, sem que as moleste ciume algum, & ate as suas joyas
sao para elles, porque ellas so trazem suas peles melhores, ou
peyores, conforine a possibilidade de seus maridos. As joyas
sao manilhas nos brajos, & arrecadas nas orelhas, ou de cobre, ou
de osso.

1,~>8 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Postos pois em terra, como tenho dito, resgatamos algum
milho, que ellas traziao as maos cheas, & sinaley ao Padre
Jeronymo Lobo, para que corresse com isto a troco, de algumas
fechaduras, azelhas, & pregos de escritorio; & estavamos tarn
cortados da fome, por haver tres dias que nao comiamos mais
que hua meya costa de biscouto, & ainda menos, que a cazo
trouxe o Padre atado em huma toalha, repartindonolo que chegasse
a todos, que eu me senti tao fraco, que me fuy a humas figueyras
bravas, & me puz a comerlhe os cardos de dentro, que ainda que
imitao as da India, & la usao os naturais este mantimento, nao
he nada saboroso.

Quando estes Alarves chegavao aonde nbs estavamos, que era
com as costas em hum mato, que nos servia assim de defensao
do frio, como para elles quando nos quizessem acometer ; em
hum monte de area, que estava defronte, pregavao as azagayas
primeyro que chegassem a nbs, & dalli por acenos nos diziao,
para que tinhamos as armas nas maos, quando elles estavao com
as suas postas de parte ; & como nisto mostravao desconflanpa, &
o tempo era de cobrar amigos, eu me resolvi a me meter entre
elles, largando a hum companheyro hua espingarda que tinha,
ficando-me com hua pistola na cinta, & com hua adaga, a primeyra
cortezia que Ihes fiz, foy pegarlhe pelas barbas, & esfregando-
Ihas muy bem, & logo sentarme entre elles, de que se mostrarao
muy contentes, por entenderem ser eu o Capitao daquella
gente, me davao grandes louvores, chamando-me na sua lingoa,
Canansys, Molumgo, Muculo, Manimusa, que na nossa querem
dizer grandes titulos.

Alii estivemos largas duas horas ate que se dividirao para
varias partes. E mandando eu hum grumete com hum barril a
buscar agoa a huma ribeyra que nao estava longe, Ihe sairao
alguns do mato, & Iho tomarao, & huma faca, dando-lhe algumas
pescopadas, tornando-se a embrenhar. E parecendo-me, que com
Ihe fazer huma negaca poderia satisfazer-me, matando algum,
como que tambem julgava que me seguraria para passar aquella
noyte, chamey hum marinheyro, que se nao prezava de pouco
valente, & com a sua espada na mao o mandey que fosse encher
hum caldeyrao a ribeyra com o sentido nos alarves nao Iho
tomassem ; & eu me fuy nas suas costas com quatro espingardas
em maos de bons tiradores, & porque nos nao vissern ficamos
hum pouco atras encubertos com hum recanto que fazia a terra.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 159

O marinkeyro chegou, & como nao vio ninguem poz a espada no
chao, & o caldeyrao, & tirou-lhe a tapadoura para o encher de
agoa decima de humas pedras ; ficava pelo alto delle huma
mouta, detras da qual estava acaehado hum alarve que de subito
se ergueo, & saltou mais ligeyro que hum galgo, donde o mari-
nheyro estava, & Ihe tomou o caldeyrao, & a tapadoura com
acfao tao repentina, que o deyxou tao assombrado que se nao
soube determinar ; nos acodimos, & quando levamos as espin-
gardas ao rosto ja o negro, como hum passaro, hia por cima de
humas serras, & posto que disparamos, nao fizemos tiro certo, do
que elles tomarao ousadia para nos acometerem a noyte, vendo
que as nossas armas Ihe nao faziao dano, & eu nao deyxey de
ficar com cuydado, receando-me do que me succedeo.

Tanto que a noyte cerrou bem, tendo postas sentinelas aonde
entendia que melhor convinha, todos com suas annas prestes
para nos defendermos. estando com a mais gente metidos no
mato que assima digo, aquentaudo-nos ao fogo, gritavao arma,
arma, a causa era que vinhao pela praya mais de trinta negros
com grandes gritos, & dando muytos saltos de huma parte para
a outra, a que acodimos logo esses poucos que estavamos, bem
fracos, & debilitados, sem que eu consentisse que se fizesse tiro
algurn, senao quando Ihe tivessemos as espingardas nas barrigas,
porque ainda que recebessemos algua zagayada se Ihe matassemos
hum par delles nos respeytariao mais ; mas a gente, como mal
disciplinada, sofria mal esta ordem, que a experiencia me havia
ensinado quando militey na India com gente de mais razao do
que esta era, & esperando primeyro conhecer o damno que Ihe
faziamos com nossas armas, & segundo elle nos cometiao mais
ou menos. E vendo huma das sentinelas, que ficava da parte
donde elles vinhao, que nao chegavao mais para avante, & que
estavao de nos mais de menos de tiro de espingarda, levado de
brio largou o lugar em que estava, & se foy caminhando para
elles, eu o reprendi com palavras, & Ihe dey de espaldeyradas
tornando-o recolher a seu posto, conhecendo do intento dos
barbaros, que nao pretendiao mais que sairmos-lhe a praya, que
como elles erao ligeyrissimos facilmente nos desbaratariao. E
estando assim quasi duas horas sem se querer chegar mais para
diante, nem nos largarmos as costas do mato, donde em outros
que estavao perto deste estavao emboscados muytos alarves,
dando-nos sempre grandissimas coqueadas, vierao a declarar seu

160 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

intento, aprovando o meu, porque se espalharao, & nos cercarao
em roda vindo muytos pelas costas, que era mato muy fechado,
& por hua serra abayxo por onde andavao tao livres, & soltos,
como por campo razo, & quebrando o mato para poderem passar
se vierao por em riba de hua ribanceyra que nos fazia costas, &
dahi nos atiravao com grandissimos penedos, & torroes acertando
a muytos nas cabecas ate dos que estavao deytados por falta de
saude, pelo que nos foy necessario apagar o fogo, para que com
a sombra da noyte ficassemos mais encubertos, & nao nos
acertassem tanto.

Este assalto sentimos notavelmente, porque como nao havia
vinte & quatro horas que estavamos em terra, & ainda mal
enxutos da agoa do mar, & muy consumidos do frio, & da fome,
com a gente mais bem disposta, & com mais armas dividida, a
qual por minha ordem havia hido pela manhaa a donde a Nao
encalhara, esperando que viesse a noyte, & como me faltava nao
deyxava de me dar grao molestia, assim para me ajudarem, como
por saber o que Ihe havia acontecido. Com tudo tratando de
nossa defensa com a gente que tinha me deyxey estar com as
centinelas nos mesmos postos, que erao na boca do mato da
banda de fora, donde se descobria a terra que me era necessaria,
repartindo outra gente por onde elles vinhao, quebrando os paos
para se meterem com nosco, que ainda que pouca estava com bom
animo, & puz emcima de duas arvores duas pessoas com seus
mosquetes, & a outra bem junto ao mato com pistolas, & espin-
gardas, dando-lhe ordem que nao disparassem, senao teiido-lhes
as bocas nos peytos : eu corria todos os postos, porque nao fiava
a vigia de outrem ; os alarves que continuavao com as pedradas
para nos inquietarem, depois do fogo apagado acertarao menos, &
chegando-se bem perto hum marinheyro a que chamavao Vicente
de Sousa, & era o que estava emcima das arvores, nos estreou com
hum bom tiro, com que logo deu no chao com hum alarve ; nos
entao demos hurna carga pequena, mas bastante, porque todos
empregavao as balas, rnayorrnente hum Castelhano, por nome
Manoel Moreno, com que os negros afrouxarao alguma cousa, mas
nao que nos deyxassem sossegar em toda a noyte.

Como a nossa gente era pouca, & nao tinha com quern mudar
as postas, estavao todos bem cortados do frio, mas assim passamos
ate a madrugada, ajudando-nos o Padre Jeronymo Lobo, & o
Padre Frey Antonio Capellao animosamente, & com alguma

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 161

gente que nao estava para outra cousa, a enterrar huma fateyxa
que havia escapado do batel, em quanto de madrugada determi-
nava de marchar para onde estava a Nao, onde tinha mandado a
outra gente, de que ate entao nao tinha recado do que havia
acontecido.

O Padre Jeronymo Lobo, corao bem experimentado em traba-
Ihos semelhantes quasi a estes no Prestes Joao, onde havia estado
muytos annos, nos era grande caminheyro, & servia de grande
alivio, posto que todos julgavamos, que por aquellas brenhas, &
prayas desertas, nao poderiamos sustentar a vida oyto dias mais
ou menos, pois os perigos erao tao continuos, & a falta de tudo
tao grande.

Tanto que a manhaa veyo rompendo nos mudamos daquelle
lugar, levando revezadamente as costas hum barril de polvora,
com que mal podiamos ; in do diante a gente mais fraca, & debili-
tada, & detras com as annas nas maos os que para isso prestarao,
& como a praya era em partes de area solta, & em outras coalhada
de muytos seyxos, nao podiamos marchar bem, mormente quern
levava pezo, & assim nos conveyo enterrar a polvora no espesso
de hum mato, parecendo-nos que ninguem nos via para a vinnos
buscar ao diante, o que depois fizemos, & achamos que no la
tinhao os alarves levado, que devia de servir-lhe de bem pouco.

Os negros como nos virao largar o sitio vierao ate cem homens,
& se meterao no mato aonde haviamos alojado, a roubar o que
presumiao Ihes ficava, & assim nos nao seguirao, que fora grande
damno, porque com excessive trabalho, & todos feytos pedacos,
subimos huma serra ate chegarmos aonde tivemos vista da Nao,
& de alguma gente que ja andava em terra, que logo nos veyo
demandar com muyta alegria, porque o balao ja hia, & vinha a
Nao com mais confianca por se haver achado o canal do rio, que
alguns tinhao atravessado a nado, & nos trouxerao alguma cousa
de comer, a que o gosto presente nos fazia perder a vontade, que
tal he muytas vezes o effeyto de hum contentamento grande,
que faz esquecer ate dos meyos de sustentar a vida.

Passando a outra banda do rio com toda a gente, & desembar-
cando os que estavao na Nao, huns em jangadas, outros no balao,
comefamos a tirar algum mantimento, & a fazer choupanas de
paos, & palha, de que a terra he bem provida, formando hum
arrayal, resguardado pela parte de terra com sua defensao, que
nos cercava em roda feyta, com paos postos encima de alguas

VIII. M

162 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

pipas que sahirao a praya, tapando por bayxo com espinhos, que
era o que por entao o tempo nos permitia. Keparti a gente em
ties esquadras para se vigiar de noyte, o que sempre se fazia com
as armas no mao, situando o corpo de guarda uo meyo do array al,
donde recolhiamos o mantimento que se tirava da Nao, & mandey
por hum sino, que a badaladas repartidas pelos quartos mostrava
que as postas estavao espertas gritando humas as outras em alta
voz, alerta o da vigia, comecando o que guardava as armas, a que
todos respondiao, ficando eu satisfeyto que se vigiava a toda a
hora, & os alarves advertidos tambem de que nao dormiamos,
pelo que vindo de noyte algumas vezes nunca nos ousarao de
acometer vendo o nosso cuydado.

O balao tinha hum pouco apartado de nos, mas seguro de se
nos quebrar na costa, porque estava no rio abrigado dos tempo-
raes, tao ordinarios nesta costa, com tanto excesso aos das outras,
que muytas vezes arrebentava o mar tao furioso, que nos parecia
que havia Armadas fora que se desfaziao com artelharia ; tal era
o estrondo naquellas ondas.

Dentro no balao dormiao gurumetes com seus mosquetes, &
hua noyte vindo os negros para Ihe cortarem o cabo que tinha
em terra, sendo sentidos Ihe tirarao duas mosquetadas, que no
arrayal nos inquietarao muyto, & pondo a gente em arnia, Ihe
dey ordem que em nenhua maneyra largassem seus postos, antes
delles se defendessem, em caso que fossem cometidos ; & tomando
eu dez homens, iuy acodir ao balao, cuja gente se animou muyto
em ver o cuydado com que eu assistia a todos estes perigos, sendo
o primeyro que me offerecia a passalos ; os negros se meterao no
mato, & assim servi eu so de animar aos do balao, encomendaudo-
Ihe a boa vigia, & me recolhi muy trespassado do grande frio.

Com mais algum descan$o comecey a considerar o sitio da
terra, os grandes arvoredos, & me resolvi comigo a fazer a
embarcafao com a commodidade do rio, dando-nos Deos vida, &
este meu intento nao quiz entao descobrir nunca a pessoa algua,
mas fundando-me nesta ten9ao fiz diligencia, com que pouco a
pouco se fossem pondo em terra alguns fardos de arroz, & alguns
barris de pao, de peyxe, & de carne, ainda que disto muy pouco,
& tudo com grande perigo, & trabalho, pelo grosso mar que
sempre andava, que muytas vezes passarao tres dias que nao
havia lugar de ir a Nao aonde sempre estava gente, porque la
comiao mais a sua vontade, posto que as noytes Iho descontavao

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com o teinor grande que tinhao, assim pelo muyto mar que
vinha quebrar na Nao, como pelo muyto que rangia, porque
se nao sustentava mais que na fortaleza dos vaos, os quais erao
somente os que a obrigavao a que senao espedacasse de todo,
porque o mar enchia, & vazava nella como em hua canastra rota,
de modo que o que ficava debayxo das cubertas de mare cheya
estava tudo na agoa.

Nos primeyros dias fuy eu a Nao a buscar as vias de Sua
Magestade que trouxe a este Reyno ; & logo a polvora, balas, &
corda, & as mais armas que ja tinha embarrilado, como atras digo,
o que fiz com notavel perigo, porque nos teve o mar sosobrado o
balao, & nao havia quern la quizesse ir, se eu nao fora, cha-
mando para este effeyto os marinheyros mais fortes para melhor
remarem.

Tambem ja tinha posto em terra toda a pedraria, ambar,
almiscar, & pedras bazares, aljofar, que os officiaes tinhao em
seu poder, a quern dey ordem para o dezembarcarem, & terem
comsigo, ate o mandar registar, & elles mesmos o entregarao
em Angola quaiido la se depositou por ordem do Governador, &
da junta da fazenda daquelle Keyno, como ao diante se dira
mais por extenso.

E continuando nestes primeyros dias com esta desembarcapao,
que so alguas manhas nos permitia o tempo, fomos ajuntando em
terra todo quanto arroz nos foy possivel, que veyo a ser seis-
centos & quarenta fardos, que ainda que molhado, hum comiamos
logo, & o mais enxugavamos, para o que fizemos huma tercena,
onde se recolhia, tendo-o todo a sua conta o Padre Jeronymo
Lobo para o repartir avizando-me do que era necessario.

A praya vinhao alguns barris, em que se tinha metido assim
roupa como pe?as, mas como da Nao se deytavao ao mar a
discrifao das ondas a mayor parte disto, se a mare vazava, hia
ter a outras prayas donde se enchiao de ricas cousas, posto que
tudo podre, & molhado, & de nenhuma se aproveytavao aquelles
alarves, senao so de quatro pregos se os achavao, o que eu Ihe
defendia como se forao diamantes, em razao de que se elles
se abastassem disto com difficuldade nos resgatariao cousa
alguma, que era o em que eu mais estribava, posto que ate
entao nao tinhao communicafao comnosco, mais que alguns
miseraveis que vinhao mariscar aos mexilhoes, a quern nao
faziamos damno.

M 2

164 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Tudo isto succedeo ate dez de Julho, em que en ja tinha
declarado o meu intento de fazer embarcafao, que pela falta que
havia de Carpinteyros Ihe parecia a todos impossivel, & fallavao
em marchar, movendo-os a isto, aparecer a caso entre elles o
tratado da Nao S. Joao que traziao de rancho em rancho, do que
eu me nao dava por sabedor, ainda que os nao deyxava de contra-
dizer hum marinheyro dos que alii havia, por nome Joao Bibeyro
de Lucena, que foy hum dos que escaparao daquella miseravel
perdipao, o qual como experimentado, alem de elle ser homem de
boa razao, Ihe propunha as grandes difficuldades que havia em
caminhar por terra ; com tudo havia tantas alterapoes, que eu
mandey lanpar hum bando, que toda a pessoa que quizesse
marchar viesse dizermo, que eu Ihe daria resgate para o caminho,
porque a mim me seria mais facil fazer huma embarcapao que
duas, & haveria mister menos mantimento.

Este lanco uzey para conhecer os animos de todos (que depois
me pezou bem, porque descobri Religiosos que seguiao esta
facpao) tratando ja mais de conservar a amisade de hum mari-
nheyro, que a de seu Capitao, & amigo; & isto andava assim
tao revolto, que os que queriao caminhar andavao fazendo gente,
& ainda aquella que eu sabia que estava com animo de me
acompanhar sempre, se deyxava persuadir, & ate os que eu tinha
escolhido para a obra que determinava fazer de einbarcafao, por
Ihe achar mais geyto para cortar com hum machado.

Estando hua manhaa na praya com algua gente, esperando o
balao que sempre vinha com muyto perigo, & por bayxo do mar,
& ao chegar a terra se naetia a gente na agoa ate os peytos, hus
a telo mao, que nao se fizesse em pedapos na praya, outros a
desembarcar o arros, se vierao os que queriao marchar a mim
muy cortezes, & me derao hum rol, representandome que o
haviao feyto pelo bando que eu havia maudado deytar, o qual
me entregavao para que eu ordenasse o que melhor fosse para
salvapao de todos, recolhendo eu o papel Ihes disse, que o nao
queria ler, mas somente saber se queriao correr a fortuna que me
esperava, pois ate aquelle tempo todos a haviamos passado, &
que de crer era que eu que nao tinha mais certeza da vida que
cada hum delles, & que assim devia de trabalhar, porque todos
nos salvassemos, mormente que elles excediao o modo que eu
Ihes concedia em fazerem gente, porque me desemquietavao ate
os homens que eu tinha escolhido para me ajudarem na obra

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 165

dos navios, ainda que aquelle bando so o deytara para conhecer
os animos, & brios com que elles estavao, & nao para que dese-
jasse apartalos de mim, porque estimava muyto aquella acpao, de
mais que os velhos, & doentes que ha via, nern podiao marchar
com elles, nern a mim ajudarme. Todos me responderao com
grande obediencia, & mostras de muyto amor, que a mim so
conheciao por seu Capitao para me acompanharem sempre, &
para me obedecerem, & que so nao haviao de reconhecer aos
officiaes da Nao mais que a minha pessoa, que somente os
havia de mandar, a que disse, que como ja nao ha via Nao nao
havia officiaes para os mandarem, mas que todavia Ihes deviao
respeyto como mais velhos, mais experimentados, & como a
pessoas que os haviao governado, & Ihes disse tambem, que
a nossa perdicao se havia de differenpar das outras em tudo,
porque entre nos nao havia de haver senao muyta conformidade,
& amizade, para que assim nos fizesse nosso Senhor merce,
& que se tratassemos de outra cousa todos nos perderiamos,
comeudonos, & matandonos hus aos outros, que eu da minha
parte Ihes prometia nao haver morte algua, antes os ajudaria
como ate entao tinhao visto, sendo o priraeyro que me arriscava
aos perigos, que os trabalhos todos os passavamos igualmente,
sem me diflerenpar delles em cousa algua.

Nesta conformidade ficamos todos quietos, & eu resolute na
minha obra, comunicando com o Mestre como homem de tanta
experiencia, o modo de navios que devia fabricar com mais
officiaes, & com Manoel Fernandes em que assima falo, que ja
andava melhorado da cahida que fez pela escotilha da Nao, em
que eu tinha todas minhas esperancas, pois so elle era o Carpin-
teyro que nos havia ajudado, & ao presente com bom animo se
deliberava ao fazer, nos fomos todos a hua pray a de area, &
nella fizemos a forma dos navios, a modo de barcos Sevilhanos
de sessenta palmos de quilha, dez de roda a proa, nove de pontal,
& vinte de boca, & feytas de taboas as iormas das cavernas
mestras, em hum Sabbado vinte de Julho fomos a hum mato, &
em nome de nossa Senhora da Natividade benzemos as arvores,
fazendo-lhe todos voto de que se nos trouxesse a salvamento a
qualquer porto da outra ban da do Cabo de boa Esperanca, de
Ihe vendermos o navio, & o procedido delle trazelo a este Beyno
para as Freyras de Santa Martha aonde esta a sua Imagem, &
com isto fuy eu o primeyro que com hum machado cortey na

166 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

arvore, & logo os mais que a puzerao no chao, come^ando esta
obra, impossivel a todos, com so tres machados de servifo, hua
serra, & dous Carpinteyros, convem a saber, Manoel Fernandes
que o era excellente, & hum grumete do Carpinteyro da viagem
da Nao, que apenas sabia deytar hua linha ; mas com bora
animo, & grande confianca em nossa Senhora escolhemos hum
pao seco, que havia sahido a praya da Nao, & junto ao rio em
lugar conveniente, & desviado donde entao tinharnos o array al,
armamos a quilha, & depois de posta sobre os picadeyros todos
descalfos, viemos em procissao desde o arrayal, rezando as
Ladainhas de nossa Senhora, & benzendo-a o Padre Capelao Ihe
puzemos por nome nossa Senhora da Natividade, sendo este acto
celebrado com muyta devofao, & lagrimas.

Tratey logo de me mudar donde estava para onde se faziao
os navios, onde mandey fazer casa para ferraria, & tomey bastante
lugar para as madeyras que cortavamos nos matos, fazendo
huma ribeyra como a das naos deste Eeyno, cujo campo me
custou muyto trabalho alimpar, cortando, & queymando muytas
arvores para que nos nao ficassem matos entre nbs, em que se
emboscassem os negros, elegi lugar para minha morada em hum
pequeno monte, de que todos fugirao por haverem visto nelle
alguas cobras, ficando a ribeyra defronte, & nas costas o rio, tudo
isto consegui com os escravos que havia, ajudandome tal vez
algum grumete.

E porque o mais essencial nos faltava, que era lugar em que
se celebrasse o culto Divino, o Padre Jeronymo Lobo tomou a
sua conta o fazer da Igreja, para o que escolhemos o melhor
lugar que a elle Ihe pareceo, & dando-lhe os marinheyros que
mostravao mais devocao, tendo cortados paos bastantes fabricou
huma Igreja muyto bem feyta.

E tras disto mandey tambem fazer hua casa, a que chamava-
mos Benga^-al, que he nome da India, aonde se recolhe o
mantimento, & se fazia o corpo de guarda, por ser no meyo do
arrayal, onde debayxo de chave que tinha o Padre Jeronymo
Lobo se recolhia todo o que tinhamos, & por sua mao se comia,
& assim forao em ranches fazendo cada hum sua palhota onde
melhor Ihe pareceo, mas dentro no limite que Ihe sinaley.

Mandey juntamente fazer casas para se serrar, & lanpar as
madeyras, defendidas do Sol, & da chuva, & posto tudo neste
estado advertimos, que nos faltava os folles para a ferraria, &

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que sem elles era iinpossivel seguir a obra principiada, o que
nao deyxou de me molestar, mas como nada occulta a industria
de homens necessitados, & principalmente illustrados por Deos,
por que esta obra foy guiada, engenhamos hus das taboas do
ftmdo de hum cayxao de Angelim, as pelles de hum couro
do sinde, & os canos de dous mosquetes que se cortarao, a
bigorna para se malhar trafamos de hum garlindeo metido no
chao, coin o pe para cima, que ficou perfeytissimo, & fizemos
alcarevis, tenazes as que forao necessarias, & martelos pequenos,
que para grandes nos serviarnos de quatro marroes que haviamos
tirado da Nao.

E porque a gente ainda neste tempo trabalhava como se acer-
tava, para mayor coniodidade, & menos confusao fiz que se
repartissem, escolhendo o Carpinteyro quatro pessoas para o aju-
darem na obra dos navios, o Guardiao oyto para cortar, & a tirar
as arvores, que o Carpinteyro da viagem apontava, & para brayos,
cavernas, enchimentos, & taboado, que so para isto servia, &
outros para as arrastarem para lora, q as vezes era de muyto
longe, outros para as desbastarem, porque ficassem mais leves
para se trazere para a ribeyra dos navios, outros serravao taboado,
para o que tinhamos feyto hum cavallo, & outros andavao no
balao, que sempre era necessario, porque hum dia si, outro nao
hia buscar agoa a huma fonte que descobrimos no meyo do rio
ao pe da serra da banda do mar, sem a qual nos nao podiamos
sustentar, porque a agua que havia de hua lagoa era muy
pefonhenta, por beberein nella todo o genero de feras, que havia
naquelles matos, & se a coutinuaramos ouveramos de perecer.
Esta gente a que se occupava em hua cousa nao tinha obrigayao
de acodir a outra, & os da ribeyra s6 trabalhavao sempre aturada-
mente desde amanhecer ate bem tarde, por Ihe nao faltar nunca
obra ; o Mestre, Piloto Manoel Neto, & Doniingos Lopes passa-
geyros, tambem muyto bos Pilotos, ajudavao na ribeyra a sobir,
& a ter inao nas madeyras para as lavrarem, & por sua curiosi-
dade vinhao algus tambem a fazelo. Quando escolhi este lugar
para esta fabrica todo o achamos seguido de pisadas de cavallos
marinhos, de bufaros, & de outras feras, mas com a continuapao
da gente veyo a estar tudo tao limpo como o terreyro do Pa?o
desta Cidade. Aos officiaes que achey entre nos de alfayates, &
capateyros destiney para que nao entendessem em outra cousa,
&• assiui hus faziao so vestidos, & os outros so alparcas das pelles

168 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

dos fardos, com que nos remediavamos para a frieldade do clima,
& para a aspereza da terra.

Tudo assim disposto fomos continuando a nossa obra ao
principle muyto vagarosa ; porque a todos havia parecido
impossivel fazer dous navios em tao breve tempo, dando por
razao, que neste Reyno quando se comejava a fazer hua barca de
carreyra com os Carpinteyros, & materiaes necessaries, que
armando-se em hum verao sempre acabavao no outro, & que tam-
bem tinhao por impossivel o poderem os navios sahir pela barra,
assim pelas muytas voltas que haviao de dar, como porque
correndo a agoa muy teza era fbrpa encalhar nos bayxos que de
todas as partes havia, & quando isto se vencesse com dobrar o
Cabo em embarca^oes tao pequenas, & tao carregadas de gente,
que nao he o melhor lastro, porque toda vay em boca, parecia
perigo certo ; mas confiado eu em nossa Senhora fiz que por
tudo se atropelasse, porque se nos desse depois mayores louvores
vencendo os trabalhos que nao venceo a Nao S. Joao, que deyxou
de fazer embarcacoes por recear que as nao pudesse botar ao mar
em razao dos muytos bayxos, & grandes resacas, & se expbr as
grandes miserias de caminhar por terras de alarves, que os
curiosos poderao ver no seu naufragio, & julgar qual foy melhor
discurso.

Depois de haver estado em terra quinze dias, por investigar
melhor os contornos daquella em que nos puzera nossa fortuna,
me meti no balao com doze homens com suas espingardas, & me
fuy pelo rio acima, para descobrir se havia algurn gado ; porque
em caso que nolo nao quizessem resgatar o tomassemos para nos
sustentarmos, pois nao tinhamos came salgada de consideracao,
& juntamente, porque tinha vindo a vernos hum negro com hum
novilho, & nao o quiz resgatar, supposto que Ihe davamos duas
manilhas de latao por elle, que como tinhamos somente seis, &
era nos primeyros dias nao quiz alargarme a mais, por nao por
o resgate em prepo de cousas que nao possuhiamos, & indo quasi
tres legoas pelo rio acima, que todo he muy limpo, & muy
aprasivel, vimos que ja alii corria agoa doce, muytas povoa?oes,
& ao longo delle varias sementes de milho, abobaras, & feyjoes, &
fomos tambem vendo muyta quantidade de gado vacura, dividido
pelos montes, o qual como nos divizavao hiao recolhendo para
dentro do certao ; nos que levavamos pregos, os demos a algus
negros que chamamos, & por entre o mato nos seguiao ao longo

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 169

da agua, a que mal enteadiamos, porque o DOSSO lingoa, que
era outro negro de Mozambique, so algumas palavras Ihe
entendia, & assim sem concluir resgate de vacas, nem cie milho,
nos voltamos trapando mandar gente de madrugada, ou a noyte a
emboscala no mato, & tomarmos Ihe cem vacas, ou as que
pudessemos, & pagarlhas se quizessem, & recolhernos com esta
preza, ainda que a pouca noticia que tinhamos da terra nos
representava alguas difficuldades, que eu estava resoluto atropelar
por matarmos a fome, & vindonos recolhendo ja a boca da noyte
para o arrayal, achamos defronte delle da outra banda do rio,
hum Key negro, acompanhado de sua gente, & com sete vacas
fermosissimas para nos resgatar, que como nosso Senhor se quiz
lombrar de nossas miserias foy servido de que chegassem as
novas, que estavao Portuguezes naquellas prayas, a hum cabra,
em que falla no seu Itinerario Francisco Yaz de Almada, o qual
se havia perdido na Nao S. Alberto havia mais de quarenta
annos, que foy no naufragio de Nuno Velho Pereyra ; este sendo
menino se ficou naquelles matos, & pelo discurso do tempo se
veyo a casar, & estava muyto rico, & tinha tres mulheres, &
muytos filhos, & sabendo que alii estavamos nos comepou a
creditar com aquelles alarves, dizendo, que alem de sermos gente
muyto valerosa eramos seus parentes, que nos trouxessem muytas
vacas, porque tinhamos grandes riquezas, & tudo Ihe haviamos
de comprar bem, & vindo elle com este Key, comecou a gritar,
Portuguezes, Portuguezes, & como estavamos longe entendemos
que era algum Portuguez que ficara alii de alguas das perdi^oes
passadas ; com grande alvoropo cheguey com o balao aonde elles
estavao, & o cabra com palavras mal distintas em nossa lingoa
se explicava como podia, & assim a troncos Ihe entendi algumas
cousas, & vindo o Key dentro ao balao a verme, a sua gente me
furtou hum copo de prata, que achando-se menos me queyxey ao
Key dizendo-lhe que estranhava muyto, que vindome elle buscar,
& a solicitar nossa amizade me furtasse a sua gente o que eu
tinha, porque ja agora mal podia eu fiarme delles, com o que
logo entre si pelejarao, & depois de muytas gritas appareceo o
copo ; & porque a noyte era ja serrada os deyxey no mesmo
lugar alem do rio, & me recolhi para a nossa estancia, mandando-
Ihe cozer arros, & hum pouco de melapo que se achou no fundo
de hum boyao, & Iho enviey, com que fizerao grandes estremos,
porque o Key enchia a palma da mao delle, em que hum untava

170 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

hum dedo, & logo vinha outro, & tocava outro dedo, no quo
havia tido o doce, & deste modo corriao todos, & chupavao os
dedos fazendo grande espanto de cousa tao saborosa.

Ao outro dia pela manhaa mandey o balao para que elles
passassem a outra parte a ver o nosso arrayal, & as nossas
riquezas, & assim os obrigar melhor a que nos facilitassem resgate
com a sua cobipa, o que o Rey fez com muyta authoridade,
cal?ando logo as alparcas que trazia na mao com grande sizo, &
com o rosto muyto inteyro ; eu mandey tomar as armas, mas nao
quizerao que os salvassemos com a mosquetaria, & assim Ike
mostrey miudamente a nossa estancia, & a casa dos mantimentos,
aonde sentando-se Ihe lancey ao pescoco, na sua estimap ao, huma
joya muyto rica, que constava de huma campainha que o Padre
Jeronymo Lobo tinha prestes com hum cordao de retros, & assim
Ihe dey mais hum pedaco de latao ; & sestejando o Rey negro
nesta forma, voltey com elle, & fomos a outra banda com nossas
armas, a resgatar as vacas, que forao as primeyras que tivemos,
mas logo dentro de oyto dias nos vierao mais por ordetn
deste mesmo Cabra, a quern chamavao Antonio, que tal vez
ficava em nossa companhia huma, & duas somanas, trazendo-nos
depois seus filhos, & amigos, que todos festejavamos, dando-lhes
pedacos de cobre muy bem arcados, que tinhamos fey to dos
caldeyroes, que erao pepas de prepo que mais estimavao.

Este resgate estava so na minha mao, & do Padre Jeronymo
Lobo, que com elle resgatava o que nos traziao, havendo-se nisto
estremadissimamente, & fez nos nosso Senhor tanta merce, que
tendo eu ordenado, que so matassemos ao Sabbado hua vaca, se
puzerao as cousas de modo, que cada dia matavamos tres, e
viemos a resgatar em todo o tempo que alii estivemos duzentas &
dezanove, muytas dellas prenhes, que depois de parirem nos derao
bastante leyte, com o que se cozia o arros, para todo este gado
fizemos hum curral com oyto pastores, que repartidos pela
somana o levavao a pastar pelos montes, sem haver queni Ihe
fizesse aggravo, posto que nos primeyros dias os mandey com
armas de fogo.

Entrou o mez de Agosto, & porque a paragem junto do rio era
melhor, & mais comoda mudey o arrayal velho para ella, & para
prevenirme de tudo o que pudesse para a fabrica dos Navios, fuy
poiido em terra hum barril de cebo, meyo de alcatrao, huas pessas
de cabo, a caldeyra de cozer o breu, desanove paes de beyjoim,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 171

algum fio, algumas cotonias, & liuns quarteis de vellas que
estavao por acabar, que tudo isto tinha deyxado encima.

E porque nao parepa que me esqueco da Nao, & de contar o
fim que teve, refirirey o que Ihe succedeo, & foy, que aos
dezassete dias depois della encalhar, indo a bordo a gente do
balao, a ver se se podia trazer mais algum arros, ou fosse que
fizerao lume no fogao, para algua cousa, ou que ficando algum
bico de vella por esquecimeuto, que com a pressa de embarcar
ninguem olhava mais que para as ondas que arrebentavao no
costado, com que sempre se hia, & vinha com muyto risco, foy ou
a vella consumindo-se, ou a braza ateando-se nas madeyras
breadas, de sorte que chegando ao quarto da modorra gritarao as
vigias, fogo no Nao, & como ventava muyto fez logo hum
incendio tarn grande, que nao so comecou a artilharia a disparar,
mas em breve tempo ardeo ate o lume dagoa, & he tal a pro-
videncia de Deos, que a nao ser este successo, mal poderiamos
fabricar os Navios, porque doutro modo nunca poderiamos tirar
prego algum, a respeyto de que a Nao estava ja quasi toda
deytada, & em nenhua maneyra se podia cortar cousa de que nos
aproveytassemos, & com este incendio vierao muytos quarteis a
terra, que supposto que nos custarao grande trabalho a queyinar,
& a desmanchar, traziao em si muyta pregadura, que concertada
na ferraria nos servio.

Alojados pois no arrayal novo se comepou a trabalhar com
muyta prefa, tendo posto ate quinze de Agosto as cavernas
mestras, o coral de proa, & sinco cavernas mais no Navio Nossa
Senhora da Natividade ; mandey armar outro, a quern puz nome
Nossa Senhora da Boa Viagem, porque ja a gente tinha mais-
modo no cortar que ao principio, ensinando-os o trabalho
continuo, de maneyra, que em Angola ficarao muytos ganhando
o sen jornal como qualquer Carpinteyro; neste ultimo Navio-
mandey que se trabalhasse com mais frequencia, por desterrar
algumas sospeytas de quern imaginava, que eu fazia Navio s<>
para meus apaniguados, & deyxando-os a elles naqnelles matosr
que nao he menos temeraria, & cavilosa a malicia dos homens.

Por entre todo este trabalho nunca os Padres Keligiosos se
descuydavao de celebrar as festas dos Santos, antes nao passou
nenhiia, em que armando a Igreja com muytas flores nao ouvesse
Missa, pregafao, muytas confissoes, & comunhoes, para o quo
vindo a faltarnos Hostias se fez hum ferro muyto bem feyto, &

172 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

em varias partes se puzerao muytas Grazes, onde feytos Altares
se Ihe ordenavao festas, em que se dava premios a quern melhor
os armasse, como direy ao diante, entendendo pelas merces que
recebiamos de Deos nosso Senhor, que aceytava muyto os
sacrificios que Ihe faziamos naquellas terras tarn barbaras, pois
sempre foy servido de nos dar precizamente tudo o de que
necessitavamos, parecendo-nos muytas vezes, que em nenhua
maneyra alguas cousas se podiao fazer, nem alcanpar, & as
effeytuavamos todas, recorrendo a sua iufinita misericordia.

Com a communicapao de Antonio, aquelle Cabra que se dava
por nosso amigo, se nos forao facilitando as cousas muyto, porque
vendo os demais negros, que todas as vezes que vinha sempre
levava, ou cobre, ou algua cousa de comer ; desejavao muytos a
nossa amizade, & assim corneparao a visitarme vindo em sua
companhia, & com vacas para resgatar, & vinhao pessoas de mais
conta que sempre traziao mais cafres, ao entrar, & render dos
quartos de vigia, Ihe mandava disparar os mosquetes, com que
nos viemos a fazer tarn respeytados como nos convinha para
nossa seguranpa, & assim ja mandava dez, & doze homens com
espingardas oyto, & dez legoas a resgatar gado, do que Antonio
se veyo a resentir, porque nisto perdia o que furtava quando o
hia fazer, ainda que ja estava bem aproveytado, mas com tudo
tratou de atalhar este modo de resgatar, metendo em cabepa aos
negros que nos nao dessem gado, nem leyte, porque nao so Ihe
haviamos de enfeytipar, o que Ihe ficasse, mas que Ihe havia de
morrer tudo ; mas estavamos nos ja com tan to credito na terra,
que se huns nos nao queriao, outros nos rogavao, mormente que
tinhamos hum Cafre, que tambem havia vindo com Antonio, &
perdido juntamente na Nao Sao Joao, que ainda que casado
deyxou a rnulher, & a todos, & se veyo para mim, que logo
mandey vestir ao nosso modo, & se confessou por ser muy ladino,
& nos servia com muyta fidelidade ; este nos descobria o que o
Cabra Antonio intentava fazer em nosso dano, por saber bem a
lingoa da terra, & assim ainda que pouco a pouco se foy
afastando de nos nos nao fez nenhua falta, alem de que ja
tinhamos muyto gado.

Succedeo, que vindo-me ver hum Rey, a quem todos tinhao
em conta de homem belicoso, & valente (porque entre si esta
gente todos trazem sempre guerra), & acompanhado de muyta
gente ; estavao huns corvos na praya, & que mandey hum mari-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 173

nheyro que fosse como a caso, & metesse hua mao chea de dados
no mosquete, por nao errar tiro, & matasse hum corvo, os Cafres
puzerao logo o sentido nelle, & tomando ponto derribou hum
com dous pelouros, que por mais bizarria nao quiz usar de dados,
o que vendo os Cafres ficarao assombrados, & se he que traziao
algua malicia a perderao, & tomando-o na mao olharao a ferida,
metendo o dedo na boca, que he a seu modo de encarecer, &
mostrando com outras acfoes, que antes nos queriao ter por
amigos, do que ternos por contrarios, & vezinhos.

Passados algus dias, em que este negro assistio com nosco, se
nos afogou, querendo ir colher fruta a outra banda do rio, sem
aparecer mais, por grandes diligencias que fiz, buscando-o nao so
por todos aquelles matos, mas ate em sua propria casa, & nos
disserao hus alarves, que tinhao visto o corpo morto do negro na
outra praya dalem do rio, o que sentimos muyto, por nos ser muy
fiel, & muy boa guia para tudo o que queriamos.

No principio em quanto nao andarnos com muyta seguranca
desta gente, aconteceo, que vindo hus poucos a outra banda,
onde estavao alguns paos que a mare tinha Ian9ado na praya, os
queymarao, & levarao os pregos, ainda que tratamos de Iho
impedir, & sendo da outra banda do rio, nao era possivel acodir
la sempre ; & huma menhaa que estavao na praya huns grumetes,
Ihe tirarao desta parte algurnas arcabuzadas, que huma dellas
derribou logo hum negro, & cahio entre humas pedras, o qual
mandey logo que o fossem buscar, que estava gritando aos outros
que Ihe acodissem, porque o haviamos de comer, mas eu o tratey
bem, curando-o de hua perna que tinha passada, & em poucos
dias sarou da ferida, mas ficou coyxo, porque se le quebrou a cana,
& com huns poucos de pregos que Ihe lancey ao pescofo o inviey
para os seus, a fim de que publicasse aquelle beneficio, & nos
acodissem com o que tivessem, porque assim o dissemos a este
quando se foy, o qual nunca mais tornou, porque he gente muy
desagradecida, & antes se quer tratada por mal, que por amor.

E viemos a ter tanta communicafao, que pela opiniao que de
nos tinhao me pediao, que Ihes mandasse chover por Ihes faltar
agoa para as suas sementeyras, & vendo eu os Ceos grosses, &
bayxos Ihes disse, que ate o outro dia choveria, & succedeo do
mesmo modo, com que se confirmarao em que tinhamos poder para
ordenar cousas semelhantes, & ainda outras mayores. E dahi a
alguns dias mandando a minha gente a resgatar as suas terras

174 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

estava o tempo carregado, & porque se Ihe nao molhassem as
armas disserao a hum Rey, que Ihe desse hua casa onde se reco-
Ihessem aquella noyte, por se nao molharem, a que o alarve Rey
respondeo, que pois nos mandavamos chover quando queriamos,
que agora mandassemos tambem nao chover para nos nao
niolharrnos, mas nao faltou quern respondesse, que nao era
aquella causa muyto urgente para semelhante mandamento, &
assim tinhamos tanta opiniao com elles, que outro Rey q havia
muytos annos tinha huma fistola em hua perna se veyo tambem
a mim para que o curasse, prometendo-me muytas vacas se se
serrasse, ao qual puz hum pouco de azeyte de coco, & dahi a
dous dias o mandey pbr da outra banda do rio para onde tinha
sua morada, dizendo-lhe, que se dahi a tantas luas se nao achasse
sao, tornasse, o que fiz por ser este o tempo em que nos espera-
vamos ternos nosso Senhor feyto merce de nos dar passagem
pela barra fora, ou havermos marchado pela terra dentro ; com
estas tra?as nos fomos sustentando o tempo desta nossa perigri-
na9ao, no qual ja tinhamos ajuntando nove barris de encenso,
que achavamos pela praya, o que todo se recolheo em casas
particulares que tinhamos separadas para cada cousa ; de
maneyra, que a polvora tinhamos em hua, a enxarcea, que erao
peda9os de cabo, em outra, & os mantimentos em outra, tudo bem
cuberto, por se nao molhar.

E assim nos animava muyto ver (que supposto que trabalhava-
mos com grande cuydado) crecia a obra de modo que julgavamos,
que mais que maos de homens assistiao nella, ainda que nao
faltavao difficuldades, que todas se venciao com minha presenca,
sempre continua em todas as partes em que se trabalhava ; que
ainda que importava a todos tudo era necessario, porque ate
aqui gastavao alguns o tempo em pleytos sobre algum godorim
molhado, ou cousa semelhante, porque qualquer, em tanta
necessidade, julgavao por de grande valia, no que me molestavao,
porque desejando de os ter contentes a todos, sentia tirar de huns
para dar a outros, & queria governalos sempre com a quietapao,
& amor com que o hia fazendo, mas muytas vezes os nao podia
acomodar sem uzar de algum rigor, para o que tinha hum trouco
de pao, em que tambem metia os que faltavao a seu trabalho,
tirando-lhe a racao quotidiana, & andava tudo tarn a ponto,
temerosos de que eu passasse avante no castigo, que ninguem
se empenhava em cousa de considerate.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 175

Ein hua tarde de Novembro, em que eu havia hido a outra
banda do rio a descobrir huas prayas por me dizerem que era
melkor sitio, que o em que estava, veyo hum negro avizar ao
Mestre, que vira ties cavallos marinhos deytados em hum mato,
& acodindo elle la com a gente toda com seus mosquetes, &
lanpas, vierao estes animaes tomando o caminho para outro Kiacho
que nos ficava a hum lado, & dous delles poderao passar por entre
muytas ballas, & o mesmo era darem-lhe, que em huma muralha,
mas huma que acertou entre a junta ao longo da espadoa fez que
hum delles cahisse, onde o acabarao de matar. He este animal
mais grosso do corpo, que tres grandes touros, com os pes, &
maos muy curtos, em tanto, que os alarves fazem covas nos
caminhos por onde costumao andar, & as cobrem por cima
sutilrnente, & como algum cae com pes, ou com maos, se nao
pbde mais sahir, & alii os matao para os comerem como nos, que
nos souberao a muy bons capoens sevados ; a pelle he tao dura,
que hum pelouro de mosquete a nao passa, antes cae amassada no
chao, mas pela barriga he mais delgada, tern todos huma estrela
branca na testa, as orelhas pequenas, & como de cavallo, a cabe^a
muy disforme, porque tern huma boca grandissima, com huns
beypos virados para fora, que deve de pezar cada hum mais de
arroba, & vao comer ao mato como qualquer outra fera ; & com
este monstro entretivemos aquella tarde, & ao outro dia nos deu
trabalho em o mandar deytar em outra praya distante daquella,
pela ma vizinhanpa, & roim cheyro que causava, de mais de que
tambem como esperavamos hospedes, determinava agazalhalos
com tao boa iguaria, & assim nao tardarao muyto, nem nos em
festejalos, offerecendo-lha, de que elles comerao com notavel
gosto, roendo os couros, & puxando por elles, de que tambem
fizerao tassalhos que levarao comsigo.

Os Padres faziao as festas dos Santos cujas regras professavao,
como em dia de S. Francisco o Padre Frey Antonio Capellao, &
o Padre Frey Francisco Capucho armando muy bem a Igreja,
ajudando eu no que era necessario, & o Padre Jeronymo Lobo,
por eu ser muy devoto de S. Francisco Xavier, ordenou que
festejassemos o sen dia com muyta ventagem, para o que muyto
de antemao se estudou huma comedia, & muytos entremezes, &
fiz huma pra$a fechada, para na sua vespora correrinos touros, o
que tudo se fez bem, & no seu dia atarde ouve muytos emblemas,
& inigmas, com premios que se derao a quern os explicou, com o

176 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

que se alegravao todos notavelmente, & assim era necessario
para se animarem os que estavao expostos a passar tantos
trabalhos.

Tendo ja o navio de Nossa Senhora da Natividade calefatado,
& forrado, & breado por fora com beyjoim, & encenso, ordeuey
deytalo ao mar antes do Natal, para nas outras agoas, que erao a
oyto, ou dez de Janeyro, lanpar o outro, como tudo se fez,
estando isto a conta do Mestre Miguel Jorge, que tudo dispoz
muyto bem, & com grande acordo, & com fabricas de muytos
aparelhos metidos de beyxa mar na borda do rio onde laboravao
os cabos que estavao atados nos outros que puchavao pelos
cachorros sobre que vinhao a ser como a envazadura, com
que neste Reyno se deytao as Naos ao mar, encebando a
grande com o cebo das vacas, de que estavamos muyto bem
provides.

Postos os navios no rio ambos ate dez dias do mez de Janeyro,
o Mestre Miguel Jorge Ihe meteo dentro o lastro conveniente, &
para os emmastrear os chegou para debayxo de huas penhas, que
nos servirao de cabria, onde receberao os mastros com tanta
ordem, & tanto em sua conta, como se fora no rio de Lisboa, com
toda amaquina que se requere.

Antes disto ja tinha mandado fazer estopa dos pedapos dos
cabos das arrotaduras dos mastros da Nao, & ordenando hua
cordoaria, o Mestre fazia os cabos que havia mister de mais, ou
de menos fios, havendo guardado bus pedapos da drissa da proa,
que destrocidos nos servio para amarras.

Tambem ordenamos ancoras de pao, a que na India chamao
chinas, quatro para cada navio, com o que emmastreado, & de
todo aparelbado o navio Nossa Senhora da Natividade, o levamos
a outra banda do rio a sombra de hua serra amarrando-o em
terra as arvores, & no rio com as fateyxas de pao, pelo
assegurarmos das grandes correntes que alii ha em agoas vivas,
em tanto que se concertava o outro de mastros ; & repartida a
gente que havia de ir em cadaqual delles, forao acodindo a sua
embarcapao para a aprestarem, & posto que havia nomeado para
Mestre do outro a hum marinheyro por nome Antonio Alvares, o
Mestre da Nao Miguel Jorge encaminhava tudo, porque so de sua
experiencia se podiao fiar semelhantes cousas.

O Tanoeyro ajuntando muyto de antemao todas as aduelas que
achavamos pelas prayas, tinha feyto pipas, quartos, & barris,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 177

entre todos vinte & sete pecas para cada navio, fora as de que nos
serviamos para bebermos de ordinario, & vimes que achamos
nos matos se fizerao arcos, remediandonos tambem com os velhos,
o que tudo se encheo de agoa quando partimos, & ainda nos nao
bastou, porque como era loupa velha, entrecozida do Sol, & da
agoa salgada muyta se foy com haver estado muytos dias de
antes chea de agoa salgada ao longo da praya, que nenhua das
cousas que se fazem neste Reyno para a viagem da India nos
faltou que senao fizesse, que no que eu me nao lembrava supria
o acordo dos bons officiaes, & mais companheyros que comigo
tinha.

Neste tempo, que pouco mais, ou menos seriao meado Janeyro,
succedeo, que indo huas negras da India a hum rio a se lavarem,
que ficava junto de hum mato, vierao dantre elles dous alarves, &
como as virao sos por Ihe tomarem hum pucaro de cobre, que
huma dellas tinha na mao, & por defendelo recebeo huma grande
ferida na cabe^a, & acodindo a demais gente, senao pode tomar
por entao neuhua satisfacao, porque logo fogirao, & se embre-
uharao; & porque hum negro meu me havia fogido pela terra
dentro, onde esteve quasi dous Inezes recolhido em casa de hum
Key que nos ficava perto de nos, da mesma parte do rio, & eu
havia mandado fazer diligencia para saber se havia aparecido, &
aqui neste mesmo lugar me haviao furtado outro caldeyrao a
huns negros fogidos, que ja todos assim o meu, como os outros,
acosados da fome se haviao vindo para nos, rnandey dez homens
com suas espingardas a pedirem satisfapao destes furtos, & para
verem se tambem estava ja o milho maduro, para o tomarmos por
forja, ou resgatarmos por vontade para nossa viagem, porque
tudo era necessario, & o Hey alarve como se vio convencido dos
furtos que a sua gente havia feyto dizia ao lingoa, que os nossos
levavao (que tambem era outro alarve que nos servia) que daria
algumas vacas, o que nao concluhia, antes se vinhao ajuntando
muytos Cafres, que elle mandava chamar com dissiraulacao, o
que vendo hum marinheyro, a quern chamavao Manoel de
Andrade, se veyo recolheudo com os mais, & levantando o cao
da espingarda matou logo o Key, ao que acodirao os seus as
azagayadas, & em boa ordem se vierao retirando quasi hua legoa,
em que matarao mais alguns, & entre elles hum negro de tanta
conta, que ficando pasmados nao passarao mais avante, com
intento de Ihe virem tomar o passo de hum rio, que era o

VIII. N

178 Records of South-Eastern Africa,

caminho para o nosso arrayal, & havendo de sobir hiia ladeyra
muyto estreyta, & ingrime, Ihe largarao de cima muytas, &
grandes pedras, com que os ouverao de fazer em peda<?os, mas
tendo elles lugar de se tornarem a por no largo, por nao estarem
muy empenhados na ladeyra, tomarao alguns outro caminho que
os alarves nao virao, senao quando estiverao junto delles, & logo
fugirao ficando o caminho livre para chegarem ao nosso arrayal
com muytas azagayas que Ihe tomarao.

E porque me parece que alivio aos que lerem este naufragio
com este suceesso, contasey hum galantissimo que tivemos com
hum cavallo marinho no rio, em que nao faltao, & foy que indo
o balao com doze homens com suas armas de fogo por elle acima
a deytar a gente em terra, para virem resgatando pelo certao,
que isto uzavamos pela nao cansar tanto, & o balao se vinha
recolhendo para o que fosse necessario, acharao hus cavallos
marinhos junto a terra, & em parte donde senao podiao meter
por el la dentro, por ser hua serra muyto ingrime ; & como o
balao estava da parte do rio, ficarao elles com tao pequeno lugar
muy apertados, a gente comepou-lhe dar a carga dos mosquetes,
& hua daquellas feras que mostrava ser may de outra pequena
que trazia junto a si, se arremepou ao balao, & com os dentes Ihe
levou hum remo, & o tollete em que vay metido, & tudo fez em
pedapos, tratando de se meter dentro ; os nossos se derao por
perdidos de cousa tao inopinada, & o animal se meteo por bayxo
do balao, tratando de o querer virar, mas com os reraos se forao
os nossos desviando, escramentados para nao entenderem mais
com semelhantes feras.

E tornando aos nossos Navios, & a toda nossa esperanpa, pois
nelles so estribavamos remediar as vidas tao arriscadas por
aquellas prayas, tinhamos ja o a que puzemos nome, Nossa
Senhora da Boa Viagem, enxarceado, & com lastro, & assim o
levamos tambem para onde estava o outro, & em quanto este se
aparelhou por nao perdermos tempo, tinha eu encomendado a
Simao Goncalves o fazer da aguada no navio Nossa Senhora da
Natividade, que toda a pressa convinha, por serem ja vinte de
Janeyro, & nao haver arros mais que oitenta fardos, que guardava
para a viagem, que vaca nao faltava; estando embarcado o
necessario, que era ametade de tudo o que havia no navio em que
eu vinha, que erao quarenta fardos de arros, vinte & sete pipas de
agoa, que ametade della se foy, dez barris de polvora de dous

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 179

almudes, & para cada pessoa hua perna de vaca, que feyta em
tassalhos, & cozida em agoa salgada, & posta ao Sol era o que
cada hum havia feyto para sua matalotagem, sendo a gente que
se embarcava comigo todos os officiaes da Nao, o Padre Jeronymo
Lobo, Frey Antonio Capellao, Frey Antonio, Religiose da Ordem
de Sao Domingos, que todos com os escravos fizerao numero de
cento & trinta & sinco pessoas, entrando dez escravas que estavao
fechadas a proa debayxo de hua escotilha, onde mal se podiao
recolher.

No outro navio hiao mais duas pessoas que neste, convem a
saber, Estacio de Azevedo Coutinho, que elegi por Capitao delle,
para melhor se poder acomodar com sua molher D. Isabel de
Abranches, & nove escravas & dous Religiosos, hum Capucho, &
outro de Santo Agostinho, por Piloto Manoel Neto, que vinha na
Nao por passageyro, que por todas faziao cento & trinta & sete
pessoas.

Nestes dias mandey fazer hum assento pelo Escrivao da Nao
no livro de Sua Magestade, em que fiz registar toda a fazenda
de mao que no arrayal havia que se tinha salvado, & os officiaes
guardarao em seu poder, fechados os boyoes, & os bizalhos
rnutrados com suas marcas, sem haver falta em cousa algua, por
segurar assim nao so os direytos reais, mas tambem por se
manifestar o que vinha em confianpa, & nao registado, que
deviao de ser as duas partes ; feyto isto, com muyta verdade,
se embarcou tudo no navio em que eu vinha, no qual nomeey
por Piloto a Domingos Lopes, que como na India andava costu-
mado a navegar em navios pequenos, me pareceo convinha mais
que o da Nao, que tern differente conto.

Embarcando comigo as vias de Sua Magestade, & tudo o mais,
hum Sabbado de nossa Senhora, a quern tenho particular devopao,
vinte & seis de Janeyro, determiney sahir, & nao pude por ser ja
a mare gastada, neni ao Domingo, porque tambem o vento nos
nao favoreceo para o poder fazer, & a gente com estas dilafoes
comeyou a lanpar varios juizos, cousa muy ordinaria no povo ; &
a segunda feyra me meti no balao com os Pilotos, & fomos ver o
canal, onde tinhamos deytado nossas boyas para balizas, onde
havia mais agoa, & depois de tudo bem conhecido, posto que
havia muyta mareta, animados com hum pouco de terral que
ventava, me resolvi a dezamarrar o meu navio, atoando-ine o
balao. <Sr com reinos, & varas, que tinhamos tambem feyto para

N 2

180 Records of South-Eastern Africa,;

o ter mao que nao encostasse, viemos com as esperancas em Deos>
& fiado na Virgem da Natividade, ate chegar ao bayxo em que o
navio deu muytas pancadas, & ficou em seco, mas como o mar de
quando em quando vinha mais grosso, & o levantava as varas, &
remos, & o vento, foy a Senhora servida de ouvir nossos clamores,
& nos poz em dez palmos, & em doze, & logo em muyto fundo :
daqui mandey ao balao que fosse dar toa ao outro, que como era
melhor de vela do que este, sahio brevemente ; porem alentados
em que tinhamos vencido esta difficuldade, ainda que ninguem
julgou nunca chegar ao que entao viamos, que era estar
em navio a vela, ou traves em demanda do Cabo de Boa
Esperanpa ; do que todos me davaD grandes louvores, & particu-
lares agradecimentos, por eu ser so o que havia instado no fazer
dous navios, & por entre tantos impossiveis posto que naquella
perfeycao, mas este animo Ihe durou pouco, porque vindo com
tempo claro, & bom vento Levante correndo a terra para o Cabo
de Boa Esperanp a, trazendo o balao a toa, pelas quatro da tarde
appareceo hum peyxe, a que chamamos orelhao, & sempre que se
ve se segue logo borrasca, & assim nos aconteceo, porque saltou
de im proviso o vento a Noroeste com muytos trovoens, & logo ao
Oeste, & tornamos a voltar para dentro vendo-nos aqui no mayor
perigo de todos os que tinhamos passado, em que a Virgem da
Natividade obrou grandes milagres, porque chegamos a estado
de nos confessarmos publicamente ; porque a furia do tempo nao
permittia que se fizesse com mais vagar, julgando cada momento
que nos sorvetiamos, porque se hum mar depois de cobrir todo o
navio passava, o outro que logo se seguia apoz elle, parece que
queria acabar comnosco de hua vez, tendo ja alijado ao mar toda
essa miseria que traziamos, & houve muytos que ficarao so com a
camisa do corpo, porque o mais tudo havia ido com a cama ao
mar, & ate do arros que tinhamos para mantimento lanpamos
grande parte. Passado o tempo tornamos acometer para o Cabo
de Boa Esperanpa, mas a experimentar outra vez novas tormentas,
& forao de maneyra, que como a culpa daquelles trabalhos era
toda minha, por nao haver querido caminhar por terra me vi muy
perseguido, & quebrantado, porque ainda os Keligiosos me diziao
alguma cousa sobre a materia.

Na segunda noyte que estava no mar se apartou o outro navio
de mini, & ainda que depois passamos mais avante donde havia-
mos estado, o uao encoutramos, no que recebi grande pena,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 181

porque me alentava muyto a sua companhia, & o gosto de nos
salvarmos todos era o a que eu mais aspirava.

Nestes transes andando sempre a vista da terra gastey vinte &
dons dias, nao sendo mais distancia do rio da praya, doude havia
sahido a dobrar o Cabo de Boa Esperan?a, que cento & setenta
legoas, & por fogirmos ao mar, & nao perdennos o caminho que
tinhamos vencido, viemos surgir dentro da Bahia dalagoa, &
para nos sairmos della numa volta, & noutra, ouve imaginarse
que o nao poderiamos fazer nem saltando o vento a Leste, & a
Lesnordeste hua legoa ao mar desta Bahia, aonde a carta sinala
hum bayxo, o qual he de area, & tinha em si mais lobos marinhos
do que ha passaros na Ilha de Fernao de Noronha, o qual vi muyto
bem, porque o fomos correndo de longo, com notavel perigo, por
ser todo pela baiida do mar cheyo de arrecifes, que nao vimos
senao depois de estar entre elles, sem ter outro remedio, mais que
aclamar pela Virgem da Natividade, que milagrosamente nos
livrou, sustentando o mar que entre o arrecife andava muy
empolado por ventar Oeste tormentoso, & tendo-o mao, que de
hua parte, & outra parte era como duas montanhas, & qualquer
delles que quebrava no navio, que nao podia arribar para
nenhum dos lados, por irmos seguindo hum pequeno canal que
hum marinheyro decima do mastro nos hia dizendo aonde
mostrava mais agoas, sem duvida alii fora o fim de nossos
trabalhos, & ultima miseria ; mas livrando-nos a Senhora assim
desta, como de outras muytas tormentas, Ihe davamos infinitas
grafas, porque huma Nao muy possante mal poderia sofrer o que
libs esperavamos, andando o miseravel barco mais por bayxo do
mar, do que por cima, porque vinha a ser no conves pouco mais
de hum palmo o que levantava sobre a agoa.

Nestes vinte & dons dias passamos grandissimos trabalhos,
pois nao so erao os das tormentas, mas os de nao comerem
muytos cousa alguma de fogo, & a gente sobre mal vestida andar
toda molhada, por nao ter outro abrigo mais que o do Ceo, nem
aonde repousar hum breve espaco, porque tudo cobria o mar, &
nao podiamos abrir a escotilha para se tirar o mantimento,
porque por ella nos nao alagassemos, & hua bomba de roda que
traziamos continuamente davamos a ella, & foy a nossa salvajao ;
& ouve homem do mar muy exprimentado em varias tormentas,
& trabalhos, que estes julgou pelos mayores, estando outros tao
entregues a morte, que sein sentido deytados passava o mar por

182 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

cima delles como pela mesma cuberta, mas sempre com a
esperanca em Decs : resolute em passar estes infortunios me
determiney a dobrar o Cabo, on acabar na demanda ; & foy elle
servido, que em hum dia de Fevereyro, que fazia a lua chea, nos
tomou ja da outra banda havendo-o passado em hua noyte, demos
infinitas grapas a sua muyta Misericordia, & a sua bemditissima
May por merce tao sinalada, pois entao, julgavamos todos, que
comecavamos a renacer, uo que nao terey duvida em toda a vida.

Antes que passassemos o Cabo determinavamos de tomar a
aguada do Saldanha, para ver se podiamos resgatar alguns
carneyros, & fazer agoa, porque fica no rosto do Cabo da banda
de fora, donde os temporaes nao tern tanta forpa ; mas como este
posto he muy frequentado de Olandezes, & nos pareceo que dalli
a Angola tinhamos Jornada breve, quiz antes passar por novas
necessidades, que nao arriscarme a ser cativo de inimigos, & pbr
em perigo as vias de Sua Magestade, & a fazenda de mao que
trazia, & assim prosegui meu caminho com mais descanso pela
falta das torrnentas ; & fazendo-me ao mar viemos ver outra vez
terra antes do Cabo negro, que ficamos dezassete graos do Sol, a
qual nao largamos mais de vista, & a fomos correndo de longo,
com tenpao de tomar Bengela para nos refazermos de manti-
mento, & agoa, de que vinhamos muy necessitados, & enchendo
a altura em que fica esta Fortaleza a fomos buscar ja quasi Sol
posto, & por anoytecer nao podemos ver o porto, pondo o navio a
trinqna para de menhaa a tomarmos, mas as agoas, & os ventos
nos levarao tanto para o mar, que quando amanheceo nao se
podia conhecer, nem divisar o que estava em terra, com que
ficamos desconsoladissimos, & mortos de fome, que o nao poder
tomar aquella fortaleza nola acrescentava mais ; & parece que
quiz Deos desviarnos della para nos dilatar a vida, porque depois
chegando a Angola soubemos, que de quantos navios alii forao
morreo quasi toda a gente de sete, oyto dias, & dizem os mora-
dores daquella Cidade, que em qualquer tempo que o navio que
vem de mar em fora toma Bengela para valerse de mantimento,
& agoa, que he o effeyto para que alii vao, se se detem alguns
dias, ou morrem todos, ou o vem fazer a Angola.

Chegado quasi a oyto graos & meyo, que he a altura de
Angola vimos a boca da noyte, & bem junto a terra, hua embar-
ca?ao, que julgamos ser Olandeza ; & como a noyte serrou escura,
a ardentia do mar nos figurava serem mais, & que faziao fuzis

Records oj Sout/i-Eastern Africa. 183

humas as outras, como entre si costum§,o, pelo que ouve pareceres
que fossemos na volta de Loeste, o que eu nao consent!, por me
parecer que seria melhor morrer pelejando em breve tempo, que
acabar a fome em mais dilatados dias ; amanheceo, & nao vimos
mais que hua embarcapao que hia correndo tambem a costa quasi
duas legoas diante de nos, & aparelhandonos com as armas que
levavamos para a abalroar se pudessemos, ella neste tempo virou
para nbs tratando cada qual de ganhar abalravento, o que a outra
fez por set navio grande, & aguardar mais pela bolina, & se foy
afastando de nbs distancia grande, no que mostrou julgarnos por
Cossario, & que fugia de nos; devia de ser isto tanto avante
como a Cidade de Loanda do Key no de Angola, o qual nao
podiamos ver, porque o Sol que sahia por cima da terra nos de
tinha a vista, nao se fazendo ninguem ainda tanto avante, antes
diziao, que huns montes que apareciao era aonde estava o porto ;
acalmou o terrenho, & entrando a virayao largamos a vela para
a parte onde se imaginava ticar a cidade, & o Piloto nao tomou
aquelle dia Sol, presumindo estarem ja nossos trabalhos acabados,
mas atarde como nos chegamos mais se receou que tinha discorrido
o porto, & surgindo aquella noyte bastantemente desconsolados,
porque havia inuyto pouco que comer, & menos que beber, & era
o que mais se sentia, porque ja o Sol nos abrazava com grandis-
sima quentura ate que amanheceo, & tornamos a velejar, indo
ainda para avante assim, porque parecia impossivel haver andado
tanto caminho como porque alguns marinheyros que haviao
estado em Angola affirmavao que se nao podia passar sem se ver
a Cidade, & os navios que costurnao estar junto a Ilha, que he
terra muy bayxa : & ainda ao outro dia houve pessoas que viao a
Cidade, & outros sinaes, ficando-nos tudo ja atras. Aquelle dia
se nao pode segurar o Sol por andar muy cuberto, nem acaba-
vamos de chegar a Cidade tao desejada, em que tornamos a
surgir por nao largar a costa ; & porque tambem ao por do Sol se
acabava o vento, que nos sorvia : o dia seguiute tornamos a seguir
nosso caminho muy tristes, & vimos huma embarcapao, & por
mais sinaes que Ihe fizemos, & arribamos a ella, nuncaquiz chegar
a nbs ; mas tomando o Piloto o Sol se achou em pouco mais de
seis graos, o que poz a todos em desesperajao, pois no fim de
tantas miserias tinhamos descorrido o porto, & parecia impossivel
o tornalo a alcancar senao em muytos dias, porque como os ventos
alii sao geraes, se nao he ein hum bordo, & outro mal se pode

184 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

tornar atras, & ir na volta do mar, em tempo em que ja senao
comia rnais senao huma mao chea de arroz, & menos de quartilho
de agua, era grande afflicpao ; mas permitio a Yirgem da Nativi-
dade, que trazia este navio a sua conta, que nao tivessemos ido
mais avante que seis, ou sete legoas da boca de hum rio, a que os
naturaes chamao o espantoso Zayre, que corre com tanto impeto
que cincoenta legoas ao mar se toma agoa doce, & nos levara em
vinte & quatro horas onde de fome, & sede pereceramos sem
ficar pessoa para contar deste transe, & juntamente quiz sua
piedade, & infinita clemencia rematar nossas miserias com huma
das mais sinaladas merces que nos fez em todo este discurso de
afflicpoes, dando-nos huma trovoada nunca sucedida naquella
paragem, com a qual em dous dias viemos surgir na boca do rio
Bengo hum Sabbado vespora de Ramos, havendo quarenta & oyto
que sahiramos do rio da pray a.

Cheguey logo defronte de Angola, & mandando ao Governador
huma carta que trazia feyta, porque determinava encalhar, &
avizar por terra, em como estava alii com as vias de S. Magestade,
& mais fazenda de mao, porque para marchar havia muytas
difficuldades, & a principal nao haver gota de agoa q beber, nem
cousa algua que comer, & ignoravamos se a terra era de amigos, a
que o Governador respondeo acodindo cuydadosamente com agoa,
& mantimento, o que sobre tudo festejamos, por haver dous dias
que nada disto gastavamos, & postos em terra, o Governador com
a junta da fazenda assentou que a pedraria se depositasse no
Collegio da Coinpanhia de Jesu em hum cayxao de tres chaves,
& que ficasse huma na mao do Padre Keytor do mesmo Collegio,
outra na do Bispo de Congo, & Angola, & outra na do Provedor
da Fazenda, o que se executou pelo registro que eu havia
mandado fazer no livro de Sua Magestade estando presente o
Governador, Bispo, & Feytor, & o Escrivao da feytoria, & cada
official dos da Nao entregou por este modo o que trazia em seu
poder, os Boyoes fechados com suas marcas, & numeros, & os
bizalhos mutrados, sem haver faltado cousa alguma da minha parte,
porque com toda a inteyreza, & pontualidade Sua Magestade
tivesse seus direytos Keaes.

O Governador Francisco de Vasconcelos da Cunha tratou de
acodir logo a miseria da gente, mandando-lhe dar hum quartel,
& o Bispo D. Francisco de Several fez grandissimas esmolas,
vestindo a mayor parte daquelles necessitados que vinhao nus, &

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 185

tendo em sua casa outros de mais qualidade, como tSo santo, &
virtuoso Prelado, que he de que a mim tambem me coube algiia
parte, porque o Governador inteyrado de necessidade em que eu
vinha ine fez merce de oytocentos cruzados de ajuda de custo
para me poder aprestar para este Reyno, aonde em poucos mezes
antes imaginava verme com perto de quarenta mil cruzados, como
he notorio a gente da minha Nao.

Daqui me aprestou o Governador huma caravela, em que a
cinco de Mayo parti para a Bahia, onde cheguey em vinte &
seis dias, trazendo comigo as vias de Sua Magestade, & as do
Governador de Angola, em que dava conta desta fazenda pelo
niodo referido; nesta passagem trouxe tambem em minha
companhia o Mestre, o Piloto, o Guardiao, o Escrivao, o Estrin-
queyro, & vinte tantos homens de mar, porque huns forao pelo
rio de Janeyro, outros por Cartagena, & outros ficarao em
Angola.

Da Bahia como nao achey armada me ordenou o Governador
Pedro da Sylva escolhesse huma de tres embarcapoes que
estavao carregando para fazerem viagem a este Reyno ; &
sahindo para fora em onze de Julho demos no quarto de madorra
com tres Naos Olandezas, tao perto que se nos virao primeyro
nenhuma das embarcapoes escapara, & assim todos tiverao tempo
de virar na volta que Ihe pareceo ; & a caravela em que eu vinha
o fez tao venturosamente, que quando amanheceo estavamos
mais de tiro de bombarda afastados delles por balravento, nao
aparecendo mais que huma das embarcapoes da nossa conserva,
que escolhendo outro rumo brevemente a perdemos tambem de
.vista : & proseguindo nossa viagem sessenta legoas desta Costa
no quarto dalva vimos outra Nao que nos ficava por balravento,
mas tao perto, que julgando-nos por sua, nos nao quiz atirar peca,
antes largando bandeyra de coadra se veyo a nos, estando ja como
a tiro de mosquete, & arribando nos enfiamos com ella, de sorte
que pouco receavamos a sua artelharia, & largando todo o pano
que tinhamos Ihe escapamos venturosamente, & com prospera
viagem em quarenta & oyto dias chegamos dia de Santo
Agostinho a surgir em Peniche, parecendo-nos que ja achassemos
neste Eeyno alguma das embarcafoes que partirao comnosco, mas
ate o presente nao ha novas dellas, no que Deos me quiz
coufirmar as grandes merces que em todo discurso deste
naufragio me fez, trazendo-me a Portugal nao so ajudando-uie a

186 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

passar tormentas tao terriveis, & perigos tao certos, mas livrando-
me dos muytos inimigos que hoje cursao todos estes mares.

As vias de Sua Magestade entreguey a Francisco de Lucena
por ordem da Senhora Princesa, & em sua propria mao as do
Governador de Angola do registro da fazenda que la ficon,
diligencia que eu fiz, levado assim do proveyto que havia de
resultar aos direytos reals, como da seguranca em que punha esta
fazenda, porque como todos nos viamos perdidos, a gente de mar
se alborotava, dizendo que o proveyto nao queriao que fosse so
dos officiaes que a traziao, senao de todos em geral, pois todos
igualmente trabalharao na salvapao della, & em sua defensa ; &
assim, que a mandasse repartir, para o que me fizerao muytos
requerimentos, & petipoes, sem querer muytas vezes trabalhar ate
com effeyto se Ihe dar a cada hum o que pretendia ; o que eu
atropelando tudo pelo melhor modo que me foy possivel,
persuadindo-os com que daquelle trabalho haviamos de ter todos
a terpa parte, fiz o que tenho referido ; no que agora vejo, que
muytos delles auteviao o pouco agradecimento que seus donos
mostrao neste Reyno a tao grand e beneficio, querendo reputar
este naufragio, como em Costas de Espanha, ou de amigos, sendo
que o menor transe foy o de dar a Costa ; pois se considerarem os
muytos porque passamos, entenderao que Ihe demos de novo esta
fazenda, o que eu espero que reconhepao todos ; & assim os
Ministros de Sua Magestade Catholica, para o premio da que Ihe
soube acrescer a sua fazenda, pois os impossiveis que venci em
tao breve tempo, nao sao tao novos que se vissem ategora, que
em tarn pouco, & tao faltos do necessario para tudo, & em terras
de Alarves, se fabricassem dous navios, & nelles se passassem tao
successivos, & tao immensos trabalhos, como os com que cheguey
ao Eeyno de Angola, a que Deos me trouxe.

LAUS DEO.

WEECK
OF THE SHIP N088A SENHORA DE BELEM

ON THE COAST OF NATAL, CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, AND VARIOUS

ADVENTURES OF CAPTAIN JOSEPH DE CABREYRA, WHO

SAILED IN HER FOR INDIA IN THE YEAR 1633

AS ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET, UNTIL HE

REACHED THIS KINGDOM.

WRITTEN BY
THE SAID JOSEPH DE CABEEYKA.

DEDICATED TO DIOGO SCARES,

OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL, AND HIS SECRETARY OF STATE

IN MADRID.

WITH ALL THE NECESSARY LICENSES.

LISBON,

BY LOURENC.O CRAESBEECK, PRINTER TO THE KING.

1636.

WEECK

OF THE SHIP NOSSA SENHOBA DE BELEM ON THE COAST OF
NATAL, CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, IN THE YEAR 1635.

WE left Lisbon harbour for India on the 6th of March 1633,
in a squadron of three ships, of which Antonio de Saldanha was
chief captain, I filling the office of admiral in the ship Nossa
Senhora de Belem, the finest, best built, and largest ship that
ever sailed in this service, and arrived safely at Goa on the
19th of August of the same year.

After unloading the ships we set about repairing them,
especially mine, which stood most in need thereof, because it had
lain at anchor and wintered in this kingdom. ^Circumstances
had arisen which obliged this ship to remain in India that she
might be better repaired, which was accomplished as far as was
necessary by the feast of the apostle Saint Matthias, the 24th of
February 1635, when the count of Linhares, viceroy of that
State, came to see the ships weigh anchor, encouraging the
officers in their work both by his assistance and his liberality
towards them, no small share of which fell to those on board my
ship, for he gave the master, Miguel Jorge the Greek, a diamond
ring of great value which he took from his own hand, and he
also took a gold key-guard from his neck and gave it to the
pilot. The two ships having set sail, I saw by the working of
mine that God wished to give me warning of the sad fate which
awaited us, for the prow veered in the direction of the shores of
Bardes, showing that it was better to remain there than to con-
tinue the voyage begun, for often even inanimate objects dumbly
prophesy future events. Disregarding these presages and
putting the ship upon the right course, which was done with
great difficulty, we pursued our voyage ; but I was not without
great anxiety on account of what had occurred and the dread
which troubled me, the ship having been stranded twice, though

190 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

after she struck the first time she had been well repaired, which
was necessary, for she broke more than forty floor timbers and
braces, and they cut down the masts in order to get her off the
shoal. After being careened she was remasted in the river of
Goa with great difficulty, the masts being very heavy, because
they were larger than those we took from the kingdom and
because the wood of which they were made is heavier than
Flemish pine.

In going out of the harbour to complete our preparations and
take in the cargo of pepper and other merchandise, the ship
struck again upon a bank formed by the bar, where she remained
while the tide ebbed. When the tide was full she was got off
again by cables carried out to sea and worked by the capstans,
and tow-lines from the ships of the fleet hauled by hand, all of
which was necessary, for the ship was a mountain of wood and
already masted. The keel thumped frequently before she was
got afloat, and when she was at anchor in the harbour she was
again careened by order of the viceroy, who assisted in all these
labours with the greatest care, his presence alone enabling us to
overcome the many difficulties which arose. It was found that
the only damage was that the stern-post had started from
the keel.

The thought of all these things increased my fear and made
me look closely to the staying and clumsy action of the ship
when first she weighed her anchor ; and in this fear, combatted
by the hope that God would bring us safely to our destination,
I continued my voyage. In a few days I was beset by fresh
cares, because of the few seamen I had with me, for there were
not more than a hundred and forty-five men, including the
officers, most of whom were sick and weak, and the others
scarcely convalescent from the illness they had endured in Goa.
It was necessary to keep the slaves, who were very few, at the
pumps all night, in order to spare the seamen for greater
necessities, for considering the number required on a ship, and
that which I took from this kingdom, namely, two hundred sea-
men, I was exceedingly short of men, and even those I had were
sick, as I have said.

Being very anxious on account of the quantity of water in the
ship, I asked the caulkers whence it came, and they replied that
it was the water we had taken in for our voyage. Not being

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa. 191

satisfied with this report, I remained all one night at the pumps
until the whole of the water was discharged, in order to ascertain
what good fortune I had or what evil I had to expect. But the
next day I found water in the pumps again, and from that time
all the negroes came on deck every day and laboured at the
pumps, which threw out quantities of water. This was a great
grief to me, for whether it was water from the pipes or a leak in
the ship, of two doubtful evils one must certainly prove true :
either the fresh water must fail to sustain us during our voyage
or the salt water increase and prevent us accomplishing it with
the success we all desired. I concealed my affliction from every
one in order not to discourage them, though from these causes
our miserable end was generally prophesied.

In this anxiety I continued my voyage, always carrying less
sail than the other ship in order not to part company with her,
according to the order contained in his Majesty's instructions.
On reaching 5° south latitude, between the shoals called the
Seven Sisters and those of Pedro dos Banhos, such a heavy storm
of rain came on one night that it carried away the main-sail,
though it was clewed up and well under shelter of the fore-sail.
In this emergency we began to feel our lack of men, both on
account of their small number and their weakness, for they set
about attending to this, as was necessary, with great difficulty,
in spite of the diligence of the officers in pushing the work
forward. As we reached a higher latitude the fury of the
weather carried away other sails, so that our hardships grew with
our fears, and the water in the ship increased to render these
more pressing, for this is one of the greatest terrors of navigation,
rendering everything impossible.

Almost in this same latitude I was separated from the other
ship, which steered a different course, and if she made me the
signals appointed by his Majesty's instructions I did not see
them, although we kept good watch and the ships were not very
far apart. I continued on the same course until morning, and
found myself alone, but the commodore, resuming his former
course, which was that which our navigation required, we joined
company again, and aided by the favourable south-east winds
which sprang up, on the first of May in the morning we reached
the island of Diogo Kodrigues, which is in 20° south latitude.
We sailed along it joyfully, both because we had navigated so

192 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

well and because it was to us a landmark in the way, leading us
to believe that in a few days we would be delivered from the
dangers which attend the passing of the Cape of Good Hope, if
the same wind should continue.

But the commodore always steered out to sea, increasing the
latitude until we reached 34°, as my pilots found when they
measured the altitude of the sun. Here the wind changed to
north-west and west-north-west, which winds are the worst
enemies that await ships in this region. The storms increased,
returning repeatedly with such force that knowing the defects of
my ship I approached the commodore and said that I would
steer towards the land, not only because the dictates of reason
demanded it, but also because it was in accordance with the
rules of the ancient pilots, and with good cause, for in such
a high latitude so far out at sea the danger is always more
certain and remedies more impossible, while near the shore the
ships find better shelter, and in April and May, the winds
then blowing east and north-east, it is better to steer towards
land near the Cape, in latitude 31° and 32°, and not go so far
out to sea in search of tempests, especially as the land offers a
more ready refuge from the misfortunes of this navigation.
Therefore both the ships followed this course for eight days
before we came in sight of the first land of that coast, which I
take to be between latitude 32° and 33°, where, contrary to what
is usual in that monsoon, the storms were so violent and con-
tinuous that it seemed as if each would put an end to us once
for all.

It was worthy of note that whenever there was a spell of clear
weather and we threw our nets into the sea to catch some fish,
which in this region must surely be the best in the whole world,
a fresh storm immediately arose, so that often with the fish still
between our teeth we had to attend to the sails ; and we looked
upon this small relief of fishing as a certain sign of a storm,
but even at such a penalty we counted it a piece of luck. A
state of misery has this advantage that even a small relief is
held a source of great contentment.

At this time the ship from continual pumping was in great
want of chains, pump-boxes, and iron band-buckets for the
wheel pump, for the ordinary pumps did not work, being in bad
repair when we left India, the fault of the caulker of the voyage,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 193

who was engaged at Goa instead of the one I took from this
kingdom, who remained on shore very ill ; and this one was
sick also, as well as his assistant. In India, in the hurry of
embarking, he thought more of getting four packets of cinnamon
on board than of what was required for the pumps, and the
ship's master, who might have supplied these deficiencies, was
also dangerously ill and for many days before sailing was unable
to come on board and see to what was required for so long a
voyage. Thus all these things increased our troubles, and it
seemed that from the time we left Goa we were on our way to
destruction.

In order to attempt every remedy I approached the other
ship and asked for some chains and pump-gear, also that they
would lend me other things that I required and a caulker and
carpenter. On the day I thus made known my necessities the
sea was very high and rough, and I was only able to speak to
those in the ship. Two days afterwards they bade me put out
the boat, and they would give me what I required. This answer
was equivalent to a curt refusal without mercy, for it was
impossible to launch the boat, as it was uncaulked and very
leaky, and one of the requirements asked for was a caulker. If
I was short of men to manage the sails, how much more were
they necessary to make the boat ready and launch it; besides
which the davit of the largest was broken and there was not one
able to make another, for the ship's carpenter was not only old,
but also very ill, and his assistant was in the same condition.

Having lost all hope of help from the other ship by their
answer, and because the fury of the weather afforded no opportu-
nity, necessity, the teacher and discoverer of resources, led me to
avail myself of what was in the ship, and I ordered all the rings
fixed on the outside of the bows and those under the gallery,
from which the men suspend themselves when the helm or
prow is to be repaired, to be wrenched off, and these were
put into the fire and made into chains and dippers, and thus
I repaired the pump as well as I could.

The first morning the weather permitted I sent the caulkers,
ill as they were, with several men to help them, outside the ship
to see if any of the oakum had worked out of the seams under
the chain plates fore or aft, for the ship laboured much in
rolling and the shrouds worked loose in those parts very

Yin. o

194 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

daDgerously ; and all the defects discovered were repaired as
well as possible. Thinking that the ship leaked only in those
parts, from that time whenever a storm arose, as soon as it
was calm I sent trustworthy persons into the hold and between
the decks to ascertain if they could hear or discover any water ;
but they never found any except what leaked through the
planking, the decks being much shaken and the sides gaping
widely, the seams having opened in many places through the
rolling of the ship.

As the labour continually increased I divided the crew into
three bands. The boatswain's mate, Belchior Dias, with the
ship's boys not only filled his own office but also that of caulker,
assisting with great care and diligence in making the dippers
and chains for the wheel-pump, which often failed us, the chain
breaking because it was so heavy. The boatswain with the
sailors also punctually took his turn, and likewise Simao
Goncalves Franco, the ship's steward, with the passengers and
several artillerymen who were in the best state of health for the
work, to which, in this order, all attended with the greatest
vigilance and readiness.

We were now entering the month of June, which is the depth
of winter upon that coast, as we found to our cost from the
fierce hurricanes and tempests we endured. Two days before the
feast of Saint Anthony there arose a storm so violent that it
filled us all with dismay, and giving us no respite another arose
on the night of the feast so severe that the commodore was left
behind me, running out to sea, and I continued sailing under
the courses with my watchlight burning, according to his
Majesty's orders ; but in the morning I could not see the other
ship, and never saw her again until the day I ran ashore.

The pilots reckoned that we were near the bay of Sao Bras,
but the fury of the winds and the rolling of the ship prevented
us from using the pumps, of which there was only one chain-
pump and the wheel pump, and we attempted every means of
repairing them, even wishing to take them out and put in some
old ones that were in the ship, but we could never succeed in
doing so because of the weather, and the only one that worked
was badly repaired and was of little use to us.

Therefore considering the straits we were in, that the ship
lacked everything necessary for our preservation, that we were

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 195

overwhelmed with miseries, and that the storms increased every
moment, as if longing to engulf us, I began to think of the
last resource in use at sea in such cases, ordering baling tubs
to be made ready on the deck, thus preparing for events which
I foresaw. As the men were so few and the labour so great,
when they were employed in one thing they were lacking for
another; but nevertheless a number of barrels were prepared
for baling tubs, and it was not long before they were required.
The passengers and negroes worked at . this with great zeal,
Simao Gonpalves always assisting and giving much victuals to
strengthen and encourage both the negroes and those who
assisted them.

Though our afflictions were so heavy we still had great hope
that God our Lord would send us a favourable wind, with
which to continue our voyage and double the Cape of Good
Hope, so stormy and fatal to navigators. But the tempests
never ceased for more than five or six hours, during which the
waves ran so high that they were the greatest danger of all,
because the rolling of the ship in the cross seas caused her to
leak still more. Therefore I assembled all the officers, the
most skilful seamen, and other persons, with all the religious
that were on board, and the king's notary being present I bade
them consider the present state and the region in which so
many miseries had come upon us ; and having laid the case
before them, I called upon them to declare according to their
consciences what they thought best to be done to save the ship,
his Majesty's pepper, and all else on board. The notary having
administered the oath to each upon the holy gospels, they all
agreed that the ship was not in a fit state to attempt to pass the
Cape of Good Hope, and that it would be better to put back to
Mozambique if we could reach it. But the master, being the
most experienced, was of opinion that the ship could not reach
the head of the island of Madagascar, because of the north-
east winds which in that latitude are very often continuous and
stormy, and would make it necessary for the ship to keep
tacking, for which she was not fit, and therefore he thought we
should run along the coast and put in at the first port we
should come to.

The notary having entered this decision in his Majesty's
book, we were all grieved and very disconsolate, for not only

o 2

196 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

was it two years and three months since we left Lisbon harbour,
but our present voyage had lasted five months since our
departure for Portugal, and we found ourselves in the midst
of hardships with a greater certainty of death than of ever
being able to reach this desired kingdom, the reward and
coveted resting place of all those who undertake this lengthy
navigation. Things being in this state, the storms, differing
little one from the other, never ceased. The principal leaks
being in the upper part of the ship, the water coming from
above soaked into the bales of pepper, and gradually forced
itself through some openings into the hold, increasing some-
times to such an extent that we all gave ourselves up for lost.
The want of hands, who did not suffice to work at the pumps
and baling tubs, obliged even the women to help ; and all were
discouraged and weakened, not only by the tempests which left
us no peace, but also by the intense cold which benumbed us,
and by so many sleepless nights. However, while life remains
hope never fails, and after placing ours in God, we trusted to
our exertions as the only remedy in our many necessities; there-
fore the people relieved each other in order to get some rest,
everyone attending punctually to his duty.

As I was not yet convinced that all the water came from
above, I ordered one of my sailors, Manuel Fernandes by name, —
the only one who could help us, being a good carpenter, for the
ship's carpenter and his assistant never left their berths, one
being very old and both being sick, — to go below and make
the strictest search for a leak, that we might repair it. One
night when the weather was very rough he found the ship open
at the stem, and it was like lattice work, so that when she
pitched the timbers crashed together and a stream of water
rushed in with a dreadful sound. If we had abandoned the
pumps and baling tubs for one turn we must have gone to the
bottom, and even as it was the water increased until it seemed
that we had only a short interval of life in our hands, which
we anxiously laboured to preserve with the utmost exertions.

In spite of all, I ordered the ship's master, the boatswain's
mate, and some others, to see if it were possible to stop the leak
in that part, and they, knowing that therein lies the chief
strength of a ship, upon which all her frame depends, were very
discouraged, but never ceased their efforts to find a remedy

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 197

whenever the weather allowed us a moment's respite. It
happened for our sins that I went down to where they were
working the baling tubs, and it was like a picture of hell with
the shouts and confusion of the workers, the noise of the water
rushing in, and the heavy rolling which threw everything from
side to side, so that no one could stand up even by holding on.
I sent for Manuel Fernandes that I might see for myself what
could be done, and as he was coming down through the hatch-
way where the first baling tub was, the sudden rolling of the
ship threw him down into the hold. It pleased God, who
preserved him for our service, as will appear hereafter, that he
should not strike any of the beams which were in the hatch-
way of the lower deck where the tubs were filled, like those used
in a well worked by a water-wheel to keep the earthenware
buckets from striking against the sides; but he fell into the
water, which was more than ten spans in depth, heavily, and rose
to the surface bruised and with all his joints nearly dislocated.

Upon this I well nigh lost all hope of human help, confiding
solely in the aid of heaven, for there was no one else to assist
me in the carpentering with so much skill and good will ; and
whereas in these ships there are usually some of this and other
trades among the seamen, we left India with only one, Thome
Fernandes, who had fallen overboard in a faint, having gone on
deck after he had been bled several times.

That no resource might be neglected we had prepared a sail
that when the weather permitted we might fasten it under the
prow to see if it would keep out the water ; but there was never
an opportunity, and the bales of pepper gradually burst open
and choked up the pumps, a fearful sign in so much misery,
and an omen which foretold our almost certain doom.

At this time the caulker died suddenly of inflammation,
caused by many immersions in icy cold water, and this roused
us all to prepare to render an account for our sins to God,
confessing ourselves and performing other Catholic exercises.

The storms never ceased nor allowed us four hours unbroken
rest, and our sufferings increased as the last miseries of ship-
wreck drew nearer. I stood on deck with all the men that they
might work more quickly, for the pumps were now failing us.
One was manned by Eustacio de Azevedo Coutinho, with his
slaves. Even his wife, Dona Isabel da Branches, with a stout

198 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

heart offered her soft hands to assist in this hard labour. The
other was worked in turns by Sirnao Gonpalves and the boat-
swain's mate, who always showed the utmost zeal, while I was
continually occupied with the baling tubs. They shouted to me
from above to send some sailors to brace the yard of the storm-
sail and prevent the ship from broaching to, — for now she obeyed
the helm with difficulty, the whole of her prow being deep
in the water, — lest the seas should strike her abeam and shatter
her to pieces. Though there were men at the braces they were
not sufficient when the waves increased, and every time I sent
others, when they returned to the tubs there were two or three
more spans of water in the stern and four times as much in
the prow.

During these intervals the pumps became completely choked,
and we could only work at the baling tubs with great difficulty,
because of the quantity of pepper in the water. For this reason
I did not interrupt the work to lighten the ship, a usual resource
in such straits, and also because she was so lightly laden that
the water in her only made up for the weight which was want-
ing. And had she been laden as the ships from India usually
are, we must inevitably have foundered many days before.
However, had it been necessary to throw the cargo overboard
to lighten the ship, I could not have done so, for it would have
taken all hands and wasted time, which was what I was most
anxious to spare. Only those who know what a ship from India
with a cargo between the decks is, will be able to judge how
impossible it was for us to lighten her with so few men and so
much to attend to.

Such imminent peril warned me to prepare for what was to
be expected, and therefore I ordered some negroes who were
too small to help with the pump, with the cooper and master-
at-arms, to bring up muskets, balls, defensive armour, powder,
and other ammunition, which I had put into watertight pipes
and barrels, with some rice, all of which we afterwards found
of service.

To complete our distress, a little after the feast of Saint John
the pepper became caked upon the surface of the water, and
though some pushed it aside with poles and others ladled it out,
not four barrels of water came up at every turn, and even that
was half pepper.

Records of Saudi-Eastern Africa. 199

Here let every unprejudiced person or those who have been
in similar shipwrecks consider what our condition must have
been, with death staring us in the face, and no hope in sight
but the great mercy of God ; upon which we took the most holy
Virgin for our intercessor, and she as the mother of pity heard
our cry, and the weather gave us some respite.

The bow being now almost under water and the baling tubs
choked up with the pepper which could only be got out with
shovels, all the bales having burst, I again took counsel with
the officers and sailors as to what was best to be done to save
our lives and whatever else was possible, and it was agreed by
common consent of all that our misery having come to such a
pitch we should go in quest of land and run the ship ashore to
save our lives or meet the fate God destined for us.

Having entered this desperate resolution in the king's book,
we steered for the shore, which we found the next day to be
the beginning of the land of Natal, in latitude 32°, and we
rejoiced as much as if it had been the shore of this kingdom, for
in a miserable condition even misfortunes are a source of joy.

Here to lighten the ship, on the eve of Saint Peter's day we
threw the main yard overboard with great difficulty, on account
of the weather, which was still stormy, and would not allow us
even this short relief. As we sailed along the shore in search
of some beach or creek where we could most safely and con-
veniently run the ship aground, we saw some very high
mountains apparently divided by a river, and smoke in different
places, denoting human habitations. As in such cases there
are always as many opinions as persons, I needed special grace
from God prudently to decide what was best to be done, and I
resolved to get as near as possible to the shore in order to
examine what we saw, but the wind decreasing I could only get
within a little less than a. league from the said mountains.

Most of the crew were determined to run the ship ashore at
once, fearing she would sink from the constantly increasing
water, but I would not consent to it, and over-ruling the con-
fusion and different opinions, I commanded them to cast anchor.
Several still insisted that we would all inevitably be drowned,
a fate which some might escape if we ran ashore ; and others
said that the cable would certainly break in the night, for
it \vas now very late, and the ship be driven on the coast,

200 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

when the darkness would render it impossible for a single
soul to escape.

In this labyrinth of opinions, guided by the best advice I
ordered the boat to be launched, concerning which there was
also wild discussion and the greatest confusion. Finally I
entered the boat, resolved to die or to explore the land in front
of us, upon which I had firmly fixed my eyes for our salvation,
and I foresaw correctly, as it afterwards proved. I took with
me the boatswain's mate, whose duty it was to accompany me
whenever I left the ship, and thirty-seven other men all armed
with muskets and guns, a barrel of powder, balls, and the
necessary match, but no provisions, our haste preventing it.

I asked Father Jeronymo Lobo, of the Company of Jesus, if
he would accompany me in this peril, for in all those we had
endured on board the ship he had done so with much charity,
and his great virtue moved him to consent. I also called upon
Father Antonio, the ship's chaplain, and it being now very late
we put off from the ship, and seen from without her wales
appeared all twisted like a shepherd's crook. Being determined
first to reconnoitre the mountains we had passed by before the
shore which lay opposite the ship, I told those on board that
by the third watch I would return and report what I had seen.

Though all were of opinion that I was going to my death, it
being difficult to navigate along that rugged coast in a very
large ship, and still more so in such a small boat, yet knowing
that this desperate course alone afforded some hope, and having
great confidence in God our Lord, I resolved in the midst of
such hardships to expose my life to this evident peril, being
convinced that the gain would be great, though the danger
was one of the worst I have ever encountered, as everything
appeared to be easy in prospect of the advantage of reaching
land. For when the ship should come ashore most of the
people would necessarily save themselves on rafts, spars, and
planks, and thus some being half dead with the cold, which was
extreme, or wounded by nails and splinters, and bruised by the
rolling of the breakers which burst furiously a long way from
the shore, some rustic might come out of the thicket and kill
them in order to rob them, which I and those with me might
prevent. Also after landing, I could leave them thus armed,
protected by a trench or bank against any Kaffirs who might

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 201

come down to the shore ; and they might also safely secure
\\ Imtever came to land, while I could return to the ship again
and see what was best to be done with her.

Although we rowed vigorously and the tide was in our favour
we could not reach the land till after the sun had set and it had
grown very dark, and I found myself in great straits, for the
sea was very rough and prevented us from seeing anything.
It was owing to the mercy of God that the boat was not
shattered by the breakers which rolled in from a great distance
and broke upon the coast, when we must all have inevitably
been lost. As the darkness of the night prevented us from
seeing even the high mountains, we put out a little from the
shore and anchored with a grapnel as a last resource, for we
could think of no other, each one in his heart preparing to
render an account of his sins, for it seemed to us that we could
not keep afloat two hours.

But after the misery of that night, with the severe cold and
heavy seas which burst over the boat, we saw the morning dawn,
and made an attempt to accomplish our design. We observed
no place, however, which we could reach in the boat, and though
we could see the break in the mountains we could not even
distinguish clearly if there was a large river, for the sea ran very
high upon the coast and burst into spray far from it, as it was
all rocks, and therefore it was impossible for us to discover what
we wished.

After this discomfiture we rowed along the shore towards the
ship with great difficulty, being kept back by the currents
which flow swiftly towards the Cape of Good Hope, and the men
were not only exhausted with their past labour, but were also
very weak through want of food, and so we made but little way,
still keeping a keen look out for some place where we could get
in, which God would not permit, His divine providence intend-
ing that the work should be all His own. It was now nearly
three o'clock in the afternoon of the feast of Saint Peter, and
we were in sight of the ship, but could not get near her, and
casting anchor again to rest the men the wind increased, blowing
south-east, which is contrary upon that coast, and the sea was
running in the opposite direction owing to the past winds,
which blew from the west and west-south-west. In this miser-
able condition we called upon the mercy of God, who showed

202 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

that it was not His will that we should reach the ship and
rejoin our comrades.

Father Jeronymo Lobo recited an act of contrition aloud,
which we all repeated after him, and turning the boat's head
towards the shore and her stern to the sea, rowing with all our
strength that she might be carried forward more quickly by the
wind and waves, we prepared to run ashore as best we could.
When we were near the land a wave like a mountain broke
over us, filling the boat with water, and had it not been for a
sailor named Antonio Domingues, near whom I sat and who
was steering with an oar for a helm, that moment must have
been our last. With unfailing courage and great judgment he
succeeded in keeping the boat straight on the crest of the wave,
which was immediately followed by others no less terrible, as
is usual on an unbroken coast. Calling upon the Virgin of the
Rosary, man's constant protectress in the greatest misery, she
was pleased that we should be carried ashore among the waves
without anyone being drowned. On the contrary, each one held
fast his arms, and those who could swim best, adventuring first,
found a footing and helped the others, so that all were saved.
I, who could hardly keep myself above water, remained quiet
until they reached me, and by the mercy of God got safely
to land.

We got out the powder and ammunition quite dry, as they
were in a water-tight barrel. My first care was to order a fire
to be made by means of the gun flints, to dry our arms, and
then returning to the boat I saw that it was half in pieces and
full of sand. Judging this to be one of the greatest miracles
which our Lord God had worked for us, we embraced each other,
rendering thanks to him as men newly born into this world
after having almost found ourselves in the next.

We then withdrew to a little thicket, which seemed to us the
most convenient place to defend ourselves from the natives of
the land and to dry our clothing, each one building a fire where
he thought best, which was easily done, wood being abundant
in that country.

In the meantime, when those in the ship saw the boat turn
away they thought from the height of the waves that I would be
lost, and raising the anchor and unfurling the foresail they
steered for the same spot, which was a little beyond the

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 203

mountains I have spoken of, where we had always intended to
run ashore. The wind blowing from the eastward was favour-
able, and seeing their approach we ran to the shore and hoisted
a towel at the end of a lance to show them that we were not
drowned and could help them when they came to land. But
as the waves were so high that they could not see us, and the
ship would not obey the helm, turning now to sea and now to
land, thinking that all those who had gone in the boat were
drowned they made for the shore which I have often mentioned,
and which I had gone to explore. There they ran the ship
aground near a place where a river flows into the sea, with
sandbanks on either side, the tide ebbing and flowing in its
channel with great impetus. But as it was more than a third of
a league from the spot where they touched land, the tide being
so low that the coast was covered with surf, they could not then
discover the channel of the river, and the weather growing
calmer they had greater hope of life, passing that night and the
next day in a thousand consultations.

Here it is necessary to state that as soon as I left the ship,
in accordance with my instructions they threw overboard every-
thing that was in the prow and the upper part, and thus they
were able to keep afloat until they came ashore.

The day after the ship was stranded they launched an Indian
boat belonging to the Count Viceroy, which was our only hope,
and the most adventurous went in it to see if there was any
channel or place where they could land, for though the stream
was very narrow, with from seven to eight spans of water, it
was only smooth in parts, for the sea breaking on the sandbanks
ran along the shore with great impetus and a heavy surf.

The day on which I was wrecked with the boat, which was
the same day that the ship ran ashore, some natives came to
those who had landed with me, and whom I had left with
Father Jeronymo Lobo while I climbed a mountain with some
of the men to discover the position of the ship. We signalled
to her with towels, that we might all be encouraged, they at
seeing that we had escaped the fury of the sea and that they
could also come ashore where we could help them, and ourselves
at the prospect of having comrades in the future hardships we
anticipated, for it is no small consolation to the wretched to
have companionship in their misfortunes.

204 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

The next day at dawn I sent the boatswain's mate with
Simao Franco and fourteen of my best men, all armed, to the
shore opposite the ship to render what assistance was required.
I could not go myself, because I had to remain with the others
of my company, most of whom were not fit to move. Al'ter
they had gone the sun rose, and many natives came out of the
woods and gradually assembled until they numbered more than
three hundred. This caused us i great anxiety, our number
being so inferior and for the most part bruised by the buffeting
of the sea, and not well armed.

The climate of this country is excellent. There are great
forests of high thick trees and fragrant odours, and though the
cold is extreme wood is plentiful, and as the sun rises it warms
the earth sufficiently. This is in the winter, but when the sun
is nearer heat is not lacking, though it was endurable and did
us no harm. We always walked in it, yet no one fell ill ; on
the contrary most of us were very sick on arriving, and nearly
all got better, only four or five dying. These were very ill
when they landed, and from the fear and dread of finding
themselves cast away upon these shores they died during the
first five or six days. We buried them in a spot which we
selected for the purpose, thinking that many would die, and we
placed a cross above their graves. We were moved to great
sorrow, and it increased our grief to see our comrades buried in
a place where no step would come but those of wild animals or
the natives who are hardly to be distinguished from wild beasts.

The men of this country are very lean and upright, tall of
stature, and handsome. They can endure great labour, hunger,
and cold ; they live two hundred years and even more in good
health, and with all their teeth. They are so light that they
can run over the rugged mountains as fleetly as stags. They
are clothed in skins which hang over their shoulders to the
knees; these are cow-hides, but they have the art of dressing
them till they are as soft as velvet. There are rich and poor
among them, but this is according to the number of their cattle.
They all carry sticks in their hands about two spans in length,
with a tail at the end like the brush of a fox, which serves them
as a handkerchief and fan. They use sandals of elephant's hide,
which they carry hanging from their hands, and I never saw
them on their feet. Their arms are assagais with broad well-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 205

fashioned heads. Their shields are of elephant hide with
handles like ours, but made like leathern targets ; the richest
use others. They all have dogs with ears and tails cropped,
with which they hunt wild pigs and stags, as well as buffaloes,
elephants, tigers, and lions. There are many hippopotami.
Among the birds are partridges, wild hens, and cassowaries, but
they are very small ; there are green doves and parrots which
are very good to eat, for we killed many. There are also
rabbits, hares, and wild cats, all of which we caught in snares.

The kings have four, five, and seven wives. The women do
all the work, planting and tilling the earth with sticks to
prepare it for their grain, which is millet as large or larger than
linseed. They have maize also, and plant large melons which
are very good, and beans and gourds of many kinds, also sugar
canes, though they brought us very few of these. Cows are
what they chiefly value : these are very fine and the tamest
cattle I have ever seen in any country. In the milk season they
live chiefly upon it, making curds and turning it sour, which
was little to our taste. They also eat a certain root which
resembles spurge laurel, and they say it is very strengthening.
There are others yielding a fine seed, which also grows under
ground. They eat this with great enjoyment, and also the gum
from the trees ; but they make no use whatever of the fruit
in the woods, which proved of great service to us, for it helped
to sustain us for many days, though it does not resemble any
that is found in this kingdom or in India.

The women bring no dowry in marriage, on the contrary the
husband pays the bride's father with cattle, and they become as
slaves to their husbands ; they choose six or seven, and take
one into their house every moon without any jealousy whatever
arising. Even their ornaments go to the men, and the women
wear only skins better or worse according to the position of
their husbands. Their ornaments are bracelets on their arms
and pendants in their ears, of copper or bone.

Being on shore as I have said, we bartered some millet from
them, of which their hands were full ; and they made signs to
Father Jeronymo Lobo that they would exchange it for some
locks, ring-handles, and nails of a writing-desk. We were faint
with hunger, having eaten nothing for three days but half a
biscuit and even less, which Father Jeronymo happened to

206 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

bring tied up in a towel and divided equally among all ; and I
felt so weak that I went to some wild fig-trees and ate the
inner piths, which though they resemble those of India, and
the natives there use them as food, are not at all pleasant to
the taste.

When these natives drew near to the place where we were
posted with our backs to a thicket which served as a defence
against the cold and them in case they should attack us, they
stuck their assagais in a sandbank opposite to us before they
drew near, and then asked by signs why we had arms in our
hands when theirs were laid aside ? As they showed suspicion
of this, and it was a time for making friends, I resolved to go
among them, giving my gun to a comrade and leaving a pistol
and dagger in my belt. My first salute to them was to place
my hand on their beards and smooth them well, then I sat down
among them, at which they appeared well pleased, understand-
ing that I was the captain of the company, and they showered
praises upon me, calling me in their language Canansys,
Umlungo, Umkulu, Manimusa, which are equivalent to great
titles in ours.

We remained thus for two whole hours, until they dispersed
in different directions. I sent a ship's boy with a keg to bring
water from a river which was not far off, and several natives
came out of the wood and took it from him, as well as a knife,
and striking him several times on the head they returned to
their cover. It seemed to me that I could revenge myself by
a stratagem and kill one of them, which I also thought would
secure our safety during the night. Therefore I called a sailor
who had no small reputation for courage, and sent him, sword
in hand, to fill a cauldron at the river, thinking that the natives
would not take it from him. I followed him with four guns
in the hands of good marksmen, and that we might not be
observed we remained a little behind, hidden by a curve in the
land. The sailor reached the spot, and seeing no one he put
his sword on the ground with the cauldron and taking off the
lid began to fill it with water which was flowing over some
stones. Above him was a hillock, behind which a native was
crouching, who suddenly sprang up, and leaping like a grey-
hound to the place where the sailor was, he carried off the
cauldron and lid so suddenly that the sailor was too overcome

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 207

with surprise to do anything. We came up, but when we lifted
our guns the negro was already fleeing up the mountain like
a bird, and though we fired we did not hit him. By this they
were emboldened to attack us in the night, seeing that our
arms did them no damage ; and I could not fail to be anxious,
dreading what afterwards occurred.

As soon as night completely closed in I posted sentinels
where I thought best, with their arms ready to defend us, and
withdrew into the wood before mentioned with the remainder
of the company. As we were warming ourselves by the fire
the sentinels gave the alarm, for more than thirty negroes were
coming along the shore with loud cries, and bounding from side
to side. Few as we were, and weak and faint, we sprang to
arms ; but I forbade any shot to be fired before the muzzles of
our guns were at their bellies, for though we might get an
assagai wound, if we could kill a couple of them they would
respect us more. The men, who were ill disciplined, could
hardly endure this order, which experience had taught me when
I fought in India with men more reasonable than these, first
waiting to see what damage they should receive from our arms,
and attacking us more or less vigorously accordingly.

One of the sentinels on the side on which they were approach-
ing, seeing that they came no nearer and were within less than
gun-shot of us, carried away by daring, quitted his post and
advanced towards them ; but I reproved him with words and
struck him in the back, sending him again to his post, knowing
that the design of these barbarians was only to draw us to the
shore, where their great agility would soon enable them to
defeat us. So we remained for two hours, they refusing to
approach and we to move from the wood at our back. In other
thickets close by many natives lay in ambush, and at last with
loud howling they made their purpose clear and proved mine to
be correct, for they scattered themselves and surrounded us,
many coming up behind where the thicket was very dense, and
down a mountain where they moved as lightly and freely as on
level ground. Breaking a passage through the thicket they
posted themselves upon a bank behind us, from which they
hurled down pieces of rock and clods of earth, striking many
of us on the head, even those whom sickness forced to remain
lying down, and therefore we were obliged to put out the fire,

208 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

that the shades of night might cover us and interfere with
their aim.

We felt this attack severely, for we had not been twenty-four
hours on shore and were scarcely dry from the sea and enfeebled
with cold and hunger. The strongest and best armed in the
company were absent, having gone by my orders in the morning
to the place where the ship was aground, and not being ex-
pected back until night. The want of them troubled me greatly,
both for lack of their help and because I did not khow what had
happened to them. However, arranging for our defence with
those that remained, I left the sentinels at their post, which was
close on the outer side of the wood, commanding the space I
required, and stationing others along the sides where the negroes
were breaking through the thicket to reach us. These were stout
hearted, though few, and 1 posted two others with muskets in
trees, and the remainder close by, near the thicket, with pistols
and guns, giving them orders not to fire till the muzzles of their
guns were at the enemy's breasts, and I went from post to post,
not trusting the vigilance of others.

The natives continued throwing stones to molest us, but did
not hit so often after the fire was put out, and coming very close,
a sailor named Vicente de Sousa, who was one of those in the
trees, did the first execution with a good shot, which brought
down a native. Then we all fired a small volley, but it was
sufficient, for every ball told, especially that of a Castilian
named Manuel Moreno. After this the natives slackened a
little, but not sufficiently to give us any rest that night.

Being so few, with none to relieve guard, we were all
benumbed with cold, but we held out till dawn. Father
Jeronymo Lobo and the chaplain Friar Antonio helped us
bravely, and with some who were fit for nothing else buried a
grapnel which had been saved from the boat. At dawn I
resolved to set out for the place where the ship was and where I
had sent the others, from whom I had as yet received no report
of what had occurred.

Father Jeronymo Lobo, being well experienced in hardships
such as these in the land of Prester John where he had been for
many years, proved an excellent guide and comforter to us,
though we were all of opinion that we would not be able to
sustain our lives for more than eight days or so in these thickets

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 209

and desert shores, the danger being so continual and the lack of
everything so great.

As soon as morning broke we left that place, taking it in
turns to carry the barrel of powder on our shoulders, which we
could hardly manage. The weakest went first, and those who
were best fitted for it brought up the rear, with arms in their
hands. The shore being in some parts loose sand and in others
closely covered with shingle, we could not walk very well, espe-
cially those who were burdened, and therefore we agreed to bury
the powder in the depths of a thicket, thinking that none of us
would ever return for it, but we did so later and found that the
natives had not removed it, and indeed it would have been of
little use to them.

As soon as the negpoes saw us set out, about a hundred of
them entered the wood where we had camped to steal what they
supposed we had left behind, and therefore they did not follow
us, which would have been a great disaster, for with the utmost
difficulty and almost torn to pieces we climbed a mountain until
we came to a place where we could see the ship and some people
on the shore. They hastened joyfully to meet us, for now the
Indian boat was coming and going more confidently, having
found the channel of the river, which some had crossed by swim-
ming. They brought us; food, but our joy deprived us of all
wish for it, the effect of great joy being often to make us
unmindful of the very means of sustaining life.

Having crossed the river with the whole company, those in
the ship disembarking, some on rafts and some in the Indian
boat, we began to get out some provisions and to build huts of
wood and straw, with which the country is well provided. We
constructed a camp, secured on the land side by a defence which
formed a circle round it, made of logs placed upon some casks
that drifted ashore and filled in below with thorn branches,
which was all that time permitted. I divided the men into three
companies to keep watch at night, which was always done with
arms in hand. The guard-house was in the middle of the camp,
and in it we stored all the provisions taken from the ship. I
placed a bell there, which was rung at intervals during the
watches to show that the sentinels were awake. They called
aloud to one another, those of the watch being on the alert, those
guarding the arms beginning and the rest answering. I was

VIII. P

210 Eeeords of South-Eastern Africa.

thus satisfied that a vigilant look-out was kept at all hours, and
the natives were warned that we were not asleep, and there-
fore when some of them came at night they dared not attack us,
seeing that we were on our guard.

The Indian boat was at a little distance, secure from being
broken on the shore, for it was in the river sheltered from the
storms which are so common on this coast and so much more
severe than elsewhere that often from the furious breaking of
the waves it seemed to us as if there were fleets at sea battering
each other with their guns, so loud was the booming of the
waves.

Some of the ship's boys slept in the boat with their muskets,
and one night the negroes came to cut the rope by which it was
moored to the land, and, being perceived, the boys fired two
muskets at them, which caused great anxiety in the camp.
Calling the men to arms, I gave them orders on no account to
leave their posts, but to defend themselves in case they were
attacked, and taking ten men I repaired to the boat, the men
being greatly encouraged by seeing how carefully I attended to
every danger, offering myself as the first to brave it. The
negroes retreated to the woods, so that I only served to en-
courage those in the boat, recommending them to keep a good
watch, after which I returned benumbed by the extreme cold.

After some rest I began to consider the situation of the land
and the large trees, and resolved in my mind to build a vessel,
seeing the convenience of the river, if God gave us life, and I
kept this resolution to myself and told no one of it. With this
end in view I took measures little by little to get ashore several
bags of rice and barrels of biscuit, fish, and meat, which was done
with difficulty and great danger although the distance was short,
because of the constant heavy seas, which sometimes prevented
us going to the ship for three days. There were always some
of the men on board, for there they had more to eat ; but this
was made up for by the continual fear they endured from the sea
breaking over the ship and her constant creaking, as she was
only kept together by the strength of the beams, which alone
prevented her from going to pieces, and the sea rose and fell in
her as in a broken basket, so that at high tide everything below
the decks was under water.

During the first days I went to the ship for his Majesty's

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 211

despatches which I was bringing to this kingdom, and then for
the powder, balls, match, and other arms which I had placed in
barrels as before mentioned. I accomplished this with great
danger, for the sea overturned the boat, and no one would have
ventured if I had not done so, calling on the strongest sailors
for the purpose, that they might row better.

I had already landed all the precious stones, ambergris, musk,
bezoar stones, and seed-pearl, which were in the hands of the
officers, to whom 1 gave orders to take care of them until they
could be registered. They were delivered at Angola by order
of the governor and council of the treasury of that kingdom, as
will be hereafter related in detail.

Thus we continued discharging things during the first days,
which the weather only permitted on some mornings, and got
together as much rice as possible, which amounted to six
hundred and forty bags. We ate one directly, though it was
wet, and dried the rest, making a storehouse in which we placed
it, Father Jeronymo Lobo having charge of it to divide it,
informing me of what was necessary.

Several barrels drifted ashore in which we had packed cloth
and other articles, but as these were thrown from the ship and
left to the mercy of the waves, if the tide was going out most
of them were carried to other shores, which were enriched with
things of value, though all rotten and wet. But the natives
availed themselves of nothing except four nails, if they could
find them, which I guarded against as carefully as if they had
been diamonds, for if they had sufficient of these they would
with difficulty barter anything with us, and this was what I
most relied on, though they had held no communication with us
as yet, excepting a few poor wretches who came to gather
mussels, to whom we did no harm.

All this occurred before the 10th of July, and on that day I
declared my intention of building a boat, which they all con-
sidered impossible for want of carpenters; and they talked of
setting out overland, being moved to this by the chance
appearance among them of the account of the wreck of the ship
Sao Joao, which was passed from hand to hand, and which J
pretended not to be aware of, even though they were dissuaded
by a sailor named Joao Kibeiro de Lucena, one of the survivors
of that miserable wreck. He, having experience besides being

p 2

212 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

a man of good sense, pointed out to them the great difficulties
of journeying by land; nevertheless there were so many alterca-
tions that I issued an order that every one who wished to set
out should come and tell me so, and I would give them articles
of barter for the journey, as it would be easier for me to build
one boat than two, and I should require less provisions.

I did this to ascertain the views of all, which I afterwards
greatly regretted, for I discovered some religious who adhered
to the said party, endeavouring rather to preserve the friendship
of a sailor than that of their captain and friend. This party
was now in such a rebellious frame of mind that those who
wished to leave went about recruiting men, and even those
whom I knew were inclined still to remain with me allowed
themselves to be persuaded, even those whom I had selected for
the work of building the boat, finding them the most apt in
using the hatchet.

Being on the shore one morning with some of the men waiting
for the Indian boat, which was always in great danger and low
in the water, and when it came near the men went into the sea
up to their chests, some to hold it steady and prevent its being
dashed upon the shore and others to land the rice, those who
wished to set out came to me and with great courtesy gave me
a paper, telling me that they had drawn it up in accordance
with the order which I had issued, and they delivered it to me
that I might decide what was best for the general salvation.

I took the paper, and said that I would not read it, but only
wished to know if they would share my fortune, since until that
time we had suffered in each other's company, and it was not to
be supposed that I had more assurance of life than each of them
and therefore must labour that we might all be saved, especially
as they had exceeded the permission I gave in recruiting men,
so that I was even made anxious by those I had chosen to help
me in the work of building the vessel. Further, that I had
only issued that order to discover their intentions and of what
mettle they were, and not to separate them from me, and that
I felt their action deeply, more especially as the old and sick in
the company could neither travel with them nor assist me.

They all replied with a great show of obedience and affection
that they recognised me alone as their captain, and would follow
and obey me without failing, but they would recognise my

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 213

authority alone and obey me only and not the officers of the
ship.

To this I replied that as there was no longer any ship there
were no officers to command them, nevertheless they owed them
respect as their seniors, their former superiors, and as having
more experience ; and I added that our shipwreck would be
quite different from any other, for there would never be any-
thing between us but great unanimity and friendship, and so
our Lord would have mercy on us ; but if it proved otherwise
we would all be lost, killing and devouring each other. For
my part I assured them that there should be no deaths, but I
would help them in all things as I had done hitherto, being the
first to risk myself in every danger, and would bear all hardships
equally with them without any difference whatever.

Upon this agreement all were pacified, and I, firmly resolved
to carry out the work, consulted with the ship's master, a man
of great experience, concerning the kind of vessel we should
build, and with other officers and Manuel Fernandes mentioned
before, who had by this time recovered from his fall down the
hatchway, and in whom I placed all my hope, he being the only
carpenter who had assisted us, and was ready to do so now with
great good -will. We all went to a sandy shore, where we drew
a plan of the vessels like the craft of Seville, sixty spans long
in the keel, ten in the stem, nine in the hold, and twenty in
breadth, laying planks in the shape of the chief floor timbers.

On Saturday the 20th of July we went to a forest where we
blessed the trees in the name of our Lady of the Nativity,
making a vow that if she brought us safely to any port on the
other side of the Cape of Good Hope we would sell the vessel
and take the proceeds to this kingdom as alms for the nuns of
Saint Martha, where her statue is, and thereupon I gave the
first stroke of the axe to a tree and the others finished cutting
it down, beginning this work, in which all could not take part,
as we had only three serviceable hatchets, one saw, and two
carpenters, namely Manuel Fernandes, a very skilful workman,
and the ship carpenter's boy, who hardly knew how to draw
a line.'

But with good courage and great confidence in our Lady we
chose a piece of dry timber which had drifted ashore from the
ship, and near the river in a convenient place apart from the

214 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

camp we laid down the keel ; and when we had placed it on the
blocks we all marched barefooted from the camp in procession,
reciting the litanies of our Lady, and the chaplain blessed it,
and we gave it the name Nossa fienhora da Natividade, per-
forming this ceremony with tears and great devotion.

Then I set about removing the camp to the place where we
were to build the vessels. There I ordered a house to be con-
structed for the forge, and took in sufficient space for the timber
we were felling in the woods, making a shipyard like those of
this kingdom. I cleared the site with great labour, cutting
down and burning many trees, that there might be no cover
between us in which the negroes could lie in ambush. I chose
a site for my dwelling on a little hillock which everyone avoided,
because several vipers had been seen there, the shipyard being
in front and the river at the back. I accomplished this with the
help of the slaves and the occasional assistance of a ship's boy.

As the most essential thing, a place for the celebration of
divine worship, was lacking, Father Jeronymo Lobo took upon
himself the building of a church, for which we chose what he
considered the best site. I gave him those of the sailors who
showed the most devotion, and when sufficient timber had been
felled he raised a very well built church.

After this I ordered a house to be built, which we called the
Bengacal, an Indian word, in which we stored all the provisions
and made it the guard house, as it was in the centre of the camp,
in which we placed all we had under lock and key, Father
Jeronymo Lobo keeping the key and serving out the provisions.
Then we divided into parties, each building their straw hut
where they thought best, within the limits which I set them.

At the same time I ordered houses to be built in which to
store the timber and keep it sheltered from the sun and rain.
Having completed these arrangements, we remembered that we
had no bellows for the forge, and without them it was impossible
to continue the work we had begun. This did not fail to cause
me some anxiety, but as nothing can daunt the industry of men
in a case of necessity, especially when they are enlightened by
God, who was our guide in this work, we contrived to construct a
bellows with the bottom boards of an angelim wood chest, the
leather of a hide from Scindia, and the barrels of two muskets
which we cut off. We made an anvil for hammering the iron

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 215

from a davit which we fixed in the ground upside down, and it
proved perfectly firm. We made the necessary blow-pipes,
pincers, and small hammers, and for the large ones we used four
sledge-hammers which we had brought from the ship.

As all this time the men worked as they pleased, for greater
convenience and less confusion I divided them into parties. The
carpenter chose four men to help him in building the vessels ;
the boatswain's mate chose eight to fell and carry out the trees
that the ship's carpenter selected for braces, floor timbers,
fillings, and planks, which was all they were fit for; others to
drag them away, sometimes a great distance, and some to strip
them that they might be lighter for carrying to the shipyard.
Others sawed planks, for which we had made a frame, and others
went in the Indian boat, for it was necessary to bring water
every other day from a spring which we found in the middle of a
river at the foot of a mountain, in the direction of the sea, with-
out which we could not have survived, for the water which we
had from a pond was very nauseous, because every kind of wild
animal in the wood drank from it, and if we had continued to
use it we should all have perished.

Those who were employed in one capacity were not obliged to
attend to anything else; those in the shipyard alone laboured
diligently from dawn till very late, for they never lacked work.
The master, the pilot, and Manuel Neto and Domingo Lopes,
passengers, who were also very good pilots, helped in the ship-
yard in lifting and steadying the timbers for working; and
others sometimes came and assisted out of curiosity. When I
chose the site for this work it was covered with the footprints of
sea-horses, buffaloes, and other wild beasts ; but with the con-
tinued presence of men it became as free from them as the
square before the palace in this city. The tailors and shoe-
makers of the company, who were fit for nothing else, I kept
solely occupied in making clothes and sandals from the skins
covering the bales, to protect us from the cold of the climate and
the rugged ground.

Everything being thus arranged, we continued our work very
slowly at first, for it seemed to all impossible to build two vessels
in such a short time, their reason being that when a ship is
begun in this kingdom with the necessary carpenters and mate-
rials, the work is commenced one summer and completed the

216 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

next. They also deemed it impossible for the vessels to cross
the bar, because of the many windings of the stream and because
the current was so strong that they must unavoidably strike
upon some of the rocks on every side. And though these
difficulties might be overcome, the doubling of the Cape in such
small craft, heavily laden with men, not the best ballast, since
they are all on deck, seemed the most certain peril. But I,
trusting in our Lady, overruled all these objections, that greater
praise might be ours for overcoming the difficulties which
daunted those of the ship Sao Joao, who did not build vessels,
fearing that they would not be able to launch them because of
the many shoals and large reefs, and therefore exposed them-
selves to the many miseries of travelling through the lands of
the Kaffirs, as the curious may see in the account of that wreck,
and judge which was the wisest course.

When we had been fifteen days on shore, the better to explore
the land on which our fortune had cast us I went in the Indian
boat up the river with twelve men armed with guns, to see if
there were any cattle which we might seize for our sustenance if
they would not barter them, for we had very little salt meat.
Also because a negro came to us bringing a calf which he
refused to sell, though we offered him two brass bracelets for it,
and as we had only six and it was during the first days of our
being there, I would not offer more for fear of fixing the rate of
barter beyond what we possessed. Having advanced nearly
three leagues up the river, which is very clear and pleasant, we
found that at that distance the water was sweet.

We saw many kraals along the banks, and various crops of
millet, gourds, and beans ; we saw also herds of horned cattle
scattered upon the hills, which were driven into the interior as
soon as we were observed. We had some nails with us, which
we gave to several negroes who were following us in the woods
along the banks, and to whom we called, but we could not
understand them well because our interpreter, a negro from
Mozambique, could only make them comprehend a few words.
We turned back without concluding any bargain for cattle or
millet, planning to send a party at dawn or in the night to lie in
ambush in the woods and carry off a hundred cows or as many as
they could, for which we would pay them if they chose, and
retreat with our prize. This enterprise offered some difficulty

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 217

because of our want of knowledge of the country, but I was
resolved to overcome it, for we were suffering from hunger.

As we approached the camp at nightfall, opposite to it on the
other side of the river we found a negro king accompanied by
his people, who had brought seven very fine cows for sale, as our
Lord was pleased to be mindful of our misery and to allow the
news that there were Portuguese upon those shores to reach a
mixed breed of whom Francisco Vaz d'Almada speaks in his
itinerary, who had been wrecked in the ship Santo Alberto more
than forty years before with Nuno Velho Pereira, and remained
in these woods as a child, and in course of time he married and
was now very rich and had three wives and many children.
Knowing we were there, he began to speak to our credit with the
Kaffirs, telling them that besides being a very valiant people we
were his relations, and he bade them bring us many cows, for we
were very rich and would pay them well for all. He was with
the said king, and began to shout to us "Portuguese, Portu-
guese," and we, hearing him afar off, recognised that this was a
Portuguese left behind from some former shipwreck.

With great delight I approached them in the boat, and the
cabra * in confused words of our language explained himself as
well as he could, and we understood something of what he said.
Then the king came on board the boat to see me, and some of
his followers stole a silver cup. Finding it missing, I com-
plained to the king, saying that I was surprised he should visit
me to solicit our friendship and that his people should steal my
property, for now I would find it difficult to trust them. Upon
this they began to wrangle among themselves, and after a great
deal of noise the cup was produced.

As night had now closed in, I left them in the same place on
the other side of the river, and returned to our camp, where I
ordered some rice to be cooked, and sent it with a little syrup
which was left at the bottom of a jar. They made a great fuss
over it, for the king filled his palm with it, and one of the others
dipped in his finger and another touched the finger of the first
which was covered with the syrup, and so they passed it round,
sucking their fingers and marvelling at a thing so delicious.

The next day I sent the boat to convey them across the river
to see our camp and riches, that they might be moved by cove-
* Son of a mulatto and a black woman.

218 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

tousness to trade with us more freely. The king came with
great show of authority, having put on the sandals which he
carried in his hand, with great gravity and a composed counte-
nance. I ordered the men to take up their arms, but they would
not let us salute them with a volley of musketry. Then I
showed the king all over our camp and the store-house, where he
sat down, and I threw round his neck what he esteemed as a
valuable jewel. It was a bell, which Father Jeronymo Lobo had
ready tied to a silk cord; we also gave him a piece of brass.
After entertaining the negro king in this manner, I returned
with him, and we crossed the river, with our arms, to trade for
the cows. These were the first we obtained, but within eight
days others were sent by order of the said cabra, who was named
Antonio, and he remained with us for a week or two and after-
wards brought us his children and friends, whom we entertained,
giving them very well-rounded pieces of copper made from the
cauldrons, which were things of price that they valued more
than anything else.

The barter was entirely in my hands and those of Father
Jeronymo Lobo, who assisted me to purchase all they brought,
in which we took the greatest care, and our Lord showed us such
favour that whereas I had given orders that we were only to kill
one cow every Saturday, we were able to kill three a day ; and
during the time we were there we obtained in trade two hundred
and nineteen, many of them with calf, which after they brought
forth their young gave us sufficient milk in which to cook the
rice. We made a kraal for all these cattle, and appointed eight
herdsmen, who took it in turns during the week to drive them
to pasture on the hills, where they were never molested, though
at first I ordered them to take their fire-arms.

At the beginning of August, as the site near the river was the
best and most convenient, I removed the camp from its old posi-
tion, and in order to provide as well as possible for the building
of the vessels I brought ashore a barrel of tallow, half a barrel of
tar, some pieces of cable, a cauldron for boiling pitch, nineteen
cakes of benzoin, some thread, several pieces of dimity, and some
unfinished candle wicks, all of which I had left on deck.

That it may not be thought I am forgetting the ship and her
fate, I shall relate what happened to her, which was as follows.
Seventeen days after she ran ashore the crew of the Indian boat

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 219

went on board to see if they could bring back some more rice.
Whether they lit a fire in the stove for some purpose, or left a
piece of candle burning, forgetting it in the haste of embarking
when no one thought of anything but the waves breaking
against the sides, for there was always great danger in going
backwards and forwards, and thus the candle burnt out or the
ashes fell on the tarred timbers, it happened that during the
third watch a cry was raised that the ship was on fire. The
wind was blowing high and made a huge conflagration, which
not only blew up the guns, but in a short time the ship was
burnt to the waterline. Such is the providence of God that had
it not been for this we could hardly have built our vessels, for
otherwise we could not have got out any nails, because the ship
was already nearly under water and we could not have cut away
anything that could be of use to us; but after the fire many
pieces were washed ashore, which, though we had great trouble
in burning and separating them, were full of nails that after
being straightened in the forge were serviceable.

After we were settled in the new camp the work went on very
quickly, and by the 15th of August the midship frames, the
stem post, and five more frames of the Nossa Senhora da Nativi-
dade were finished. I ordered another vessel to be commenced,
which I called the Nossa Senhora da Boa Viagem, for the men
had now more skill in cutting wood than at first, having gained
experience from continual labour, so that many remained at
Angola earning their daily wage as well as any carpenter. I
ordered them to work more frequently at this vessel, in order to
disarm the suspicions of some who imagined that I was only
building one for myself and my followers, and would leave the
rest of them behind in these woods: such is the rashness and
cavilling of human malice.

In the midst of these labours the religious never neglected to
celebrate the feasts of the saints ; on the contrary not one went
by without the church being decorated with a profusion of
flowers and without our hearing mass and a sermon, with
frequent confessions and communions, and when hosts failed for
the latter we made a very good stamp for forming them.
Crosses were set up in many places, where altars were erected
and feasts appointed, prizes being given for the best decorations,
as I shall relate hereafter. It was understood from the favours

220 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

we received from God our Lord that the sacrifices which we
offered him in these savage lands were very acceptable, for he
always gave us exactly what we required, and though it often
seemed to us impossible to obtain or accomplish these things,
yet we always succeeded in the end upon having recourse to his
infinite mercv.

9

Our intercourse with the mixed breed Antonio, who called
himself our friend, made things much easier for us, for when the
other negroes saw that whenever he visited us he took back a
piece of copper or something to eat, they greatly desired our
friendship, and came with him to visit me, bringing cows for
sale, and afterwards came negroes of higher rank. I ordered the
muskets to be fired at the beginning and end of every watch,
and so we came to be looked upon with the respect our safety
required, and I was able to send ten or twelve men with guns to
a distance of eight or ten leagues to barter cattle. Antonio
resented this, because he lost what he was accustomed to steal
when he went to trade for us, and although he had made a good
profit he tried to prevent this commerce, putting it into the
negroes' heads not to sell us cattle or milk, saying that we
would not only bewitch all the cattle they had left but they
would all die.

However our credit in the country was now so good that if
some would not trade with us others offered, especially as we
had a Kaffir who had come with Antonio and had also been
wrecked in the ship Sao Joao ; and although he was married he
left his wife and all and came to me. I ordered him to be
dressed in our fashion, and he confessed himself, being a staunch
convert, and served us very faithfully. This man told us what
Antonio was plotting against us, being well acquainted with the
language of the country, and therefore, though he gradually
abandoned us, we did not miss him, besides which we had now
plenty of cattle.

It happened that a king who was held to be a valiant and war-
like man, because these people are always at war amongst
themselves, came to see me with a large following, There were
some crows upon the shore, and I ordered a sailor to go as if by
chance with a handful of shot in his musket in order not to miss,
and to kill a crow. The Kaffirs watched his movements, and
taking aim he killed a crow with two slugs which he used

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 221

instead of shot for greater effect. The Kaffirs, seeing this, were
astonished; and if they had been plotting any treason they
abandoned it, and taking up the crow they examined the wound,
putting their fingers in their mouths, which is their way of
exhibiting friendship, and showing by other signs that they
would rather have us for friends than enemies and neighbours,

When this negro had been with us a few days he was drowned
in going to gather fruit on the other side of the river, and was
never seen again, in spite of the efforts we made to find him,
searching all the woods, and even going to his dwelling to look
for him. Some of the natives told us that they had seen the
negro's dead body on the opposite bank of the river, at which we
were greatly grieved, for he served us faithfully and guided us
well wherever we wished to go.

In the beginning, before we could go about safely among these
people, it happened that a few of them came to the other side of
the river where some timber had been thrown ashore by the tide,
and they burnt it and carried off the nails, though we tried to
prevent them ; and as it was on the other bank it was not
possible always to keep guard there. One morning some of the
ship's boys were on the shore and fired several arquebuses at
them from our side, hitting a negro, who fell among the stones.
I sent for him, as he was calling to the rest to come and help
him or we would devour him. But I treated him well, dressing
his wound, for he was shot through the leg, and in a few days
the wound healed, but he was lame, the shinbone being broken.
I hung some nails round his neck, and sent him back to his
people, that he might publish the benefit he had received, and
they might come to us and bring what they could, as I told him
when he left us ; but he never returned, for they are an ungrateful
race and to be dealt with by injuries rather than affection.

We came to have such frequent intercourse with them, and
they held us in such esteem, that they asked me to give them
rain, as they wanted water for their crops. Seeing that the skies
were heavy and lowering, I told them that it would rain the
next day, and so it fell out, by which they were convinced that
we had power to perform such things and others still greater.
A few days later I sent some of my men to trade in their lands,
and the weather being threatening they asked a king to give
them shelter for the night, that their arms might not get wet.

--

222 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

To this the king replied that since we could command the rain
at will we might now command it not to rain that we might not
get wet ; but one gave the ready answer that the case was not
sufficiently urgent to justify such a proceeding.

Thus they had such a high opinion of us that another king
who had suffered from an ulcer in the leg for many years also
came to me to be cured, promising me many cows if the wound
healed. I rubbed on a little cocoa-nut oil, and two days later
ordered him to be taken across the river where he dwelt, telling
him to return in so many moons if he was not cured. I did this
because I hoped by that time our Lord in his mercy would allow
us to cross the bar, or that we should have journeyed inland.
By these contrivances we sustained ourselves during the time of
our residence in the country, in the course of which we collected
nine barrels of incense, which we found upon the shore and
stored in separate houses, for we kept everything by itself, the
powder in one, the rigging, which was pieces of cable, in
another, and the provisions in a third, all well covered to keep
them dry.

We were greatly encouraged, although we laboured assidu-
ously, by seeing the work advance so rapidly that it seemed as if
more than human hands assisted in it. However difficulties
were not wanting, but my presence overcame them all, for I
was always where the work was going on, and this was very
necessary, for though it was of importance to every one, many
had lost their time in disputing over a wet blanket or something
of the kind, as in such necessity anything is regarded as of
importance. They annoyed me with these things, because I
wished them all to be contented and disliked taking from one to
give to another, and I desired to govern them in peace and love,
which I constantly did. But often I could not settle their
disputes without severity, and therefore I had some wooden
stocks in which I placed those who neglected their work,
depriving them of their daily rations, and all were so well under
control, fearing that I would pass to more severe punishments,
that no one transgressed in anything of importance.

One afternoon in November when I had crossed the river to
explore the shore where I had been told there was a better site
than that which we occupied, a negro came and informed the
master that he had seen three sea horses lying in a thicket.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 223

Repairing to the spot with some men armed with muskets and
lances, they saw the animals crossing over to another rivulet
which lay on one side of us. Two passed through a shower of
bullets, which had no more effect upon them than on a wall, but
the other was hit behind the shoulder and fell, and they finished
killing it.

This animal is thicker in the body than three large bulls, and
has such short legs that the natives dig pits in the track they
usually follow and cover them over cunningly, and when their
fore or hind legs sink into these pits they cannot get out again,
and the natives kill and eat them as we would relish a fine fat
capon. Their hide is so thick that a musket bullet will not
pierce it and falls flattened on the ground, but the skin of the
belly is thinner. They all have a white star on the forehead,
small ears like a horse, and a misshapen head, for they have
enormous mouths with outward hanging lips, each of which must
weigh more than thirty-two pounds. They feed in the forests
like any other wild beast.

We amused ourselves with this monster all that evening, and
the next day had great trouble in removing it to the opposite
shore at a distance, for its evil smell made it an undesirable
neighbour. As we expected visitors we determined to treat
them with this dainty dish. They were not long in arriving,
nor we in greeting and offering it to them, and they feasted on
it with great relish, gnawing the hide, tearing at it, and cutting
off strips to take away with them.

The fathers kept the feasts of the saints whose rule they
followed, thus the chaplain Father Antonio and the Capuchin
Father Francisco kept the feast of Saint Francis, decorating the
church very well, in which I gave them the necessary assistance.
As I was very devoted to Saint Francis Xavier, Father Jeronymo
Lobo ordered his feast to be kept with great pomp. A comedy
and many farces were studied beforehand, and an enclosure was
made in which to hold a bull fight on the eve of the feast, all of
which went off very well. On the afternoon of the feast there
were many charades and enigmas, with prizes for those who
guessed them, by which all were greatly cheered, as was
necessary for the encouragement of men exposed to so many
hardships.

The Nossa Senhora da Natividade was now sheathed, caulked,

224 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

and tarred outside with benzoin and incense ; and I ordered her
to be launched before Christmas, intending to launch the other
at the next spring tide on the eighth or tenth of January. This
was accomplished under the direction of the master Miguel
Jorge, who arranged everything well and with great skill, fitting
up a complete set of tackles which were placed on the river bank
at low tide where they worked the ropes made fast to the bow,
and greasing the blocks of the way with tallow, of which we had
plenty, so that it was like launching from the stocks as ships are
launched in this kingdom.

Both vessels were launched in the river by the 10th of
January, and sufficient ballast put in them by the master,
Miguel Jorge. In order to ship the masts he brought them
under some rocks which served us as a crane, and they re-
ceived the masts in the usual way and as easily as if they
had been in Lisbon river provided with all the necessary
machinery.

Before this I had ordered oakum to be made from pieces of
broken shrouds, and organised a rope-walk, where the master
made such ropes as were required, of more or less strands,
having preserved some stays which being untwisted served for
the purpose.

We also made anchors of wood, which in India are called
chinas, four for each ship, and the Nossa Senhora da Natividade,
masted and rigged, was taken to the other side of the river
under shelter of a mountain, where we moored her to the trees
on shore, anchoring also in the river with the wooden anchors, to
secure her against the strong currents prevalent during the
spring tides. The masts of the other vessel were being fitted in
the meantime. I appointed the crews of each vessel, and they
repaired to their posts to make them ready for sea, and though I
appointed a sailor named Antonio Alvares master of the other,
the ship's master Miguel Jorge directed everything, for such
matters could only be entrusted to his experience.

Long before this, the cooper had collected all the staves which
drifted ashore, and had made pipes, hogsheads, and barrels, in
all twenty-seven for each vessel, exclusive of those we had in
ordinary use for drinking. The osiers we found in the woods
served for hoops, and we also made use of the old ones. They
were all filled before we left, but thev did not answer their

Records of Southeastern Africa. 225

purpose well, the staves being old and shrunk by the sun and
sea, so that much of the water leaked out, although they stood
on shore full of salt-water for many days. Nothing was omitted
of what is provided in this kingdom for the voyage to India, for
what escaped me was supplied by the skill of the good officers
and other members of my company.

At this time, which was about the middle of January, it
happened that some Indian women went to bathe in a river near
a forest, and two natives seeing them alone came to take from
them a copper mug which one of them had in her hand, and as
she resisted wounded her severely on the head. We hurried to
the spot, but could not then take satisfaction, for they fled and
hid in the wood.

One of my negroes had gone inland and found shelter for
nearly two months in the house of a king who dwelt near us on
the same side of the river, and I had ordered inquiries to be
made there as to whether he had been seen ; and in this same
place they stole another cauldron of mine from some runaway
negroes, who now with my slave returned to us, being bound to
do so by hunger. I therefore sent ten men with guns to demand
satisfaction for these thefts, and to see if the millet was ripe, in
order to take it by force or purchase it if they were willing, to
provide for our voyage, for all was necessary. The Kaffir king
when he found himself convicted of the thefts committed by his
people said to the interpreter whom our men had with them,
who was also a native in our service, that he would give several
cows, but he did not do so; on the contrary, many Kaffirs
assembled, secretly summoned by him.

A sailor named Manuel d'Andrade, seeing this, gradually
retreated with the others, and raising his gun he shot the king,
upon which his men seized their assagais and ours retreated in
good order for about a league, killing several more, and among
them a negro of such high rank that they were dismayed and
advanced no farther. Their intention was to secure the ford of a
river on the way to our camp and while our people were climb-
ing a very narrow and rugged slope to hurl down great rocks
upon them from the summit and crush them to pieces. But our
men were able to regain the open ground, not having advanced
far up the slope, and some took another road unperceived by the
natives until they were close upon them, when they fled, leaving

VIII. Q

Records of South-Eastern Africa.

the path free for our men to reach the camp with many assagais
which they had taken.

As I think it may entertain those who read of this shipwreck,
I shall relate an adventure which we had \\ith a sea-horse in the
river, where there is no lack of them. It happened that twelve
men with their fire-arms went in the Indian boat up the river with
those who were going inland to trade, as was usual in order to
spare them fatigue ; and as the boat was returning for what was
necessary they came upon some sea-horses on the land in a place
where they could not escape, because it was a very steep moun-
tain. As the boat was between them and the river they were
hard pressed in such a small space, and the men began to fire
their muskets at them. One of the beasts, which appeared to be
the mother of a little one near her, rushed at the boat, and with
her teeth carried off an oar and the thole which held it, tearing
them to pieces and trying to get into the boat. At this unex-
pected attack our men gave themselves up for lost, and the
animal got under the boat and tried to overturn it, but by using
their oars they managed to get away, well warned against
meddling with such wild beasts again.

To return to our vessels, our only hope, for on them we
depended to save our lives so endangered on these shores. We
had now got the one which we called Nossa Senhora da Boa
Viagem rigged and ballasted, and we took her to the place
where the other was. While she was being got ready, in order
not to lose time I had charged Simao Gongalves to get the
water into the Nossa Senhora da Natividade with all due speed,
for it was now the 20th of January, and we had only eighty
bags of rice, which we were keeping for the voyage, though
there was no lack of beef.

Everything necessary, which was half of all we had, was
embarked in my vessel, and comprised forty small bags of rice,
twenty-seven casks of water, half of which leaked out, ten kegs
of powder, and a leg of beef to each person, cut into pieces,
steeped in brine, and dried in the sun, which each one had
prepared for his sustenance. Those who embarked with me were
all the ship's officers, Father Jeronymo Lobo, Friar Antonio,
the chaplain, and Friar Antonio, a religious of the order of
Saint Dominic, who with the slaves amounted to a hundred and
thirty-five souls, including ten slave women who were shut up

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 227

in the fore part of the vessel under the hatches, in a space which
could hardly hold them.

In the other vessel there were two more than in this, namely,
Estacio d'Azevedo Coutinho, whom I appointed captain that he
might have better accommodation for himself and his wife
Dona Isabel d'Abranches, nine slave women, two religious — one
a Capuchin and the other an Augustinian, Manuel Neto, who
was a passenger in our former ship, as pilot, and others,
numbering in all a hundred and thirty-seven souls.

During these days I ordered an entry to be made by the
ship's notary in his Majesty's book, registering all the portable
property in the camp which had been saved and which the
officers had in their keeping in closed packages, with the
packets of rough diamonds sealed with their seals, nothing being
wanting, in order thus not only to secure the royal dues, but
to make manifest what had been sent privately and was not
registered, which amounted to about two-thirds of the whole.
This having been done with great accuracy, everything was
embarked in my vessel, of which I appointed Domingo Lopes
pilot, because he was accustomed to navigate small craft in
India, and therefore appeared to me better fitted for it than the
ship's pilot whose experience was different.

His Majesty's letters and everything else being embarked
with me, on Saturday the 26th of January, the feast of our Lady,
to whom I have a special devotion, I determined to set sail, but
was unable to do so, as the tide had gone down. We could not
leave on Sunday either, as the wind was unfavourable for the
purpose ; and upon these delays the people began to express
different opinions, as is usual among men. On Monday I went
in the Indian boat with the pilots to explore the channel, and
we placed buoys to mark where the water was deepest. Every
part was well sounded, although there was a heavy swell, and
encouraged by a light land breeze which was blowing, I resolved
to unmoor my vessel, and with the Indian boat towing her and
with oars and poles which we had made to prevent her going
ashore, we went forward, hoping in God and confiding in the
Virgin of the Nativity, until we reached the bar, where she
struck several times and grounded. But the sea gradually rose
and lifting her, with the poles and oars and assisted by the
wind, our Lady was pleased to hear our cry, and brought us

Q 2

228 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

into ten and twelve spans, and then we found deep water.
Thence I sent the boat to tow the other vessel, which being a
quicker sailer than mine, soon got out.

All were now very jubilant, seeing that we had overcome this
obstacle and found ourselves where none had ever thought to be,
in a vessel under sail again in quest of the Cape of Good Hope,
for which all showered thanks and praise upon me, because I
alone had insisted on building two vessels, and in the face of
extreme difficulty had brought them to such perfection. But
this elation did not last long, for with clear weather and a good
east wind running along the coast towards the Cape of Good
Hope with the Indian boat in tow, at four o'clock in the after-
noon a fish appeared which is called an orelhao, and whenever
it is seen a squall follows.

And so it proved, for the wind suddenly veered to the north-
west with thunder, and then to the west, and we began to go
backward again and were in the greatest danger we had yet
endured, in which our Lady of the Nativity worked great
wonders, for we were brought to such a pass that we confessed
ourselves publicly, the fury of the storm not allowing us to do
so more at leisure, and every moment we expected to be
overwhelmed, one wave passing over the ship and being followed
by another as if it would put an end to us once for all. We
had already thrown our miserable cargo overboard, and many
were left with nothing but their shirts, all the rest having gone
into the sea with their beds, and we even threw over most of the
rice we had for our subsistence.

When the storm was over we steered again for the Cape of
Good Hope, but we met with fresh tempests, in such sort that
as the fault of all these hardships lay with me because I would
not travel by land, I found myself greatly persecuted and cast
down, for even the religious had something to say to me upon
the subject.

On the second night of our being at sea the other vessel
parted from us, and though we afterwards went farther than
the place where we had then been, we did not find her, at which
I was exceedingly grieved, as her company cheered me greatly,
and the joy of all being saved together was my chief aspiration.

In this anxiety we spent twenty-two days, always keeping in
sight of land and getting no farther than a hundred and seventy

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 229

leagues from the river that we came out of to double the Cape
of Good Hope. In order not to drift out to sea or lose what
way we had made we cast anchor inside Delagoa (i.e. Algoa)
Bay, but we never imagined we would be able to get out of it
one way or the other, even though the wind veered to the east
and east-north-east a league out to sea from this bay, where a
shoal is marked on the chart. It is a sand bank, on which
there are more seals than there are birds on the island of
Fernao de Noronha, as I saw very well, for we sailed along it
in great peril. It is full of reefs towards the sea, which we did
not perceive until we were upon them, and there was no help
for it except in calling upon the Virgin of the Nativity. She
miraculously delivered us, restraining the waves which were
very high on the reef because of the tempestuous west wind, so
that they rose like mountains on either side, and had they
broken over the vessel, which could not turn to one side or
the other because we were following a narrow channel with a
sailor at the mast-head directing us where there appeared to be
most water, it would certainly have been the end of our labours
and our last misfortune. But our Lady delivered us from this and
many other tempests, for which we rendered infinite thanks to
her, as a very powerful ship could scarcely have endured what
awaited us, and our miserable craft was more under water than
above it, the deck being little more than a span above the sea.

During these twenty-two days we endured great hardships, not
only from the storms but also because many could get no cooked
food whatever, and the people, besides being insufficiently
clothed, were wet through and had no other shelter than the
sky and nowhere to snatch a short rest, for the sea covered
everything. We could not open the hatches to get at the
provisions, for fear of being swamped, and we had a wheel pump
which we worked constantly, and it proved our salvation. A
seaman who had great experience of storms and hardships
considered these the worst he had gone through. Others so
gave themselves up to death that they lay unconscious, and the
sea passed over them as if they had been the deck. But still
hoping in God, I determined to overcome these misfortunes and
double the Cape, or perish in the attempt.

And it pleased God that one day in February when the moon
was full we found ourselves on the other side, having doubled it

-

230 Records of South-eastern Africa.

in the night, and we rendered infinite thanks to his great mercy
and to his most blessed mother for this signal favour, for it
appeared to us then that we were beginning to be born again,
which I shall never doubt as long as I live.

Before we passed the Cape we had determined to put into the
Aguada de Saldanha to see if we could procure some sheep and
take in water, for it lies on the upper side of the Cape, where
the tempests are not so fierce ; but as the place is much
frequented by the Dutch, and it seemed to us a short distance
thence to Angola, I preferred to endure fresh troubles rather
than risk falling into the hands of the enemy and imperilling
his Majesty's letters and the property I carried, and therefore I
pursued my course with greater tranquillity from the absence of
storms. Keeping out to sea therefore we came in sight of land
once more below Cape Negro, in latitude 16°, and we never lost
sight of it again, but sailed along it, intending to put in at
Benguela and take in provisions and water, which we greatly
needed.

Proceeding up to the latitude of the said fortress, we went in
quest of it when it was almost sunset, and night closing in we
could not see the port. We put the ship close to the wind, to
make the port in the morning, but the winds and currents
carried us so far out to sea that when day broke we could not
make out what was on shore, at which we were very disconsolate
and half dead with hunger, which our not being able to reach
the port increased. But it seems that God took us out of our
course in order to preserve our lives, for afterwards when we
reached Angola we learned that of any ship that put in there
nearly all the people died in seven or eight days, and the
inhabitants of that town say that at whatever season a ship
arrives from sea at Benguela to procure water and provisions, if
she remains a few days all the people die there, or afterwards at
Angola.

Having nearly reached 8£°, which is the latitude of Angola,
we saw a ship at nightfall very close to the land, which we took
to be Dutch, and the night being dark the phosphorescence of
the sea made us think there were more of them and that they
were signalling to each other with lights, as their custom is;
and therefore some were of opinion that we ought to steer to
the westward. But I would not consent to this, for it seemed

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 231

to me better to die speedily, fighting, than to perish of hunger
after many days. Day broke, and we saw that there was only
one ship, also sailing along the shore almost two leagues
ahead of us.

We prepared what arms we had in order to grapple with her
if we could, and then she turned towards us and each tried to
get to windward of the other, but she succeeded, being a large
ship and better able to keep close to the wind, and she was soon
at a good distance, which showed that she took us for a corsair
and fled from us. This must have been as high up as the city
of Loanda, in the kingdom of Angola, which we could not see,
because the sun rising above the land obstructed our sight, and
it was so far off that we could distinguish nothing, though some
said that the port was where some mountains were visible.

The land wind fell, and a breeze springing up we set sail for
the point where we imagined the city to be, and the pilot did
not measure the altitude of the sun that day, presuming that
all our troubles were at an end ; but in the afternoon as we came
nearer we began to fear that we had passed the port, and we
cast anchor that night exceedingly disconsolate, for there was
little to eat and less to drink, which was what we felt most, as
we were scorched by the burning heat of the sun. At daybreak
we set sail again, still going forward, for it seemed unlikely
that we should have come so far, and also because some sailors
who had been in Angola asserted that it was impossible to pass
without seeing the city and the ships that are usually near the
island, which is a very low lying land.

The next day there were even some who saw the city and
other signs, though all lay behind us. The sky was so overcast
that day that it was impossible to take the altitude of the sun,
neither could we reach the city so desired, and therefore we
cast anchor again in order not to leave the coast, and also
because the wind which served us fell at sunset. The next day
we pursued our course again very sorrowfully, and saw a ship,
but for all our signals, and though we steered towards her, she
would not come near us. Then the pilot measured the altitude of
the sun, and we found we were in a little more than six degrees,
which plunged us all into despair, for to crown our misery we
had passed the port, and it seemed impossible to reach it again
except after many days, for as we were in the trade winds so

232 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

that it was difficult to turn back except by tacking, to put out
to sea when we had nothing to eat but a handful of rice and less
than a pint of water was a great affliction.

But the virgin of the Nativity, who had the vessel under her
protection, permitted that we should not advance farther than
within six or seven leagues from the mouth of a river which
the natives call the wonderful Zaire, and which flows so
impetuously that fresh water is found fifty leagues out to sea,
and in twenty-four hours it would have carried us where we
must all have perished of hunger and thirst and not one have
been left to tell the tale. And her pity and infinite clemency
was pleased to put an end to our miseries by one of the most
signal mercies vouchsafed to us in the course of our affliction,
by sending a thunderstorm, a thing unheard of in these regions,
which brought us to anchor in two days at the mouth of the
river Bengo, on Saturday, the eve of Palm Sunday, forty-eight
days from the time we came out of the river on the shore.

Having arrived before Angola, I sent the governor a letter
which I had prepared, for I was determined to run ashore and
send him word by land that I was there with his Majesty's
letters and other property, and there were great difficulties in
the way of my setting out again, the chief of which were that
we had not a drop of water to drink and no provisions whatever,
and we did not know if this was a land of friends. The governor
replied by hastening to our assistance with water and provisions,
which rejoiced us more than anything, for we had had none for
two days.

When we had landed, the governor with the council of the
treasury decided that the jewels should be deposited in the
college of the Company of Jesus, in a coffer with three keys,
one to be kept by the father rector of the said college, one by
the bishop of Congo and Angola, and the third by the super-
intendent of the treasury. All of which was done according
to the entry I had ordered to be made in the book of his
Majesty, in the presence of the governor, bishop, factor, and
notary of the factory ; and each of the ship's officers in this
manner gave up what he had in his keeping, the closed packages
with their seals and numbers and the sealed packets of rough
diamonds, nothing having been lacking on my part perfectly and
punctually to assure to his Majesty the royal dues.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 233

The governor Francisco de Vasconcellos da Cunha then
endeavoured to alleviate the misery of the people, ordering
quarters to be found for them. And the bishop Dom Francisco
de Several acted very charitably, clothing most of the poor
wretches who were naked and entertaining those of higher rank
in his house like the holy and virtuous prelate he is. Some of
this also fell to my share, for the governor knowing the
necessity I was in granted me eight hundred cruzados towards
my expenses in preparing to reach this kingdom, where a few
months before I expected to find myself with nearly forty
thousand cruzados, as is well known to the men of my ship.

The governor equipped a caravel for me, in which to leave,
and on the 5th of May I sailed for Bahia, where I arrived in
twenty-six days, taking with me his Majesty's letters and those
of the governor of Angola giving an account of the property
aforesaid. Upon this passage I had also in my company the
master, pilot, boatswain's mate, notary, rope-maker, and twenty
odd seamen, for some went to Kio de Janeiro, some to Car-
thagena, and others remained at Angola.

At Bahia as there was no fleet the governor Pedro da Silva
bade me choose one of three ships which were loading for this
kingdom. Setting out on the llth of July, during the third
watch we came so close upon three Dutch ships that if they had
seen us first none of our vessels would have escaped, but as it
was each had time to steer what course she chose, and my
caravel did so with such good fortune that at daybreak we were
more than a gunshot to windward of them, and only one ship
of our company was in sight ; but she chose another course,
and we soon lost sight of her also.

Pursuing our course, sixty leagues from that coast during
the morning watch we saw another ship to windward of us,
but so close that she thought us hers, and would not fire
on us, but rather drew towards us, displaying a square flag.
When she was within musket shot of us we sailed forward and
got in a line with her, so that we had little fear of her artillery,
and crowding on all sail we happily escaped; and after a
prosperous passage of forty-eight days we anchored at Peniche
on the feast of St. Augustine.

We expected to find some of the ships which sailed with us
already arrived, but up to the present there have been no tidings

234 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

of them, by which God was pleased to confirm the great mercies
He showed me during the whole course of this shipwreck,
bringing me to Portugal, and not only assisting me in such
terrible storms and certain dangers, but also delivering me
from the many enemies who at present infest these seas.

I delivered his Majesty's letters to Francisco de Lucena by
order of our lady Princess, and into her own hands that of the
governor of Angola with the account of the property left there.
I was moved to take this measure because of the profit which
would accrue to the royal revenues and to ensure the safety of
the property, for when we found ourselves wrecked the seamen
remonstrated, saying that the profit should be for all in general,
and not only for the officers who carried it, since all had
laboured equally to save and defend it, and that therefore I
should order it to be divided. To this end they addressed
many demands and petitions to me, and sometimes refused to work
until their claim should be satisfied, and I, overcoming this as
best I could and persuading them that we should all have a
third part for our pains, did as I have related.

But now I see that many of them foresaw the want of grati-
tude shown by the owners for this great benefit, for they pretend
to regard this shipwreck as if it had happened on the coast of
Spain or friendly lands, though the running ashore was the
least of our dangers ; and did they but consider how many we
endured they would understand that we bestowed their property
upon them anew, which I hope all will recognise. And likewise
the ministers of his Catholic Majesty for the reward of what we
added to the revenue, for are not the difficulties which I over-
came in such a brief space unheard of until now, that two vessels
should be built with such lack of necessary materials in such a
short time, in a land of barbarians, and in them we should
come through such great and successive hardships as those
through which I reached the kingdom of Angola, to which God
brought me.

LAUS DEO.

RELAgAM
DO NAVFRAGIO

QUE FIZERAO AS NAOS SACRAMENTO, & NOSSA SENHORA DA

ATALAYA, VINDO DA INDIA PARA 0 REYNO, NO CABO DE

BOA ESPERANQA ; DE QUE ERA CAPITAO MOR LUIS

DE MIRANDA HENRIQUES, NO ANNO DE 1647.

OFFERECEA A MAGESTADE

DELREY DOM JOAM 0 IV

NOSSO SENHOR.

BENTO TEYXEYEA FEYO.

EM LISBOA.

COM TODAS AS LICEN^AS NECESSAJRIAS.

IMPRESSA NA OFFICINA DE PAULO CBAESBEECK.

No AKNO DE 1650.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 237

NAVFRAGIO

QUE FIZERAO AS DUAS NAOS DA INDIA:

0 SACRAMENTO, & NOSSA SENEORA DA ATALATA, NO CABO
DE BOA ESPERANQA, NO ANNO DE 1647.

Reynando no Estado da India o muyto alto, & muyto poderoso
Rey D. Joao o IV deste nome, Eey de Portugal nosso Senhor,
cuja vida, & estado Deos prospere os annos, que seus vassallos
havemos mister, & sendo Viso-Rey nelle D. Felippe Mascarenhas,
partirao de Goa para Portugal hua quarta feyra vinte de Feve-
reyro do anno de 1647 duas Naos; a Capitania o Galeao
Sacramento, Capitao Mor Luis de Miranda Henriquez, & a Nao
nossa Senhora da Atalaya Almiranta, Capitao Antonio da
Camara de Noronha. Dos quaes se veyo despedir o Viso-Rey
a bordo, mandando desamarrar hua manha tao cedo, quao tarde
do tempo, aprestando os officiaes todas as cousas necessarias,
desfraldando velas, largou primeyro a Capitania o traquete, &
cevadeyra, & da outra parte a Almiranta, havendo a bordo
muytas embarcapoes de amigos, e parentes, cuja saudade acres-
centava o sentimento, tanto quanto a despedida em tao largo
apartamento era bastante causa, & assim a voltas de sentidas
lagrimas, dando boa viagem nos partimos como terral, que durou
tres horas, entrando a virapao escapa correndo a costa pelo
Noroeste, & alargando o vento de noyte, voltamos a nossa derrota
com ventos bonanposos ate altura de dez graos, & hum terco do
Norte, em que hum Sabbado ao amanhecer, dous de Maryo
largou a Capitania bandeyra, de que logo houvemos vista, & de
hua \ela, a que ella ficando mais perto atirou duas pepas sem
bala obrigando-a a amaynar, & lancar o batel fora, em que Ihe
mandou meter o Capitao Mor a Manoel Luis seu estrinqueyro,
com gente, & atravessando todos tres, nos detivemos em sua

238 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

companhia quatro dias, com suas noytes, intentando neste tempo
o Capitao Mor que esta embarcapao fosse perdida, nao obstante
trazer cartas do Viso-Rey, & ser do Eey de Mucelapatao, de
quern o Estado da India recebe services de considerapao, soccor-
rendo a Ceylao nos apertos, & fomes, que se offerecerao naquella
Ilha, o que nao aprovarao o Capitao, officiaes, & cavalleyros da
Nao Atalaya, sendo consultados na materia, antes derao razoes,
porque a tal embarcapao se devia toda a boa passagem, com o que
a deyxamos terpa feyra sinco de Marpo : nos dias, que aqui nos
teve sem velejar, avaliarao os homes, que bem entendiao do mar,
se perdera a viagem, o que depois experimentamos na falta de
tempo para chegar a passar o Cabo da Boa Esperanpa.

Na Nao em que me embarquey tomarao os Eeligiosos a sua
conta cantarem todos os dias as Ladainhas, dizer Missa, &
pregapoes os Domingos, & dias Santos, & Joao da Cruz Guardiao
da Nao fez hum sepulchro muy curioso, em que tivemos o
Senhor exposto vinte & quatro horas confessando, & comungando
todos a quinta feyra Mayor.

Aos doze de Marpo chegamos a falla com a Capitania por
causa de sabermos o sinal, que havia fey to com tres pepas, acha-
mos ser falecido o Inquisidor Antonio de Faria Machado, que na
India o fora dezasete annos, de cujo procedimento, & authoridade
se teve muyta satisfapao, & o sentimos, & a falta de outras
pessoas, que de Goa sahirao doentes, ficando muytos fidalgos, &
pessoas nobres, que com seu valor, & trabalho ajudarao depois a
salvapao dos que escapamos tan to a custa de sua vida.

Com grandes chuvas, & calmarias navegamos depois de passada
a linha, quando da gavea a grandes brados, disse o gajeyro ; Hiia
vela. Esta era o Galeao S. Pedro, que partindo de Goa quinze
dias depois, se encontrou comnosco, & nos acompanhou vinte
dias, apartando-se no fim delles.

Ao de Pascoa dezanove de Abril mandou o Almirante salvar
o Galeao Sacramento com sete pepas, abrindo logo a Nao quatro
palmos de agua, que os escravos, & grumetes esgotavao duas vezes
no dia, o que dava cuydado a quern entendia o perigo, a que
hiamos expostos, assim por ser a Nao velha, como por irmos
cometer o Cabo no rigor do inverno, em que os temporaes sao
tantos, & de maneyra, que as embarcapoens novas dao grandissimo
trabalho.

Em dez de Junho, em altura ja de trinta & tres graos do Sul,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 239

com vento bonanza nos rendeo o mastareo grande de que aviza-
mos a Capitania, & da agua que fazia a Nao, pedindo-lhe
conservassemos a companhia ordenandose-lhe hua semea para
concerto do mastareo, & por o vento refrescar, nao ouve effeyto,
nem depois lugar pelo que sobreveyo.

Em doze de Junho anoytecemos com a Capitania, acalmando
o vento antes de se por o Sol, indo na volta da terra com o vento
Oesnoroeste, metendo-se muy vermelho com nuves negras, &
carregadas, fuzilando hua so vez, & se vio hum peyxe Orelhao,
cousa grande, anuncios tudo de huma noyte temerosa. Entrou
o vento assoprando, ferrarao-se as gaveas, & cevadeyra, ficando a
Nao em papafigos aguarruchados o quartinho, & quarto da
prima ; no fim delle ao pbr da Lua, empolou o mar, & cresceo o
vento de modo, que deu a Nao hum balanpo tao grande, que
rneteo muyto mar dentro, & as entenas, & serviolas debayxo da
agua. Mandou-se arriar a escota, & ostagas para vir a verga
grande abayxo, mas com o temor do mar, & tempo tao crescido,
& pouca experiencia dos artilheyros, arriarao de maneyra, que
tomando o pano de luva atravessou a Nao com hum furacao tao
forte, que nos levou a vela grande, & traquete fazendo tudo em
pedapos com tal estrondo, que julgamos popobrarse a Nao, tendo-
a adornada por muyto espapo, & atravessada assim ao rigor dos
mares sem nos podermos sustentar em pe na xareta com a pouca
gente, que a este tempo se achou, sendo ja mortos de doenpa oyto
marinheyros, sinco artilheyros, quatro grumetes, & outros passa-
geyros, se acodio com grande cuydado a hua moneta, que traziamos
ja cozida na enxarcia de proa, para este effeyto, & preparando-a
governou logo a Nao na volta delles, ficando a verga grande
arriada a meya arvore com a vela de lais a lais em pedapos, & a
do traquete dando 6s estendartes, que ficarao pegados no guru-
til, estrallos, sem se poderem cortar, nem o tempo o consentir.
Neste estado passamos o restante da noyte atormentandose a Nao
com as pancadas das vergas, puxando por todos os ossos abrio
dez palmos de agua, correndo como mesmo temporal nos aman-
heceo dia de Santo Antonio destropados de velas, & cabos sem a
companhia da Capitania, aparelhandonos para a seguinte noyte,
que nos ameapava tao medonha, como a passada, & com chuveiros
de pedra tao grossa como avelas, & nmytos trovoes, & rayos.

Sendo o tempo ainda tanto, & correndo a Nao em popa fomos
pafando, & tirando o pano, que ficou na verga metendo huma

240 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

cevadeyra na do traquete, para se o vento fosse menos, poder a
Nao governar, & fugir aos mares, que pareciao querer
pofobrarnos. Este dia se passou, & ao outro, sendo ja mais
bonanpa, metemos outro pano, nao largando as bombas da miio,
com que avistamos terra de trinta & dous graos a cabo de algus
dias, que velejamos em demanda della, dizendo-se que a sua
sombra se trataria do concerto, & tomar as aguas da Nao, porem
so se tratou de pescar, nao faltando algum zeloso, que clamou
sobre o descuydo, que houve neste particular.

0 Mestre Jacinto Antonio, considerando o estado, em que nos
achavamos, & pouco remedio, que havia, Ihe pareceo acertado
arribar a Mojambique em quanto o tempo nos nao impossibili-
tava de todo, aonde se seguraria o cabedal, & artilharia de Sua
Magestade, & remedio de tantos: o que se divulgou logo,
pedindo Dom Duarte Lobo ao Mestre, que indo abayxo ver o
estado da Nao, de que se fallava variamente, o levassem com os
mais officiaes para resolupao do que mais conviesse, o que nao
satisfez a muytos pelos empenhos, que traziao, & pouca canela,
que se Ihe deu em Goa, intimidando ao Mestre, & aos mais, que
tratavao de arribar : de modo que senao tratou mais, que de
navegar para Portugal as voltas ; em que andamos alguns dias
multiplicando a altura para o Cabo, nao cessando as bombas de
laborar, a que acodiamos todos sem exceypao de pessoa ate os
proprios Eeligiosos.

Pelo que se prepararao algus barris para gamotes fazendose-lhe
ar?as, & pafando a boca do porao para hiia casimba, valeo pouco a
diligencia por causa da arrumafao da artelharia que se fez em
Goa, nao vir em forma, deyxando porem na boca da escotilha
quatro pecas, havendo grande murmurapao que a Nao trazia
rebentadas muytas curvas, & pes de carneyro fora de seu lugar,
tratarao de que indo a menos altura achariao mais bonanpas, com
que se tomariao alguas aguas, sobre que o Mestre, & mais
officiaes com o Almirante forao abayxo, sem levar D. Duarte
Lobo, como o havia pedido, & tornando assima corn tres pregos
do forro na mao, disse o Mestre que a Nao estava para poder ir a
Jerusalem, com que senao tratou mais que da viagem do Reyno,
& em pescar, voltando para o mar, sem se obrar mais cousa, que
boa fosse para hua viagem de tanto risco, & trabalho, como a
que se intentava.

Tornando com o traquete na volta de terra dia de S. Pedro, &

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 241

S. Paulo do jantar para a noyte, mandou o Piloto Gaspar
Kodrigues Coelho largar vela de gavea de proa, dizendo-lhe o
Sotapiloto Balthezar Rodrigues que estava perto de terra ; ao
que respondeo que tinha navegado muyto tempo naquella costa,
que nao havia de que recear, mais do que se vissem as duas
empulhetas do quartinho. Bras da Costa marinheyro, & cunhado
do Mestre, que mandava a via na cadeyra gritando alto, com
grande ancia : bota arriba Irmaos : alvorotou a Nao por se ver
em hum bayxo que esta ao mar da Bahia da Lagoa em oyto
bracas de fundo, que lanpando o prumo se acharao, com tanto
sentimento de todos, quanto pode julgar facilmente quern se
vio em semelhante perigo. Com grande brevidade mareamos
largando a vela de gavea grande, ifando, & cafando mais de doze
vezes, a que acodirao officiaes com os mais sem faltar pessoa a
sua obrigacao. 0 Sotapiloto Balthezar Eodrigues, que neste
passo o nao perdeo, gritou do prepao, donde mandava a via com
muyto acordo, que o nao arreceassem, que elle tiraria a Nao por
onde entrara com ella, & rebentando o mar por tod as as partes
trabalhou a Nao, como que vinha debayxo, infinite, & achando-a
atravessada den tres balanpos juntos, a cujo grande abalo foy a
grita de maneyra que o mundo nos pareceo se acabava, &
cousumia.

0 Guardiao Joao da Cruz, que com os grumetes assistia as
bombas, assira afflicto acodio assima, & Deos nosso Senhor com
vento terral, com que sahimos para fora, & como o remedio
principal em tanta tribulafao estava nas rnaos de Deos, & no
trabalho das nossas, trabalhamos todos, & os Religiosos de
maneyra, que nesta occasiao valiamos hum por cento. 0 Padre
FT. Antonio de Sao Guilherme da Ordem de Santo Agostinho,
qae passava a Portugal por Procurador Geral da sua Con-
gregacao, o fez de sorte, que chegando-se a elle neste trance o
Padre Fr. Diogo da Presenta9ao da sua Ordem que o confessasse,
Ihe respondeo que nao era tempo mais que de trabalhar, & indo
para o convez ajudarnos cahio por hua escada com hum dos
balanfos, que a Nao deu, abrindo a cabepa com hua grande
ferida, de que apertando-a com hum lenco nao fez caso, senao
passado o trabalho.

Avia-se a tarde antes tirado hua esmola ao Santo Christo do
Car mo de Lisboa, & vendo alguas pessoas a Nao em tanto
trabalho, & afflic£ao, perdida a esperanpa da vida, & posta so em

VIII. R

242 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

Deos, que a sostinha, & he a confianpa de todos, gritarao em altas
vozes. Alegria Irmaos, que agora se vio na gavea a nossa
Senhora com hua luz, como coroa, de grande resplandor, recreceo
entao geralmente tan to animo, & esfor^o, que nao havia ja que
temerse a morte. Desta maneyra passamos a noyte, ficando a
Nao tao desconjuntada deste trabalho, que nao havia parte por
onde nao fizesse agua, acodindo todos as bombas, achauios fazer
muyta mais, ajudando a isso o grande temporal, que nos entrou o
dia seguinte, com que corremos com o papafigo da proa, sendo o
mar tao grande, & os grandes balances, que a Nao dava que cada
hora esperavamos se abrisse pelo meyo, lanjando o mar por sirna
do farol, & das arvores tanta agua, que foy necessario revezarem-
se os Padres por horas na popa benzendo os mares, & se se
descuydavao algua vez, logo nos encapelavao de maneyra, que o
Sotapiloto, que estava a cadeyra, se vio afogado com hum mar,
gritando que Ihe acudissem, vendo-se so por todos estarrnos
occupados nas bombas; com o trabalho das quaes ja os corpos
nao podiao, a que nao faltarao ja mais os Eeligiosos, & passa-
geyros, que tinhamos a nossa conta, por sernios poucos, a bomba
de estibordo, & a de bombordo os grumetes de dia, & os cafres a
de roda em que Dom Duarte Lobo, & Dom Sebastiao Lobo da
Sylveira assistiao de dia, & noyte, desde treze de Junho, que
comecou o trabalho della, ajudando com doces, & rnimos aos que
trabalhavao, porque como faltava o fogao, tudo era necessario, &
nada bastava. A bomba de roda nos dava grande trabalho, &
cuydado porque nos faltavao os fuzis cada hora.

Ordenou-se assistirem os cafres a bomba aos quartos de noyte,
o que se nao executou, assistindo so os dous calafates, que vendo
o quanto a agua crescia, avizarao por vezes do perigo, em que
nos achavamos, a que se deu por ordem nao amotinassem a Nao.
Em amanhecendo se abrio a escotilha grande, & se achou agua
por cima do lastro, armarao-se logo os gamotes com grande
diligencia para se encherem com selhas, & se escusarao, porque
em menos de duas horas cresceo a agua tanto, que com os
balances se enchiao os barris por si, & as pipas do porao se forao
arrombando, & os payoes da pimenta, de maneyra, que de todo
cessarao as bombas intupindo-se com a pimenta, laborando so na
escutilha grande dous barris de quatro almudes, & dous de seis,
com que de continue se trabalhava ao cabrestante, & a re do
mastro grande, aonde abrimos hum escotilhao com dous gamotes,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 243

por sahir mais pimenta, que agua. Com este trabalho, & a Nao
ja afocinhada toda sobre a proa, como estava alquibrada, nao
governava, como de antes, com a agua ja por cima da barcola,
& a proa de sobre a cuberta do porao mais de dous palmos.
Neste perigo tao evidente, passamos dous dias com duas noytes
sem ver terra, que descubrimos em amanhecendo hua ponta de
recifes com muyto arvoredo, que pareceo ser de hum rio com
hfia praya de area muyto comprida, & hua enceada grande, que
julgamos se sahiria a ella do batel a pe enxuto.

Assentou-se em conselho, visto o estado da Nao, se fosse buscar
a terra, que se via, lanpando ao mar a artilharia, que sempre
veyo abocada, salvo a da Cuina, que vinha ao porao, o que nao
houve effeyto por nao poderem os corpos aturar o trabalho, & so
forao ao mar duas pecas. Com vento bonanca, ainda que o mar
picado se largou vela de gavea grande, a qual indo a capala se
fez em pedacos, & o mesmo a de proa, levando a cevadeyra toda
rota, & o traquete com muytas costuras descozidas, mareamos
com a vela grande, que ao habitala na amura, passando-lhe talha
em ajuda se despedacou.

A este tempo ja o Almirante ordenava ao Condestable
Francisco Teyxeyra embarrilasse alguma polvora, & balas, jun-
tando as armas, que achasse, & todo o cobre, & bronze, que
ouvesse para sustento do arrayal, por ser este o dinheyro que
corre nesta Cafraria, & porque se resgata o necessario. A noyte
se passou com o trabalho dos gamotes, os Cafres ja em terra com
grandes fogos, & ao outro dia pela manhaa tres de Julho se
entendeo em preparar o batel para lancar gente em terra, dando
o mar lugar. Entrou a virapao, & picando a amarra com o
traquete chegamos a dar fundo em sete bracas na enseada, & o
Mestre mandou cortar as ostagas grandes, & ficou a verga
atravessada no meyo do conves, para que cortando-se servisse de
levar algua gente.

Botou-se o batel ao mar com ordem, que fosse algua gente,
armas, & mantimento a tomar sitio, & os mais ficarao dando aos
gamotes, sustentando a Nao, & chegando o batel a pancada do
mar por correr a agua muyto, & ser ja tarde, nao se atreveo lancar
nada em terra, tornou logo a bordo, dizendo, que o mar nao dera
jazigo, & tinha hum banco grande, & a terra delle hum lagamar,
para que corria a agua muyto. Veyo anoytecendo, & bayxado a
mare comecou a Nao a tocar, & lancar o leme fora pela meya

R 2

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noyte, pelo que cortamos a arvore grande, & traquete, dando-se
fundo a outra ancora por nao desgarrar, & ao virar com a mare
ficamos em oyto brapas.

Amanheceo quarta feyra, quatro de Julho, & ajuntando-se
todos os cabos delgados se fez delles huma espia, que se colheo
dentro no batel, & com a gente necessaria, annas, & o que
puderao levar de mao, deyxando hua ponta da espia na Nao,
remarao para terra, & chegando a pancada do mar, era tao
grande o macareo, que o Padre Fr. Diogo da Presentacao, que
hia no batel absolveo a todos, dando cada hum materia em
publico pelo grande aperto.

Chegarao a terra, & sem impedimento dos Cafres, que nao
parecerao, botarao em terra o que levavao, & tornando a bordo
fez segunda viagem com D. Barbora, & Joanna do Espirito Santo
Portuguezas, que se embarcarao, com todas as ncgras que
levavamos, & o Almirante, & D. Sebastiao Lobo, & outras
pessoas, ficando D. Duarte Lobo, & o Padre Fr. Antonio de S.
Guilherme na Nao com os officiaes, & eu, que nao quizemos
largar este fidalgo, por mais, quo nos rogou, que nos embar-
cassemos, andando todos pasmados, porque os que prestavao para
o trabalho hus andavao no batel, outros ficarao em terra para
defensa do que se desembarcava ajudando aos que hiao DO batel,
porque os mais que ficarao a bordo nao atinarao a fazer hua
jangada, nem a embarcar quatro fardos de arroz, havendo na
xareta mais de mil, & muytas cousas de comer, de que nao
chegarao a terra mais que trinta fardos, & esses molhados.
Neste dia fez o batel quatro viagens a terra, & na ultima sendo
ja quasi noyte se embarcou Dom Duarte com os officiaes, a rogo
de todos, & com elle o Padre Fr. Antonio, & o Padre Francisco
Pereyra, que foy da Companhia de Jesu, nao consentindo se
metesse mais no batel, que gente, & viudo ella crescendo, & os
escravos, chamamos pelo Padre Capelao, o qual nao quiz sahir,
dizendo ficava com aquelles irmaos acompanhando-os, por quanto
a noyte prometia ser trabalhosa, nem haver pessoa, que ficasse a
bordo fazendo trabalhar nos gamotes. Nesta batellada nos
embarcamos setenta pessoas, & chegando a terra trabalhosamente,
alagado o batel ate a borda, de que ainda algus nadamos.

Aquella noyte ficou o batel encalhado, & os da Nao passarao
com grande trabalho, & pela manhaa sinco de Julho se embar-
carao Bras da Costa, & Paulo de Barros com a mais gente, que

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 245

andava no batel, que estes dous marinheyros sos assistirao sempre
nelle com grande risco, & trabalho, que os mais se revesavao.
Muytos largando a praya se tornavao a bordo, por ter la que
comer, o que Ihe faltava em terra. A primeyra batelada se fez
a salvamento pela espia, a segunda entrando a viracao cedo,
empolou o mar, & tornando de bordo para a terra, por mais que
os que estavao ja no batel o defendiao, se lanjou muyta gente a
elle, carregando-o, & largando para fora indo ja hum espa^o da
Nao hum China de D. Sebastiao Lobo, que ficava a bordo cortou
com hum machado a espia, que estava dada na serviola, com que
chegando o batel a pancada do mar, nao tendo rogeyra, que o
indireytasse, atravessou de maneyra, que se alagou com setenta
pessoas, que trazia dos quaes sincoenta morrerao afogados sem
Ihe podermos valer os que estavamos em terra alando a batel
para ella onde chegou com grande trabalho todo descozido, & os
que escaparao, sem o mar lanfar nada do muito, que se embarcou
a bordo.

A sesta feyra mandou o Almirante concertar o batel, & dando
quinhentos xerafins a quem tornasse nelle a Nao buscar a gente
que ficava, nao se atreveo ninguem por o mar ser grande, &
mayor o terror do successo do dia de antes. Os que estavao a
bordo causavao hum lastimoso espectaculo com gritos, &
clamores, que faziao ao Ceo, que com ser de longe erao taes, que
nos davao bem que sentir aos que estavamos na praya, & por na
Nao nao haver ja mais reparo, que do mastro grande a re, & o
mais estar cuberto do mar, & perderem as esperanpas do batel, se
lanfarao muytos a agua em paos, em que alguns sahirao a terra,
& os mais perecerao havendo a noyte antes disparado hua pega
para Ihe acodirem.

A noyte seguinte da sesta para o Sabbado sahirao algus negros
nossos a terra, dizendo, que ainda estava na Nao gente branca
sem mais reparo, que hum paynel da popa, em que estava a
Image m de nossa Senhora da Atalaya, porem de madrugada se
acabou de fazer toda em pedafos, nao sahindo de toda ella em
terra mais que hum quartel piqueno inteyro, & o mais pao por
pao, & algus cayxoes dos que estavao por sima, botou o mar, mas
em pedafos. E nisto se resolveo a opulencia de hua Nao tao
poderoso, & aqui se virao muytos nus, & pobres, que havia bem
pouco eramos ricos, & bem vestidos.

O Almirante fez alardo dos que ficamos, que repartio em tres

246 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

esquadras, de que tomou para si a dos passageyros, & os marin-
heyros, & grumetes repartio pelos officiaes, mandando Ian far
bando, que tudo o que se achasse de comer viesse ao arrayal a
monte mayor, para o que nomeou alguns homes, que para este
effeyto corressem a praya, prohibindo aos mais sahir do arrayal,
que mudamos para dentro do mato, porque na praya, em que
sahimos nos cobriamos de area. Fizemos barracas, que he o
mesmo, que tendas de panos brancos, em que assistiamos,
preparandonos para a Jornada, que esperavamos de marchar pela
Cafraria ate o Cabo das Correntes. 0 mantimento, que se achou
se poz no arrayal com centinelas. Em onze dias que aqui
estivemos, se passarao grandes necessidades de fome, & sede, por
falta de mantimentos, & a agua se ir buscar ao Rio do Infante
perto de hua legoa, & tao roim, que nos adoeceo della muyta
gente, & morrerao alii Vicente Lobo de Sequeyra do habito de
Christo, natural de Macao, que ja nesta paragem se perdera na
Nao S. Joao, & hum altilheyro por nome Marcos Coelho.

Para os casos que succedessem, se derao por adjuntos ao
Almirante, D. Sebastiao, & D. Duarte Lobo da Silveyra irmaos,
Domingos Borges de Sousa senhor da Villa, & Conselho d'Alva,
que do Keyno viera na mesma Nao, os Padres Fr. Antonio de
S. Guilherme, & Fr. Joao da Encarnafao, & os officiaes da Nao,
& Escrivao Joao Barbosa, por estar para morrer Francisco
Cabrita Freyre. Neste naufragio se acharao tres marinheyros,
que havia quatro annos se perderao nesta paragem na Naveta, de
que foy Capitao D. Luis de Castelbranco, & tinhao marchado
pela Cafraria ate o Cabo das Correntes, & se chamavao Antonio
Carvalho da Costa, Paulo de Barros, & Mattheus Martins. Aos
primeyros dous se nomearao para resgatadores do arrayal, & a
Aleyxo da Silva, passageyro por feytor. Nesta praya em que
sahimos, achamos de mare vazia grande quantidade de ameijoas
muyto boas, que ajudarao a passar as fomes, que se padecerao.

A oyto de Julho foy D. Duarte Lobo com o Sotapiloto
Balthazar Eodrigues, Urbano Fialho Ferreyra do habito de
Christo, filho de Antonio Fialho Ferreyra, com outras pessoas
mais ao Rio do Infante tomar o Sol, & acharao trinta & tres
graos, & hum terpo, botando hua ponta de Eecife ao Noroeste com
muyto arvoredo, a praya de mais de duas legoas de comprido, &
a costa com coinaros de area branca com arvoredo por cima, & a
serra toda escalvada. Tornado o Sol se deu rebate de haver

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 247

Cafres na pray a, a que fizerao esperar por acenos, & chegando a
lalla, nao se achou quem os entendesse por falarem por estalos.
Andao nus, & so cobrem alguas pelles, nao usao sementeyras, nem
vivem mais que de alguas raizes, caca, & algum marisco, quando
decem a praya. As armas sao paos tostados, & poucas azagayas
de ferro.

Tornados D. Duarte Lobo, & os mais ao array al, se repartirao
as armas, balas, & polvora, & alguns cocos para a meter, cobre
necessario para o resgate, linhas, & arpoeyras para a passagem dos
rios, tudo por rol nos livros delBey. O arroz se achou todo
ardido, & podre, com o que se appressou mais a partida,
deyxando enterrado o cobre, & polvora que sobejou.

Nos dias que aqui estivemos tratou o Almirante com o Piloto
Gaspar Kodrigues Coelho, & o Escrivao Francisco Cabrita
Freyre, & outros doentes, & impossibilitados para marchar, que
se quizessem Ihes mandaria preparar o batel, & dar gente, que
mareasse, que o Piloto nao quiz aceytar, & assim se Lao tratou
mais disso, sendo o que mais convinha para nao perecerem estas
pessoas, & as mulheres, & doentes, como adiante se vera.

D. Sebastiao Lobo da Silveyra era tao incapaz para marchar
por ser uiuyto pezado de gordura, & outros achaques, que Ihe
impediao andar poucos passes por seu pe, pelo que pedio aos
grumetes, e officiaes, que o persuadissem, & por via de seu irmao
D. Duarte Lobo, que de todos era bem quisto, se veyo a concertar,
que o acarretariao em hua rede, que se fez de linhas de pescar,
dando a cada grumete oitocentos xerafins, a que se obrigou
D. Duarte Lobo, & elle deu penhores de ouro. Era este fidalgo
tambem doente, & no arrayal o tivemos a morte, & assim
ordenada a rede com os seus negros, & dous mais que comprou,
intentou passar a Jornada. O mesmo emprenderao Domingos
Borges de Sousa, que fez de hua alcatifa hum andor, & Francisco
Cabrita outro de hum pano, servindo-lhe de canas os remos do
batel, que o carpinteyro affeypoou. O Piloto com duas muletas, &
os mais como Ihes permitiao seus achaques, os saons com suas
armas, & todos com seus alforjes, em que cada hum carregava o
seu resgate de cobre, & roupa para sua limpeza.

Mais tempo era necessario para descanpar do trabalho passado,
& tomar alento para os que nos esperavao, mas a falta de manti-
mento, & a malignidade do sitio, nos appressou a partir segunda
feyra quinze de Julho pela nianhua, depois de rezarein todos hua

248 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Ladainha a nossa Senhora. Nao se pode reduzir a brevidade o
sentimento, & lagrimas, coin que se deu principio a esta tragedia
tao lastimosa, ficando alii por causa de feridas, com que sahirao
a praya hum Cafre do Contramestre Manoel de Sousa, hum meu
cabrinha, & hua negrinha do Condestable Francisco Teyxeyra,
que morreo afogado vindo no batel para terra.

Comepamos a marchar, levando o Almirante a dianteyra, & o
Mestre Jacinto Antonio a vaguarda, & o Contramestre a
retaguarda, comepando a sentir lastimas, & miserias dos doentes,
& incapazes de acompanhar o array al, julgando do principio o
que seria ao diante. A nossa vista, tendo marchado menos de
hua legoa pela praya, se deyxou ficar Bertholameu Pereyra
Loreto marinheyro de cansado, a quern os Cafres que ja vinhao
em nosso seguimento, matarao logo, sem se Ihe poder valer.
Dahi mais a diante os mesmos Cafres tomarao a D. Barbora os
alforjes, que trazia as costas com o seu resgate de cobre, &
mantimento, que Ihe coube, & huma muttra de diamantes, que
escapou, & a nao Ihe acodir a retaguarda apressadamente, a
matariao, como ao Loreto, & por nao poder acompanharnos a
tomou Antonio Carvalho da Costa marinheyro as costas, & a
trouxe ate noyte. A Portugueza Beata Joanna do Espirito Santo
deu tambem grande molestia, & os mais doentes. Com tudo
chegamos a assentar o arrayal em hum recife junto ao mar aonde
achamos hua fonte de muyto boa agua, nao podendo o Piloto
chegar a ella ficou atraz hum tiro de espingarda, & pedindo
confissao Ihe acodirao os Padres com muyta charidade, & ao
Escrivao, que chegou a noyte bem tarde esperando, & ahi
passamos esta noyte.

A ter9a feyra dezaseis de Julho, chamou o Almirante a
conselho, para assentar o termo, que se havia de ter com as
mulheres, & pessoas impossibilitadas, que nos impediao o
caminhar com a brevidade necessaria para chegar a terra de
resgate, porque os graos de arroz, com que sahimos doiide nos
perdemos, erao tao poucos, que nao passavao de duas medidas
cada pessoa, & segundo affirmavao os que haviao passado ja
aquelle caminho, nao se podia achar resgate em menos de hum
mez, & bem altercado se resolveo, que visto o estado, em que nos
viamos, & o Piloto, & Escrivao, D. Barbora, & Joanna do Espirito
Santo nos nao poderem acompanhar, & por os esperarmos nos
expunhamos a perecer todos a fome, se avizasse as mulheres, que

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 249

marchassem diante, nao tratando ja do Piloto, & Escrivao, que
hum delles estava ja sem fall a, & o outro nao estava para nada, &
que fossemos por diante deyxando quern senao atrevesse a
marchar com o arrayal, de que avizadas as Portuguezas, respon-
derao, que Deos nos acompanhasse, que ellas se nao atreviao, nem
podiao, & assim as deyxamos confessando-se primeyro, & hua
negrinha, que quiz ficar com ellas, & sem cousa algua de comer.

Nesta occasiao esteve D. Sebastiao arriscado a ficar, porque os
grumetes, que o acarretavao, nao podendo aturar o trabalho, se
desobrigavao de o trazer, a que acodio D. Duarte Lobo, & com
bons term os, & mais interesse alcanpou o levassem aos poucos.
Aquelle dia marchamos ao longo do mar por recifes, de que
sahiao muytos ribeyros de agua doce, & passamos algus rios, que
aos nao acharmos secos nos causariao dano. Nas prayas se
achava algum marisco, mas pouco, & se viao algus passaros
grandes, como pavoes. Aqui por o caminho ser roim, & o comer
pouco, ou nada se resolverao os grumetes a deyxar D. Sebastiao
Lobo, ao que se acodio ordenando-se que se escolhessem de entre
todos doze os mais robustos, & os outros que acarretassem o fato
destes. Fomos marchando hum dia por caminhos asperos, &
estreytos junto ao mar, por onde nao cabia mais que hua pessoa
apoz outra fazendo hum alcantilado, & barrocas pela banda da
praya, chegamos a hum passo muy arriscado, do qual passamos a
hum rio muyto caudaloso, & arrebatado, que passamos com agua
por cima do joelho, o qual passado descansamos, & os grumetes
tornando a marchar, desempararao a Dom Sebastiao Lobo, que
nao se atrevendo a marchar por seus pes se deyxou ficar. Ao
outro dia chegamos a outro rio de muy fresco arvoredo cerrado na
boca, em que se achou hum baleato dado a costa na praya, de
que cada qual chegamos a cortar seu pedapo para comer, &
aquella tarde passamos por muytos lamaraes, & passos trabalhosos,
por fim dos quaes sentamos o arrayal junto a hum ribeyro de
boa agua.

Achando-se menos D. Sebastiao, porque o Almirante, & Dom
Duarte, como hiao diante nao tiverao noticia de o haverem
deyxado os grumetes, tratarao com os marinheyros de o irem
buscar, & sendo ja noyte tornarao atraz duas legoas, & achando-o
aonde o haviao deyxado, o levarao ao arrayal a que chegou muyto
tarde, dizendo em alta voz, que Dom Sebastiao Lobo da Silveyra
nao sentia a niorte, mas os roins termos, que se tinhao com sua

250 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

pessoa. Ao outro dia se tratou com os marinheyros quizessem
carregar este fidalgo de que os grurnetes tinhao desistido, sobre
que o Almirante fez muytos protestos sobre a grande qualidade
deste fidalgo, & se embarear para o Reyno chamado por Sua
Magestade.

Marchamos ao outro dia pouco, & pouco, & quasi hua legoa
achamos o rio de S. Christovao, & para o passar ordenamos duas
jangadas por o rio ser caudaloso, de muyto fundo, & grande
corrente, & arrebatada, hua dedicamos a nossa Senhora d'Ajuda,
& a outra a do Bom Successo. Aqui se confessou Dom Sebastiao,
& fez seu testamento desenganado de nos nao poder acompanhar
dando mostras de muytas joyas, & cousas preciosas de que nao
havia noticia, offerecendo-as a quern o podesse levar as costas.
A vista do que, & das persuafoes do Mestre Jacinto Antonio a
quern para este effeyto deu seis voltas de cadea de ouro, se tratou
com dezaseis marinheyros os mais robustos, a quern D. Sebastiao
entregou logo tudo o que ostentara. Depois de passar o rio, que
por ser muyto arrebatado, & nao dar lugar a barquear as jangadas
se nao na bayxamar, se nao pode naquelle dia, & ao outro
dezanove de Julho, o acabamos de passar deyxando afogado hum
Cafre nosso, a que a corrente levou, & hum marinheyro Antonio
da Sylva doente, que se nao atreveo a marchar. E aos vinte de
Julho concluirao os marinheyros de levarem os dezaseis a
D. Sebastiao Lobo.

Passado o Rio fomos marchando pela praya, por caminhos
estreytos, & chegando a hua fonte, se deyxou ficar Filippe
Romao, hum passageyro vindo do Reyno na propria Nao, que
era casado em Lisboa, & fora Estribeyro da Princesa Margarita,
por nos nao poder seguir por doente, & tambem se tinha ja ficado
Lourenf o Rodrigues Escudeyro de Dom Duarte Lobo, & casado
em Alfama, por nao poder marchar tanto, havendo-o ate alii
feyto corn duas muletas, & dizendo-lhe seu amo, passando por
elle, que se alentasse, Ihe respondeo, que Deos o ajudasse, &
levasse ante os olhos da senhora Dona Leonor sua mulher, que
elle senao achava com forcas, nem animo para os seguir. 0
Padre Fr. Antonio de Sao Guilherme tambem o animou, mas elle
persistio em sua determinacao, & indo o Padre ja apartado hum
pouco, o tornou a chamar, o qual cuydando que era para algiia
reconciliapao, tornou a ouvir o que Ihe queria, & elle Ihe disse :
Padre Fr. Antonio, ja que se vay, fafaine merce de hua vez de

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 251

tabaco, & Deos o acompanhe, & ficara muyto consolado se me
fizerao hua cova nesta area para me meter nella. Marchando
aquelle dia tres legoas passamos hum rio de grande corrente com
agua pela cinta, & ao outro dia tendo andado hua legoa,
chegamos a outro rio, que passamos de baixamar com agua pelos
peytos, depois do qual achamos melhor caminho, mas despovoado,
aparecendo somente algus Cafres capadores, que nao queriao
chegar a falla comnosco. Neste caminho achamos boas aguas,
algumas palmeyras bravas, & pequenas, os palmitos das quaes
tirades com trabalho erao alivio, sendo a fome ja geral. Neste
dia avistamos alguas palhotas com Cafres, que em nos vendo se
puserao a fugir, & entrando nellas se acharao dous polvos, &
poucos graos de milho. Ao diante encontramos dous Cafres, a
quern, por se chegarem a falla, demos duas fechaduras de
escritorio a cada hum sua, que sao as joyas que os barbaros desta
Cafraria mais estimao; & perguntando-lhe por resgate, res-
ponderao por acenos, que mais adiante se acharia.

A vinte & hum de Julho, marchando apressadamente obrigados
da fome, & sem ordem na marcha por irmos ja muy fracos,
sahirao dous barbaros do mato, & achando a Felicio Gomes
marinheyro, apartado dos mais, Ihe levarao a mochilla, & hum
jarro de latao, que Ihe acharao na mao, & se Ihe acodio com
brevidade, mas nao aproveytou, porque estes Cafres fazendo seu
assalto, nao ha quern Ihes de alcance. Chegando a hum alto,
queymaraos huas palhotas, nao achando dentro mais que huas
panelas de barro vazias. 0 que feyto alcancamos o array al ja
assentado perto de hum rio, & todos muy tristes pela resolucao,
que os que traziao a D. Sebastiao tomarao de o deyxar por se
achareni faltos de forcas, & elle desenganado, & deliberado a se
ficar tratou primeyro de tudo de se tornar a confessar, & dando
aos que ate alii o trouxerao hum anel de hum rubim a cada hum,
dispondo do mais, se desppjou ate de hua Cruz de tambaca com
reliquias, que trazia ao pescofo, & hua caldeyrinha de cobre, sem
cousa de comer pelo nao haver, & todos se despedirao delle com o
sentimento devido, ficando debayxo de hua pequena barracasinha
de pano, gordo, & bem disposto, & com todas suas forcas, por nao
se atrever a marchar a pe, & com elle hum China pequeno, &
hum Cafre, que foy de Domingos Borges de Sousa. D. Duarte
Lobo seu irmao ficou com elle hum grande espaco, mostrando
D. Sebastiao ucste trance tiio grande paciencia, & bom animo,

2C2 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

que se perseverou se pode piadosamente ter por certa sua
salvafao. Sahidos dalli chegamos a passar outro rio com agua
pelos peytos na bayxamar, & dahi por diante parecia a terra mais
t'resca com alguas boninas, ortigas, & sarralhas, a que muytos
obrigados da fome se lanparao de boa vontade assim cruas, como
as achavao. Passando dous rios secos chegamos a hum, que
vadeamos com agua pela cinta, dando dalli em serras de terra
fora, das quaes entramos em hum bosque, em que se achou hum
ribeyro, & aqui fizemos noyte, tornando a marchar pela manhaa
pela praya, passamos tres rios secos, & outro, que para o passar
foy necessario fazer huma jangada, que se ofiereceo a nossa
Senhora do Soccorro, em que passamos, & o fato, vindo a nbs
alguns Cafres com quatro peyxes, que Ihe resgatamos, dando a
entender que perto dalli ficava o resgate. Ao seguinte dia de
Santiago marchando pelo praya, nos metemos por hum bosque, a
causa de muytos recifes, que nao podemos veneer, de matos
espessos, em que achamos armadilhas, & covas para elefantes, &
em hum alto sinco palhotas redondas, & abobodadas a feycao de
hum forno, em que se nao achou nada, marchando adiante, &
passados quatro rios secos, fizemos alto em hum caudaloso, &
arrebatado para ordenar jangada, em que o passassemos, ao outro
dia de Santa Anna, aonde achamos algus mortinhos verdes,
achando-se por ditoso quern alcanfava delles, & outros de hiias
favas, com que derao na praya, de que os que comerao estiverao
a morte.

Sabbado 27 de Julho passado o rio, marchamos por hum
bosque, de que sahindo a praya houverao alguns vista de fogo em
hum alto, & indo tres homes a ver o que era, tornarao pedindo
alviparas que havia vacas, pelo que com grande alegria, &
devocao rezamos hua Ladainha a nossa Senhora. Decerao logo
os Cafres em grande numero, & entre elles hum que fallava
Portugues, & se chamava Joao, que ficou por alii da Nao Belem,
& se deu logo a conhecer, & os mais fallavao por estallos, &
traziao huas pelles, com que se cobriao pelas costas, & o mais
corpo nu, assim homens como mulheres, que so se differenpavao,
em trazerem as mulheres a cabeca cuberta com barretes do
mesmo couro, neste sitio resgatamos neste, & no outro dia dez
vacas, que se matarao, & comerao, com resgate franco para todas
as vacas, que quizessemos comprar, o que os nossos resgatadores
nao consentirao, dizendo, que dalli por diante todos os dias se

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 253

acharia resgate. Pedio o Almirante ao Cafre Joao que quizesse
vir em nossa companhia com grandes promessas, mas elle
desculpando-se com ser cazado, se ficou, & nos marchamos pela
praya, a segunda feyra nos sahio o Cafre Joao, & os mais as
frechadas para nos matarem, & roubarem, nao ousarao com tudo
cometer o arrayal, em que sempre estivemos com boa vigia.
Nesta praya deyxamos hum marinheyro, que servira de gageyro
casado, & morador a bica de Duarte Bello em Lisboa, confessado
por se nao atrever a marchar, a que os Cafres despirao a nossa
vista, ate o deyxar nu, arrastando-o pela praya, & elle de joelhos,
& com as maos levantadas em meyo de todos Ihe nao podemos
valer, & indo nos marchando pela praya nos servirao bem de
frecbadas, porem Urbano Fialho, & Salvador Pereyra as arca-
buzadas Ihes fizerao largar o posto, & dar lugar a caminhar mais
liyreniente por hum caminho aspero, & trabalhoso, de que
sahimos por huas lapas, em que colhemos hum Cafre muyto
velho, que alii vivia, de que nao soubemos nada de novo.
Errando o caminho viemos a hum rio grande, aonde se passou
bem roim noyte a causa de grande frio, & falta de agua, & ao
outro dia pela manhaa esperamos a passar o rio em baixamar a
vao com agua pela cintura, vencendo a corrente com grande
trabalho, & seguindo novo caminho por recifes tao agudos, que
aos que hiao calpados molestava muyto, & aos outros rasgava
os pes, passando com os socinhos pelas pedras. Sahindo deste
trabalho entramos em outro igual de serras ingremes, que
pareciao ir ao Ceo, donde passamos a hua ribeyra de agua, em
que descancarnos, havendo vista de Cafres, que chegarao a falla,
& resgatarao sinco peyxes, dando a entender que havia adiante
resgate. Aqui se acharao alguns figos, que na India chamao da
gralha, mas poucos, & sobindo a huma serra, na decida della
fizemos alto para passar a noyte junto a hum ribeyro de agua
doce. Ao outro dia mandou o Almirante descobrir terra, & ver
se havia algum povoado, ou gado, & monteando assas voltarao os
que forao ao arrayal cansados famintos, & sem noticia alguma.
Daqui marchamos caminhos pela praya por recifes, em que se
mariscou para comer, crii assim conio se achava, por quanto a
fome escusa guisados. Chegamos dahi a hum rio muyto largo,
& de grande corrente, em cuja passagem gastamos tres dias por
esperarmos baxamar, & a agua quieta passando com ella por
bayxo dos brafos, donde fomos descanpar a hua praya, em que

254 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

nos custou muyto trabalho achar agua de beber, aonde maris-
camos algumas ostras nas lapas, com que se aliviou a fome, por
haver sinco dias se nao comia nada, & a este rio chamamos de
Sao Domingos, por se achar em sua vespora. Com trabalho por
a fome a fazer peyor, passamos este caminho, ate dar em hum
monte de terra inovedipa, tao apique, que por nos valermos das
raizes de figueyras bravas, que a natureza alii criou nos serviao
niais as maos, que os pes, & para poder passar hua barroca
grande, & alcantillada para o mar fizemos todos a Auto de
contrifao, porque se se escapava delle abayxo se dava em recifes,
& lages muy agudas. Causou mayor trabalho o Mestre Jaciuto
Antonio, aque coube aquelle dia levar a dianteyra, por se
adiantar passando hum rio com agua pela cinta, estandonos nos
todos vestindo, com hua escopeta, & hua inxb na mao, se levantou
hua voz que o Mestre, & algua gente que o seguia se apartava,
fama que havia dias corria no arrayal, pelo que em seu segui-
mento se foy a mayor parte do arrayal, ficando D. Duarte Lobo,
& seus camaradas, que nao sabiamos deste engano, tornamos ao
caminho por dentro de hum mato avanpando huma serra com
menos trabalho, saindo aonde os affligidos que seguiao ao Mestre
montavao mais mortos, que vivos, a que perguntando por elle nos
disserao, que tomara outra subida mais perigosa por nao achar
sahida pela praya.

Ajuntandonos todos outra vez, & descancando, marchamos ate
assentar o arrayal junto a hum ribeyro, sendo ja tanta a fome,
que nem as ervas verdes perdoava, que tal vez se nao achavao
correndo o Ribeyro nmytas vezes por ellas, & comendo as cruas.
Pela manhaa comecamos a marchar, ordenando-se aos resgatadores
que fossem sempre diante alternados descobrindo se se achava
rasto de resgate, de que Paulo de Barros houve vista de Cafres,
de que se nao alcancou cousa certa ; indo tao desfalecidos, que
onde nos sentavamos a descancar ; a gatas andavamos buscando
ervas, & favas de pes de cabra, sabendo que em as comer nos
arriscavamos a rnorte, por serem peconhentas.

Mudamos o caminho da praya por ser muyto esteril sem ostra,
lapa, nem cangrejo nella, & muy chea de recifes. Entrado pela
terra dentro fizemos alto junto a hua ribeyra de boa agua, aonde
achamos palhotas de Cafres, que vendonos se meterao no inato
sem querer vir a falla com nosco. Viemos d' aqui a hua pedreyra
cuberta de arvores frescas, com hum charco de agua doce tao

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 255

clara, que nos convidou a descangar, aonde se buscarao alguag
ervas, & quern achava cangrejo se tinha por venturoso. Dous
dias marchainos a terra dentro, padecendo as may ores fomes, que
ja mais os nacidos soportarao, em que aconteceo em hiia destas
noytes chegarse hum grumete a hua fogueyra, que se fazia junto
a barraca de D. Duarte, descalfando-se apar hum sapato, & comello
com grande sofreguidao, por nao dar parte a outrem.

Ao terceyro dia marchamos sete legoas por serras, & caminhos
asperos ate dar a vista de hum rio, para o que decemos com
trabalho huma serra ingrime, & pelo can sago da marcha, sem
ordem no caminhar, & com risco de se dividir o arrayal, pelos
caminhos encontrados, que se offereciao, se nao deramos fe delle
de hua serra, tornando muyto atraz para a nao perder, a que
chegamos bem noyte, junto a hum rio, aonde se acharao muytas
beringellas bravas, & amargosas, que se comerao sem saber o que
era botando as pevides fora, & outros a que nao abrangiao, aquen-
tavao agua com pimenta, & a bebiao, & os que escaparao algum
ambar o mascavao, por perderem o sentido do comer. Neste rio
fugirao esta noyte todos os Cafres, que carretavao a D. Duarte,
roubando todo o arrayal do cobre, & caldeyras, & o mais que
puderao levar, sentindo-se so ficar este fidalgo exposto com a falta
delles a nao poder marchar com nosco por vir muyto falto de
saude, & forcas. No dia seguinte aos nove de Agosto levando-se
o arrayal para o mar junto ao rio em busca de vao, que achamos
seco sobre tarde, sen do Deos servido, acharmos muytas figueiras
bravas da India, cujos talos cruz, & cozidos serviao de aliviar a
fome. Aqui chegamos tao fracas, que algus se deyxarao ficar
atraz nao se atrevendo a marchar, & assentamos logo da outra
parte do rio, & ao outro dia de S. Lourenfo marchando pelos
montes altos por a praya nao dar lugar, se deyxou ficar Joao
Delgado, que ja fizera o mesmo o dia d'antes, & o Almirante, &
eu o trouxemos na retaguarda devagar, fez seu testamento, &
confessando-se de novo com o Padre Francisco Pereyra, me pedio
o deyxasse a vista do mar, aonde ficou, tendo ja o arrayal tras-
posto hus montes, & indo ja apartados, & despedidos delle.
Coinegou a gritar, & correr atraz de nos, que querendo-o esperar,
cahio elle de focinhos sem se levantar mais deyxando-o nos por
seguirmos o arrayal, que tambem nos deyxava, & julgando que
elle nos nao podia acompanhar. Era este mancebo cazado em
Estremoz, &• hia com remedio, tendo servido na India desde o

256 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

anno de 1635 em que passou a ella com Pedro da Silva, a quern
servio. Este dia sobindo, & decendo serras se marchou pouco,
assim por causa do caminho aspero, como por vir D. Duarte Lobo
impossibilitado, & o nao querermos deyxar, nem a outros, que
hiao ficando desmayados, a que se acodio marchando menos, &
devagar, Ian9ando-se no chao a tomar folego, acabando de veneer
hua serra, & subindo outra lastimando assas a quem os ouvia.
Sobre a tarde a decida de hum monte ingreme chegamos a hua
pequena praya, em que havia hum ilheo, que de mare chea ficava
rodeado de agua, & muyto grandes seyxos em hua enseada pequena
com hua ribeyra de agua, julgando nao faltaria marisco para
aliviar a fome que nos tinha reduzido a estado, que nao tinhamos
mais que a semelhanga de homes, & revolvendo toda a praya se
nao achou nada, ficandonos por experiencia que nos recifes de
semelhante pedra nao ha marisco. Nesta occasiao, & sitio des-
garrando-se os Cafres do Sotapiloto Balthazar Kodrigues a
mariscar derao em hua barroca com a cabega de hum tigre muyto
podre, com muytos bichos, & mao cheyro, a que logo comerao a
lingua, & o mais muytos contentes trouxerao a seu senhor, que o
poz a cozer com seus camaradas, & com Dom Duarte Lobo,
bebendo-lhe primeyro o caldo, com tanta vigia, que por guardar
este seu achado dos mais, esteve em quanto se cozeo com hua
espinguarda conoertada para o defender se Iho quizessem furtar,
& pedindo hum Eeligioso hum pequeno nao abrangeo a elle. 0
dia seguinte indo marchando algus acharao no niato dous ratos
mortos, & de mao cheyro sobre que ouve debates na repartifao.
Indo Paulo de Barros adiantado deu na praya com hum Cafre de
que se alcan^ou estarmos perto do rio da Nao Belem, & de que
nao faltava resgate de milho, & vacas deu-se Ihe sua joya de
cobre, que elle restituhio com hum pequeno de milho, que trazia,
que repartindo-se por todo o arrayal couberao^a cada pessoa doze
graos : cobramos alento com esta nova, & prostrados por terra
demos gracas a Deos, & se rezou hua} Ladainha a nossa Seuhora
com muyta devocao. E subindo hua serra bem ingreme tornamos
a praya, & marchamos ate hum rio, que nao sahia ao mar, onde
assentamos o arrayal na ribeyra a vista de duas palhotas, em que
o Cafre, & seus companheyros se recolheo, dando a entender que
a sua povoacao estava longe, para onde nos acompanharia o outro
dia, & deu ao Almirante hum lenco de mixilhoes, que repartio
com Dom Duarte.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 257

Assentando o arrayal se sahio cada hum pelo mato a colher
figueyras para Ihe comer os talos, & por hua negra dizer que
humas flores vermelhas, que trazia na mao se comiao cozidas, se
fizerao dellas caldeyradas, que comerao, & erao ervas babosas,
as quaes causarao taes agonias, que a nao aliviarem os que as
comerao com bazares, & vomitar morrerao por ser pe9onha. Aos
doze de Agosto marchamos em companhia do Caf're, que se
chamava Benamusa, por hum outeyro apique na subida do qual
descancamos muytas vezes, & vencida esta difficuldade descan-
panios em cima junto a huas palhotas, & o Almirante deu hua
manilha de cobre ao Cafre para nos guiar, o qual nos deu a
entender se queria adiantar, & que se inviasse com elle algua
gente para trazer resgate da sua povoapao duvidou-se ao prin-
cipio, mas o Cafre era tambem encarado, & alegre, & a fome, que
apertava tanto, & tao fea, que hua, & outra causa facilitou as
difficuldades, que se offereciao, ordenando-se a Paulo de Barros,
que com seis marinheyros, & Aleyxo da Silva com dous pas-
sageyros, tirando forfas de fraqueza, se adiantassem com o Cafre,
a quern dando-se alguas joyas de cobre se foy muyto contente, &
se Ihe juntarao outros tres, que o esperavao no mato, a que
seguimos perto de hua legoa, & chegando ao alto de hua serra
gritarao alto esperando, & dando-nos os parabes de se ver ja o Kio
da Nao Belem, termo de nossas esperanpas ; onde descangamos
huma legoa delle. 0 Cafre, & os que o acompanhavao tomarao
seu caminho, sendo o nosso para o Kio outro, pelo qual decendo
chegamos a praya delle ja tarde, em que assentamos o arrayal, &
achamos alguas reliquias da Nao Belem, & algus mortinhos.

Neste caminho esteve por vezes a morte o Padre Fr. Antonio
de S. Guilherme de peponha de huas favas, que comeo assadas
indozido de Domingos Borges de Sousa, que Ihe affirmou as
comera assim sem Ihe fazerem mal, porem tornou em si a poder
de pedra bazar moida, & outras contrapejonhas. E a noyte se
ceou na barraca de Dom Duarte Lobo hum pedaco de couro de
fardo de canela assado, & em outro rancho hua alparca de couro,
que se trouxe nos pes mais de vinte dias, & na barraca de Jacinto
Antonio o Mestre hum cao dos Cafres, que se matou a espingarda,
de que senao partio, nem com D. Duarte, de que elle ficou
sentido.

Por se nao achar agua desta banda abrimos cacimba na area de
muyto boa agua, & passamos tres dias confiando em Deos, & nos

VIII. S

258 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

que forao com o Benamusa em os quaes fizemos huma jangada
para passarmos o rio, & resgatando a algus Cafres, que vierao tao
pouco milho, que nao coube a cada pessoa, mais que hua chavana.
A quarta feyra vespera de nossa Senhora da Assumpcao chegarao
a outra parte do rio os que esperavamos da aldea do Cafre, livres
da fome, & com as mochilas providas, & Cafres em sua companhia
com seis vacas vivas de resgate, & tendo feyto a jangada, que
dedicamos a S. Domingos Soriano, passou logo o rio a buscar
Vicente da Silva criado de D. Duarte para dar razao do que
acharao do resgate, sitio das aldeas, & custumes da gente, este
mancebo trouxe a seu amo hum piqueno de milho, dous mocates,
& hua pequena de vaca cozida, de que o fidalgo partio com o
Almirante, & outras pessoas, & o mais servio de regalo a elle, &
seus camaradas.

Ao outro dia de nossa Senhora houve grande trabalho em
passar a arpoeyra para poder barquear a jangada por o rio ser
largo, & de corrente apressada, & nao podendo passar todos este
dia ficou o Almirante com os mais para o outro. E querendo
hum grumete passar a nado o arrebatou a corrente da vazante,
de maneyra, que o nao julgamos escapar, & absolvendo-o de terra
o Padre Fr. Joao da Encarnacao, & chamando por Sao Domingos
Soriano, o colheo hua rebepa levando-o a terra sem dano algum.
Os Cafres, que vinhao com as seis vacas de resgate por nos
acharem ainda da outra parte, se tornarao a noyte a suas aldeas,
prometendo tornar com ellas, contra o credito dos que passarao
primeyro o rio, que nao criao o que os que vierao com elles con-
tavao da abundancia, que acharao, & boa passagem, que o Cafre
hes fizera, pedindo a Dom Duarte, que foy dos primeyros que
passarao, enviasse as aldeas apressar o resgate, a que se mandou
Urbano Fialho Ferreyra, & o Contramestre Antonio Carvalho da
Costa, & outros com armas, & cobre para resgatarem.

0 dia seguinte dezaseis de Agosto acabou de passar o arrayal,
assentando entre duas serras a vista do mar, aonde chegarao os
Cafres com vacas, que se Ihe resgatarao, & repartirao pelos
ranchos, matando hus, outros assando, & cozendo, & todos
comendo com tao boa vontade, que senao lanfava fora mais que
as pontas, & unhas das vacas, que tudo o mais servia, & vindo
decendo de pressa mais com muyto gado, milho, & mocates, ouve
desordem da nossa parte aproveytando-se os resgatadores do
mais, & melhor, espalhando-se alguns pelo mato, & esperando os

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 259

Cafres, resgatando-lhe milho, & mocates em grande prejuizo de
todos, dando por hum mocate cobre, com que se resgatavao tres,
& quatro uo arrayal, & os Cafres achando fora este pre90 nao
deciao com mais que com vacas, a respeyto do que se lan?ou
pregao com pena de morte, que ninguem sahisse fora do arrayal
a resgatar, o que nao bastou, porque ainda a fome a vista de
tanta came senao satisfazia. Ordenou-se ao Mestre Jacinto
Antonio, & outros rondar o mato, & caminhos nao consentindo
que se resgatasse, & que prendesse os que aehasse, como achou
tres Portuguezes, & tres negros nossos, que prendeo, & trouxerao
ao arrayal, aonde feyto concelho, os Deputados derao por castigo,
que dos tres brancos dous corressem com bara9O, & pregao pelo
arrayal, & se Ihe pregassem as maos, & a outro faltou prova.
Dos negros se lanpou sorte para haver de morrer hum, a qual
cahio em hum mulato de Urbano Fialho, em quern logo se
executou, & os outros dous forao rigurosamente a£outados pelo
arrayal, encarregando-se esta execujao, assim dos Portugueses,
como dos negros ao Meyrinho, & sendo verdugo hum negro. Na
mesma pena encorreo hum page do Almirante, que as costas de
hum negro, & com pregao, foy bem a9outado. Hua noyte destas
havendo dous dias, que faltava o resgate, se fez hum curral, em
que se recolhiao, & amansavao as vacas, que se resolveo trouxes-
semos vivas nao cessando a todas as horas de ir gente a fonte, que
ficava dous tiros de mosquete por detraz de hua serra, estando os
nossos ja recolhidos, tomarao a hum negro nosso hum caldeyrao
nella, & tornando para o arrayal com grandes gritos, acodimos
com as armas, & pelo torn da falla disparando-se hua escopeta
alcanpou a hum Cafre por hua perna, que logo trouxerao, &
deyxando-o preso, & com centinella para o outro dia ser justi-
cado, em nos recolhendo se levantou outra grita, a que se acodio,
& inquirindo achamos serem os companheyros do Cafre ferido,
que com elle tinhao vindo a roubar, & como a noyte era escura,
sem a centinella dar fe o carregarao as costas, & o levarao comsigo
para o mato. Acharao-se neste conflito menos dous cabrinhas
nossos, que fugirao, levando a seus amos hum caldeyrao, & hua
sertaa de cobre, & outro resgate mais oculto.

Entendendo haveria mais ladroes se emboscou algua gente da
nossa, & a poucos passos demos com hum Cafre, de que se
lanpou mao pretendendo elle com forcas livrarse, porem Joseph
Gonfalves Velloso marinheiro, morador em Belem levando de

s 2

260 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

hua escopeta, Ihe deu com ella, & Ihe quebrou hum braco, &
acodindo com fogo para o conhecer, se achou que era hum Cafre
por nome Joao, dos que haviao fugido a Dom Duarte Lobo da
Silveyra, & roubado o arrayal, a quern o Almirante fez perguntas,
& disse, que elle, & outros seus companheyros andavao por alii a
roubar, pelo que o mandarao enforcar ao outro dia, depois de
confessado. Logo comepou outra vez a correr o resgate, como de
antes de muyto milho, mocates, & algus cabacos de leyte, &
vacas, sendo estes barbaros ja mais domesticos, por ventura pela
communicagao, que tiverao com os nossos da Nao Belem, em sua
perdicao no anno de mil & seis centos & trinta & quatro, o
tempo, que neste sitio fizerao os pataxos.

Nos dias, que aqui nos detivemos, que forao quatorze, ou
quinze para descanso da gente quebrantada com tantos dias de
fome, & trabalho do caminho, que haviamos passado, houve
alguas discenpoes, & tratos de se apartarem algus, & marcharem
em arrayal apartado pelo mao governo do Almirante ocasionado
de sua froxidao, & bondade, o que se nao conseguio por o tempo
dispor outra cousa. Os que haviao ido os dias atraz as alcleas
aprecar o resgate de vacas, como la havia melhor pasto, se
deyxarao andar, & tornando ao arrayal, achandonos ja de barbas
feytas se admarao, por se nao conhecerem hus a outros pelas
debilitadas figuras, em que estavamos, & ouve pessoa nesta
paragem, que confessou Ihe haviao com fome sahido nbs pelo
corpo que ja mais imaginou podia ter.

Os Cafres que nos fugirao com o que se enforcou, achando-se
sem elle pedirao seguro, & tornarem para o arrayal, o que se
Ihe concedio pela falta, que faziao a Dom Duarte Lobo, & a
impossibilidade, com que este fidalgo se achava para poder
marchar, a causa de novos achaques, que o molestavao, sobre os
que ja trazia do mar, que erao muytos, & assim para algum
alivio tratou de amansar dous boys, & se concertou com dezaseis
grumetes, que o carretassem por tres mil & quinhentos xerafins
pagos em Mozambique, & tendo isto contratado hua segunda
feyra a noyte de vinte & cinco para vinte & seis de Agosto Ihe
deu hum accidente de ventosidades, de que esteve muy atribu-
lado, a que se Ihe acodio com algalia, remedio de que usava por
ser mal velho, com que melhorou, porem de improviso o cometeo
o raesmo mal pela garganta, que mal Ihe deu lugar a fazer hum
acto de amor de Deos muyto bem feyto, & com a ultima palavra

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 261

Ihe faltou a falla, tendo nas maos hua lamina de Christo na
Cruz. O Padre Fr. Antonio de Sao Guilherme, vendo-o nesta
agonia Ihe gritou Ihe apertasse a mao se se queria confessar, o
que elle fez bem rijo, & sern fallar mais o absolveo, & espirou
logo. Foy a morte deste fidalgo a mais sentida de quantas
succederao neste naufragio por ser fidalgo tao agradavel a todos,
que se nao achou pessoa, a que nao magoasse a perda de sua
vida por muytas razoes, que por suspeyto, & obrigado deyxo
de apontar. Era D. Duarte Lobo filho segundo de D. Eodrigo
Lobo General, que foy d' Armada deste Eeyno passou a India no
anno de 1629 com o Conde de Linhares despachado com a
fortaleza de Bapaim por tres annos, & das terras de Bardes em
vida. Avendo-se embarcado antes na Armada da costa, que se
perdeo em Franca, no Galeao Santiago, que escapou brigando so
com quatro Naos de Turcos valentemente. E no Estado da
India servio por seus graos de soldado Capitao, Capitao mor das
Armadas, & ultimamente Governador dos Estreytos de Ormuz, &
Mar Eoxo, aonde acclamou S. Magestade, que Deos guarde;
achando-se em boas occasioes de seu service, & na do soccorro da
Ilha de Ceylao por soldado de seu irmao D. Antonio Lobo,
obrando em todas com grande satisfapao, que os Vice-Keys
mostrarao sempre de sua pessoa. Passava ao Reyno nesta Nao
mais por ver a Sua Magestade, que por alcanpar satisfagao de
tantos services.

A vinte & oito de Agosto dia de Santo Agostinho comefamos
a marchar, & seguiudo o caminho chegamos a descancar a hum
ribeyro junto da pray a, esperando por Joao Lopes tanoeyro da
Nao, a quern o Almirante mandou por seus camaradas hua vaca
mansa, que ficou de D. Duarte Lobo por nos nao poder acom-
panhar de hua facada, que Ihe derao em hua perna. Entrando
com o arrayal mais dentro da terra assentamos para passar a
noyte em hua chaa junto a huma ribeyra de agua salobra, aonde
se mandou enforcar com pouca prova hum Cafre dos que vierao
com o seguro, que ficou de D. Duarte Lobo por se dizer que
resgatara, & outro seu camarada, que havia acarretado o mesmo
fidalgo, & era do Sotapiloto fugir com medo por ser dos mesmos,
que vierao com seguro. Neste sitio nos detivemos hum dia por
succeder no arrayal hum levantamento, querendo apartarse,
dizendo, que nao convinha irmos juntos, porque nao haveria
resgate para todos. Por causa do que chamou o Almirante a

262 Eeeords of South-Eastern Africa.

conselho, & por todos se descontentarem de sua bondade, se votou
que ouvesse divisao, que cessou por nao concordarem na eleyfao
do novo Capitao, & repartipao do cobre. Tornamos a marchar o
outro dia trinta de Agosto com algumas vacas diante, ate hum
bosque fresco a vista de tres povoa^oes, de que sahirao muytos
Cafres, & Cafras com grande resgate de vacas, milho, leyte, &
mocates, onde assentamos este, & outro dia gozando desta fartura.
Tornando os marinheyros, & grumetes a levantar voz, que se
queriao apartar com o seu Mestre, & que se dividisse a gente,
repartisse o gado, & cobre, & armas, em que o Almirante, falto
de amigos, & de conselho concedeo, fazendo primeyro termo nos
livros delBey das causas, & modo, porque aquelle apartamento
se fazia, que era por o bem de todos, a que em hiias partes
faltava o resgate, & nao abrangia a tantos, & que marchando
apartados todos passariao melhor. Eepartio-se a gente, armas,
gado, linhas, arpoeyras, & caldeyroes, & o mais, & dando o
Almirante a dianteyra ao Mestre, ficou marchando o Mestre com
a melhor gente do mar, & o rancho dos camaradas, que fomos de
D. Duarte Lobo, que depois de sua morte nos conservamos
sempre sem divisao, & com as melhores armas do arrayal, de que
era cabepa o Padre Fr. Antonio de Sao Guilherme, por seu
grande talento, & valor, com que sempre militou na India,
achando-se em occasioes de guerra, em que o bem mostrou, antes
de entrar na Eeligiao. Nesta companhia forao o Padre Fr.
Diogo da Presenta9ao, & Fr. Bento Arrabido, & Fr. Joao da
Encarnafao, & por resgatadores Aleyxo da Sylva, & Antonio
Carvalho da Costa.

Com o Almirante ficarao seus camaradas, & os Padres Fr.
Afonso de Beja, Francisco Pereyra, & o Capellao da Nao, &
Frey Ambrosio de Magalhaes de Menezes, & Domingos Borges
de Sousa, Veyga, & Faro, & os mais officiaes da Nao, & Paulo
de Barros por resgatador. Neste sitio fugio hum Cafre a Eoque
Martins de Miranda, compadre, & camarada do Almirante com
tudo o que trouxera da China, onde era casado, & escapou da
Nao. Despedimonos hus dos outros com grande sentimento,
pedindo-se perdoes, & passadas duas, ou tres horas, que o Mestre
comepara a marchar, se levou o Almirante com o seu arrayal com
o gado diante por meyo das povoafoes, de que Ihe sahia muyto
resgate, que como erao poucos a todos abrangia, sendo os Cafres
mais doceis, & tanto que passando por suas aldeas, tal vez o seu

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 263

gado se mesturava com o nosso, & elles o apartavao com muyta
quietacao. Deste modo ouve o Almirante vista, pelas quatro
horas da tarde da companhia do Mestre, que estava resgatando,
depois de haver rodeado, & atravessado muytos caminhos, por se
adiantar, trabalhando cada qual dos resgatadores por ser o
primeyro, sem embargo, que nos tornamos a encontrar, mar-
chaudo o Almirante diante com o seu gado, & companhia, & nos
seguindo-o, ate hum rio, em que fizemos alto, elle de hua parte,
& o Mestre da outra, o qual era de muyto boa agua, & dava
pela nieya perna, & com muyto fresco arvoredo. Armarao-se
barracas, meteo-se o gado no nieyo com boas continellas. Pelo
discurso da noyte se atirou do arrayal do Almirante hum tiro
espiugarda, por gritarem os nossos mo?os, que os Cafres se
tinhao eruboscado, para dar nos caldeyroes, com que se hia
buscar agua as fontes, mas nesta nao tiverao bom successo
porque evitando este risco se valerao os nossos para isso de
cabacos, que tinhao resgatado com leyte, repartidos pelos
ranches. Aqui ficou o Mestre dous dias sem marchar, por acodir
muyto resgate de toda a sorte, & alguas galinhas, & espetadas
de gafanhotos, que os Cafres offereciao, imaginando se Ihe daria
cobre a troco. Aos cinco de Setembro pela manhaa, rezando
primeyro hua Ladainha a nossa Senhora, marchamos por hua
serra muyto ingrime, decendo-a logo a outra parte, de que nao
passamos aquelle dia pelo muyto resgate, que acodio ao longo de
hum rio clarissimo, & de boa agua, em que resgatamos vacaa,
leyte, & mocates, em meyo de muytas povoacoes, donde ao dia
seguinte marchamos por hum monte alto, com dous barbaros, que
nos serviao de guia, deyxando enforcado hum Cafre, dos que nos
tinhao fugido, & roubado o arrayal.

Coino estes Barbaros fazem toda sua estimafao do cobre, se
conjurarao todos os do resgate do dia de antes, para nos roubar,
servindo-lhes de espia sobre os dous Barbaros, que se nos offerecerao
por guias, como fizerao, lanpando a fugir por hum mato com hua
vaca, com que se ouverao de acolher, se nao fora a diligencia, dos
que hiao diante, & pegando Joseph Gon$alves Yelloso de hum
delles para o amarrar, Ihe lanpou o outro a mao a mochila, sobre
que andarao a bra9os, a que acodio Vicente da Sylva, largando
da mao a espingarda, de que affeycoado hum Cafre do mato
lanjou mao, & correo tao ligeyro, que se Ihe nao pode valer. E
saindo daqui nos achamos em hum campo cercado de tantos Cafres,

264 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

como estorninhos, em ala, & som de guerra, brandindo azagayas,
infinites para cada hum dos Portuguezes, mas nbs despedindo
balas, ainda que com pouco effeyto por ser de longe, os fizemos
retirar, deyxandonos seguir nosso caminho, sempre a sua vista,
ate hum mato, em que nos metemos, imaginando ser desvio desta
canalha, ordenando-se a marcha muy atento, com armas na
dianteyra, & retaguarda, & o gado no meyo, & vigias pelos lados,
por ser o caminho roim, & comprido, & os Oafres nao perderem
ponto de nos offender, cometendonos no meyo do mato com
grande grita, mas favorecendo-nos Deos Ihe matamos logo tres, &
sem dano nosso nos achamos livres do mato, & perto de hua fonte
de boa agua nos acodio algum resgate, de que n&o se admire quern
o ler, porque esta gente vendo cobre nao reparao, em que Ihe
matem pay, & may, nem parentes.

Aos sete de Setembro marchamos deste lugar por grandes
campinas, com muyta nevoa, & sem poder romper as mives de
gafanhotos. Aos oito dia do Nascimento de nossa Senhora,
acodirao muytos Cafres com resgate de vacas, & milho marchando
por terra de trinta graos muy aprazivel, & alegre, com vista de
muytos passaros grandes a modo de garpas reaes, mas tao altos,
que ao longe parecia5 carneyros. Aqui avistamos hum dia hum
bando de leoes bem grande, que andavao em hum valle brincando,
sem darem fe de nbs, que passamos por hum alto, de que vimos
o mar, para onde marchamos com quarenta & duas vacas vivas
em nossa companhia; nao tratando de entrar mais pela terra
dentro pela risco dos Cafres. Dia de Sao Nicolao de Tolentino,
marchando pela praya, achamos hum farol, & muyta madeyra,
que julgamos ser fabrica de algua Nao, que devia dar a costa, &
antes do meyo dia chegamos a hum rio caudaloso, que senao
passou aquelle dia por ser de grande corrente, & estar a mare
chea, aonde vierao alguns Cafres pescadores da outra parte sem
trazer resgate, de que alcan^amos depois vinhao a espiarnos,
vadeando o rio com agua pela cinta, a quern deyxamos o nonie
de Bio da Cruz, por hua de pao que alii levantamos, & outra que
se esculpio em huma pedra, para se a companhia do Alrnirante
viesse atraz, saber que eramos passados. Subimos a hum teso
de .pedras, aonde nos esperavao mais de duzentos Cafres com
suas azagayas em som de guerra, cubertos com rodelas de couro,
de que usao, aos quaes cometemos castigando seu atrevimento
com a morte do que os capitaneava, a que acertou Antonio

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa. 265

Carvalho da Costa, com duas balas pelas pernas, de que cahio
ferida, & o acabamos de matar a espada desemparando os mais o
campo a vista deste, porque nao he gente, que mais espere, &
advertindo, que quando estes Barbaros vem muytos juntos sem
resgate, vem a furtar, & nao he acertado entao poupalos, sendo
sempre o caminho da praya o mais acertado, & seguro, aonde nos
tornarao a sahir ; mas matando Aleyxo da Sylva outro a
espingarda, deyxarao de nos seguir. Nesta praya se ficou por
nao poder marchar hum moco da India nmyto bom Cirurgiao.
Chegamos este dia a noyte a assentar junto de huma lagoa por
detraz de hum rio, que nos impedia a vista do mar. Ao outro
dia doze de Setembro nos nao levamos, por se levantar hua
grande trevoada, & relampagos, & lanpando os olhos a hua serra,
vimos muyta gente, que marchava com vacas diante, & vinha
depressa a buscar sitio, em que se recolhesse da chuva. Con-
hecemos ser a companhia do Almirante, que havendo vista do
nosso arrayal disparou duas espingardas, a que respondemos com
outras, & vierao assentar da outra parte da lagoa amparados de
hum mato, donde vindo a nos Paulo de Barros, & outros
soubemos a mal afortunada Jornada, que haviao feyto, & destropo,
que tiverao dos Cafres. 0 Mestre Jacinto Antonio, mandou por
Fr. Joao da Encarnapao, visitar o Almirante, a que respondeo por
escrito, pedindo-lhe, & requerendo-lhe se tornasse a unir a sua
companhia para juntos se defenderem melhor dos Cafres, que se
podiao juntar em dano de todos, protestando, que do contrario
daria conta, do que por essa causa sucedesse. Com este escrito
fez o Mestre conselho, em que depois de varies pareceres, em
que os marinheyros votarao, nos nao unissemos, por nos nao
governarem os passageyros, a que o Almirante so deferia, com
tudo o Mestre intimidado por Frey Joao, que tornara a visitar
o Almirante, & pelo receyo dos Cafres, se resolveo em se unirem,
ficando iguaes na jurisdifao, & mando, o que entao pareceo
convinha mais a conservapao de todos. Deyxamos descancar os
arrayaes unidos, em quanto damos razao do succedido a
Antonio da Camara de Noronha, os nove dias, que marchou
apartado.

Tanto que amanheceo o dia, que o Almirante se apartou de
nos alem do rio comepou a marchar pela serra acima, dando ao
decer della com muyto mantimento, atravessou hum mato
espesso, & sahindo a terras chas com resgate de vacas, milho,

266 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

mocates, & leyte, dando com huns negros de boa natureza, que
o acompanharao, ajudando-lhe a tanger as vacas, ainda que
sempre com os olhos, no que poderiao furtar. Fez duas jornaclas
com esta fartura, & na terceyra, passando hum mato pequeno,
apanharao das costas ao irmao do Sotapiloto a sua mochila
lancando-se o Cafre a fugir, sem o poderem offender, por sua
grande ligeyresa. Outro Cafre investio tambem com hum
mulato do Contramestre, por Ihe furtar os alforjes, & em quanto
andavao as pancadas, se Ihe acodio, & fugio o Cafre. Dahi
passou a hum rio com muyto arvoredo, em que passou o rigor do
Sol, a vista de povoa9oes. de que Ihe sahirao com muytos cabacos
de leyte. Querendo subir a hua serra, Ihe sahio hum Cafre de
boa feycao, com muytas manilhas de cobre, & trezentos em sua
companhia, mas sem armas, & tratando de resgate, & mos-
trandose-lhe cobre, respondeo em Portuguez, que nao queria por
as suas vacas, senao prata, como a Lua, & ouro, como o Sol, de
que se entendeo devia aquelle Cafre ficar alii pequeno, de algua
perdicao.

Paulo de Barros, que por ter ja passado este caminho, entendia
bem o modo dos Cafres, alcanpou deste, que atentava para o gado,
que o Almirante ja trazia manso com carga, & receoso de algua
assaltada, comepou a marchar com as vacas diante, & hum
grumete, com algus Cafres da terra, que o tangiao. Tanto que
os outros o virao marchar sahirao atraz delle, & chegando ao alto
da serra vendo os Cafres, que os que o seguiao nao podiao chegar
tao depressa, por ser o caminho aspero, & comprido, saltarao em
Paulo de Barros, & no grumete as pancadas, sem Ihe valer a
espingarda, & espada, que trazia, para o nao moerem a pancadas,
com huas bracas de pao que traziao, & os ferirao, tomando-lhe os
alforges, & tres vacas vivas. 0 grumete se defendeo melhor com
hum bacamarte, sem perder mais que o chapeo, por chegarem os
mais a Paulo de Barros, & juntando as vacas o curarao da ferida.
Soccedeo isto a vista de hua povoapao, em que os negros do nosso
arrayal entrarao, & roubando o que acharao de comer, nao
consentio o Almirante Ihe puzessem o fogo. Salvador Pereyra
chegando com o arcabus a huas arvores passou entre mais de
cento a hum Cafre, & dando coin elle em terra, os mais se
afastarao, deyxando os alforges, que tomarao ao Barros abertos,
tomando o que Ihe melhor pareceo com grande festa. E depois
disto em qualquer parte, que assentava o arrayal, o nao deyxavao

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 267

de seguir estes Cafres, sem ouzarem ao cometer, mas chegando a
vista de dous montes, & forfado a passar pela fralda da mao
direyta, no mais ingrerae se atravessarao mais de trezentos Cafres
em hum, & outro com suas annas, & chegando ao meyo caminho
se preparou a retaguarda esperando pelos que ficavao atraz,
adiantando-se Domingos Borges, com alguns mais, que o seguirao
pelo monte assima avancou o alto, que os Cafres largarao ficando
elle senhor do posto, com o que os mais marcharao pela fralda
sem dano algum, seguindo-os sempre os Barbaros ate chegar a
hua chaa com arvoredo, em que Domingos Borges, sem ser visto,
se emboscou, & matou hum. 0 que foy occasiao de se
enfurecerem de maneyra, que desviando-se de tiro de espingarda,
nao deyxavao de perseguir as pedradas, tanto que decendo-se
algum monte era necessario porem-se ties homens com as armas
de fogo ao rosto ate o arrayal passar, & logo em outro passo
outros, ate chegarem a outras povoapoes, sem Ihe fazer dano
algum levando as vacas diante com gente de vigia, & chegando a
hum passo estreyto com serras altas de hua parte, & da outra
mato tao cerrado, que senao podia romper, os Cafres os serviao de
pedradas, de que se nao puderao valer ferindo ao Almirante,
Salvador Pereyra, na retaguarda, sem poderem ser senhores de
si, nem atirarem mais, que o primeyro tiro, que nao empregarao,
vendo-se aqui muytos brabateadores, que correrao bem para se
livrar da trevoada que foy bem grossa. Passada ella se juntarao
todos em huma terra, que havia sido semeada, junto a hum rio, &
os Cafres entendendo que o arrayal ficava alii, puzerao fogo a
erva que estava seca, pelo que o Almirante passou a outra parte
do rio marchando para huas serras, assentando no mais alto
dellas, para passar a noyte com vigia ate amanhecer, sem armar
barracas, nem fazer de comer com os Cafres a vista, dando
grandes coqueadas, & a entender, que cometeriao de noyte o
arrayal. E o Almiraute antemanhaa se levou seu caminho pela
serra assima com as vacas, aonde achou que ja os Barbaros
tiuhao occupado o alto della com galgas juntas, & por nao haver
outro remedio se dispoz Domingos Borges de Sousa, Salvador
Pereyra, & outras pessoas a veneer este risco com as espingardas
ao rosto, & os olhos nas galgas, que os Cafres come^avao a lanfar
com dano dos nossos, & indo buscar outras, tiverao os nossos
lugar de avanjar o alto, & elles se retirarao deyxando passar
todos a salvo. Descansando deste trabalho marcharao hum

268 Records of Souih-Eastern Africa.

pcmco, & forao fazer noyte junto a hum rio, aonde chegarao bem
destrofados do caminho, & dos Cafres marchando muyto aquelle
dia por ver se se podiao adiantar de tao ma canalha, & o
Almirante bem maltratado das pedradas. Ao outro dia subindo,
& decendo serras, & caminhos asperos, encontrou sinco Cafres,
que o seguiao, & chamando-os, o nao quizerao esperar entao, & ao
meyo dia chegarao dous delles, & dando-lhe piquenos de cobre
para Ihes ensinarem o caminho, elles o meterao por hum mato
cerrado, em que a poucos passes entendeo o guiavao para traz, &
elles vendo, que erao entendidos, lanparao a fugir, havendo ja
votos, que os matassem. E raarchando veyo o Almirante a hum
rio de muyto arvoredo fresco, aonde descanpando hum pouco,
mandou passar palavra para marcharem, o que se aceytou mal,
por estarem cansados, & ser o posto bom, & cometendo hua serra,
os cinco negros, que se Ihe adiantarao atraz, passarao o rio
primeyro, & occuparao o alto della sem serem vistos, & tanto que
o tiverao debayxo, comefarao a lancar galgas, & atalhar o
caminho, & sem duvida se os Cafres forao mais este dia escapara
difficultosamente, com tudo se apressarao, & nao descanparao ate
se ver na mayor altura da serra, a que chegarao esbofados, com
que cobrarao alguni alivio. Tornando logo a marchar por terras
chaas, & caminhos seguidos, descobrindo tanta copia de Cafres,
que negrejavao os campos, & assim forao andando ate hua subida,
em que estava o Benamusa, a que chegarao sem aggravo, & so
virao em sima com elle cercados de povoapoes, & de muytos
Cafres com vacas, de que ficarao contentes, parecendo nao faltaria
resgate. Fallarao com o Benamusa, que parecia pessoa
autorizada, cuberto com huma capa de couro retalhada em tiras,
& o mesmo os seus, que he a mayor gala destes barbaros.
Pedio-lhe o Almirante que o manda-se guiar para hum rio, que
parecia, & aonde resgatariao, para o que Ihe deu suas joy as de
cobre, com que se satisfez, mandando dous Cafres seus por guias,
com o que forao marchando com armas na mao, vacas diante, &
cuydado na retaguarda, advertidos do que ja Ihe tinha succedido.
Entrarao por hum caminho seguido cercado de huma parte de
mato espesso, & da outra de pedreyras altas a modo de edificios
velhos, & em parte lapas naturaes, que serviao de reparo, para o
que logo succedeo, que juntos os sinco Cafres, de que atraz se faz
menfao com estes os avisarao da morte dos tres, & unidos se
atravessarao em sima destas lapas com muytas pedras, que

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 269

despedirao chegando o gado, que hia diante, sendo-lhe necessario
para fazerem tiro descobrir o corpo, dando primeyro na ponta das
lages, & dellas no caminlio, com que derao lugar a gente se
desviar, indo sempre os que marchavao diante com o tento nellas,
gritando, que havia treipao, o que vendo os Cafres, que guiavao,
quizerao fugir, mas Domingos Borges de Sousa levando a espin-
garda ao rosto derrubou logo o primeyro, & o outro escapou por
meyo de seis espingardas, sem se Ike poder fazer tiro, tao ligeiros
sao estes barbaros, nao cessando em tanto os das galgas, de que
escapou o arrayal, valendo-se das lapas, em que se recolhiao, &
dellas correndo quinze, & vinte passos tornavao a serrar outra
lapa, ate de todo se livrarem deste passo, chegando ao rio, que
passarao com agua pelo giolho, & assentarao, dando gra?as a
Deos pelos livrar de tao evidentes perigos. Os Cafres vierao
buscar o niorto com grandes prantos, em que nao cessarao toda
a noyte, em que o Almirante teve com boa vigia ate a manhaa,
que tornou a marcbar, vindo algus Cafres com resgate para o que
parou o arrayal, parecendo que se alojasse alii dous dias, mas
como o Almirante estava doente, & ferido, receoso de algua
treicao dos Cafres, tornarao a marchar por hum monte de muytos
espinhos, & grande praga de gafanhotos pegados nas arvores, a
que sobreveyo grande nevoa com chuva meuda, sem verem o
caminho, & forao em busca do mar fugindo dos Cafres, que os
tinhao tao acossados, & descanfarao dia, & meyo junto a hum rio
de lagens, & arvoredo com muyta lenha matando vacas,
refrescando-se para alivio do trabalho passado, curando os feridos
com aze) te de coco por nao haver outra medicina.

Deste sitio se levarao para o mar de que tinhao saudades,
andando todos os dias seis, & sete legoas, por queymadas, & roins
caminhos, de modo que quando chegavao a noyte se nao podiao
valer de cansados. Em hum se forao meter na ponta de huma
serra fragosa, & medonha, que ao decer para bayxo punha tanto
espanto, quanto ao subir logo da outra parte, que dividia hum rio
caudaloso, com grande pedraria no meyo. Guiando as vacas
diante comecarao a decer, levando penedos consigo, que a
marchar gente diante a fizerao em pedafos (roim passo se ouvera
Cafres) & assim ficarskfalguas vacas atravessadas eutre as arvores
sem se poderem bolir, & a gente decia arrastus peto chao com
muyto sentido, ate chegar a bayxo, aonde acharao a vaca em que
o Almirante marchava, morta, que decendo aos tombos com

270 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

muytos penedos a poz si, servio aquella noyte de pasto ao
arrayal, que a passou em hum sitio de alto capim, que servia de
sombra aos Elefantes, com mais descanso, que as passadas, sem
receyo de Barbaros, com cama de palha boa, & alta, de que
sahirao ao outro dia pelo caminho da serra com trabalho, &
passando o rio com bem roim vao, nao se lembrarao mais, que de
ir por diante por se ver livre, de tao ma terra, & peyor gente.
Seria pelas tres da tarde, quando se acharao na sobida da serra
caminhando para a veneer, pegados aos rabos das vacas, com que
se diz, o que se pbde encarecer, & descansando deste trabalho
tornarao a elle marchando adiante, aonde derao fe de sincoenta
Cafres armados de rodellas, & azagayas, que chegando a falla,
nao tiverao animo para cometerem o arrayal.

Idos elles sentirao os nossos muyto achar menos hum marin-
heyro, sabendo-se, que ficava dormindo duas legoas atraz, quando
descanfarao, sem os camaradas o acordarem. Passando com
grande trabalho huns charcos de agua, escolherao melhor sitio
para passar a noyte, trabalhando cada qual de buscar agua, &
lenha para se cozinhar, o que se havia de comer. 0 marinheyro,
que ficou dormindo, achando-se so, foy marchando apoz do
arrayal, & anoytecendo-lhe foy seguido ate as onze horas da
noyte, em que se achou em meyo de muytos fogos, huns para a
banda da praya, & outros pela da terra dentro, & marchou para
elles ate descobrir as barracas, a que chegou muyto contente,
festejando-o no arrayal, como a causa ja perdida. Pela manhaa
cedo se levarao, entendendo, que os fogos, que o marinheyro vira
na praya, seriao de algua tropa de Cafres, que os esperava, &
forao com alguma chuva marchando para a praya, em que
descobrirao a companhia do Mestre Jacinto Antonio, a que
salvarao, como esta dito assentando-se defronte tao cangados, &
cortados do trabalho, & medo dos Cafres, que, como temos visto,
se juntarao os arrayaes, assentando cada companhia o seu arrayal
apartado, porque no do Mestre havia mais vacas, & este dia
acodirao os Cafres com muyto resgate, que se repartio entre
todos.

Juntos os arrayaes, marchamos para hum rio, que passamos em
tres bra<?as, com agua pelos joelhos, que a nao se achar seco na
boca, era mayor, que o da Nao Belem, aonde nos acodio algum
resgate de milho, & fraugos, que se repartirao pelos doentes, &
feridos curando o Almirante das feridas, que Ihe fizerao os

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Cafres, chegarao a nos huns com o resgate, sendo os primeyros a
que vimos barretes de seu proprio cabello na cabe9a, a modo de
toucas dos Baneanes da India, & contas vennelhas ao pescofo.
Pelas ties da tarde fizemos alto em razao de dar pasto ao gado, &
se matarem vacas para comer. Dia de S. Mattheus, tendo
marchado duas legoas pela praya, se descobrirao vacas, & assen-
tando, tanto para as nossas pastarem, como para a gente descancar.
Ordenou-se a sinco pessoas da companhia fossem com suas annas
as povoagoes a ver se havia resgate, & tornando com boas novas,
& com huma cabra, & hum cabrito, por nao poder carregar mais,
apparecendo logo atraz elles Cafres, a que se resgatou o que
traziao, & ao outro dia nao faltou resgate, de muytas galinhas,
que vierao a muyto bom tempo para os doentes, & sempre, que
achamos vacas nao se deyxarao de resgatar, as que se quizerao
vender, em razao da falta, que poderiamos sentir por se matarem
cada dous dias tres para o arrayal.

Levados deste lugar aos vinte tres dias de Setembro chegamos
a outro rio, em que foy forcado fazer alto, pelo resgate, que
acodio muyto, & se repartir igualmente, buscando-se vao ao rio,
que esta em altura de nove graos & meyo. E suposto, que os
que se haviao perdido da naveta, diziao, que o passarao com
jangada, foy Deos servido mostrarnos o caminho pelo trabalho,
que as jangadas davao a todos, & passando com agua pelo
pesco90 se poz o arrayal da outra parte, acodindo muytos Cafres
com grande festa, deu-se ordem aos resgatadores, que resga-
tassem, o que fizerao, aproveytando-se sempre do officio em dano,
& prejuizo do comum, que vendo a familiaridade, & abundancia,
com que estes negros acodiao a resgatar, parecendo seria assim
sempre, intentarao a mayor parte dos marinheyros deyxar-se ficar
com o Mestre, & apartarse da mais companhia, tendo em seu
poder a mayor parte do cobre, movendo-se a esta discordia pelas
que tinhao huns com os outros, & desgostos que haviao do
governo do Almirante. 0 qual sem considerafao, nem dar conta
aos que tinhao de sua parte, nao resistio a nada, ordenando se
partissem as vacas, & cavalgando na que trazia para isso, assim
doente, & ferido, como se achava, & comepou a marchar so, a que
o Padre Fr. Antonio *de Sao Guilherme, & seus camaradas,
sahimos atravessando-lhe o caminho, & perguntando-lhe o Padre
o que intentava, & a que hia so, que se apeasse, & mandasse
chamar Paulo de Barros, que era cabeca da parte do Mestre,

272 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

tendo recebido muytos favores do Almirante, porque a desuniao
nao passasse adiante, o qual respondeo: que nao queria vir, o
que a todos pareceo muyto mal, & tanto que chegando-se Antonio
Carvalho da Costa, com ter affinidade com o Mestre, ao Almi-
rante, Ihe advertio, que nao consentisse na divisao, que se
intentava, por nao convir a conservacao de todos, allegando para
isso muytas razoes, sendo a principal, que ficava a mayor parte
do cobre na companhia do Mestre, & a sua impossibilitada
para o resgate, que se repartisse o cobre, & as vacas ignal-
mente, offerecendo-se a ser seu resgatador, o que visto pelo Padre
Fr. Antonio, & a sem razao, com que se levantavao, sern medo,
nem temor de Deos, disse em alta voz, que a nao Iho impedir o
habito, & profissao nao sofrera tal, & com as armas investira a
todos, & castigara tao grande ouzadia, movendo com isto aos
camaradas, & aos mais para tomar o cobre por forpa, & sahiinos
com as armas de fogo ao rosto para a barraca do Mestre, ao que
acodirao os da sua facpao, que erao os mais, ao defender, &
conforme a deliberapao de bus, & outros esta dia, ouverao de
perecer muytos, & os mais ficarem expostos ao rigor dos Cafres,
se o Mestre senao sahira apressado para o mato por detraz da
barraca, & o Padre Fr. Joao da Encarna?ao seu camarada despido
a porta de giolkos pedindo com hiia imagem de nossa Senhora do
Rosario nas maos, que por esla Senhora, & pelas chagas de
Christo se aquietassem, nao faltando o Almirante com sua
brandura costumada, nao consentindo-se uzasse o rigor merecido,
pelo que se passou sem offensa alguma, dando o Mestre, & Paulo
de Barros razoes, que se Ihe nao admittiao, & so dando-se lugar a
que ouve-se amizade, & uniao, concedendo em fim todos no que
se pedia por parte do Almirante, por nos estar melhor a conser-
vapao de todos o nao nos dividirmos, & se tornou a assentar o
arrayal, gastando-se aquelle dia no conselho, que se fez propondo
leys, & cousas convenientes ao bom governo, de que sahio, o que
mais convinha por voto do Padre Frey Antonio de Sao Guilherme
sem o qual senao obrava cousa, que boa fosse, fazendo-se assento
nos livros delRey, em que todos assinamos, nomeando-se Capitaes,
& companhias como de antes, & vindo a noyte ficamos todos em
paz, & contentes, dando grajas a Deos, que nos livrou de tao
evidente perigo.

0 dia seguinte de Sao Jeronymo marchamos duas legoas, &
havendo vista de Cafres, descanpamos, refrescando-se o arrayal

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 273

com grande resgate de milho, mocates, & gergelim, que foy o
primeyro que se vio, acodindo tudo em tanta abundancia, qual
ate entao senao tinha visto, & entrando pela terra adiante meya
legoa da praya fizemos alto por dous dias, em que ate peyxe nos
trouxerao, que se repartio, & o mais igualmente sem queyxa,
effeyto das novas leys, que se fizerao, em comprimento das quaes
sahio hum grumete neste sitio pelo arrayal com barapo, & pregao
por incorrer na pena de resgatar sem ordem, & a Joao Barbosa,
que servia de Escrivao do arrayal, sendo acusado do mesmo
crime por se Ihe nao provar bem o deposerao do officio. Com o
que se mandou as povoapoes buscar vacas donde trouxerao so
tres, com que nos resolvemos tornar a buscar a praya, ficandonos
aqui tres Cafres fugidos, dous que forao de Dom Duarte Lobo
com huma caldeyrinha de cobre furtada, & outro do Padre Fr.
Antonio de S. Guilherme, & a horas de fazer noyte nos metemos
pelo mato a buscar agua doce, & chegando a huma parage, que
fora povoapao, a achamos, & assentamos entre muytas beldroegas,
& canas de assucar tenras, & figueyras mansas, que nos alegrarao
muyto. Enviando a descobrir terra, ouve noticia de povoapoes
perto, a que o Alrnirante mandou quatro homes a resgatar vacas,
o que pareceo mal ao Padre Frey Antonio por ter mostrado a
experiencia, que os que hiao as aldeas, so tratavao de si, & nada
do arrayal, & assim o persuadio, a que fossemos tras elles, levan-
tando as barracas, guiados de dous Cafres, & ficando-nos aqui
hum negrinho malavar do Padre Francisco Pereyra, ao qual
tornando atraz em sua busca o nao acharao. Chegamos a sitio,
onde virnos aos que o Almirante mandou diante rodeados de
mais de trezentos Cafres, com suas mulheres, & mininos, a quern
tinhao ja resgatado dous feyxes de canas de assucar, & alguns
mocates, & outros tinhao ido a buscar gado, dando mostras de
ser boa gente, porque passando por elles o arrayal nos receberao
com festa, cantigas, & bayles a seu modo, assentamos a sua vista,
& de mnytas povoagoes em hua campina junto a hum rio
acodindo tanto resgate, que passarao de mil mocafces de milho,
o melhor pao de toda a Cafraria, muytas galinhas, milho, vacas,
cabras, & canas de assucar, de tudo grande copia, mas como
traziamos de longe a pbuca sogeycao, a vista desta fartura a
houve menos, embrenhando-se muytos pelo mato a resgatar em
prejuizo dos mais, & contra o assentado, que era pena de morte a
quern tal fizesse, & tratando o Almirante castigar os culpados,

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274 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

por achar poucos izentos de culpa desestio do castigo que
mereciao. Neste sitio passamos nove dias, descan^ando, &
aproveytando o resgate, que acodia cada dia mais, fugindonos
hua negra forra com hum seu filho, a qual foy de Joanna, do
Espirito Santo a Beata, levando comsigo outra negra casta
Buque cativa de Domingos Borges de Sousa. Passados estes
dias nos levamos marchando entre povoapoes mais de hua legoa
onde deyxamos hum grumete natural de Almada, por nome
Francisco Gonpalves, por nao poder marchar a pe, nem a cavallo,
tendo-o feyto ate entao com grande constancia, doente, &
impossibilitado, que parecia a propria morte encomendado aos
negros com hum pequeno de cobre para terem cuydado delle, de
quern nos despedimos com grande lastima. Marchamos a treze
de Outubro com abundancia de resgate, vindo no proprio dia
hum Cafre em companhia de outros com galinhas, fallando-nos
em Portugues, & perguntando como fora alii dar, respondeo :
que da perdifao da Nao Sao Joao, tendo os Portuguezes guerra
com os Cafres, se ficara alii piqueno, & dando mostras de ser
Christao, beyjou hum crucifixo, que se Ihe mostrou com devo^ao,
& reverenciou com summissao os Sacerdotes, que vio, dizendo,
que estava alii casado com sinco filhos, que nos detivessemos
aquelle dia, & ao outro tornaria, posto que seu Rey morava dalli
grande distancia.

Ao dia seguinte querendo marchar acodirao muytos Cafres
com resgate, & assim tornamos a armar barracas no mesmo sitio,
achando mais lealdade nestes brutos, que nos mais atraz, & era a
melhor gente, que encontramos, bem agestada, affavel, & con-
fiada nos resgates. Aqui tornou o Cafre, que disse se chamava
Alexandre com hum filho, a que chamava Francisco, & algum
resgate em sua companhia, & por se mostrar aifeycoado a Fe de
Christao, se moveo o Padre Francisco Pereyra, que tinha sido da
Companhia de Jesus, a querer ficar com elle, desejando tratar da
salvacao daquella alma, & de seus filhos, & dos mais a que Deos
tivesse escolhido. Tratou este intento com o Almirante, &
outros amigos, que Iho quizerao impedir com razoes, que nao
admittio, respondendo : que nao fazia nada em dar a vida pela
8alva?ao daquellas almas, havendo-lha Deos dado tantas vezes,
trazendo-a arriscada em tantos perigos, & miserias da terra, &
riscos do mar, em que tinha sido nosso companheyro. Com rizo
na boca, & lagrimas nos olhos de quern o via, se foy desfazendo

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 275

de alguas cousas, reservando so para si hua imagem de Christo
Senhor nosso, & hua lamina do Nascimento que trazia, despe-
dindo-se do arrayal com grande resolupao, escrevendo ao Arce-
bispo Primaz da India, & ao Vice-Rey este seu intento, &
levando comsigo o Cafre Alexandra, & seii filho muyto alegres,
a que se deu hua cadea de cobre, & outras joyas a effeyto de ficar
propicio ao Padre, que marchando para a sua povoacao nos
deyxou admirados, porem com ser a tenpao destre Padre dirigida
ao servipo de Deos nosso Senhor, por ordem do diabo senao
proseguio, porque achandose no meyo do mato desemparado do
Cafre, que o guiava, & ja longe donde o haviamos deyxado, &
ficamos, foy forfado tornarse ao arrayal bem sentido, & descon-
solado, com a imagem, & lamina, que comsigo levava, que se
atribuhio a favor milagroso do Ceo deyxarlhas o Cafre, & nao o
niatar pelo roubar, segundo a estimayao, que estes Alarves fazem
de cobre.

A quinze de Outubro marchamos pela praya hum pedapo por
area solta, que dava grande molestia, aonde chegarao Cafres com
muyto resgate de toda a sorte, que se Ihe cornprou, & fazendo de
tudo hum monte na praya para se repartir, estando o Almirante
com hua azagaya na mao, acertou de tomar com ella hum mocate
amarelo, & mimoso, que se Ihe devia por Capitao, nao faltando
de comer no arrayal, sendo, que os que tinhao menos pejo
resgatavao o que Ihes parecia sem Ihe hir alguem a mao com
tudo vendo isto, sem se Ihe ter respeyto, nem a oyto Religiosos,
que estavao presentes, faltarao os que estavao a roda nos mocates,
& os arrebatarao sem deyxar algum, com o mayor desaforo, que
ate entao se tinha uzado, obrigando ao Almirante a sahir dos
limites de sua brandura, & boa natureza, dando com a propria
azagaya em algus, & podendo castigar a outros o nao fez pof
escuzar novos alvoro9os, & nao arriscar o arrayal cada hora a hua
desgrapa.

Levando daqui inarchariarnos duas legoas, quando obrigados
de hum temporal, que nos entrou, com relampagos, fozis, &
trovoes, assentamos entre hum mato, junto a hum rio de agua
doce, sahindonos pelo caminho muytos Cafres cantando, & bay-
lando com grandes alegrias a seu modo, seguindonos ate se fazer
noyte, aonde tornarao com muyto resgate, & algumas cabras,
cabritos, & ramos de figos da India, que nos servirao de alivio.
O dia seguinte esperando, que vazasse a mare, vadeamos o rio

T 2

276 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

com agua pelos peytos dando-lhe por nome dos figos, por serem
aquelles os primeyros, que achamos nesta Cafraria. Passado o
qual, seguindo nosso caminho, chegamos a outro, que achamos
seco na boca, a que dividia hua coroa de area, que passamos com
agua pelos giolhos, marchando ate dezasete de Outubro, sem ter
que contar. Chegamos a outro rio, que passamos de bayxamar
com agua pela cinta por tres canaes, que fazia. Depois do
que passamos tres dias com resgate de vacas, & galinhas em
tanta abundancia, que a cada pessoa couberao sinco, & algumas
cabras, de que as peles serviao para resgatar leyte, & acodio
pouco milho, por estar lanjado a terra, havendo tanta desordem
no resgatar, sem respeyto ao Almirante, nem aos Religiosos, que
as claras, como se nao ouvesse justipa, o faziao, & assim nos
levamos a vinte dous do dito mez com o arrayal abastado,
marchando em nossa companhia hum Cafre, a que os da perdifao
da naveta derao nome Thome, que nos acompanhou quatro dias,
que era de grande servipo, & acodia ao que se Ihe mandava sem
se negar a nada, pelo que se Ihe derao alguas joyas de cob re.
Subindo da praya hum comaro de area alto todo cuberto de
mato por sima, & tornando-o a decer para a terra, demos fe em
altura de vinte sete para vinte oyto graos, da mais fermosa
varzea, que nossos olhos virao, povoada de muytas povoacoens, &
regada de rios de agua doce, com muyto gado, aonde nos sahiriio
tantos Cafres, & Cafras, que todos aquelles carnpos negrejavao,
trazendo tanto resgate, que descancamos hum pouco a sua vista,
& tornando logo a marchar com todos estes brutos em nossa
companhia servirao de passarmos hum rio as costas por tres
brapos com agua pelo pescoco, pelo que se Ihe davao pedacinhos
de cobre. Aqui fizemos noyte, resgatando cada qual a sua
vontade, sem haver quern puzesse remedio a tanto dano. 0 dia
seguinte, antes de chegarem os Cafres com o resgate, que foy
tanto, que cahirao a cada pessoa oyto galinhas, chamou o
Almirante Religiosos, officiaes, & passageyros da Nao, apartados
do arrayal, junto ao rio, & propoz as impossibilidades, com que se
achava, para nao poder continuar com o governo do arrayal. &
que elle desistia do cargo, & dimittia de si toda a jurisdipao,
para que se pudesse eleger pessoa, que com paz, & quietapao nos
levasse ao Cabo das Correntes, a que elle obedeceria. Ao que se
Ihe respondeo, que supposto a confissao, que fazia de falta de
forcas, ainda que nao havia na companhia quern podesse aceytar

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 277

sna desistencia, se Ihe aceytava por todos, & precedendo-se a
eleypao, sahirao eleytos para tomarem os votos o Padre Fr.
Antonio de S. Guilherme, & TJrbano Fialho Ferreyra, que se
forao para a barraca de Antonio Carvalho, aonde acodirao todos,
& havendo no votar algum desarranjo por algus marinheyros, se
apazigou tomando-se por terceyro Paulo de Barros, & tornando
a votar de novo, & tendo votado o Padre Frey Antonio chamou a
todos sem faltar pessoa, & Ihes propoz como os votos estavao
recebidos, se erao contentes de aceytar por Capitao o que sahisse
por elles ; & responderao todos, que si, tirando o Padre o papel
declarou, que Antonio Carvalho era o Capitao por sahir com oyto
votos mais que Jacinto Antonio, a quern se tinhao dado os que
faltavao. Era Antonio Carvalho marinheyro da Nao casado em
Belem, mancebo respeytado de todos, por ter os marinheyros por
si, & que, como dissemos foy eleyto por resgatador por se haver
perdido na naveta, & ter passado esta Cafraria, & sem embargo
de tudo murmurarao algus da eleypao, que elle aceytou, man-
daiido logo lanpar pregao, que nenhua pessoa resgatasse cousa
algua sob pena de ser castigado, & sendo comprehendido hum
marinheyro da Nao o mandou correr o arrayal com barapo, &
pregao, & duas galinhas ao pescofo, que foy o resgate, que se Ihe
achou, cousa, que elle sentio tanto, o sentimento com o trabalho
do caminho Ihe tirou a vida, dentro de quinze dias.

A viiite & quatro de Outubro marchamos pela varze adiante,
com algus atoleyros trabalhosos, os quaes passados nos esperavao
innumeraveis Cafres estendidos em ordem, com panellas de leyte,
& galinhas, que se Ihe resgatarao, sendo causa de se marchar
menos este dia, assentando o arrayal entre hum mato bayxo, com
boas vigias no nosso gado. Pela manhaa nos levamos, passando
hum rio de agua doce duas vezes com a agua pela cinta, desco-
brindo-se o mar pela boca do rio, que pareceo alto, porque fazia
dentro hum grande mar, & muytos alagad.'pos na enchente da
mare, aonde os Cafres tinhao suas camotas para o peyxe. Bota
hfia ponta a Les-Sueste alta, & grossa de area, cuberta de mato,
fazendo hua enseada acomodada para qualquer embarcapao.
Marchamos este dia coin grande orvalho, & frio, & muyto
trabalho, pelos muytos atoleyros, que passamos, seguindonos os
Cafres com resgate, para que assentamos hum pouco, & tornando
a marchar por diante, avistamos sobre a tarde hum rio caudaloso,
que vindo enchendo a ma-re nos hia cobrindo o caminho, apressa-

278 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

damente, que passamos com grande ancia, caindo em muytas
covas de Elefantes, & cavallos marinhos, que achamos cubertas,
& alagadas com agua, que dava pelo pesco90. Com este trabalho,
& aguaceyro, que padecemos chegamos a assentar junto a praya,
aonde acodirao os Cafres, servindo-nos de lenha, & agua por
pedacinhos de cobre, grande alivio por virmos muy destrofados
donde nos levamos pela manhaa, passando o vao com agua pela
cintura, & achando a mare vazia marchamos pela praya duas
legoas, passando outro rio em dous brafos, em que vierao Cafres
em som de guerra com azagaya*, & rodelas, que os cobriao, pelo
que nos ajuntamos, o que visto por elles largarao as arm as
acodindo com muytas galinhas, que se Ihe resgatarao havendo
alguas desordens no resgatar, & disgostos entre todos, & inten-
tando-se castigar a hum Keligioso por resgatar a hua galinha, &
a outro velho, & grave chegou hum marinheyro a por as maos
violentas dando com elle em terra, com grande dor, & sentimento
de todos, perdendo-se o respeyto a toda a pessoa grave.

Seguindo nossas jornadas viemos aos dous de Novembro a
boca de hum rio largo, & de grande corrente, sendo necessario
obrar hua jangada para o passar em bayxamar, esperamos para
outro dia, resgatando muytas bolanjas, fruta a feyjao de laranjas
amarelas de casca grossa, & dura com miolo de bom gosto.
Nesta noyte sentimos grande rebolipo, por causa de dous
cavallos marinhos, que sahindo do rio passarao por entre o
nosso gado com grande estrondo, parecendo-nos que erao Cafres,
que cometiao o arrayal. Ao dia seguinte enviou o Capitao
Antonio Carvalho da Costa, quatro pessoas com armas a
descobrir Cafres, que nos ensinassem o vao do rio, & tornando
com alguns, disserao, que hua legoa dalli o havia, para onde
marchamos logo por caminho bem roim, & em parte perigoso
por causa de Elefantes com suas armadilhas, em que perdemos
dous boys, de que se tirou hum com grande trabalho. Chegando
aonde se havia de passar o rio o fizemos sendo bem largo, & de
muytos lodos, de que nao podiamos sahir, senao trabalhosamente,
com a agua pelo pescoco, acodindo sobre nos tantos Cafres, que
foy necessario matar o Capitao hum a espingarda, com que se
alargarao, deyxandonos passar a outra parte, que era hua ilha, de
que logo sahimos por outro brajo de rio, com agua pelos peytos,
deyxandonos niuyto quebrantados. Nesta Ilha nos ficou hum
China de Antonio de Camara de Noronha dormindo, & achando

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 279

a mare chea, quando acordou n3o pode passar, vindo depois so
ter com nosco dahi a dous dias escapando dos Barbaros, por
trazer huma escopeta comsigo. Passado este rio, que chamao
das Pescarias, tornamos a march ar com Cafres em nosso segui-
mento com suas annas, que entendemos nos queriao assaltar.
Chegamos a passar a noyte, & descanfar do trabalho passado,
junto a hum regato de agua, em que resgatamos dous carneyros,
que se repartirao por ranchos.

^larchando mais sete legoas o dia seguinte, assentamos junto a
hua ribeyra de boa agua doce, com arvoredo aprasivel, a vista de
hua povoafao grande, a quern os praticos chamavao o lugar do
Sorcor, pelo haver sido para elles, quando passarao do naufragio
da naveta. Vierao logo Cafres com dous carneyros, & alguas
aboboras, que se Ihe resgatarao, tornando ao outro dia com mais
resgate. Lanfamos o nosso gado a pastar por vir necessitado
disso, com a vigia costumada dos grumetes, os quaes se lanparao
a dormir, metendo as vacas em hum canaveal, de que os Cafres
derao fe, & do descuydo com que as vigiavao, & nos levarao
quinze cabecas das melhores, que ha via no rebanho, em que
entravao alguas mansas, que nos serviao para a carga, & gritando
hum grumete, que se acodisse ao gado, que o levavao os Cafres
furtado, sahio do arrayal o Capitao Antonio Carvalho primeyro
com a pressa, que o caso requeria, & alcancando os negros, se
tornarao os nossos com nove vacas, ficando-lhe seis de preza,
porque Ihe tomamos nove vitelas, & nove carneyros, & nove
cabras, & outros tantos cabritos. Sobre a tarde decerao da
povoacao, tocando asoucos, de que usao nas occasioens de guerra,
a que sahirao alguns do arrayal com escopetas, & pouca ordem,
sem mais prevenpao, que a carga, que levavao no cano, & mar-
chando pelo monte assima avancarao a povoapao dos Cafres, em
que dispararao a primeyra carga, sem matar, nem ferir algum,
com que cobrou o inimigo animo, sahindo aos nossos, que lan-
carao a fugir de maneyra, que chamando a que delKey, que os
matavao, nao se derao por seguros senao dentro nas barracas do
arrayal, saindo feridos algum, que quiz ter mao, & outros bem
moidos a pancadas. - Salvador Pereyra passageyro, que nas
occasioes em que se achou fez sempre, o que se deve a bom
soldado, sahir desta com duas zagayadas perigosas, & o Mestre
Jacinto Antonio sobre o moerem bem o recolhemos com quatro
zagayadas, duas na cabeja, hua na mao, & outra nas costas

280 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

perigosas, sendo causa desta covardia, & desordem, os que mais
se davao por alentados, & forao os primeyros que virarao as
costas, sem prestarem para empregar huma bala em hum de
tantos Barbaros.

Serrou-se a noyte, curando-se os feridos com azeyte de coco, &
o arrayal com boas, & dobradas vigias, esperando todo o successo,
prepararao-se vinte pessoas para hirem o dia seguinte dar nas
povoafoes, & com a inanhaa comeparao os Cafres com gritas, decer
para o arrayal brandindo azagayas, chegando tao perto, que Iby
for9ado sahir Ihe por DOS nao iuvestirem nas tendas, que seria a
total ruina nossa, segundo erao determinados. As primeyras
espingardadas sahio hum Cafre mal ferido, que sendo visto dos
mais langarao a fugir, & os nossos Capitaneados por Antonio
Carvalho da Costa, tras elles em melhor ordera, ficando o arrayal
encomendado a Antonio da Cainara de Noronha, por estar doente.
Chegamos a sua povoacao, a que se poz o fogo, & a mais oyto,
carregando os nossos mopos, & grametes, do que se achou dentro,
tornarao ao arrayal, sem receber dano, saindo desta melhor, &
repartindo-se o despojo igualmente, havendo ja vinte dias, que
senao comia, mais que vaca, sem outra cousa.

A oyto de Novembro levandonos deste sitio pela praya com
boa ordem, & vigia no gado, tendo marchado hum pouco nos
sahirao de hum mato muytos Cafres armados, trazendo comsigo
vacas para meter com as nossas, & levallas todas, porque as
trazem tao costumadas a seus asovios, que com elles as fazem
correr, & parar a sua vontade. Domingos Borges de Sousa se
adiantou a tomar huma mouta, com que se encobrio, & della fez
tiro a hum dos Cafres, que mais esgares vinha fazendo, o matou
com hum pelouro, fugindo os mais com o seu gado sem pararem,
nem intentarem fazernos outro mal. Lhrres ja destes Barbaros
marchamos apressadamente por ser a Jornada larga, & vir caindo
muyta chuva, com grande trevoada. E chegando a hum rio, em
que andavao Cafres pescando, com muyto peixe ja junto na praya,
em nos vendo o deyxarao, fugindo com pressa, sendo tanto, que
comeo todo o arrayal em abastanca delle este dia, & o outro,
aonde nos ficou enterrado Bartholomeu Rodrigues enteado do
Piloto Gaspar Kodrigues Coelho.

Pjissado o rio de vazante, o outro dia com agua pelo pescoco, &
bem roiin vao, com grande vento, & frio que fazia, tornamos a
marchar pela praya ate chegar a hum ribeyro de boa agua, sinco

"Records of South-Eastern Africa. 281

legoas do rio de Santa Luzia, & porque se dizia, que ate elle nao
havia outra agua, ficamos aquelle dia neste sitio refrescando-nos,
matando vacas para marchar o outro dia, o que fizemos pela
praya, levando cada hum seu cabapo de agua, com grande molestia,
que logo vasamos por ir dando com infinita agua, que decia por
montes talhados a praya em mais de sincoenta partes. Tendo
marchado quatro legoas, atravessando por dentro de hum areal
com serras de area, que se hiao as nuvens, & sem mato. Chegamos
ao rio de Santa Luzia assentando o arrayal na sua praya entre
muytos espinheyros verdes, considerando o rio na boca impossivel
de passar, por ser muyto largo, & furioso, nem dar socego no
eucher, & vazar, que parecia hum mar d'Espanha. Abrimos
cacimbas para nos, & para o gado, & nao achando madeyra para
jangada, nem as vacas cousa que comer, passando aqui dia de Sao
Martinho, se assentou tornassemos para tras, metendonos pela
terra dentro, ate achar vao, pois nao tendo modo para o passar na
boca, toda a detenpa era arriscar o gado, vida, & remedio de todos.
Neste rio ouve algum dos que resgatavao para o arrayal, & os que
serviao neste ministerio, que trazendo milho, & graos escondidos,
& furtado ao conium, o comecarao a vender a dous xerafins hum
covilhete de cobre raso, recebendo logo o dinLeyro a quern o
tinha, ou penhores de ouro a quern o queria, crecendo o preco por
diante assim como crecia a falta, ate chegar a quatro cruzados,
o que acabou de malquistar de todo o novo Capitao Antonio
Carvalho, pelo consentir, & fomentar, em que dava a entender ser
tambem parte nesta onzena, expondo muytos a morte por esta
causa. Sendo, que este homem no mais fez sua obrigacao para
conservarnos a nos, & ao gado, como fez ate o Reyno de Unhaca,
em que fez entrega do governo outra vez a Antonio da Camara
de Noronha, mas nao nos adrairemos de que este homem sendo
maritimo faltasse em algua cousa, quando muytos com diferentes
obrigapoens de sangue, & officio se deyxarao veneer do vil interesse,
cometendo por elle cousas indecentes de se dizer, & escrever.

Guiados por dous companheyros nossos, que o dia de antes
tinhao sahido a descobrir, nos levamos deste rio outra vez para
traz, & chegando junto a elle, depois de haver marchado por
muytas serras de area buscando caminho por entre hum mato, em
que demos, nao o achando, fomos assentar o arrayal dali longe
entre capim alto, chovendonos assaz aquella noyte, ficando a
agua para beber mais de meya legoa, a que se foy buscar, com

282 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

trabalho, dando com hua frata, a que chamao leyteyra, de que
nos abastarnos, por ser inadura. E Salvador Pereyra com hiias
pessas de valia de mil cruzados, que Ihe haviao faltado, tirando
hum penhor para comprar milho. Amanhecendo-nos nos deparou
Deos dous Cafres, a quern se deu cobre, por nos guiarem a buscar
o vao do rio, & levandonos por areaes, & matos tal vez altos,
demos em hua sementeyra de aboboras, & ruelancias verdes, de
que nao escapou alguma, que se nao comesse, decendo a hua
varze, perto de suas povoapoens, nos ensinarao o caminho bem
assombrado, com muytas sementeyras, resgatando tabaco verde,
chegamos a hum bra90 do rio de Santa Luzia, que passarnos com
muytos atoleyros, & alagadipos, & agua pela cinta, & no segundo
brapo, que mete pela terra dentro tres legoas, fizemos alto para
passar a noyte, com pouca lenha, & estacas necessarias para
armar barracas, enterrando neste sitio a Manoel Alvres Pequenino,
marinheyro da Nao, a quern hum grumete seu camarada, que
depois veyo a morrer no Cabo das Correntes havia trazido as
costas quatro dias, por nao poder marchar, dando prova de bom
amigo, aonde nao havia achar, nem filho para pay.

Ao Sabbado dezasete do mez, marchamos pela terra dentro
com vista de alegres campos, povoados de Elefantes, sem conto,
passando outro brapo do rio de Santa Luzia, com grandes alaga-
dipos, em que nos detivemos, quasi o dia todo, para poder passar
o gado. Dando grapas a Deos por nos deyxar passar com bem
hum rio tao caudaloso, que com o das medao do ouro, que
tinhamos pela proa erao so o transe, que temiamos, & por toda a
viage traziamos em grande euydado. Sahidos deste trabalho
fizemos alto para passar a noyte em hua campina, em. que se
matou vaca para todo o arrayal. . Marchando o outro dia a .terra
dentro niais de sete legoas, buscando agua para fazer noyte,
demos em hum rio aprasivel, cuberto de arvoredo, & passado com
agua por sirna da perna, fizemos noyte entre hum alto capim, que
servio de cama molle, & aparecendo o dia seguinte Cafres, nos
deyxamos ficar, para resgatar algum gado, que ja nos hia fazendo
falta. Levados daqui por hua charneca, marchamos ate a tarde,
que paramos em hum mato alagadipo, a vista de hua grande
varze, porque passava hum rio, a que nao achamos vao, aonde
dormimos, vendo-se bandos de Elefantes sem numero, sem
chegarem a nos, donde tornamos o outro dia para traz, por se nao
poder vadear o rio, sendo o caminho, que tomamos pela terra

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 283

dentro de muyto enfadamento, pelos grandes alagadipos, &
atoleiros, em que o gado deu muyto trabalho a tirallo, & aos
que carregavao mais, buscando sitio, para descanpar, por nos nao
atrever a mais, o tomamos defronte de hiias palhotas destropadas,
de qne nos sahirao dous Cafres a vender lenha, & agua, matando
aquella tarde gado para todos, passamos a noyte, & tornando a
marcbar pela manhaa, chamamos bum dos dous Cafres, dandolbe
bua pequena de carne, de que sao amicissimos, & bum pedapo de
cobre, Ibe pedimos nos fosse guiando, o que elle fez por monies,
& valles, huma legoa & mea, & lanpando a correr nos deyxou,
tomando bus por bum caminbo & outros por outro, nos tornaiuos
ajuntar a vista do rio do dia d' antes, marchando por elle assima,
por se Ihe nao acbar vao, o fomos passar mais de tres legoas, com
agua pelo pescopo, a vista de muytas povoapoes, & Cafres, que
decerao dellas a nos esperar com muytas vacas. E assentando
em bum eampo fermoso, acodirao logo com leyte, & galinbas, que
se repartirao pelos doentes, nao bavendo neste sitio milbo, sendo
que nao faltavao sementeyras delle, mas estava ainda em erva.
Dia de Presentapao de nossa Senbora vinte hum de Novembro,
resgatamos todas as vacas, que quizemos, & supposto, que por mais
prepo, que as outras, prefizemos cento, & quarenta cabepas vivas,
com que partimos. Avendo descanpado tres dias, deyxando
enterrado ao Ion go rio Joao Barbosa, criado do Conde do Prado
Dom Luis de Sousa, que do Reyno veyo com o Vice-Key Pedro
da Sylva, & na India servio de Ouvidor da Cidade de Damao, &
do Keyno de Japanapatao.

Levados daqui, com poucas forpas, pela continuapao da vaca
cozida, & assada sem outra cousa nao ajudar a quern levava tanto
trabalbo, adoecendo algiis por esta causa, tendo passado aquelle
rio, que se dezia ser bum dos brapos do das medao do ouro,
nao deyxando os negros de seguirnos com vacas, resgatando
aboboras, melancias, & tabaco de folba. As resgatadores do
arrayal propuserao, que ate o Reyno de Unbaca nao bavia gado,
que Ibes parecia, fazerse mais resgate, & levarern as vacas
necessarias ; porque o cobre nao tinha valia por diante, & para
este effeyto se desfizessem os caldeyroes, pois nao faltavao panelas
em que se cozinbasse, para o que recolherao alguns, que seus
donos resgatarao, por cobre que derao, a quern foy deste parecer,
& depois Ihe servio no Cabo das Correntes, para seu resgate,
sendo certo, qne por toda a Cafraria he mais estimada o cobre, &

284 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

latao, que toda a roupa, por estas, & outras semelhantes se mal-
quistava o Capitao Antonio Carvalho, consentindo se obrassem
em hum arrayal de tanta gente boa, que elle levava a sua conta.

Sen do os negros de tao boa natureza, marchando ate hum rio
que passamos com agua pelo giolho, os deyxamos, indo fazer
noyte duas legoas a diante, em huma charneca com agua, a vista
de palhotas, de que nos sahirao com muyto leyte, & aboboras, &
ao dia seguinte com vacas, em que por serem caras nao conser-
tamos, nem em algus denies de marfim, que queriao resgatar,
deste sitio nos levamos depois de jantar, com grande calma,
marchando perto de tres legoas, ate hua ribeyra de agua doce,
em meyo de hum campo cercado de mato, em que fizemos noyte,
sahindo delle algus Cafres com peyxe a resgatar, & dandose-lhe
cobre o tomarao, sem largar o peyxe da mao, antes ameacando
com as azagayas lanparao a fugir, com cobre, & peyxe para o
mato, sahindo em quanto nao veyo a noyte em magotes a dar
coqueadas, a qual entrou com tao grande trevoada de chuva, &
fusis, que parecia virse o Ceo abayxo, molhado-se todas as
espingardas, que nos detiverao pela manhaa em alimpalas, &
fazer de comer do gado, que se matou a tarde, & antes que
marchassemos se nos vierao atravessar no caminho, preparando
suas azagayas com grande grita, pedindo em sua lingua o gado, a
que Paulo de Barros, que hia na dianteyra deu a reposta,
matando a espingarda hum, que se quiz chegar, lanpando os mais
a fugir, a que seguimos, saindo do mato ao campo, aonde
prantearao ao morto grande copia de Cafras, & descobrindo hua
campina ouvemos vista de algua gente de chapeo, que com hum
na ponta de hua astea de lanca vinhao gritando para quern sahio
o Capitao Antonio Carvalho com outros, cuydando ser estran-
geyros da embarcacao, que achamos quebrada na praya, &
achando serem da perdipao do Galeao Sacramento nossa Capi-
tania, com a mayor lastima tornarao com os miseros naufragantes
em sua companhia, que so sinco Portuguezes, & hum Canarim, &
hum mulato, & outro Malavar, & hum Cafre a quern abragamos
todos, com tantas lagrimas, como quern se via era terra de
Barbaros, tao longe do natural, & por causa tao lastimosa, como a
da perdipao de taes embarrafoens, com tanta gente, & riquezas.
Vendo nove pessoas sem armas atravessarem hum caminho tao
comprido com tantos Barbaros, que cada ora armavao siladas,
de que Deos os livrou deyxando os mais companheyros, que

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 285

escaparao do naufragio, hurts mortos a maos de Cafres, & os mais
a da fome, & trabalho, & outros ficando vivos por Ihe faltarem as
forgas para marchar. Estes nove erao Manoel Luis Estrinqueyro
do Galeao a quern elegerao por Capitao, & Marcos Peres Jacome
Sotapiloto, & o Calafate, & dous grain fetes Portuguezes, & hum
mulato, & hum Canarim, & dous escravos, que todos marcharao
era nossa companhia ate sestearmos com grande calma debayxo
de huas arvores diante de hum rio de agua doce, mais de legoa,
& meya, donde sahimos, levados daqui demos sobre a tarde com
hua figueyra carregada de figos de Portugal, tao maduros, &
sasonados, que assentando-se o arrayal ao pe, sobiudo-se alguns
assiina, colhendo, & abanando, cahirao tantos, que nos detivemos
mais de hora & meya, comendo ate abastar, & levando os que
pudemos, ficando a arvore tao carregada, como se nao houverao
bolido nella, a poucos passos depois fizemos noyte agasalhando
os novos companheyros do Galeao, contando seu naufragio, ate
entrar o sono, & logo hua torrnenta desfeyta de chuva, vento, &
fuzis, nao deyxando barraca em pe, mais que a do Padre Fr.
Antonio de Sao Guilherme.

Com a torrnenta que nos entrou vespora de Santo Antonio ao
Galeao, & Nao Atalaya (contavao elles) ficou o Galeao sem vella
grande, tendo ferrado entrando o tempo a gavea, que levava
dada, & com o papafigo ao primeyro passaro, na volte de Les-
Nordeste navegamos com o farol acesso, com grande trabalho,
abrindo muyta agua, que passado o tempo foy estancando,
trazendo ja alguas trincas dadas, que nestas occasioes sao de
effeyto. Como amanheceo, vendonos sem a Nao, fugindo aos
mares, que erao grandes, vol tamos sobre a terra, em cuja
denianda nos entrou outro temporal dia de Sao Joao, passado o
qual, fomos seguindo viagem para o Cabo de Boa Esperanpa,
sem largur a terra de vista depois que a vimos, & indo com o
traquete na sua volta muyto perto della, dia de S. Pedro a tarde
vinte nove de Junho, com grandes mares, foy advertido o Piloto
mbr, se fizesse ao mar, o que fez hua empulheta, antes do Sol se
pbr marchando-se naquella volta seis impulhetas do quartinho &
oito do quarto da prima, rendido elle, entrando o da madoraa se
tornou a marear com o mesmo traquete na volta de terra, & as
seis empulhetas saindo a Lua, os da vigia derao fe de terra
muyto perto, & avisando, inandou o Piloto marear para o mar,
sendo o vento pouco, & a agua tirava para a terra muyto, &

286 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

estando o Galeao meyo arribado o nao acabou de fazer, por rnais
diligencias, que Ihe fizerao largando a gavea de proa, & cevadeira,
sein querer ja mais arribar, antes tornando com a proa para a
terra, sempre foy duas horas para ella contra o leme, & inareapao,
ate que com hum grande mar tocando aquilha do mastro grande
para a popa, de maneyra, que logo se foy desfazendo, caindo ao
mar as duas varandas, com todo o espelho da popa, & o Capitao
mor Luis de Miranda Henriques, & o Padre Sebastiao da Maya
da Companhia de Jesus, & outra muyta gente, que depois de
acudirem assima, & verem nao havia outro remedio, mais que
perderse, se recolherao as varandas confessando-se, nao escapando
de todos hum so, & dos mais que ficarao a proa, hus nas vergas,
& outros em pedapos de paos chegamos a terra ja dia claro com
grandes mares, & recifes setenta, & duas pessoas vivas, em altura
de trinta & quatro graos, onde esti.vemos onze dias, sem ver ja
mais Cafre, nem pessoa viva, & refazendonos de algua cousa, que
o mar levou a terra, que foy pouco, comefamos a marchar hum
mez, ate achar indicio da perdigao & no lugar della huina
Cafrinha, & dous Cabrinhas aleyjados, de quern soubemos o
succedido a Nao, & como havia vinte oyto dias tinhao marchado
deste lugar, em que tomamos polvora, & ballas, de que vinhamos
faltos, & comendo algus couros de canastras, que achamos,
tornamos a marchar ate dar com D. Barbora, que achamos viva
junto a Joanna do Espirito Santo a Beata, o Piloto, & Escrivao
mortos, que nos lastimou assas, pedidonos a trouxessemos, &
perguntando-lhe se podia andar: respondeo, que nao, com que a
deyxamos, marchando por diante, ate o rio da Nao Belem, aonde
chegamos dez, ficando os mais mortos as maos dos Cafres, & da
fome, deyxando-se alguns ficar vivos por nao poderern marchar,
chegando todos a padecer tanta fome, & miseria, que nao ficou
calpado, nem cousa algua, que senao comesse, ate huma carta
de marear, que matou a todos os que della comerao, a respeito do
solimao das tintas, chegando a andar as punhadas sobre hum
gafanhoto, que he o que se pode dizer, havendo dia de sinco, &
de seis mortos a pura fome.

Do rio da Nao Belem em diante, supposto que poucos, & com
grandes sobresaltos, que cada hora tinhamos destes Barbaros,
seguimos sempre o rasto do arrayal, achando de quando em
quando sinaes delle, & nos mesmos Cafres novas, de que Decs
nos livrou ate o presente, deyxandonos encontrar todos.

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 287

Passado o riguroso temporal amanheceo o dia vinte, & oito de
Novembro, & levando nos em nossa companhia dous Cafres da
terra para nos ensinar o carninho, por hum pedapo de vaca, &
outro de cobre, que se Ihe deu, fomos marchando guiados por
elles para o rio das medaos de ouro, a que chegamos pelas oyto
horas, admirando a travessa, & largura, que tiuha a todos, porque
apenas se via a terra da outra parte, metendo em meyo mais de
tres legoas de agua, a que nos lancamos, levando os Cafres diante
com a entrada trabalhosa, & agua pelos peytos. O dia frio com
vento, & mareta, papamos com o i'ato na cabepa, & o gado no
meyo, sendo agua ja mais bayxa por bayxo da sinta, chegando
junto a terra da outra parte, fazia outro canal pelo pescopo, de
que acabamos de sahir pelas tres horas da tarde, tao destropados,
& moidos, como se pode considerar, de que louvamos a Deos,
pela merce de acharmos estes Cafres, sem os quaes era impossivel
cometer este vao, por ser tao largo como o mar de Lisboa, ao
Barreyro aonde nos ficarao afogados dous mopos de Salvador
Pereyra. hum China, & outro Borneo, descanpamos aquella tarde,
& noyte, & ao dia seguinte marchamos pela terra dentro a vista
da praya, caminho niuyto povoado, era que nos sahiao com
aboboras, melancias, & bolangas, & tabaco, com que viemos
passando, sem milho, nem ameyxoeyra, por nao ser ainda novi-
dade, & nesta parage, & quasi em toda a Cafraria avia sincD
annos, que nao chovia, causando grandes fomes, & praga de gafan-
hotos, que por onde passavao nao deixavao erva verde. O
carninho da praya ate o Reyno de Unhaca nao he acertado, por
ser seco, sem agua, & grandes serras de area, de que por vezes nos
afastamos, por esta causa, quando algua forpados, chegavamos
a ella.

Em dous de Dezembro, havendo aquella manhaa rodeado, por
entre matos, trabalhosamente hua alagoa, sahimos a hua campina
rasa, em que descanpamos. Levado o arrayal dalli, foy marchando
ate a noyte, pela mesma campina, fazendo alto junto a huns
carcos de agua, achando menos hum marinheyro, por nome
Pedro Gaspar, casado em Lisboa, Mestre sapateyro, que foy na
calpada de Pe de Navaes, que caindo em pobresa com filhos,
viera na mesma Nao a India, buscar hum parente, que o reme-
deasse, & tornava para sua casa com remedio. Esta noyte toda
passamos com fogos, para este homem poder atinar com o arrayal,
que impossivel fora deyxar de o ver se o buscara. 0 dia

288 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

seguinte se enviarao sens camaradas atraz onde havia descanfado
ao jantar, tornando sem elle, nem novas suas, variamente se
discorreo sobre este particular, sem acerto, & desenganadoa, que
nao apparecia, marchamos por diante, resgatando cada hum para
si, como queria ameixoeira, & galinhas, aboboras, & melancias,
ate chegar a hum rio caudaloso, que logo a mayor parte do
arrayal, que se adiantou, passou com agua pelo pescoso, & por
vir enchendo a mare, & nao ser possivel vadear, ficou o rancho
do Padre Fr. Antonio, & outros, dormindo entre o mato pegado
ao rio, a que Ihe acodio muyto resgate de peyxe, & gal io has, com
que passamos ate que a mare deu lugar, o outro dia a nos ajuntar
com os mais aonde vimos o primeyro Cafre, que falando Portugues
nos chamou matalotes, dizendo, que na Ilha do Quiufine estavao
dous Pangayos, alegrando-nos assaz, pelo receyo, que traziamos
de nao achar pataxo de Mofambique.

Juntos com os mais da outra parte, passamos entre hum fermoso
arvoredo com boa agua dous dias, aonde acodio tanto resgate de
peyxe, & sal, que foy o primeyro, que vimos, ameyxoeira, milho,
mel, manteyga, ovos, galinhas, cabras, & carneyros tudo em tanta
abundancia, que nos parecia estar em hua ribeyra bem provida,
resgatando todos com liberdade, por panos, & trapos velhos podres,
de qualquer modo que fossem, como nao tivessem buraco.

Daqui noa levamos aos treze de Dezernbro, marchando com
muytos Cafres em nossa companhia, passando este dia duas
trevoadas de muyta chuva, chegamos a fazer noyte junto a hua
legoa, depois de hum mato espeso, de que nos levamos pela
manhaa quatorze de Dezembro pela praya, & tendo marchado
por ella hua legoa, achamos muytos Cafres para nos guiar, com
muita festa pela terra dentro, porque marchariarnos outra legoa,
ate chegar a Corte do Rey Unhaca, por outro Sangoan onde o
achamos assentado em hua esteyra a sua porta debayxo de hua
arvore, em que ao costume dos Cafres tinha suas insignias reaes,
que erao hua cabeca de vaca com sua armafao, & na mesma
arvore huma astea muyto comprida amarrada ao alto, & na ponta
hum arco, & freeha embebida, estava o velho Rey com hum
lenfol de cotonia almagrada cuberto, com o seu lingoa em pe,
pelo qual nos saudon, agasalhandonos com bom animo, dando
novas do pataxo de Mozambique, ser chegado a Ilha de Quiufine,
doze legoas deste Reyno, suposto nao ter ainda assentado feytoria
nesta Unhaca como he costume. Depois do que, nos mandou

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 289

aposentar pelas palhotas, que havia acodindo muyto resgate de
ameyxoeira, galinhas, batatas, manteyga, peyxe, que cada hum
comprava a gosto por pedapos de camizas, & calsoes, & toalhas,
& toda a sorte de roupa, de maneyra, que em quinze dias, que
aqui passamos sempre sobejou resgate. Mandando o Bey ao
Almirante Antonio da Camara, a quern Antonio Carvalho tinha
a vista de Unhaca feyto entrega do governo do arrayal, hua
pequena de ameyxoeira, & hiis tasalhos de cavallo marinho
respondendose-lhe com dous borrifadores de prata, & hum pano
com bordas de seda, & hiia pe$a de corte de Baroche. Estes
Cafres com o trato, & conhecimento dos Portuguezes sao
grandes mercadores, entereseyros, & desconfiados, que primeyro
hao de receber o pano, quel arguem o resgate, que vendem
por elle.

Como aqui se nao davao novas do pataxo com a serteza, que
desejavamos pareceo mandar pessoa nossa, que a trouxe, do que
havia, avisando ao Capitao delle, da nossa chegada, & perdicao,
& assim se despedio dous dias depois Antonio Carvalho com seis
Portuguezes, & dous Cafres da terra, para o guiarem ate a Ilha
do Quiufine, a que passarao os nossos com muyto trabalho, onde
acharao hua galeota, sendo da gente della bem hospedados por o
Capitao Diogo Velho da Fonseca natural de Villa Fraca de Xira,
casado, & morador em Mopambique, ser ido assentar as feytorias
do Manhisa Manoel Bombo, & Locondone, donde sendo avisado
da nossa perdicao, & chegada a Unhaca, como bom vassallo de
S. Magestade, que Deos guarde, mandou logo com os mesmos
hum Mouro Piloto com roupa para o gasto dos caminhos, & a
barquina, & Lusio de resgate para passar os rios de Libumbo, &
Machavane. Chegados Antonio Carvalho, com os que o acom-
panharao, dando tao boas novas as festejamos com admostrapao
de alegria que cada hum sentio, mbrmente sabendo, que havia
quatro annos nao tinha vindo outro pataxo, mais que este, que
atribuimos a beneficio, & merce de Deos, que seja sempre louvado,
por sua Divina Providencia.

A vinte oito de Dezembro, com algus Cafres, que nos quinze
dias, que aqui passamos travarao com nosco amisade, nos levamos
deste Reyno de Unhaca atravessando a terra por junto a hua
lagoa grande, & algumas povoapoes, ate hum rio que vadeamos
com agua pela sinta, & marchamos este dia assas com muyta
calma, chegamos tarde ao Reyno de Machavane, mais rico, &

VIII. U

290 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

poderoso, que o Sangoan, o qual nos sahio ao caminho nu, com
hua capa de couro as costas, aonde passamos a noyte, & ao outro
dia mandou ao Almirante hua vaca, respondendo-lhe com hua
suca branca. Levados d'aqui aos trinta do mez, sahio o Key
acompanhando o arrayal diante huma legoa, despedindo-se de
todos com grandes cortesias, enviando em nossa companhia para
nos eruiar hum seu parente, ate o rio Machavane, a que chegamos
ao meyo dia, & por ser muy rebatado, & caudaloso, era forpado
passarse em canoas, em que comepamos a passar, ficando meyo
arrayal para o outro dia, esta tarde passando tres grumetes em
hua destas canoas, abrio hua agua de repente por hum buraco,
que levava tapado com lodo, & indo-se apique, nao deu lugar
mais, que a nadar, affogando-se hum por nome Antonio Jorge, &
os mais trabalhosamente sahirao a terra. Passados todos a outra
parte com o gado, que ainda erao mais de quarenta vacas de
carga, marchamos para o Reyno de Tembe Velho, em que fizemos
noyte, saindo elle ao Almirante com hum capado, porque se Ihe
deu hua pepa de corte pintada, & levados daqui o dia seguinte,
sendo a Jornada larga, fomos anoytecer ao Reyno de Tembe Mopo,
poderoso Key em gente, & gado aonde padecemos hua trevoada
tao medonha, com tanta chuva, & rayos, que nao ficou barraca
em pe, sendo forfado passar alii outro dia, repartindo-se hua vaca,
que o Eey deu para comer, & as nossas, que tirando as da carga
sahio a cada dezoyto pessoas hua. Aqui se resgatou muy to leyte,
& melancias, chegando hum escrito do Capitao da Galeota Diogo
Velho da Fonseca, para nos apressar, que nos estava esperando
com grande alvoropo, enviando o lusio, para se embarcar todo
o fato com os doentes, & o Almirante com os Religiosos na
barquinha, & os mais por terra.

Deste Tembe Mopo sahimos marchando para o rio de Lebumbo,
nao nos podendo valer pelo caminho com Cafres com leyte, &
melancias tao grandes, como fardos de arroz, comendo antes de
chegar a praya em hua povoapao, em que ja achamos marinheyros
do lusio, que nos levarao pela praya ate a passagem, onde nos
sahio o Mestre da Galeota Manoel Rodrigues Sardinha, & outros
Portuguezes chorando de sentimento, de nos ver perdidos, & com
tantos trabalhos, & miserias, porque demos gracas a Decs, em nos
deyxar chegar a ver Portuguezes, & embarcapao nossa, em que
passamos a outra parte, & aquella noyte na pray a todos, deyxando
da outra o gado, encoinendado a hum Cafre Benamusa, para o

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 291

passar a Ilha de Quiufine, como depois fez, pagandose-lhe o
trabalho. Estas nossas vacas de carga forao em toda a Cafraria
de tanto alivio, & descanco, que a nao nos valermos dellas, he
certo nao chegarem ametade a salvamento, porque de todo o
arrayal, so o Padre Fr. Affonso de Beja, com ser velho, & cego,
& eu marchamos sempre a pe, o que se notou, para se dar a
entender o effeyto de que nos forao estes animaes.

Embarcados no lusio os doentes com todo o fato, & na
barquinha o Almirante, & Keligiosos, derao a vela Sabbado
quatro de Janeyro, & os que restarao marchamos por terra, com
Domingos Borges de Sousa por Capitao, & o Padre Fr. Diogo da
Presentafao, & eu era sua companhia, levando o Mouro Piloto
por guia, com o qual marchamos aquelle dia por muytas
povoapoes, sesteando em huma com muytas galinhas, leyte,
melancias, & bolangas, & tendo marchado tres legoas, fizemos
alto, para passar a noyte. Tornando a marchar o dia seguinte
sedo, para chegar a tempo de poder ouvir Missa no lugar, em que
a galeota estava, a qual descobrimos pelas oito horas do dia,
havendo passado grandes atoleyros, grande foy a alegria, que
sentimos com esta vista, & tal ouve, que o nao acabava de crer,
considerando nos trabalhos, fomes, sedes, frios, & calmas, por que
havia passado. Na praya estivemos esperando ate a tarde, por
nao ser chegado o lusio, nem a barquinha, em que passamos por
tres vezes, desembarcando da ultima ja de noyte, em hua Ilha
despovoada. Aos sinco de Janeyro vespora de Eeys de 1648
sahindo logo para a Igreja, que se alii faz de palha com a vinda
do pataxo, em que ha Capellao ; & Missa, a dar gracas a Deos,
& a Virgem do Eosario, cuja invocapao tinha.

0 Capitao Diogo Velho da Fonseca, com os mais compan-
heyros da galeota sahio a praya a recebernos com grande amor,
& alegria, repartindo o dia seguinte a todos arroz, & ameyxoeira
para tres dias, acodindo a muytos com roupa branca, & sapatos,
& aos que se valerao depois de sua despensa com doces, & todos
os mimos que tinha para doentes, sem os negar a ninguem.
Senclo merecedor de muytos agradecimentos, & beneficios, pelo
bom modo, & liberalidade, com que se ouve nesta occasiao, em
que os mais de sua companhia nos venderao hum fardo de arroz
redondo por quatorze cruzados de ouro, & hua maina de caram-
bolas por seis & meyo, hua botija de azeyte, & vinagre por dez,
hus sapatos tres, & quatro cruzados, & huma Canada de vinho

u 2

292 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

de Portugal doze cruzados, & outra de nipa quatro, com a mayor
onzena, que ja mais se vio.

Ao terceyro dia de nossa chegada, se repartio a gente da Nao,
& Galeao, que erao cento & vinte & quatro Portuguezes, &
trinta negros cativos, pelas cinco feytorias, que ja estavao assen-
tadas, vinte legoas pelo rio assima, aonde nao faltou coiner,
para que se dava por conta de S. Magestade tres panos por mez
a cada pessoa, ficando na Ilha o Almirante por hospede do
Capitao Diogo Velho, & os Eeligiosos, officiaes, & passageyros
da Nao, acomodados por palhotas, que se faziao de novo, &
outras, que despejarao os Laseares da galeota, a quern se pagarao.
Passando-se seis mezes nesta Ilha deserta, sem outra sahida
mais, que a das feytorias, a que algus sahiao a buscar manti-
mento, & refresco. Nesta Ilha tinhamos, os que ficamos nella
todos os dias a consolayao de sinco, & seis Missas, alivio grande,
para a peste, que se padeceo nas feytorias, & na Ilha, em que
morreo meya gente, la pela abundaiicia de muyto comer, & falta
de sangrador, & aqui de febres agudas, que nao davao lugar a
medecina, de que nao escapou pessoa, que as nao sentisse, &
muytas sarnas, porque despejarao parte de tanto mal, de que
faleceo o Padre Francisco Peveyra da Companhia de Jesus, a
hum tempo, Salvador Pereyra, o Mestre Jacinto Antonio,
Amador Monteyro camarada do Almirante, filho do glorioso
martyr Embayxador a Japao, nao escapando dos do Galeao mais,
que Manoel Luis Estrinqueyro, Marcos Peres Sotapiloto, Fran-
cisco Gomes Canarim, & hum Cafre.

Chegando-se o tempo de partir, se vierao ajuntando, os que
escaparao nas feytorias, & embarcados todos, levamos ancora a 22
de Junho a tarde, com aguas vivas, por entre balizas, por ser
enceada de muyto bayxo, & chegando a dar fundo na Ilha do
Unhaca, resgatamos muytas galinhas, & batatas, & dando a vela
dia de S. Joao, comepamos a navegar para Mozambique com
trezentas pessoas, brancos, & pretos na galeota, a mayor parte
doentes, & mal acomodados, por ser o barco piqueno, chegando a
dar fundo em nove de Julho defronte da fortaleza em que
morreo Amaro Jorge marinheyro da Nao, natural de Ueyras.
Chegando a terra, a que sahio o Capitao Diogo Velho, tornando
logo a bordo escandalizado assaz do Governador Alvaro de
Sousa de Tavora, com ordem para nao sahir ninguem a terrat
nem deyxar chegar embarcacao abordo mais, que a do Govern-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 293

ador, em que nos levarao a todos a fortaleza, aonde com o
Ouvidor & Feytor, & seus Escrivaes tirou devaca, assim da perda
nas Naos, como dos diamantes, que escaparao. Daqui se
recolheo cada hum aonde achou comodo, ate ser tempo de
exnbarcar para a India, mandando o Governador soccorrer so aos
homens do mar com hua paca de arroz, & hum cruzado por mez,
tomando algus, que nao erao casados para soldados da forpa,
pela falta que tinha, repartindo-se os mais por tres embarcapoes
que haviao de partir para Goa.

A onze de Setembro sahimos a vela com terral, sinco
embarcapoes de Mozambique, tres para Goa, & o pataxo de Dio,
& outra para as Unas de Comoro, havendo vista do pataxo dos
rios de Cuama, porque ate entao nos fez o Governador esperar,
que andava em hua, & outra volta esperando a virapao para
entrar. Seguindo nossa derrota, logo se apartarao o pataxo de
Dio, & o das Ilhas, navegando os de Goa juntos ate dez graos, em
que a Urea do Governador na volta do mar, & o pataxo de
Francisco Dias Soares na de terra, nos deyxarao na galeota de
Thome Goncalves de Pangim, em que vinha por Capitao, &
Piloto Manoel Soares natural de Lisboa, a quern cornprey a
camara para passar com os Padres Fr. Antonio de S. Guilherme,
& Fr. Diogo da Presentacao meus camaradas, & sendo esta
galeota piquena, & roim de veil a, o Capitao della se mareou de
maneira por calmarias, tormentas, & ventos contraries, que so
ella nesta mongao passou a Goa, avistando terra em quarenta &
sete dias entre Angediva, & o Cabo da Rama, & por nos faltarem
terrenhos, & viragoes, & nao saber do estado em que estava a
barra de Goa, com parecer que se tomou entre todos voltamos, a
entrar na barra de Onor o primeyro de Novembro, sincoenta &
dous dias, depois que sahimos de Mozambique. Ao dia seguinte
dous de Novembro me parti para Goa com os Padres em hua
manchua de quatorze remos, aonde chegamos, aos oito de
Novembro pela manhaa, admirando a todos as novas de nosso
naufragio, & muyto mais, pelos que este anno havia padecido
esta Cidade, perdendo dentro na sua barra hum pataxo, & hua
Caravella carregados para a China com grande riqueza, de que
nao escapou pessoa viva, ate o proprio Geral de Macao Antonio
Vaz Pinto, & sete navios de soccorro, carregados para Ceilao, &
doze navios d'armada do Canara, sem de todos se salvar nada,.
com hum terramoto, que nao deixou arvore em pe, orcanclo-se a

294 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

perda das palmeiras, na liha, & terras de Salcete, & Bardes, em
mais de duzentas mil, fora muytas Igrejas, & mangueiras sem
conto, sem ter chegado nova, nem embarca9ao do Reyno, nem da
Urea do Governador de Mopambique, em que esta o remedio, &
cabedal daquella Cidade, & os diamantes, que escaparao das
Naos, sentindo-se tambem a perda do Galeao Santo Milagre,
escapando algua gente no abrolho, em que encalhou em seis
graos do Sul, de que obrarao hum batel, em que quarenta homens
so vierao tomar as Ilhas de Querimba, deyxando os mais no
proprio abrolho, sustentando-se de passaros, & tartarugas,
faltando-lhe outro si a Nao Pata, que hia do Keyno, & deu a
costa nos rios de Cuama, salvando-se a mayor parte da gente, que
morreo embarcada para Mopambique com o Governador Alvaro
de Sousa da Tavora no seu pataxo dos rios, que deu a costa com
temporal, saindo a terra, em que morrerao todos a fome, & sede
escapando o proprio Governador com poucos criados trabalhosa-
mente. E nao sey certo de qual me maravilhe mais, se da
certesa, com que os males no mar sao sempre certos, se da
confianca, com que os que por elle navegao tern para si nao ter
algum. Digao os Autores estrangeiros, o que Ihe parecer, que os
segredos do mar, & terra so a nacao Portugueza naceo no mundo
para os saber descobrir.

FINIS LAUS DEO.

ACCOUNT
OF THE WKECK

OF THE SHIPS SACRAMENTO AND NOSSA SENHORA DA

ATALAYA, ON THE PASSAGE FROM INDIA TO THE

KINGDOM, AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE ; OF

WHICH LUIS DE MIRANDA HENRIQUES

WAS COMMODORE, IN THE

YEAR 1647.

DEDICATED TO

HIS MAJESTY KING JOHN IV, OUR LORD,

BY

BENTO TEYXEYKA FEYO.

LISBON.
WITH ALL THE NECESSARY LICENSES.

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF PAULO CRAESBEECK
IN THE YEAR 1650.

WEECK

OF THE TWO SHIPS OF INDIA

THE SACRAMENTO & NOBS A SENEORA DA ATALATA AT THE
CAPE OF GOOD HOPE IN THE YEAR 1647.

The most high and mighty king John the fourth of that
name, king of Portugal, our Lord, whose life and state God
prosper many years according to the needs of his vassals,
reigning in India, and Dom Filippe Mascarenhas being viceroy,
there set out from Goa for Portugal, on Wednesday the 20th of
February of the year 1647, two ships : the flagship the galleon
Sacramento, Commodore Luis de Miranda Henriques, and the
ship Nossa Senhora da Atalaya, her consort, Captain Antonio da
Carnara de Noronha. The viceroy came on board to take leave,
and gave orders to weigh anchor one morning as soon as the
weather permitted. The officers preparing all things necessary
and causing the sails to be loosened, the flagship first unfurled
her foresail and spritsail, then the other did the same. There
were on board many boats full of friends and relations, whose
regrets increased the grief for which the taking leave for so long
a voyage was sufficient cause ; and thus with many heartfelt
tears and wishes for a prosperous voyage we set out with the
land breeze, which lasted three hours. Then a slight breeze
arose and we kept along the coast to the north-west ; and the
wind freshening in the night, we continued our course with
favourable winds to 10^° north latitude.

At daybreak on Saturday the 2nd of March the commodore
showed a flag, which we observed, and also a sail, and she being
the nearest to the stranger fired two blank shots and forced her
to furl her sails and put out a boat, and the commodore sent
Manuel Luis on board with a crew. Then all three lying
together we remained in her company four days and nights, the

298 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

commodore intending that the said vessel should be destroyed
during that time, although she carried a license from the
viceroy and belonged to the king of Masulipatam, from whom
the State of India receives considerable services by his succour-
ing Ceylon in the dangers and famines which occur in that
island. The captain, officers, and gentlemen of the ship Atalaya
being consulted in the matter, disapproved of this, and on the
contrary gave reasons why she should be allowed to proceed on
her voyage. Thereupon we left her on Tuesday the 5th of
March. Men experienced in seafaring were of opinion that the
days we remained there without sailing would be disastrous to
our voyage, and so we afterwards found in the lack of favourable
weather for reaching and passing the Cape of Good Hope.

In the ship on which I embarked the religious took upon
themselves to recite the litanies and say mass every day and to
preach on Sundays and saints' days ; and Joao da Cruz, the
boatswain of the ship, made a very neat sepulchre, in which we
had our Lord exposed for twenty-four hours, all confessing and
partaking of the communion on Holy Thursday.

On the 12th of March we approached the commodore to learn
the cause of his having signalled with three guns, and we found
it to be the death of Antonio de Faria Machado, who had been
Inquisitor in India for seventeen years, and whose conduct and
authority had given great satisfaction. We were grieved on
account of it and also of the death of many others who were sick
when we left Goa ; but many gentlemen and noblemen remained,
whose valour and energy afterwards contributed to the salvation
of those who escaped so narrowly with their lives.

After crossing the equator we were sailing onward with heavy
rains and calms, when from the topmast the look-out shouted
loudly " a sail ! " This was the galleon Sao Pedro, which had
left Goa fifteen days after us, and now overtook us ; and she
accompanied us for twenty days, after which she parted
from us.

On Easter day the 19th of April our captain gave orders to
salute the galleon Sacramento with seven guns. The ship imme-
diately afterwards sprang a leak, taking in four spans of water,
which the slaves and ship boys pumped out twice every day ;
and this caused great anxiety to those who understood the
danger to which we were exposed, because the ship was old and

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 299

we were to attempt to pass the Cape in the depth of winter, when
the tempests are numerous and such as to give great trouble to
new ships.

On the 10th of June, when we had already reached 33° south
latitude, with a favourable wind, our maintopmast broke, of
which we gave notice to the commodore, and of the leak in the
ship, asking that he should remain in our company for a week
while we repaired the mast, but the wind freshening it could not
be done, nor was there any opportunity afterwards because of
what occurred.

On the 12th of June at nightfall the commodore was in our
company, and the breeze fell before sunset as we were sailing
towards the land with the wind west-north-west. The sky grew
very red, with heavy black clouds, and there was one flash of
lightning, and we saw a fish orelhao, a great portent, all signs of
a tempestuous night. Then the wind began to blow harder, and
we furled the topsails and spritsail, and the ship lay under her
courses during the short watch and first watch. At the setting of
the moon the sea rose, and the wind increased so much that the
ship pitched and took in a quantity of water, and the yards and
catheads dipped into the sea. Order was given to haul down the
mainyard, but through fear of the sea and such rough weather
and the inexperience of the artillerymen, they hauled in such a
way that a gust of wind caught the sail, and the ship broached
to in such a violent hurricane that it carried away the mainsail
and foresail, tearing them to pieces with such an uproar that we
thought the ship must founder.

She lay in this state for a long time, in a cross sea exposed to
the fury of the waves, while we could not stand on our feet
against the bulwarks with the few then on duty, eight sailors,
five artillerymen, four ship boys, and some passengers having
died of sickness. With great care we set about availing our-
selves of a stormsail which we carried ready in the fore shrouds
for the purpose. In the meanwhile the ship lay at the mercy of
the waves, with the main yard half mast high with the sail rent
from top to bottom, and that of the foresail breaking the standards
which were nailed to the bowsprit, while we were unable to cut
them down, nor would the weather allow it.

We passed the rest of the night in this state, and the ship
battered by the thumping of the yards, with all her timbers

300 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

straining, let in ten spans of water. Scudding before this same
storm, the morning of the feast of St. Anthony found us bereft
of sails and cables, and parted from the commodore ; and we
prepared ourselves for the next night which threatened to be as
dreadful as the last, with storms of hail-stones as big as filberts
and much thunder and lightning.

The ship running with the wind astern, which was still very
strong, we busied ourselves in removing and taking off the
canvas which still remained on the yard, putting a spritsail on
the yard, so that if the wind diminished the ship might be
governed and escape the waves which threatened to overwhelm
us. That day passed and the next, and the weather being
calmer we set other sail, never leaving the pumps for a moment.
Thus we came in sight of land in 32°, after a few days sailing in
quest of it, saying to ourselves that we would profit by its
shelter to repair the ship and pump out the water ; but nothing
was thought of but fishing, though some zealous persons were
not wanting to exclaim against the neglect shown in this
particular.

The master, Jacinto Antonio, considering the state we were in
and the little remedy available, thought it would be wise to put
back to Mozambique before the weather rendered everything
else impossible for us, where the property and artillery of his
Majesty could be secured and help obtained for all. This was at
once made known, and Dom Duarte Lobo asked the master when
he went down to examine the state of the ship, which was
variously reported, to take him and the other officers with him,
that they might resolve what was best to be done. This dis-
pleased many, because of the business they had in hand -and a
little cinnamon which had been given to them in Goa, and they
intimidated the master and the others who spoke of putting into
port, so that nothing more was spoken of than continuing on the
way to Portugal. So we proceeded for some days increasing our
latitude to double the Cape, never ceasing to work the pumps,
at which everyone took his turn without exception, even to the
religious.

Therefore we prepared some barrels for buckets, making hoops
for them, and clearing the hatchways for wells, though this
measure was not of much use, the stowage of the artillery which
was made in Goa not being properly done, leaving however four

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 301

guns in the hatchway. There was much murmuring that the
ship had many knees broken and the main stancheons out of
place, so it was urged that by seeking a different latitude better
weather would be found and we would be able to get rid of some
of the water. Thereupon the master and other officers with the
captain went below, without taking Dom Duarte Lobo, as he had
requested ; and the master, coming up again with three nails
from the lining in his hand, said that the ship was fit to go to
Jerusalem. Thereupon nothing more was thought of than the
voyage to the kingdom and fishing, and we put out to sea again
without doing anything proper for a voyage so dangerous and
difficult as that which we intended to make.

Returning towards the land with the foresail set on the feast
of St. Peter and St. Paul from dinner time until night, the pilot
Gaspar Eodrigues Coelho ordered the spritsail to be unfurled.
As the under-pilot Balthazar Eodrigues told him that land was
near, he replied that he had navigated that coast for a long time
and there was nothing to fear except what had been seen in the
two dog watches. Bras da Costa, a sailor, brother-in-law of the
master, who was directing the course from the top, shouted out
with great anxiety : " veer off, brothers," and all were thrown
into confusion on seeing themselves Upon a shoal which is in the
sea off Algoa Bay, in eight fathoms of water, which was found
on casting the lead, with what affliction to all may easily be
imagined by those who have endured the like peril. Speedily
we set about unfurling the main-top-sail, hoisting and hauling it
down more than a dozen times, in which officers and all assisted,
no one failing in his duty. Then the under-pilot Balthazar
Eodrigues, who in this strait never lost his mind, cried from the
cross-trees from which he was directing the course, that we
should not fear, for he would guide the ship where she could
pass, while the waves broke on every side, and the ship laboured
in great distress and broaching to pitched three times heavily,
at the great shock of which such cries arose that it seemed the
world was coming to an end.

The boatswain Joao da Cruz and the ship boys who were
labouring at the pumps in like distress joined the others, and
our Lord God aided us with a land breeze, by which we got out
to sea again. And as in such distress the chief remedy lay in
the hands of God and in our own exertions, on this occasion we

302 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

all, including the religious, worked so hard that each man was
like a hundred. The father friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme, of
the order of Saint Augustine, who was going to Portugal to be
superior general of his congregation, worked so hard that when
in this danger the father friar Diogo da Presentafao of his order
came and asked him to confess him, he replied that this was not
a time for anything but labour. And as he was coming on deck
to help us the ship pitched twice, and he fell from a ladder and
cut his head open, making a great gash in it; but he tied a
linen bandage round it, and took no notice of it till the danger
was past.

The afternoon before a collection had been made for the Santo
Christo do Carmo of Lisbon, and some seeing the ship in such
distress and all hope of life gone except in God who preserves
it, as is the trust of all, cried out in a loud voice : " Be joyful,
brothers, for just now our Lady appeared upon the main-top
with a light like a crown of great brilliance." This revived
the general hope and courage, for now there was no longer any
fear of death. In this way we passed the night, and the ship
was so shaken by this labour that she leaked in every seam.
We all took to the pumps, and found the water increase ; and a
great storm which arose next day contributed to this. We
sailed with the fore storm-sails, the sea running so high and
the ship pitching so heavily that we expected her to part
amidships every hour, the waves rising over the lantern and
masts, so that the fathers were obliged to relieve each other in
the stern every hour and continue blessing the waves, for if
they desisted for a moment we were overwhelmed. The under-
pilot, who was at the helm, was almost drowned by a wave, and
shouted for assistance, being alone, for we were all at the pumps.
Our bodily strength was almost gone with the strain of working
them, in which the religious and passengers never faltered.
Being few, we had the starboard pump under our charge, and
the ship boys worked the larboard pump and the Kaffirs the
wheel pump. Dom Duarte Lobo and Dom Sebastiao Lobo da
Silveira were present day and night from the 13th of June,
when this work commenced, assisting those who laboured with
encouragement and kind words, for as the stove failed us, all this
was necessary and nothing sufficed. The wheel-pump gave us
great trouble and anxiety, the chain breaking every hour.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 303

It was ordered that the Kaffirs should work the pumps during
the night-watches, but it was not done, and only the two
caulkers worked them. Seeing the water increase, they some-
times gave warning of the danger we were in, and they were told
not to cause a disturbance in the ship. At daybreak the large
hatchway was opened, and the water was found to be above
the ballast. Then barrels were diligently prepared to be filled
with buckets ; but it proved useless, for in less than two hours
the water increased so much that with the pitching of the ship
the barrels filled of themselves. Then the pipes in the hold
and the bales of pepper gradually burst, so that the pumps
ceased working altogether, being choked with pepper. At the
large hatchway there were only working two barrels of four
alniudes and two of six, which were continually worked with
the capstan. Abaft the mainmast, where we opened a hatch-
way, they worked with two tubs, getting out more pepper
than water.

In this danger the ship's prow sank as if she was broken-
backed, she would not obey the helm as before, the water was
already over the coamings of the lower hatches and the prow
more than two spans deeper than the lower deck. We spent
two days and two nights in this imminent peril without seeing
laud, and then we observed at daybreak the point of a ridge
thickly wooded, which appeared to be the mouth of a river with
a very long sandy beach, and a great bay where it seemed that we
could land with the boat dry-shod.

It was determined in counsel that on account of the state of
the ship we should run her on shore, throwing the artillery into
the sea, which was all pointed through the port-holes constantly,
except that of Cuina which was in the hold ; but this was not
done, being beyond our strength, and only two pieces were
thrown overboard. With a favourable wind but a rough sea we
unfurled the main topsail, which went to pieces as we hoisted it,
and so did the fore topsail ; and the spritsail was all torn, and
the fore-sail had many seams open ; then we tried the mainsail,
and as we secured it with the tack, fixing a tack-tackle to assist
it, it went to pieces.

At this time the captain had already ordered the gunner,
Francisco Teixeira, to put some powder and balls in barrels,
and to collect all the arms he could and all the copper and

304 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

bronze for the maintenance of the camp, as this is the current
coin of Kaffraria, that we might trade for what was necessary.
The night was spent in working at the buckets, and the Kaffirs
were already on the shore with great fires alight. The next
day, the 3rd of July, in the morning we set about preparing the
boat to land some of the people, should the sea permit. The
wind rose, and raising the anchor we went ahead with the
foresail set, and cast anchor in the bay in seven fathoms. The
master ordered the main halliards to be cut, and the yard lay
across the middle of the deck, that being cut into pieces it
might serve some to get ashore.

The boat was launched, with orders that some should go in it
with arms and provisions and take up a position on shore, and
the others should remain working the pumps and keeping the
ship afloat. When the boat reached the breakers, as the current
was very strong and it was already late, they did not dare to
land, but returned to the ship, saying that the sea offered no
place where they could lie, but that there was a great bank
with a sheet of shallow water between it and the shore, into
which the sea flowed swiftly. Night fell, and when the tide
went down the ship began to strike the ground and started the
rudder at midnight ; therefore we cut down the mainmast and
foremast and threw out another anchor that we might not drag ;
and when the tide rose again we floated in eight fathoms.

At daybreak on Wednesday the 4th of July we collected all
the thin ropes and made a surf-line, which we coiled in the boat,
with the necessary people, arms, and whatever they could carry
in their hands. Leaving one end of the surf-line on board, they
rowed towards the shore, and on reaching the breakers the surf
was so great that the father friar Diogo da Presentacao gave
everyone absolution, each one publicly giving him matter for
the same, because of the great danger.

They reached the shore without opposition from the Kaffirs,
who did not appear. They landed what they carried, and
returned to the ship, and made the second trip with Dona
Barbara and Joanna do Espirito Santo, Portuguese women,
who embarked with all the negresses we had on board, the
captain Dom Sebastiao Lobo, and others. Dom Duarte Lobo
and the father friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme remained
on board with the officers and myself, for we would not leave

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 305

that nobleman, however much he pressed us to embark. All
was in confusion, for those who were fit to work went back-
wards and forwards in the boat, others remained on shore to
guard what was landed, and to assist those in the boat, for the
people who remained on board were not able even to make a
raft or get out a few bags of rice, though there were more than
a thousand close at hand with many other eatables, of which
only thirty bags were got on shore, and these were wet.

On this day the boat made four trips to the shore, and in the
last, when it was almost night, Dom Duarte embarked with the
officers at the entreaty of all, and with him went the father friar
Antonio and Father Francisco Pereira, of the Company of Jesus.
Nothing was permitted to be put in the boat but men, and as
they crowded in with the slaves we called for the chaplain, but
he would not leave, and said he would remain with his comrades
and keep them company, for the night promised to be stormy
and there was no one on board to work the buckets. There
were seventy persons in the boat, and we reached the shore with
difficulty, the boat being sunk to the gunwale, although some of
us were swimming.

The boat remained on the beach that night, which those on
board the ship passed in great danger. In the morning of
the 5th of July Bras da Costa and Paulo de Barros embarked
with the others who managed the boat, for these two sailors alone
remained in it all the time with great risk and labour, and the
others relieved each other. Many left the shore and returned
on board, because food was to be had there, which was lacking
on shore. The first boat load arrived safely by means of the
surf-line. But the second time, the wind freshened quickly and
the sea increased, and as they were going from the ship to the
shore, although those who were already in the boat tried to
prevent it, many crowded in, overloading it. When they were
some distance from the ship a Chinese of Dom Sebastiao Lobo,
who remained on board, cut the surf-line, which was fastened to
the cat-head, with a hatchet, so that when the boat reached the
breakers, having no line to steady it, it broached to, and was
swamped with the seventy persons who were in it, of whom
fifty were drowned without those on shore being able to help
them. With great difficulty they dragged the boat ashore,
where it arrived all shattered, together with those who escaped.

VIII. X

306 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

And the sea cast up nothing of the many things which were
embarked in it.

On Friday the captain gave orders to repair the boat, and
offered five hundred xerafins to any one who would go back in
it to the ship to land those who were left; but no one would
venture, the waves being very great and the fear inspired by
the event of the day before still greater. Those on board
afforded a piteous spectacle by their shrieks and cries to heaven,
which though they were far off were such as to inspire great
grief in those who were on shore. As there was now no refuge
in the ship except abaft the mainmast, all the rest being under
water, and all hope of the boat was gone, many threw themselves
overboard on pieces of wood, and some reached the shore and
others perished. The night before they fired a gun for us to
assist them.

The following night between Friday and Saturday some of our
negroes came ashore and said that there were still white men in
the ship, with no refuge but a rail of the poop on which was an
image of our Lady of Atalaya ; but at daybreak the ship went
entirely to pieces, so that only a small hatch came ashore whole,
and all the rest was in scattered timber. The sea cast up some
of the chests which were on deck, but they were in pieces.
To this was the wealth of such a mighty ship reduced, and here
many found themselves poor and naked, who a short time before
were rich and well clothed.

The captain mustered those who remained, and divided them
into three squadrons, taking the passengers for himself and
dividing the seamen and ship boys among the officers. He
issued an order that all provisions should be brought into the
camp and put together, and appointed several men to go along
the shore for the purpose, forbidding the others to leave the
camp, which we removed into the bush, because on the shore
where we landed we were covered with sand. We made shelters
as good as canvas tents, in which we lodged, preparing ourselves
for our anticipated journey through Kaffraria to Cape Correntes.
All the provision found was placed in the camp and guarded.
During the eleven days we remained there we suffered greatly
from hunger and thirst, because of our lack of provisions and
because the water had to be carried from the Infante river, a
distance of nearly a league, and it was so bad that many fell

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 307

sick through it. In this place died Vicente Lobo de Sequeira,
who had the habit of the order of Christ, a native of Macao, who
had already been wrecked in these regions in the ship Sao Joao,
and also an artilleryman named Marcos Coelho.

To assist the captain in emergencies there were appointed
Dom Sebastiao and Dom Duarte Lobo da Silveira, brothers,
Domingos Borges de Sousa, lord of Villa and councillor of Alva,
who came from the kingdom in this same ship, the fathers friar
Antonio de Sao Guilherme and friar Joao da Encarna<?ao, the
officers of the ship, and the notary, Joao Barbosa, Francisco
Cabrita Freyre being at the point of death. There \vere three
sailors in this wreck who had been cast away in this region four
years before in the ship of which Dom Luis de Castelbranco was
captain. They had journeyed through Kaffraria to Cape Cor-
rentes, and their names were Antonio Carvalho da Costa, Paulo
de Barros, and Mattheus Martins. The two first were appointed
to barter provisions for the camp, and Aleixo da Silva, a
passenger, was appointed factor. On this shore where we landed
we found a quantity of very good mussels at low tide, which
assisted us in the famine we were enduring.

On the eighth of July Dom Duarte Lobo went with the under
pilot Balthazar Eodrigues, Urbano Fialho Ferreira, of the order
of Christ, son of Antonio Fialho Ferreira, and others, to the
river Infante to measure the altitude of the sun, and they found
the latitude 33^°. The point of a ridge lying to the north-west
was thickly wooded, the shore was more than two leagues in
length, the coast was bordered with hills of white sand with
trees on the top, and the mountain was bare. When they had
measured the altitude of the sun an alarm was given that there
\\ ere Kaffirs on the shore, and signs were made to them to wait.
When they approached to speak no one could understand them,
because they spoke with clicks. They go naked, and only wear
a few skins. They sow no grain, and live only on roots, the
produce of the chase, and some shell-fish when they come down
to the shore. Their arms are of fire-hardened wood and a few
iron assagais.

When Dom Duarte Lobo and the others returned to the camp,
the arms, balls, powder, a few cocoa nuts, the copper required for
barter, and the lines and hooks for crossing rivers, were all
divided and registered in the king's book. The rice was found

x 2

308 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

to be all musty and rotten, and therefore we hastened our departure
the more, burying the copper and powder which were left over.

During the days we remained there the captain consulted
with the pilot Gaspar Rodrigues Coelho, the notary Francisco
Cabrita Freyre, and other sick persons who could not travel on
foot, whether he should order the boat to be prepared for them
and give them men to manage it, but the pilot would not accept
the offer, and there was no further question about it, though it
was the best plan to save these people and the women and sick
from perishing, as will be seen hereafter.

Dom Sebastiao Lobo da Silveira was so unfit for walking, being
very much burdened with flesh and having other complaints,
that he could not take a few steps on his feet ; and therefore he
asked the ship boys, and the officers to persuade them, and it
was arranged through the intervention of his brother Dom
Duarte Lobo, who was beloved by all, that they should carry
him in a net which they made of fishing lines, he paying eight
hundred xerafins to each ship-boy, to which Dom Duarte bound
himself, giving pledges of gold. This nobleman was also sick,
and in the camp we gave him up for dead ; and he prepared a
net with his negroes and two more whom he bought, and so
attempted to accomplish the journey. Domingos Borges de
Sousa did the same, and made a hammock of a carpet ; and
Francisco Cabrita made another of a piece of cloth, the oars of
the boat, which the carpenter fashioned, serving for poles. The
pilot went with two crutches and the others as their infirmities
permitted, the healthy carrying their arms, and all with their
wallets in which they carried their copper for barter and linen
for cleanliness.

More time was necessary to rest from our past labours and
gather strength for what was in store for us, but our lack of pro-
visions and the unhealthiness of the site obliged us to set out on
Monday the 15th of July, in the morning, after we had all
recited the litany of our Lady. It is impossible to state in a few
words with what sorrow and tears this pitiful tragedy was begun,
for we left there, because of the wounds with which they came
ashore, a Kaffir belonging to the boatswain Manuel de Sousa, a
little cabra of mine, and a little negress belonging to the gunner
Francisco Teixeira, who was drowned in coming ashore in the
boat.

Records of Soutn-Easiern Africa. 309

We commenced our journey, the captain going first, the
master Jacinto Antonio leading the van, and the boatswain the
rear. And we began to feel the grief and misery of the sick and
those incapable of keeping up with the company, judging from
the beginning what it would be in the future. Beneath our
eyes, when we had gone less than a league along the shore,
Bartholomeu Pereira Loreto, a sailor, remained behind from
fatigue, and the Kaffirs who followed us immediately killed him,
without our being able to assist him. Farther on the same
Kaffirs took from Dona Barbara the wallet which she carried on
her back with her share of copper and provisions and a diamond
seal which had been saved, and if the rearguard had not
hastened to assist her, they would have killed her as they did
Loreto. As she could not keep up with us, Antonio Carvalho da
Costa, a sailor, took her on his shoulders and carried her until
nightfall. The Portuguese nun, Joanna do Espirito Santo, also
gave great trouble, as well as the other sick. However we
pitched our camp at last upon a ridge near the sea, where we
found a spring of very good water ; and the pilot, being unable
to reach it, remained a gun-shot behind, and on his asking for
confession the fathers attended to him with great charity and
also to the notary, who waited behind and arrived very late at
night. Here we passed the night.

On Tuesday the 16th of July the captain called a council to
determine what was to be done with the women and the incap-
able, who prevented us from travelling with the iiecessary speed
to reach the land where we could barter provisions, for the few
grains of rice with which we started from the place where we
were wrecked amounted to so little that there was not more than
two measures for each person, and according to the assertion of
those who had already journeyed by that road we would find
nothing to barter within less than a full month. After the
matter had been well debated, seeing the state we were in and
that the pilot, the notary, Dona Barbara, and Joanna do Espirito
Santo could not accompany us, and by waiting for them we all
exposed ourselves to perishing of hunger, it was resolved to tell
the women to walk in front, there being now no question of the
pilot and notary, for one was already speechless and the other
past all hope, and that we would go forward the next day,
leaving behind those who could not keep up with the company.

310 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

When the Portuguese women were told this, they said they
hoped God would go with us, but they dared not and could not.
Therefore we left them after they had confessed themselves,
together with a little negress who chose to stay with them ; and
they had no food whatever.

On this occasion Dom Sebastiao was in danger of being left
behind, for the ship-boys who carried him could not endure the
labour, and therefore refused to do it ; but Dom Duarte Lobo
with fair words and greater reward induced a few to continue
doing it. That day we journeyed along the sea-shore by ridges
from which flowed many rivulets of fresh water, and we crossed
several rivers which, as they were not dry, did us great damage.
We found some shell-fish on the shore, but very little, and some
large birds like peacocks were seen. Here, as the road was bad
and the food little or nothing, the ship-boys resolved to leave
Dom Sebastiao Lobo, and thereupon it was arranged to select
twelve of the most robust among them, and that the rest should
carry their baggage. We travelled one day by rough and
narrow paths near the sea, where only one person could pass at a
time, the road being on a steep incline with ravines on- the side
of the shore. We came to a dangerous pass, from which we went
on to a very rapid river, which we crossed with the water to our
knees ; and after we had crossed it we rested. When we set out
again the ship-boys abandoned Dom Sebastiao Lobo, who, not
daring to proceed on foot, remained behind. The next day we
reached another river, its mouth thickly wooded with shady
trees; and here we found a young whale which had come ashore
on the beach, from which each one cut his piece to eat. That
afternoon we went through many bogs and difficult passes, after
which we formed our camp near a river of good water.

Finding Dom Sebastiao missing, for the captain and Dom
Duarte having gone on before did not know that the ship boys
had abandoned him, the sailors were persuaded to go and bring
him, and it being now night they went back two leagues and
found him where he had been left. They brought him to the
camp, which he reached very late, saying in a loud voice that
Dom Sebastiao Lobo da Silveira cared not for death, but for the
bad treatment shewn to his person. The next day it was treated
of with the sailors that they should carry this nobleman, from
which task the ship boys had desisted, the captain making many

Records of Mouth-Eastern Africa. 313

remarks upon his high rank and upon his having embarked for
the kingdom on a summons from his Majesty.

The next day we advanced slowly, and almost within a league
we came to the river of Sao Christovao. In order to cross it we
made two rafts, the river being very full and deep, with a strong
and violent current. One we dedicated to our Lady of Help and
the other to our Lady of Good Fortune. Here Dom Sebastiao
confessed himself and made his will, giving up hope of being able
to accompany us, and displaying many jewels and precious
things of which no one knew, he offered them to any who would
bear him on their shoulders. Seeing this, and upon the persua-
sions of the master Jacinto Antonio, to whom he gave six links
of a chain of gold for the purpose, sixteen of the strongest sailors
were treated with, to whom Dom Sebastiao delivered all the
things he ha^ displayed. We crossed the river, which could not
be done that day, because it was very impetuous and the rafts
could not cross it except at low tide, and the next day, the 19th
of July, we finished crossing it, leaving there one of our Kaffirs
who was carried away by the current and drowned, and a sailor,
Antonio da Silva, who was sick and could not manage to walk.
On the 20th of July the sixteen sailors agreed to carry Dom
Sebastiao Lobo.

After we had crossed the river we advanced along the shore
by narrow paths, and when we reached a spring Filippe Komao,
a passenger who had come from the kingdom in the same ship
and who was married in Lisbon and had been master of the
horse to Princess Margarita, remained behind, because he was
sick and could not accompany us. There had already remained
behind Loureuco Rodrigues, the squire of Dom Duarte Lobo,
who was married in Alfama, and he could not walk so much,
having travelled hitherto with two crutches. As his master
passed him he bade him take courage, and he replied that he
hoped God would help him and bring him before the eyes of the
lady Dona Leonora, his wife, but he had neither strength nor
courage to follow us. The father friar Antonio de Sao Guil-
herme also encouraged him, but he persisted in his resolution,
and when the father had gone on a little way he called to him,
and he thinking it was some matter of reconciliation returned
to hear what he wanted, and he said to him : " Father Antonio,
before you go do ine the favour of a pinch of snuff, and may God

312 Records of Souih-Eastern Africa.

be with you ; and it would be a great consolation to me if they
would dig a grave in this sand that I might get into it."

Walking three leagues that day, we crossed a river with a
strong current with the water to our waists. And the next day
having gone a league we reached another river, which we crossed
at low tide with the water to our breasts. After this we found
better roads, but hardly any inhabitants, only a few Kaffir
hunters appearing, who would not approach and speak to us.
Upon this road we found good water and some small wild palm
trees, the rind of which, removed with difficulty, was a relief,
hunger being now general. This day we saw some straw huts
with Kaffirs, who on noticing us took to flight. Going in, \\e
found two fish and a few grains of millet. Farther on we
encountered two Kaffirs to each of whom, to induce them to
come and speak to us, we gave two locks of a writing-desk,
which are the jewels most esteemed by these barbarians of
Kaffraria ; and when we asked where we would find anything to
barter, they replied by signs that we would find it farther on.

On the 21st of July we moved forward quickly, pressed by
hunger and with no order of march, being very weak. Two
barbarians came out of a thicket, and finding Felicio Gomes, a
sailor, separated from the others, took from him a wallet and a
brass can which he had in his hands. We hastened to his assist-
ance, but it was of no use, for when these Kaffirs attack it is
impossible for anyone to overtake them. Reaching a height, we
get fire to some huts, in which we found nothing but a few empty
clay pots. After this we reached the camp, which was already
pitched near a river. We were all very sad, because of the
resolution which those who carried Dom Sebastiao had come to
of leaving him, because they found their strength fail them.
And he, giving up hope and resolved to remain behind, first of
all set about confessing himself, and gave a ruby ring to each of
those who had hitherto carried him, disposing of everything else,
and even depriving himself of a metal cross with relics which he
wore round his neck and a small copper kettle. He remained
without any food whatever, for there was none, and all parted
from him with just sorrow, leaving him under a little cloth tent,
fat and in good health, with his strength unimpaired, because he
would not venture to proceed on foot. There remained with him
a little Chinese and a Kaffir who had belonged to Doiningos

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa. 313

Borges de Sousa. Dom Dnarte Lobo, his brother, remained
with him a long while, Dom Sebastiao displaying in this
extremity so much patience and good courage that if he
persevered therein his salvation may be piously held as
certain.

After leaving that place we came to another river, which we
crossed at low tide with the water to our breasts. The country
in front of us seemed fresher, with a few daisies, nettles, and
sow-thistles, upon which many, pressed by hunger, fell eagerly,
uncooked as they were. Crossing two dry rivers, we reached one
which we forded with water to our waists, and then came to some
mountains of earth, beyond which we entered a thicket in which
there was a river, and here we remained all night. Tn the
morning we set out again along the shore, passing three dry
rivers and another to get ovor which it was necessary to make a
raft, that we dedicated to our Lady of Succour, and on which we
crossed with the baggage.

There came to us several Kaffirs with four fish, which we
bought from them, and they gave us to understand that we
would find provisions to barter close by. The next day, the
feast of Saint James, going along the shore because of the many
ridges which we could not get over, we entered a thick wood,
where we discovered snares and pitfalls for elephants, and upon
a height five round straw huts like ovens, in which we found
nothing. We went forward, and after passing four dry rivers we
halted near one which was so full of water and impetuous as to
necessitate our making a raft, on which we crossed it the next
day, the feast of St. Anne. There we found a few green figs, and
they thought themselves fortunate who managed to secure some ;
and others found some beans with which they reached the shore,
and those who ate them were like to die.

On Saturday, the 27th of July, after crossing the river we went
through a wood from which, issuing upon the shore, some caught
sight of a fire upon a height, and three men went forward to
see what it was. They returned, claiming the reward for good
tidings, for there were cows, upon which with great joy and
devotion we recited a litany of our Lady. Presently a great
number of Kaffirs came down, and among them one who spoke
Portuguese. He was called Joao, and had remained there from
the company of the ship Belem; he at once made himself known,

314 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

and the others spoke by smacking their lips. They wore sking,
with which they covered their backs, and the rest of the body
was naked, both of men and women, the only difference between
them being that the women had their heads covered with caps of
the same hide.

In this place, that day and the next we traded for ten cows,
which we killed and ate. There was freedom to trade for all the
cows we chose, but our barterers would not consent to it, saying
that thenceforward we would find them every day. The captain
asked the Kaffir Joao if he would go with us, making him great
promises ; but he excused himself on account of being married,
and remained there. We went forward along the shore, and on
Monday the Kaffir Joao and the others came out with darts to
kill and rob us; however they did not dare to attack the camp,
where we always kept good watch. We left a sailor upon this
shore, who served as watchman, a married man who lived near
Duarte Bello in Lisbon. He confessed himself, not venturing to
go on, and the Kaffirs stripped him before our eyes until they
left him naked, dragging him along the shore, and he on his
knees with his hands raised in the midst of them, and we could
not succour him. As we proceeded along the shore they threw
many darts at us, but Urbano Fialho and Salvador Pereira fired
their arquebuses at them till they drove them off and allowed us
to go forward more freely over a rugged and difficult road. We
came upon some caves, in which we found a very old Kaffir who
lived there, from whom we learnt nothing new.

We missed our way, and came to a great river where we passed
a very bad night, because of the extreme cold and our want of
water. The next day in the morning we waited to cross the river
at low tide, and forded it with the water to our waists, overcoming
the current with great difficulty, and then followed another road
over rocks so sharp that they hurt those who were shod very
much and took the skin off the feet of others, who crept over the
stones. Getting over this difficulty we met with another similar
in the shape of rugged mountains which seemed to reach to
heaven. Thence we passed on to a river of water, where we rested
and saw some Kaffirs who came to speak to us and sold us five fish,
giving us to understand that we would find provisions to barter
farther on. Here we found some figs which in India are called
da gralha, but very few. We climbed a mountain, and on

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 315

coming down from it we halted in order to pass the night near a
river of fresh water.

The next day the captain sent men to explore the country, to
see if there was any kraal or cattle, and after going a con-
siderable distance up the mountain, those who went returned to
the camp, weary and famished, with no information whatever.
Thence we went on along the shore, over rocks where we sought
shell-fish to eat, raw as they were, for so does hunger excuse
cooking. Then we came to a very wide river with a strong
current, the passage of which delayed us three days, waiting for
low water, and when the water was still we crossed with it to
our armpits. Then we rested upon a beach, where we had great
difficulty in obtaining water to drink, and where we found a few
oysters in the apertures which relieved our hunger, for we had
eaten nothing for five days. We called this river Sao Domingos,
because we reached it on the eve of his feast.

With difficulty enhanced by famine we got over this road
until we came to a mountain of shifting earth so steep that,
availing ourselves of the roots of the wild figs which nature
causes to grow there, our hands helped us more than our feet.
In order to pass a deep ravine which sloped steeply down to the
sea, we all made the act of contrition, for if any one slipped and
fell down from it he must have been dashed upon rocks and very
sharp ridges. Worse trouble was caused by the master, Jacinto
Antonio, to whom it fell that day to lead the van, for he went
forward and crossed a. river with water to the waist, while we
were all dressing, with a gun and a cane in his hand. A cry
arose that the master and a few who followed him were
separating from us, a rumour • which had been current in the
camp for some time. Therefore the greater part of the company
went after him, leaving Dom Duarte Lobo and his companions,
for we knew nothing of this mistake. We returned to the road,
going through a thicket and up a mountain with less difficulty,
and coming out where the unfortunates who followed the master
were huddled more dead than alive ; and when we asked for him
they said that he had chosen a more perilous ascent because he
found no outlet to the shore.

When we had all assembled once more and rested, we went
forward and pitched the camp near a river, our hunger being
now so great that not even the green herbs escaped us, which

316 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

sometimes were not to be found, because the river often flowed
over them, and we ate them raw. In the morning we began our
march, arranging that the barterers should always go first alter-
nately to see if there was any sign of provisions. Paulo de
Barros caught sight of some Kaffirs, from whom he learnt
nothing certain. We were now so faint that whenever we sat
down to rest we crawled about on our haiids and feet seeking
herbs and wild beans, though knowing that by eating them we
risked death, because they are poisonous.

We changed from the way along the shore, because it was
very sterile, with no oyster, cockle, or crab upon it, and full of
rocks. Going inland we halted near a river of good water, where
we found some straw huts of Kaffirs, who on seeing us fled into
the thicket and would not come and speak to us. Thence we
came to a grotto covered with shady trees, with a pool of fresh
water so clear that it invited us to rest. Here we sought for
herbs, and he who found a crab considered himself fortunate.
We went inland for two days, suffering the worst famine ever
endured by mortal men. It happened one of these nights that a
shipboy came up to a fire which was made near the tent of Dom
Duarte, and taking off his shoe he roasted it and devoured it
very greedily, in order not to share it with any other.

On the third day we marched seven leagues over mountains
and rugged roads, until we had sight of a river, to which we
descended with great difficulty from a steep mountain, in dis-
order from the fatigue of the march, and at great risk of the
company being divided, because of the many paths which
branched off, if we had not taken observations from a mountain,
often going a good way back in order not to lose each other.
We encamped late at night near a river where we found many
wild bitter mad-apples, which we ate without knowing what they
were, spitting out the pips, and others who ate none of these
warmed water and pepper and drank it, and those who had
saved any amber chewed it to allay the pangs of hunger. At
this river all the Kaffirs who carried Dom Duarte fled that night,
robbing the camp of the copper kettles and whatever else they
could take away, but our chief regret was that this nobleman
was exposed, for lack of them, to inability to keep up with us,
for his health and strength were very limited.

The next day, the 9th of August, striking the camp and going

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 317

towards the sea near a fiver while seeking a ford, which we found
dry, towards the afternoon it pleased God that we should find
many wild fig-trees of India, the stalks of which, raw and cooked,
served to alleviate our hunger. We reached this place so weak
that some remained behind, not venturing to proceed, and then
we made our camp on the other side of the river. The next day,
the feast of Saint Lawrence, journeying over high mountains,
for we could not get along the shore, Joao Delgado remained
behind. He had done the same the day before, and the captain
and I had brought him along in the rear very slowly. He made
his will and confessed himself anew to Father Francisco Pereira,
and asked me to leave him in sight of the sea, where he
remained, the company having gone over some mountains and
already at a distance, and having bidden him farewell, he began
to shout and run after us, and when we would have waited for
him he fell on his face and rose no more, and we left him to
follow the company, for they were leaving us behind also and
we judged that he could not follow us. This young man was
married in Estremoz, and had some means, having served in
India since the year 1635, when he went there with Pedro da
Silva, whom he served.

This day going up and down mountains we advanced little,
because of the rough road and also because of Dom Duarte Lobo,
who was helpless, and we did not wish to leave him or others
who were fainting. Out of consideration for them we walked
less and slowly, and they threw themselves on the ground after
getting over one hill to take breath before climbing another,
causing pity enough in those who heard them. Towards the
afternoon we descended a steep mountain and came to a small
beach, where there was an islet which was surrounded with
water at high tide, and many large boulders in a little bay with
a river of water. We judged that there would be no lack of
shell-fish to relieve the famine which had reduced us to such a
state that we were but the shadows of men. But seeking all
over the beach we found nothing, and we learned by experience
that upon reefs of this kind of rock there were no shell-fish.

On this occasion and in this place the Kaffirs of the under-
pilot, Balthazar Eodrigues, going apart in search of shell-fish,
found in a ravine a tiger's head, very rotten, covered with
vermin, and of an evil smell. They immediately ate the tongue,

318 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

and brought the rest to their master very joyfully. He set it to
cook with his comrades and Doni Duarte Lobo, first drinking the
broth and keeping such good watch that while it was cooking he
stood ready with a gun to defend his prize from the others in
case they should attempt to steal it ; and a religious who asked
for a small piece could not obtain it. The next day as we
travelled on some men found two dead rats of an evil smell
in the thicket, and there were dissensions over the division of
them.

Paulo de Barros, going on before, met a Kaffir on the shore
from whom he learned that we were near the river where the
ship Belem was lost, and that there was no lack of millet and
cows to barter. He was given his jewel of copper, which he
repaid with a little millet that he carried, and when it was
divided among all the camp each person received twelve grains.
Upon this intelligence we recovered our spirits, and prostrate
upon the ground we rendered thanks to God and recited a
litany of our Lady with great devotion. Climbing a very
rugged mountain we returned to the shore, and marched on to a
river which did not flow into the sea. We pitched our camp
upon the bank in sight of two straw huts to which the Kaffir
and his comrades withdrew, giving us to understand that his
kraal was a long way off and that he would accompany us thither
the next day. He gave the captain a handkerchief full of
mussels, which he shared with Dom Duarte.

After pitching the camp each one went into the thicket to
gather fig-shrubs, in order to eat the stalks, and a negress saying
that certain red flowers which she carried in her hand might be
eaten when cooked, kettles full were boiled and eaten. They
were herbs of the aloe kind, which caused such agonies that if
those who ate them had not been relieved with bezoar-stone and
vomitting they would have died, for the herbs were poisonous.

On the twelfth of August we set out in company of the Kaffir,
whose name was Benamusa, up a steep hill, in ascending which
we rested frequently. Having overcome this difficulty, we rested
upon the summit near some straw huts, and the captain gave the
Kaffir a copper bracelet to guide us. He gave us to understand
that he wished to go forward, and that we should send some men
witn him to return with provisions bartered at his kraal. We
demurred at first, but the Kaffir had such a pleasing countenance

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 319

and looked so joyous, and the famine which oppressed us was so
great and grim, that both these things together overcame the
difficulties which suggested themselves, and Paulo de Barros
with six sailors and Aleixo da Silva with two passengers were
ordered to gather strength from weakness and go with the Kaffir.
He was given a few copper trinkets, and he went away well
pleased and was joined by three others who waited for him in
the thicket.

We followed for nearly a league, and on reaching the summit
of a mountain they called a halt and waited, and congratulated
us that the river where the ship Belem was wrecked, the goal of
our hope, was already in sight. There we rested within a league
of it. The Kaffir and those who accompanied him went their
way, ours for the river being different. Going down towards it,
we reached the shore when it was already late, and there made
our camp. We found some relics of the ship Belem and some
figs.

Upon the way the father Friar Antonio de Sao G-uilherme was
several times at the point of death from poison, through certain
beans which he roasted and ate, upon the inducement of
Domingos Borges de Sousa, who assured him that he had eaten
them thus and they did him no harm ; but he was restored by
means of ground bezoar-stone and other antidotes. In the tent
of Dom Duarte Lobo they supped that night upon a piece of
hide off a bale of cinnamon, roasted. In another tent they
ate a hide sandal which had been worn for more than twenty
days, and in the tent of Jacinto Antonio, the master, they
ate a dog belonging to the Kaffirs, which they killed with a
sword, sharing it with no one, not even with Dom Duarte, at
which he was grieved.

Finding no water on this side, we dug a pit in the sand and
found very good water, and we spent three days there, trusting in
God and in those who had gone with Benamusa. During that
• time we made a raft on which to cross the river, and we bartered
a little millet from some Kaffirs who came there, but so little
that there was not more than a cup full for each person. On
Wednesday, the eve of our Lady of the Assumption, those whom
we expected from the Kaffir kraal arrived at the opposite side of
the river, free from hunger and with their wallets filled. They
were accompanied by Kaffirs with six live cows for barter.

320 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Having made the raft, which we dedicated to Sao Domingos
Soriano, we immediately crossed the river to ferry over Vicente
da Silva, a servant of Dom Duarte, that he might give us an
account of what they had found to barter, the situation of the
kraals, and the customs of the people. This young man brought
his master a little millet, two baked cakes of millet, and a little
cooked beef, which that nobleman shared with the captain and
others, and the remainder served to regale him and his
comrades.

The next day, the feast of our Lady, we had great difficulty in
getting the line and grapnel to the other side, by which to guide
the raft, for the river was wide and the current rapid ; and as all
could not cross that day, the captain remained With the others
until the next. A ship-boy tried to swim across, and was swept
away by the ebb-tide, so that we thought he could not escape,
and Father Joao da Encarnacao absolved him from the shore.
And as we called upon Sao Domingos Soriano a returning wave
caught him and carried him ashore unhurt.

The Kaffirs who came with the six cows, seeing that we were
still on the other side, returned to their kraals at night, pro-
mising to bring them back ; and those who first crossed the river
did not credit them, nor believe what those who came with the
Kaffirs related of the abundance which they found nor of the
good guidance given them by the Kaffir. They asked Dom
Duarte, who was one of the first to cross, to send to the kraals to
hasten the barter, and Urbano Fialho Ferreira, the boatswain
Antonio Carvalho da Costa, and others were sent with arms and
copper to barter.

The next day, the 16th of August, the remainder of the com-
pany crossed over and made a camp between two mountains in
sight of the sea. Here the Kaffirs came with cows, which we
bartered from them. They were divided among the companies,
some killing, some roasting and boiling, and all falling to with
such a will that nothing was thrown away but the horns and
hoofs of the cows, for all the rest was eaten. Other Kaffirs came
down in haste with quantities of cattle, millet, and native bread,
and there were some disorders among us, the barterers securing
the most and best for themselves, scattering themselves in the
thicket and waiting for the Kaffirs, from whom they bartered
millet and native bread to the great prejudice of all, giving as

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 321

much copper for a roll of native bread as was given in the camp
for three or four.

The Kaffirs, getting this price outside, brought down nothing
but cows ; and therefore a proclamation was issued forbidding any
one to go and barter outside the camp under pain of death. But
this did not suffice, for the hunger was not appeased even by the
sight of so much meat. The master Jacinto Antonio was ordered
to make rounds in the thicket and paths, to allow no barter, and
to seize all those he might discover engaging in it. He found
three Portuguese and three of our negroes, whom he seized and
brought to the camp. A council was held, and the members
thereof decreed that two of the three whites should be led through
the camp by a rope, their offence being proclaimed, and their
hands pierced ; proof was wanting against the other. Lots were
drawn to see which of the negroes should die, and it fell upon a
mulatto belonging to Urbano Fialho, who was executed at once,
and the two others were severely whipped through the camp.
The execution of this sentence both on the Portuguese and
negroes was entrusted to the constable, and a negro was the
executioner. The same penalty was incurred by a page of the
captain, who was hoisted on the shoulders of a negro and severely
whipped, with proclamation of his offence.

One of these nights, barter having been wanting for two days,
a fold was made in which to secure and tame the cattle. Our
men went constantly at all hours to a spring which was within
two musket shots behind a mountain, and after we had retired
the Kaffirs took a kettle from one of our negroes. He returned
to the camp with loud cries, and we took to our arms, and firing
a gun at the sound of the dispute, a Kaffir was hit in the leg.
They brought him back, and kept him prisoner, setting a guard
over him, intending to execute him the next day. When we had
again retired another outcry arose, and when we rushed out to
inquire into it we found that it was the comrades of the wounded
Kaffir who had come with him to rob ; and as the night was dark
they came upon the sentinel unperceived and carried off the
Kaffir with them to the thicket on their shoulders. After this
skirmish two little cabras of ours were found to be missing, and
they had carried off a kettle belonging to their masters, a copper
frying pan, and other articles of barter of less importance.

Understanding that there were more robbers, some of our men

VIII. Y

322 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

went into the thicket, and after a few steps came upon a Kaffir
whom they seized. He struggled to free himself, but Joseph
Gon calves Velloso, a sailor and inhabitant of Bel em, who was
carrying a gun, struck him with it and broke his arm. When a
light was brought to see who he was, he was recognised as a
Kaffir named Joao, one of those who fled from Dom Duarte
Lobo da Silveira and robbed the camp. The captain questioned
him, and he said that he and others, his comrades, were going
about there intent on robbery, and therefore he ordered him to
be hanged the next day, after he had confessed himself. After
this barter was again forthcoming as before, with plenty of millet,
baked cakes, several gourds of milk, and cows, these barbarians
being now more familiar, perhaps because of their intercourse
with our people of the ship Belem, when she was wrecked in the
year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, during the time
.they were building the pinnaces in this place.

During the days we remained there, which were fourteen or
fifteen, that the people might rest, as they were worn out by the
many days of hunger and difficult travelling which they had
endured, there were dissensions and talk of some separating and
marching in a separate company, because of the bad government
of the captain due to his weakness and good nature ; but it was
not done, for with time things fell out otherwise. Those who
had gone to the kraals some days before to hasten the barter of
cows, finding better pasture, remained there, and on returning to
the camp found that we had shaved ourselves, and all were sur-
prised, for we could hardly recognise each other after our former
wretched appearance, and there was one in this place who owned
that more hair had grown on his body through hunger than he
had ever imagined could be possible.

The fugitive Kaffirs, finding themselves without him who was
hanged, asked assurance of safety to return to the camp. This
was granted them, because of the need Dom Duarte Lobo had of
their services, for it was impossible for this nobleman to walk,
owing to the fresh infirmities from which he suffered besides the
many with which he came ashore, and in order to get some
relief he endeavoured to train two oxen. Sixteen ship-boys
agreed to carry him for three thousand five hundred xerafins, to
be paid in Mozambique, and after this was agreed upon, one
Monday night, the 25th of August, he was seized with an attack

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 323

of flatulence which caused him great pain. We assisted him
with civet, a remedy which he used, it being an old complaint,
and he grew better. But suddenly it attacked him in the throat,
hardly giving him time to make a fervent act of the love of God,
at the last words of which his speech failed him, and he held in
his hands a picture of Christ on the cross. The father Friar
Antonio de Sao Guilherme, seeing him in this state, called loudly
on him to press his hand if he wished for confession, and he
pressed it hard ; then without further speech the father absolved
him, and he immediately expired. His death was more lamented
than any which had happened during this shipwreck, for this
nobleman was so beloved by all that there was no one who was
not grieved to the heart by his demise for reasons so obvious and
unavoidable that I need not state them.

Dom Duarte Lobo was the second son of Dom Rodrigo Lobo,
formerly general of the fleet of this kingdom ; he went to India
in the year 1629 with the count of Linhares, appointed to com-
mand the fortress of Bacaim for three years and the lands of
Bardes for life, having previously embarked in the fleet of the
coast which was wrecked in France, in the galleon Santiago
which escaped, fighting alone valiantly with four Turkish ships.
In the State of India he served as soldier, captain, chief captain
of the fleets, and finally as governor of the straits of Ormuz and
the Red sea, where he proclaimed his Majesty, — God keep him,
— finding good opportunity to do him service, as also in the
succour sent to the island of Ceylon, as soldier to his brother
Dom Antonio Lobo, in all of which he acquitted himself with
great success, winning the constant approval of the viceroys.
He was on his way to the kingdom in this ship rather to visit his
Majesty than to seek a reward for all his services.

On the 28th of August, the feast of Saint Augustine, we again
set out, and proceeding on our way we reached a river near the
shore, where we rested, to wait for Joao Lopes, the ship's cooper,
to whom the captain sent a tame cow of Dom Duarte's, by his
comrades, as he could not accompany us because of a stab he had
received in the leg. We went farther inland and pitched our
camp, intending to pass the night in a level place near a river of
brackish water. Here one of the Kaffirs of Dom Duarte who
returned to the camp upon a promise of safety was hanged upon
slight proof, because it was reported that he had bartered food,

Y 2

324 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

and one of his comrades, who belonged to the under-pilot and
who had carried the paid nobleman, fled in fear, for he was also
one of those who received the said promise. We remained a day
in this place because of a revolt in the camp, some wishing to
separate and saying that we ought not to travel all together, for
there would not be enough barter for all. Thereupon the captain
called a council, and all being dissatisfied because of his good
nature, a separation was voted, but it came to nothing, because
they could not agree upon the choice of a new captain and the
division of the copper.

We set out the next day, the 30th of August, with a few cows
before us, and reached a shady wood in sight of three kraals,
from which many Kaffir men and women came out, with many
cows and much millet, milk, and native bread for barter. We
remained there that day and the next, enjoying this plenty.
The sailors and ship-boys again began to clamour that they
wished to travel separately with the master, and that the men,
cattle, copper, and arms should be divided. To this the captain,
lacking friends and advice, consented, first entering in the king's
book the reasons and manner of this division, and how it was for
the general good, because in some places there was a lack of
barter and it was not sufficient for all, so that travelling in
separate companies would be better. A division was made of the
men, arms, cattle, lines, grapnels, kettles, and everything else.
The captain allowed the master to go first, and he marched on
with all the best seamen and a company of the former comrades
of Dom Duarte Lobo, for after his death we remained together,
and had the best arms in the camp. Our chief was the father
Friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme, because of his great ability and
the courage with which he always fought in India, displaying it
on many occasions in battle before he entered Keligion. In this
company were the fathers Friar Diogo da Presentacao, Friar
Bento Arrabido, and Friar Joao da Encarnacao, and the barterers
were Aleixo da Silva and Antonio Carvalho da Costa.

There remained with the captain his comrades and the fathers
Friar Affonso de Beja, Francisco Pereira, the chaplain of the
ship, Friar Ambrosio de Magalhaes de Menezes, and Domingos
Borges de Sousa, Veiga, and Faro, the other officers of the ship,
and Paulo de Barros as barterer.

In this place a Kaffir belonging to Roque Martins de Miranda,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 325

a friend and comrade of the captain, fled with all that he had
brought from China, where he was married, and which had been
saved from the ship. We took leave of each other with great
grief, asking each other's pardon. Two or three hours after the
master had started, the captain set out with his company, driving
the cattle in front. He went through the kraals, from which the
Kaffirs came out with much to barter, and as we were few there was
enough for all. The Kaffirs were more peaceable, so much so
that when in passing their kraals our cattle got mixed with theirs
they separated them very quietly. Thus towards four in the
afternoon the captain came in sight of the master's company,
who were bartering, after having made many rounds and travelled
by many paths to get ahead, each of the barterers endeavouring
to be first.

Although we had met again, the captain went forward with his
company and cattle, and we followed him until we came to a
river where we halted, he on one side and the master on the
other. The water was very good, and it reached to the middle
of our legs, and there were many shady trees. Shelters were
made, and the cattle placed in the middle with good sentinels.
During the night a gun was fired in the captain's camp, because
our servants cried out that the Kaffirs were in ambush to steal
the kettles in which we carried water from the springs ; but they
did not succeed, for in order to avoid all risk our people used for
this purpose the gourds in which they had bought milk, and
which were divided among the companies. The master remained
here two days without marching, because they brought him
all kinds of barter, and a few hens and quantities of locusts,
which the Kaffirs offered, thinking they would get copper in
return.

On the 5th of September in the morning, after reciting a
litany of our Lady, we set out over a very rugged mountain, and
descended on the other side. We went no farther that day,
because of the plentiful barter which was brought to us beside a
very clear river of good water, where we bought cows, milk, and
native bread in the midst of many kraals. The next day we set
out over a high mountain with two barbarians who served us as
guides, after hanging a Kaffir, one of those who fled and robbed
the camp.

As these barbarians prize capper above everything, those who

326 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

had bartered with us the day before plotted together to rob us,
the two who had offered to guide us serving as spies. They did
so, fleeing through a thicket with a cow, with which they would
have got off if it had not been for the diligence of those in the
van. Joseph Goncalves Velloso seized one, and would have
bound him, when the other snatched his wallet, and they fell to
struggling; Vicente da Silva hastened to assist, dropping his
gun, which was seized by a Kaffir in the woods who had a fancy
for it, and he made off so fleetly that they could not overtake
him. Coming into the open, we found ourselves on a plain
surrounded by Kaffirs as thick as starlings on the wing, uttering
warcries and brandishing assagais, an infinite number to each of
the Portuguese. But we, firing at them, though with little
effect because of the distance, made them retreat, and they left
us to pursue our way, still remaining in sight until we entered a
wood thinking to get out of the way of these wretches.

We ordered our march very carefully, with armed men in the
van and rear, the cattle in the middle, and a watch at each side,
for the road was bad and very long and the Kaffirs lost no
opportunity of molesting us, attacking us in the middle of the
wood with loud shouts. But God helping us we immediately
killed three, and without any damage on our side got out of the
thicket near a spring of clear water. Here they brought us
some provisions to barter, at which let no one who reads be
amazed, for these people at the sight of copper will not heed
though their fathers, mothers, and relations be slain.

On the 7th of September we set out from that place through
vast plains with heavy mist, which could not disperse the clouds
of locusts. On the 8th, the feast of our Lady's Nativity, many
Kaffirs came with cows and millet to barter, and we marched on
through a bright and pleasant country in 30° of latitude, and
saw many large birds like royal herons, but so tall that they
looked like sheep in the distance. One day in these parts we
saw a large troop of lions, which went roaring through a valley
without taking notice of us as we passed upon a height. Thence
we saw the sea, and journeyed along it with forty-two cows in
our company, and we did not try to go inland again for fear of
the Kaffirs.

On the feast of Sao Nicolau de Tolentino as we journeyed
along the shore we found a ship's lantern and a quantity of

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 327

timber, which we judged to be the wreckage of some ship which
had been driven upon the coast. Before noon we came to a
deep river, which we did not cross that day, because the tide was
full and the current very rapid. Here some Kaffir fishermen
came from the other side, but brought nothing to barter, and we
afterwards discovered that they came to spy us. We forded the
river with the water to our middle, and gave it the name of Bio
da Crriz, because of a wooden cross which we set up there and
another which we cut in a stone, that if the captain's company
should come after us they might know we had passed that way.

We went up a hill of stones, where we found more than two
hundred Kaffirs awaiting us with their assagais and warcries,
covered with shields of hide which they use. We attacked
them, punishing their boldness by the death of their leader, at
whom Antonio Carvalho da Costa fired, and hit him in the legs
with two bullets, so that he fell wounded, and we finished him
with our swords, upon which the others fled from the field, for
they are not a race to wait for more. It is to be noted that
when these barbarians come in a large body with nothing to sell
their design is to rob, and it is not wise to spare them ; the best
and safest road being always along the shore. There they again
attacked us, but Aleixo da Silva killing another with his gun
they left off following us. A young man from India, a very
skilful surgeon, remained upon this shore, because he could go
no farther. That day at dusk we reached a pond behind a river
which hid the sea from us, and there we made our camp. The
next day, the 12th of September, we did not set out, for there
arose a great storm of thunder and lightning. Raising our eyes
towards the mountains, we saw a large company approaching,
driving cows before them, and hastening to find some place in
which to take shelter from the rain. We saw that it was the
captain's company, and on observing us they fired two guns, to
which we replied with others ; and they came and made their
camp on the other side of the pond in the shelter of a thicket.
Thence there came to us Paulo de Barros and others, from whom
we heard of their unfortunate journey and the defeat they had
sustained from the Kaffirs.

The master, Jacinto Antonio, sent Friar Joao da Encarnafao
to visit the captain, who replied in writing requesting and
calling upon him to rejoin him again, that together they might

328 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

better defend themselves from the Kaffirs, who might assemble
to the damage of all, and otherwise he would be held account-
able for whatever might occur. Upon this the master convened
a council, in which there were various opinions, the sailors
voting that we should not reunite, that we might not be
governed by the passengers, to whom alone the captain deterred ;
but finally the master, intimidated by Friar Joao, who again
visited the captain, and also moved by fear of the Kaffirs,
resolved to unite, both being equal in authority and command,
for so it then appeared best for the preservation of all.

We will leave the united camps to rest while we give an
account of what befell Antonio da Carnara de Noronha during
the nine days that he journeyed separately. At dawn on the
day on which the captain separated from us, on the other side of
the river he began to make his way up a mountain, on des-
cending which he found plentiful provision. Going through a
thick wood, he came out upon a level country, where there was
abundance of cows, millet, native bread, and milk to be had in
barter; and they came upon negroes of good disposition, who
accompanied them and assisted to herd the cows, but always
with their eyes open to see what they could steal.

He travelled two days in the midst of this plenty, and on the
third, when going through a small thicket, one of the Kaffirs
snatched the knapsack from the back of the under pilot's
brother, and fled so swiftly that it was impossible for any one
to prevent him. Another Kaffir likewise attacked a mulatto
belonging to the boatswain, and endeavoured to steal his
wallets ; but while they were struggling, assistance came to
him, and the Kaffir fled. Thence they reached a river with
banks thickly wooded, where they rested during the heat of the
day in sight of kraals, from which many gourds of milk were
brought to them. As they were about to ascend a mountain a
good-looking Kaffir came to them wearing many copper
bracelets, accompanied by about three hundred others, but
unarmed and ready to trade. Copper was shown to him, and he
answered in Portuguese that he did not want it for his cows,
but silver like the moon and gold like the sun, from which it
was inferred that the said Kaffir had been left there when a
child from some shipwreck.

Paulo de Barros, who had already passed that way and

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 329

understood the customs of these Kaffirs, perceived that this
man had an eye to the cattle which the captain by this time
had tamed and which carried the baggage ; and fearing some
attack, he began to go forward with the cows in front of him,
herded by a ship's boy and a few native Kaffirs. When the
others of the company saw him go forward they hastened after
him, and on reaching the top of the mountain, the Kaffirs,
observing that those who followed could not get up so quickly,
the way being long and rough, fell upon Paulo de Barros and
the ship's boy with sticks, and neither the gun nor the sword
which the former carried saved him from being severely beaten
with the wooden cudgels that they used, and they wounded him
and took from him the wallets and three live cows. The ship's
boy defended himself better with a broadsword, and lost nothing
but his hat. The others of the company came up to Paulo
de Barros, and after collecting the cows, dressed his wound.
This happened in sight of a kraal which the negroes of our camp
entered and plundered of what food they found, but the captain
would not allow them to set fire to it. Salvador Pereira with
his arquebus on reaching some trees passed through more than
a hundred Kaffirs, and brought one to the ground, whereupon
the others retreated, leaving the wallets open which they had
taken from Barros, having first removed what they thought fit
with great rejoicing.

After this, wherever the camp was formed, these Kaffirs never
ceased following, without daring to attack. But coming in sight
of two mountains, and being obliged to go along the skirt of one
on the right hand, more than three hundred Kaffirs, all armed,
barred the way in the most rugged part of the passage ; and
on reaching the middle the rearguard made ready, waiting
for those who remained behind, and Domingos Borges went
forward with some others who followed him up the mountain,
and gained the heights, which the Kaffirs abandoned to him,
leaving him in possession of the post, whereupon the others
marched along the skirt of the mountain uninjured, the
barbarians still following until they came to level ground with
trees, where Domingos Borges lay unseen in ambush, and killed
one of them. At this they became so infuriated that getting
out of gun-shot they did not cease molesting the company with
stones, so much so that in descending any mountain it was

330 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

necessary for three men to stand with their firearms levelled
while the rest of the company passed by. The same was done
wherever there was a dangerous spot, until they reached other
kraals uninjured, driving the cows in front with people to guard
them.

On reaching a narrow pass with high mountains on one side
and such a thick wood on the other that they could not break
through it, the Kaffirs pelted them with stones, from which they
could not defend themselves, and wounded the captain and
Salvador Pereira in the rearguard, so that they could not recover
themselves nor fire any more after the first shot, which was
ineffectual. Here many boasters were seen who ran quickly to
escape from the noise, which was very loud.

After this they all assembled on a plot of cultivated land
near a river, and the Kaffirs, knowing that the camp was pitched
there, set fire to some dry grass. The captain therefore crossed
to the other side of the river, going over mountains and halting
on the summit to spend the night in vigilance, without making
shelters or cooking food, with the Kaffirs in sight, making a
chattering noise and intimating that they would attack the
camp in the night. Before morning the captain pursued his
way up the mountain with the cows, where he found that the
barbarians had already occupied the summit and had collected
stones. There being no help for it, Domingos Borges de Sousa,
Salvador Pereira, and others prepared to face the danger, with
their guns levelled and their eyes fixed on the stones which the
Kaffirs began to hurl, with injury to our men ; and while they
went to look for others our people had an opportunity to gain
the summit, and the barbarians withdrew, letting all pass
uninjured.

After resting from this labour they advanced a little, and
halted at night near a river, which they reached very battered
from the journey and the Kaffirs, as they had travelled far that
day to see if they could get ahead of these wicked wretches, and
the captain had suffered greatly from the stones. The next
day, going up and down mountains and rugged paths, they
encountered five Kaffirs who had been following them, and
they called to them, but they would not approach then, though
at noon two of them did so, and a little copper was given to
them to guide the company on their way. They led them into

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 331

a thick wood, where after advancing a few steps it was observed
that they were conducting the party backwards ; and the Kaffirs,
seeing that their design was discovered, took to flight, some
already expressing an opinion that they should be put to death.

Going forward, the captain arrived at a river with many
shady trees, where they rested a little, and then he gave the
order to advance, which was ill-received, because the site was
good and the people weary. As they began to climb a mountain,
the five negroes aforesaid, who had got ahead of them, crossed
the river first and occupied the summit of the mountain unseen.
As soon as they were below, the Kaffirs began to throw stones
and bar the way, and without doubt if they had been more
numerous that day our people would have escaped with diffi-
culty. Nevertheless they pressed forward, and never rested
until they reached the highest summit of the mountain, where
they arrived breathless and stopped to recover a little. After
this they travelled along level ground and continuous paths,
discovering a great number of Kaffirs, who blackened the plains,
and thus they continued until they came to a rising ground, on
which was Benamusa, whom they reached without molestation,
and only came upon him on the summit surrounded by kraals
and Kaffirs with cows, at which they were well pleased, as it
seemed that there would be no lack of barter.

They spoke to Benamusa, who seemed a person of authority
and was covered with a cape of hide cut in strips, and his
followers the same, for such is the finest dress of these bar-
barians. The captain asked him to point out the way to a river
which was in sight, where they would carry on barter, for which
he gave him some pieces of copper, with which he was satisfied,
and he sent two of his Kaffirs as guides. Thereupon they went
forward, marching with arms in hand, the cows in front, and a
strict watch in the rear, warned by what had occurred before.
They entered a continuous path bounded on one side by a thick
wood and on the other by great piles of stones like ancient
edifices and in part by natural caves, which served as a refuge
against what happened later on. The five Kaffirs aforesaid,
having joined these, informed them of the death of the three ;
and together they got above these caves with many stones,
which they hurled when the cattle came up in front. To throw,
it was necessary for them to expose their bodies, the stones

332 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

striking first upon the boulders and then rebounding into the-
road, which caused the people to turn aside, those who went first
being in constant fear of them, and crying " treason." Seeing
this, the Kaffirs who guided them would have fled, but Domingos
Borges de Sousa, who carried his gun ready levelled, brought
down the first, and the other escaped from six guns, as no one
could hit him, so fleet are these barbarians. In the meanwhile
the others did not cease from hurling stones, from which the
company escaped, availing themselves of the caves in which they
took refuge, running fifteen or twenty paces from one cave to
another, until they were completely out of this danger and
reached the river.

They crossed it with the water to their knees, and made their
camp, rendering thanks to God for having delivered them from
such evident peril. The Kaffirs came in search of the dead man,
with great lamentations, from which they did not cease all night,
during which the captain kept good watch until morning. Then
they again set out, and several Kaffirs came with provisions to
barter, whereupon they halted, and it seemed advisable to
remain there two days ; but as the captain was ill and wounded,
fearing some treachery of the Kaffirs, they set out again through
a wood with many thorns and a great plague of locusts hanging
to the trees. Then a heavy mist with fine rain came on, and
they could not see the way, and went in quest of the sea, fleeing
from the Kaffirs who had so molested them. They rested for a
day and a half near a river with boulders and trees furnishing
abundant fuel, killing cows, recovering themselves after their
past labour, and treating the wounded with cocoa-nut oil, for
they had no other medicine.

From this place they directed their course towards the sea,
which they eagerly longed for, walking six or seven leagues
every day through burnt clearings and along rough paths, so
that when night came they were helpless with fatigue. One
night they stationed themselves on the peak of a rugged and
dangerous mountain, which looked as fearful to descend as it had
been to ascend on the other side, and it was divided by a rapid
river with many rocks in the middle. Driving the cows in
front, they began to descend, loosening rocks that bounded
down, so that if any had been in front they must have been
dashed to pieces, — a dangerous pass if any Kaffirs had been

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 333

there. Thus some of the cows got caught between trees and
could not move, and the people crawled on the ground until
they reached the bottom, where they found a cow on which the
captain rode lying dead. It had rolled down with many rocks
after it, and it served the camp for food that night, which they
passed in a place covered with high jungle-grass that afforded
shelter to elephants, more restfully than other nights, without
fear of the barbarians and with a good bed of high straw.

They set out the next day along the mountain with difficulty,
and crossing a river with a very dangerous ford, they thought
of nothing but pressing forward to get away from a bad country
and worse natives. About three in the afternoon, as they had
been struggling up a mountain endeavouring to reach the
summit, holding on to the cows' tails as they said, which may
be an exaggeration, after resting from this labour they were
again going forward when they observed fifty Kaffirs armed with
shields and assagais, but when they came within hearing they
had not courage to attack the company.

After they had gone, our men were very grieved to find a
sailor missing, for they knew that he had remained two leagues
behind asleep in the place where they had rested, and his
comrades had forgotten him. After crossing some pools of
water with great difficulty, they chose a better spot in which
to pass the night, each one exerting himself to find water and
wood to cook what food there was. The sailor who had been
left behind asleep, finding himself alone, followed the company,
walking on after dark until eleven o'clock at night, when he
found himself in sight of many fires, some towards the shore
and some towards the interior, and he went towards them till he
saw the shelters, where he arrived with great gladness, and all
the camp rejoiced over him as over one whom they had given
up for lost.

In the morning they arose early, thinking that the fires
which the sailor had seen upon the shore might belong to some
band of Kaffirs who lay in wait for them. With a little rain
they went forward along the shore, where they discovered the
company of the master Jacinto Antonio, which they saluted as
has been related, camping opposite very weary and exhausted
with their labours and fear of the Kaffirs; upon which, as we
have seen, the two companies united, each making its camp

334 Becords of South-Eastern Africa.

separately, for the master had most cows. This day the Kaffirs
appeared with plenty to barter, which was divided among all.

After the two companies had united we marched towards a
river which we crossed with the water to our knees, and which,
being three fathoms deep farther up, if it had not been shoal at
the mouth, was larger than that where the ship Belem was lost.
Here they brought us a little millet and chickens for barter,
which were divided among the sick and wounded, and the captain
dressed the wounds inflicted on him by the Kaffirs. Some of
those who came to us to barter were the first we saw with the
hair on their heads dressed like the turbans of the Banyans of
India, and they had red beads round their necks. About three
in the afternoon we halted, in order to let the cattle graze and
to kill some cows for food.

On the feast of Saint Matthew, after we had marched two
leagues along the shore, we saw cows and halted to let our cattle
graze and that the people might rest. Five or six of the
company were ordered to go to the kraals with their arms to see
if there was any barter to be done. They returned with good
news, and with a she-goat and kid, which was all they could
manage to bring with them. The Kaffirs followed them, and
we bartered from them all they brought. The next day there
was no lack of hens for barter, which came very opportunely for
the sick, and whenever cows were forthcoming we did not fail to
purchase as many as they would part with, because of the need
we might have for them, as we killed three every two days to
supply the camp.

Having left this spot, on the 23rd of September we reached
another river, at which we were forced to halt to barter food,
which was brought to us in plenty, and it was equally divided ;
and we sought a ford in the river, which is in latitude 29£°.
Though those who had been wrecked in the small ship sug-
gested crossing it on a raft, God was pleased to show us the
ford, because of the labour the raft cost to all ; and crossing
with water to our necks, the camp was formed on the other
side, many Kaffirs coming to us with great rejoicing. Orders
were given to the barterers to trade, which they did, always
taking advantage of their office to the general damage and
injury.

Seeing the familiarity of these negroes and the abundance

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 335

of food to barter which they brought, and thinking that it would
always be thus, most of the sailors attempted to remain behind
with the master and separate themselves from the rest of the
company, having the greater part of the copper in their posses-
sion, and being moved to this discord by that which reigned
among them and their disgust at the government of the captain.
He, without considering or consulting those who were on his
side, did not resist, but ordered the cows to be divided, and
riding on the one which he kept for the purpose, ill and
wounded as he was, began to go forward alone. Upon this the
father Friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme and his comrades went
out and stopped him, and the father asked him what he was
doing and why he was setting off alone, and he desired him to
dismount and send for Paulo de Barros, who was the head of the
master's party and had received many favours from the captain,
that the disunion might not take place. He replied that he
refused to come, which was condemned by all, so much so that
Antonio Carvalho da Costa, though he was related to the master,
went to the captain and advised him not to consent to the
division which was being attempted, for it was not conducive to
the preservation of all, alleging many reasons therefor, the chief
of which was that the greater part of the copper was with the
master's company and it would be impossible for his company to
barter, and that the copper and cows should be equally divided,
offering himself to be his barterer. Seeing this and the in-
justice of this rebellion, undertaken without fear or dread of
God, Father Antonio crie,d out that but for his profession and
habit he would not suffer it, but would attack them all with his
arms and punish their great insolence. Whereupon his com-
rades and the others were moved to recover the copper by force,
and we set out with our guns levelled towards the master's
shelter. His faction, which was the most numerous, hastened to
his defence, and by this determination on both sides many must
have perished that day and the remainder have remained
exposed to the cruelty of the Kaffirs. But the master hastened
into the thicket behind his shelter, and his comrade the father
Friar Joao da Encarnacao flinging himself in the path upon
his knees with a picture of our Lady of the Rosary in his
hands, entreated them by that Lady and by the wounds of
Christ to be at peace. The captain with his usual gentleness

336 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

would not consent to the use of the merited severity, and thus
everything passed off without offence, the master and Paulo de
Barros using arguments which were not admitted, and giving
opportunity for friendship and union only, until at last all
agreed to what was demanded on the part of the captain, for
it was better for the safety of all that we should not divide.
Upon this the camp was formed again, and that day was spent
in holding a council in which laws were propounded together
with other matters conducive to good government, of which
those were adopted which were approved by the vote of the
father Friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme, without whom nothing
good could be done. Everything was entered in the king's
books, which we all signed, companies and captains being
appointed as before, and at nightfall we were in peace and
contentment, thanking God who had delivered us from this
evident peril.

Next day, the feast of Saint Jerome, we walked two leagues,
and seeing the Kaffirs we rested, the whole company refreshing
themselves with a great quantity of millet, native bread, and
sesame, the first we had seen ; and everything was brought to
us in such abundance as we had not experienced before. Going
inland, we halted within half a league of the shore for two days,
during which they brought us even fish, which was divided most
equally, without complaints, the effect of the new laws which
had been made. In compliance with these a ship's boy, in this
place, was led through the camp with a halter round his neck,
and his offence was proclaimed, because he had incurred this
penalty by bartering without orders. Joao Barbosa, who served
as notary to the camp, being accused of the same crime, as there
was not sufficient proof against him, was deposed from his office.
After this some men were sent to the kraals to obtain cows, and
brought back only three ; and thereupon we resolved to return
to the shore. Three Kaffirs fled from us vhere, two belonging to
Dom Duarte Lobo, who carried off a copper kettle with them,
and the other belonging to the father Friar Antonio de Sao
Guilherme. At nightfall we went into a thicket to search for
fresh water, and coming to a spot which had been a kraal, we
found some, and made our shelters among a quantity of pur-
slane, tender sugar canes, and cultivated fig-trees, at which we
rejoiced greatly.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 337

Sending men to explore the country, we learned that there
were kraals close by, to which the captain sent four men to
barter cows. The father Friar Antonio disapproved of this,
experience having shown that those who went to the kraals
thought only of themselves and not of the camp, and therefore
he persuaded the captain that we should follow them, which we
did, carrying the shelters with us, and guided by two Kaffirs.
A little negro of Malabar belonging to Father Francisco Pereira
was left behind here, and we returned to look for him, but could
not find him. We came to a place where we saw those whom
the captain had sent on before, surrounded by more than three
hundred Kaffirs with their women and children, from whom they
had already bartered two bundles of sugar canes and some native
bread. Others had gone for cattle, and they showed signs of
being a well disposed people, for as our company passed through
their midst they received us with rejoicing and with songs and
dances after their fashion. We made our camp in sight of them
and of many kraals on a plain near a river, where they brought
us such quantities of provisions to barter that there were more
than a thousand loaves of crushed millet, the best bread in all
Kaffraria, hens, millet, cows, goats, and sugar canes, all in great
quantities. But as we had been so long ill disciplined, at the
sight of this plenty matters grew still worse, many going into
the wood to barter, to the prejudice of the others, contrary to the
law laid down, which forbade this under penalty of death. And
when the captain set about chastising the guilty, he found so
few exempt from this fault that he desisted from inflicting the
punishment which they deserved.

We spent nine days resting in this place and availing our-
selves of the opportunity for bartering food, which was brought
to us every day. Here a freed negress with her son, who had
belonged to the nun Joanna do Espirito Santo, fled from us,
taking with her another negress of the Malay race, the slave
of Domingos Borges de Sousa. After these days we struck
our camp, and marched through kraals for more than a
league, where we left a ship's boy, a native of Almada,
named Francisco Gonpalves, for he could no longer ride or
walk, which he had hitherto done with great constancy, being
ill and helpless, so that he looked like death. We recom-
mended him to the negroes, and gave them a little copper

VIII. 55

338 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

to take care of him, and we took our leave of him very
sorrowfully.

We set out on the 13th of October with an abundance of
bartered provisions, and that same day a Kaffir came to us in
company with others bringing hens and speaking to us in
Portuguese. When we asked him how he came there, he replied
that after the wreck of the ship Sao Joao, the Portuguese being
at war with the Kaffirs, he was left there when a child. He
showed signs of being a Christian, kissing a crucifix which was
exhibited to him with devotion and reverence, and showing
submission to the priests whom he saw. He said that he was
married and had five children, and bade us remain there that
day and he would return on the next, although his king lived
at a great distance.

The next day, when we were about to set out, many Kaffirs
came to us with things to barter, and therefore we set up our
screens again in the same place, finding more loyalty in these
barbarians than in those we had left behind ; and they were
the best people we met, good-looking, affable, and trustworthy
in barter. Here the aforesaid Kaffir returned, who said he was
called Alexander, bringing a son who was named Francisco, and
some articles to barter. As he showed himself well disposed
towards the Christian faith, Father Francisco Pereira, who had
belonged to the Society of Jesus, was moved to desire to remain
with him, wishing to look to the salvation of his soul and that
of his children and such others as should be chosen by God.
He spoke of this intention to the captain and other friends,
who endeavoured to dissuade him with arguments which he
would not admit, replying that it was nothing that he should
give his life for the salvation of these souls, God having
bestowed it upon him so many times when it was in danger in
the midst of the misery on land and perils at sea through which
he had passed in our company. With a smile on his lips and
tears in the eyes of those who looked on, he gave away certain
things, reserving for himself only an image of Christ our Lord
and a metal picture of the Nativity which he wore. Then he
took leave of the company with great resolution, writing to the
archbishop primate of India and to the viceroy to inform them
of his intention.

Taking with him the Kaffir Alexander and his son very

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 339

joyful, to whom a copper chain and other such trinkets were
given, that they might be well disposed to the father, he set out
for their kraal, leaving us in admiration. But as this design
of the father was directed to the service of God our Lord, it was
frustrated by the devil, for he found himself in the middle of the
thicket abandoned by the Kaffir who guided him, and at a
great distance from the place where we left him and where we
were. He was obliged to return to the camp, grieved and
disconsolate, with the image and picture which he took with
him, and it was esteemed a miraculous favour from heaven that
the Kaffir should have left them to him, and had not killed him
to rob him, considering the esteem in which copper is held by
these natives.

On the 15th of October we marched along the shore for a short
time, over loose sand which caused us great inconvenience.
Here the Kaffirs came with abundance of food of all kinds,
which was bought from them and piled in a heap on the shore to
be divided. The captain, ^ho had an assagai in his hand, took
with it a yellow and inviting-looking loaf of native bread, which
was his due as captain ; and though there was no lack of food in
the camp and those who had the least bartered whatever they
chose without hindrance, yet seeing this, without any respect for
him or for the eight religious who were present, the bystanders
fell upon the loaves of bread and threw them all down, without
leaving any, with the greatest insolence yet displayed. This
drove the captain beyond the limits of his usual forbearance and
good-nature, so that he struck several with his assagai, and
though he might have punished others he did not do so, in order
to avoid fresh riots and not to expose the camp to new misfortune
every hour.

Having broken up our camp, we left that place, and went
forward for two leagues, when we were overtaken by a storm of
thunder and lightning, which forced us to halt in a thicket near
a river of fresh water. Many Kaffirs came out to meet us on our
way, singing and dancing with great rejoicing, after their
fashion. They followed us until it was night, when they
approached with several she-goats, kids, and bunches of bananas
to barter, which served for our refreshment. The next day,
after waiting for the tide to go down, we forded the river
with the water to our breasts, and we gave it the name of

z 2

340 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Fig (i.e. Banana) Kiver, for these were the first we had found
in this Kaffraria.

After crossing the river we proceeded on our way until we
reached another, the mouth of which was shallow and blocked
with a bar of sand, which enabled us to pass over with the water
to our knees. After this we went on until the 17th of October,
with nothing to relate. We reached another river, that we
crossed at low tide with the water to our waists, through three
channels which it formed. After this we spent three days
bartering cows, hens in such abundance that each person received
five, and a few she-goats, the hides of which served to barter for
milk. They brought little millet, because it was the season for
planting. There was such disorder in the bartering, with no
respect for the captain and the religious, that it was carried on
openly, as if there had been no justice.

We set out again on the 22nd of the said month, with the
camp well provided, a Kaffir going with us, to whom those from
the wreck of the small ship gave the name of Thomas. He
accompanied us for four days, and was of great service to us ;
and he did all that he was commanded, refusing nothing, there-
fore several copper trinkets were given to him. From the shore
we ascended a high sand-hill covered with a thicket on the top,
and as we were about to descend again we caught sight, between
latitude 27° and 28°, of the fairest plain our eyes had ever
beheld, studded with many kraals, traversed by rivers of fresh
water, and covered with many cattle. There came to us so
many Kaffirs, men and women, that the plain was black with
them, and they brought so much barter that we rested a little in
their sight. When we set out again with all these barbarians in
our company, they served us by carrying us over a river on their
shoulders, conveying us over three arms of it with the water to
their necks, for which we gave them some little pieces of copper.
Here we spent the night, each one bartering at will, and no one
could put an end to this grave disorder.

The next day, before the Kaffirs came with food to barter,
which was so plentiful that eight hens fell to the share of each
person, the captain assembled the religious, officers, and ship's
passengers, apart from the camp, near a river, and informed
them of his inability to continue governing the people, and that
he resigned his charge and gave up all authority, and that there-

Records of Soutli-Eastern Africa. 3-41

fore they should elect some other person who might lead us to
Cape Correntes in peace and quietness, whom he would be ready
to obey. They replied that seeing he confessed that his strength
was not sufficient, although there was no one capable of receiving
his resignation, it would be accepted by all united, and there-
upon they proceeded to the election. The father Friar Antonio
de Sao Guilherme and Urbano Fialho Ferreira were chosen to
take the votes. They went to the shelter of Antonio Carvalho,
where all assembled, and some disturbance in the voting arose
among certain sailors, which was pacified upon Paulo de Barros
being taken as a third. Then they began to vote anew, and
when they had done so the father Friar Antonio questioned
everyone without exception, whether all the votes being now
taken they were willing to accept as captain him upon whom
the majority might fall. All replied in the affirmative, and the
father, declaring the result, announced that Antonio Carvalho
was captain, he having eight more votes than Jacinto Antonio,
to whom the remainder were given.

Antonio Carvalho was one of the ship's sailors, married in
Bel em, a young man respected by all, having the sailors on his
side, and who was chosen as barterer, as has been stated before,
because he had been wrecked in the small vessel and had
travelled through this land of Kaffraria. Notwithstanding all
this, some murmured at his election, which he accepted and
immediately issued a proclamation that no one should barter
anything whatever under pain of punishment. One of the ship's
sailors being convicted, he ordered him to be led through the
camp with a halter and his offence proclaimed, with two hens
tied round his neck, which were the bartered articles discovered
in his possession. He felt this so deeply that the grief of it,
together with hardships of the journey, caused his death within
a fortnight.

On the 24th of October we marched along the plain, coming
across a few difficult marshy places, having passed which,
innumerable Kaffirs came out in order, with pots of milk and
hens which we bartered from them, and for this reason we
advanced less than usual this day, and made our camp in a low
thicket, keeping strict watch upon our cattle. In the morning
we set out and crossed a fresh river twice, with the water to our
waists. We observed the sea at the mouth of the river, which

342 Records of Soufh- Eastern Africa.

seemed to be deep, for there was a great swell within, and many
pools were left at high tide, in which the Kaffirs had weirs for
catching fish. To the east-south-east there was a large high
sandy point, covered with a thicket, which formed a convenient
bay for small vessels to lie in.

We advanced this day with heavy dew and intense cold, and
with great difficulty, because of the many marshes which we
crossed. The Kaffirs followed us with food to barter, and there-
fore we halted a while. We then began to go forward again,
and towards the afternoon we caught sight of a large river, in
which the tide was rising and rapidly barring our way. We
crossed it in great anxiety, falling into many pits dug for
elephants and sea-horses, which we found covered up and flooded
with water that reached to our necks. With this difficulty and a
heavy storm of rain which we encountered, we made our camp
near the shore, whither the Kaffirs came to us, supplying us
with wood and water for pieces of copper, a great relief to us, as
we were very weary. They led us thence in the morning,
crossing a ford with the water to our waists.

Finding the tide low, we marched along the shore for two
leagues, and crossed another river with two arms. Here the
Kaffirs came out in warlike array, with assagais and shields that
covered them, whereupon we assembled in a body, and at the
sight of us they threw down their arms and came to us with
many hens which we bartered from them. There were several
disorders and general vexation in the bartering. An attempt
was made to punish a religious for bartering a hen, and a sailor
laid violent hands upon an old dignified man and threw him to
the ground, to the general sorrow and regret that all respect of
persons should thus be lost.

Proceeding on our way we came on the 2nd of November to
the mouth of a wide river with a strong current, and as it was
necessary to make a raft in order to cross it at low tide, we
waited until the next day, bartering many bolanjas, a fruit
resembling yellow oranges with a thick hard rind and well
flavoured pulp. There was a great disturbance during the
night, owing to two sea-horses which came out of the river and
passed among our cattle with a great noise, and we supposed
that the Kaffirs had attacked the camp. The next day the
captain Antonio Carvalho da Costa sent four armed men to seek

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 343

Kaffirs to show us the ford of the river. They returned with
several, who said there was a ford a league higher up. We set
out immediately by a bad road, very dangerous in parts on
account of the pit-falls for elephants, through which we lost two
oxen, and another was extricated with great difficulty. On
reaching the place where the river was to be crossed we set
about doing so, but it was very wide and full of mud, and we
had great difficulty in getting through it with the water to our
necks. So many Kaffirs came upon us that the captain was
obliged to kill one with his gun, upon which they drew off and
allowed us to reach the other side, that was an island. Thence
we crossed the other arm of the river with the water to our
breasts, which left us very exhausted. A Chinese belonging
to Antonio da Camara de Noronha was left on this island
asleep, and when he awoke the tide was in, and he could
not cross. He came on alone afterwards, and rejoined us in
two days, escaping from the barbarians because he carried a
gun. Having crossed this river, which is called " das Pescarias,"
we set out again, the Kaffirs following us with their arms,
and we knew they wished to attack us. We encamped for
the night, and rested from our past labour, near a brook,
where we bartered two sheep, which were divided among the
companies.

The next day, after journeying for seven leagues, we encamped
near a river of good fresh water, with pleasant trees, in sight of
a large kraal, which those who knew the road called the place of
succour, for so it had proved to them when they passed that way
after the wreck of the small ship. Then the Kaffirs came with
two sheep and a few gourds, which we bartered from them, and
they returned the next day with more to barter. We turned our
cattle out to pasture, of which they had need, with the usual
guard of ship's boys. These fell asleep, and the cows got among
some reeds, which the Kaffirs noticed, and also the negligence
with which they were guarded, and they drove off fifteen of the
best, among which were some tame ones which served us as
beasts of burden. A ship's boy gave the alarm, calling out that
we should look to the cattle, which the Kaffirs were stealing.
Captain Antonio Carvalho rushed out of the camp first with the
haste the case demanded, and overtaking the negroes our men
returned with nine cows, leaving six as prizes of the Kaffirs, for

344 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

which we took from them nine calves, nine sheep, and nine
she-goats, with as many kids.

Towards evening they came down from their kraal beating
drums which they use in war, whereupon several men left the
camp with little order, armed with guns without any further
provision than the charge which was in them, and going up the
mountain they advanced towards the Kaffir kraal and fired their
first charge without killing or wounding any one. Upon this
the enemy took courage and turned upon our men, who took to
flight in such confusion that, calling for help in the king's name
as they were being killed, they did not deem themselves safe
until they were among the shelters of the camp. Some who had
endeavoured to resist were wounded, and others were severely
beaten. Salvador Pereira, a passenger, who upon all occasions
on which he was present behaved like a good soldier, came out
of this fray with two dangerous assagai wounds, and the master
Jacinto Antonio, besides being severely beaten, was brought
back with four assagai wounds, two in the head, one in the hand,
and another very severe in the back. This cowardice and
disorder was caused by those who boasted themselves the most
valiant, and they were the first to turn their backs, without so
much as putting a bullet into one of these barbarians.

Night closed in, and the wounded were attended to with
cocoa-nut oil, and a strict and double watch was set to guard the
camp, which was prepared for every emergency. Twenty persons
prepared to go and attack the kraal next day. In the morning
the Kaffirs began to descend upon the camp with loud cries and
brandishing assagais, and they came so close that it was neces-
sary to go out against them in order to prevent them attacking
us in the shelters, which would have been our total ruin, seeing
their determination. At the first discharge of the guns a Kaffir
was badly wounded, upon seeing which the others fled, and our
men, led by Antonio Carvalho da Costa, pursued them in good
order, leaving the camp in the care of Antonio da Camara de
Noronha, who was sick. We reached their kraal and set fire to
it and to eight others. "With our servants and the ship's boys
carrying what we found therein, we returned to the camp
uninjured. We gained some profit by this, for the spoil was
equally divided, and during the preceding twenty days we had
eaten nothing except beef.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 345

On the 8th of November we left that place, and proceeded
along the shore in good order, keeping strict watch upon the
cattle. When we had gone a little way many armed Kaffirs
came out of a wood, bringing with them cows to mix with ours
and so carry them all off, for the cattle are so trained to obey
their whistling that they can make them run or stop at will.
Domingos Borges de Sousa went forward and got behind a
mound which afforded him cover, and from it he fired at one of
the Kaffirs who was making the most grimaces and killed him
with a bullet, and the others fled with their cattle without
stopping or attempting to harm us. Being thus delivered from
these barbarians we pressed forward hastily, for the day's journey
was long and there was much rain and thunder. We reached a
river in which the Kaffirs were fishing, with a quantity of fish
already heaped on the shore, and at sight of us they left it and
fled in haste, and there was so much that the whole camp was
satisfied with it that day and the next. In this place we buried
Bartholomeu Kodrigues, son-in-law of the pilot Gaspar Eodrigues
Coelho.

The next day, having crossed the river at low tide with the
water to our necks by a bad ford with a high wind and intense
cold, we again advanced along the shore until we reached a
stream of good water five leagues from the river of Santa Lucia.
As we were told that there was no more water until we should
reach that river, we remained there that day, refreshing our-
selves and killing cows for the next day's march. We set out
along the shore, each one carrying his gourd of water with great
inconvenience. Afterwards we poured it out, for we found water
in great abundance, which came down from the clefts of the
rocks to the shore in more than fifty places. After walking four
leagues and crossing a stretch of sand with barren sand hills
reaching to the clouds, we came to the river of Santa Lucia and
made our camp upon its bank among many green thorn trees.
We found the river impassable at the mouth, being very wide
and impetuous, ebbing and flowing without ceasing, so that it
was like the sea on the coast of Spain.

We dug pits to obtain fresh water for ourselves and the cattle,
and finding no wood for a raft and no food for the cattle, after
passing the feast of Saint Martin there, it was decided that we
should turn back and go inland until we found a ford ; for as

346 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

there were no means of crossing at the mouth, to delay was
simply to endanger the cattle, our lives, and all hope of safety.
At this river some of those who bartered for the camp and of
those who assisted in this duty, who had millet and other hidden
grain stolen from the general store, began to sell it at two
xerafins a copper plateful, straight measure, receiving money
from those who had any or pledges of gold from those who wished
to buy, increasing the price as the supply diminished until it
reached four cruzados. This completed the unpopularity of the
new captain Antonio Carvalho, because he allowed and encouraged
it, by which it appeared that he had a share in this usury and
exposed many to death from this cause. Indeed this man never
did his duty to preserve us and the cattle until we reached the
kingdom of Unyaca, when the command was again changed and
was given to Antonio da Camara de JSoronha ; but we need not
be surprised that he, being a sailor, should have been found
wanting when many, whose blood and position laid very different
obligations upon them, allowed themselves to be moved by vile
interest to commit actions unfit to be spoken or written of.

Guided by two of our comrades, who had gone out to explore
the country the day before, we left that river and turned back.
Coming upon it again after going over many sand hills and
endeavouring in vain to find a way through a wood which we
reached, we made our camp at a distance from it among high
jungle-grass. It rained a good deal in the night, and the
drinking water was more than half a league distant and was
carried with difficulty. We came upon a fruit, which is called
the milk fruit, of which we made provision, as it was ripe.
Salvador Pereira found here articles to the value of a thousand
cruzados which he had lost, and he redeemed a pledge for millet.

In the morning God sent us two Kaffirs, to whom copper was
given to guide us to the ford of the river. They led us through
sandy places and thickets which were sometimes high, till we
came to a garden of gourds and green water-melons, of which
not one was left uneaten. We descended to a cultivated plain
near their kraals, and they showed us a shady road, with many
gardens, and sold us green tobacco. We came to an arm of the
river Santa Lucia, which we crossed, going through many bogs
and pools with water to the waist. At the second arm, which
runs three leagues inland, we halted for the night, having but

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 347

little fuel or stakes necessary for making shelters. In this place
we buried Manuel Alvares Pequenino, a sailor of the ship, whom
a ship's boy, his comrade, who afterwards died at Cape Correntes,
had carried on his shoulders for four days, because he could not
walk, giving this proof of good friendship at a time when it was
not found even in a son for his father.

On Saturday, the 17th of the month, we went inland, and saw
pleasant plains inhabited by countless elephants. We crossed
the other arm of the river Santa Lucia, in which there were
many bogs that detained us nearly all the day getting the cattle
over. We rendered thanks to God, who had brought us safely
across this great river, which, together with that of the Golden
Downs, which lay before us, was our chief fear, and had been a
source of anxiety to us throughout our journey. Having over-
come this difficulty we halted for the night on a plain, where a
cow was killed for the whole camp. Going inland that day more
than seven leagues, seeking water in order to halt for the night,
we came upon a pleasant river bordered with shady trees, and
having crossed it with the water to the top of our legs, we
encamped for the night among some high jungle grass which
made us a soft bed.

Kaffirs appeared the next day, and so we remained to barter
cattle, our stock of which was failing. Setting out from that
place, we went forward until the afternoon over a barren country,
and halted in a damp thicket in sight of a great plain through
which a river flowed, and we could not find the ford. We slept
in this place, and saw countless herds of elephants, which did not
come near us. We turned back the next day, for we could not
ford the river. The road by which we went inland was very
troublesome because of the large bogs and marshy places, from
which we had great trouble to extricate the cattle, especially
those which were laden. Seeking a place in which to rest, for
we dared attempt no more, we selected one opposite some ruined
straw huts, from which two Kaffirs came out to barter wood and
water. That evening we killed cattle for all, spending the night
in that place, and set out in the morning.

We called one of the two Kaffirs and gave him a little meat,
of which they are very fond, and a piece of copper, asking him
to be our guide. He led us over mount and valley for a league
and a half, and then ran away from us. Some went one way and

348 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

some another, until we assembled again near the same river as
the day before. We went up its bank, for we could not find a
ford, and crossed about three leagues farther on, with the water
to our necks, in sight of numerous kraals, from which the Kaffirs
came out to wait for us with many cows. We encamped on a
beautiful plain, and immediately they came with milk and hens,
which were divided among the sick. There was no millet at
this place, though crops of it were not lacking, but it was
still green.

On the feast of the Presentation of our Lady, the 21st of
November, we bartered all the cows we chose, and though at a
higher price than before, we supplied ourselves with a hundred
and forty head, with which we set out. We had rested for three
days, and left behind us buried near the river Joao Barbosa,
servant of the count of Prado, Dom Luis de Sousa, who came
from the kingdom with the viceroy Pedro da Silva, and served in
India as auditor of the city of Daman and of the kingdom of
Japanapatam.

Leaving that place with very little strength, for a constant
diet of boiled and roasted beef with nothing else is not much
help to those who have to endure such labour, and several fell
sick from this cause, after we had crossed that river, which was
said to be an arm of the river of the Golden Downs, the negroes
never ceased following us with cows, and bartering gourds, water-
melons, and tobacco in the leaf. The barterers of the camp
suggested that as there would be no more cattle obtainable until
the kingdom of Unyaca was reached, we ought to barter a larger
number and take with us as many as were necessary ; and as
copper had no value farther on, we should therefore break up the
kettles, for there was no lack of pipkins in which to do the
cooking. Several kettles were concealed, being bartered from
their owners for copper, which was given to those who were of
this opinion, and afterwards at Cape Correntes they served to
barter with, for it is certain that throughout all Kaffraria copper
and brass are valued more highly than all goods. For this and
similar actions the captain Antonio Carvalho was disliked,
because he allowed such things to be done in a camp of so many
good people who were under his charge.

These negroes being so well disposed, we marched to a river
which we crossed with the water to our knees, and there left

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 349

them, encamping for the night two leagues farther on, in a
barren land, with water, in sight of straw huts from which the
owners came out to us with a quantity of milk and gourds. The
next day they brought cows, but the price being high we could
not agree, nor concerning several ivory tusks which they wished
to barter. We left this place after dinner, going forward in the
great heat for nearly three leagues until we came to a river of
fresh water in the middle of a plain surrounded by thickets, in
which we halted for the night. Some Kaffirs came out of the
thickets to barter fish, and when copper was given to them they
took it without delivering the fish, but threatening us with their
assagais they made off to the thicket with both fish and copper,
and came out in bands to make grimaces at us until it grew
dark. Night fell with a great storm of rain, thunder, and
lightning, so that the heavens seemed about to fall. All the
guns got wet, and we were delayed in the morning cleaning them
and cooking the cattle which were killed overnight.

Before we set out they came and barred our way, getting their
assagais ready with loud shouts, and demanding the cattle in
their language. In reply to this Paulo de Barros, who was in
the van, fired his gun at one who drew near, and killed him,
whereupon the others took to flight, and we pursued them. They
came out of the thickets into the open plain, where a great
number of Kaffirs bewailed the dead man.

When exploring a plain we caught sight of some people with
hats, who with one on the end of a lance came forward shouting.
The captain Antonio Carvalho, with others, went forward to meet
them, thinking that they were strangers from the wreck of a
boat which we had found broken on the shore. He found that
they were from the wreck of the galleon Sacramento, our flag
ship, and with great grief he returned with these shipwrecked
sailors in his company, who were only five Portuguese, one
Canarin, a mulatto, a Malabar, and a Kaffir, whom we all
embraced with many tears, as men who met in a savage land so
far from our country, and through so sad a cause as the loss of
such ships with so many men and so great riches. We saw here
nine persons who, unarmed, had travelled so far among so many
barbarians, who laid an ambush every hour, from which God
delivered them. Of their comrades who escaped from the wreck
some fell by the hands of the Kaffirs, others died of hunger and

350 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

hardship, and some remained behind alive because they had no
strength to proceed. These nine were Manuel Luis, ropemaker
of the galleon, whom they elected captain, Marcos Peres Jacome,
the under pilot, the caulker, two Portuguese ship's boys, a
mulatto, a Canarin, and two slaves. All continued in our
company until we took our siesta during the great heat under
some trees opposite a river of fresh water, more than a league
and a half from the place from which we set out.

Leaving that place towards the evening we came upon a fig-
tree laden with figs of Portugal, so ripe and ready for eating
that we all sat down at the foot of the tree, and some climbed
up, gathering and throwing down so many that we remained
there for an hour and a half, eating until we were satisfied ; and
we carried away as many as we could, leaving the tree as heavily
laden as if it had not been touched. A little farther on we
halted for the night, sheltering our nine comrades from the
galleon, who gave an account of their shipwreck until we fell
asleep. Then there arose a furious storm of rain, wind, and
lightning, and not a shelter was left standing except that of the
father Friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme.

After the storm which on the eve of the feast of Saint Anthony
overtook the galleon and the ship Atalaya, they related that the
galleon was left without a mainsail, but the topsail had been
furled, which was set when the storm began. With the storm-
sail close to the wind they steered east-north-east with the
lantern alight, with great difficulty, springing many leaks,
which were stopped after the storm was over, and they had done
all that is considered effectual on such occasions. At daybreak,
finding themselves separated from the ship Atalaya, running
before the waves, which were very high, they turned towards the
land, and were overtaken by another storm on the feast of Saint
John. When it was over they pursued their course towards the
Cape of Good Hope, without losing sight of the land after they
had seen it. Sailing with the foresail set, very close to the
shore, on the feast of Saint Peter, in the afternoon of the 29th of
June, the waves being high, the chief pilot was directed to stand
out to sea. This he did during one glass before sunset, pursuing
that course for six glasses of the dog watch and eight of the first
watch, and when the middle-watch began, he steered for the land
with the foresail set; and after six glasses the moon appeared

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 351

and those of the watch announced that land was very close.
On hearing this the pilot gave orders to stand out to sea, as
the wind was gentle and the current setting strongly towards
the shore.

The galleon misstayed and would not turn completely about,
in spite of the efforts which were made by unfurling the fore-
topsail and sprit-sail. Her bow always turned to the shore, and
she drifted towards it for two hours, in spite of the rudder and
management of the sails, until rising on a great wave she struck
from stem to stern and quickly went to pieces. The two galleries
fell into the sea with the poop, and the chief captain Luis de
Miranda Henriques, Father Sebastiao da Maya, of the Company
of Jesus, and many others, who after they came on deck, seeing
there was no further hope, withdrew to the galleries to confess
themselves ; and only one of them escaped. Of the others, who
had remained in the prow, some got ashore clinging to the yards,
and some to pieces of timber, when it was clear daylight, amid
great waves and reefs, to the number of seventy-two living souls,
in latitude 34°.

They remained there eleven days, without seeing a Kaffir or
any living being, and refreshing themselves with such things as
the sea cast ashore, which was very little. They journeyed
onwards for a month before they found indications of the wreck
of the Atalaya, and at the place where it occurred they found a
little Kaffir girl and two little cabras who were maimed, from
whom they learned the fate of the ship and that it was twenty-
eight days since the people had left the place. There they
provided themselves with powder and ball, of which they stood in
need, and ate some leather which they found. Then they set
out again and marched until they came upon Dona Barbara,
whom they found alive near the nun Joanna do Espirito
Santo, the pilot, and the notary, who lay dead. She grieved
them enough by asking them to take her with them, and
when they asked if she could walk she said no, and so they
left her.

They went forward until they reached the river where the ship
Belem was lost, where only ten of them arrived, some of the
others having been left dead, killed by the Kaffirs or by famine,
and some having remained behind alive because they could not
walk. They were brought to such extremity of famine and

352 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

misery that not a shoe or anything of the kind but was devoured
even to a mariner's chart, which killed all those who ate it because
of the mercury in the colours. They came to fighting hand to
hand for a locust, which may well be imagined, for there was a
day when five or six died of sheer hunger.

From the river of the ship Belem onwards, though few and
suffering great alarms from the barbarians every hour, they
always followed the track of the people of the Atalaya, finding
signs of it now and then, and getting information from the
Kaffirs themselves, from whom God delivered them so far and
allowed us all to meet again.

When the severe storm was over and the 28th of November
dawned, we set out, taking with us two native Kaffirs to show us
the way, for which they were rewarded with a piece of beef and a
piece of copper. Guided by them we advanced towards the river
of the Golden Downs, which we reached towards eight o'clock.
All marvelled at its great width, for the land was hardly visible
on the other side, as more than three leagues of water lay between.
We entered it with great difficulty, the Kaffirs leading, with the
water to our breasts. The day was cold, with wind, and a swell,
and we crossed with the baggage on our heads and the cattle in
the middle, and the water became more shallow, being below the
waist. When we got near the shore on the other side there
was another channel, where the water was up to our necks.
We reached the other side towards three in the afternoon, wet
and worn-out, as may well be imagined. We thanked God for
his mercy in allowing us to meet with these Kaffirs, without
whom it would have been impossible to attempt this ford, it
being as wide as the sea of Lisbon near Barreiro. Here were
drowned two young men, servants of Salvador Pereira, a Chinese
and a native of Borneo.

We rested that afternoon and night, and the next day we set
out inland, in sight of the shore. The country along our route
was thickly populated, and the people came out to us with gourds,
water-melons, bolangas, and tobacco. And so we went on with-
out millet or sesame, for it was not yet harvest time, and in this
place and throughout nearly; the whole of Kaffraria it had not
rained for five years, causing great famine and a plague of locusts
which left not a blade of grass where they passed. The road
along the shore to the kingdom of Unyaca is not good, for it is

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 353

dry, with no water, and great sand-hills. We sometimes left it
for that reason, but were forced to return to it.

On the 2nd of December, having with difficulty gone round a
swamp and through thickets that morning, we came out upon a
level plain where we rested. Leaving that place, we went forward
over the same plain until night, when we halted near some pools
of water. Here we found a sailor missing, whose name was Pedro
Gaspar, married in Lisbon, a master shoemaker in the street
called Pe de Navaes, who falling into poverty and having a family
came in the same ship to India in search of a relation who might
assist him, and he was now returning to his home with the neces-
sary aid. We kept up fires all night that this man might be able
to find the camp, and it was impossible for him to miss it if he
sought it. The next day his comrades were sent back to the
place where we had rested at dinner-time. They returned with-
out him, and with no tidings of him. There were various opinions
upon this matter, but no certainty, and losing all hope of his
reappearance we set out again.

Each one bartered for himself at will, sesame, hens, gourds, and
water-melons, until we reached a large river when the greater
part of the company pressed forward and crossed it with water
to their necks. As the tide was rising and it was no longer
possible to ford the river, the company of the father Friar
Antonio and others slept in a wood near it. Quantities of fish
and hens were brought to him for barter, and so we passed the
time until the tide allowed us to cross the river next day and join
the others. Here we saw the first Kaffir who spoke Portuguese,
and he called us sailors and said that at the island of Shefina
there were two pangayos. We were glad enough to hear it, for
we feared to find no vessel from Mozambique.

Having joined those on the other side, we advanced through a
fine grove of trees, with fresh water, for two days. The food for
barter was plentiful, consisting of fish, salt, the first we had seen,
sesame, millet, honey, butter, eggs, hens, she-goats, and sheep,
all in such abundance that it seemed to us that we had reached
a land of plenty. Everyone bartered freely for pieces of cloth
and old rotten rags, in whatever state they were, as if they had
been without a hole.

Thence we set out again on the 13th of December, with
many Kaffirs in our company. There were two thunder storms

vm. 2 A

354 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

with heavy rain that day, and we halted for the night nearly
a league beyond a thick wood. Thence we set out in the
morning of the 14th of December along the shore, and having
gone about a league we found many Kaffirs to guide us inland
with great rejoicing. Therefore we advanced another league,
until we reached the court of the king Unyaca, also called
Sangoan, where we found him seated on a mat at his door
under a tree, upon which his insignia of royalty were hung
according to the Kaffir custom. These were a cow's head with
the horns, and a very long pole tied to the top of the same
tree, with a bow at the end and an arrow fitted to it. The
old king was clothed with a dimity coverlet dyed with red
ochre; his interpreter stood beside him, through whom he
saluted us, welcoming us with a good will and giving us
information that the vessel from Mozambique had reached the
island of Shefina twelve leagues from this kingdom, although
no factory had yet been opened in this Unyaca, according to
custom.

After this he gave orders that we should be lodged in the
straw huts which were there, and they brought us plentiful
barter of sesame, hens, sweet potatoes, butter, and fish, which
each one traded for at will with pieces of shirts, trousers, and
handkerchiefs, and every kind of cloth, so that during the fifteen
days we remained there we had always more than sufficient
barter. The king sent to the captain Antonio da Camara, to
whom Antonio Carvalho had surrendered the command in sight
of Unyaca, a little sesame and some pieces of sea-horse flesh,
and he responded with two silver sprinklers, a piece of cloth
edged with silk, and a length of cloth of Baroche. These
Kaffirs, from their dealings with and knowledge of the Por-
tuguese, are great merchants, interested and distrustful, and
will not give up the article they are trading until they have
received the piece of cloth for which it is to be bartered.

As there was no such certain information of the vessel as
we desired, to be had here, it seemed advisable to send one
of our number to obtain it, and to inform the captain thereof
of our arrival and shipwreck. Therefore, two days later, An-
tonio Carvalho was despatched with six Portuguese and two
native Kaffirs to guide him to the island of Shefina. They
crossed over to it with great difficulty, and there they found

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 355

a galliot, and were hospitably received by the crew. The
captain Diogo Velho da Fonseca, a native of the town Villa
Franca de Xira, married and settled in Mozambique, had gone
to found the factories of Manisa, Manuel Bombo, and Locodone.
Being advised there of our shipwreck and arrival at Unyaca,
like a good vassal of his Majesty (whom may God guard) he
immediately sent our people back with a Moorish pilot with
cloth for the expenses of the journey and the small skiff
and trading lusio in which to cross the rivers of Lebumbo and
Machavane. Antonio Carvalho and his companions, on their
return with such good news, were received by us with great
rejoicing and demonstration of the pleasure we all experienced,
especially when we knew that this was the only vessel which
had come thither for four years, which we attributed to the
goodness and mercy of God, may He be ever praised for His
Divine Providence.

On the 28th of December we left the kingdom of Unyaca
with some Kaffirs who had become friendly with us during
the fifteen days we remained there. We went across the
country beside a great lake and a few kraals as far as a river
which we forded with the water to our waists. We travelled
a considerable distance that day, the heat being very great,
and arrived at the kingdom of Machavane when it was late.
He is richer and more powerful than Sangoan, and he came
to meet us naked, with a cape of hide over his shoulders.
Here we passed the night, and the next day he sent the
captain a cow, and he responded with a white sock. We set
out thence on the 30th of the month, the king accompany-
ing us for a league, and taking leave of us with many
courtesies. He sent one of his kinsmen in our company to
guide us to the river Machavane, which we reached at noon.
As it was very impetuous and deep we were obliged to cross it
in canoes, and began to do so at once, half the camp being
left to cross it the next day. Three ship's boys were crossing
that afternoon in one of these canoes, when it suddenly sprang
a leak, through a hole which had been stopped with clay, and
foundered, leaving them with no choice but to swim ashore.
One, named Antonio Jorge, was drowned, and the others reached
the shore with great difficulty.

When all had reached the other side with the cattle, of

2 A 2

356 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

which there still remained more than forty baggage cows, we
set out for the kingdom of Tembe the Elder, where we halted
for the night. He brought the captain a kid, for which he
gave him a length of spotted cloth. Setting out the next day,
after a long journey we came at night-fall to the kingdom of
Tembe the Younger, a king rich in subjects and cattle. Here
we encountered such a terrific storm of rain and thunder that
not a shelter was left standing, and we were obliged to remain
there the next day, dividing for food a cow which the king sent
us, and some of our baggage cows, one among every eighteen
persons. Here we bartered quantities of milk and melons, and
a letter came from the captain of the galliot, Diogo Velho da
Fonseca, bidding us hasten, as he was waiting for us with
great eagerness, and he sent the lusio that we might embark
with all the baggage and the sick; the captain and the re-
ligious were to go in the skiff, and the others by land.

From the kingdom of Tembe the Younger we set out for
the river of Lebumbo. We could not avail ourselves by the
way of the Kaffirs who brought milk and water-melons as big
as bags of rice. We stopped to eat before we reached the
shore, in a kraal where we found some of the sailors from the
lusio, who' led us to the shore and place of passage, where
the master of the galliot, Manuel Rodrigues Sardinha, and
other Portuguese came out to meet us, weeping with sorrow
for our shipwreck and all our hardships and misery. We
rendered thanks to God that He had brought us to the sight of
these Portuguese and a vessel of our nation, in which we crossed
to the other side. We left the cattle on the opposite shore
under the care of a Kaffir, Benamusa, who was to bring them
over to the island of Shefina, which he afterwards did, and we
paid him for his labour. These baggage cows of ours were
the greatest relief and solace to us throughout the whole of
Kaffraria, and it is certain that but for them not half the
number would have survived, for of the whole camp only the
father Friar Affonso de Beja, although he was old and blind,
and myself always travelled on foot, which is mentioned to
show the great service these animals were of to us.

The sick and all the baggage being embarked in the lusio,
and the captain and religious in the skiff, they set sail on
Saturday the 4th of January. The others set out by land

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 357

with Domingos Borges de Sousa as captain, and the father
Friar Diogo da Presentayao and myself in his company. We
had the Moorish pilot for our guide, and passed through many
kraals that day, taking our siesta in one where we procured
many hens, milk, water-melons, and bolangas. After we had
travelled three leagues we halted for the night. We set out
again early the next day, in order to be in time to hear
mass at the place where the galliot was. We came in sight of
it at about eight o'clock in the morning, after crossing many
large bogs. Great was our joy at the sight, and some could
not believe their eyes when they thought of all the hardships,
famine, thirst, cold, and heat which we had endured. We
waited on the shore until the afternoon, because the skiff and
lusio had not yet arrived. We crossed in them in three pas-
sages, the last landing when it was already night on an
uninhabited island ; on the 5th of January, the eve of Twelfth
Night 1648, we set out at once for the church of straw which
was built there upon the arrival of the galliot, and in which
there is a chaplain and mass is said to render thanks to God
and to the Virgin of the Eosary, to whom the church is
dedicated.

The captain Diogo Velho da Fonseca with his comrades of
the galliot came to the shore to receive us with great joy
and affection. The next day he divided among us all enough
rice and sesame for three days, and supplied many with linen
and shoes, and those who afterwards availed themselves of his
larder were provided with sweetmeats and all tho dainties he
had for the sick, and none were refused. He deserved great
gratitude and favour for this good conduct and liberality, which
he exhibited on this occasion, when the rest of his company
sold us a fardo (42 pounds) of rice for fourteen golden cruzados,
and a bunch of bananas for six and a half, a jar of oil and
vinegar for ten, shoes for three and four cruzados, a Canada
of Portuguese wine for twelve cruzados, and one of palm-wine
for four : such usury as was never seen.

On the third day after our arrival the people of the ship
and galleon, numbering a hundred and twenty-four Portuguese
and thirty negro slaves, were divided among the five factories
already established twenty leagues up the river, where there
was no lack of food, for which three pieces of cloth a month.

358 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

were paid for each person, on His Majesty's account. The
captain remained on the island the guest of Captain Diogo
Velho, and the religious, officers, and ship's passengers were
accommodated in straw huts which were newly built and in
others which the Lascars of the galliot were paid to vacate.
We spent six months on this desert island, going nowhere but
to the factories, to which some repaired for provisions and
refreshment. We who remained on the island had the con-
solation of five or six masses every day, a great relief in the
plague which prevailed at the island and factories, where many
died, in the last from too great abundance of food and the
want of a blood-letter, and in the former from sharp fevers
which yielded to no remedy, and from which no one escaped
suffering ; and many suffered from the itch. Therefore Salvador
Pereira, the master Jacinto Antonio, Amador Monteiro the
captain's comrade, son of the glorious martyr the ambassador to
Japan, in a body left this place of disease, to which Father
Francisco Pereira, of the Company of Jesus, succumbed ; and
of those of the galleon only Manuel Luis, the rope-maker,
Marcos Peres, the underpilot, Francisco Gomes, a Canarin, and
one Kaffir escaped.

When the time came to depart, all the survivors assembled
in the factories and embarked, weighing anchor on the 22nd
of June in the afternoon, with the spring tides, steering among
beacons, the bay being full of shoals. Having cast anchor at
the island of Unyaca we bartered many hens and sweet potatoes,
and setting sail on the feast of Saint John we steered our
course for Mozambique, with three hundred persons, white and
black, in the galliot, for the most part sick and ill accommo-
dated, for the ship was small. On the 9th of July we cast
anchor opposite the fortress, where Amaro Jorge, a sailor of
the ship, a native of Ueyros, died. On reaching the port Captain
Diogo Velho went ashore, and presently returned angry enough
with the governor Alvaro de Sousa de Tavora, with orders
that none should land nor any boat be suffered to approach
us save that of the governor, in which we were all taken to
the fortress, where with the auditor, factor, and his notaries,
he held an enquiry both concerning the loss of the ships and
of the diamonds which escaped. Thence each one withdrew to
such place as he found convenient, until it was time to embark

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 359

for India, the governor ordering the seamen alone to be
assisted with a ration of rice and one cruzado a month. He took
some who were unmarried as soldiers for the fort, as he stood
in great need of them, and divided the remainder among the
three ships which were to set out for Goa.

On the llth of September we set sail with the land breeze,
five ships in all, three for Goa, the pinnace for Diu, and the
other for the islands of Comoro, the pinnace used for trading
at the rivers of Cuama, for which the governor had made us
wait, being seen tacking and waiting for the wind in order to
put in. Proceeding on our course we separated from the pin-
nace for Diu and that of the islands, those for Goa keeping
together as far as latitude 10°, where the governor's urea tacked
to seaward and the pinnace of Francisco Dias Soares towards
the land, leaving us in the galliot of Thome Goncalves de
Pangiru. The captain and pilot was Manuel Soares, a native
of Lisbon, from whom I hired a cabin for myself and my
comrades the fathers Friar Antonio de Sao Guilherme and
Friar Diogo da Presenta?ao.

The galliot being small and a bad sailer, the captain yet
managed so that in spite of calms, storms, and contrary winds,
she alone reached Goa that monsoon, coming in sight of land
after forty-seven days between Angediva and Cape da Rama.
Land breezes and others failing us, and not knowing the
state of Goa harbour, by the unanimous opinion of all we
turned back and entered the harbour of Onor on the 1st of
November, fifty-two days after we had left Mozambique. On
the day following, the 2nd of November, I set out for Goa
with the fathers in a boat of fourteen oars, and arrived there
on the 8th of November in the morning.

All were amazed at the tidings of our shipwreck, and still
more because of the many which had occurred at the city
that year, for there were lost in the harbour a pinnace and
a caravel laden for China with rich cargoes, from which not a
soul escaped, even to the general of Macao, Antonio Vaz Pinto,
seven ships laden with the reinforcements for Ceylon, and twelve
ships of the fleet of Canara, nothing being saved from any of
them. They also suffered an earthquake, which left not a tree
standing, the loss of the palm-groves of the island and lands
of Salsette and Bardes being estimated at more than two hun-

360 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

dred thousand, besides many churches and mango-groves
innumerable, while no tidings or ship had come thither from
the kingdom, nor the urea of the governor of Mozambique,
which contained the wealth and resources of that city and
the diamonds which escaped from the ships. They were also
grieved by the loss of the galleon Santo Milagre, from which
some escaped to the reef on which she struck in 6° south
latitude. They made a boat, in which only forty men reached
the islands of Querimba, leaving the others upon the reef sus-
taining themselves with birds and turtles. The ship Pata was
also lacking, which was coming from the kingdom and ran
ashore at the rivers of Cuama, most of those on board being
saved; but they perished after embarking for Mozambique
with the governor Alvaro de Sousa da Tavora in his pinnace
for trading at the rivers, which ran ashore in a storm, and all
died of hunger and thirst, except the governor himself and a
few servants who escaped with difficulty.

I am in doubt at what to marvel most, whether at the cer-
tainty with which disasters occur at sea, or the confidence
with which navigators always expect to escape them. Foreign
authors may say what they choose : the Portuguese nation alone
in the world was born with the gift of discovering the secrets of
the land and sea.

FINIS. LA us DEO.

ABSTEACT
OF DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

SOUTH-EASTERN AFRICA

FROM 1569 TO 1700,

AN ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST APPEARANCE

OF THE ENGLISH AND DUTCH

IN SOUTH AFRICA.

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 363

I.

DISASTROUS EXPEDITIONS TINDER BARRETO AND HOMEM.

DONA CATHARINA acted as regent of Portugal until 1562,
when she retired and the cardinal Dom Henrique, younger
brother of King Joao III, took her place. While he was
head of the government nothing worthy of mention occurred
in South-Eastern Africa. It was his intention to station at
Mozambique an ecclesiastical administrator, with authority
almost equal to that of a bishop, and a bull was obtained
from the pope for the purpose. The archbishop of Goa gave
his consent to the separation from his diocese of the territory
from the Cape of Good Hope to Melinde. The licentiate
Manuel Coutinho, one of the royal chaplains, received the
appointment, with a salary of about SOI. a year from the
1st of April 1563. But something occurred to prevent the
plan being carried into execution, and it was not revived
until half a century later.

In 1568 Dom Sebastiao, though only in his fifteenth year,
was declared to be of age, and was crowned king of Portugal,
then an absolute monarchy. His was a strange character :
gloomy, but adventurous to the last degree, deeply religious
according to the standard of his time, but wilful and vain,
brave as any warrior who ever held lance in hand, but rash
as the most imprudent of those crusaders whom in many
respects he greatly resembled. He had hardly assumed the
reins of government when he resolved to create a vast
dominion in Africa south of the Zambesi, a dominion which
in wealth and importance would rival that of Castile in the
countries subjected to that crown by the daring of Cortes and
Pizarro.

364 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Ever since the establishment of the trading station at
Sofala a quantity of gold had been obtained yearly in com-
merce, but that quantity was so small as to be disappointing.
Compared with the wealth which flowed into Spain from
Mexico and Peru it was almost as nothing. Yet the belief
was general in Portugal that the mines of South Africa were
as rich as those of America, and that if possession of them
was taken, boundless wealth would be obtained.

Were not these the mines from which the queen of Sheba
got the gold which she presented to King Solomon? said
the Portuguese enthusiasts. Was not Masapa the ancient
Ophir? Why even then the Kalanga Kaffirs called the
mountain close to the residence of their great chief Fura,
and the Arabs called it Aufur, what was that but a corrup-
tion of Ophir? There, at Abasia, close to Masapa and to
the mountain Fura, was a mine so rich that there were
seldom years in which nuggets worth four thousand cruzados
(19041. 13s. 4d.) * were not taken from it. Then there were
the mines of Manika and far distant Butua, worked only by
Bantu, who neither knew how to dig nor had the necessary
tools. Only by washing river sand and soil in pools after
heavy rains, these barbarians obtained all the gold that was
purchased at Sofala and the smaller stations : what would
not be got if civilised Europeans owned the territory? For
it was to be borne in mind that the Bantu were extremely
indolent, that when any one of them obtained sufficient gold
to supply his immediate wants, he troubled himself about
washing the soil no longer.

All this and more of the same nature was exciting the
minds of the people of Portugal, and was reflected in the
glowing pages of their writers. It was therefore a highly
popular enterprise that the boy king was about to embark
upon, one in which he could employ the best men and much

* The weight of the cruzado of King Sebastiao is given to me by the curator
of the coin department of the British Mustum as 58 '7 grains Troy, and its
purity as practically the same as that of English gold. I have therefore
estimated it at 114 -28d.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 365

of the wealth of the country without a murmur from any one.
Before the necessary preparations were made, however, the
pious sovereign submitted to a board termed the table of
conscience the question whether aggressive warfare against
the native ruler of the coveted territory would be lawful and
just. The reply must have been foreseen, but it would relieve
the monarch of personal moral responsibility in the eyes of
Christendom, probably even in his own, if his learned advisers
favoured his views.

The board of conscience consisted of seven individuals, who
took the circumstances of the case into consideration, and on
the 23rd of January 1569 pronounced their opinion. They
declared that as the Monomotapa and his predecessors had
been guilty of killing and robbing their own innocent subjects
as well as several Portuguese traders, that one of them had
ordered the father Doni Goncalo da Silveira, a peaceful
missionary, to be murdered, that by them two Portuguese
ambassadors from the captain of Sofala had been robbed and
detained as prisoners, that they sheltered in their dominions
many Moors, the enemies of the Christian faith and instigators
of evil, and that apostolic bulls were in existence conceding
to the king all the commerce of the country from Cape Nun
to India upon condition of his causing the gospel to be
preached there, it would be right and proper to demand in
moderate terms that the African ruler should receive and
protect Christian missionaries, expel the Moors, cease tyran-
nical conduct towards his subjects, carry on commerce in a
friendly manner, and make sufficient compensation for all
damage done and expenses incurred; and upon his failino-
to do so war might justly be made upon him. It would
certainly be difficult to find better reasons for hostilities than
those here given, if the true object had not been something
very different.

The next step was the division of India into three govern-
ments. Complaints were unceasing that in places distant from
Goa it was almost impossible to carry on business properly,
owing to the length of time required to obtain orders and

366 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

instructions, and it was evident that war on an extensive
scale could not be conducted successfully in Eastern Africa
if the general in command should be in any way hampered.
The whole sphere of Portuguese influence in the East was
therefore separated into three sections: the first extending
from Cape Correntes to Cape Guardafui, the second from
Cape Guardafui to Pegu, and the third from Pegu to China.
As head of the first and commander in chief of the expedition
about to be sent out the king's choice fell upon Francisco
Barreto, an officer of experience in war, who had been governor
general of India from 1555 to 1558, and who was then in
chief command of the royal galleys. The appointment was a
popular one, for Barreto had the reputation of being not only
brave and skilful, but the most generous cavalier of his day.
He was instructed to enrol a thousand soldiers, and was
supplied with a hundred thousand cruzados (47,616Z. 13s. 4.d.)
in ready money, with a promise of an equal sum in gold and
a reinforcement of five hundred men every year until the
conquest should be completed. All Lisbon was in a state of
excitement when this became known, and so great was the
enthusiasm with which the project was regarded that from
every side cadets of the best families pressed forward and
offered their services. The recruiting offices were so crowded
that only the very best men were selected, and those who
were rejected would have sufficed for another expedition.

Three ships were engaged to take the troops to Mozambique.
One of these — the Hainha — was a famous Indiaman, and the
largest in the king's service. In addition to the crew, six
hundred soldiers, of whom more than half were of gentle
blood and two hundred were court attendants, embarked with
Barreto in this ship. In each of the others two hundred
soldiers embarked. One was commanded by Vasco Fernandes
Homem, the other by Lourenco Carvalho. The viceroy at
Goa was instructed to forward supplies of provisions and
military stores to Mozambique, and to procure horses, asses,
and camels at Ormuz for the use of the expedition. A
hundred negroes were sent out to take care of the animals

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 367

when they arrived. To accompany the expedition four
fathers of the Society of Jesus were selected, one of whom —
Francisco Monclaros by name — wrote an account of it which
is still in existence.

On the 16th of April 1569 the expedition, that was supposed
to have a brilliant career before it, sailed from Belem amidst
the roar of artillery and a great sound of trumpets. Almost
immediately the first trouble was encountered, in the form of
a gale which caused so much damage to the ship commanded
by Lourenco Carvalho that she was obliged to return to
Lisbon, where she was condemned. The other two took
seventy-seven days to reach the equator, and then separated,
Vasco Fernandes Homem proceeding to Mozambique, where he
arrived in August, and the captain general steering for the bay
of All Saints on the coast of Brazil to procure water and
refreshments. The Eainha dropped anchor in this bay on the
4th of August, and remained until the end of January 1570,
waiting for the favourable monsoon. During this time sixty
of the soldiers died, but as many others were obtained in their
stead.

At the bay of All Saints Francisco Barreto received
information of a destructive plague that had broken out in
Lisbon, and that his wife, Dona Beatriz d'Ataide, had died
of it only two days after his departure. Having sailed again,
the Cape of Good Hope was passed in safety, but on the
banks of Agulhas a storm was encountered which drove the
ship so far back that she was thirty-six days in recovering
her position. In consequence of this, Mozambique was not
reached until the 16th of May 1570, where Vasco Fernandes
Homem was found with his men all ill and having lost many
by death, among them his own son Antonio Mascarenhas.
None of the requisite supplies or animals had yet arrived
from India. Pedro Barreto, a nephew of the commander in
chief, had been captain of Sofala and Mozambique, but upon
hearing of the new arrangement in a fit of jealousy had
thrown up his appointment and embarked in a ship returning
to Europe. This is the man whose shabby treatment of Luis

368 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

de Camoes has blackened his name for ever in Portuguese
history. He died on the passage to Lisbon. His affairs in
Africa were wound up by his agent, from whom Vasco
Fernandes Homem, who assumed the government, demanded
the proceeds of his property, amounting to about thirty-three
thousand pounds sterling. This money was transferred to
Francisco Barreto upon his arrival, who made use of it in
defraying some of the expenses of the expedition.

The town of Mozambique at this time contained about a
hundred Portuguese residents and two hundred Indians and
Kaffirs. The Mohamedan village on the island was in a
ruinous condition. The construction of Fort Sao Sebastiao
was progressing, and some heavy artillery brought out in the
Eainlia was landed to be mounted on its walls.

Francisco Barreto appointed Lourenpo Godinho captain of
Mozambique provisionally, and in October sent Vasco Fernandes
Homem with three hundred soldiers to the ports along the
coast to the northward to obtain provisions and then take
possession of the Comoro islands. A few weeks later he
followed himself in pangayos with the remainder of his force
who were in health, and overtook Homem at Kilwa, which
was then a place of very little importance. From Kilwa he
proceeded to Mafia, and after a stay there of two or three
days, to Zanzibar. At this island some Kaffirs who were in
insurrection were reduced to order. After this Barreto visited
Mombasa, Melinde, Cambo, and Pate. At the place last
named the inhabitants were more hostile to the Portuguese
than at any other settlement on the coast, and on that
account it was intended to destroy the town ; but it was
found almost deserted, and the few people left in it begged
for mercy and were spared on paying five thousand seven
hundred and fourteen pounds sterling, partly in gold and
partly in cloth and provisions. They avenged themselves
after the expedition sailed, however, by robbing and murdering
several Portuguese traders. As many of the soldiers had died
along the coast and others were very ill, Barreto here
abandoned his design against the Comoro islands, and from

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 369

Pate returned to Mozambique with the tribute money and
provisions he had obtained.

Upon his arrival at the island he found a small vessel
under command of Manuel de Mesquita Perestrello, that had
been sent from Portugal to his assistance. The Rainha was
lying a wreck on the coast of the mainland, having been
driven from her anchors in a hurricane, but her cargo had
previously been taken on shore. Two ships which the viceroy
Dom Luis d'Ataide had sent from India with munitions of
war, stores of different kinds, horses, and other animals for
the use of the expedition, had just made their appearance.
With these, however, Barreto received information that a
powerful hostile force was besieging Chaul, so he called a
council of his officers and put the question to them whether
it would not be more advantageous to the king's service to
defer the African conquest for a time, and proceed to the
relief of that place. The council was of opinion that they
should first force the enemy to raise the siege of Chaul, and
then return and take possession of the gold mines, so pre-
parations for that purpose were at once commenced.

Before Barreto could sail for Chaul, Dom Antonio de
Noronha, the newly appointed viceroy of India from Cape
Guard afui to Pegu, arrived at Mozambique with a fleet of
five ships having on board two hundred soldiers to reinforce
the African expedition. His appearance put a different aspect
upon affairs. He was very ill when lie reached the island,
but after a few days lie recovered sufficiently to be present at
a general council, which was attended by a large number of
officers of high rank and more than twenty fathers of the
Society of Jesus and the order of Saint Dominic, when it was
unanimously resolved that the African expedition should at
once be proceeded with. With one exception, the members
of the council were of opinion that Sofala should be made
the base of operations, the father Francisco Monclaros alone
holding that the route should be up the Zambesi to a certain
point, and then straight to the mountain where the paramount
chief of the Kalanga tribe resided, in order to punish that

VIII. 2 B

370 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

despot for the murder of the missionary Dom Goncalo da
Silveira.

Barreto accepted the decision of the majority of the
council, and commenced to send his stores to Sofala in small
vessels, but after a time his mind misgave him. He had
been specially commanded by the king on all occasions of
importance to follow the advice of Father Monclaros, who
was in high favour at court. After another consultation with
him, the captain general suddenly recalled the pangayos from
Sofala, and in November 1571 left Mozambique for Sena with
twenty-two vessels of different sizes conveying his army and
stores. Two years and seven months had passed away since
he sailed from Lisbon, many of the men who had embarked
there in high hope of glory and wealth were no more, and
most of those who remained alive were enfeebled by the long
sojourn on that unhealthy coast. It is creditable to them
that at last, when the time of action appeared to have arrived,
they were still found eager to press forward.

On the way down the coast the- flotilla put into several
ports before reaching the Quilimane, where Barreto procured
a number of luzios or large boats ; but finding that mouth
of the Zambesi not then navigable into the main stream, he
proceeded to the Luabo. At Quilimaue only two or three
Portuguese were residing. The Bantu chief, ^whose name was
Mongalo, had a distinct remembrance of Vasco da Gama's
visit seventy-five years before.

Sixteen days were required to ascend the river from the
bar of the Luabo to Sena. Sometimes the sails were set, at
other times- the vessels were towed by boats, and where the
current was very strong warping was resorted to. Barreto
resolved to make Sena his base of proceedings. Ten Portu-
guese traders were living there in wattled huts, but there
was no fort or substantial building of any kind. The troops
were landed, and were found to number over seven hundred
arquebusiers, exclusive of officers, slaves, and camp attendants
of every description. Their supply of provisions was ample.
They had horses to draw the artillery and mount a respectable

Becords of Smith-Eastern Africa. 371

company, a number of asses to carry skin water-bags, and
some camels for heavy transport. As far as war material was
concerned, the expedition was as well equipped as it could
be. But this first campaign of Europeans against Bantu in
Southern Africa was opened under exceptional difficulties, for
the locality was the sickly Zambesi valley, and the time was
the hottest of the year.

Agents were at once sent out to purchase oxen, and the
work of building a fort was commenced without delay. Stone
for the purpose was drawn to the site selected by cattle
trained to the yoke, the first ever so employed in South
Africa, which caused great astonishment to the Bantu specta-
tors. The beginning of trouble was occasioned by thirst. The
river, owing to heavy falls of rain along its upper course, was
so muddy and dirty that its water could not be used without
letting it settle, and the only vessels available for this purpose
were a few calabashes. Then sickness broke out, and men,
horses, and oxen began to die, owing, as the captain general
supposed, to the impurities which they drank. Father Mon-
claros, however, was of a different opinion. He believed that
the Mohamedans who resided at Sena were poisoning the
grass to cause the animals to perish, and were even practising
the same malevolence towards the men, when opportunities
occurred, by putting some deadly substance secretly in the
food. He urged Barreto to expel them, who declined to do
so, and to ascertain whether purer water could not be obtained,
caused a well to be dug. The excavation was made, and
stone was being brought to build a wall round it, when one
Manhoesa, a man of mixed Arab and Bantu blood, went to
Barreto privately and told him that there was a plot to put
poison in it.

The Mohamedan residents of the place were traders who
purchased goods from the Portuguese and paid for them in
gold and ivory. Some of them owned many slaves, whom
they employed as carriers in their bartering expeditions and
agents in pushing their traffic far into the interior. They
were governed by their own sheik, and were quite inde-

2 B 2

372 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

pendent of other control. Most of them could speak the
Portuguese language sufficiently well to be understood, and
after the expedition arrived professed to entertain friendship
for the members of it, though at heart it was impossible for
the two races at that time to be really well disposed towards
each other. Apart from the wide gulf which religion caused,
the Christians had come to destroy the commerce with the
Bantu by which these mongrel Arabs lived, how could there
then be friendship between them?

Barreto believed Manhoesa's statement, and caused the
well to be filled up. The horses were now dying off at an
alarming rate, — just as would happen to-day, for in that
locality they cannot long exist, — and upon the bodies being
opened, the appearance of the lungs convinced the Portuguese
that they had been poisoned. The grooms were arrested, and
as they protested that they were innocent, the captain general
commanded them to be put to the torture. Under this
ordeal some of them declared that they had been bribed by
a Moorish priest to kill the horses, and that he had supplied
them with poison for the purpose.

Upon this evidence Barreto ordered his soldiers to attack
the Mohamedans suddenly and put them to the sword. The
country around was thereupon scoured to a considerable
distance, and all the adult males were killed except seventeen,
who were brought to the camp as prisoners. Their property
of every kind was seized, most of which was divided among
the soldiers as booty, though gold to the value of over 6700Z.
was reserved for the service of the king. The prisoners were
tried, and were sentenced to death. They were exhorted to
embrace Christianity, in order to save their souls, but all
rejected the proposal except one, who was baptized with the
name Lourenpo, and was accompanied to the scaffold by a
priest carrying a crucifix. This one was hanged, some were
impaled, some were blown from the mouths of mortars, and
the others were put to death in various ways with exquisite
torture. Of the whole adult male Mohamedan population
of Sena and its neighbourhood only Manhoesa was left alive.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 373

Such dreadful barbarity inflicted upon people innocent of
the crime with which they were charged was regarded by
Father Monclaros as a simple act of justice, and he recorded
the horrible event without the slightest recognition of the
infamy attached to it.

Shortly after he reached Sena Barreto sent Miguel Bernardes,
an old resident in the country, to the Monomotapa; but he
was drowned on the way by the overturning of his canoe in
the river. Another was then despatched on the same errand.
A messenger went in advance to ascertain whether he would
be received in a manner becoming the representative of the
king of Portugal, because in that capacity he would not be at
liberty to lay aside his arms, to prostrate himself upon the
ground, and to kneel when addressing the chief, as was the
ordinary custom when natives or strangers presented them-
selves. Some Mohamedans were at the great place when the
messenger arrived, and they tried to induce the Monomotapa
not to see the envoy except in the usual manner. They
informed him that the Portuguese were powerful sorcerers,
who, if permitted to have their own way, might bewitch and
even kill him by their glances and their words. The chief
was alarmed by their statements and therefore hesitated for
some days, but in the end he promised that the envoy might
present himself in the Portuguese manner, and would be
received with friendship.

Barreto's agent then proceeded to the Monomotapa's kraal.
He had several attendants with him, and before him went ser-
vants carrying a chair and a carpet. The carpet was spread
on the ground in front of the place where the Monomotapa
was reclining with his councillors and great men half
surrounding him, the chair was placed upon it, and the
Portuguese official, richly dressed and armed, took his seat
in it, his attendants, also armed, standing on each side and
at his back. The European subordinate and the greatest of
all the South African chiefs were there in conference, and
the European, by virtue of his blood, assumed and was
conceded the higher position of the two.

374 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

After some complimentary remarks from each, the envoy,
through his interpreter, introduced the subject of his mission,
which he said was to obtain the grant of a right of way to
the gold mines of Manika and Butua, and to form an
alliance against the chief Mongasi — (variously written by the
Portuguese Omigos, Mongas, and Monge), — the hereditary
enemy of the Makalanga. The real object of Barreto's expe-
dition, the seizure of the gold mines in the Kalanga country
itself, was kept concealed. The Monomotapa, as a matter of
course, was charmed with the proposal of assistance against
his enemy. The tribe of which Mongasi was the head
occupied the right bank of the Zambesi at and above the
Lupata gorge, and during several preceding years had com-
mitted great ravages upon its neighbours. Its territory was
small compared with that over which the Kalanga clans were
spread, but its men were brave and fond of war, and to the
Portuguese it was not certain which of the two was really
the more powerful, Mongasi or the Monomotapa himself. The
condition of things 'indeed was somewhat similar to that in
the same country three centuries later, except that Mongasi
and his fighting men were in power far below Lobengula and
the Matabele bands. The chief had given the Portuguese
cause for enmity by robbing and killing several traders, and
on one occasion sending a party to Tete who, finding no
white men there at the time, murdered about seventy of their
female slaves and children.

The Monomotapa was so pleased that he readily agreed to
everything that the envoy proposed. He offered to send a
great army to assist against Mongasi, and he said that a
way through his territory to the mines beyond would be open
to the Portuguese at all times. This was very satisfactory
from Barreto's point of view, though he did not avail himself
of the offer of assistance, as he wished to avoid any com-
plications that might arise from it.

After a detention of seven months at Sena, the return
of the envoy enabled the captain general to proceed towards
.his destination. The fort which he had nearly completed,

Records of South-eastern Africa. 375

named Sao Marcal, gave the Portuguese at least one strong
position on- the great river, though the country about it was
not subdued, and the Bantu were left in absolute inde-
pendence there. He had lost by fever at that unhealthy
place a great many of those who had accompanied him from
Portugal with such high hope, among them his own son
Ruy Nunes Barreto, and of the men who were left some were
barely able to walk. At the end of July 1572 he set out.
A flotilla of boats containing provisions and stores of all
kinds ascended the river, and along the bank marched the
army accompanied by twenty-five waggons drawn by oxen,
and the camels, asses, and a few horses that had recently
arrived from India. The troops, about six hundred and fifty
in number, including eighty Indians and mixed breeds,
were divided into five companies, commanded respectively by
Barreto himself, Antonio de Mello, Thome de Sousa, Jeronymo
d'Aguiar, and Jeronymo d'Andrada. Vasco Fernandes Homem,
who had the rank of colonel, filled an office corresponding to
that of quarter master general. Over two thousand slaves
and camp attendants were with the army.

A whole month was occupied in marching from Sena to the
confluence of the Mazoe and the Zambesi above the Lupata
gorge. Frequently a soldier became too ill to walk, and he
was then placed on a waggon until nightfall, when the
camp was pitched on the margin of the river and he was
transferred to one of the boats. The expedition was now to
ascend the Mazoe to Mongasi's great place, so near its mouth
Barreto formed a camp on a small islaad, and left there his
sick with the boats and all the superfluous baggage and
stores, for there was no possibility of proceeding with a
heavily encumbered column. An officer named Euy de Mello,
who had been wounded by a buffalo, was placed in charge of
this camp. On the northern, or Bororo side of the Zambesi,
there was a tribe of considerable strength living under a
chief named Tshombe, who was an enemy of Mongasi and
therefore as soon as he ascertained the object of the expedi-
tion professed to be a friend of the Portuguese. He supplied

376 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

two hundred men to assist in carrying the baggage and to
act as guides.

With his force now reduced to five hundred and sixty
arquebusiers, twenty-three horsemen, and a few gunners with
five or six pieces of artillery, Barreto turned away almost
due south from the Zambesi. In this direction the column
marched ten days, the men and animals suffering greatly at
times from want of water. How the slaves and camp
attendants fared is not mentioned by either De Couto or
Father Monclaros, but the soldiers lived chiefly on scanty
rations of beef, which they grilled on embers or by holding
it on rods before a fire, though often they were so exhausted
with the heat and fatigue that they were unable to eat
anything at all. Their spirits revived, however, when on the
eleventh day they came in sight of Mongasi's army, which
was so large that the hillsides and valleys looked black with
men.

Barreto immediately arranged his soldiers in a strong
position resting on a hill, and awaited an attack, but none
was made that day. All night the troops were under arms,
getting what sleep they could without moving from their
places, but that was little, for the natives at no great distance
were shouting continuously and making a great noise with
their war-drums. At dawn the sergeant-major, Pedro de
Castro, was sent out with eighty picked men to try and
draw the enemy on. This manoeuvre succeeded. The natives
rushed forward in a dense mass, led by an old female witch-
finder with a calabash full of charms, which she threw into
the air in the belief that they would cause the Portuguese to
become blind and palsied. So implicitly did the warriors
of Mongasi rely upon these charms, that they carried riems
to bind the Europeans who should not be killed. Barreto
ordered one of his best shots to try to pick the old sorceress
off, and she fell dead under his fire. The natives, who
believed that she was immortal, were checked for an instant,
but presently brandishing their weapons with great shouts,
they came charging on.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 377

Then, with a cry of Sao Thiago from the Portuguese, a
storm of balls from cannons and arquebuses and unwieldy
firelocks was poured into the dense mass, which was shattered
and broken. Barreto now in his turn charged, when the
enemy took to flight, but in the pursuit several Portuguese
were wounded with arrows. Fearing that his men might get
scattered, the general caused the recall to be sounded almost
at once, so that within a few minutes from its commence-
ment the action was over.

The horsemen were then sent out to inspect the country in
front. They returned presently with intelligence that there
was a large kraal close by, belonging to Kapote, one of
Mongasi's sub-chiefs, so the general resolved to set it on fire
as soon as the men were a little rested and had broken their
fast. About ten o'clock the expedition reached the kraal,
which was nearly surrounded by patches of forest, and it was
burned, but immediately afterwards the natives were seen
approaching. There was just time to form a kind of breast-
work at the sides of the field guns with stakes and bushes
when Mongasi's army, arranged in the form of a crescent
with its horns extended to surround the position, was upon
the invading band. It was received as before with a heavy
fire, which was kept back until the leading rank iwas within
a few feet, and which struck down the files far towards the
rear. The smoke which rolled over the Europeans and hid
them from sight was regarded by the Bantu with superstitious
fear, it seemed to them as if their opponents were under
supernatural protection, and so they fled once more. They
were followed some distance, and a great many were killed,
among whom was the chief Kapote, but the Portuguese also
suffered severely in the pursuit, for when Barreto's force
came together again it was found that more than sixty men
were wounded, some indeed only slightly but not a few
mortally, and two were dead. Of the enemy it was believed
that over six thousand had perished since dawn that morning,
though very probably this estimate was much in excess
of the actual number.

378 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

The progress of the expedition was now delayed by the
necessity of establishing a hospital. Fortunately the site of
the captured kraal was a good one, and water was plentiful
close by. But at daylight on the sixth day after their
arrival the natives attacked them again. On this occasion
the Europeans were protected with palisades, which the Bantu
were unable to pass, though they continued their efforts to
force an entrance until an hour after noon. Their losses
under these circumstances must have been very heavy, and
they were so disheartened that they accepted their defeat as
decisive and sent a messenger to beg for peace.

Barreto's position at this time was one of great difficulty.
He was encumbered with sick and wounded men, the objective
point of his expedition was far away, his supply of ammu-
nition was small, and his slaughter cattle were reduced to a
very limited number. Yet he spoke to Mongasi's messenger
in a haughty tone, and replied that he would think over the
matter: the chief might send again after a couple of days,
and he would then decide. A present of fifty head of cattle
and as many sheep, a little gold, and a couple of tusks of
ivory, was sent to him, and he gave in return some iron
hoes, but no terms of peace were arranged. The animals
were of the greatest service, so small was his stock of food.

In less than a week from this time a council of war was
held, when there was but one opinion, that the only hope of
safety was in retreating without delay. The expedition there-
fore turned back towards the Zambesi, and so great were the
sufferings of the men for want of food on the way that they
searched for roots and wild plants to keep them alive. At
length, at the end of September, the bank of the river was
reached, and a canoe was obtained, with which a letter was
sent to Kuy de Mello, who was in command of the camp on
the island. That officer immediately despatched six boat
loads of millet and other provisions, and thus the exhausted
soldiers and camp attendants were saved. They had not
penetrated the country farther than forty-five miles in a
straight line from the river.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 379

There were more than two hundred men either wounded
or too ill to be of any service, and the losses by death had
been large, so Barreto resolved to return to Sena, where a
reinforcement of eighty soldiers who had recently arrived was
awaiting him. The sick were sent down the river in boats
after the remainder of the expedition had crossed to the
Bororo side with the animals and baggage, and the waggons,
now useless, had been burned. On the march provisions were
obtained from the natives, who were subjects of Tshombe, and
two kraals hostile to that chief were destroyed.

A few days after crossing the river Barreto received
information that his presence was urgently needed at
Mozambique. When he sailed from that island he left there
as captain a man eighty years of age, named Antonio Pereira
Brandao, and assigned to Lourengo Godinho the office of
factor. Brandao was under the deepest obligation to him.
In the Maluccas he had committed crimes for which he was
tried and condemned to confiscation of all his property and
banishment to Africa for life. He threw himself upon the
compassion of Barreto, who obtained permission from the king
to take him with the expedition, and made him captain of
Mozambique purposely that he might acquire some property
to bestow upon his daughter. In return he acted with such
treachery towards his benefactor that he planned the detention
of supplies forwarded from Goa, in order to ruin him.

Upon learning this Barreto left Yasco Fernandes Homem
in command of the retreating force, and proceeded down the
river in a luzio. At Sena he found an embassy from the
Monomotapa, who brought a message expressing good will
and desiring friendship with the king of Portugal and com-
merce with the white people. The captain general mentioned
three conditions as requisite to a compact between them :
first that the Mohamedans should be expelled from the
country, secondly that Christian missionaries should be
received, and thirdly that a number of gold mines should
be ceded. He added that if these conditions were agreed to,
upon his return from Mozambique he would deal with other

380 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

obstacles in the way of friendly commerce as he had dealt
with Mongasi. The principal man in the embassy replied
that the conditions were acceptable, and it was then arranged
that some Portuguese should return with the party to learn
from the Monomotapa himself whether he would agree to
them.

For this purpose Barreto appointed three gentlemen named
Francisco de Magalhaes, Francisco Eafaxo, and Gaspar Borges,
whom he sent in company with the Kalanga embassy on its
return home with a valuable present of cloth and other articles
to the Monomotapa. It was afterwards learned that Francisco
de Magalhaes died on the journey, and that the two others
were very well received. The Monomotapa, as was natural
under the circumstances, was profuse in friendly sentiments.
He promised to expel the Mohamedans from his country, to
receive Christian missionaries with friendship, and to give
some gold mines to the Portuguese to work ; but probably he
had no intention of literally carrying out the first and the
last of these concessions. He sent back a present of gold,
though it was of trifling value compared with what he had
received.

As soon as the remnant of the army reached Sena the
captain general instructed Vasco Fernandes Homem to com-
plete the construction of Fort Sao Marpal and the necessary
buildings connected with it, and then with Father Monclaros
and a few attendants he proceeded to the mouth of the Luabo
and embarked in a pangayo for Mozambique. Shortly after
his arrival at that island a ship arrived from India with
stores for the expedition, and in her came Joao da Silva, a
natural son of Barreto, who delivered to his father a number
of defamatory letters which Antonio Pereira Brandao had
written concerning him to the king, and which Dom Jorge
de Menezes, his relative by marriage, had intercepted. With
this new proof of Brandao's treachery in his possession the
captain general dismissed him from office, but was too
generous to punish him further. Louren?o Godinho was
appointed captain of Mozambique in his stead.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 381

With his son, all the recruits he could obtain, a good
supply of ammunition and other material of war, and a large
quantity of calico with which to purchase provisions and
meet other expenses, on the 3rd of March 1573 Francisco
Barreto sailed again from Mozambique with a fleet of pan-
gayos, intending to invade Manika from Sena. But misfortune
still pursued him. Contrary winds were encountered, which
compelled him to put into several ports, and two of the
pangayos, laden with ammunition and provisions, were lost.
At Quilimane intelligence was received of fearful mortality
among the troops at Sena. The captains Jeronymo d'Aguiar
and Antonio de Mello with all the inferior officers of the
several companies and most of the soldiers had died, and
Vasco Fernandes Homem and the Jesuit fathers were very ill.
All hope of being able to invade Manika was thus lost, but
Barreto felt that it would be disgraceful to abandon his
people in such a time of distress, and so he pressed forward.
On the 1st of May he left the mouth of the river, and on
the 15th arrived at Sena.

At the landing place about fifty soldiers, all that were
able to stand, were waiting to receive him with banners dis-
played, but there was not an officer with them until Vasco
Fernandes Homem was brought down in a state of great
debility. The captain general and the priest passed on to the
hospital, where the sick tried to welcome them, but only one
man was able to discharge an arquebus. The sole remaining
physician was dying. It was a pitiful sight, this terrible end
of an expedition entered upon with such enthusiasm and such
unbounded hope of success.

Some of the sick improved in health owing to the medical
comforts Barreto had brought with him, but the whole of the
recruits just arrived were struck down almost at once. The
captain general, eight days after he reached Sena, had an
angry altercation with Father Monclaros, in which the priest
reproached him for not having abandoned the enterprise long
before and told him that God would bring him to account for
all the lives lost. Immediately after this the unfortunate

382 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

commander took to his bed, and after a brief period of
exhaustion died in great distress of mind, though apparently
free of fever. In India and in his native country he had
been regarded as a man of high ability, but South Africa
destroyed his reputation, like that of many others since. He
was buried in the newly erected church within the fort Sao
Marpal, but his remains and those of his son Kuy Nunes
Barreto were subsequently removed to Portugal, where by
order of the king a pompous state funeral was accorded to
them. His natural son, Joao da Silva, was taken by his
servants from Sena to Mozambique, prostrate with illness,
and died there. He had been wealthy, but his father had
borrowed all he possessed for the use of the army, as he had
done from many others, so that Francisco Barreto's executors
found that he not only left no property, but that he was
responsible for a hundred and twenty thousand cruzados
(57,140Z.) thus raised.

Upon opening the first of the sealed orders of succession
which had been given by the king to the late captain
general, the name of Pedro Barreto was found; but he had
long been dead. The second order of succession was then
opened, which contained the name of Vasco Fernandes
Homem, who thereupon assumed the title of governor and
captain general of the African coast from Cape Guardafui to
Cape Correntes. Acting upon the advice of Father Monclaros,
the new governor retired to Mozambique as speedily as pos-
sible, taking with him all the material of war and men except
sufficient for a small garrison that he left in Fort Sao Marcal
at Sena.

Shortly after he reached the island, an officer named
Francisco Pinto Pimentel, who was his cousin, arrived there
from India on his way home. • This officer expressed the
utmost astonishment at his having abandoned an enterprise
which the king had resolved should be carried out, and for
which reinforcements were even then being sent from Portugal.
In his opinion it was gross dereliction of duty, and he re-
minded his relative that a high official had not long before

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 383

lost his head for an act which might be regarded as similar.
The advice of Father Monclaros, he said, would not serve as
an excuse, because a priest could not be supposed to be a
guide in military matters. The father had already embarked
in a ship returning to Lisbon, so Pimentel's reasoning was
not counteracted by his influence.

The captain general therefore resolved to resume the
effort to get possession of the gold mines, and to make his
base of operations the port that had been recommended by
the council of officers and clergy in 1571. As many recruits
as could be obtained jifrom ships that called were added to
the remnant of Barreto's force and the fresh soldiers just
arrived from Europe, a flotilla of coasting vessels was collected,
provisions were procured, and an army of some strength, well
provided with munitions of war, was conveyed to Sofala. The
date of its arrival cannot be given, as no Portuguese
chronicler or historian mentions it, and the original manuscript
of Father Monclaros terminates with the death of Francisco
Barreto. The Kiteve and Tshikanga tribes were found to be
at variance with each other, a circumstance that was favourable
to the captain general's views. As soon as his soldiers were
on shore, who mustered five hundred in number, exclusive of
attendants and camp followers, he sent presents to the Kiteve
chief, and requested a free passage to the Tshikanga territory,
but met with a refusal. The Bantu rulers always objected
to intercourse between white people and the tribes beyond
their own, because they feared to lose their toll on the
commerce which passed through their territories, and they
were also apprehensive of strangers forming an alliance with
their enemies.

Homem made no scruple in marching forward without the
chiefs permission, and when the Kiteves attempted to oppose
him with arms, a discharge of his artillery and arquebuses
immediately scattered them. They had not the mettle of the
gallant warriors of Mongasi. After several defeats the whole
tribe fled into a rugged tract of country, taking their cattle
with them, and leaving no grain that the invaders could find.

384 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Homem marched on to their Zimbabwe, which consisted of
thatched huts, to which he. set fire. Two days later he
reached Tshikanga's territory. There he met men bringing
a present from the chief, who was delighted at the overthrow
of his enemy, and who gave him a warm welcome.

The Portuguese force went on to the great place, where a
camp was formed, the utmost good feeling being shown on
both sides. After a short rest Homem and some of his
principal men visited the mines, but were greatly disap-
pointed. They had expected to find the precious metal in
such abundance that they could take away loads of it, instead
of which a number of naked blacks carrying baskets of earth
from a deep cavity were seen, with some others washing the
earth in wooden troughs and after long and patient toil
extracting a few grains of gold. They at once concluded that
it could be of no advantage for them to hold the country.
An agreement was therefore made with the Tshikanga chief
that he should do everything in his power to facilitate com-
merce with his people, and for that purpose should allow
Portuguese traders or their agents to enter his country at any
time, in return for which the captain of the fort of Sofala
was to make him a yearly present of two hundred rolls of
cotton cloth.

The expedition went no farther in the Manika country, the
point reached being the place now known as Masikesi, or
somewhere near it. As soon as his people were refreshed,
Homem set out again for the coast, without attempting to
penetrate to the territory of the Monomotapa. On the way
messengers from the Kiteve chief met him, and begged for
peace, so an agreement was made with them similar in terms
to the one concluded with the owner of Manika.

It was at this time believed that silver was plentiful
somewhere on the southern bank of the Zambesi above Tete,
— the exact locality was uncertain, — and as the native tribes
in that direction were too weak to offer much resistance, the
captain general resolved to go in search of it and endeavour
to retrieve the pecuniary losses he and his predecessor had

Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 385

sustained. Accordingly be proceeded by sea from Sofala to
tbe Zambesi, and having ascended that river to Sena he
disembarked and marched upward along it. At first the
natives were friendly and he had no difficulty in adding to
his supply of provisions, but after a time he found that as he
advanced they abandoned their kraals and fled, so he built a
fort of wood and earth, in which he stationed a garrison of two
hundred men under Antonio Cardoso d'Almeida, and with
the remainder of the force he returned to Mozambique.

The natives now went back to their kraals, but kept away
from the fort. After a time provisions began to fail, so
D'Almeida sent out a raiding party that secured a quantity of
millet and a few cattle. Some of the natives after this asked
for peace, and terms were agreed upon, but when a band of
soldiers left the fort to explore the country, it was attacked,
and only a few men got back again. The place was then
surrounded, and the siege was maintained until the provisions
were exhausted, when the Portuguese tried to cut their way
out, but were all killed.

Thus ended the expeditions under Francisco Barreto and
Vasco Fernandes Homem, undertaken to get possession of the
mineral wealth of South-Eastern Africa. Nothing more disas-
trous had happened to the Portuguese since their first
appearance in Indian waters. The original army and all the
reinforcements sent from Lisbon had perished, excepting a
few score of worn out and fever stricken men who reached
Mozambique in the last stage of despondency. To compensate
for the large expenditure that had been incurred, there was
nothing more than the fort Sao Mar?al at Sena and the few
buildings within it. The extent of the disaster was realised
by the king, and after a short and uneventful term of office
by Dom Fernando de Monroy, who succeeded Vasco Fernandes
Homem, an end was put to the captain generalship of Eastern
Africa, which thereupon reverted to its former position as a
dependency of the viceroyalty of India.

vni. 2 c

386 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

II.

EVENTS TO THE CLOSE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

ON the 4th of August 1578 the great tragedy took place of
the death of King Sebastiao in battle with the Moors of
Northern Africa, and the total destruction of the army which
he commanded in person, the entire force of Portugal. At
once the little kingdom lost the proud position she had
occupied among the nations of Europe, and thereafter was
regarded as of trifling importance. The country had been
drained of men, and was completely exhausted. It must be
remembered that she never was in as favourable a condition
for conducting enterprises requiring large numbers of sailors
and soldiers as the Netherlands were at a later date. She
had no great reservoir of thews and muscles to draw from as
Holland had in the German states. Spain was behind her, as
the German states were behind the Netherlands, but Spain
found employment for all her sons in Mexico and Peru.
Portugal had to depend upon her own people. She was
colonising Brazil and Madeira too, and occupying forts and
factories on the western coast of Africa as well as on the
shores of the eastern seas. Of the hosts of men — the very
best of her blood — that went to India and Africa, few ever
returned. They perished of fevers or other diseases, or they
lost their lives in wars and shipwrecks, or they made homes
for themselves far from their native land.

To procure labourers to till the soil of her southern
provinces slaves were introduced from Africa. In 1441 Antao
Goncalves and Nuno Tristao brought the first home with
them, and then the doom of the kingdom was sealed. No

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 387

other Europeans have ever treated negroes so mildly as the
Portuguese, or been so ready to mix with them on equal
terms. But even in Estremadura, Alemtejo, and the Algarves
it was impossible for the European without losing self respect
to labour side by side with the African, and so all of the
most enterprising of the peasant class moved away. The
slaves, on embracing Christianity, had various privileges con-
ferred upon them, and their blood became mixed with that
of the least energetic of the peasantry, until a new and
degenerate stock, frivolous, inconstant, incapable of improve-
ment, was formed. In the northern provinces Entre Douro
e Minho and Tras os Montes a pure European race remained,
fit not only to conquer, but to hold dominion in distant
lands, though too small in proportion to the entire popula-
tion of the country to control its destinies. There to the
present day are to be met men capable of doing anything
that other Europeans can do, but to find the true descendants
of the Portuguese heroes of the sixteenth century, one must
not look among the lower classes of the southern and larger
part of the country now.

Further, corruption of the grossest kind was prevalent in
the administration everywhere. The great offices, including
the captaincies of the factories and forts in the distant
dependencies, were purchased from the favourites of the king,
though they were said to be granted on account of meri-
torious services. Reversions were secured in advance, often
several in succession, and there were even instances of
individuals acquiring the reversion of captaincies for unnamed
persons. Such offices were held for three years, and the
men who obtained them did their utmost to make fortunes
within that period. They were like the Monomotapa of the
Kalanga tribe, no one could approach them to ask a favour
or to conduct business without a bribe in his hand, every
commercial transaction paid them a toll. They had not
yet sunk in the deep sloth that characterised them at a later
date, but they lived in a style of luxury undreamed of in
earlier (lavs.

2 c 2

388 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

The exact manner in which Dom Sebastiao met his death
was never known. Many of the common people refused to
believe that he had been slain : he was hidden away, they
asserted, and in God's good time would return and restore the
kingdom to its former glory. Many generations passed away
before this strange conviction ceased to be held, and all the
time, in expectation of some great supernatural occurrence in
their favour, the nation allowed matters to take their course
without making a supreme effort to rectify them. The
cardinal Dom Henrique, an imbecile old man, ascended the
throne, but he died on the 31st of January 1580, and with
him the famous dynasty of Avis, that had ruled Portugal so
long and so gloriously, became extinct in the direct male
line.

The duchess of Bragan?a as the nearest heir in blood
might have succeeded, her title being unquestionably clear, but
the spirit of the nation was gone, and the duke, her husband,
did not choose to maintain her right against Philippe II of
Spain, who based his pretensions to the Portuguese throne
on his being descended on his mother's side from a younger
branch of the late royal family. Dom Antonio, prior of
Crato, an illegitimate son of the duke of Beja, second son of
Manuel the Fortunate, however, seized the vacant crown, but
in April 1581, as the whole people did not rally round him,
was easily expelled by a Spanish army commanded by the
duke of Alva. Philippe II then added Portugal to his
dominions, nominally as an independent kingdom with all its
governmental machinery intact as before, really as a subor-
dinate country, whose remaining resources, such as they were,
he drew upon for his wars in the Netherlands. To outward
appearance the little state might seem to occupy a more
impregnable position after such a close union with her power-
ful neighbour, but it was not so in reality. The enemies of
Spain now became her enemies also, her factories and fleets
were exposed to attack, and she received no assistance in
defending them. The period of her greatness had for ever
passed away.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 389

The establishment of missions among the Bantu by the
Dominicans was the most important occurrence in South-
Eastern Africa at this period. In 1577 Dom Luis d'Ataide,
when on his way to Goa to assume duty as viceroy, found
at Mozambique two friars of this order, named Jeronymo de
Couto and Pedro Usus Maris, who had come from India and
were preparing to proceed to Madagascar to labour among
the natives of that island. The viceroy induced them to
remain where they were, and provided them with means to
build a convent, in which six or seven of the brethren after-
wards usually resided. This was the centre from which their
missions were gradually extended in Eastern Africa. South
of the Zambesi, Sofala, Sena, and Tete were occupied within
the next few years.

The missionaries found the Europeans and mixed breeds at
these places without the ministrations of chaplains, and sadly
ignorant in matters spiritual. In the church within the
fortress at Sena, for instance, the friars were shocked to see
a picture of the Eoman matron Lucretia, which had* been
suspended over a shrine in the belief that it was a portrait
of Saint Catherine, and they observed with much surprise
that no one made any distinction between fast and feast
days.

They turned their attention therefore first to the nominal
Christians, and succeeded in effecting some improvement in
the condition of that class of the inhabitants, most of whom,
however, continued to live in a way that ministers of religion
could not approve of. They next applied themselves to the
conversion of the Bantu, but did not meet with the success
which they hoped for, though they baptized a good many
individuals. It was hardly possible for them to make converts
except among those who lived about the forts as dependents
of the white people, and who were certainly not the best
specimens of their race. The condition of the tribes was then
such that anything like improvement was well nigh impossible.
Wars and raids were constant, for an individual to abandon
the faith and customs of his forefathers was regarded as

390 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

treason to his chief, and sensuality had attractions too strong
to be set aside. Away from the forts the missionaries were
compelled to endure hardships and privations of every kind,
hunger, thirst, exposure to heat, fatigue, and fever ; but the
initial part of their duty, as they understood it, was to suffer
without complaint.

In 1585 Dom Joao Gayo Ribeiro, bishop of Malacca, wrote
to the cardinal archduke Albert of Austria, who then governed
Portugal for the king, requesting him to obtain a reinforce-
ment of missionaries for the islands of Solor and Timur,
where Christianity was believed to be making rapid progress.
He addressed a similar letter to the provincial of the
Dominicans, and this, when made public, created such enthu-
siasm that a considerable number of friars at once volunteered
for service in India. Among them was one named Joao dos
Santos, to whom we are indebted for a minute and excellent
account of South-Eastern Africa and its people. Dos Santos
sailed from Lisbon with thirteen others of the same order on
the 13th of April 1586, and on the 13th of August of that
year reached Mozambique, where he received instructions
from his superior to proceed to Sofala to assist the friar Joao
Madeira, who was stationed there. Accordingly he set out in
the first pangayo that sailed, and after touching at the islands
of Angosha and the rivers Quilimane, Old Cuama, and Luabo
on the way, reached his destination on the 5th of December.
Two others of the party, the friars Jeronymo Lopes and Joao
Frausto, went to Sena and Tete, where they remained three
years and a half. When Dos Santos took up his abode at
Sofala Garcia de Mello was captain of the station, subject to
the control of the captain of Mozambique.

The fort built by Pedro d'Anaya had before this time been
reconstructed of stone, and nothing of the original walls
remained, but the tower erected by Manuel Feruandes was
still standing. The form of the first structure — that of a
square — was preserved, and a circular bastion had been added
at each of the corners. The buildings within the walls were
a church, warehouses to contain goods and stores, offices, and

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 391

residences for all the officials and people engaged in trade.
There was also a large cistern in which rain was collected, as
the water obtained in wells was not considered good. With
the exception of a bombardier, a master gunner, and six
assistants, the fort was without other garrison than the
European residents of the place and their servants.

Close by was a village containing six hundred inhabitants
professing Christianity. These were mixed breeds and negro"
slaves or others employed by the Portuguese, who in case of
necessity would have been called upon to assist in defending
the station. In this village there was a chapel, and while
Dos Santos resided there a second place of devotion was built
in it, as well as another some distance outside. The friar
himself went with a party of men to an island in the Pungwe
river to cut the timber needed in their construction and to
repair and strengthen the church within the fort. The dwell-
ing houses in the village were tiny structures of wattles and
mud covered with thatch, not much larger or better than the
huts of Bantu.

Farther away was a hamlet occupied by about a hundred
Mohamedans, very poor and humble, the descendants of those
who had acknowledged Isuf as their lord. There was still one
among them termed a sheik, but he was without any real
authority. So entirely dependent were these Mohamedans
upon the Portuguese, and so subject to control, that they
were obliged to pay tithes of their garden produce to the
Dominican fathers, just as the residents in the neighbouring
Christian village. A few individuals of their creed were
scattered about the country, but all were in the same abject
condition as those at Sofala.

The gardens cultivated by the inhabitants produced a
variety of vegetables, such as yams, sweet potatoes, cabbages,
melons, cucumbers, beans, and onions, in addition to millet,
rice, sugar canes, and sesame, the last of which was grown to
express the oil. Sugar was not made, but the juicy pith of
the cane was esteemed as an article of diet. Fruit too was
plentiful. The most common kinds were pomegranates.

392 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

oranges, limes, pineapples, bananas — usually called Indian
figs, — and cocoa nuts. There were even groves of lime trees
that had been allowed to become wild, the fruit of which any
one who chose could gather. The principal flesh consumed
by the Europeans was that of barnyard poultry, as in some
parts of South-Eastern Africa at the present day, although
horned cattle, goats, and pigs were plentiful. Venison of
various kinds was abundant, and fish of good quality was
always obtainable. Everything here enumerated could be
had at trifling cost in barter for beads and squares of calico,
which were used instead of coin, so that the cost of living in
a simple manner was very small ; but wines and imported pro-
visions were exceedingly dear. The matical of gold was the
common standard of value in commercial transactions between
Europeans.

Four leagues above the fort there was in the river an island
named Maroupe, about eight leagues in length by a league
and a half in breadth. The greater part of this island had
been given by the Kiteve to a Portuguese named Rodrigo
Lobo, whom he regarded as his particular friend. But it was
in no way a dependency of the European establishment at
the mouth of the stream, for Lobo, though he still maintained
intercourse with his countrymen, ruled there as a vassal • of
the Bantu overlord, just as a Kalanga sub-chief would have
done. He lived in a more luxurious style than any white
man at Sofala, had a harem of native women, and was attended
upon by numerous slaves. His descendants are to be found
in the country at the present day, and still call themselves
Portuguese, though they are not distinguishable from Bantu
in features or colour.

Sofala was never visited now by a ship direct from Portugal
or India, its imports coming from Mozambique and its exports
going to that island. The coasting trade was carried on with
pangayos and luzios manned by black men who claimed to be
Mohamedans, but really knew and cared very little about
religion, though they were excessively superstitious and paid
much attention to forms. The master, a mate, and a super-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 393

cargo were commonly the only Europeans on board, and it
sometimes happened that even these were mixed breeds.

Every year the Kiteve sent to the fort at Sofala for the
cloth that was due to him under the agreement made by
Vasco Fernandes llomem. It consisted of two hundred rolls,
not mere squares, for each piece was worth more than a
cruzado. It was necessary also, in order to maintain friend-
ship with the powerful chief, to make presents of beads and
calico of some value to his messengers, as they were selected
by him with that expectation. This made commerce within
his territory free, but any one passing through it to that of
his neighbour the Tshikanga, in order to trade there, was
obliged to pay him one piece of cloth out of every twenty.
There was almost constant war between the four independent
Kalanga chiefs, the Mouomotapa, Tshikanga, Kiteve, and
Sedanda, which of course had a disturbing effect upon
commerce.

Sena was at this time really a place of greater importance
than Sofala, though it did not rank so high as a govern-
mental station. The salaries paid to its officials amounted to
little more than £500 a year, while those paid at Sofala
exceeded £1100. This, however, gives nothing upon which to
form an opinion of the value of an office at either place, as
incomes were regarded as derivable from perquisites, not from
pay. A few years later it was ascertained that one individual,
whose salary during his term of office amounted to £850, had
realised a fortune of not less than £57,000, — an enormous
sum for that period. This was of course a very exceptional
case, but probably there were few who did not in some way
receive their nominal salaries many times over.

Sena was the emporium of the trade of the Zambesi basin.
Goods were brought here from Mozambique and stored in the
warehouse within the fort until they were sent up the river
to Tete in luzios, or up the Shire to the head waters of
navigation, thence to be conveyed by carriers in different
directions, or to the territory of the Tshikanga to be bartered
for gold. The fort was not yet fully completed, but several

394 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

pieces of artillery were mounted on its walls. It contained a
church, the factory with its storehouses, the residences of the
captain and other officials, and the public offices. No soldiers
were maintained here, the resident Portuguese and their
dependents being regarded as sufficiently strong to defend the
place if it should be attacked. The officials were appointed
by the captain of Mozambique. In the Tillage just outside
the fort there were about fifty Portuguese residents and over
seven hundred and fifty Indians, mixed breeds, and blacks.
At this time slaves were not exported from the Zambesi, but
captives were purchased from tribes that were at war, and were
kept for service at all the stations. The blacks residing at
Sena were of this class.

Every three years an embassy from the Monomotapa visited
Sena to receive calico and beads of the value of three
thousand cruzados, which each captain of Mozambique on
assuming office was obliged to pay for the privilege of
trading in the great chiefs territory during the term of his
government. The embassy was conducted with much state,
having at its head men of rank who acted in the capacities
so well known to those who have dealings with Bantu, as
eyes, ears, and mouth of the chief. A Portuguese returned
with it, to deliver the calico and beads formally, so that
everything might be carried out in a manner satisfactory to
both parties. The Monomotapa had a very simple way of
enforcing this payment. If it was not made when due he
ordered an empata, that is a seizure and confiscation of every-
thing belonging to Portuguese in his country, and stopped all
commerce. The goods so seized were never restored, though
trade was resumed when merchandise to the full value of
three thousand cruzados was forwarded to him. This system
prevented payment by promises or running up accounts,
which might otherwise have come into practice.

Up at the terminus of the river navigation by the
Portuguese, one hundred and eighty miles from Sena, on
the Botonga or southern bank of the stream, on ground five
hundred feet above the level of the sea, stood Tete, the base

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 395

of the trade with the interior. It contained a fort built of
stone, with seven or eight pieces of artillery on its walls,
which enclosed a chape], dedicated to Sao Thiago, warehouses,
offices, and other buildings. In the village adjoining it
resided about forty Portuguese and some five hundred and
fifty Indians, half breeds, and blacks professing Christianity,
of the same class as those at Sofala and Sena. There was
no garrison of soldiers, the fort being intended for the
resident Europeans and their dependents to retire into in case
of being attacked. The captain or head of the establishment
was appointed by the captain of Mozambique and was subject
to his authority.

Within a circuit of three or four leagues from Tete there
were eleven kraals of Bantu, that could muster among them
more than two thousand men capable of bearing arms. They
had been conquered by the Monomotapa some time before,
and by him presented to the captain of Tete, who acted as
their supreme ruler. So perfectly subject were they to him
that they brought all cases of importance to him to be tried,
and he appointed their headmen and could call out their
warriors for service whenever he chose. They were the only
Bantu south of the Zambesi, except the slaves and servants
of the Europeans at the different stations, who were under
Portuguese authority.

From Tete goods were conveyed on the backs of native
carriers who travelled in caravans to three stations in the
Kalanga territory, named Masapa, Luanze, and Bukoto, at
each of which a Portuguese who had charge of the local
barter resided with some assistants. The most important of
these stations, or places of fairs as they were called, was
Masapa, on the river Manzovo — now Mazoe, — about one
hundred and fifty miles by footpath from Tete, and near
the mountain Fura. The principal Portuguese resident at
Masapa, though selected for the post by the European
inhabitants of the country conjointly with the Kalanga ruler,
held the office of chief under the Monomotapa, by whom he
was vested with power, even of death, over the Bantu

Records of South-Eastern Africa.

residents at the station. No white man or native trader
acting for one could pass Masapa without permission from the
Portuguese chief or the Monomotapa himself, and the chief
acted as agent for the Monomotapa in receiving and forward-
ing to him one-twentieth of all the goods brought into that
part of the country to be bartered for gold and ivory. This
appointment he held for life. So far he was simply a Kaffir
chief, and his domestic establishment was that of one. But
he was also a Portuguese official. He held a commission
from the viceroy of India giving him considerable authority
over the Portuguese who went to Masapa for purposes of
trade, and he was the medium through whom all communica-
tions with the Monomotapa passed. He had the title of
Capitao das Portas — Captain of the Gates, — on account of his
peculiar position.

Luanze was about one hundred and five miles almost due
south of Tete, between two rivulets which united below it and
then flowed into the Mazoe. The principal Portuguese resident
here was also a sub-chief of the Monomotapa, who placed the
Bantu living at the station under his authority. He held a
commission from the viceroy, making him head of the
Portuguese frequenting the place ; but he was not such an
important personage as the Captain of the Gates.

Bukoto was about thirty miles from Masapa, thirty-nine
from Luanze, and one hundred and twenty from Tete. It
was situated just above the junction of two streamlets, and
was the least important of the three places of fairs, with
nothing particular to note about it. At none of them had the
Portuguese any authority whatever over the natives except
such as was derived from the Monomotapa, who permitted the
trading stations to be established in his country on account of
the benefit which he derived from them. By doing so he did
not consider that he had diminished his right of sovereignty,
and the exercise of authority by the captains over men of
their own race, by virtue of power derived from the viceroy of
India, was in full accordance with Bantu ideas of government
being tribal rather than territorial.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 397

The Monomotapa of the time when Dos Santos resided at
Sofala, who bore also the title Mambo, was well disposed
towards the Portuguese. He gave the Dominicans leave to
establish missions in his country, and they had already put
up little structures for places of prayer at Masapa, Luanze,
and Bukoto. They had not as yet, however, men to occupy
these places permanently, but the friar who resided at Tete
occasionally visited them. The white people never made a
request from Mambo without accompanying it with a present
— usually a piece of coloured calico — for himself and some-
thing of equal value for his principal wife, their special
pleader, whose name was Ma Zarira. This was the custom
of the country, for no native could obtain an audience unless
he presented an ox, a goat, or something else according to
his means.

In describing the country Dos Santos mentions several king-
doms bordering on the territory of the Monomotapa, but in
reality these were nothing more than tracts of land inhabited
by native tribes under independent chiefs. The kingdom of
Sedanda was one of those which he named. This was the
territory lying between Sofala and the Sabi river, occupied by
a tribe of the same blood as the Makalanga, under a chief who
bore the hereditary title of Sedanda. One of the Sedandas in
Dos Santos' time committed suicide, on account of his being
afflicted with leprosy. Of the region west of the Monomotapa's
territory the Portuguese knew nothing except from vague
native reports, for no one of them or of the wandering
Mohamedans had ever visited it. It would be useless there-
fore to repeat the names of the so-called kingdoms given by
the Dominican friar. Of the longitudes of places he had of
course no knowledge. He believed Angola could not be very
far distant, and he states that a blanket brought overland
from that country by native traders was purchased by a
Portuguese at Manika and shown to him at Sofala as a
curiosity. It is just possible that the blanket was carried
across the continent, but it is much more likely that the
friar was deceived as to the place from which it came. At

398 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

that time the head waters of the Zambesi were quite unknown,
though the Portuguese were fairly well acquainted with the
principal features of the great lake region, through accounts
obtained from Mohamedan traders as well as from natives.
Owing to this circumstance their maps of East Central Africa
were tolerably correct, while those of South Africa were utterly
misleading.

Dos Santos states that copper and iron were plentiful in the
country. The iron was regarded as of superior quality, so
much so that a quantity was once sent to India to make
guns of. Though the smelting furnaces were of the crudest
description, implements of this metal manufactured by them-
selves were used by tlie Makalanga in great abundance, just
as a few years ago among the Bapedi farther south, where
waggon loads could be collected at a single kraal. He
mentions also the manufacture by some of the natives of
machiras, or loin cloths, from cotton which grew wild along
the banks of the Zambesi.

As yet no attempt had been made to colonise any part of
Africa south of the Zambesi on one coast and Benguela on
the other. Commerce and the conversion of the heathen were
the sole objects of the Portuguese who visited the country,
and indeed they had no surplus population with which to
form settlements in it. They did not touch at any part of
the coast between Benguela and Delagoa Bay when they
could avoid doing so, because there was no trade of any
kind to be carried on there and because after the slaughter
of Dom Francisco d' Almeida and his people on the shore
of Table Bay the Hottentots were regarded as the most
ferocious of savages, with whom it was well to have as little
intercourse as possible. They would have been pleased had
they found a port somewhere on the southern shore that their
ships could have taken shelter in when returning from India
to Lisbon during the time of the westerly gales, but they
always tried to pass by in the summer season and to mo.ke
the run from Mozambique to the island of Saint Helena
without a break.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 399

Some years before the arrival of Dos Santos at Sofala a
dreadful wave of war and destruction rolled over the country
north of the lower Zambesi. A horde of savages made their
appearance from a distant part of the continent, probably—
judging from the few words of their language that have been
preserved — from some locality on or near the western coast,
and laid the whole territory along their course utterly waste.
Theirs was just such another march as that of the horde
under Ma Ntati, which passed over the country from the
upper Caledon to the border of the Kalahari desert in the
early years of the nineteenth century, leaving nothing behind
it, where a thickly populated land had been, but ashes and
skeletons of men and animals. And just as the horde under
Ma Ntati broke into fragments and perished, so did this
which appeared on the Zambesi opposite Tete in 1570.

Finding that stream a barrier which it could not cross
intact, one large section turned to the north-east, and finally
reached the shore of the Indian sea, along which it committed
the most frightful ravages. The island of Mozambique could
not be attacked, but its inhabitants suffered severely from the
famine caused by the devastation of the mainland. A body
of about forty Portuguese, under the captain Nuno Velho
Pereira, with as many slaves as could be collected, endeavoured
to protect the plantations at Cabaceira, but nearly the whole
of them perished in the attempt, and their bodies were eaten
by the savages on the shore. Only Nuno Velho Pereira and
two or three other Europeans managed to escape. Thus the
greater number of the inhabitants of the island were cut off,
and those who remained were in the direst straits for want
of food until supplies reached them by sea. This happened
in the year 1585. What remained of ancient Kilwa was
wiped out of existence, Mombasa was nearly destroyed, and
the progress of the cannibal horde was only stopped at
Melinde, where Mattheus Mendes de Vasconcellos, head of
the factory, with thirty Portuguese, and three thousand Bantu
warriors aided the Mohamedan ruler in inflicting a defeat
upon them in which they were nearly exterminated.

400 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Shortly after the first appearance of the great horde on
the Bororo or northern bank of the Zambesi, a small party
managed to cross the river, and appeared in the neighbour-
hood of Tete, but Jeronymo d'Andrade, captain of that
station, had no difficulty in driving them back, as the savages
were so amazed at the effects of the fire from a few arque-
buses, which they attributed to witchcraft, that they fled
without resistance.

Not long after this event another and much larger band,
consisting of ten or twelve thousand men under a chief
named Sonza, by some means got across the river, and
attacked a clan that was friendly to the Portuguese, killing
every living thing and destroying whatever they came across.
Jeronymo d'Andrade got together a force of about a hundred
Portuguese, and with some four thousand Batonga allies took
the field against Sonza. On his approach some of the
invaders constructed a rough lager or enclosure of bushes
and earth, within which they attempted to defend themselves,
but as they were still exposed to the fire of arquebuses they
were speedily driven out and dispersed. They and the others
of their party were then hunted until it was believed about
five thousand had been killed. The remainder of the band
escaped, and joined the horde that was laying waste the country
towards the coast of Mozambique.

In 1592 two sections of these savages remained on the
northern bank of the lower Zambesi. One was called by the
Portuguese the Mumbos, the other was the far-dreaded
Mazimba. Dos Santos says that both were cannibals, and
there is no reason to doubt his assertion, for traditions con-
cerning the Mazimba are still current all over Southern
Africa, in which they are represented as ogres or inhuman
monsters, and their name is used generally to imply eaters of
human flesh. But in all probability they had adopted that
custom from want of other food, and would have abandoned
it gradually if they had obtained domestic cattle and could
have cultivated gardens. The men were much stronger and
more robust than Makalanga. They carried immense shields

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 401

made of ox hide, and were variously armed with assagais,
battle-axes, and bows and arrows.

One of the chiefs of the Mumbos, named Kwizura, with
about six hundred warriors, attacked a clan friendly to the
Portuguese at Tshikarongo, north of the Zambesi, ten leagues
from Tete. The clan fled after sustaining severe losses, and
applied to Pedro Fernandes de Chaves, captain of Tete, for
assistance. The captain thereupon summoned his eleven sub-
chiefs, who at once joined him with their men, and with these
and the resident Portuguese he crossed the river and marched
against Kwizura, who was found in a chumbo or lager of
stakes and earth which he had constructed. Together with
the followers of the dispossessed chief the attacking force
was so strong that it was able to surround the chumbo and
storm it, when Kwizura and every one of his warriors fell.
The courtyard of the hut in which the Mumbo chief had
lived was found paved with the skulls of those he had killed
and eaten. After resting a few days, the people of Tete
returned to their homes, taking with them as slaves Kwizura's
women and children. Such was the style of warfare on the
Zambesi at the close of the sixteenth century.

Dos Santos was at Tete just before this event. After a
residence of three years and a half at Sofala, during which
time they baptized seventeen hundred individuals, most of
whom must have been Bantu, he and his associate the friar
Joao Madeira had been summoned to Mozambique by their
provincial to labour in another field, and had left Sofala in
July 1590 and travelled overland to the Zambesi in order
to obtain a passage in a pangayo. But on their arrival they
found no vessel would be leaving that year, so they arranged
that Joao Madeira should remain at Sena and Dos Santos
should proceed up the river to Tete to do duty for the priest
there, who was prostrate with illness. He arrived at Tete in
September 1590, and remained at that place until May 1591,
when he went down to the mouth of the Zambesi, and with
the father Joao Madeira proceeded to Mozambique. He was
then sent to the island of Querimba, but in April 1594 was

VIII. 2 D

402 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

instructed to proceed to Sofala again on a special mission.
In consequence of this he went to Mozambique, and when
the favourable monsoon set in took passage in a pangayo
bound to Delagoa Bay, which was to touch at Sofala on the
passage. Five days after leaving Mozambique he reached his
destination. The pangayo proceeded to Delagoa Bay, where
her officers employed themselves in bartering ivory for nearly
a year. She was about to return to Mozambique when some
Bantu fell upon her captain Manuel Malheiro and another
officer, murdered them, and plundered the hut in which they
had lived and the vessel. One white man remained alive,
who succeeded in getting away with the empty pangayo and
her Mohamedan crew. To such perils were the Portuguese
exposed at the distant trading places on the coast.

On the 16th of April 1595 Dos Santos once more left
Sofala for Mozambique, from which place he went to India,
and then to Portugal, where his volume Ethiopia Oriental was
printed in the Dominican convent at Evora in 1609. But
his career in Africa was not yet ended, and we shall meet
him again on the Zambesi in another chapter. His successor
at Tete was the friar Nicolau do Rosario, of the same order,
a man of great devotion, who had suffered much in the
wreck of the ship Sao Thome in 1589.

Before the destruction of Kwizura's band, while Dos Santos
was still on the river, a powerful chief of the Mazimba, named
Tondo, attacked some people who were on very friendly terms
with the Portuguese and who lived on the northern bank of
the Zambesi opposite Sena, dispossessed them of their land
and killed and ate many of them. In 1592 these fugitives
applied to Andre de Santiago, captain of Sena, for aid, and
he, desiring to emulate the action of Pedro Fernandes de
Chaves, collected as large a force as he could, Portuguese,
mixed breeds, slaves, and friendly Bantu, and with two cannon
taken from the walls of his fort crossed the river to attack
the Mazimba, who were entrenched in a chumbo of unusual
height and strength. Finding his force unequal to the
enterprise he had undertaken, the captain of Sena formed a

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 403

camp on the bank of a rivulet flowing into the Zambesi, and
sent to Tete for assistance.

Pedro Fernandes de Chaves responded by calling out his
Bantu retainers and nearly all the Portuguese and half-breeds
of Tete, with whom he crossed the Zambesi and marched down
its northern bank towards the locality of the war. The
Dominican friar Nicolau do Rosario accompanied the force
as chaplain. When within a few miles of their destination
the Portuguese and principal half-breeds, totally unsuspicious
of danger, entered a thicket through which the path passed.
They were half a league in advance of their Bantu auxiliaries,
and, as was their usual way of travelling, were in palanquins
and hammocks borne by their slaves, with other attendants
carrying their arquebuses, when they were suddenly attacked
by a band of Maziinba. Every man of them was killed on
the spot except the friar, who was badly wounded and seized
as a prisoner. He was taken to the chumbo and bound to a
tree, where he was made a target for the arrows of his
captors till death came to his relief. The Bantu auxiliaries,
upon ascertaining what had happened, returned with all haste
to Tete.

On the following morning the Mazimba appeared in triumph
before Andre de Santiago's camp, with a man beating upon the
drum taken from the Portuguese. Their chief was dressed in
the murdered friar's robes, and the head of Pedro Fernandes
de Chaves was carried aloft on the point of an assagai. The
spoil taken in the thicket was exhibited in bravado, and
with it the limbs of those who had fallen, which were
destined to supply a feast for the cannibal band. The
captain of Sena and his men looked at the cruel Mazimba
with horror and dismay. That night they attempted to
retreat, but on the bank of the Zambesi the enemy fell
upon them, and after a stout resistance killed Andre de
Santiago and many of his followers. The two captains, the
priest of Tete, and a hundred and thirty white men and
mixed breeds had now perished. The Portuguese power and
influence on the Zambesi was almost annihilated.

2 D 2

404 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

While these events were taking place Dom Pedro de Sousa
succeeded Lourenco de Brito as captain of Mozambique. At
a later date he became very unpopular as a governor, being
tyrannical in his conduct and permitting his son Dom
Francisco to conduct himself as a brawler without reproof.
For this he was punished by order of the king, but at the
time to which this narrative has reached he was new to his
office and therefore untried. He resolved to recover the
position that had been lost on the Zambesi, and for this
purpose he enlisted as many Europeans as wert obtainable,
and with them, seventy-five or eighty soldiers drawn from
the garrison of the fort, and a good supply of artillery and
other munitions of war, in 1593 he sailed for Sena. Here he
formed a camp, and enlisted white men, mixed breeds, and
Bantu, until he had a force under his command of about two
hundred arquebusiers and fifteen hundred blacks armed in
the native manner.

With these he crossed the river and attacked Tondo's
stronghold, into which he tried to open an entrance with his
cannon, but failed. Then he endeavoured to take the chumbo
by storm, but when his men were crowded together close to
it, the Mazimba shot their arrows, hurled their barbed
assagais, and threw boiling water and burning fat upon them,
until they fell back discomfited. Next he began to form
huge wicker work frames to be filled with earth, from the
tops of which arquebusiers could keep the wall of the chumbo
clear with their fire while men below were breaking it down,
but before they could be completed the people he had
engaged at Sena, who had now been two months in the
field, clamoured to be allowed to return home, fearing, as
they said, that their wives and children were in danger.
Dom Pedro was obliged to accede to their demand, and
commenced to retreat. While he was leaving his camp the
Mazimba attacked him, and after killing many of his men,
took his artillery and the greater part of his baggage. He
and the remnant of his army escaped to Sena with difficulty,
and from that place he returned to Mozambique, leaving

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 405

matters along the great river in a worse condition than
ever before.

Tondo, however, made an offer of peace to the people of
Sena, on condition that they should not interfere again in
matters that only concerned Bantu tribes. The Mazimba,
they were informed, had no desire to quarrel with white
people, and had acted in self-defence throughout the war.
The few traders at Sena were only too pleased to accept the
proposal and resume their ordinary manner of living, though
they had thereafter to submit to many insults and exactions
from the victorious tribe. In 1597 some cannon and a
quantity of ammunition and other supplies needed in war were
sent from India by the viceroy, and the forts at Sena and
Tete were equipped so that the inhabitants could find safety
within them in case of attack. Gradually also men came to
these stations to replace those who had been killed, so that
in the time of Nuno da Cunha, who followed Jeronymo de
Azevedo, Dom Pedro de Sousa's successor as captain of Mozam-
bique, the villages recovered their earlier appearance.

The methods of carrying on trade in the country varied at
different periods during the sixteenth century. At first it was
conducted by factors appointed by^the king, who sent out
agents to sell goods supplied by the royal treasury, into
which the proceeds were paid. After a time, however, the
principal officials, whose salaries were very small, were allowed
a share of the commerce, which was strictly defined. Thus,
in 1559 the viceroy gave permission to Pantaleao de Sa,
captain of Sofala and Mozambique, to purchase and send to
India twenty-four tons* of ivory every year for sale on his
own account. In 1562 Fernao Martins Freire d'Andrade,
captain of Sofala and Mozambique, was granted by royal
authority a monopoly of the commerce of the coast in pitch

* One hundred bars. The bar was a varying weight on the East African
coast. At Mozambique it was equal to 229 • 6 kilogrammes of our time ; on the
Zambesi to 239 '8 kilogrammes; at Sofala, if of ivory 239 '8 kilogrammes, if of
other merchandise 247 '9 kilogrammes. Under these circumstances it is impos-
sible in many instances to reduce these weights to English tons with absolute
accuracy.

406 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

and coir, one-twentieth of the proceeds of the ivory barter
upon his contributing one-twentieth of the capital employed
in it, and was further to have a two-hundredth part of the
profits on all other trade within the territory south of the
Zambesi; and the factors and notaries were to have another
two-hundredth part divided amongst them. The trade was
still to be conducted for the royal treasury, and the captain
was to send requisitions to Goa for the merchandise needed
to carry it on.

In 1585 Dom Jorge de Menezes, chief ensign of Portugal,
succeeded Nuno Velho Pereira as captain of Mozambique. On
his appointment the viceroy Dom Duarte de Menezes granted
him a monopoly of the trade of Inhambane and of the whole
coast south of Delagoa Bay, and subsequently farmed out
to him the entire commerce of the country south of the
Zambesi for fifty thousand cruzados a year. But in addition
to this he was to maintain the forts in good order and to pay
all the officials and expenses of government of every kind
according to a list which was drawn up. On the expiration
of his term of office he was to undergo a trial, and was to
prove that these conditions had been faithfully observed and
that all public buildings were in the same state as when he
took them over.

This system had the advantage of adding something to the
royal treasury, and of extending commerce more than ever
before. When the experiment was made Sofala was yielding
nothing except the profit on a small quantity of ivory,
insufficient to meet the trifling cost of the maintenance of
the station : four years later elephants' tusks weighing twenty-
three tons were collected there yearly. Greater profit was
gained from ivory than from any other article of commerce
in Eastern Africa at this time. Taking one year with another,
a quantity weighing nearly one hundred thousand avoirdupois
pounds was sent annually to India by the captains while
they had a monopoly of the trade. Gold came next, but the
quantity obtained cannot be even approximately stated.
Ambergris followed, and then in order pearls, gum, and wax.

Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 407

The system made the whole of the Portuguese inhabitants
of the country dependents of the captain of Mozambique, but
their position was quite as bad before. The most that can
be said in favour of it is that the law protected them in
person and property, and that after 1548 no sentence of
death could be carried into execution until it was confirmed
by the supreme court of India.

In 1591 the government at Lisbon ordered the trade to be
carried on again by the king's treasury, but two years later
another experiment was made. This was to allow the captain
of Mozambique a monopoly of the commerce in ivory,
ambergris, and coir, and one-fiftieth of all the gold col-
lected ; and to throw open the trade in gold and other
articles to all Portuguese subjects. Customs duties at the
rate of six per cent upon goods imported and of twenty
per cent upon gold exported were to be paid. This plan
was in operation only two years when it was abandoned, and
the system of farming out the whole of the commerce of the
country south of the Zambesi to the captain of Mozambique
was again resorted to. In 1596 Nuno da Cunha was
appointed to that office, when the viceroy entered into a
contract with him to pay forty thousand pardaos, or £9,600,*
a year for his monopoly, to which the king added that he
must also pay customs duties on merchandise imported.

North of the Zambesi the inhabitants of Mozambique were
allowed to trade, as the policy of the government was to
encourage them, in order to strengthen the means of defence
of the fort. The jurisdiction of the captain at the close
of the sixteenth century extended to all the stations and
trading places from the island of Inyaka to Cape Delgado.

* Reckoning the pardao at three hundred and sixty reis, and the real as at
this time equal to 0'IGd. But it is very doubtful what the word pardao really
signified in the contract. In another document I have found it used as au
equivalent for cruzado, and in still another as equivalent to a xerafin of three
hundred reis. If the gold coin of the name was meant, the amount would
be about £14,000. It is not possible to give the exact equivalent, as unless
where expressly stated as of gold, the pardao of the accounts, like the real,
was an imaginary coin, representing different values not only at different times
but at different places at the same time.

408 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

III.

APPEARANCE OP RIVALS IN THE EASTERN SEAS.

THE debt which the world owes to the Portuguese for
weakening the Mohamedan power and thus preventing the
subjugation of a larger portion of Eastern Europe than was
actually overrun by the Turks should not be forgotten, but
long before the close of the sixteenth century they had
ceased to be participants in the great progressive movement
of the Caucasian race. Upon a conquering nation rests an
enormous responsibility : no smaller than that of benefiting
the world at large. Was Portugal doing this in her eastern
possessions to such an extent as to make her displacement
there a matter deserving universal regret ? Probably her
own people would reply that she was, for every nation
regards its own acts as better than those of others ; but
beyond her borders the answer unquestionably would be
that she was not. Rapacity, cruelty, corruption, have all
been laid to her charge at this period, and not without
sufficient reason. But apart from these vices, her weakness
under the Castilian kings was such that she was incapable
of doing any good. When an individual is too infirm and
decrepit to manage his affairs, a robust man takes his place,
and so it is with States. The weak one may cry out that
might is not right, but such a cry finds a very feeble echo.
India was not held by the Portuguese under the only inde-
feasible tenure : that of making the best use of it ; and thus
it could be seized by a stronger power without Christian
nations feeling that a wrong was being done.

Before recounting in brief the commencement of the Dutch

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 409

conquests, a glance may be given to the acts of other
nations, and especially to those of our own countrymen, in
the eastern seas at an earlier date.

The French were the first to follow the Portuguese round
the Cape of Good Hope to India. As early as 1507 a corsair
of that nation, named Mondragon, made his appearance in the
Mozambique channel * with two armed vessels, and plundered
a ship under command of Job Queimado. He also captured
and robbed another Indiaman nearer home. On the 18th of
January 1509 a fleet commanded by Duarte Pacheco fell in
with him off Cape Finisterre, and after a warm engagement
sank one of his ships and captured the other. Mondragon
was taken a prisoner to Lisbon, where he found means of
making his peace with the king, and he was then permitted
to return to France.

Twenty years later three ships, fitted out by a merchant
named Jean Ango, sailed from Dieppe for India. The
accounts of this expedition are so conflicting that it is impos-
sible to relate the occurrences attending it with absolute
accuracy. It is certain, however, that one of the ships never
reached her destination. Another was wrecked on the coast
of Sumatra, where her crew were all murdered. The third
reached Diu in July 1527. She had a crew of forty French-
men, but was commanded by a Portuguese named Estevao
Dias, nicknamed Brigas, who had fled from his native country
on account of misdeeds committed there, and had taken
service with the strangers. The ruler of Diu regarded this
ship with great hostility, and as he was unable to seize her
openly, he practised deceit to get her crew within his power.
Professing friendship, he gave Dias permission to trade in his
territory, but took advantage of the first opportunity to arrest
him and his crew. They were handed over as captives to the
paramount Mohamedan ruler, and were obliged to embrace

* The particulars of this event cannot be ascertained, and it would even
be doubtful whether Mondragon really rounded the Cape of Good Hope if it
were not expressly stated in a summary of the directions issued by the king
for his capture, that it took place " no canal de Mozambique."

410 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

his creed to preserve their lives. They were then taken into
his service and remained in India.

Early in 1529 two ships commanded by Jean and Kaoul
Parmentier, fitted out partly by Jean Ango, partly by
merchants of Rouen, sailed from Dieppe. In October of the
same year they reached Sumatra, but on account of great
loss of life from sickness, on the 22nd of January 1530 they
turned homeward. As they avoided the Portuguese settle-
ments, nothing was known at Goa of their proceedings except
what was told by a sailor who was left behind at Madagascar
and was afterwards found there. This expedition was almost
as unsuccessful as the preceding one. On their return passage
the ships were greatly damaged in violent storms, and they
reached Europe with difficulty.

From that time until 1601 there is no trace of a French
vessel having passed the Cape of Good Hope. In May of
this year the Corbin and Croissant, two ships fitted out by
Messrs. Laval and Vitre, Bretagne merchants, sailed from St.
Malo. They reached the Maldives safely, but there the Corbin
was lost in July 1602, and her commander was unable to
return to France until ten years had gone by. The Croissant
was lost on the Spanish coast on her homeward passage.

On the 1st of June 1604 a French East India Company
was established on paper, but it did not get further. In
1615 it was reorganised, and in 1617 the first successful
expedition to India under the French flag sailed from a port
in Normandy. From that date onward ships of this nation
were frequently seen in the eastern seas. But the French
made no attempt to form a settlement in South Africa, and
their only connection with this country was that towards
the middle of the seventeenth century a vessel was sent
occasionally from Eochelle to collect a cargo of sealskins
and oil at the islands in and near the present Saldanha

The English were the next to appear in Indian waters. A
few individuals of this nation may have served in Portuguese
ships, and among the missionaries, especially of the Society of

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 411

Jesus, who went out to convert the heathen, it is not unlikely
that there were several. One at least. Thomas Stephens by
name, was rector of the Jesuit college at Salsette. A letter
written by him from Goa in 1579, and printed in the second
volume of Hakluyt's work, is the earliest account extant of an
English voyager to that part of the world.* It contains no
information of importance.

The famous sea captain Francis Drake, of Tavistock in
Devon, sailed from Plymouth on the 13th of December 1577,
with the intention of exploring the Pacific ocean. His fleet
consisted of five vessels, carrying in all one hundred and
sixty-four men. His own ship, named the Pelican, was of
one hundred and twenty tons burden. The others were the
Elizabeth, eighty tons, the Marigold, thirty tons, a pinnace of
twelve tons, and a storeship of fifty tons burden. The last
named was set on fire as soon as her cargo was transferred
to the others, the pinnace was abandoned, the Marigold was
lost in a storm, the Elizabeth, after reaching the Pacific, turned
back through the straits of Magellan, and the Pelican alone
continued the voyage. She was the first English ship that
sailed round the world. Captain Drake reached England
again on the 3rd of November 1580, and soon afterwards was
made a knight by Queen Elizabeth on board his ship. The
Pelican did not touch at any part of the South African

* I do not mention Sir John Mandeville in the text, because modern
criticism has proved that what he states concerning India in his book The
Voiaye and trauayh of syr John Maundeuille, knight, which treateth of the
way toward Hierusalem, and of maruayles of Jnde, with other Hands and
Countryes was compiled from earlier foreign writers, though his work was
regarded as genuine and trustworthy by Englishmen until recently. Nothing
is known of him from contemporary records, and it is even regarded as
possible that Mandeville "was a pseudonym. In his book he states that he was
born at St. Albans, and travelled in the east as far as China between the
years 1322 and 1357. It is now believed that he really visited Palestine,
and his account of that country is considered as partly based on personal
observation, but the remainder of the volume is spurious. The original was
written in French. See the Encyclopedia Britannica, article Mandeville. Of
the numerous copies of the book, in many languages, in the library of the
British Museum, the earliest was printed in 1480.

412 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

coast, but there is the following paragraph in the account of
the voyage: —

"We ran hard aboard the Cape, finding the report of the
Portuguese to be most false, who affirm that it is the most
dangerous cape of the world, never without intolerable storms
and present danger to travellers who come near the same.
This cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest cape we saw
in the whole circumference of the earth, and we passed by it
on the 18th of June."

In 1583 four English traders in precious stones, acting
partly on their own account and partly as agents for
merchants in London, made their way by the Tigris and the
Persian gulf to Ormuz, where at that time people of various
nationalities were engaged in commerce. John Newbery, the
leader of the party, had been there before. The others were
named Ralph Fitch, William Leades, and James Story.
Shortly after their arrival at Ormuz they were arrested by
the Portuguese authorities on the double charge of being
heretics and spies of the prior Dom Antonio, who was a
claimant to the throne of Portugal, and under these pretences
they were sent prisoners to Goa. There they managed to
clear themselves of the first of the charges, Story entered a
convent, and the others, on finding bail not to leave the city,
were set at liberty in December 1584, mainly through the
instrumentality of the Jesuit father Stephens and Jan
Huyghen van Linschoten, of whom more will be related in
the following pages. Four months afterwards, being in fear of
ill-treatment, they managed to make their escape from Goa.
After a time they separated, and Fitch went on a tour through
India, visiting many places before his return to England in
1591. An account of his travels is extant in Hakluyt's collec-
tion, but there is not much information in it, and it had no
effect upon subsequent events.

Thomas Candish sailed from Plymouth on the 21st of July
1586, with three ships — the Desire, of one hundred and twenty
tons, the Content, of sixty tons, and the Hugh Gallant, of forty
tons — carrying in all one hundred and twenty-three souls.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 413

After sailing round the globe, he arrived again in Plymouth
on the 9th of September 1588, having passed the Cape of
Good Hope on the 16th of May.

The first English ships that put into a harbour on the
South African coast were the Penelope, Merchant Eoyal, and
Edward Bonaventure, which sailed from Plymouth for India
on the 10th of April 1591, under command of Admiral George
Kaymond. This fleet put into the Watering Place of Saldanha
at the end of July. The crews, who were suffering from
scurvy, were at once sent on shore, where they obtained fresh
food by shooting wild fowl and gathering mussels and other
shell-fish along the rocky beach. Some natives had been seen
when the ships sailed in, but they appeared terrified, and
at once moved inland. Admiral Raymond visited Eobben
Island, where he found seals and penguins in great numbers.
One day some hunters caught a native, whom they treated
kindly, making him many presents and endeavouring to show
him by signs that they were in want of cattle. They then let
him go, and eight days afterwards he returned with thirty or
forty others, bringing forty oxen and as many sheep. Trade
was at once commenced, the price of an ox being two knives,
that of a sheep one knife. So many men had died of scurvy
that it was considered advisable to send the Merchant Eoyal
back to England weak handed. The Penelope, with one
hundred and one men, and the Edward Bonaventure, with
ninety-seven men, sailed for India on the 8th of September.
On the 12th a gale was encountered, and that night those in
the Edward Bonaventure, whereof was captain James Lancaster
— who was afterwards famous as an advocate of Arctic explora-
tion, and whose name was given by Bylot and Baffin to the
sound which terminated their discoveries in 1616 — saw a
great sea break over the admiral's ship, which put out her
lights. After that she was never seen or heard of again.

The appearance of these rivals in the Indian seas caused
much concern in Spain and Portugal. There was as yet no
apprehension of the loss of the sources of the spice trade,
but it was regarded as probable that English ships would lie

414 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

in wait at Saint Helena for richly laden vessels homeward
bound, so in 1593 the king directed the viceroy to instruct
the captains not to touch at that island.

It was not by Englishmen, however, though they visited
India at this early period, but by the Dutch, that the
Portuguese power in the East was overthrown. That power
was like a great bubble, but it required pricking to make it
burst, and our countrymen did not often come in contact
with it. Sir Francis Drake indeed, who was utterly fearless,
went wherever he chose, and opened fire upon all who
attempted to interfere with him, but his successors, whose
object was profit in trade, were naturally more cautious. The
Indies were large, and so they avoided the Portuguese
fortresses, and did what business they could with native
rulers and people.

The merchants of the Netherlands had been accustomed to
obtain at Lisbon the supplies of Indian products which they
required for home consumption and for the large European
trade which they carried on, but after 1580, when Portugal
came under the dominion of Philippe II of Spain, they were
shut out of that market. They then determined to open up
direct communication with the East, and for that purpose
made several gallant but fruitless efforts to find a passage
along the northern shores of Europe and Asia. When the
first of these had failed, and while the result of the second
was still unknown, some merchants of Amsterdam fitted out a
fleet of four vessels, which in the year 1595 sailed to India
by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Before this date, how-
ever, a few Netherlander had visited the eastern seas in the
Portuguese service, and among them was one in particular
whose writings had great influence at that period and for
more than half a century afterwards.

Jan Huyghen van Linschoten was born at Haarlem, in the
province of Holland. He received a good general education,
but from an early age he gave himself up with ardour to the
special study of geography and history, and eagerly read such
books of travel as were within his reach. In 1579 he

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 415

obtained permission from his parents, who were then residing
at Enkhuizen, to proceed to Seville, where his two elder
brothers were pushing their fortunes. He was at Seville
when the cardinal king Henrique of Portugal died, leaving
the succession to the throne in dispute. The duke of Alva
with a strong Spanish army won it for his master, and shortly
afterwards Linschoten removed to Lisbon, where he was a
clerk in a merchant's office when Philippe made his triumphal
entry and when Alva died.

Two years later he entered the service of a Dominican friar,
by name Vicente da Fonseca, who had been appointed by
Philippe primate of India, the see of Goa having been raised
to an archbishopric in 1557. In April 1583, with his employer
he sailed from Lisbon, and after touching at Mozambique —
where he remained from the 5th to the 20th of August,
diligently seeking information on that part of the world — he
arrived at Goa in September of the same year. He remained
in India until January 1589. When returning to Europe
in the ship Santa Cruz from Cochin, he passed through a
quantity of wreckage from the ill-fated Sao Thome, which had
sailed from the same port five days before he left, and he
visited several islands in the Atlantic, at one of which —
Terceira — he was detained a long time. He reached Lisbon
again in January 1592, and eight months later rejoined his
family at Enkhuizen, after an absence of nearly thirteen
years. From this date his name is inseparably connected
with those of the gallant spirits who braved the perils of the
polar seas in the effort to find a north-eastern passage
to China.

Early in 1595 the first of Linschoten's books was
published, in which an account is given of the sailing direc-
tions followed by the Portuguese in their navigation of the
eastern waters, drawn from the treatises of their most
experienced pilots. This work shows the highest knowledge
of navigation that Europeans had then acquired. They had
still no better instrument for determining latitudes than the
astrolabe and the cross staff, and no means whatever for ascer-

416 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

taining longitudes. The vicinity of the Cape of Good Hope
was known by the appearance of seabirds called Cape pigeons
and the great drifting plants that are yet to be seen any
day on the shores of the Cape peninsula. The different kinds
of ground that adhered to the tallow of the sounding leads
to some extent indicated the position, as did also the varia-
tion of the magnetic needle, but whether a ship was fifty or a
hundred miles from any given point could not be ascertained
by either of these means. When close to the shore, however,
the position was known by the appearance of the land, the
form of the hills and mountains, and the patches of sand and
thicket, all of which had been carefully delineated and laid
down in the sailing directions.

Linschoten's first book was followed in 1596 by a descrip-
tion of the Indies, and by several geographical treatises
drawn from Portuguese sources, all profusely illustrated with
maps and plates. Of Mozambique an ample account was
given from personal observation and inquiry. Dom Pedro
de Castro had just been succeeded as captain by Nuno Velho
Pereira, who informed the archbishop that in his three years
term of office he would realise a fortune of about nine tons
of gold, or £75,000 sterling, derived chiefly from the trade in
the precious metal carried on at Sofala and in the territory
of the Monomotapa. Fort Sao Sebastiao had then no other
garrison than the servants and attendants of the captain, in
addition to whom there were only forty or at most fifty
Portuguese and half-breed male residents on the island
capable of assisting in its defence. There were three or four
hundred huts occupied by negroes, some of whom were
professed Christians, others Mohamedans, and still others
heathens. The exports to India were gold, ivory, ambergris,
ebony, and slaves. African slaves, being much stronger in
body than the natives of Hindostan, were used to perform
the hardest and coarsest work in the eastern possessions of
Portugal, and — though Linschoten does not state this — they
were employed in considerable numbers in the trading ships
to relieve the European seamen from the heavy labour ot

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 417

pumping, hauling, stowing and unstowing cargo, cleansing,
and so forth. These slaves were chiefly procured from the
lands to the northward, and very few, if any of them, were
natives of the country south of the Zambesi.

It serves to show how carefully and minutely Linschoten
elicited information at Mozambique, that he mentions a
harbour on the coast which is not named by any of the
Portuguese writers of the time except Dos Santos, whose
book was not then published, and who only refers to it
incidentally, though it is now known to be the best port
between Inhambane and the Zambesi. This is Beira, as at
present termed, then known to the sailors of the pangayos
that traded to the southward as Porto Bango. Linschoten
gives its latitude as 19£°, half a degree north of Sofala. He
mentions also Delagoa Bay, that is the present Algpa Bay,
and gives its latitude as 33^°. He describes the monsoons
of the Indian ocean, and states that ships from Portugal
availed themselves of these periodical winds by waiting at
Mozambique until the 1st of August, and never leaving after
the middle of September, thus securing a safe and easy
passage to the coast of Hindostan.

He frequently refers to the gold of Sofala and the country
of the Monomotapa, of which he had heard just such reports
as Vasco da Gama had eagerly listened to -eighty-six years
before. Yet he did not magnify the importance of these
rumours as the Portuguese had done, though it was mainly
from his writings that his countrymen became possessed of
that spirit of cupidity which induced them a few years later
to make strenuous efforts to become masters of South-Eastern
Africa.

Linschoten's treatises were collected and published in a
single large volume, and the work was at once received as a
text-book, a position which its merits entitled it to occupy.
The most defective portion of the whole is that referring to
South Africa : and for this reason, that it was then impossible
to get any correct information about the interior of the con-
tinent below the Zambesi west of the part frequented by the

VIII. 2 E

418 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Portuguese. Linschoten himself saw no more of it than a
fleeting glimpse of False Cape afforded on his outward passage,
and his description was of necessity based upon the faulty
maps of the geographers of his time, so that it was full of
errors. But his account of India and of the way to reach its
several ports was so correct that it could serve the purpose of
a guide-book, and his treatise on the mode of navigation by
the Portuguese was thus used by the commander of the first
Dutch fleet that appeared in the eastern seas.

The four vessels which left Texel on the 2nd of April
1595 were under the general direction of an officer named
Cornelis Houtman. In the afternoon of the 2nd of August
the Cape of Good Hope was seen, and next day, after passing
Agulhas, the fleet kept close to the land, the little Duifke
sailing in front and looking for a harbour. On the 4th the
bay called by the Portuguese Agoada de Sao Bras was dis-
covered, and as the Duifke found good holding ground in
nine or ten fathoms of water, the Mauritius, Hollandia, and
Amsterdam entered and dropped their anchors.

Here the fleet remained until the llth, when sail was again
set for the East. During the interval a supply of fresh water
was taken in, and some oxen and sheep were purchased from
the natives for knives, old tools, and pieces of iron. The
Europeans were surprised to find the sheep covered with hair
instead of wool, and with enormous tails of pure fat. No
women or habitations were seen. The appearance of the
Hottentots, their clothing, their assagais, their method of
making a fire by twirling a piece of wood rapidly round in
the socket of another piece, their filthiness in eating, and
the clicking of their language, are all correctly described ;
but it was surmised that they were cannibals, because they
were observed to eat the half-raw intestines of animals, and
a fable commonly believed in Europe was repeated concerning
their mutilation in a peculiar manner of the bodies of con-
quered enemies. The intercourse with the few natives seen
was friendly, though at times each suspected the other of
evil intentions.

Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 419

A chart of the inlet was made,* from which it is seen to
be the one now called Mossel Bay. A little island in it
was covered with seals and penguins, some of each of which
were killed and eaten. The variation of the compass was
observed to be so trifling that the needle might be said to
point to the north.

From the Watering Place of Sao Bras Houtman continued
his voyage to India, but it is not necessary to relate
occurrences there. After his return to Europe several com-
panies were formed in different towns of the Netherlands,
with the object of trading to the East and wresting from
the Portuguese that wealth which they were then too feeble
to guard.

In the Leeuw, one of the ships sent out in 1598, and which
put into the Watering Place of Saldanha for refreshment, the
famous English seaman John Davis was chief pilot. He
wrote an account of the voyage, in which he states that the
Hottentots in Table Valley fell by surprise upon the men
who were ashore bartering cattle, and killed thirteen of them.
In his narrative Davis says that at Cape Agulhas the
magnetic needle was without variation, but in his sailing
directions, written after another voyage to India, he says :
" At False Cape there is no variation that I can find by
observing south from it. The variation of Cape Agulhas is
thirty minutes from north to west. And at the Cape of
Good Hope the compass is varied from north to east five
and twenty minutes."

No fresh discoveries on the African coast were made by
any of the fleets sent out at this time, but to some of the
bays new names were given.

In December 1599 four ships fitted out by an association
at Amsterdam calling itself the New Brabant Company sailed

* It is attached to the original journals, now in the archives of the Nether-
lands. I made a copy of it on tracing linen for the Cape government, aa it
differs considerably from the chart in the printed condensed journal of the
voyage. In other respects also the compilation of the printed journal has
been very carelessly executed.

2 E 2

420 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

from Texel for the Indies, under command of Pieter Both.
Two of them returned early in 1601, leaving the Vereenigde
Landen and the Hof van Holland under charge of Paulus
van Caerden to follow as soon as they could obtain cargoes.
On the 8th of July 1601 Van Caerden put into the
Watering Place of Sao Bras on the South African coast,
for the purpose of repairing one of his ships which was
in a leaky condition. The commander, with twenty soldiers,
went a short distance inland to endeavour to find people
from whom he could obtain some cattle, but though
he came across a party of eight natives he did not succeed
in getting any oxen or sheep. A supply of fresh water
was taken in, but no refreshment except mussels could
be procured, on account of which Yan Caerden gave
the inlet the name Mossel Bay, which it has ever since
retained.

On the 14th, the Hof van Holland having been repaired,
the two ships sailed, but two days later, as they were
making no progress against a head wind, they put into
another bay. Here natives were found, from whom the
voyagers obtained for pieces of iron as many horned cattle
and sheep as they could consume fresh or had salt to pre-
serve. For this reason the commander gave it the name
Flesh Bay.

On the 21st sail was set, but the Hof van Holland being
found leaky again, on the 23rd another bay was entered,
where her damages were repaired. On account of a westerly
gale the ships were detained here until the 30th, when
they sailed, but finding the wind contrary outside, they
returned to anchor. No natives were seen, but the com-
mander visited a river near by, where he encountered a party
from whom he obtained five sheep in exchange for bits of
iron. In the river were numerous hippopotami. Abundance
of fine fish having been secured here, the commander gave
the inlet the name Fish Bay.

On the 2nd of August the ships sailed, and on the 27th
passed the Cape of Good Hope, to the great joy of all on

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 421

board, who had begun to fear that they would be obliged to
seek a port on the eastern side to winter in.

On the 5th of May 1601 a fleet of three vessels, named
the Bam, the Schaap, and the Lam, sailed for the Indies
from Vere in Zeeland, under command of Joris van Spil-
bergen. On the 15th of November the fleet put into St.
Helena Bay, where no inhabitants were seen, though many
fires were observed inland. The only refreshment procurable
was fish, which were caught in great quantities.

On the 20th Spilbergen sailed from St. Helena Bay, and
beating against a head wind, on the evening of the 28th he
anchored off an island, to which he gave the name Elizabeth.
Four years later Sir Edward Michelburne termed it Cony
Island, which name, under the Dutch form of Dassen, it
still bears. Seals in great numbers, sea-birds of different
kinds, and conies were found. At this place he remained
only twenty-four hours. On the 2nd of December he cast
anchor close to another island, which he named Cornelia.
It was the Robben island of the present day. Here were
found seals and penguins in great n ambers, but no conies.
The next day at noon Spilbergen reached the Watering
Place of Saldanha, the anchorage in front of Table Mountain,
and gave it the name Table Bay, which it still bears.

The sick were conveyed to land, where a hospital was
established. A few natives were met, to whom presents of
beads were made, and who were understood to make signs
that they would bring cattle for sale, but they went away
and did not return. Abundance of fish was obtained with a
seine at the mouth of a stream which Spilbergen named the
Jacqueline, now Salt River; but, as meat was wanted, the
smallest of the vessels was sent to Elizabeth Island, where a
great number of penguins and conies were killed and salted
in. The fleet remained in Table Bay until the 23rd of
December. When passing Cornelia Island, a couple of
conies were set on shore, and seven or eight sheep, which
had been left there by some previous voyagers, were shot,
and their carcases taken on board. Off the Cape of Good

422 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Hope the two French ships of which mention has been
made were seen.

Spilbergen kept along the coast, noticing the formation of
the land and the numerous streams falling into the sea,
but was sorely hindered in his progress by the Agulhas
current, which he found setting so strong to the south-
westward that at times he could make no way against it
even with the breeze in his favour. On the 17th of January
1602, owing to this cause, he stood off from the coast, and
did not see it again.

The fleets sent out by the different small companies which
had been formed in the chief towns of the Free Netherlands
gained surprising successes over the Portuguese in India,
but as they did not work in concert no permanent conquests
could be made. For this reason, as well as to prevent
rivalry and to conduct the Indian trade in a manner the
most beneficial to the people of the whole republic, the
states-general resolved to unite all the small trading associa-
tions in one great company with many privileges and large
powers. The charter, or terms upon which the Company
came into existence, was dated at the Hague on the 20th of
March 1602, and contained forty-six clauses, the principal
of which were as follow : —

All of the inhabitants of the United Netherlands had the
right given to them to subscribe to the capital in as small
or as large sums as they might choose, with this proviso,
that if more money should be tendered than was needed,
those applying for shares of over two thousand five hundred
pounds sterling should receive less, so that the applicants
for smaller shares might have allotted to them the full
amounts asked for.

The chambers, or offices for the transaction of business, were
to participate in the following proportion : that of Amsterdam
one-half, that of Middelburg in Zeeland one quarter, those of
Delft and Rotterdam, otherwise called of the Maas, together
one-eighth, and those of Hoorn andj Enkhuizen, otherwise
called those of the North Quarter or sometimes those of

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 423

North Holland and West Friesland, together the remaining
eighth.

The general directory was to consist of seventeen persons,
eight of whom were to represent the chamber of Amsterdam,
four that of Middelburg, two those of the Maas, two those
of the North Quarter, and the seventeenth was to be chosen
alternately by all of these except the chamber of Amster-
dam. The place of meeting of the 'general directory was
fixed at Amsterdam for six successive years, then at Middel-
burg for two years, then at Amsterdam again for six years,
and so on.

The directors of each chamber were named in the charter,
being the individuals who were the directors of the companies
previously established in those towns, and it was provided that
no others should be appointed until these should be reduced by
death or resignation: in the chamber of Amsterdam to twenty
persons, in that of Zeeland to twelve, and in those of Delft,
Rotterdam, Hoorn, and Enkhuizen each to seven. After that,
whenever a vacancy should occur, the remaining directors
were to nominate three qualified individuals, of whom the
states of the province in which the chamber was situated
were to select one.

To qualify an individual to be a director in the chambers of
the North Quarter it was necessary to own shares to the value
of £250 sterling, and double that amount to be a director
in any of the other chambers. The directors were to be
bound by oath to be faithful in the administration of the
duties entrusted to them, and not to favour a majority of
the shareholders at the expense of a minority. Directors
were prohibited from selling anything whatever to the Com-
pany without previously obtaining the sanction of the states
provincial or the authorities of the city in which the chamber
that they represented was situated.

All inhabitants of the United Provinces other than this
Company were prohibited from trading beyond the Straits of
Magellan, or to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, during
the period of twenty-one years, for which the charter was

424 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

granted, under penalty of forfeiture of ship and cargo. Within
these limits the East India Company was empowered to enter
into treaties and make contracts in the name of the states-
general, to build fortresses, to appoint governors, military com-
manders, judges, and other necessary officers, who were all,
however, to take oaths of fidelity to the states-general or high
authorities of the Netherlands, who were not to be prevented
from making complaints to the states-general, and whose
appointments were to be reported to the states-general for
confirmation.

For these privileges the Company was to pay £12,500
sterling, which amount the states-general subscribed towards
the capital, for the profit and at the risk of the general
government of the provinces. The capital was nominally
furnished in the following proportions: Amsterdam one-half,
Zeeland one-fourth, the Haas one-eighth, and the North
Quarter one-eighth; but in reality it was contributed as
under : —

£ s. d.

Amsterdam 307,202 10 0

Zeeland 106,304 10 0

TheMaas $ Delft 38>880 3 4

Eotterdam .... 14,546 16 8

. 22,369 3 4

The North Quarter , ^vl_._ ^ ^QQ g 4

Total working capital 536,683 6 8

The share of the states-general . . . 12,500 0 0

Total nominal capital 549,183 6 8

The capital was divided into shares of £250 sterling each.
The shares, often sub-divided into fractions, were negotiable
like any other property, and rose or fell in value according
to the position of the Company at any time.

The advantage which the State derived from the estab-
lishment of this great association was apparent. The sums
received in payment of import dues would have been con-
tributed to an equal extent by individual traders. The

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 425

amounts paid for the renewal of the charter — in 1647 the
Company paid £133,333 6s. 8d. for its renewal for twenty-five
years, and still larger sums were paid subsequently — might
have been derived from trading licenses. The Company
frequently aided the Republic with loans of large amount
when the State was in temporary need, but loans could then
have been raised in the modern method whenever necessary.
Apart from these services, however, there was one supreme
advantage gained by the creation of the East India Company
which could not have been obtained from individual traders.
A powerful navy was called into existence, great armed fleets
working in unison and subject to the same control were
always ready to assist the State. What must otherwise have
been an element of weakness, a vast number of merchant
ships scattered over the ocean and ready to fall a prey to
an enemy's cruisers, was turned into a bulwark of strength.

In course of time several modifications took place in the
constitution of the Company, and the different provinces as
well as various cities were granted the privilege of having
representatives in one or other of the chambers. Thus the
provinces Gelderland, Utrecht, and Friesland, and the cities
Dordrecht, Haarlem, Leiden, and Gouda had each a repre-
sentative in the chamber of Amsterdam ; Groningen had a
representative in the chamber of Zeeland ; Overyssel one in
the chamber of Delft, &c. The object of this was to make
the Company represent the whole Republic.

Notwithstanding such regulations, however, the city of
Amsterdam soon came to exercise an immoderate influence in
the direction. In 1672 it was estimated that shares equal to
three-fourths of the whole capital were owned there, and of
the twenty-five directors of the local chamber, eighteen were
chosen by the burgomasters of the city. Fortunately, the
charter secured to the other chambers a stated proportion of
patronage and trade.

Such was the constitution of the Company which set
itself the task of destroying the Portuguese power in the
East and securing for itself the lucrative spice trade. It had

426 Becords of South-Eastern Africa,.

no difficulty in obtaining as many men as were needed, for
the German states — not then as now united in one great
empire — formed an almost inexhaustible reservoir to draw
soldiers from, and the Dutch fisheries, together with Norway,
Sweden, and Denmark, furnished an adequate supply of
excellent seamen. It sent out strong and well armed fleets,
capable of meeting any force the enemy had to oppose them,
and of driving him from the open seas. The first of these
fleets consisted of three large ships, commanded by Sebald
de Weert, which sailed on the olst of March 1602, and it
was followed on the 17th of June of the same year by eleven
large ships and a yacht, under command of Wybrand van
Waerwyk.

The Company soon wrested from the Portuguese their
choicest possessions in the East, besides acquiring other
valuable territory from native owners. Its dividends to the
shareholders were enormous, owing largely to the spoil
captured by its fleets. In one year they rose to seventy-five
per cent of the paid-up capital, and for upwards of a century
they averaged above twenty per cent.

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 427

IV.

.BOCEEDINGS OP THE DUTCH AND ENGLISH.

THOUGH the Dutch were soon in almost undisputed possession
of the valuable Spice islands, they were never able to eject the
Portuguese from the comparatively worthless coast of South-
Eastern Africa. That coast would only have been an encum-
brance to them, if they had secured it, for its commerce was
never worth much more than the cost of its maintenance until
the highlands of the interior were occupied by Europeans,
and the terrible mortality caused by its malaria would have
been a serious misfortune to them. It was out of their ocean
highway too, for they steered across south of Madagascar,
instead of keeping along the African shore. But they were
drawn on by rumours of the gold which was to be had, and
so they resolved to make themselves masters of Mozambique,
and with that island of all the Portuguese possessions sub-
ordinate to it. In Lisbon their intentions were suspected,
and in January 1601 the king issued instructions that Dom
Alvaro d'Abranches, Nuno da Cunha's successor as captain of
Mozambique, was on no account to absent himself from the
island, as it might at any time be attacked by either the
Turks or the Dutch.

On the 18th of December 1603 Steven van der Hagen left
Holland for India with a strong armed fleet, consisting of the
Vereenigde Provincien, Amsterdam, Dordrecht, Hoorn, and West
Friesland, each of three hundred and fifty tons burden, the
Gelderland and Zeelandia, each of two hundred and fifty tons,
the Hof van Holland, of one hundred and eighty tons, the
Delft and Enkhuizen, each of one hundred and fifty tons, the

428 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

MedenbliTc, of one hundred and twenty-five tons, and a despatch
boat named the Duifken, of thirty tons burden. In those days
such a fleet was regarded as, and actually was, a very formid-
able force, for though there were no ships in it of the size of
the great galleons of Spain and Portugal, each one was much
less unwieldy, and had its artillery better placed. There were
twelve hundred men on board, and the equipment cost no
less than £184,947 6s. Sd.

Van der Hagen arrived before Mozambique on the 17th of
June 1604. Fort Sao Sebastiao had not at the time its
ordinary garrison of one hundred soldiers, owing to a disaster
that had recently occurred. A great horde of barbarians,
called the Cabires by the Portuguese, had entered the terri-
tory of the Monomotapa, and were laying it waste, so the
captain Lourenjo de Brito, by the king's order, went to the
assistance of the Kalanga chief, but was defeated and lost ten
or twelve Portuguese and part of his stores. Sebastiao de
Macedo was then in command at Mozambique. He sent a
vessel with fifty soldiers to De Brito's assistance, but on the
passage she was lost with all on board. None had yet
arrived to replace them, but the resident inhabitants of the
island had retired to the fort with everything of value that
they could remove, so Van der Hagen considered it too strong
to be attacked and therefore proceeded to blockade it. There
was a carrack at anchor, waiting for some others from Lisbon
to sail in company to Goa. The boats of the Dutch fleet cut
her out, in spite of the heavy fire of the fort upon them.
She had on board a quantity of ivory collected on the East
African coast, but nothing else of much value.

On the 30th of June a small vessel from one of the
factories, laden with rice and ivory, came running up to the
island, and was too near to escape when she discovered her
danger. She was turned into a tender, and named the
Mozambique. Then, for five weeks, the blockade continued,
without any noteworthy incident. On the 5th of August five
pangayos arrived, laden with rice and millet, and were of
course seized. Three days later Van der Hagen landed on

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 429

the island with one hundred and fifty men, but found no
sign of hunger, and saw that the prospect of the surrender of
the fort was remote. He did no other damage than setting
fire to a single house, and as night drew on he returned on
board.

He was now anxious to proceed to India, so on the 12th
of August he set fire to the captured carrack, and sailed,
leaving the Delft, EnTchuizen, and Duifken, to wait for the
ships expected from Lisbon. These vessels rejoined him, but
without having made any prizes, before he attacked the
Portuguese at Amboina and Tidor, and got possession of the
Spice islands. In this manner the first siege of Mozambique
was conducted, and failed.

The next attempt was in 1607. On the 29th of March
of that year a Dutch fleet of eight large ships — the Banda,
Bantam, Ceylon, Waleheren, Ter Veere, Zierikzee, China, and
Patane, — carrying one thousand and sixty men, commanded
by Paulus van Caerden, appeared before the island. The
Portuguese historian of this event represents that the fortress
was at the time badly in want of repair, that it was in-
sufficiently provided with cannon, and that there were no
artillerymen nor indeed regular soldiers of any branch of the
service in it, its defence being undertaken by seventy male
inhabitants of the town, who were the only persons on the
island capable of bearing arms. But this statement does not
agree either with the Dutch narrative or with the account
given by Dos Santos, from which it appears that there were
between soldiers and residents of the island one hundred and
forty-five men in the fortress. It was commanded by an
officer — Dom Estevao d'Ataide by name — who deserves a
place among the bravest of his countrymen. He divided his
force into four companies, to each of which he gave a bastion
in charge. To one, under Martim Gomes de Carvalho, was
committed the defence of the bastion Sao Joao, another,
under Antonio Monteiro Corte Heal, had a similar charge in
the bastion Santo Antonio, the bastion Nossa Senhora was
confided to the care of Andre de Alpoim de Brito, while the

Records of South-Eastern Africa.

bastion Sao Gabriel, which was the one most exposed to
assault on the land side and where the stoutest resistance
would have to be made, was entrusted to the company under
Diogo de Carvalho. The people of the town hastily took
shelter within the fortress, carrying their most valuable effects
with them.

Van Caerden, in the Banda, led the way right under the
guns of Sao Sebastiao to the anchorage, where the Sofala
packet and two carracks were lying. A heavy fire was
opened on both sides, but, though the ships were slightly
damaged, as the ramparts were of great height and the
Portuguese guns could not be depressed to command the
Dutch position thoroughly, no one except the master of
the Ceylon was wounded. Two of the vessels at anchor were
partly burned, but all were made prizes, after their crews
had escaped to the shore.

On the 1st of April Van Caerden landed with seven
hundred men and seven heavy guns, several of them twenty-
eight-pounders, in order to lay siege to Fort Sao Sebastiao.
The Portuguese set fire to the town, in order to prevent their
enemy from getting possession of spoil, though in this object
they were unsuccessful, as a heavy fall of rain extinguished
the flames before much damage was done. The Dutch com-
mander took possession of the abandoned buildings without
opposition, and made the Dominican convent his headquarters,
lodging his people in the best houses. He commenced at
once making trenches in which the fortress could be ap-
proached by men under shelter from its fire, and on the 6th
his first battery was completed. The blacks, excepting the
able-bodied, being considered an encumbrance by both com-
batants, D'Ataide expelled those who were in the fort, and
Van Caerden caused all who were within his reach to be
transported to the mainland.

From the batteries, which were mere earthen mounds with
level surfaces, protected on the exposed sides with boxes,
casks, and bags filled with soil, a heavy fire was opened, by
which the parapet of the bastion Santo Antonio was broken

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 431

down, but it was repaired at night by the defenders, the
women and others incapable of bearing arms giving assist-
ance in this labour. The musketeers on the walls, in return,
caused some loss to their opponents by shooting any who
exposed themselves. The Portuguese historian makes special
mention of one Dutch officer in a suit of white armour, who
went about recklessly in full view, encouraging his men, and
apparently regardless of danger, until he was killed by a
musket ball.

The trenches were at length within thirty paces of the
bastion Sao Gabriel, and a battery was constructed there,
which could not be injured by the cannon on the fortress
owing to their great elevation, while from it the walls could
be battered with twenty-eight pound shot as long as the
artillerymen took care not to show themselves to the mus-
keteers on the ramparts. The Dutch commander then pro-
posed a parley, and D'Ataide having consented, he demanded
the surrender of the fortress. He stated that the Portuguese
could expect no assistance from either Europe or India, as
the mother country was exhausted and the viceroy Dom
Martini Affonso de Castro had been defeated in a naval
engagement, besides which nearly all the strongholds of the
East were lost to them. It would therefore be better to
capitulate while it could be done in safety than to expose
the lives of the garrison to the fury of men who would
carry the place by storm. Further, even if the walls proved
too massive for cannon, hunger must soon reduce the fortress,
as there could not be more than three months' provisions in
it. The Portuguese replied with taunts and bravado, and
defied the besiegers to do their worst. They would have no
other intercourse with rebels, they said, than that of arms.

During the night of the 17th some of the garrison made a
sortie for the purpose of destroying a drawbridge, which they
effected, and then retired, after having killed two men
according to their own account, though only having wounded
one according to the Dutch statement. A trench was now
made close up to the wall of the bastion Sao Gabriel, and

432 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

was covered with movable shields of timber of such thickness
that they could not be destroyed by anything thrown upon
them from the ramparts. During the night of the 29th,
however, the garrison made a second sortie, in which they
killed five Hollanders and wounded many more, and on the
following day they succeeded in destroying the wooden
shields by fire.

In the meantime fever and dysentery had attacked Van
Caerden's people, and the prospect was becoming gloomy
in the extreme. The fire from the batteries and ships had
not damaged the walls of the fortress below the parapet, and
sickness was increasing so fast that the Dutch commander
could not wait for famine to give him the prize. He there-
fore resolved to raise the siege, and on the 6th of May he
removed his cannon.

War between nations of different creeds in those days was
carried on in a merciless manner. On the 7th of May Van
Caerden wrote to Captain D'Ataide that he intended to
burn and destroy all the churches, convents, houses, and
palm groves on the island and the buildings and plantations
on the mainland, unless they were ransomed; but offered to
make terms if messengers were sent to him with that object.
A truce was entered into for the purpose of correspondence,
and six Hollanders dressed in Spanish costume went with a
letter to the foot of the wall, where it was fastened to a
string and drawn up. D'Ataide declined the proposal, how-
ever, and replied that he had no instructions from his
superiors, nor intention of his own, except to do all that was
possible with his weapons. He believed that if he ransomed
the town on this occasion, he would only expose it to similar
treatment every time a strong Dutch fleet should pass
that way.

Vaii Caerden then burned all the boats, canoes, and
houses, cut down all the cocoa-nut trees, sent a party of
men to the mainland, who destroyed everything of value
that they could reach there, and finally, just before embark-
ing, he set fire to the Dominican convent and the church of

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 433

Sao Gabriel. What was more to be deplored, adds the
Portuguese historian Barbuda, "the perfidious heretics burned
with abominable fury all the images that were in the
churches, after which they treated them with a thousand
barbarous indignities." The walls of the great church and
of some other buildings were too massive to be destroyed
by the flames, but everything else was utterly ruined.

On the morning of the 16th of May, before daylight, the
Dutch fleet set sail. As the ships were passing Fort Sao
Sebastiao every gun that could be got to bear was brought
into use on both sides, when the Zierikzee had her tiller shot
away, and ran aground. Her crew and the most valuable
effects on board were rescued, however, by the boats of the
rest of the fleet, though many men were wounded by the
fire from the fort. The wreck was given to the flames.

In the second attempt to get possession of Mozambique
the Dutch lost forty men, either killed by the enemy or
carried off by fever, and they took many sick and wounded
away. The Portuguese asserted that they had only thirteen
men killed during the siege, and they magnified their slain
opponents to over three hundred.

After Van Caerden sailed the Portuguese set about repairing
the damage that had been done. In this they were assisted
by the crews of three ships, under command of the newly
appointed viceroy Dom Jeronymo Coutinho, that called on
their way from Lisbon to Goa. The batteries were removed,
the trenches were levelled, the walls of the ruined Dominican
convent were broken down, and the fortress was repaired and
provided with a good supply of food and munitions of war.
Its garrison also was strengthened with one hundred soldiers
landed from the ships. The inhabitants of the town returned
to the ruins of their former habitations, and endeavoured to
make new homes for themselves. These efforts to retrieve
their disasters had hardly been made when the island was
attacked by another and more formidable fleet.

It consisted of the ships Geunieerde Provintien, Hollandia,
Amsterdam, Hoode Leeuw met Pylen, Middelburg, Zeelandia,

VIII. 2 F

434 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Delft, Rotterdam, Hoorn, Arend, Paauw, ValJc, and Griffioen,
carrying in all between eighteen and nineteen hundred men,
and was under the command of Pieter Willemszoon Verhoeff,
an officer who had greatly distinguished himself after Admiral
Heemskerk's death in the famous battle in Gibraltar Bay.
Verhoeff left the Netherlands on the 22nd of December 1607,
and after a long stay at the island of St. Helena where he
waited for the westerly winds to take him past the Cape of
Good Hope, on the 28th of July 1608 arrived at Mozam-
bique. He was under the impression that Van Caerden had
certainly obtained possession of the fortress, and his object
was to lie in wait for Portuguese ships in the Channel ; but
he was undeceived when his signals were answered with
cannon balls and a flag of defiance was hoisted over the
ramparts.

In the port were lying four coasting vessels and a
carrack with a valuable cargo on board, ready to sail for
Goa. In endeavouring to escape, the carrack ran aground
under the guns of the fort, where the Dutch got possession
of her, and made thirty-four of the crew prisoners. These
were removed, but before much of the cargo could be got
out the Portuguese from the fortress made a gallant dash,
retook the carrack, and burned her to the water's edge.
Two of the coasters were made prizes, the other two were in
a position where they could not be attacked.

Within a few hours of his arrival Verhoeff landed a strong
force, and formed a camp on the site of the destroyed
Dominican convent. Next morning he commenced making
trenches towards the fortress, by digging ditches and filling
bags with earth, of which banks were then made. The Portu-
guese of the town had retired within the fortress in such
haste that they were unable to remove any of their effects,
and the blacks, as during the preceding siege, were now
sent over to the mainland to be out of the way. Some of
the ships were directed to cruise off the port, the others were
anchored out of cannon range. A regular siege of the fortress
was commenced.

Records of South-Eastem Africa. 435

In the mode of attack this siege differed little from
that by Van Caerden, as trenches and batteries were made
in the same manner and almost in the same places. But
there were some incidents connected with it that deserve to
be mentioned. At its commencement an accident occurred in
the fortress, which nearly had disastrous consequences. A
soldier, through carelessness, let a lighted fuse fall in a
quantity of gunpowder, and by the explosion that resulted
several men were killed and a fire was kindled which for a
short time threatened the destruction of the storehouses, but
which was extinguished before much harm was done.

On the second day after the batteries were in full working
order the wall of the fortress between the bastions Santo
Antonio and Sao Gabriel was partly broken down, and, ac-
cording to the Portuguese account, a breach was opened
through which a storming party might have entered. "If,"
says the historian Barbuda, "they had been Portuguese, no
doubt they would have stormed ; but as the Dutch are
nothing more than good artillerymen, and beyond this are
of no account except to be burned as desperate heretics, they
had not courage to rush through the ruin of the wall." That
this was said of men who had fought under Heemskerk leads
one to suspect that probably the breach was not of great
size, and the more so as the garrison was able to repair it
during the following night. It is not mentioned in the
Dutch account, in which the bravery of their opponents is
fully recognised.

On the 4th of August Verhoeff sent a trumpeter with
a letter demanding the surrender of the fortress. D'Ataide
would not even write a reply. He said that as he had
compelled Van Caerden to abandon the siege he hoped to
be able to do the same with his present opponent. The
captain of the bastion Sao Gabriel, however, wrote that the
castle had been confided by the king to the commandant,
who was not the kind of cat to be taken without gloves.
Verhoeff believed that the garrison was ill supplied with food,
so his trumpeter was well entertained, and on several occa-

2 F 2

436 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

sions goats and pigs were driven out of the gateway in a
spirit of bravado.

Sorties were frequently made by the besieged, who had the
advantage of being able to observe from the ramparts the
movements of the Dutch. In one of these a soldier named
Moraria distinguished himself by attacking singly with his
lance three pikemen in armour at a distance from their
batteries, killing two of them, and wounding the other.

D'Ataide was made acquainted with his enemy's plans by a
French deserter, who claimed his protection on the ground
of being of the same religion. Four others subsequently
deserted from the Dutch camp, and were received in the
fortress on the same plea. Verhoeff demanded that they
should be surrendered to him, and threatened that if they
were not given up he would put to death the thirty-four
prisoners he had taken in the carrack. D'Ataide replied
that if the prisoners were thirty-four thousand he would not
betray men who were Catholics and who had claimed his
protection, but if the Portuguese captives were murdered
their blood would certainly be avenged. Verhoeff relates in
his journal that the whole of the prisoners were then brought
out in sight of the garrison and shot, regarding the act in
the spirit of the time as rather creditable than otherwise ;
but the version of the Portuguese historian may be correct,
in which it is stated that six men with their hands bound
were shot in sight of their countrymen, and that the others,
though threatened, were spared.

Until the 18th of August the siege was continued. Twelve
hundred and fifty cannon balls had been fired against the
fortress, without effect as far as its reduction was concerned.
Thirty of VerhoefFs men had been killed and eighty were
lying wounded. He therefore abandoned the effort, and em-
barked his force, after destroying what remained of the town.

On the 21st a great galleon approached the island so close
that the ships in the harbour could be counted from
her deck, but put about the moment the Dutch flag was
distinguished. Verhoeff sent the ships Arena, Griffioen, and

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 437

i

Valk in pursuit, and she was soon overtaken. According to

the Dutch account she made hardly any resistance, but in a
letter to the king from her captain, Francisco de Sodre
Pereira, which is still preserved, he claims to have made a
gallant stand for the honour of his flag. The galleon was
poorly armed, but he says that he fought till his ammunition
was all expended, and even then would not consent to sur-
render, though the ship was so riddled with cannon balls
that she was in danger of going down. He preferred, he said
to those around him, to sink with his colours flying. The
purser, however, lowered the ensign without orders, and a
moment afterwards the Dutch, who had closed in, took
possession. The prize proved to be the Bom Jesus, from
Lisbon, which had got separated from a fleet on the way to
Goa, under command of the newly appointed viceroy, the
count De Feira. She had a crew of one hundred and eighty
men. The officers were detained as prisoners, the others were
put ashore on the island Saint George with provisions suffi-
cient to last them two days.

On the 23rd of August the fleet sailed from Mozambique
for India. There can be little question that this defeat of
the Dutch was more advantageous to them than victory
would have been, for if their design had succeeded a very
heavy tax upon their resources and their energy would have
been entailed thereafter. They did not realise this fact, how-
ever, and fifty-five years later another unsuccessful attempt
was made to acquire the coveted East African possessions.

Although Fort Sao Sebastiao after the last siege was
provided with a garrison of one hundred and fifty men and
some small armed vessels were kept on the coast to en-
deavour to prevent the Dutch from communicating with the
natives or obtaining provisions and water, their ships kept
the Portuguese stations in constant alarm. In the eastern
seas they were by this time the dominant power, and were
fast building up a commerce greater by far than the Portu-
guese had ever carried on. They distributed their spices and
silks over Europe, whereas their predecessors were satisfied

438 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

with making Lisbon a market, to which purchasers of other
nations might come for whatever they needed.

On the 21st of November 1609 Pieter Both was appointed
first governor-general of Netherlands India. He left Texel
with the next fleet, which sailed in the following January.
In a great storm off the Cape his ship got separated from
the others, so he put into Table Bay to repair some damages
to the mainmast and to refresh his men. In July 1610
Captain Nicholas Downton called at the same port in an
English vessel, and found Governor-General Both's ship lying
at anchor and also two homeward bound Dutch ships taking
in train oil which had been collected at Robben Island.

In May 1611 the Dutch skipper Isaac le Maire, after
whom the straits of Le Maire are named, called at Table
Bay. When he sailed, he left behind his son Jacob and a
party of seamen, who resided in Table Valley for several
months. Their object was to kill seals on Eobben Island,
and to harpoon whales, which were then very abundant in
South African waters in the winter season. They also tried
to open up a trade for skins of animals with the Hottentots.

In 1616 the assembly of seventeen resolved that its outward
bound fleets should always put into Table Bay to refresh the
crews, and from that time onward Dutch ships touched there
almost every season. A kind of post office was established
by marking the dates of arrivals and departures on stones,
and burying letters in places indicated. But no attempt was
made to explore the country, and no port south of the
Zambesi except Table Bay was frequented by Netherlander,
so that in the middle of the century nothing more con-
cerning it was known than the Portuguese had placed on
record.

In England an East India Company was also established,
whose first fleet, consisting of the Dragon, of six hundred
tons, the Hector, of three hundred tons, the Ascension, of two
hundred and sixty tons, and the Susan, of two hundred and
forty tons burden, sailed from Torbay on the 22nd of April
1601. The admiral was James Lancaster, the same who had

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 439

commanded the Edward Bonaventure ten years earlier. The
chief pilot was John Davis, who had only returned from the
Indies nine months before. On the 9th of September the
fleet came to anchor in Table Bay, by which time the crews
of all except the admiral's ship were so terribly afflicted with
scurvy that they were unable to drop their anchors. The
admiral had kept his men in a tolerable state of health by
supplying them with a small quantity of limejuice daily.
After his ship was anchored he was obliged to get out his
boats and go to the assistance of the others. Sails were then
taken on shore to serve as tents, and the sick were landed
as soon as possible. Trade was commenced with the natives,
and in the course of a few days forty-two oxen and a
thousand sheep were obtained for pieces of iron hoop. The
fleet remained in Table Bay nearly seven weeks, during
which time most of the sick men recovered.

On the 5th of December 161)4 the Tiger — a ship of two
hundred and forty tons — and a pinnace called the Tiger s
Wlielp set sail from Cowes for the Indies. The expedition
was under command of Sir Edward Michelbarne, and next to
him in rank was Captain John Davis. It was the last
voyage that this famous seaman was destined to make, for he
was kSled in an encounter with Japanese pirates on the 27th
of December 1605. The journal of the voyage contains the
following paragraph : — -

"The 3rd of April 1605 we sailed by a little island which
Captain John Davis took to be one that stands some five
or six leagues from Saldanha. Whereupon our general,
Sir Edward Michelburne, desirous to see the island, took
his skiff, accompanied by no more than the master's mate,
the purser, myself, and four men that did row the boat, and
so putting off from the ship we came on land. While we
were on shore they in the ship had a storm, which drove
them out of sight of the island ; and we were two days
and two nights before we could recover our ship. Upon
the said island is abundance of great conies and seals,
whereupon we called it Cony Island."

440 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

On the 8th of April they anchored in Table Bay, where
they remained until the 3rd of the following month
refreshing themselves.

From this date onward the fleets of the English East India
Company made Table Bay a port of call and refreshment,
and usually procured in barter from the natives as many
cattle as they needed. In 1614 the board of directors sent a
ship with as many spare men as she could carry, a quantity
of provisions, and some naval stores to Table Bay to wait for
the homeward bound fleet, and, while delayed, to carry on a
whale and seal fishery as a means of partly meeting the
expense. The plan was found to answer fairly well, and it
was continued for several years. The relieving vessels left
England between October and February, in order to be at
the Cape in May, when the homeward bound fleets usually
arrived from India. If men were much needed, the victualler
— which was commonly an old vessel — was then abandoned,
otherwise an ordinary crew was left in her to capture whales,
or she proceeded to some port in the East, according to
circumstances.

The advantage of a place of refreshment in South Africa
was obvious, and as early as 1613 enterprising individuals
in the service of the East India Company drew the attention
of the directors to the advisability of forming a settlement
in Table Valley. Still earlier it was rumoured that the king
of Spain and Portugal had such a design in contemplation,
with the object of cutting off thereby the intercourse of all
other nations with the Indian seas, so that the strategical
value of the Cape was already recognised. The directors
discussed the matter on several occasions, but their views
in those days were very limited, and the scheme seemed too
large for them to attempt alone.

In their fleets were officers of a much more enterprising
spirit, as they were without responsibility in regard to the
cost of any new undertaking. In 1620 some of these pro-
claimed King James I sovereign of the territory extending
from Table Bay to the dominions of the nearest Christian

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 441

prince. The records of this event are interesting, as they
not only give the particulars of the proclamation and the
reasons that led to it, but show that there must often have
been a good deal of bustle in Table Valley in those days.

On the 24th of June 1620 four ships bound to Surat, under
command of Andrew Shillinge, put into Table Bay, and were
joined when entering by two others bound to Bantam, under
command of Humphrey Fitzherbert. The Dutch had at this
time the greater part of the commerce of the East in their
hands, and nine large ships under their flag were found at
anchor. The English vessel Lion was also there. Com-
modore Fitzherbert made the acquaintance of some of the
Dutch officers, and was informed by them that they had
inspected the country around, as their Company intended to
form a settlement in Table Valley the following year.
Thereupon he consulted with Commodore Shillinge, who
agreed with him that it was advisable to try to frustrate the
project of the Hollanders. On the 25th the Dutch fleet
sailed for Bantam, and the Lion left at the same time,
but the Schiedam, from Delft, arrived and cast anchor.

On the 1st of July the principal English officers,
twenty-one in number, — among them the Arctic navigator
William Baffin, — met in council, and resolved to proclaim
the sovereignty of King James I over the whole country.
They placed on record their reasons for this decision, which
were, that they were of opinion a few men only would be
needed to keep possession of Table Valley, that a planta-
tion would be of great service for the refreshment of the
fleets, that the soil was fruitful and the climate pleasant,
that the natives would become willing subjects in time
and they hoped would also become servants of God, that
the whale fishery would be a source of profit, but, above all,
that they regarded it as more fitting for the Dutch when
ashore there to be subjects of the king of England than for
Englishmen to be subject to them or any one else. "Kule
Britannia" was a very strong sentiment, evidently, with that
party of adventurous seamen.

442 Records of South-Eastern Africa,

On the 3rd of July a proclamation of sovereignty was
read in presence of as many men of the six ships as could
go ashore for the purpose of taking part in the ceremony.
Skipper Jan Cornelis Kunst, of the Schiedam, and some of
his officers were also present, and raised no objection. On
the Lion's rump, or King James's mount as Fitzherbert and
Shillinge named it, the flag of St. George was hoisted, and
was saluted, the spot being afterwards marked by a mound
of stones. A small flag was then given to the natives to
preserve and exhibit to visitors, which it was believed they
would do most carefully.

After going through this ceremony with the object of
frustrating the designs of the Dutch, the English officers
buried a packet of despatches beside a stone slab in the
valley, on which were engraved the letters ^, they being
in perfect ignorance of the fact that those symbols denoted
prior possession taken for the Dutch East India Company.
On the 25th of July the Surat fleet sailed, and on the next
day Fitzherbert's two ships followed, leaving at anchor in
the bay only the English ship Bear, which had arrived on
the 10th.

The proceeding of Fitzherbert and Shillinge, which was
entirely unauthorised, was not confirmed by the directors of
the East India Company or by the government of England,
and nothing whatever came of it. At that time the ocean
commerce of England was small, and as she had just entered
upon the work of colonising North America, she was not
prepared to attempt to form a settlement in South Africa
also. Her king and the directors of her India Company
had no higher ambition than to enter into a close alliance
with the Dutch Company, and to secure by this means a
stated proportion of the trade of the East. In the Nether-
lands also a large and influential party was in favour of
either forming a federated company, or of a binding union
of some kind, so as to put it out of the power of the
Spaniards and Portuguese to harm them. From 1613 onward
this matter was frequently discussed on both sides of the

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa, 443

Channel, and delegates went backward and forward, but it
was almost impossible to arrange terms.

The Dutch had many fortresses which they had either
built or taken from the Portuguese in Java and the Spice
islands, and the English had none, so that the conditions
of the two parties were unequal. In 1617, however, the
kings of France and Denmark sent ships to the eastern
seas, and there was a possibility that one or other of them
might unite with Holland or England. Accordingly each
party was more willing than before to make concessions,
and on the 2nd of June 1619 a close alliance was entered
into. The English Company was to bear half the cost of
offensive and defensive operations in the Indian seas, and
was to have one-third of the trade of the Moluccas, Banda,
and Amboina, the remaining eastern commerce to be free
for each party to make the most of.

The rivalry, however, — bordering closely on animosity —
between the servants of the two Companies in distant
lands prevented any agreement made in Europe being
carried out, and though in 1623 another treaty of alliance
was entered into, in the following year it was dissolved.
Thereafter the great success of the Dutch in the East placed
them beyond the desire of partnership with competitors.

While these negotiations were in progress, a proposal was
made from Holland that a refreshment station should be
established in South Africa for the joint use of the fleets of
the two nations, and the English directors received it
favourably. They undertook to cause a search for a proper
place to be made by the next ship sent to the Cape with
relief for the returning fleet, and left the Dutch at liberty
to make a similar search in any convenient way. Accordingly
on the 30th of November 1619 the assembly of seventeen
issued instructions to the commodore of the fleet then about
to sail to examine the coast carefully from Saldanha Bay to
a hundred or a hundred and fifty miles east of the Cape of
Good Hope, in order that the best harbour for the purpose
might be selected. This was done, and an opinion was

444 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

pronounced in favour of Table Bay. In 1622 a portion of
the coast was inspected for the same purpose by Captain
Johnson, in the English ship Rose, but his opinion of Table
Bay and the other places which he visited was such that
he would not recommend any of them. The tenor of his
report mattered little, however, for with the failure of the
close alliance between the two companies, the design of
establishing a refreshment station in South Africa was
abandoned by both.

Perhaps the ill opinion of Table Bay formed by Captain
Johnson may have arisen from an occurrence that took
place on its shore during the previous voyage of the Rose.
That ship arrived in the bay on the 28th of January 1620,
and on the following day eight of her crew went ashore
with a seine to catch fish near the mouth of Salt River.
They never returned, but the bodies of four were afterwards
found and buried, and it was believed that the Hottentots
had either carried the other four away as prisoners or had
murdered them and concealed the corpses.

This was not the only occurrence of the kind, for in
March 1632 twenty-three men belonging to a Dutch ship
that put into Table Bay lost their lives in conflict with the
natives. The cause of these quarrels is not known with
certainty, but at the time it was believed they were
brought on by the Europeans attempting to rob the Hottentots
of cattle.

An experiment was once made with a view of trying to
secure a firm friend among the Hottentots, and impressing
those people with respect for the wonders of civilisation. A
savage named Cory was taken from the Cape to England,
where he was made a great deal of, and received many
rich and valuable presents. Sir Thomas Smythe, the governor
of the East India Company, was particularly kind to him,
and gave him among other things a complete suit of brass
armour. He returned to South Africa with Captain Nicholas
Downton in the ship New Years Gift, and in June 1614
landed in Table Valley with all his treasures. But Captain

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 445

Downton, who thought that he was overflowing with grati-
tude, saw him no more. Cory returned to his former habits
of living, and instead of acting as was anticipated, taught
his countrymen to despise bits of copper in exchange for
their cattle, so that for a long time afterwards it was
impossible for ships that called to obtain a supply of fresh
meat.

It has been seen what use the Portuguese made of
convicts when they were exploring unknown countries, or
when there were duties of a particularly hazardous or
unpleasant nature to be performed. The English employed
criminals in the same manner. In January 1615 the
governor of the East India Company obtained permission
from the king to transport some men under sentence of
death to countries occupied by savages, where, it was
supposed, they would be the means of procuring supplies
of provisions, making discoveries, and creating trade. The
records in existence — unless there are documents in some
unknown place — furnish too scanty material for a complete
account of the manner in which this design was carried out.
Only the following can be ascertained with certainty. A few
days after the consent of the king was given, the sheriffs of
London sent seventeen men from Newgate on board ships
bound to the Indies, and these were voluntarily accompanied
by three others, who appear to have been convicted criminals,
but not under sentence of death. The proceeding was
regarded as "a very charitable deed and a means to bring
them to God by giving them time for repentance, to crave
pardon for their sins, and reconcile themselves unto His
favour." In June the fleet arrived in Table Bay, and nine
of the condemned men were set ashore with their own free
will.

In one of the ships of this fleet Sir Thomas Koe, English
envoy to the Great Mogul, was a passenger. A pillar
bearing an inscription of his embassy was set up in Table
Valley, and thirty or forty pounds weight of stone which he
believed to contaiu quicksilver and vermilion was taken

446 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

away to be assayed in England, but of particulars that
would be much more interesting now no information whatever
is to be had from the records of his journey.

Again, in June 1616, three condemned men were set
ashore in Table Valley, and a letter signed by them is
extant, in which they acknowledge the clemency of King
James in granting them their forfeited lives, and promise to
do his Majesty good and acceptable service.

There may have been other instances of the kind, of
which no record is in existence now. How the criminals
lived, what effect their residence had upon the native clans,
and how they died, must be left to conjecture. The fate
of only a very few is known. These made their way back to
England, and were there executed for fresh offences.

No further effort was made by the English at this time
to form a connection with the natives of South Africa,
though their ships continued to call at Table Bay for the
purpose of taking in water and getting such other refresh-
ment as was obtainable. They did not attempt to explore the
country or to correct the charts of its coasts, nor did they
frequent any of its ports except Table Bay, and very rarely
Mossel Bay, until a much later date. A few remarks in
ships' journals, and a few pages of observations and opinions
in a book of travels such as that of Sir Thomas Herbert,
from none of which can any reliable information be obtained
that is not also to be drawn from earlier Portuguese writers,
are all the contributions to a knowledge of South Africa
made by Englishmen during the early years of the seven-
teenth century. Though our countrymen were behind no
others in energy and daring, as Drake, Raleigh, Gilbert,
Davis, Hawkins, and a host of others had proved so well,
not forgetting either the memorable story of the Revenge,
which Jan Huyghen van Linschoten handed down for a
modern historian to write in more thrilling words, England
had not yet entered fully upon her destined career either
of discovery or of commerce, the time when " the ocean
wave should be her home" was still in the days to come.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 44.7

V.

FRUITLESS SEARCH FOR SILVER MINES.

THE power of the Portuguese in the East was irrecoverably
broken, and their possessions were falling one after another
into stronger hands, but the individual who was most affected
by the change could not, or did not, realise the extent of
his loss. That individual was Philippe, the third of Spain,
the second of Portugal, who among his numerous titles still
retained that of Lord of the Conquest, Navigation, and Com-
merce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India. Perhaps he did
not know of all the disasters that had overtaken his subjects,
for he heard nothing except through the ears of the duke
of Lerma, and that all-powerful favourite was not the man to
point out that his empire was crumbling away, or to suggest
any efficient means of preserving what still remained of it.

Accordingly in the royal orders to the viceroys of India,
which commenced with the phrase " I the king," instructions
were given in as lofty language as if Philippe was still
really lord of the East and in receipt of an ample revenue.
With regard to the coast of South-Eastern Africa, a hundred
and fifty — a little later raised to three hundred — soldiers were
to be stationed at Mozambique, the fortifications of Sofala
were to be thoroughly repaired and provided with a garrison,
forts were to be constructed at the different mouths of the
Zambesi to protect the entrances of that river, Tete and Sena
were to be made secure, and a fleet of armed vessels was to
be kept cruising up and down the coast, so as to make the
whole line impregnable. But where were the men and the
ships and the money to come from? That question could not

448 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

be answered, and thus matters remained in the most wretched
condition imaginable.

On the 21st of March 1608 the king wrote to Dom Joao
Froyas Pereira, count of Feira, then viceroy of India, that
Sebastiao de Macedo and Dom Estevao d'Ataide, successively
captains of Mozambique, had sent specimens of silver ore to
Lisbon so rich as to yield two-thirds of their weight pure
metal. The exact locality where the ore was obtained was
unknown, but it was believed to be at Chicova, on the
southern bank of the Zambesi some distance above Tete.
The king therefore ordered the viceroy to send a force of
five hundred men under Sebastiao de Macedo, Dom Estevao
d'Ataide, or some other suitable person, to search for the
mines and take possession of them. In addition to the forti-
fications and garrisons already mentioned, four strongholds,
which Dom Estevao d'Ataide had represented as necessary to
secure the country, were to be built and occupied, namely
one each at Chicova, Masapa, Bukoto, and Luauze. No
ground except the actual mines was to be taken from the
natives, nor was the government of the Monomotapa over his
people to be interfered with in any way. The general in
command of the expedition was to have supreme control in
South-Eastern Africa, and upon his arrival was to appoint
a new captain of Mozambique, who was to command the
garrison and town in subordination to him.

The time was opportune for such an enterprise, as the prin-
cipal Kalanga tribe had for some years been engaged in civil
war, and the Portuguese had acquired considerable influence
in the country. In 1597, when Nuno da Cunha was captain
of Mozambique, a powerful tribe on the border, under a chief
named Tshunzo, made war upon the Monomotapa, and sent
two strong armies into his territory. One of these, under the
induna Kapampo, marched as far as Masapa, but retreated on
learning that an immense Kalanga force under Ningomosha,
the Monomotapa's general in chief, was rapidly approaching.
In retreating, Kapampo laid the country along his line of
march utterly waste, so that Ningomosha was unable to follow

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 449

him. The Monomotapa of the time, Gasilusere by name, was
addicted to the use of dacha, and was otherwise a cruel, pas-
sionate, faithless tyrant. Though Ningomosha was in no way
to blame for what had occurred, and was the next in rank to
himself in the tribe, he caused him to be put to death for
having failed to overtake Kapampo, and by this act raised
against himself a large section of the people.

The other division of Tshunzo's force, under the induna
Tshikanda, marched to within a short distance of the great
place, and there made peace with the Monomotapa on con-
dition of being permitted to retain possession of the district
it was then occupying. Two years later, however, the war
was renewed, when Tshikanda robbed some slaves who were
trading for their Portuguese masters, upon which the inhabit-
ants of Tete and Sena joined the Monomotapa against him.
They were seventy-five in number, and took with them about
two thousand Kaffir warriors, the whole force being under the
command of Belchior d'Araujo, captain of Tete. Tshikanda
was found within a lager, surrounded by about thirty thousand
Makalanga. He had only six hundred warriors with him, but
he had made as light of his opponents as a cat would of so
many mice, attacking them by day and night and slaughter-
ing many of them. The Portuguese approached the lager
under cover of wickerwork screens carried before them, and
shot so many of those within that Tshikanda offered to sur-
render on condition that the lives of his people should be
spared. The Makalanga would not agree to this, so that
night the besieged band attempted to cut its way through
them, and Tshikanda and a few of his followers escaped. At
dawn next morning the Portuguese entered the lager, and
found a considerable amount of spoil. They then returned
to their homes, after having obtained from the Monomotapa,
in recompense of their services, permission to carry arms
wherever they should travel in his country, a privilege they
had not enjoyed before.

The defeat of Tshikanda, instead of restoring peace to the
Kalanga tribe, brought on civil war, for the party that resented

VIII. 2 G

450 Eeeords of South-Eastern Africa.

the death of Ningomosha, being no longer apprehensive of
danger from a foreign foe, rose in revolt against the drunken
and ferocious Monomotapa. They gained some successes, but
when a few Portuguese under the leadership of Francisco da
Cunha, captain of the Gates, went to the Monomotapa's aid,
they lost heart and fled to the territory of a chief who uas
supposed to be friendly to their cause. This chief, however,
instead of receiving them as they had anticipated, seized
their leader, cut off his head, and sent it to the Monomotapa.
By this act another of the rebel commanders, a man of great
energy and ability, named Matuzianye, became the head of
the insurgents, and he carried on the war so skilfully that in
a few years he was master of nearly the whole country.

The Monomotapa was in a sore plight when a Portuguese
trader named Diogo Simoes Madeira, who had been some time
resident at Tete, volunteered to assist him. This man raised
a small company of Europeans armed with arquebuses, with
whose assistance the legitimate Kalanga ruler recovered a
large part of his territory. As a reward to his Portuguese
friend for such valuable service he made him a present of the
district of Inyabanzo adjoining the lands subject to Tete, with
sovereign rights over the people residing in it. Further, on
the 1st of August 1607, being encamped on the bank of the
river Mazoe, he attached his mark to a document formally
drawn up by the notary Miguel Nunes, in which he ceded
to the king of Portugal all the mines of gold, copper, iron,
pewter, and lead in his country, on condition that the king
should maintain him in his position. All silver mines he
granted to Diogo Madeira, who in the same document trans-
ferred them to the king. Under his name on the deed of
gift the Monomotapa with his own hand made three crosses,
and the document was signed as principals by Miguel Nunes
and Diogo Simoes Madeira. As witnesses the signatures were
attached of the friar Joao Lobo, vicar of Luanze, the friar
Manuel de Sao Vicente, chaplain of the force, and twenty-four
other Portuguese, in addition to the marks of several who
could not write.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 451

As a proof of good faith the Monomotapa delivered to
Diogo Madeira two of his sons, in order that they might be
educated at Tete and brought up as Christians, and he pro-
mised to give two of his daughters for the same purpose.
Shortly after this event the principal army of the insurgents
was defeated in a pitched battle, and the Monomotapa
regained possession of his great place. The Portuguese then
returned to Tete, taking with them the two young chiefs, —
the daughters were never given to them, — and the country
was apparently again in a condition of peace. The sons of
the great chief were maintained in the house of Diogo
Madeira, and having received instruction from the Dominican
friars were baptized with the names Philippe and Diogo. The
elder of the two, Philippe, then returned to his father, but
Diogo remained at Tete, where he was taught to read and
write as well as to assist the friars in the services of the
church.

A year passed away, and the Monomotapa collected his
army again to attack the rebels who had not submitted. The
tribe under Mongasi had hitherto maintained neutrality, but
he now fell upon that chief and caused him to be killed.
Thereupon the Mongasis effected a junction with Matuzianye,
and at once the tide of success turned. The Monomotapa'a
forces were defeated, and in a short time he was reduced to
the greatest straits. Matuzianye then invaded Inyabanzo, but
was driven back by Diogo Madeira, who built a strong lager
and stationed twenty arquebusiers and three hundred Kaffir
warriors in it. It was hardly completed when messengers
arrived from the Monomotapa, urgently begging for assistance.
The great chief had just been defeated by Matuzianye in a
battle in which he had been wounded himself and his eldest
son had been killed. Diogo Madeira sent out a party that
found the distressed fugitive, and escorted him to the lager
at Inyabanzo, where he remained three months under the pro-
tection of the Portuguese. Then he removed to Tshidima,
farther up the southern bank of the Zambesi, where he would
be within easy reach of European aid should his enemies

2 G 2

452 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

attack him again. Surely romance furnishes nothing more
strange than the hereditary chief of the largest and most
advanced tribe of Southern Africa depending for existence
upon the favour of a European adventurer with barely a
couple of score of arquebuses at his command.

This was the state of affairs when the king's orders con-
cerning the search for the silver mines were issued. The
count of Feira, to whom they were addressed, died while they
were on the way out, and the friar Dom Aleixo de Menezes,
archbishop of Goa, was acting as governor-general of Portu-
guese India when they arrived. He could not. carry them
out completely, but he did what was possible by appointing
Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira, an officer of energy and ability,
captain general of the Conquest, and giving him a hundred
soldiers to accompany him to South-Eastern Africa. In
March 1609 the captain general arrived at Tete, and at once
sent thirty soldiers to act as a bodyguard to the Monomo-
tapa. Having made the necessary arrangements, he directed
Diogo Madeira to proceed to Tshidima in command of the
remaining seventy soldiers and two thousand Kaffirs of Tete,
and instructed him to deliver a valuable present to the
Monomotapa, whom he was to persuade to accompany the
expedition to Chicova and point out the silver mines. The
Monomotapa consented to this arrangement. On the way
the chief of the clan that occupied Chicova met the party
and presented three small pieces of silver ore to the Portu-
guese leader, but he and his attendants disappeared imme-
diately afterwards, and on arriving at the place neither the
Monomotapa nor any one else was able to point out a mine.
Still it was believed that if the fugitive chief and his people
could be captured they would be able to do so, and therefore
it was resolved to suppress the insurrection/ as a preliminary
measure.

After a stay of eighteen days at Chicova the Portuguese
army with all the warriors the Monomotapa could collect
marched against Matuzianye, and in a series of engagements
inflicted such losses upon him that he was at length com-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 453

pelled to take refuge with a few followers on a strong
mountain. The Portuguese, however, met with some reverses
as well. At Bukoto they were defeated, and for a short
time that station was occupied by the enemy. When at
length Matuzianye's adherents were completely dispersed
Diogo Madeira left ten soldiers as a bodyguard with the
Monomotapa, who was then at his great place, and with the
remainder of his force he returned to Tete, taking with him
several men of rank who were directed by the chief to trans-
fer the silver mines to the captain general. Shortly after
this Matuzianye was treacherously assassinated by an agent
of the Monomotapa, and organised opposition to the authority
of the legitimate ruler entirely ceased throughout the country,
though some robber bands still held out in the mountains.

In the meantime Ruy Lourenfo de Tavora had arrived at
Goa as viceroy, and had appointed Dom Estevao d'Ataide
captain general of the Conquest. Dom Estevao had arrived
at Sena, and Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira had gone down the
river to meet him and transfer the government. Diogo
Madeira therefore proceeded to Sena with the Monomotapa's
envoys, and introduced them to the new captain general, at
the same time reporting all that had occurred. But now a
great change took place in the attitude of the Kalanga
deputies. Their tribe was once more united, and they felt
themselves strong enough to resist the little party of Portu-
guese to whom they had been so submissive while Matuzianye
was alive and in rebellion. They therefore put on a bold
face, and demanded the merchandise which each new captain
of Mozambique had been obliged to send to the Monomotapa
on entering office. Dom Estevao d'Ataide made large pro-
mises, but gave no cloth. He sent the Kalanga deputies
back to Masapa with Diogo Carvalho and fifty soldiers, who
built a stockade or strong lager there, and occupied it as a
garrison. A robber band, consisting of the most determined
of the late rebels, was in possession of a mountain strong-
hold close by, so the Monomotapa sent an army to encamp
in the neighbourhood, in expectation that the Portuguese

454 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

would assist to destroy it. The robbers attacked Masapa
twice, and caused some loss, but Carvalho was not to be drawn
from his fort.

As Dom Estevao's promises were not fulfilled, the Mono-
motapa grew weary of waiting for the merchandise which his
envoys had asked for, and ordered a general empata, or con-
fiscation of Portuguese property, throughout his country.
Several traders were killed in resisting it, and even Diogo
Madeira, who was on a bartering expedition at the time,
although he had performed such eminent services for the
great chief, was robbed of all his goods and barely escaped
with his life. Diogo Carvalho, on learning what was taking
place, formed an alliance with the robbers in his neighbour-
hood, and together with them fell upon the Kalanga camp
one night and created great havoc in it. He then abandoned
Masapa and retired to Tete, leaving no Portuguese in the
interior of the Mouomotapa's country.

Dom Estevao d'Ataide now resolved upon war with the
Kalanga tribe. The force under his command, consisting of
only one hundred and twenty-five soldiers, was altogether
too puny for such an undertaking, but he hoped to obtain
the aid of the clans that had been recently in rebellion as
well as of the tribes along the Zambesi that were the heredi-
tary enemies of the Monomotapa. He shifted his head
quarters from Sena to Tete, and sent Diogo Carvalho two
days' journey farther up the river to build and occupy a fort
to be called Santo Estevao. This was just accomplished
when a complete break in the proceedings occurred. It was
reported in Lisbon that a fleet of unusual strength was about
to leave Holland for India, so on the 10th of October 1611
the king issued instructions that the captain general of the
Conquest was at once to reinforce the garrison of Mozam-
bique, which then consisted of only twenty-five soldiers. In
consequence of this order, in March 1612 Dom Estevao was
obliged to leave Tete with all his force, and seven months
elapsed before he could return. Diogo Madeira, who had
received from the viceroy the appointment of captain of Tete

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 455

for life, remained behind with the permanent residents of the
place, but they, though assisted by their Bantu subjects and
by the people of the district of Inyabanzo, could do nothing
more than defend themselves against the army which the
Monomotapa sent to attack them.

In 1612 reinforcements of troops arrived at Mozambique
from Portugal, and Dom Estevao d'Ataide was enabled to
return to the Zambesi. But the king was becoming dissatis-
fied with the want of progress in conquest or discovery, and
he found fault with the terms on which the viceroy Kuy
Lourenpo de Tavora had engaged the captain general. To
the new viceroy, Dom Jeronymo d'Azevedo, he wrote that
his predecessor had no authority to promise high honours and
favours to Dom Estevao in the event of his being successful,
and he directed that the agreement with him should be
annulled. Dom Estevao was to proceed to India, leaving the
direction of military matters in the hands of Diogo Simoes
Madeira, who was made a member of the order of Christ
and was granted a small annual pension, besides being con-
firmed in possession of the district of Inyabanzo and promised
the rank of a nobleman should he succeed in discovering and
opening the silver mines. He was not, however, to have the
position of captain general of the Conquest, as Buy de Mello
de Sampayo, who had a claim to the captaincy of Mozam-
bique under the former condition of affairs, was to have the
civil administration and independent command of Fort Sao
Sebastiao given to him- with a monopoly of the commerce
south of the Zambesi on the usual terms.

Buy de Mello de Sampayo was not in India when this
order arrived, so the viceroy appointed his own brother Dom
Joao d'Azevedo captain of Mozambique for one year, and
recalled Dom Estevao d'Ataide. Nothing of any consequence
had been done since his return to Tete, and in July 1613
Dom Estevao laid down the command and set out for India,
but died at Mozambique on the way, leaving property in
gold, ivory, &c. worth one hundred and ten thousand cruza-
dos, which the judge Francisco da Fonseca Pinto, who had

456 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

been sent from India to conduct the usual examination into
his conduct, placed in safe keeping.* It was subsequently
confiscated for the benefit of the royal treasury, and was used
to pay for repairing the fortifications of Mozambique. The
death of Dom Estevao saved him from the punishment often
inflicted upon the unsuccessful, whether they were guilty of
misconduct or not. On the 8th of March 1613 the king
wrote to the viceroy to have him arrested and tried for
furthering his own interests at Tete instead of proceeding
with the conquest and for having taken to the Zambesi a
hundred and fifty disciplined 'soldiers from Fort Sao Sebastiao
and left in their stead only forty or fifty recruits, whereas he
was under obligation to maintain at Mozambique two hundred
soldiers and to employ five hundred in the expedition in
search of the mines. If he was found guilty of these offences
he was to be sent to Portugal a prisoner in chains. This was
the fate designed by the king for the man who had so gal-
lantly defended Mozambique against the Dutch, but who had
failed to carry out an engagement to raise an army when
men were not to be had.

Diogo Madeira with the slender force under his command
now undertook the enterprise in which two officers of superior
rank and authority had failed. On the 10th of August 1613,
having received transfer of the soldiers and a trifling quantity
of military stores, he left Sena to proceed up the river in
boats, but had hardly set out when he encountered opposi-
tion. There was a clan living close to Sena under a chief
named Tshombe, who during the recent disturbances had come
under the protection of the Portuguese, and had agreed to
pay as tribute a certain quantity of millet yearly. Seeing
the weakness of his protectors now that the civil war in the
country was ended, this man was disposed to assert his inde-
pendence, and when the new commander called upon him to

* The chronicler of these events in one place incidentally states that
eighteen maticals of gold were equal to nearly thirty cruzados, so that this
amount would represent about £29,500. Whenever the cruzado of King
Sehastiao is meant it is termed a cruzado d'ouro.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 457

pay his tribute and to surrender some fugitive slaves whom
he was harbouring, he refused to comply. He even attempted
to prevent the flotilla passing up the river until a toll was
paid to him, but was defeated in an engagement, and the
boats proceeded onward.

As it was necessary to keep open the communication by the
Zambesi with the sea, on his arrival at Tete Diogo Madeira
raised as large an army as he could to proceed against
Tshombe. It consisted of one hundred European and mixed
breed arquebusiers and six thousand Bantu warriors from the
lands of Tete and Inyabanzo. With these he marched down
the river bank and attacked his opponent, who was found
entrenched in a very strong lager and well supplied with
means of defence. The attack failed, and all the men that
could be collected at Sena, consisting of forty arquebusiers
and three thousand Kaffirs under a friendly chief named Kwi-
tambo, were then summoned to assist. Again an attempt to
take the lager by storm was unsuccessful, so it was besieged
for over two months in the hope of starving the defenders.
In an assault on the 16th of November some advantage was
gained, and that night Tshombe and a few of his followers
made their way through the blockading force and escaped.
On Sunday the 17th of November the Portuguese obtained
possession of the lager, and secured as spoil some ivory and
loincloths of native manufacture, besides eight thousand adults
and as many children, who were made slaves. Fifty soldiers
were left in the lager to prevent its being reoccupied, and
Tshombe was pursued until nearly all of his warriors were
slain. The territory he had occupied was then given to Kwi-
tambo, who engaged to pay tribute for it, and Diogo Madeira
with his army returned to Tete.

Here he was gladdened by a message from the Monomo-
tapa that if he would pay the quantity of merchandise
usually given by those entering office he might take posses-
sion of Chicova in peace. Goods to the value of four
thousand cruzados were at once forwarded, and in return a
man of rank was sent by the Kalanga ruler to transfer the

458 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

district supposed to contain the silver mines. Accordingly,
on the 15th of April 1614 Diogo Madeira left Tete with a
hundred soldiers, six hundred Bantu warriors, and a number
of slaves carrying stores, and on the 8th of May reached
Chicova, where he set about building a fort or stockaded
enclosure which he named Sao Miguel. The envoy of the
Monomotapa was with him, but could not point out a mine,
and the chief of the locality fled as soon as the object of
the expedition became known. On being applied to, the
Monomotapa sent a piece of silver ore weighing about half
a pound, and with it a man named Tsherema, who had found
it at Chicova; but Tsherema could only point out loose
pieces of ore, not a mine. Diogo Madeira caused him to be
beaten and imprisoned, but to no purpose, for he was never
able to show his tormentors what they so much desired to
see.

The northern bank of the Zambesi opposite Chicova was
occupied by an independent chief named Sapoe, who pro-
fessed to be a friend of the Portuguese. He gave them
permission to trade freely in his country, and offered them a
road through it to Tete. Diogo Madeira availed himself of
this, and a path was explored on the Bororo side of the
river past the rapids of Kebrabasa to navigable water. With
Sapoe's consent a stockade, named Santo Antonio, was built
and occupied opposite Sao Miguel, so that the ferry was
completely under Portuguese control. Fort Santo Estevao
farther down on the southern side was destroyed, as there
were no men to occupy it.

Being without means either to explore the country or even
to feed those who were with him, as no aid of any kind had
yet reached him from Portugal or India, on the 24th of
June Diogo Madeira was compelled to leave for Tete and
Sena, taking with him nearly the whole of his people.
During his absence Diogo Teixeira Barros, with forty-four
soldiers and some slaves, was entrusted with the defence of
the stockades Sao Miguel and Santo Antonio. On arriving
at Sena, instead of finding the assistance he was hoping for,

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 459

Madeira received instructions from the king that he must
send the soldiers brought by Dom Estevao d'Ataide back to
Mozambique, as that island was in danger of being attacked.
In consequence of this order thirty were despatched in a
pangayo, all that could be mustered, as some had died and
the others were at Chicova. Nothing could illustrate better
than this event the exhausted condition of Portugal at the
time.

The captain still hoped that a supply of merchandise would
be sent from India to enable him to carry on his work, so
he resolved to keep the Monomotapa in good humour by
means of presents and to engage every resident along the
river that would enter his service. He therefore sent the
great chief a silken banner, a gold head ornament, and a
small quantity of cloth, with a complimentary message; but
as the whole was of trifling value it was regarded with con-
tempt by the Kalanga ruler, who imprisoned the men that
took it to him and made a demand for a number of
articles that he named. To obtain these Diogo Madeira was
obliged to compel such inhabitants of Sena as were in
possession of goods to sell them to him on credit without
any prospect of payment being ever made, and thus he
created enemies when he sorely needed friends. The Mono-
motapa, however, appeared to be appeased, and released his
prisoners, so Madeira set out on his return to the stockade
Sao Miguel with all the men and stores he had been able
to collect.

Meantime Barros found himself in great difficulties at
Chicova. He was so badly in want of food that he was
compelled to take it by force from the natives, which
naturally aroused their enmity. Then the son of the Mono-
motapa who had been baptized with the name of Philippe
having displeased his father fled- to Fort Sao Miguel and
claimed protection. This was given to him, upon which the
Monomotapa sent an army to destroy the stockade. On the
18th of March 1615 it was attacked, but was successfully
defended until the 20th, when Diogo Madeira arrived at

460 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Santo Antonio with the reinforcements he had collected, and
while he was crossing the river with them the hostile army
withdrew.

There was now a small band of Portuguese with a con-
siderable number of slaves, having provisions for only a few
months, in an advanced stockade in an enemy's country. A
line of retreat was open by crossing the river and marching
down its northern bank past the rapids, and then recrossing
to Tete. There defence for a long time was possible, as a
strong Bantu force could be raised from the subject clans
and in the district of Inyabanzo, and in case of necessity the
river would furnish conveyance to Sena and the sea. Under
these circumstances Diogo Madeira decided to remain where
he was until aid could reach him from Portugal or India.
He sent the young chief Philippe to Tete, and provided for
his maintenance there, as his friendship might be of
importance at some future time. He then made as thorough
a search as was possible in the vicinity of the stockade, and
though nothing that could be called a mine was discovered,
the prisoner Tsherema pointed out a place where several
loose pieces of rich silver ore were picked up, some weighing
many pounds.

To send specimens of these to Lisbon and to Goa, and
thus to create such an interest in the undertaking as would
cause sufficient assistance to be ;sent to him, was now the
first object of Diogo Madeira. This was not so easy of
accomplishment as might be supposed. It was believed that
the jealousy of Kuy de Mello de Sampayo, who in 1615
became captain of Mozambique,* would be aroused by the

* The following are the principal clauses of the contract entered into with
him by the government at Lisbon, dated 17th of March 1614. His three
years term of office was to commence on the day that he took formal
possession of the fortress. He was to pay annually 40,000 xerafins of
300 reis each (about £7,500). All the expenses of the forts constructed for
the defence of the trade, including the pay of the troops necessary for that
purpose, were to be defrayed by him. The ordinary expenses of the fortress
of Mozambique and of the hospital at that place were to be defrayed by
him, but were to be deducted from the 40,000 xerafins, and the balance

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 461

intelligence, and that the specimens would probably never
get beyond that island except as coming from him. To
meet this difficulty G-aspar Bocarro, a faithful friend of Diogo
Madeira, volunteered to go overland to some port high up
on the eastern coast, and thence by way of the Red sea and
the Mediterranean to Portugal. He was an old inhabitant of
the country, and as he was wealthy he offered to perform
this service at his own cost and in addition to contribute two
thousand cruzados towards the maintenance of Fort Sao
Miguel during his absence. At the same time the Dominican
friar Francisco d' A velar offered to go to India and Portugal
by way of Mozambique, trusting that his habit would protect
him from interference on the way.

In February 1616 the two envoys set out, each taking
with him a quantity of silver ore and attested certificates
that it had been found at Chicova. The friar reached Goa
in safety, and after delivering a report to the viceroy, pro-
ceeded to Lisbon and thence to Madrid, where the specimens
and documents which he produced caused great satisfaction
to the king and the court.

Gaspar Bocarro, who was an experienced African traveller,
took with him ten or twelve slaves to carry the specimens
of ore, a quantity of beads, some calico, and a thousand
bracelets of copper wire. With this merchandise he procured
food, guides, and porters, and so made his way without
difficulty from Tete to the southern extremity of Lake
Nyassa. He crossed the Shire — called the Nhanha in his
journal — in canoes close to its outflow from the lake,* and

was to be sent to Goa. He was not to be present, personally or by repre-
sentative, when the duty of one per cent was being levied on his mer-
chandise. AIL the usual presents to the chiefs of the interior were to be
sent by him, at the proper times, at his own cost. He was to take over
his predecessor's stock of goods. He was to have the sole right to trade
upon the banks of the rivers Zambesi and Sofala (the whole country south-
ward being included). He was authorised to seize and appropriate any
merchandise taken into the country without his permission.

* This journey of Gaspar Bocarro does not detract in the least degree
from the merit of the reverend Dr. Livingstone's discovery of Ldke Nyassa.

462 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

proceeding upward between the eastern side of Nyassa and the
coast, was ferried over other rivers named the Kuambara and
the Eofuma. Part of the country on his route was found
still a desert waste, as it had been left by the Mazimba. On
the fifty-third day after his departure from Tete he reached
Kilwa, where he procured a conveyance to Mombasa. Here
he found it would be impossible to go up the Ked sea, on
account of wars then being carried on in those parts, so with
much regret he went to Mozambique and thence returned to
the Zambesi.

While the envoys were on their way Diogo Madeira tried
to make the best of matters at his stockades. He dared not
go far from Sao Miguel, but in its vicinity more pieces of
silver ore were found, which were sent down to Tete and
exchanged for calico, so that he was able for a time to
obtain provisions. In January 1616 he had been joined by
the Dominican friar Joao dos Santos, who had petitioned to
be sent from India to South-Eastern Africa as soon as he
heard that the Monomotapa Gasilusere had consented to two
of his sons being educated as Christians. His experience,
he thought, might even be instrumental in converting the
Monomotapa himself. His provincial consented, and the king
ordered his expenses to be defrayed by the royal treasury
and that he should be employed on some official mission to
the Monomotapa that would add to his dignity and influence.
Dos Santos was an old man when he reached the Zambesi
again, and he must have been bitterly disappointed with the
turn affairs had taken. He was, however, as full of zeal as
in his younger years, and when a message reached him at
Sena that the departure of Francisco d' A velar would leave
the defenders of the stockade Sao Miguel without a spiritual

The great missionary traveller first saw the outflow of the Shire on the
16th of September 1859, two hundred and forty-three years after Bocarro
was at the same spot. But the account given here was then buried in
the Portuguese archives, and was entirely unknown to any one. Besides
though it is easy now to follow Bocarro's route from his description of it,
it would have been impossible to do so before Dr. Livingstone's minute
description of the country was published.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 463

comforter, he did not hesitate, but proceeded up the river to
the lonely post to minister to them and to share their
discomforts.

Some time before the friar Francisco d'Avelar reached
Goa with the specimens of silver ore, Dom Jeronymo
d'Azevedo had received bitter complaints from the traders
whose merchandise Diogo Madeira had practically seized by
force, and also from the residents of Mozambique concerning
similar conduct by the captain Buy de Mello de Sampayo.
The viceroy, therefore, by the advice of the council of state,
appointed the judge Francisco da Fonseca Pinto a commis-
sioner to investigate matters in South-Eastern Africa, and
gave him very large powers to settle disorder of every kind.
He was also supplied with calico and beads for the expedition
under Diogo Madeira, in case he should think it proper to
assist that enterprise. The judge was accompanied by one
of his friends named Salvador Vaz da Guerra. He arrived
at Mozambique in March 1616, where he summarily dismissed
Euy de Mello de Sampayo from office, and appointed Da
Guerra in his stead. He then went on to the Zambesi, and
arrived at Quilimane in May.

By this time the garrison of Fort Sao Miguel was reduced
to great distress. The summer had been so intensely hot
that for weeks together to touch a stone exposed to the sun's
rays caused the skin to blister, and sickness had prevailed
to an alarming extent. Most of the able-bodied slaves had
run away, those who remained could not venture outside the
stockade, and so great was the scarcity of food that if not
relieved the place must soon be abandoned from hunger.
There were only forty -four soldiers left to guard it. As soon
therefore as Diogo Madeira heard that a commissioner with
extensive powers had arrived at the rivers he wrote urging
that assistance should be forwarded without delay, but
received no reply.

Instead of sending at least some calico that food might be
purchased with it, the judge passed a couple of months at
Sena and Tete, exchanging the merchandise he had brought

464 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

from India for gold and ivory. He was able to do this to
unusual advantage, as for two years in succession the trading
vessels from Mozambique had been lost, and calico and beads
were in great demand. He listened to all the complaints
against Diogo Madeira, and without a trial confiscated his
property at Tete and made his nephew a prisoner. On the
1st of August 1616 he left Tete for Chicova with a hundred
and fifty soldiers and two thousand Kaffirs, but when he was
within a day's march of Fort Sao Miguel Diogo Madeira,
fearing to place himself in the power of a man who had
acted in so hostile a manner, crossed the river to the
stockade Santo Antonio, though he left the soldiers behind.
On learning this, the judge at once returned to Tete.

All hope of retaining the position at Chicova was now
abandoned. The soldiers had parted with their shirts for
food, and were half naked as well as more than half starved.
Mass was said for the last time in the little structure used
as a church, and then Dos Santos with a heavy heart
stripped the altar of its ornaments and removed whatever
could be taken away. Some slave women and children were
first ferried over to Santo Antonio, the soldiers followed, and
last of all Diogo Madeira himself bade farewell to the
stockade he had held so long in hope of relief being sent to
him. It was the 17th of August 1616. On the 18th Santo
Antonio was in like manner abandoned, and the party com-
menced to march down the bank of the river. The soldiers
were so weak that two of them died before they reached the
ferry below the rapids. Diogo Madeira retired to his district
of Inyabanzo, where he remained for a time, and the others
went to Tete.

The judge now pronounced the discovery of silver ore at
Chicova to be a fable, as the pieces found had probably been
carried there from some other place, and he induced the
soldiers to sign a document to that effect. Diogo Madeira
he proclaimed an outlaw. The Monomotapa, who had already
destroyed the abandoned stockade Sao Miguel, sent an army
against the unfortunate captain, and he was obliged to leave

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 465

Inyabanzo and take refuge with the chief Kwitambo near
Sena until the judge returned to Mozambique, when he went
back to Tete an utterly ruined man. The Kalanga army
overran Inyabanzo and the territory subject to Tete, until
nothing was left to the Portuguese but the fort and the
village adjoining it, and even these might have been lost
if the residents had not appeased the Monomotapa with
presents.

The government at Lisbon disapproved of these pro-
ceedings, and instructions were sent to the viceroy to cause
the judge Francisco da Fonseca Pinto to be tried by the
inquisitor general of India for his conduct, to restore Buy de
Mello de Sampayo to the captaincy of Mozambique for the
time wanting to complete his term of three years, and to
place Diogo Madeira again in his former position, with means
necessary to carry out his enterprise. In accordance with
these instructions, in January 1618 some calico was sent
from India, and when it reached Sena Diogo Madeira en-
deavoured to raise and equip another expedition. A few
soldiers arrived from Mozambique to take part in it, but
before anything of consequence could be done a complete
change was made.

It was first resolved to form a separate government of
South-Eastern Africa, as in the time of King Sebastiao, and
a new viceroy of India was appointed and left for Goa under
this arrangement ; but on the 10th of March 1618 the king
wrote to him that the plan had been abandoned. Instead
of it a governor of Monomotapa was appointed, who was to
reside at Chicova and carry out the conquest of the district
in which the mines were situated. Dom Nuno Alvares
Pereira, then commander in chief at Ceylon, was the officer
selected for the situation. He was to take with him the
seasoned troops at Mozambique, whose places were to be
supplied by recruits sent from Lisbon, and the viceroy was
directed to aid him with trustworthy officers, soldiers, sailors,
materials of war, and provisions, at the expense of the
treasury of India. Skilled miners and smelters were to be

VIII. 2 H

466 Records of South-Eastern Africa,

sent from Portugal and also from India to search the country
and develop its mineral wealth. Commerce was to be carried
on by the royal treasury, and was to be under the control of
Antonio de Maris Lobo, who was appointed overseer of the
revenue of Monomotapa. Towards defraying the cost of all
this, twenty-two thousand cruzados would be sent from Lisbon,
with which merchandise was to be purchased and sent to the
Zambesi, there to be used in providing for the conquest.
The viceroy was to furnish presents for the Monomotapa and
other rulers in the country. Dom Luis de Menezes, or in
his default Dom Alvaro da Costa, was to be appointed com-
mander of the garrison of Mozambique, subordinate to the
governor of Monomotapa, as the captain of Sofala was also
to be. Diogo Simoes Madeira was to be retained in favour,
and was to be induced to assist in carrying out the conquest.

These instructions are a fair sample of those commonly
sent by the king to India at this period. They were written
as if almost unlimited resources were at the disposal of the
viceroy, whereas it was frequently a matter of the greatest
difficulty for him to meet the most essential expenses of his
government. The royal orders therefore do not represent
what was really done, or what could possibly be done, but
merely what the viceroy, without any means to carry them
out, was directed to do. In 1618 Portuguese India had not
resources equal to effecting an extensive conquest in South-
Eastern Africa, even if it could have been done with two
hundred soldiers, as an enthusiastic writer, Diogo da Cunha
de Castelbranco, believed it might be, provided sufficient
calico was supplied for presents to the chiefs.

In February 1619 Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira reached Goa
from Ceylon, and soon afterwards sailed for Mozambique with
as many men and as good an equipment as the viceroy could
furnish him with, though both were inadequate for the task
he had in hand. Pangayos were procured at the island, the
men and stores were transferred to them, the seasoned troops
in Fort Sao Sebastiao were embarked, and the expedition left
for the Zambesi. The details of events after its arrival

Records of South Eastern Africa. 467

cannot be given, as the reports and journals of occurrences
have disappeared, and Bocarro's chronicle does not extend so
far. But it succeeded no better than its predecessors, and no
silver mine was found nor was a square yard of ground
added to the Portuguese dominions by it.

In January 1620 two vessels were sent from Lisbon with
supplies of different kinds for the expedition, and with in-
structions to Dom Nuno to fortify the entrances to the
Zambesi, as the Dutch coveted the mines of Monomotapa and
might at any time endeavour to get possession of them.
This order could not be carried out for want of means. The
Dutch frequently landed at places along the coast and traded
with the natives, chiefly for provisions, and it was out of the
power of the Portuguese to prevent them doing so; but at
this time they made no effort to occupy any part of South-
Eastern Africa.

Two years later it was recognised in Portugal that the
expedition was a failure, and that the expense of maintaining
it was too great a drain upon the treasury to be continued.
The trade too, as conducted by the government, had resulted
only in loss. With the ships that left Lisbon early in 1622,
therefore, instructions were sent by the king to the viceroy
to recall Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira* to India and to desist
from any further attempt to effect a conquest in the Mono-
motapa's country. Everything was to revert to the former
condition, when the captains of Mozambique, under the
direction of the viceroy, had control of civil and military
affairs, and held a monopoly of commerce south of the
Zambesi on payment of forty thousand cruzados a year to the
royal treasury and keeping up the different establishments.

Nuno da Cunha was appointed captain under this system.

* This officer evidently thought something could be made in Africa, for a few
years later he petitioned the king to grant him on feudal tenure four hundred
leagues of coast from Inhambane towards the Cape of Good Hope, of which he
and his heirs should be hereditary captains. The petition was under considera-
tion for a time, but eventually was rejected. We shall meet him again as
captain of Mozambique.

2 ii 2

468 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

He was directed to persevere in the effort to discover the
silver mines, but by means of peaceful exploration and con-
ciliation of the Monomotapa. For this purpose not only were
the presents made to that ruler according to ancient custom
to be forwarded to him, but two horses with equipments and
some fine cloth were to be added. Further two Portuguese
who were particularly obnoxious to him were to be banished
from the country. The knowledge and diligence of Diogo
Simoes Madeira, who had conducted himself in such a
manner as to deserve favour, were to be made use of, and in
addition to the often repeated promise of the rank of a
nobleman was now added that of a commandery with a
revenue of two thousand cruzados a year if he should succeed
in finding the silver mines and bringing them into working
order. The new captain was to make enquiries about the
mines from which the copper used by the Makalanga was
obtained, and to ascertain whether they could be acquired
and worked to advantage.

The order that the captain of Mozambique should use
every effort to make these discoveries was frequently repeated
during the following years. Diogo Madeira persevered in the
endeavour, and though in 1624, owing to certain proposals
that he made, he fell into disfavour with the viceroy, who
intended to have him arrested and sent out of the country,
the king continued to hold out tempting offers to him if he
should succeed. But silver mines, if any really existed along
the Zambesi above Tete, were never discovered by the
Portuguese, nor was it ascertained whether the loose pieces
of ore which beyond all doubt were found at Chicova were
there in situ or had been brought from some other locality.

While everything was thus in turmoil along the Zambesi
the Dominicans were unable to carry on their mission work
among the Makalanga, but they were active at Sena and
Tete, and some of them accompanied the Portuguese forces
wherever they went. In 1605 they had been reinforced from
Europe, and by order of the king those who went out were
not permitted to return again unless under special circum-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 469

stances. When the first expedition under Dom Nuno Alvares
Pereira was sent from India by the archbishop De Menezes
some members of the Society of Jesus accompanied it, but the
Dominicans, fearing complications, objected to their rivalry.
The king therefore, on the 23rd of January 1610, issued
instructions that they alone were to labour in Africa south
of the Zambesi, still the Jesuits did not entirely withdraw,
and at a little later date they were in considerable strength
at Sena. For the support of the Dominicans Dom Nuno
Alvares Pereira made considerable grants of land, though as
these were still to be conquered their value was purely pro-
spective. From the royal treasury the missionaries received
such a trifling allowance that for their maintenance they
were chiefly dependent on alms.

The design of King Sebastiao half a century earlier con-
cerning the ecclesiastical government of South-Eastern Africa
was at this time carried into completion. On the 21st of
January 1612 at the request of the king Pope Paul V
separated the country from Cape Guardafui to the Cape of
Good Hope from the archbishopric of Goa, and created the
office of ecclesiastical administrator for it, with powers, how-
ever, somewhat less than those of an ordinary bishop. The
friar Dom Domingos Terrado, titular bishop of Sale, was
appointed to the office, with a yearly salary from the royal
treasury of two hundred thousand reis, about £125 sterling.
The island of Mozambique, as the seat of the civil and
military government, was selected as his place of residence.

At Sofala nothing of any consequence had happened for
many years. Being in the territory of the Kiteve and
unaffected by occurrences in the Monomotapa's country, com-
merce could be carried on with the natives just as when the
friar Joao dos Santos lived there. Owing to fear of an attack
by the Dutch, in 1615 the fort was put into repair, and
thereafter fifteen or twenty soldiers were stationed in it as a
garrison. The pan gay o with goods from Mozambique once a
year formed the principal means of communication with the
outer world, though the little vessel that traded at Inhambane

470 Eecords of South-Eastern Africa.

and Delagoa Bay every second or third year sometimes called
on her passage up or down the coast. In all the world
there could not have been a duller place of existence for
Europeans.

The journey of Gaspar Bocarro from Tete to Kilwa had
drawn the momentary attention of the king and his court to
the country north of the Zambesi, but no steps whatever were
taken to form stations in it or to open it to commerce by
any other means than before. An order was indeed issued
by the king that the captain Nuno da Cunha should endeavour
to ascertain whether the lake (Nyassa) would not furnish a
road to Abyssinia, but with that order the matter ended.
The Portuguese were no longer a nation of explorers.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 471

VI.

EVENTS OF INTEREST FROM 1628 TO 1652.

THE great tribe over which the Monomotapa ruled was about
to be involved again in civil war, and the Portuguese traders
at Sena and Tete were once more to acquire an influence in
the country altogether out of proportion to their number,
even if each one be regarded as a chief and his slaves as a
clan of followers, which was practically their position. Kapran-
zine, son and successor of Grasilusere, showed himself most
unfriendly to the Europeans. One of his near relatives,
whose name is given by different writers as Manuza and
Mavura, was possessed of much more intelligence, and had
incurred his extreme jealousy. This man, under the instruc-
tion of the Dominican friar Manuel Sardinha, showed an
inclination towards Christianity, and was therefore made much
of by the Portuguese.

In November 1628 Jeronymo de Barros, an agent of Dom
Nuno Alvares Pereira, who had recently assumed duty as
captain of Mozambique, arrived »t the great place, bringing
with him the present which it was necessary to make to the
Moiiomotapa for the privilege of trading in his territory.
Whether the quantity or quality of the merchandise forming
the presents was such as to cause Kapranzine to be dis-
satisfied is uncertain, at any rate immediately after receiving
it he sent messengers through the country with orders that
upon a certain day all the Portuguese and their friends were
to be put to death. Andre Ferreira, the captain of the
Gates, who happened to be at the great place when this
order was issued, was informed of it by some faithful servants,

472 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

and that night with the Bantu who were threatened he
managed to get away to Masapa, where the stockade con-
structed by Diogo Carvalho was hastily prepared for defence.
De Barros and his attendants were murdered, as they were
unable to escape. Messengers were immediately sent out by
Ferreira to warn the traders scattered over the country, and
in a very short time all the Christians and their adherents —
including Manuza — were collected either at Masapa or at
Luanze, where another rude fort was built.

The Monomotapa despatched a great force against these
places, but as the defenders fought desperately for their lives,
the assailants were beaten back. Several Europeans, however,
fell. Meantime the Portuguese at Sena and Tete, having
received intelligence of what was transpiring, assembled their
people and raised an additional force of Batonga, at whose
head they marched to Luanze to assist their countrymen.
The defenders of the stockade were relieved, and then by
advice of the friars in the camp a very decisive step was
taken. Manuza was proclaimed Monomotapa, the banner of
the cross was raised, and the army, having elected a man
named Manuel Gomes Serrao commander in chief, marched
against Kapranzine. The two forces met, and Kapranzine
was defeated.

The baffled Monomotapa retired deeper into the country,
and raised a still larger army, with which he returned and
twice attacked the Christian camp, but on each occasion was
beaten back. Then Manuza took possession of the Zimbabwe,
or great place, and was acknowledged as paramount chief by
most of the surrounding clans.

On the 24th of May 1629 a document was drawn up, in
which the new Kalanga ruler acknowledged himself a vassal
of the king of Portugal. He promised to allow the mission-
aries to build churches and make converts anywhere in his
country, to receive ambassadors without obliging them to go
through humiliating ceremonies, to treat the captain of
Masapa with great respect and to admit him to an interview
at any time without a present, to open his country freely t<t

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 473

commerce, to protect traders, and not to shelter fugitive
slaves. He undertook not to alienate gold mines to powerful
chiefs, to allow mines of all descriptions to be sought for and
worked by the Portuguese, and especially to enquire where
silver was to be found, to inform the captain of Masapa of
the places, and to allow the Portuguese to dig for it without
any impediment. He engaged also to expel all the Mohame-
dans from his country within a year, and to permit the
Portuguese afterwards to kill them and confiscate their pro-
perty. He surrendered his claim to the lands at one time
subject to the captain of Tete, and bound himself to send
three pieces of gold to every new captain of Mozambique.

The whole army was drawn up, and the document having
been read, Manuza was asked by the captain Serrao if he
agreed to these conditions. Naturally he replied that he did.
The friar Luis do Espirito Santo then wrote under it
" Manuza, Emperor of Monomotapa," to which with his own
hand he affixed a cross. Then followed the signatures of
Manuel Gomes Serrao, chief captain in the war, Friar Gonpalo
Ribeiro, vicar of Masapa, and sixteen other Portuguese. But
it matters little with what formality the document was
attested. It is evident that it was of very little value, for
its terms — whether committed to writing or merely verbal —
would be observed as long as Portuguese assistance was
needed, and not a day longer.

A little later, eight months after he had been raised to the
chieftainship, Manuza consented to profess Christianity openly,
and was baptized with as much pomp as possible by the friar
Luis do Espirito Santo, vicar of Tete. He received the name
Philippe, which Portuguese writers thereafter used when
mentioning him.

The government at Madrid regarded the document to
which he had affixed his mark as of equal validity with an
agreement between two European powers. In the opinion of
the king the time had at last arrived when the mineral
wealth of the Kalanga country was at his disposal, and
pompous orders were issued to the viceroy of India to take

474 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

measures for the discovery and opening up of the gold, silver,
and copper mines. He was also to build a stronghold in the
best place to keep the Monomotapa in submission, and tho
old instructions were repeated to fortify the mouths of the
Kilimane and the Luabo. As the Monomotapa was now a
vassal, the presents formerly made for the privilege of
carrying on commerce would no longer be required, and the
money thus saved, together with the amount obtained for the
lease of the islands of Angosha, could be used in defraying
the cost of the fortifications. The three pieces of gold
received as tribute were to be sent to the king, who would
make a present to the Monomotapa in return. That potentate
was to be invested with the order of Christ, and permission
was given to him to trade in cloth on his own account to the
value of three or four thousand maticals of gold.

These instructions were issued by the king in April 1631.
But matters were not yet settled in the Kalanga country, and
thus, even if he had possessed the means in men and money
to carry them out, the viceroy was unable at the time to do
anything. Manuza, after occupying the great place and
receiving the homage of a number of clans, neglected to
watch Kapranzine closely, and the result was a sudden
surprise, in which nearly the whole of the Europeans and
halfbreeds in the country and a great number of Bantu were
killed, and the friars Luis do Espirito Santo and Joao da
Trindade were made prisoners. The last named was badly
wounded, but the barbarians subjected him to torture, and
finally before he was quite dead threw him over a precipice
where he was dashed to pieces. Luis do Espirito Santo, who
was a native of Mozambique, was taken into Kapranzine's
presence, and was ordered to make the usual obeisance. This
he refused to do, as he said that to such homage God alone
was entitled. He was then bound to the trunk of a tree, and
stabbed with assagais till life was extinct. All the Bantu
who were made prisoners were likewise put to death.

Kapranzine appeared now to be master of the situation.
Many of the clans that had submitted to Manuza went over

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 475

to him, and the few Portuguese that remained — only twenty
at Sena, thirteen at Tete, five at one trading station, and six
and a Jesuit father at another — were too disheartened at the
moment to attempt anything. The Tshikanga also, ruler of
Manika, declared in favour of Kapranzine, and sent an army
to support him.

Diogo de Sousa e Menezes was then captain of Mozam-
bique, Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira having died. He called
out every man that could carry an arquebus, and sailed with
them to the Zambesi, where he raised a large force of Bantu
warriors from those living on the island of Luabo. Having
brought the disturbed districts adjoining Sena into subjection,
he marched to Manika, where he overthrew the unfriendly
Tshikanga, put him to death, and raised one of his brothers,
who made a profession of Christianity and was baptized, to
be chief as a vassal of Portugal. In the mean time the friar
Manuel Sardinha, a man of great force of character, had got
together an army of twenty thousand men, chiefly from the
tribes along the Zambesi who were at feud with the Maka-
langa, and who were willing therefore to espouse the cause
of Manuza. The two forces joined and marched against
Kapranzine. The friar who was the chronicler of these
occurrences relates that when they were setting out Philippe
— as Manuza was called — looked up and saw a resplendent
cross in the sky. Thereupon he sent for the father Manuel
Sardinha, who was not with him at the time, but who also
saw the cross on joining him. It was similar to that which
appeared before the emperor Constantine, except that there
were no words beneath it.

It may have been that some fleecy white clouds drifting
across the deep blue African sky appeared to the heated
imaginations of the friar and the Kalanga chief to assume
the form of a cross, for it is not likely that a deliberate
untruth was placed on record by the Dominican missionary
who reported this event. Be that as it may, the apparition
is said to have given such courage to the whole body of
warriors, all of whom saw it, that they marched on with the

476 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

greatest confidence. On the feast of Saint John the two
armies met, and a tremendous battle was fought, in which,
according to the account of the Portuguese captain, the saint
himself appeared and assisted the Christian cause. A
brilliant victory was won, the carnage being so great that no
fewer than thirty-five thousand of the enemy were slain. It
will not do to be certain about the number of the killed, but
the defeat of Kapranzine and his flight are assured facts.

Much booty in women, children, and cattle was obtained.
Kapranzine's son of highest rank, a young boy, was among
the prisoners. He was sent to Goa, where he was entrusted
by the viceroy to the Dominican fathers, by whom he was
baptized with the name Miguel, and educated and maintained
by the royal treasury.

The hostile Monomotapa, however, was not utterly over-
thrown. He had still the support of a very able chief named
Makamoasha and many others of less note, and he gave a
great deal of trouble before the war was ended. It must be
remembered that no force supplied by the Portuguese govern-
ment, other than a few men from Mozambique, was in the
field. The contest was between two members of the ruling
family of the Kalanga tribe for the paramount chieftainship,
and the weaker of the two was aided by a little band of
Portuguese missionaries and other residents in the country.
But these few white men and half-castes were able to turn
the scale in favour of the chief whose cause they adopted,
because they could obtain the service of warriors of other and
braver tribes who would follow them out of a desire to wash
their assagais in Kalanga blood, and because they could
procure firelocks and gunpowder. In the final battle, which
ended in complete victory for Manuza, as many as two
hundred men on his side were armed with Portuguese
weapons.

The Dominican friars regarded the contest as a holy war,
for it was certain that if Kapranzine was successful their
work in the Kalanga country would cease. The part taken
by Manuel Sardinha has been related. Another friar, Damiao

Eeeords of South-Eastern Africa. 477

do Espirito Santo, was equally active in raising men, and it
was by a force of six thousand robust warriors brought into
the field by him that Philippe — or Manuza — was at length
firmly secured in the position of Monomotapa. The Portu-
guese laymen and the mixed breeds served their own
interests when aiding him, because by that means alone was
it possible for them to continue there as traders. Their
position at this time was better than at any previous period
since the first occupation of the country, for Kapranzine,
though in very reduced circumstances, was still alive, and
Manuza, being dependent on them, was obliged to bestow
whatever favours they chose to ask. The former trading
stations were reoccupied, and new ones were established at
Matuka, Dambarare, Chipiriviri, Umba, and Chipangura,
situated in different parts of the country.

The Dominican missionaries also were able to extend their
work greatly. A commencement was made with the erection
of a church at Manuza's place of residence, in recognition of
the help which he had received from the Almighty against
his opponent, and the chief himself laid the foundation stone
in presence of a great assembly of people. The friar Aleixo
dos Martyres took up his residence there, and nine others of
the same order came from Goa and were stationed at various
trading places. The vicar general, Manuel da Cruz, removed
from Tete to Matuka in the district of Manika, in order to
be in a more central position. At Luanze a neat church was
built, but at the other trading stations it was only possible
to construct buildings of wattles covered with clay.

The Dominicans were naturally affected by the prostration
of the wealth and power of Portugal, but they had a reserve
force which supported them for a time. The most intelligent
and energetic individuals in the kingdom, looking with
despair upon the apathy and feebleness that had taken hold
of the great mass of their countrymen, sought refuge in
convents, where a life of activity and usefulness was still
open to them. General poverty alone prevented these
institutions being more generally resorted to. At a little

478 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

later date considerable numbers of Asiatics and Africans were
admitted into the Dominican order, under the mistaken idea
that they would be able to exert more influence in their
respective countries than Europeans could, and then a failure
of energy set in; but during the first half of the seventeenth
century most of the missionaries south of the Zambesi were
white men.

There were complaints against some of them that they were
practically traders, but as a whole they worked zealously for
the conversion of the Bantu, though at times they suffered
even from want of food. Their observations upon the people
among whom they were living are highly interesting. They
state, for instance, that the Makalanga did not object to a
profession of Christianity, but could not be induced to follow
its precepts, especially in the matter of not taking more
wives than one. The slight regard in which chastity of
females was held surprised them, and they were particularly
astonished that the men seemed almost indifferent to the
misconduct of their wives. They noticed too that in war the
men did not scruple to shield themselves behind their
women, just as the Basuto often did in our own times in
their conflicts with the Orange Free State. Seeing these
things, they set their hopes chiefly upon the children, whom
they took great pains to instruct.

A better opportunity than ever before was now offered to
search for mines, and rich specimens of several metals were
forwarded to Lisbon. In none of the records still preserved
and available for use, however, is there any trace of the
ancient underground workings having been discovered. To
assist in the search a few miners were sent out at the cost of
Dom Philippe Mascarenhas, though he protested against the
charge as not being mentioned in his contract, and because
he was then giving as much for the monopoly of commerce
south of the Zambesi every year, namely forty thousand
pardaos, as his predecessors had given for their whole term
of office, besides maintaining the garrison of Mozambique,
defraying all other expenses connected with the administra-

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 479

tion, and paying twenty per cent customs duties on the
merchandise he imported from India.

The government at Madrid was of course highly elated
with the prospect of wealth, and the most fantastic schemes
were devised for opening up the country. Colouisation even
was to be undertaken on a large scale. Thus, on the 24th
of February 1635 the king wrote to the viceroy that two
hundred soldiers and two hundred families of colonists would
be sent from Portugal that year to settle along the Zambesi,
and that others would follow with every fleet. They were to
be accompanied by physicians, surgeons, women and girls
from charitable institutions, and mechanics of all kinds, even
to a gun founder. More Dominican and Jesuit missionaries
would also proceed to the country, as well as some Capu-
chins. Two hundred mares would be sent, that horse-
breeding might be carried on. A large quantity of artillery
and other material of war would also be forwarded. On
reading documents like this, so absurd do they appear from
the condition of Portugal at the time, that one is inclined to
doubt whether they were really intended to be serious state
papers, or whether they merely represented the day dreams
of children. At any rate the whole scheme came to nothing.

At the same time the viceroy was directed to have the
search for mines carried on diligently, and to change the
method of government of South-Eastern Africa. He was to
appoint a governor of Monomotapa, subordinate to himself,
and a castellan of Mozambique, subject to the governor. The
system of carrying on trade was also to be altered. For a
long time the king and his court had been endeavouring to
devise some means of recovering the commerce of India from
the English and Dutch, and in 1629 and following years an
effort had been made to form a powerful Company for the
purpose, in which the national treasury was to be the
principal participant, and the cities of Portugal and India,
as well as individuals, were to be shareholders. There was
to be a chamber in Goa to manage local matters, but the
controlling power was to be vested in a board of directors at

480 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Lisbon. The effort to form such a Company, however, had
failed; and now the king instructed the viceroy to throw
open the commerce of South-Eastern Africa to all his subjects
upon payment of customs duties. This order for some
unknown reason was not carried into execution.

The subject of fortifications was also dealt with. In 1632,
owing to a report that the English were fitting out an
expedition to survey the East African coast, the king
announced that a couple of small vessels would be sent from
Lisbon to Sofala with men and munitions of war to protect
that place, and that the outgoing fleet would convey rein-
forcements to Mozambique. It had become a custom to
employ convicts in oversea service, so that by emptying the
prisons a few men could be had at any time. But Sofala
remained without a garrison, notwithstanding this announce-
ment. A couple of years later an engineer named Bar-
tholomeu Cotao was sent with a few assistants from Lisbon,
some Indian carpenters were despatched from Goa, and
at last a small fort of stakes and earth was constructed at
Kilimane. This was the most that could be done, but in
the king's letter of the 24th of February 1635 the viceroy
was instructed to fortify Sofala strongly and station a
garrison of two hundred soldiers there, and also to cause the
mouths of the Zambesi to be well protected with defensive
works. Such instructions, it must be repeated, were
altogether illusory.

A report upon the condition of the country at this time,
to be found in manuscript in the library of the British
Museum, is particularly interesting, from the care which was
taken in its preparation. It was drawn up in 1634 by order
of the count of Linhares, viceroy of India, by his secretary
Pedro Barreto de Eezende, who had visited the places he
describes, and it was submitted for revision to Antonio
Bocarro, keeper of the archives at Goa, before it was sent to
King Philippe III of Portugal.

Sofala is described in it as having a square fort of stone
thirty feet in height, with circular bastions at the corners,

Records of Smith-Eastern Africa. 481

and nine small pieces of artillery on the walls. It was
without other garrison than the captain and his servants,
and had no stores either of provisions or materials of war.
In the village adjoining it three married and two single
Portuguese resided, who with their slaves and a few mixed
breeds were its only defenders in case of war. The fort and
village were on an island at high tide, formed by the river
and a broad trench, as shown in the plan accompanying
the description ; but at low tide the trench was dry. A
Dominican friar resided in the village, but there were very
few Christian natives. The only commerce carried on was in
ivory and ambergris. The Kiteve, in whose dominions the
fort was situated, had ten or twelve thousand warriors at his
command, but was in general friendly to the Portuguese, and
on payment of the usual quantity of merchandise allowed
them to trade in freedom and safety.

Sena was a much more important place, though the old
fort was out of repair and almost destroyed. There were
thirty married Portuguese and mixed breeds in the village,
who owned a large number of slaves, and there were no
fewer than four churches, with religious of the Dominican
order and the Company of Jesus. The principal building
was the factory, which was under a tiled roof. It was a
great warehouse, in which the goods of the captain of
Mozambique were stored, and where merchandise was sold
wholesale to the traders who traversed the country. There
were two dwelling houses under tiles, all the others being
thatched. Along the river up and down were great tracts of
land, occupied by fully thirty thousand natives, that had
been assigned to individual Portuguese, who, however, did
not derive much benefit from them, as most of the Bantu
were disobedient. This system was in accordance with feudal
ideas, the persons to whom the districts were assigned having
extensive powers wherever the natives were submissive, but
being themselves vassals of the captain of Sena. Among the
owners of districts in this way was the Dominican order,
whose claim was confirmed by the king in 1638.

vin. 2 i

482 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

At Tete there were twenty married Portuguese residents and
a few halfbreeds, all living within a kind of fort, which
consisted of a wall seven or eight feet high with six bastions,
on which a few small pieces of artillery were mounted. They
had many slaves under their control. Adjoining Tete were
lands occupied by about eight thousand Bantu, parcelled out
among individual Portuguese, like those connected with Sena.

Scattered over Manika and the country of the Monomotapa
were numerous so-called forts, which were really only
palisaded enclosures or earthen walls, occupied by traders
and their servants. At most of these Dominican friars also
resided, who occupied themselves with the conversion of the
Bantu. By the king's orders this field was open to them
alone, though the Jesuits, who occupied Kilimane and the
country to the northward, were permitted to have an estab-
lishment at Sena, and often evaded the command and
stationed missionaries with the Makalanga. By a royal order
the Dominicans were entitled to tithes in the country south
of the Zambesi. The Jesuits had a large estate assigned to
them on the island of Luabo, between two mouths of the
great river, which was regarded as being within their sphere
of action. The only soldiers in the whole country were
thirty men who accompanied the Monomotapa wherever he
went, nominally as a body-guard to protect him and add to
his dignity, really, it may be believed, to keep watch upon
his movements.

There were still a good many Mohamedans scattered about,
and they were regarded by the Portuguese as in general
irreconcilable enemies. Those on the island of Luabo were
said to be behaving well, but those in the Monomotapa's
territories had aided Kapranzine, and after his defeat were
reduced to abject circumstances. It had not been found
possible to expel them.

The only courts of law open to Portuguese subjects in the
country south of the Zambesi at this time were those of the
captains of Sofala, Sena, and Tete. These officials were
appointed by the captain of Mozambique, who selected them

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 483

from the circle of his friends more to promote his interests
in trade and to ward off hostilities with the natives whenever
they could do so, than with an eye to their qualifications
as magistrates. Under these circumstances it cannot be
supposed that justice was at all times administered. There
was, however, a right of appeal from the sentences of the
captains to the judge at Mozambique, which may have
prevented gross abuses.

This is the picture of Portuguese South Africa given by
the most competent writer of his day, and certainly it differs
greatly from that presented by the royal despatches.

Some wrecks which took place on the South African coast
during these years furnish matter of sufficient interest to be
preserved in history. That of the Sao Joao Baptista in 1622,
and those of the Nossa Senhora da Atalaya and the Sacra-
mento in 1647, have been referred to by me at sufficient
length in a chapter upon the Xosa tribe in another volume;
but two others remain, the narratives of which may here be
given.

On the 4th of March 1630 the Sao Gongalo, commanded
by Captain Fernao .Lobo de Menezes, sailed from Goa for
Lisbon. On the passage she became leaky, and in the
middle of June put into Bahia Fermosa — Plettenberg's Bay
as now termed — in a sinking condition, to be repaired. For
this purpose some of her cargo was landed, and more would
have been, if the officers had not shown themselves quarrel-
some and incompetent for their duties. Some of the crew
took up their residence on shore, but the greater number
remained on board. Fifty days after her arrival in the bay
the ship was lying at anchor off the mouth of the Pisang
river when she was struck by a storm and driven ashore,
one hundred and thirty-three persons perishing in the wreck.
The captain, five friars, and about a hundred men were on
land at the time, and fortunately they were able to collect a
quantity of provisions and a good supply of carpenter's tools
when the storm ceased. In anticipation of being obliged to
remain there until the change of the monsoon in September

2 i 2

484 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

or October, they had made a garden, from which they
obtained such vegetables as pumpkins, melons, onions, and
cucumbers. From the bay they drew supplies of fish, and
from the Hottentots, who were very friendly, they bartered a
number of horned cattle and sheep for pieces of iron. They
were thus enabled to put by much of the rice that had been
landed before the wreck and such food in casks as drifted
ashore, while they were building two large boats in which to
make their escape.

The captain was old and feeble, so with his consent they
elected Roque Borges to be their commander. There was
plenty of good timber in the forest close by, and as much
iron as they needed was obtained from fragments of the ship.
For tar they used benzoin, recovered from the cargo, and
mixed with the oil of seals, which they killed in great
numbers on an islet off the mouth of the river. Having
plenty of food they lived in comparative comfort, and they
were not forgetful of the worship of God, for they built a
chapel in which religious services were frequently held.
Eight months passed away before the boats were completed
and ready for sea. When all was prepared for sailing the
friars erected a wooden cross on the site of their residence,
and a rude inscription was engraved on a block of sandstone,
recording the loss of the ship and the building of the
pinnaces. Part of this stone was removed some years ago
from the summit of a hill a little to the eastward of the
mouth of the Pisang river, and is now in the South African
Museum in Capetown.

Some of the people wished to proceed to Angola, others
thought it would be better to return to Mozambique, so the
two boats steered in opposite directions. The one reached
Mozambique safely, the other after a few days fell in with
the homeward-bound ship Santo Ignacio Loyola, and her
people were received on board. But these were less fortu-
nate than the others, for they perished when near their
homes by the loss of the ship that had apparently saved
them.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 485

The wreck of the Nossa Senhora de Belem was in many
respects similar to that of the Sao Gongalo. Where every
one, as in Goa at that time, regarded bribery and corruption
as the natural means of acquiring wealth, even a ship could
not be sent to sea in a condition fit for a long passage. She
would be repaired with rotten timber, her caulking would be
defective, her rigging and stores would be of an inferior
description. Thus the Nossa Senhora de Belem, commanded
by Captain Joseph de Cabreyra, sailed from Goa for Lisbon
on the 24th of February 1635 shorthanded and quite unfit
for navigation in stormy seas. As usual, a large proportion
of those on board were negro slaves.

The ship soon became so leaky that it was with the
greatest difficulty she could be kept afloat, and when she
reached the South African coast the only hope of saving the
lives of those on board was in running her ashore. Some-
where north of the mouth of the Umzimvubu river — the exact
spot cannot be made out — she lay almost water-logged close
to the coast, when a boat was got out, and the captain landed
with a few men to look for a place where she could be
beached with the least danger. Night came on, and some
natives appeared, who attacked the little party, but they were
easily driven away. In the morning those on board, fearing
every moment that the ship would go down with them, waited
no longer for the captain's signal, but ran her ashore, and
fortunately for them she held together, so that no lives were
lost.

Two hundred and seventy-two individuals, among whom
were five friars, were now safe on land. For seventeen days
they were engaged in getting provisions, tools, and other
articles out of the wreck; then by an accident, either from
the party that had been on board during the day having left
a candle burning or a fire in the stove, she caught alight
and the whole upper part was consumed. This, however,
turned out to be an advantage rather than a misfortune, as
an abundance of nails and other iron was now easily obtained
from the charred timber.

486 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

There was much difference of opinion as to the best course
to be pursued, but at length they agreed to build a couple of
small vessels and try to get to Angola. There was a river
close by that offered a favourable site for a shipyard, and
plenty of timber was to be had in the neighbourhood, so ou
the 20th of July they set about the task. Soon afterwards
they were cheered by the appearance of a cabra, that is the
son of a mulatto by a black woman, who called himself a
Portuguese, and in broken language told them that his name
was Antonio and that he had been wrecked in the Santo
Alberto and left there by Nuno Velho Pereira's party that
went to the north more than forty years before, when he was
a boy. He was now wealthy and a man of influence. He
was accompanied by a chief with a band of attendants,
with whom an agreement of friendship was made. Through
Antonio's influence and assistance no fewer than two hundred
and nineteen head of cattle were obtained in barter for pieces
of iron, which not only furnished plenty of fresh meat for the
time being, but abundance of biltong, or strips of dried flesh,
for provisioning the boats. After a time the shipwrecked
men suspected Antonio of hostility, and there was some
trouble with the natives; but their wants had then been
supplied, and they were too strong to be attacked.

Six months were occupied in building and fitting out the
vessels, which were decked and of such beam that they could
carry the whole of the people. They were provisioned with
eighty small bags of rice and a quantity of biltong. On the
28th of January 1636 they sailed from the river, but found
the weather rough on the coast, and during the second night
after leaving one of them disappeared and was not seen
again. The other, in which was Captain De Cabreyra, put
into Algoa Bay on the passage, and forty-eight days after
leaving the river reached Bengo Bay, close to the town of Sao
Paulo de Loanda, with her provisions exhausted and without a
drop of fresh water left. There, just in time, those on board
were rescued from death by starvation and thirst, and soon
afterwards they dispersed to different parts of the world.

Eecords of South-Eastern Africa. 487

In 1640 the revolution in Portugal took place which
elevated the eighth duke of Braganca to the throne as King
Joao IV. Margarida, duchess of Mantua, was then governing
Portugal for Philippe III— the 4th of Spain, — and her court
was almost entirely composed of Spanish grandees, who
treated the Portuguese nobles with such disdain as to rouse
their passion. The people were discontented, and attributed
the poverty and distress they were suffering to the Castilian
yoke which lay heavy upon them. Though under the same
head for sixty years, they had never fraternised with the
Spaniards, and the loss of their most valuable eastern posses-
sions, which had been the result of the political union of the
two countries, was ever in their minds.

The time was opportune for a revolution. The Catalans
were in insurrection, and France could be depended upon to
favour anything that would weaken the power of Spain. A
number of Portuguese noblemen then conspired to eject the
hated dynasty. On the 1st of December 1640 they seized the
palace and forts in Lisbon and the Spanish armed ships in
the Tagus, and made the duchess of Mantua a prisoner. A
few of the Castilian officials were killed in the first moments
of the rising, but most of them were merely placed in safe
confinement. The duke of Braganca, though timid and half
reluctant, had then no option but to ascend the throne, for
he was the legitimate heir of the ancient kings, and his life
would not have been worth a week's purchase if Philippe
should recover his authority. On the 15th of December he
was crowned in the cathedral of Lisbon, and the cortes, which
met as soon as possible, unanimously took an oath of alle-
giance to him on the 19th of January 1641. The whole
country declared in his favour, the Spanish garrisons were
expelled, and Portugal again took her place among the
nations of Europe as an independent power. War with Spain
followed as a matter of course, but Joao IV found powerful
allies among the northern rulers, his people sprang to arms,
and he was able to preserve the throne on which his
descendants sit to this day.

488 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

In India tidings of the successful revolution were received
with the greatest joy. The silly orders of the Castilian
monarchs sent through the regency at Lisbon, and the affec-
tation of boundless wealth and numberless men being at the
disposal of the viceroy, must have disgusted the officials
everywhere. From the new monarch they had reason to
expect instructions dictated by common sense, and indeed in
his first letters to the viceroy he spoke plainly of his empty
treasury and of the necessity there would be of observing the
strictest economy in every part of his dominions. Then he
was their own countryman, and blood cements loyalty.

Among the first of foreign powers to recognise him was the
Republic of the United Netherlands, and on the 12th of
June 1641 a truce for ten years was concluded between the
two governments, in which, among other clauses, was one
defining the Portuguese possessions in South-Eastern Africa
that were thereafter to be respected by the Dutch. They
were Mozambique, Kilimane, the rivers of Cuama, Sena,
Sofala, Cape Correntes, and the adjacent rivers, by which
were meant Inhambane and the bay of Lourenfo Marques.
This truce was broken a few years later through events that
took place in Brazil, but while it was observed it was of
much importance to the new king. It gave him sympathy
and some practical assistance from the Dutch people in his
struggle with Spain, and it freed the eastern possessions that
were left to him from fear of attack, of which they had
before been apprehensive. The king indeed was led even to
hope that some of the ancient conquests, particularly Malacca,
might be restored to Portugal. Still he was not without some
uneasiness when he reflected upon the defenceless condition of
his dominions on the borders of the Indian sea, the activity
of the Dutch in that part of the world, and his inability to
afford any assistance, owing to his empty treasury. He there-
fore instructed the viceroy to keep a close watch upon the
movements of the Dutch, but to act with the greatest
caution, and to avoid everything that might irritate or offend
any one.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 489

The measures adopted by the government of King Joao IV
with regard to South-Eastern Africa were not productive of
good, however, much as the more honest and sensible tone of
his despatches is to be admired. In December 1643 com-
merce between Portugal and India was declared free and open
to all his subjects, with the single exception of the trade in
cinnamon, which was reserved as a royal monopoly. This, to
Englishmen of the present day, will appear a liberal measure.
But there are circumstances when the admission of all per-
sons under the same government to equal commercial rights
may prove utterly ruinous to the class that ought to be
encouraged most, and it would have been so in this instance
in the country south of the Zambesi if the existing contracts
with the prospective captains of Mozambique had not pre-
vented its coming into operation for several years, and if in
the mean time other measures had not been adopted. This
will be dealt with more fully in another chapter.

In 1644 the slave trade between Mozambique and Brazil
was opened by individual adventurers with the king's per-
mission and encouragement. In these days such traffic is
justly regarded with the greatest horror, but during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries not a voice appears to
have been raised against it. It certainly was not looked upon
as cruel or immoral to remove negroes from an environment
of barbarism to a condition of subjection to Christian masters.
The system brought upon the lands to which the slaves were
taken a terrible and perpetual punishment, which ought to
have been foreseen, but was not, or at least was disregarded
in the prospect of immediate gain. The proprietors of the
prazos, or great estates, along the Zambesi had now a new
source of wealth opened to them. Hitherto they had re-
garded the captives obtained in war and reduced to slavery
as personal followers, and employed them as traders, soldiers,
attendants, and so forth, he who had the greatest number
being esteemed as the most wealthy and powerful. The
negroes readily fell in with this system, which appeared to
them natural and proper ; and in general they were found

490 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

faithful. It gave them what they needed: some one to think
for them, some one to direct and look after them.

But after 1644 all this was changed. The Batonga and
Makalanga who were made captives were considered as worth
so many maticals of gold a head, and any that the owners
did not care to keep were sent to Mozambique for sale, to
serve in ships like the less intelligent Makua, or to be con-
veyed to Brazil to work on plantations, in either case to be
severed for life from early associations and companions. As
time went on the abominable traffic grew larger and larger,
until it became far the most important in money value of all
the commerce of the Zambesi basin. There could be no ex-
tension of agriculture, no mining, no progress of any kind
where it was so extensively carried on.

In 1644 there was a war between the Kiteve and a chief
named Sakandemo, in which the Portuguese took part on the
side of the former. The result was the defeat of Sakandemo,
the baptism of the Kiteve with the name Sebastiao, and his
promise to regard himself thereafter as a vassal of Portugal.
But conversions of this kind, however gratifying to the vanity
of the Europeans, and especially of the clergy, were of no
real value, and such promises of vassalage by men possessing
any real power were not carried into practice.

The sparseness of the European population made the pos-
session of the country extremely insecure, for no troops could
be provided to guard it. But how or where could settlers be
obtained ? Not in Portugal, for there were much more attrac-
tive places than South-Eastern Africa before the eyes of the
peasantry there. Not voluntarily in India, as had been
proved by the viceroy's invitations and tempting offers to
migrate having had no effect. And so they were sent invo-
luntarily. After the middle of the seventeenth century what
colonisation was effected on the banks of the Zambesi was
largely the result of criminals being sentenced by the supreme
court at Goa to become residents there. If morality before
this had been low, hereafter it sank to a point seldom reached
elsewhere by Europeans.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 491

At this time our countrymen began to frequent the coast,
as the Dutch, notwithstanding repeated orders to prevent them
from trading with the natives, had previously done, and
English adventurers soon became a source of much uneasi-
ness to the government at Lisbon. The first difficulty con-
nected with them occurred in 1650, when an English trading
vessel arrived at Mozambique. Alvaro de Sousa was then cap-
tain, and finding that he could do a profitable business with
the strangers, he purchased a quantity of goods from them,
hoping that the transaction would never be discovered.
When the head of the local government acted in this manner,
it may well be believed that the subordinate officials and the
residents in the village, who had the right of trading with
the Bantu on the mainland, were equally dishonest. The
matter came to the knowledge of the king, but the death of
Alvaro de Sousa prevented the punishment that would other-
wise have been inflicted upon him. Orders were again issued,
strictly prohibiting commercial intercourse with strangers, who
were to be permitted to take in fresh water and to purchase
necessary refreshments, but nothing more.

On the 25th of May 1652 the Monomotapa Manuza — or
Philippe — died. He had not renounced Christianity and had
always kept on the best terms with the Portuguese, acknow-
ledging himself a vassal of the king, protecting traders, and
making numerous grants of prazos to individuals. He could
not do otherwise while Kapranzine lived, nor while Kap-
ranzine's son of highest rank, the heir to the chieftainship in
the direct line, was practically a prisoner in Goa. This young
man had entered the Dominican order, and applied himself
most assiduously to study, so that, according to the chronicler,
he was by his example the most powerful preacher in the
country. In 1670 the general of the order sent him the
diploma of Master in Theology, equivalent to Doctor of
Divinity, and this man, born a barbarian, heir to the most
important chieftainship in Southern Africa, died as vicar of
the convent of Santa Barbara in Goa. Fiction surely has no
stranger story than his.

492 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

Manuza's successor adhered to the old Bantu faith, and in
consequence the Dominicans were in much distress, as their
work seemed likely to be thrown back seriously. Great was
the pleasure therefore which they felt when the new chief,
under the teaching of the friar Aleixo do Rosario, announced
his conversion, and requested to be baptized. His example
was followed by a multitude of the sub-chiefs and others.
On the 4th of August 1652 these were all received into the
church, the Monomotapa taking the name Domingos and his
great wife Luiza. The intelligence of this event created a
joyful sensation in Europe. At Rome the master-general of
the order caused special services to be held, and had an
account of the baptism engraved in the Latin language on a
bronze plate. At the Dominican convent in Lisbon there was
a grand thanksgiving service, which was attended by King
Joao IV and all his court, for the event was regarded as one
of the greatest triumphs of Christianity, as well as a consoli-
dation of Portuguese rule in South Africa.

Such an opinion, however, was altogether erroneous, for in
this same year, 1652, the Dutch East India Company formed
a settlement in Table Valley, which was destined to have a
vastly greater effect upon the southern portion of the conti-
nent than the Portuguese occupation of the eastern coast, that
had now lasted nearly a century and a half.

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 493

VII.

WEAKNESS OF PORTUGUESE RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA.

KING JOAO IV, the first monarch of the house of Braganca,
died on the 6th of November 1656, leaving a son named
Affonso, only thirteen years of age, heir to the throne. The
queen dowager, a woman of unusual ability and force of
character, then became regent, and held that office until the
21st of June 1662, when Affonso VI became king. His sister,
Catherine of Braganca, only a few weeks before had been
married to Charles II of England. A close connection be-
tween the two countries was thus commenced, which was of
great advantage to Portugal by giving her assistance in her
war with Spain, and which led some years later to important
commercial arrangements. For more than a quarter of a
century Spain strove to suppress what was termed at Madrid
the rebellion of the duke of Braganpa, but at length a series
of victories gained by the Portuguese with the assistance of
their foreign friends made the attempt hopeless, and on the
13th of February 1668 peace was concluded by a treaty in
which the independence of Portugal under the sovereigns of
her choice was fully recognised. The character of Affonso VI
was a compound of imbecility and brutality : he was one of
the most worthless individuals that ever sat upon a throne.
On the 23rd of November 1667 he was forced into retirement,
and his brother Dom Pedro, duke of Beja, became regent.
Sixteen years later Affonso died, and the regent then became
King Pedro II. The Portuguese regard him as one of the
best and most prudent of their sovereigns, though there was
nothing particularly brilliant or even enterprising in his
nature.

494 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

During the seventeenth century a general disintegration of
the Bantu tribes between the Zambesi and Sabi rivers was
taking place, and individual Portuguese who were possessed
of ability, though they were devoid of anything like high
morality, were busily engaged in forming new clans under
their own control. The process commenced when the legiti-
mate Monomotapa Kapranzine was deposed, and it was
furthered when the Tshikanga was defeated and slain. The
Batonga along the Zambesi were the first to be influenced by
it. They had no affection for the Makalanga rulers, nor had
those rulers any attachment for them, so that Portuguese who
performed any service for the Monomotapa could readily obtain
from him grants of land more extensive than the largest
county in England. The people on these lands as a rule sub-
mitted to the new head as long as he governed them in
accordance with their ideas, and rebelled when he did not,
but in the course of a few years his authority was usually
firmly established. He was then to all intents and purposes a
Kaffir chief, possessing absolute power over his people.

Father Manuel Barreto, superior of the Jesuit college at
Sena, reported to the viceroy in 1667 that nearly the whole
of the territory in the triangle formed by the river Zambesi,
the sea coast, and a straight line drawn from Chicova to
Sofala, was thus held by individual Portuguese, though many
of its Batonga inhabitants were in rebellion. Some of the
prazos, as the districts were termed, were, he said, the size
of kingdoms, especially those held by Antonio Lobo da Silva,
Manuel d'Abreu, Andre Collaco, and Manuel Paez de Pinho.
The last named had among his subjects the whole of the old
tribe of Mongasi. But Kaffir chiefs as they were, these men
wished to be considered Portuguese subjects, and were ambi-
tious of holding office and obtaining titles of distinction from
the crown. They professed even to hold their prazos from
the king under grants for three lives, on payment of quitrent
and performing military service with their followers when
called upon to do so. The whole of the quitrent, however,
that flowed into the royal treasury from this source

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 495

amounted to little more than six hundred maticals of gold,
or £268 2s. 6d., a year. The holders of the prazos were
constantly quarrelling, and at times were even carrying on
war with each other, but they were always sufficiently loyal
to obey a call to arms from the king's representative. For
a long time they formed the sole military force of the
government.

Many of them amassed great wealth and lived in a style
of barbaric splendour, but they were always exposed to the
chances of war, for they had no protection beyond what they
could supply themselves. On some of the prazos large
buildings were erected, with lofty rooms and thick walls to
keep out the heat, and their proprietors were noted for the
most profuse hospitality to the strangers and travellers who
occasionally visited them. Their tables were spread with
vegetables and fruit of almost all varieties, grown in their
gardens, with the flesh of domestic and wild animals, the
costliest wines of Europe, and imported delicacies of every
description. They were waited upon by numerous slaves,
never moved from their premises except in a palanquin, and
lived altogether in luxurious ease, the condition perhaps most
respected by the natives around them. But such people were
not colonists, nor did they set an example of morality that
was worthy of being followed by their dependents.

After the Batonga territory was thus parcelled out, adven-
turers sought to get possession of prazos elsewhere, and many
were acquired by purchase from the Monomotapa and from
his subordinate chiefs. The . adventurers did not scruple to
use threats and commit acts of violence to obtain what they
desired, until the Monomotapa became seriously alarmed. In
1663 he sent a petition to the king to provide him with a
bodyguard like that supplied to his predecessor, in order that
he might be protected from insult and wrong. The king
instructed the viceroy to comply with his request, but after
a long delay, in 1668 he replied that he could not do so for
want of men. The king also directed that the prazos which
had been obtained by violence or by purchase from those

496 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

who had no right to sell them should be restored to the
Monomotapa, who was a Christian prince; and an officer
named Francisco Pires Bibeiro was sent to enforce the
order. But the power of the king proved too weak in
South-Eastern Africa to carry out a measure like this, which
was in conflict with the opinions of the Portuguese land-
holders. They would not admit that the Monomotapa was a
Christian in anything but name, and instead of surrendering
the prazos, they declared war against him.

The leader of this movement was a lawless individual
named Antonio Eodrigues de Lima, who had previously been
guilty of much misconduct. He and his associates got
together an army of slaves and other dependents, with
which they took the field. The Monomotapa assembled his
forces and marched to meet them, but when the armies were
near each other, his captains rose in rebellion, murdered him,
and submitted to the Portuguese, offering to admit as their
head any one whom the white people might choose to
appoint. Had he been their legitimate ruler in the right
line of descent they would probably have preferred to die for
him, but as he was in their eyes only a usurper he could
command neither devotion nor respect. The Portuguese
thereupon raised a young man of the ruling family to be
Monomotapa, expecting him to be a pliant tool in their
hands, but he proved an able chief, and found means to
make himself respected. To keep him in check, indeed, the
government was obliged to send Antonio Lobo da Silva, the
most powerful of all the prazo holders, to reside with him as
the king's representative.

A condition of things in which mere adventurers, acting
without authority from the nominal government, could
appoint and depose chiefs of tribes at their will, and could
establish themselves as practically independent sovereigns
over great tracts of country, can only be described as one of
anarchy. Father Manuel de Gouvea, of the Jesuit mission,
wrote to the prince regent in 1673 that a military force of
two hundred men was needed to restore order and compel

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 41>7

the lawbreakers to respect the rights of others, but the reply
was that they could not be sent, as there were no means of
meeting the expense. In 1675 a plan was devised in Lisbon
which it was hoped might meet the difficulty. This was to
send out orphan girls from charitable institutions, to give
them prazos as dowries, and upon their marrying Portuguese
to appoint their husbands to civil, judicial, and military
offices. The eldest daughter was to inherit the estate, upon
condition of marrying a Portuguese born in Europe, and in
the same manner it was to descend to the next generation.
After the death of the third proprietress it was to revert to
the crown.

But this scheme could only be carried out on a very
limited scale, and in places where the natives had lost all
their former spirit. To acquire a prazo in the first instance
a man needed knowledge of Bantu habits, a strong will,
reckless daring, and power of governing others. He esta-
blished his right, and his heirs, if they were at all capable,
might succeed him. Certainly they never could command
such devotion as the ancient hereditary chiefs, because the
religious element of loyalty was wanting in their case, but
as those chiefs had been displaced, and as the government
of a strong man is willingly obeyed by the Bantu under
such circumstances, they could remain the heads of clans.
It was very different when a stranger, a woman too, was
appointed to rule over the people of a district. They would
not submit to such an innovation, and therefore the scheme
could not be applied in many instances.

The prazos went on increasing until there were no fewer
than eighty-five of them. In other words, there were eighty-
five Bantu clans under Portuguese, Goanese, or half-breed
chiefs, almost constantly at strife with each other. Most of
them had native headmen, or petty chiefs, serving under
them, through whom their orders were carried out. It was
the ancient feudal system of Europe transplanted in Africa,
but that system where the king was weakest and the barons
most turbulent. There was still a Monomotapa, a Tshikanga,

VIII. 2 K

498 Records of South Eastern Africa.

and a Kiteve, ruling over remnants of once powerful tribes ;
but the individuals who held these titles were little more
than puppets. They were generally regarded with distrust
and suspicion, and the slightest offence was sufficient pretext
for war against them. The power of the Portuguese in South
Africa had never been so great before, but the power of the
Portuguese government had never been so small.

In his report to the viceroy in 1667 Father Manuel
Barreto described Sena as containing thirty houses occupied
by Portuguese and many others! occupied by half-breeds. It
was the principal place in the country, as the factory to
which all the traders resorted was there, and its captain had
greater power than any of the others, because with him
rested decisions of peace and war. He was appointed by the
captain of Mozambique. Tete contained forty houses of
Portuguese and mixed breeds. Sofala was almost deserted,
and no friar was then residing there. Its trade in gold
was only five hundred pastas * a year, whereas nearly three
thousand pastas a year were obtained at other places and
exported through Kilimane. In the Monomotapa's country
there were trading stations, with Portuguese captains, at
Dambarare, Ongwe, Luanze, and Chipiriviri, and a captain
with a considerable body of followers at the residence of the
chief, to keep that barbarian in check. The three captains
of Sena, Tete, and Sofala were still the only administrators
of justice in the country, but they could be tried by the
supreme court at Goa for pronouncing illegal sentences.

There were sixteen places of worship in the country. Of
these, six belonged to the Company of Jesus, one — at Sena —
was ministered to by a secular priest, and nine belonged to
the Dominicans, though they had then only six missionaries
in the field. The distribution of these places of worship was,

* The quantity contained in a pasta, or pasteboard case, is uncertain.
The word is also used to signify a thin plate of metal, but evidently that
is not what is meant here. Probably gold was kept in cases of a particular
size, and the expression at the time would convey a definite meaning to
those engaged in the trade.

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 499

nine in the lands occupied and ruled by Portuguese, two in
Manika, and five in the country of the Monomotapa.

Corruption must have been prevalent everywhere, for
Father Barreto states that even the office of ecclesiastical
administrator at Mozambique was purchased with money. He
laid oppression also to the charge of the highest officer in
rank in East Africa. Trading privileges with the Bantu on
the mainland north of the Zambesi had been granted by the
king to the inhabitants of the island of Mozambique, in
order to encourage people to settle there, but the captain
had deprived them of their rights that he might secure the
profit for himself. They were obliged to purchase mer-
chandise from him at his own price, instead of importing it
from India, and in the same way they could sell to no one
but him.

Father Barreto was an enthusiast, who had day dreams of a
great Portuguese empire in Africa, stretching from the Red
sea to the Cape of Good Hope. He does not seem to have
been aware that the Dutch had formed a settlement in Table
Valley, or if he was, he ignored it as an obstacle to the
extension of Portuguese authority. He speaks of the
cruelty, rapacity, and lawlessness of the holders of the prazos
then in existence, and fears that the wrath of the Almighty
may be poured out on them for their sins. Yet he advises
that they should be employed in conquering their Bantu
neighbours, and that the system should be maintained until
not only the whole of the mainland south of Abyssinia, but
the island of Madagascar as well, was parcelled out in this
manner. Then, indeed, there would be an empire surpassing
the greatest in Asia. Then the natives could be compelled
to wear cotton clothing and to dig for gold, and commerce
would flourish and boundless wealth flow into the treasury of
the king. As for mission work, it should be carried on with
tenfold vigour. Instead of an ecclesiastical administrator,
there should be an archbishop at Mozambique, with two or
three suffragans and numerous zealous priests. Surely Cortes
and Pizarro were more moderate in their schemes of con-

2x2

500 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

quest with slender resources than this Jesuit missionary at
Sena.

As regular troops could not be provided to defend the
country, the government at Lisbon was doing all that was
in its power to promote colonisation. In 1665 an order was
issued that no settler should be allowed to remove without
special leave, and this was afterwards stringently enforced.
In 1671 the prince regent instructed the viceroy to throw
open the commerce of the Rivers to every one as soon as
the contract then existing with the captain of Mozambique
expired, principally with the object of inducing individuals
to take up their residence in South-Eastern Africa, and in
the following year this order was repeated, March 1673 being
named as the date from which it was to have effect. It was
anticipated that the volume of trade would be greatly in-
creased by private competition, because the captains fixed
very high prices for selling and very low ones for buying,
so that there was little inducement to collect gold and ivory.
It was thought also that a larger sum would be realised from
customs duties, after all expenses were met, than was paid by
the captain for the monopoly, and that the administration
could be conducted in a more satisfactory manner.

The viceroy Luis de Mendonca Furtado, however, brought
forward many objections to unrestricted trade, and suggested
an alternative, which the prince regent left to his discretion
to carry out. Accordingly, in 1673 the commerce of South-
Eastern Africa was taken over by the state, to be carried on
for the benefit of the royal treasury, and to be conducted
under the direction of a council at Goa by a board of six
members at Sena. It was about as clumsy and expensive a
scheme as could well be devised, and it was made still more
cumbersome by the conferring of extensive judicial power
upon the board at Sena, some of whose members wore
ecclesiastics. Under the new system all persons employed
received salaries, and the civil and military authority were
separated. An officer named Joao de Sousa Freire, with the
title of commander in chief, was appointed head of the

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 501

military branch of the government, with power to call out
the residents in the villages and the holders of prazos with
their retainers to perform service in war. One of his first
acts was to get ready a force to attack the Monomotapa if
the silver mines which were supposed to be known to that
chief were not delivered to the Portuguese.

The aspect of affairs along the whole coast was at this
time exceedingly gloomy. The weakness of the Portuguese
was so apparent that the Mohamedans took courage, and in
various places to the north attempted to recover their inde-
pendence. In 1670 they even attacked Mozambique, and
though they did not succeed in getting possession of Fort
Sao Sebastiao, they inspired great alarm everywhere. In
1673 Father Manuel de Gouvea, a member of the board of
commerce at Sena, wrote to the prince regent that without
five or six small armed vessels it would be impossible to
trade to the north ; but they were not supplied through want
of means. Matters at length reached such a pass that the
viceroy Luis de Mencloiifa Furtado, finding his despatches
produced no effect, sent the Jesuit father Andre Furtado to
Lisbon to represent that all East Africa must be lost unless
a military and naval force to maintain Portuguese authority
could be provided. North of the Zambesi the sheik of Pate
and other petty rulers were in open rebellion, and south of
that river the confusion and disorder caused by the jealousies
and strife of the prazo holders were so great that — as one of
the viceroy's advisers wrote — obedience to the government
was regarded as a mere matter of courtesy.

The court at Lisbon was then compelled to make a
supreme effort. In April 1677 Dom Pedro d'Almeida was
appointed viceroy of India, and was directed to proceed to
Goa and take over the administration, but very shortly after-
wards to return to the rivers of Cuama to meet a force of
six hundred soldiers that would leave the Tagus in five
vessels in September. With these ships and men he was to
restore order in East Africa, punishing the sheik of Pate
first. During his absence from Goa the government there

502 Records of S»uth-Eustern Africa.

would be carried on by a board acting with full power, so
that his whole time and thought might be devoted to the
duty specially assigned to him. He was to remain two
years in Africa, and then place Joao de Sousa Freire at the
head of the local government and proceed again to Goa.
The board of administration there was directed to give him
all the assistance possible during his absence, though he was
to have no control over it. Doin Pedro carried out these
instructions, and though he died before everything was
satisfactorily arranged, he managed to bring the petty sheiks
of the north to submission once more and to establish
comparative order south of the Zambesi.

The method of conducting trade on account of the govern-
ment proved a complete failure. The council at Goa com-
menced \vith debt, not only for goods purchased and vessels
chartered, but for the payment of thirty thousand xeratins, or
nine million reis, to each of the prospective captains of
Mozambique in return for relinquishing their rights. The
goods it purchased in India were often bad in quality and
unsuited to the requirements of the Bantu. The persons
employed as agents were careless and indifferent, the costs
were great, and the returns too small to meet the salaries
and other expenses. Under these circumstances in March
1680 the prince regent issued instructions that the affairs of
the council were to be wound up, and that the commerce of
the country south of the Zambesi was to be thrown open to
all his subjects in Europe, Asia, Brazil, and Africa, upon
payment of twenty per cent of the value of imports and
exports as customs duties. The existing debts were to be a
charge upon these duties.

When this order reached Goa a council of state was
convened, and every member voted for suspending it until
representations of the consequences could be made and fresh
directions be given. But in February 1681 Francisco de
Tavora was appointed viceroy, and was instructed to throw
open the trade and to see that the Monomotapa was so
treated as to preserve his friendship.

Records of South- Eastern Africa. 503

In September 1681 the new viceroy reached Goa. Soon
afterwards he laid his instructions before the council, when it
was decided that the prince regent's orders, issued after lull
deliberation and advice, must be carried out, no matter what
the consequences might be. In November, therefore, a pro-
clamation to that effect was issued, and the affairs of the
board of commerce were placed in the hands of liquidators.
Custom houses were speedily thereafter opened at the African
ports, and every one was free to buy and to sell whatever
he chose. In March 1682 Caetano de Mello de Castro was
appointed governor and commander in chief of Mozambique
and the Rivers, the name by which the territory south of the
Zambesi and the Kilimane mouth was usually known. He
was allowed a salary of eight thousand cruzados a year.
With him were sent two or three hundred such soldiers as
could be raised, to enable him to defend Fort Sao Sebastiao
and maintain his authority elsewhere, and he was particularly
charged to see that the revenue was not defrauded by the
system of unrestricted trade.

For a long time the government at Lisbon had been
endeavouring to induce Portuguese men and women to settle
in South Africa. In 1677 the troops that were sent out were
accompanied by a few artisans and labourers, and by eight
reclaimed women from a house of mercy, some of whom took
up their residence at Mozambique and others on the bank of
the Zambesi. After their arrival all trace of them is lost,
but they can only have prospered in such pursuits as the
former residents had followed. Nowhere in the world could
a European labourer have been more out of place than in
Portuguese South Africa, and as for mechanics, half a dozen
masons and carpenters would have been too many for all the
building that was to be done. There were in Goa a number
of Portuguese and Eurasians sunk in the lowest depths of
poverty, mere mendicants in fact, and it was under the
consideration of the government to remove them to Africa to
colonise the country. Common sense prevailed, however, and
this most injudicious scheme was not carried out. And now

504 Records of South- Eastern Africa.

the same government that desired the increase of the
European population adopted a commercial system under
which the few white men in the villages and at the trading
stations must be driven out.

Against all the advantages that are derivable from an
Asiatic possession, one tremendous disadvantage must be set
down : that its inhabitants may become entitled to privileges
ruinous to their conquerors. In what remained of Portu-
guese Asia there were numerous mixed-breeds, and besides
these a large class of Indian traders, commonly termed
Canarins or Banyans. These people are among the keenest
traffickers in the world, whether as merchants or as pedlars,
and no white man can compete with them, as it costs them
the merest trifle to live. They add nothing to the strength
of a country, as they are wholly unfit to bear arms in war,
and they contribute little or nothing to its revenue beyond
what they pay in customs duties. They are the most
dangerous of all immigrants into a territory with a warm
climate, where equal rights when they are concerned can
only mean the speedy removal or ruin of the European.

As soon as the commerce of South-Eastern Africa was open,
the Canarins began to take part in it, and the inevitable
result quickly followed. Within six years no fewer than
seventeen Banyan houses of business — some of course very
paltry establishments — were opened on the island of Mozam-
bique alone, and the Portuguese trading community had
dwindled to fifteen individuals. Sena and Tete were
threatened with utter extinction as Portuguese villages, and
the outlying stations were rapidly being lost to white men.
The price of gold too had been raised by competition until
there was no longer a fair profit to be gained on it.

The country was involved in other troubles as well. The
prazo holders were discontented and sullen, foreseeing the
loss of their means of acquiring wealth. Some of them had
been obliged by the government to surrender estates obtained
in an improper manner, and all of them resented recent
legislation so keenly that they no longer troubled themselves

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 505

to search for gold, in consequence of which the quantity
obtained was much less than formerly. Their turbulent and
violent conduct was irritating the Monomotapa, and war was
constantly expected. The customs dues collected were
insufficient to defray the charges of the administration, paltry
as these were, and no means could be devised to increase the
revenue. It was indeed in contemplation to collect ivory in
payment of overdue quitrent, and to levy a yearly poll tax
of a matical of gold upon every native, but a little reflection
showed both these schemes to be impracticable. If the prazo
holder would not pay his quitrent in the normal manner he
would not pay it in ivory, and as for the poll tax, the
natives would certainly flee from Portuguese jurisdiction
rather than submit to it.

King Pedro II took all these circumstances into considera-
tion, and on the 20th of March 1690 issued orders that free
trade in South-Eastern Africa was to cease at once. An
attempt was to be made to form a Company to carry it on,
and in the mean time the royal treasury would undertake it.
These orders preserved the country for the Portuguese crown,
but the Banyans had got a hold upon the commerce which
could not be entirely destroyed until 1783, when they were
expelled from the country south of the Zambesi.

Caetano de Mello de Castro was succeeded as governor and
commander in chief by Dom Miguel d' Almeida, whose term
of office expired in 1688. Thome de Sousa Correa, a very
diligent and upright man, followed, and to him was entrusted
the task of directing the commerce on behalf of the king.
This he did with such care and ability that it yielded a
considerable profit above all expenses, though the villages did
not fully regain their European inhabitants.

Several years elapsed before a Company could be formed
with sufficient capital to undertake the trade. Some persons
in India first subscribed for a number of shares, and a pro-
visional charter was drawn up there, which was sent to
Lisbon and altered by the king in council. As finally
arranged, its principal clauses were : that any one in Portugal

506 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

or India could subscribe for shares ; that the royal treasury
was to take part in it to the value of the vessels then
engaged in the commerce and of the merchandise on hand ;
that every viceroy during his whole term of office should be
a shareholder to the extent of fifteen thousand xerafins, which
sum was to be deducted from the first payment of his salary
and repaid to him when received in like manner from his
successor; that the management of business should be
entrusted to a board of five directors to be selected in the
first instance by the viceroy from the largest shareholders,
and afterwards, as vacancies occurred, by the viceroy from a
double list of names presented to him by the remaining
directors; that the Company was to pay the same customs
duties as individual traders had paid : that it was to pay
yearly to the royal treasury fifty thousand cruzados towards
the cost of the naval defence of India, thirty thousand
cruzados, being the amount formerly paid by the captains of
Mozambique for a monopoly of trade south of the Zambesi,
and three thousand cruzados, being the amount formerly paid
by the same official for a monopoly of the trade of the islands
of Angosha; that the Company was to have an absolute
monopoly of all the trade from Mombasa to Cape Correntes ;
that it should be entirely commercial in its character and
not interfere with the different governments ; and that the
charter was to hold good for twelve years, with three years
notice thereafter before it could be cancelled.

The chartered Company thus formed came into existence in
1697, but the amount of capital subscribed was too small to
enable it to carry on the commerce of South-Eastern Africa
successfully, and the obligations imposed were too heavy for
it to bear, so after a feeble attempt during the next three
years to maintain itself, in 1700 it was dissolved, and the
trade was again undertaken by the royal treasury. Just at
this time expectations of great wealth, derived from reports of
the richness of the pearl fisheries and from specimens of ore
sent to Lisbon, were cherished by the king and his court, so
that the failure of the Company and the reversion of the trade

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 507

to the treasury were not regretted. King Pedro indeed be-
lieved for a while that the Rivers were the most valuable
oversea possession in his dominions. In this strain he, the
lord of Brazil, which had then already begun to pour its
wealth into the mother country, wrote of them, regretting
only his want of means to develop their immense resources at
once; but, as on so many occasions before, high hopes regard-
ing South African treasures were doomed to end in bitter
disappointment.

The disturbed condition of the country was unfavourable to
the progress of mission work, though the decadence of the
ruling Bantu families made the conversion of the people more
easy than before. The Jesuits were strong in Mozambique,
where they had a large convent, and where they were often
called upon to aid the government with advice in political
and commercial matters. At one time even the superinten-
dence of the repairs of the fortress was entrusted to them by
the king, who believed that they would be more likely to see
the work carried out properly than the civil or military offi-
cials. At Sena they had an establishment, and here also their
services were requisitioned by the government for many pur-
poses unconnected with religion. They were the most refined
and most highly educated men of the day, so that they were
naturally regarded as the most competent to give advice in
all matters. Their reports are the clearest, best written, and
far the most interesting documents now in existence upon the
country. Compared with the ordinary state papers, they are
as polished marble to unhewn stone.

In 1697 the Jesuits established a seminary at Sona for the
education of the children of the Portuguese in the country
and the sons of native chiefs. This institution was aided by
the state, and wealthy traders and prazo holders contributed
largely to its support. At Tete they had also a mission, and
further several stations along the river where they were
favoured by prazo holders, and could thus remain notwith-
standing the claim of the Dominicans to that territory as the
sphere of labour assigned to them by royal order. Though

508 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

the Jesuits were so active, they reported at a later date that
their work among the Bantu at these places was almost fruit-
less. They had no difficulty in inducing people to call them-
selves Christians, but they could not persuade them to change
their mode of living, to abandon polygamy, or to observe the
ordinances of the church.

The order of Saint John of God had not yet sent any of
its members to the Rivers, though in 1681 the hospital at
Mozambique was entrusted to its care. This order was
founded purposely to attend upon the sick, and its members
were trained as hospital nurses are now. Previous to this
date the sick sailors and soldiers at Mozambique had no
other attendants than slaves, who acted under direction of
the surgeons ; but henceforward they were tenderly looked
after. Nearly half a century later a shipwrecked Dutch
traveller, named Jacob de Bucquoi, who was for several weeks
an inmate of this hospital, wrote of it in terms of unbounded
admiration. He said that no one, however rich, could be
cared for and tended better than the sick were there, without
any exception, whether they were Portuguese or strangers.

The Dominican convent at Mozambique was still the prin-
cipal station of that order in South-Eastern Africa, but the
country south of the Zambesi was the field in which most of
its missionaries laboured. Not long after the baptism of the
Monomotapa Domingos their zeal began to flag. In the time
of their prosperity, as is often the case with men in other
pursuits, the friars did not display the great qualities which
characterised them during the period of trial. Some of them
fell into habits of indolence, and others into a spirit of in-
difference. Clearly the introduction of foreign blood and the
condition of the mother country were producing their natural
effects. The ecclesiastical administrator at Mozambique,
though he had not the same control over members of reli-
gious associations as over secular priests, threatened to intro-
duce some other order, and actually proceeded to Goa with
that object. There, however, he was induced by the Pro-
vincial of the Dominicans to desist from his purpose, on

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 509

condition that a commissary and visitor should be sent at
once to the country south of the Zambesi, and that some
active missionaries should accompany him.

Friar Francisco da Trindade was appointed commissary, and
brought five associates with him. One of these, the father
Joao de Sao Thome, he stationed at Sofala, another, the
father Damaso de Santa Rosa, he stationed with the 3Iono-
motapa, the third, the father Diogo de Santa Rosa, he
directed to renew the work that had been abandoned at
Masapa, the fourth, the father Jorge de Sao Thome, he
directed to do the same at Ongwe, and the fifth, the father
Miguel dos Archanjos, he sent to the Kiteve country to
establish a mission. The commissary was a man of great
activity, and during the time that he had the oversight of
the mission everything went on well. He resided first at
Sena, and made himself master of the Bantu dialect spoken
there, in which he prepared a catechism and another reli-
gious book termed a confessionario. He then proceeded to
Tete, studied the dialect used by the clans in that part of
the country, and translated his catechism into it. One of the
sons of the Monoinotapa came under his influence, and was
baptized and trained by him. This youth was afterwards
sent to Goa, where he entered the Dominican order, and
became known as the friar Constantino do Rosario. In the
next chapter it will be necessary to make a better acquaintance
with him.

This period of activity, however, did not last long. There
were energetic men of the Dominican order in South Africa
at the close of the seventeenth century, but the spirit of
languor in which Portugal and her foreign possessions were
steeped embraced the great body of the friars also. Further
many of them were Asiatics and Eurasians, and a few were
Africans not half weaned from another creed, all quite unfit
to carry on mission work unless under the close supervision
of white men. Under these circumstances, though baptisms
were numerous real converts were few. In the interminable
feuds of the country stations were often destroyed, as Ongwe

510 Records of South-Eastern Africa.

and Dambarare — the latter the principal gold market at the
time — were in 1692. In 1696 Sofala was attacked by a
powerful clan, which was repulsed, but a large portion of the
back country was closed to Europeans during the next thirty-
three years, and the station at the Kiteve's kraal had to be
abandoned. Without protection, without homes — much less
church buildings, — the missionaries could have done very
little except in the villages even if their zeal had not passed
away.

It is impossible to ascertain how far westward missionaries
had penetrated the country by this time, because they had no
means of determining longitudes, and no descriptions of their
travels are extant from which their routes can be traced. As
they could not erect substantial buildings there are no ruins
to mark the limits of their wanderings, and the old names of
the places where they laboured are known no more. On the
actual bank of the Zambesi they had reached a point as far
west as the present station of Zumbo, but it is exceedingly
improbable that they had got farther. About seventy miles
north-east of Buluwayo, in some- ruins called by the present
natives Umtungala ka Marnbo, which date from a time far
earlier than the appearance of the Portuguese in South
Africa, a few years ago a seal was found bearing the name
Bernabe de Ataide encircling the symbol I H S, but it is
quite as likely to have been carried there as an ornament or
charm by some native as to have been lost there by the mis-
sionary who once owned it. Neither the Dominicans nor the
Jesuits until our own times ever explored the country farther
than they did during the seventeenth century.

At this period and later when dealing with the Portuguese
in South Africa one is never certain whether he is recounting
the deeds of Caucasians, of Asiatics, of Africans, or of mixed
breeds, unless he can trace their origin, which is not always
possible. An individual with the name of a European grandee
was as likely as not to be a negro or a half-caste from Goa.
Who, for instance, would recognise a son of the Kiteve under
the name Dom Antonio Lancarote, who in 1681 applied to

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 511

the king for permission to remove from Goa to Africa? If
deeds performed are worthy of mention they should be re-
lated, but it would be more satisfactory if the nationality of
the actors could be stated as well.

Since the accession of the house of Bragan$a to the throne
of Portugal the closest friendship with England had existed,
still English ships were causing much trouble and anxiety to
the authorities on the eastern coast of Africa, though the
British government was in no way responsible for what was
being done by them. Some of these ships were avowedly
pirates, similar to those that infested West Indian waters,
that plundered and scuttled vessels under every flag but their
own. Their crews were composed of ruffians of every mari-
time nation, though the vessels were British built, and all
the names of the officers that are known are English.
Delagoa Bay and the ports on the coast of Madagascar
afforded them convenient places for repairing, provisioning,
and otherwise fitting out for cruises in search of booty.
These pirates were for many years a cause of terror to navi-
gators in the eastern seas, though they only murdered the
crews of their prizes when they were apprehensive of danger
to themselves should their prisoners live. Sometimes a ship
left India, and was not heard of again for years. Such was
the fate of the Nossa Senhora da Ajuda, which was captured
by two pirates off the African coast, when all on board were
put to death except one Malay boy who was kept as a slave.
In 1682 these same pirates put into Mozambique, where one
of them was wrecked, and the Malay gave information of the
destruction of the Indiaman and also of a vessel bound from
that island to Brazil with slaves, which had afterwards been
captured. Fort Sao Sebastiao was at the time provided with
a fairly strong garrison, so the rovers were seized and sent to
Goa for trial.

Another class was composed of ships that visited the coast
for trading purposes in defiance of the English East India
Company. They were either not provided with clearance
papers from any English port, or they had papers giving

512 Records of Soutli-Eastern Africa.

some destination beyond the limits assigned in the East
India Company's charter, so that in each case they were
liable to be seized wherever there was sufficient force to
capture them. Except at Mozambique no such force existed
011 the south-eastern coast of Africa or on the shores of
Madagascar, which they therefore frequented. It had been
the custom for nearly a century and a half to send a pangayo
occasionally from Mozambique to Inhambane and Delagoa
Bay to barter ivory from the natives, and in 1685 one left
for that purpose. Upon her return, Domingos Lourenpo, her
master, reported that at Delagoa Bay he had found five
English trading vessels provided with merchandise of a better
quality than his, and that they had bought all the ivory and
ambergris in the surrounding country.

On the 6th of August 1686 the governor of Mozambique,
Dom Miguel d'Alrneida, and his council met to consider this
matter. The council consisted of the lieutenant-general
Francisco d'Aviles Ramires, the castellan Paschoal d'Abreu
Sarmento e Moraes, the factor Joao Machado Sacoto, the
rector of the Jesuit college Father Manuel Freire, the vicar
of the parish church Father Domingos Dias Eibeiro, and the
superior of the Dominican convent Friar Joao da Magda-
lena. The governor and council unanimously resolved not to
send a pangayo to Delagoa Bay that year, because most pro-
bably English ships would continue to frequent that port and
she might be robbed or insulted by them, and further because
there would be little or nothing to obtain in barter, as that
part of the country had been thoroughly cleared of its
marketable produce.

This resolution was communicated to Dom Rodrigo da
Costa, governor-general of India, who overruled it, and gave
directions that a pangayo should be sent to the bay again,
even at a pecuniary loss, in order that the English might
not take possession of it under the pretext that it was neg-
lected by the Portuguese. Our countrymen continued to
trade there, and from an account given by one of them,
Robert Everard by name, it is seen that they set about tlieir

Records of South-Eastern Africa. 513

business with characteristic energy. Everard was in Delagoa
Bay in 1687, in the ship Bauden. They had materials ready
on board, and put together a small vessel, which was sent
up and down the coast to trade for ivory. At the bay itself
they obtained only two tons until some chiefs went on board,
whom they put in irons and detained until more was brought
for sale. One day a small boat arrived with three English-
men in her, who had formed part of the crew of a trading
vessel like the one they had put together. This vessel had
been wrecked on the coast, and the boat's crew had suffered
greatly from hunger before they reached the bay, for when
they went ashore to try to get food the natives robbed them
of their clothing and would give them nothing to eat. The
Bauden lay there at anchor three months, and then sailed for
Madagascar.

In 1688 Delagoa Bay was visited and roughly surveyed by
the Dutch galiot Noord. An English trading vessel was
lying there at the time, and also a Portuguese pangayo from
Mozambique. The English had put up a tent for trading
purposes on one of the islands, and the Portuguese had con-
structed a temporary lodge for the same purpose near the
mouth of the Manisa river. So matters continued until the
end of the century, vessels of both nations frequenting
the bay ; but then the Portuguese abandoned it for many
years. Their pangayo was seized when at anchor by a pirate
ship that sailed in under French colours, and was plundered
and destroyed, though most of her crew managed to escape
to the shore. Then the effort to carry on a profitless and
dangerous trade was given up, and the next century was far
advanced before the Portuguese flag was again seen anywhere
on the mainland south of Inhambane.

VIII.

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