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Full text of "Records of South-Eastern Africa: Collected in Various Libraries and Archive Departments in Europe"

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Jmries:, 



•••? 




AftTIt SCIINTIA VIRITAf 



RECORDS OF SOUTH-EASTERN AFRICA. 



EECOEDS 



OF 



SOUTH-EASTERN AFRICA 



COLLECTED IN VARIOUS LIBRARIES AND ARCHIVE 

DEPARTMENTS IN EUROPE 






BY 

GEORGE McCALL JHEAL, LL.D., 

HISTOKIOORAPnER TO THB CAPS GOVERNMENT. 



VOL. I. 



• » J ^ •» % '■ * ^ I * . '* * y t « 

I t. CI ••• !•«••> *• • « 



. r 



PRINTED FOR 
TIIK OOVKRNMENT OF THE CAPE COLONY 

1898. 



75/ 
T37 



LONDON : 

FaiNTEO B7 WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED^ 
STAKfOaO STBBBt AXD CUAUIKU CBOStt. 



APh^ 9 1904 
D.ofO, 






• • • 

• • • • 

• • • 






• •• • 
•• • 



• • • 






PREFACE. 



The Government of the Cape Colony, being desirous of obtaining 
as much authentic knowledge as it is possible to gather upon the 
past condition of the Bantu tribes south of the Zambesi, has 
entrusted me with the collection and publication of Portuguese 
and other records upon the subject. The Dutch and English 
archives in Capeto\\Ti have more than once been examined for 
this purpose, but no attempt has hitherto been made to draw 
upon the great fund of information contained in Portuguese 
manuscripts and books unknown to all but a very few readers. 
In order to form a complete record of events in the territory 
bordering on the Indian sea from the last ,years of the fifteenth 
century to our own time, I am including in the collection docu- 
ments and extracts from printed pamphlets and books concerning 
the discoveries made by the first European explorers in South 
Africa and the transactions of their successors, though these do 
not always refer to the natives. 

It is not possible to publish these papers in chronological order, 

as I am doing with documents concerning the Cape Colony in the 

Public Record OflSce in London, because they are being gathered 

\ in many places and important additions are continually being 

s. made. The most that can be done in this respect is to arrange 

^'^ the contents of each volume in order of date. So far I have 

"^ searched in the Archive Department at the Hague, in the Library 

Casanatense at Eome, and in the National Library at Paris, in 

-^ each of which I obtained original documents of value. At present 

^ I am engaged in the Library of the British Museum in London, 

where tlioro are a groat many voluiiios of original Portuguese 

317668 



>" 



\ 



vi Preface. 

archives in manuscript, as well as a large number of rare books 
in the same language. In other Libraries, and naturally at 
Lisbon, I hope to obtain much more. 

I give these documents without the alteration of a letter or a 
point, as only in that form can they be of value for reference. 
But for the convenience of English readers I add translations, 
sometimes more free than literal, of all the Portuguese documents, 
and I am having translations made for the same purpose of a few 
in Spanish and Italian. 

I am unable at present to say to what number of volumes the 
work will extend. 

Geo. M. Theal. 

London, Aprils 1898. 



ERRATA IN THE TEXT. 



Page 04. In Dinetcenth line from top, 12/3 should be 12/1. On (he saiiu- 
page, in the next line, the word Portuguese should come between 128 and 
pounds. 



CONTENTS. 



-•o*- 



DATB PAGE 

Extracts from the Asia Fortuguesa uf Manuel do Faria 

e Sousa ....... 1 

In Portuqukse: — 

Extracts from the account of the Voyage of Pedro 

Alvares Cabral, with English translation . . 47 
Extract from an account of a voyage to the East 

Indies, by Thom^ Lopes, with English translation 41> 
31 Aug. 1506. Letter from Pedro Quaresma to the king, with English 

translation ....... 50 

20 Nov. 1506. Letter from Diogo de Alca9X)va to the king, with 

English translation ...... 57 

13 Feb. 1508. Extract from the Instructions given to Diogo Lopes de 

Sequeira, with English translation ... 68 
30 Sept. 1508. Extracts from a Letter from Duarte de Lemos to the 

king, with English translation ... 69 

30 June 1513. Letter from Pedro Vaz Soares to the king, with 

English translation ..... 75 

Extracts from the book of Duarte Barbosa, with 

English translation ..... 85 

» Aug. 1511). Letter from Francisco de Brito to the king, with 

English translation ..... 99 

1552. Account of the wreck of the galleon S. Jodo . . 108 

English translation of the above .... 128 

1554. Account of the wreck of the ship S. Bento . . 150 

English translation of the above .... 218 

1576. Description of the coast of South Africa by Manuel 

de Mesquita Perestrello ..... 286 

English translation of the above .... 307 

1585. Extracts from the account of the wreck of the ship 

Santiago 330 

English translation of the above .... 342 
Extracts from the History of the Dominicans in the 

possessions of Portugal ..... 355 
English translation of the above .... 380 



viii Contents, 

date paob 

In Dutch: — 

1641. ApjxjDdix U> the treaty hotwccn Portugal ami the 

Netherlands . . . . . .407 

1723. lieport of Jan van de Cajxjllo to the governor of the 

Cape Colony ....... 407 

1725. Extract from the journal kept at Fort Lagoa . 420 

1727. Journal kept at Inhambano . . . .421 

1728. Report of exploration of tlie river Manisa . .420 
1728. Journal of a voyage from Delagoa Bay to Inhamhane 443 
1731. Journal of a voyage from Table Bay to Inhambane . 467 



Photograph of Manuel de Mesquita's chart of the South 

African coast 306 



KECORDS OF SOUTH-EASTERN AFRICA. 



EXTKACTS FROM "ASIA PORTUGUESA. 
By Manuel de Faria e Sousa. 



9> 



[The author of this work was regarded as one of the most learned men of his 
age, and his literary productions are as numerous as those of any other writer 
that Portugal has ever produced. His chief fault was excessive credulity, which 
led him to make statements that seem absurd at the present day. He was bom 
at Caravella in the province of Minho on the 18th of March 1590, and died at 
Madrid on the 3rd of June 1649. His works deal with many subjects : they 
were mostly written in the Castilian dialect, and published after the author's 
death. Ilis ''Asia Portuguesa" is in three folio volumes, the first of which was 
published at Lisbon in 1666, the second and third in 1674. They contain many 
portraits — some certainly not genuine^and plans of strongholds, among which 
is one of the fort at Sofala. As a history the work is far below that of Jo2k> de 
Barros, but it is partly drawn from original manuscripts, and it contains several 
particulars concerning the early voyages not given by that great writer. It 
covers the long period of two hundred and twenty-nine years — 1412 to 1640. It 
was translated into English by Captain John Stevens, and published at London in 
1G95 in three crown octavo volumes, entitled ** The Portuguese Asia, or the History 
of the Discovery and Cronquest of India by the Portuguese." The translation is 
fairly accurate, though in places paragraphs have been condensed and a good deal 
of matter not essential to the history has been altogether omitted. As the 
Simnish edition is easily obtainable, I have not thought it necessary to give the 
extracts in the original. The English translation, which is without plates, is 
rare, but there is a copy in the library of the British Museum. In quoting from 
it all that refers to Eastern Africa below the Zambesi I have modernised the 
spelling, punctuation, and use of capital letters, but have made no other 
alteration of importance. — G. M. T.] 



TOME L— PART I.— CHAPTER III. 

Kino John was informed by the Benin ambassador, who came 
to desire that priests should be sent to them, that two hundred 
and fifty leagues beyond them was the most powerful prince of all 

B 



2 Records of Soutli-Eastem Africa. 

those countries, called Ogane, by whom the kings of Benin for 
their security were confirmed, receiving of him a staff with a 
head and a cross like that of Malta, all of brass curiously wrought. 
An ambassador went with rich presents to solicit these ensigns of 
royalty, who never saw Ogane, because he speaks from behind 
curtains, but at their departure shows a foot, in token that he 
grants their request. Our king imagined this prince might be 
he that is vulgarly called Prester John, by comparing these 
formalities with what he had heard reported of him. He fitted 
out three ships, commanded by Bartholomew Dias ; he set up a 
cross in 24 degrees of south latitude, 120 leagues beyond the 
other discoverers in Serra Parda. He sailed in sight of the bay 
they called dos Vaqueiros, or of Herdsmen, because of the many 
cows they saw there ; beyond this they touched at the small 
island Stmta Cruz, or Holy Cross, so called from one he set up ; 
25 leagues farther they came into the mouth of a river which 
they called do Infante, the surname of the second captain, who 
was the first that saw it. Being about returning they discovered 
that so many ages unknown promontory, which they called 
Tormentoso, or Stormy, because of a great tempest they met with 
there ; but our king gave it the name of Cabo de Boa Esperan^a, 
or Cape of Good Hope, from the great hopes it gave of discover- 
ing the Indies. There was set up the cross St. Philip. The two 
first ships coasting along met the third with only three men 
aboard, having lost it nine months before with nine men in it 
then. With mere joy of seeing the others (a strange, but not 
nnheard-of death) one of the three died, the other six had been 
killed by the blacks. With various fortune observing the dis- 
covered country they arrived in their own, the extent of land till 
then found out being 750 leagues. 

Whilst these discoverers conquered the difiiculties of the seas, 
Peter de Covilham and Affonso de Paiva travelled by land, who 
came first to Naples, then to Bhodes, to Alexandria, Grand Cairo, 
then with a caravan of Moors to Toro on the coast of Arabia. 
Here they parted, Paiva towards India and Covilham for Ethiopia, 
having appointed a time when to meet again at Grand Cairo. 
Covilham went to Cananor, Calicut, and Goa (famous cities in the 
East), passed thence to Sofala in Ethiopia, then to Aden at the 
mouth of the Red Sea on the side of Arabia, and at last to Grand 
Cairo, where he found his companion had died. After these had 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 3 

been sent out two Jews, Ilabbi Abraham of Beja and Joseph of 
Lamego. Covilham sent back the latter to inform the king of 
his success, with the other he embarked for Ormuz, where having 
observed what was most remarkable, he left the Jew to follow the 
caravans of Aleppo, and returning to the Bed Sea came to discover 
the court of Prester John, who detained him there as a spy. 



TOME L— PART L— CHAPTER IV. 

King Manuel inlierited not only his predecessor's kingdom, but 
his earnest desire of finding a shorter passage by sea to the East 
Indies. Tliis attempt was generally condemned by the greater 
number, but carried by the more prevalent judgments. The king 
was in the town of Estremoz when he appointed Yasco da Gama 
to command the fleet he designed to send. This was a gentleman 
of sufficient quality, ability, and spirit for such a difficult enter- 
prise. The king honoured him, expressing the great confidence 
he had in him, and delivered the colours he was to carry, on 
which was the cross of the military order of Christ, and on which 
this worthy hero took the oath of fidelity. 

Having received letters for the princes of the East, among 
others Prester John and Zamori or the king of Calicut, he sailed 
from Lisbon on Saturday, the 8th of July 1497, with only three 
small ships and one hundred and sixty men. The names of the 
ships were 8t. Oahriel, 8t. Baphad, and Berrio^ the captains Paul 
da Gama, brother to Yasco, and Nicholas Nunes; there went 
also a barque laden with provisions, commanded by Gon9alo 
Nunes. Having passed the seas already known to Portuguese 
sailors, they discovered others, and after five months' sail landed 
on the sands of a bay now called St. Helena Bay, because first 
seen on that saint's day. Here they took one of two blacks who 
were busy gathering honey in the mountain, little thinking how 
far human boldness carries men. This man, pleased with some 
glasses and small bells, brought some others from a village, in 
hopes of getting some of those things, and these being furnished 
brought many more. 

Fernando Veloso, a daring young man, asked leave to go to see 
the habitation of the blacks ; but he returned with more spee 
than he went, being pursued to the shore, and a shower of arrows 

B 2 



4 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

following as lie got into the boat. Vasco da Gama, endeavouring 
to appease tliem, was wounded in the leg, and because they would 
not hearken to him, he revenged himself with crossbows from 
aboard. The third day, being the 20th of November, he weighed 
and passed the great Cape of Good Hope. On St. Catherine's 
day they touched at Agoada de S. Bras, this is sixty leagues 
beyond the Cape. Here they exchanged some merchandise, and 
observed the people guarding their cattle, some women riding 
on oxen, and some dancing to pipes that made no contemptible 
music. 

But because as they coasted in order to find some port, they 
found the blacks appeared in greater numbers and warlike 
manner, he terrified them with firing some guns. He took all 
the provisions out of the barque, and burned it. On St. Lucia's 
day happened a storm, the more terrible because it was the first. 
On Christmas day they saw the land, which for that reason they 
called Terra de Natal, or Christmas Land, as also the river they 
named dos Beys, or of the Kings, for being first seen on the day 
of Epiphany. Here Gama left two men to inform themselves of 
the country, and give him an account at his return. For this 
purpose he carried some malefactors, their punishment being 
changed for these dangers. After dealing for some ivory and 
provisions, so much to the satisfaction of the blacks that their 
king came aboard, he went on as far as Cabo das Correntes, and 
without seeing the town of Sofala, passed fifty leagues farther, 
and went up a river where were several boats with sails made of 
palm. It was an encouragement to our men to see these j>eople, 
for that they understood something of sailing, a thing they had 
not seen on all those coasts, and because they were not so black 
as the others and understood the Arabic letter. They concluded 
them more civilised by their habit of several colours and divers 
sorts of stuflfs both cotton and silk. They said that to the east- 
ward lived white people, who sailed in vessels like ours. 

This river Gama called de Bons Sinaes, or of Good Signs, for 
the information he got of what he looked for ; though he lost 
some men, and many sickened, their gums swelling out of their 
mouths, and there was no cure but cutting, which proceeded from 
the badness of the provisions. Sailing hence they again cast 
anchor among the islands of St. George, opposite to Mozambique, 
whence came several zambucos or boats in jovial manner, the 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 5 

music of several instruments sounding in them. As they came 
near were seen some black, others almost white, all had Persian 
veils, and were clothed with cotton of sundry colours. They 
asked our men boldly who they were, and what they wanted. 
Gama answered to the first part, and said he would answer to the 
rest when he knew whose that town was. They said the lord of 
it was Zacoeja, to whom all vessels sent notice of their arrival. 
Then Gama replied that his voyage was to India, and he wanted 
a pilot to conduct him to Calicut, that this was what he desired 
of the xeque or lord. He sent him some presents, though not of 
great value, valuable for their rarity. 

A Moor who carried the advice returned with many thanks for 
the presents, with some fresh meats, making excuses that the 
great distance was what hindered the lord from visiting him. 
These lucky beginnings moved Gama to attempt entering the 
harbour, but meeting some danger he anchored above the town, 
which lies in 14^ degrees of south latitude, and is encompassed 
by the sea ; the land about it is low and unhealthy, the houses of 
hurdles, that of the lord and the mosque of mud walls; the 
inhabitants were strangers and Moors: this being between 
Kilwa, which lies above, and the mine of Sofala below it. This 
place was ever much accounted of by our seamen, being a 
most secure place to winter in. The natives of the continent 
are black. 

Here came aboard Gama three Ethiopians, who as soon as they 
spied St. Gabriel painted on the poop, fell on their knees, as those 
who had always preserved Christianity, which was preached 
among them in the primitive times, though now with some 
corruption. 

Vasco da Gama sent other presents to the lord, and they 
concluded a peace, which was confirmed on our part by erecting 
a cross there by the name of St. George. But the barbarians 
having deceitfully concluded this agreement, our men going for 
wood, fourteen boats fell upon them, pouring in abundance of 
arrows, but being answered by our crossbows and guns, they never 
ofiered to molest us a second time. They sailed hence the 11th 
of March 1498 with one Moorish pilot ; he had hired two, but the 
other fled. Bad weather obliged him to come to an anchor again 
at St. George's island. He took in water by force of arms, the 
blacks opposing it. And they increasing to two thousand, he 



6 Records of South-EoMem Africa. 

fired some cannon, which killing some, the others with the fright 
fled to the continent, leaving many in our hands. 

The xeqne or governor at first refused a pilot, he they had 
being fled, but fearing it might be revenged, sent another so 
wicked that he ran the ships among some islands, which were 
called do A^outado, because the pilot was there severely whipped 
for this fault. This punishment, instead of amendment, provoked 
him to another fraud. He persuaded Gama to take the port of 
Eilwa, by telling him there were Christians there ; but believing 
our ships might be destroyed. The currents drove the ships off, and 
they came to an anchor at the city Mombasa, which is an island 
made by a river that falls into the sea by two mouths ; the 
buildings like those of Spain ; the inhabitants all Moors, without 
any mixture of Christians as the pilot afiirmed. Our commander 
sent a present to the king, and ho deceitfully offered a kind 
reception. This inclined Gama to enter the port, but it being 
God's will to deliver him, the ships fell off, and our seamen making 
some extraordinary cry to bring them about, some Moors, who 
were aboard, thought they were discovered, and taking this for a 
signal of battle, they all leaped overboard, which undeceived the 
commander, who tailing on, and chasing two boats, he took one 
with thirtetm Moors. By them he was informed that not far off 
was the city Melinde, and there several vessels from India. 

Melinde is seated on the plainest of a rocky coast, encompassed 
with orchards, palm-trees, and woods of fruit-trees ; the buildings 
great and sightly ; the country as well stored with cattle as fruit ; 
the natives pagans, of colour swarthy, of body strong ; the women 
are counted beautiful, from the waist downward they wear silks 
and cottons, on the head veils with gold laces. Most of the 
merchants who trade here are of Guzerat, who in return of their 
spice, carry gold, ivory, amber, and wax. The king is a JMoha- 
medan, and is served with state and splendour. Gama gave him 
an account of his voyage by a soldier, and how he stood in need 
of a pilot. Some presents and compliments having passed 
between them, they met on the sea, where the king was pleased 
above all with the gift of the thirteen Moors not long before 
taken. 

The Portuguese feared the Moors' kindness was deceitful ; but 
it proved otherwise, for the efiect of this interview was a lasting 
peace faithfully observed by the Portuguese and Moors. Here 



Records of Sotdh-Eastem Africa. 7 

Gama discoursed with some merchants of Cambaya, who aboard 
his ship were seen ta worship an image of our Lady, which showed 
there were yet among them some footsteps of the preaching of 
St. Thomas the Apostle. He carried with him Malemo Cana of 
Guzerat, finding him so expert in navigation that being shown 
an astrolabe he took little notice of it, as one who was used to 
more considerable instruments. With this able pilot Gfuna set 
forward, having first erected a cross, which he called of the Holy 
Ghost ; and crossing that great gulf of seven hundred leagues, in 
twenty-two days anchored two leagues below Calicut. 



TOME I.— PART I.— CHAPTER V. 

The admiral (Pedro Alvares Cabral) arrived with only six ships 
of all his fleet upon the 16th of July 1500 on the coast of Sofala. 
He chased two ships, the one was stranded, the other taken ; they 
belonged to Moors, and came from the mine of Sofala, commanded 
by Xeque Foteyma. The admiral treated him courteously, 
restoring all that was taken, because he was uncle to toe king of 
Melinde, who deserved well of the Portuguese for the kind oflSces 
Vasco da Gama had received of him in time of need. Having 
quitted the Moor, he arrived at Mozambique on the 20th of July, 
where he refitted and held on his voyage. 

Coasting along, he came to an anchor before the ancient and 
noble city Eilwa. Abraham, a man renowned among his people, 
and rich with the trade of Sofala, then reigned there. The 
admiral sent him word he had important affairs to communicate 
to him from our king. The answer was that he should come 
ashore, and he would hear him. He replied that according to his 
instructions it was not permitted him to land, unless to fight such 
as refused the friendship of Portugal ; but that in respect to such 
a prince, he would meet him in a boat in the middle of the bay. 
This answer was surprising, and fear wrought more than kindness. 
Several boats were set out on both sides, richly adorned and filled 
with music. Our commander proposed amity, trade, and religion. 
The Moor gave good words, but disguised ill designs. This known, 
a council was held, the resolution was to go on, leaving the 
revenge for a fitter opportunity, and thus they arrived at Melinde 
the 2ud of August, where they were received with all kindness. 



8 Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

not only upon account of the friendship established with Vasco da 
Gama, but also for the generosity wherewith Xeque Foteyma had 
been treated. They visited and made presents to each other. 
Ours, which was considerable, was carried by the factor Ayres 
Correa, together with a letter from our king, written in Arabic, 
which was so highly prized by that king, that to the end he 
might keep the bearer ashore that night, he sent the admiral the 
ring whereon was his seal, the greatest security of those kings. 
He told how much he was infested by the king of Mombasa for 
having admitted our friendship, and renewed and confirmed it 
with words and actions. Soon after our ships sailed, having 
taken in two Guzerat pilots, and set ashore two men in order to 
discover Prester John's country, the ancient desire of our princes. 

About the middle of January 1501 the admiral set out (from 
India) in order to return home. On the coast of Melinde one of 
the ships was driven by bad weather upon a bank, the men were 
saved. At Mozambique the rest were refitted, and one was sent 
to settle a trade at the mine of Sofala. At Cape Verde they 
found Pedro Dias and his vessel, which had been parted from 
them; he had escaped many dangers by sea and land, chiefly in 
Fort Magadoxa near Cape Guardafui. After the admiral arrived 
also in Portugal Pedro de Ataide, who had been parted, and the 
other sent to the discovery of Sofala, with an account of it. 

In March, before this fleet returned, sailed out of Lisbon four 
ships with four hundred men, commanded by Joam de Nova, an 
able seaman. In 8° south latitude he found the island that he 
called of the Conception. Beyond the Cape of Good Hope, at 
the place called Agoada de S. Bras, they found in a shoe a letter 
written by Pedro de Ataide, who anchored there after the storm 
before spoken of: it gave an account of the voyage of Pedro 
Alvares Cabral. In August they arrived at Mozambique, then at 
Kilwa, having found an island which from the commander was 
called Joam de Nova. Short of Melinde they gave chase to two 
great ships, one was taken, lightened, and then burnt. 

TOME I.— PART I.— CHAPTER VI. 

The account Pedro Alvares Cabral brought showed it was 
requisite either to attempt making a great fortune with a great 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 9 

force, or else to quit the attempt, dbine were of opinion to 
desist, but the credit of so great an action prevailed ; and though 
many were lost, the gain of those who returned was so great that 
it outweighed the consideration of the damage. The king was 
inspired with the hope of carrying on what the Apostle St. 
Thomas had begun, and planting the Christian religion in those 
countries, and enlarging his royal titles by adding to them, as 
he did, those of Lord of the Navigation, Conquests, and Trade 
of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, which were confirmed by 
the Pope. 

The king was sensible that to obtain a great name among so 
many, so powerful, and so distant nations, it was requisite to show 
great power; therefore in March he sent out three squadrons : the 
first of ten ships, commanded by Vasco da Gama, now on his 
second voyage ; the second of five ships, under Vicente Sodre, 
which was to scour the coasts of Cochin and Cananor, and hinder 
the trade of the ships of Mecca, watching the mouth of the Bed 
Sea ; the third under Estevam da Gama, but all subordinate to 
Vasco da Gama. The whole consisted of twenty ships, and were 
gone before Joam de Nova arrived. 

The admiral arrived the 12th of July at Kilwa, having lost two 
ships in bad weather. He entered furiously, firing all his cannon, 
and battering the town in revenge of the ill-usage others had 
received from that king. But he, to prevent his total ruin, came 
in a boat to appease the admiral, offering to be subject and to pay 
tribute to King Manuel. Thus the storm was converted into joy. 
Sailing thence he put by the port of Melinde, and was forced to 
anchor eight leagues below it in a bay, whence spreading his 
fleet that no ship might escape him, he took several, but was most 
severe with those of Calicut. A ship of great bulk, called Meriy 
belonging to the sultan of Cairo, most richly laden and full of 
many Moors of quality who went pilgrims to Mecca, fell so 
unexpectedly into our hands that she was taken without the least 
resistance, and all the goods were shifted into our ships. But 
when two hundred and sixty Moors perceived we were going to 
force the vessel, in which, besides them, were above fifty women 
and children, laying hold of what weapons were at hand, they 
beat the boats from the sides; a ship coming to her assist- 
ance was almost taken, till another relieved it, and the admiral 
cgming up, the enemy's vessel was boarded, and after a courageous 



10 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

resistance was taken and burnt with all that were in her, except 
twenty children who were afterwards baptized. 



TOME I.— PART I.— CHAPTER VIL 

In 1503 there sailed from Lisbon nine ships under three 
distinct commanders. The first was Affonso de Albuquerque, the 
second Francisco de Albuquerque, and the third Antonio do 
Saldanha. The three last were to cruise in the mouth of the 
Red Sea against the Moors, the others to return with their 
lading. 

Antonio de Saldanha, having lost Diogo Femandes Peteira, 
came to an anchor at St. Thomas. Short of the Cape of Good Hope 
was made famous a place by the name of Aguada de Saldanha, or 
Saldanha's Watering Place, not for any water he took, but for 
the blood of his men shed there, endeavouring to land. At this 
time a storm had parted from him Ruy Louren9o Ravasco, driving 
him up to Mozambique, whence he held his course to Eilwa, 
where he took some small prizes. An ambition of doing some- 
thing more remarkable carried him to the island Zanzibar, 
twenty leagues short of Mombasa, where he took twenty small 
vessels. Then he appeared before the town of that name. The 
king of it designed to take the ship with a number of paraos or 
boats, but our long-boat going out with thirty men, killed several, 
and took four paraos. The king appeared on the shore with four 
thousand men commanded by his son, who was killed with some 
others by the first volley. Their loss produced our safety, for 
one of them running from their crowd with colours bearing the 
arms of Portugal, peace was concluded, that king agreeing to pay 
one hundred miticals of gold yearly as tributary to Portugal. 

Thence he visited Melinde, whose king was oppressed by him 
of Mombasa for his friendship to us. This obliged Ruy Ijourencjo 
to stand in ; by the way he took two ships and three zambucos, 
small vessels, and in them twelve magistrates of the city Brava, 
who, as such, submitted that city to Portugal, with the yearly 
tribute of five hundred miticals. The two kings came to a battle, 
and parted uix)n equal terms. Now came Antonio de Saldanha, 
whereupon he of Mombasa came to an agreement. 



Beeords of Sotdh-Eastem Africa. 11 

In the beginning of January 1506 Lopo Soares sailed from 
India, and he arrived at Lisbon on the 22nd of July with thirteen 
yictorious ships laden with riches ; three were of the foregoing 
year's fleet ; of his own he lost Pedro de Mendoza, who, being 
stranded fourteen leagues from Aguada de S. Bras, was never 
more heard of. 



TOME L— PART I.— CHAPTER VIIL 

On the 25th of March 1507 sailed from Lisbon a fleet of twenty- 
two ships, eleven of them were to return with merchandise, and 
eleven to remain in India ; they carried flfteen hundred fighting 
men, and were commanded by Dom Francisco d' Almeida, who 
went to govern in India with the title of viceroy, and gave great 
demonstrations of his prudence and courage. 

Dom Francisco d'Almeida arrived at Kilwa with only eight 
vessels, the others were separated by stress of weather, and one 
was lost, but the men were saved. He entered that port, and 
saluted as usual, but was not answered, whereupon he complained 
to the king. He at first framed excuses, and avoided coming to 
a conference, though Dom Francisco attended in the place 
appointed, which set him upon studying revenge. After a council 
held, it was resolved to erect a fort in that place, as was desired 
by King Manuel. 

Drawing a line from the southern borders of Congo across the 
continent eastward, there remains to the southward that great 
portion of Africa, to which the barbarous inhabitants have given 
no name, but was called by the Persians Kaffraria, and the 
inhabitants Kaffirs, which signifies a rude people, without law or 
government ; and our late geographers call it Ethiopia Inferior. 
Above this, on the east, runs for above two hundred leagues that 
coast which we call Zanguebar ; but the Arabians and Persians 
give this name to all the coast as far as the Cape of Good Hope. 
Above Zanguebar as far as Point Guardafui and the mouth of the 
lied Sea is that which the Arabs call Aiam or Aiana, inhabited by 
the same Arabs, and the inland by heathen blacks. 

Most of this coast is very low, and subject to inundations, 
covered with impenetrable woods, which make it excessively hot 
and unhealthy. The natives are black, of curled hair, idolaters. 



12 Records of South-Eastern Africou 

80 given to superstition that upon frivolous motives they give 
over the most important designs^ as it happened to the king of 
Kilwa at this time, who, because a black cat crossed him at his 
coming out, failed of meeting Dom Francisco d' Almeida. The 
cattle, fruity and grain are answerable to the wildness of the 
country. The Moors who inhabit the coast and adjacent islands 
are little given to tilling, and feed upon wild beasts and some 
loathsome things; those who live in the interior, and have 
commerce with the barbarous E^ffirs, make use of some milk. 

Nature has stored the country with much gold, that those 
people might inhabit it, and our covetousness, though at such 
distance, find them out. It was covetousness that first drew 
thither the Arabs, called Emozaydii, that is subjects of Zaydc, 
who built two considerable towns, only sufiicient to secure them 
against the Elafiirs. These continued so, till great numbers of 
other Arabs, who were neighbours of the city Lacah, forty leagues 
from the island Baharem in the Persian Gulf, came over thither, 
whose first plantation was Magadoxa, and afterwards Brava ; the 
former became the metropolis. The first Arabs separated from 
these, and, mixing with the Kaffirs, were called Baduiis. 

The first that had the trade of the mine of Sofala were those 
of Magadoxa, who discovered it accidentally. Thence they 
spread themselves, but never durst pass Cape Correntes, a point 
opposite to the westernmost part of the island Madagascar or 
St. Laurence, and takes its name from the violent current of 
water which often endangers ships there. But along these coasts 
they possessed themselves of Kilwa, Mombasa, Melinde, the isles 
of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and others. Kilwa was the 
chief of all their plantations, and thence many were spread, 
particularly on the coast of JIadagascar. The sea by degrees 
wearing away both sides made Kilwa an island. It bears many 
palm and thorn trees, and divers herbs and plants, cattle, wild 
beasts, and birds, much after the same manner as Spain ; the 
buildings also after our manner, flat at the top, with gardens and 
orchards behind. On one side is the royal palace, built in the 
manner of a fort ; the gate to the sea opposite to the anchoring 
place, where ours at that time were. 

Dom Francisco d' Almeida, having resolved to land, was tlie 
first that touched the shore with five hundred men. lie and his 
son Lourenjo at the same time attacked the city in two phw^es. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 13 

Oar men had euough to do to cover themselves with their shields 
from the showers of arrows that flew, yet they advanced ; but 
finding the greatest damage they received was from the tops of 
the houses, they entered and gained some of them, and thereby 
so much advantage that the king fled and set up in the field 
Portuguese colours, which stopped the current of the conquerors 
till he had got over to the continent with his wives and riches. 
The city was plundered, and not one man lost in this action, 
though a considerable number of the enemy were killed. 

Mir Abraham, now overcome, was but an usurper, but the 
forty-fourth possessor of that island, of which number many were 
tyrants like him. A kinsman of this Abraham, called Mohamed 
Anconi had been very faithful and serviceable to the Portuguese ; 
to requite him Dom Francisco ordered, when the city was 
plundered, that nothing appertaining to him should be touched ; 
and, after all was settled, sent for him, and declared him king of 
that place, putting a crown of gold upon his head with much 
pomp and ceremony. It was a wondei^ul act of moderation in 
this barbarian, that as soon as the crown was on his head, he 
declared that had the lawful king Alfudail, murdered by the 
late usurper, been living, he would have resigned that crown to 
him, but since he could not do it, he desired the son of the said 
Alfudail might be sworn hereditary prince, though he himself 
had children for whom he might covet that inheritance. 

All things being again settled, Dom Francisco in twenty days 
raised a fort, the gentlemen, captains, and he himself working 
at it. He put into it five hundred and fifty men, and left a 
caravel and a brigantine to cruise there. The 8th of August he 
set sail for Mombasa, and arrived there with thirteen sail. 

The city Mombasa is seated in an island, which is about 
fourteen leagues in circumference; it is beautiful and strong; 
before it is a large bay capable of containing many ships. Before 
he entered, two vessels were sent to sound the bar, which is 
commanded by a platform with eight pieces of cannon, which 
began to play upon them that were sounding, but they repaid 
the courtesy so fortunately that a ball falling among the enemy's 
powder did great harm, and they quitted the work. The like 
success was against two lesser works, so that our fleet entered 
without further resistance. Dom Francisco was told the king 
was prepared, and had hired fifteen hundred archers of the 



14 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Kaffirs besides his own men. He sent a message to him, but 
was not hearkened to, and only answered that the Moors of 
Mombasa were not to be frightened with the noise of cannon, 
like those of Eilwa. Dom Francisco, enraged that some men 
had been wounded, attempting to bum the ships of Cambaya 
in the port, without succeeding, landed hb men and marched to 
the city. 

He enteied the town the 15th of August, and drove the enemy 
out at the other end, and among them the king, whose palace he 
had possessed himself of and planted thereon a cross, and here 
received the news of the victory at sea, the ships having been 
burnt as he ordered. In thb action were lost five Portuguese ; 
of the Moors 1513 killed and 1200 taken, whereof he kept but 
200, discharging the rest, the ships being heavy with plunder ; 
after which the city was burnt to the ground. Some of the ships 
which had been separated by the storm joined the fleet here. 
Dom Francisco despatched two before him to carry the news of 
what he had done and the necessary orders till he came. He set 
out for India with fourteen ships. 



TOME I.— PART I.— CHAPTER IX. 

King Manuel, to secure the trade of the gold of Sofala, had 
caused a fort to be built at Kilwa, another at Mozambique, and 
a factory at Melinde. After Dom Francisco he sent out Pedro 
de Anaya with six ships to build a fort at Sofala ; three of the 
ships were to go on to India, and return with lading, the other 
three were to cruise on the coast of Sofala. One of the captains 
fell overboard, and was lost ; another had sixteen men killed in 
an island where he landed. The others found Dom Pedro de 
Anaya in the port of Sofala. He obtained leave of that king, 
and raised a fort, whereby the trade was secured, which that 
king never intended, imagining that the country being unhealthy, 
the Portuguese would be obliged to quit it. Here Anaya found 
twenty Portuguese in a miserable condition, after travelling with 
great hardships from Cape Correntes, where they were forced to 
run their ship ashore, being no longer able to keep above water. 
Their captain was Lope Sanches, whom they would not obey 
ashore, but dividing, travelled in several companies through 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 15 

those unknown countries. They were all lost except these 
twenty, and five found by Antonio de Magallanes in the river 
Quiloame, who brought them to Sofala. 



TOME L— PART I.— CHAPTER X. 

The kingdom of Sofala is a large tract of land, of seven hundred 
and fifty leagues circumference, subject to the Monomotapa, 
that is emperor of that south part of Africa called by the same 
name, or Ethiopia Inferior. It is watered by these two famous 
rivers : Rio do Espirito Santo and Cuama, the last navigable two 
hundred and fifty leagues. These, and many other rivers that 
fall into them, have golden sands. Most part of the land enjoys 
a temperate air, pleasant, wholesome, and fruitful. In part it 
bears great flocks of sheep, of the skins whereof the natives are 
clothed, because of the cold south winds. Along the banks of 
Cuama the country is mountainous, covered with woods, and 
watered with many rivers, which make it delightful, and therefore 
the best peopled, and the common residence of the Monomotapa. 
It is abundantly stocked with elephants, and consequently ivory, 
and mines of gold encompassed thirty leagues about with 
mountains, on the tops whereof the air is serene and clear. They 
are called the mines of Manika fifty leagues south-west of Sofala, 
there are others a hundred and fifty leagues distant, none there 
much valued by their owners. 

Here are some buildings of wonderful structure, with inscrip- 
tions of unknown characters, but the natives know nothing of 
their foundation. They believe in one God, under the name of 
Mozimo, and use no idols. Witchcraft, theft, and adultery are 
most severely punished by them. They have as many wives as 
they can maintain; the king's are above a thousand, but the 
first commands the others, and her children inherit. In their 
funerals they are superstitious. Their clothing is of cotton, the 
better sort mixed with some gold threads ; the houses of wood. 
The king's attendance is more ceremonious than great; his 
guard two hundred dogs, and he is always followed by five 
hundred jesters. He is sovereign over many princes, and because 
they rebel, always keeps their heirs about him. There are no 
lawsuits among them. They fight on foot ; their arms are arrows. 



16 Records of Soxdh-Eastem Africa, 

javelins or darts, daggers, and small sharp hatchets. The women 
are so much respected that if the king's son meets one he gives 
her the way, and stops till she passes. 

The Moors of Magadoxa were the first that possessed these 
mines of Sofala ; aft^r them, those of Kilwa, whose kings were 
possessed thereof till Y9uf, one of their governors, rebelled and 
usurped the sovereignty to himself, with the title of king, and 
was the same with whom Pedro de Anaya now treated ; and in 
this place he built the fort so much desired by King Manuel, 
strong though of wood. The three trading ships sailed toward 
India, under the command of Pedro Barreto. Francisco de 
Anaya was ordered by his father to secure the coast up to Cape 
Guardafui with two ships ; both vessels were lost, and the captains 
saved in their boats. 

Whilst the sea swallowed the guard of the coast, the Moors 
studied the destruction of Pedro de Anaya at Sofala. The king's 
son-in-law persuaded him to get rid of them at such time as they 
were so weak through diseases contracted by the strange air, 
that they joined six of them to bend a crossbow. The king, 
laying hold of this opportunity, surrounded the place with five 
thousand Kaffirs, and filled the ditch with faggots, then gave the 
assault, darkening the sun with showers of arrows; but our 
cannon being well played made such havoc that they filled with 
their carcases the part of the ditch they had not levelled with 
wood. Only thirty-five Portuguese who were able to carry arms 
did all this execution. Afterwards Pedro de Anaya sallied out with 
fifteen or twenty Moors, and drove the Kaffirs first to a wood of 
palm-trees, and then to their dwellings, with such consternation that 
they cried out the king of Sofala had called them to fight against 
God. Pedro de Anaya with a few men attacked the town by 
night, and entering the king's house, he stood behind the door 
with a scymitar, and as Anaya entered wounded him in the neck, 
but was soon killed with many more. Next day his sons with 
all the Moors assaulted the fort, but in vain, for the fright cured 
many of the sick, who joining in the common defence, the enemy 
was repulsed. The two brothers fell out about the succession to 
the crown, and Solim an gaining Anaya, was by him crowned, and 
for his own security made a strong alliance with, and supported 
the Portuguese. 

Cide Barbudo and Pedro Quaresma, coming with two jships 



Records of South-Eaatem Africa. 17 

from Portugal, after many misfortunes arrived at Sofala, where 
they found Pedro de Anaya and most of his men were dead, and 
the rest sick. Quaresma remained there to relieve the fort, and 
Barbudo sailing towards India, found Kilwa in the same con- 
dition, whereof he gave the viceroy an account. He sent with 
all speed Nuno Vaz Pereira to the relief of the fort, who having 
repaired it and given necessary orders, went on to Sofala. Never- 
theless the fort of Kilwa was afterwards razed by the same hands 
that built it, after having cost many lives. 



TOME I.— PAET II.— CHAPTER III. 

The viceroy Dom Francisco d'Almeida sailed from India on 
the 19th of November 1509, and had fair weather till he passed 
the Cape of Good Hope, when he said, " Now, God be praised, 
the witches of Cochin are liars, who said we should not pass this 
Cape." Near there he put into the bay of Saldanha to take 
water ; and some men going to exchange goods with the blacks, 
a servant of the viceroy treated two of them so ill, that they 
knocked out his teeth and sent him away bloody. Some gentle- 
men looking upon this as an a£front, persuaded the viceroy to go 
ashore, when they ought to have advised him to punish his 
servant for abusing people where they sought relief. This had 
been justice. He yielded, but so much against his will that as 
he went into the boat he said, *' Ah I whither and to what end do 
they now carry the sixty years ? " hereby declaring that was an 
action of raw heads. 

There went with him one hundred and fifty, the flower of the 
ships. They went on to a miserable village, and returned with 
some cattle and children, when one hundred and seventy blacks 
coming down from the mountain, whither they had fled, attacked 
them in defence of their children, casting stakes with sharp 
points hardened at the fire, so furiously that in a little time they 
killed fifty gentlemen, and among them the viceroy, who died 
kneeling on the sand, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, stuck 
through the throat with one of these stakes. George de Mello 
returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when he thought 
the blacks were withdrawn, went ashore and buried the viceroy 
and the rest. This was a manifest judgment of God, that so few 

c 



18 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

unanned barbarians should overcome those who had done such 
noble actions in India. George de Mello carried the news to 
Lisbon, where it was received with great grief. 



TOME n.— PAET IL— CHAPTEE IX. 

1552. The ambassador was one Diogo Gomes d'Almeida, who 
was lost in the unfortunate ship in which Manuel de Sousa e 
Sepulveda was cast away with his wife Dona Leonor de Albu- 
querque e Sky who, being put ashore at the Cape of Good Hope, 
endured incredible hardships, and at length died miserably, 
giving occasion to sundry relations that are spread about the 
world, which being in part false, I shall here give a brief account 
of the whole matter. 

They got ashore at the Cape of Good Hope, to the number of 
five hundred and thirty souls, and at first marched in good order, 
with colours and a crucifix on high, designing for Mozambique. 
They began their march the 3rd of July, and about the end of it 
several were left behind famished, and among them a natural son 
of Manuel de Sousa. Dona Leonor marched on foot, for those 
who had carried her were no longer able to support themselves. 
At the end of three months and a half they came to the cottages 
of Inhaca, a little prince on the banks of the river Do Espirito 
Santo. This good old man entertained them with great kindness, 
offering to relieve them till some Portuguese ships came to the 
neighbouring shores, whereof his people had always notice. He 
also warned them that further on was the little prince Ofumo, 
who would do them all the harm he could if tliey proceeded on 
their journey. Manuel de Sousa following his destiny went on ; 
but seeing that of five hundred and thirty persons he had but 
one hundred and twenty left, and that his wife Dona Leonor 
could hardly go farther, taking her turn with the slaves in 
carrying her little children, he began to show some signs of 
distraction, which was an incredible grief to his wife, who doted 
on him. 

Being come to Ofumo's country, forgetting the warning 
Inhaca had given, he trusted him, and resolved there to wait for 
Portuguese ships. Ofumo designed to rob him, but feared his 
men's arms. He persuaded him to deliver them up, and he sliould 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 19 

have all necessaries abundantly provided, pretending his subjects 
did not supply him for fear. Notwithstanding all persuasions to 
the contrary, he delivered them, and had scarce done it when he 
was robbed of all his jewels, and only their clothes left them. 
At this he became quite mad, and his wife taking him by one 
hand and her son in the other, her slaves following and some 
few men, they went on till the Kaffirs fell upon them and stripped 
them. 

Dona Leonor endeavoured to defend herself to no purpose and 
with hazard of her life, till her husband persuaded her to choose 
the lesser evil ; but she thought it less ill to die than to be seen 
naked by any but her husband. As soon as she was stripped, she 
made her slaves stand about her, and sitting down on the sand, 
made a hole where she covered herself to the waist. Then look- 
ing upon the pilot Andres Vaz, she said " You see how God 
permits, as a punishment of my sins, that my husband, children, 
and I perish in this miserable manner ; if you get to Portugal or 
India, give an account of it." The pilot, not able to return an 
answer for grief, went whatever way chance guided him. Manuel 
de Sousa had run to the wood to gather some wild fruit for his 
wife and children, who were perishing with hunger, and returning 
found one dead and her with the other scarce alive. He buried 
the dead child, and returned for more fruit, but too late, for when 
he came thiBy were both dead. After pausing a while, he made a 
hole and buried his son, and then his wife ; after which he ran 
into the thickest of the wood without once looking back. Three 
of his slaves got to India, who gave this relation, as others who 
reached Mozambique did of other passages. Among these was 
Sebastian de Sa. 



TOME II.— PART II.— CHAPTER X. 

1554. The viceroy despatched the ships for Portugal. That 
of Fernando Alvares Cabral was cast away at Aguada de S. Bras. 
Some of the men got ashore in boats. After a tedious journey by 
land, Cabral and Dom Alvaro de Noronha with his family were 
drowned in a river. 



c 2 



20 Tteeords of SouthrEastem Africa. 



TOME II.— PART III.— CHAPTER V. 

1567. This year our great poet Luis de Camoens was at Sofala. 
Being very poor in India, where he served sixteen years, Pedro 
Barreto, who was going to command at Sofala, promised him 
great things, and Camoens, finding nothing came of them, after 
waiting long resolved to come to Portugal in a ship that had 
touched there, in which was Hector de Silveira and other gentle- 
men. Being about to depart, Pedro Barreto, who had made those 
promises not to prefer him but divert himself, demanded two 
hundred ducats he said he had spent upon him, and those gentle- 
men paid the money and brought him away. So it may be said 
that Luis de Camoens' person and Barreto's honour were at once 
sold for that money. He arrived at Lisbon the year 15G9, when 
the plague raged in that city, so that famous man always flying 
one plague fell into another. 



TOME II.— PART III.— CHAPTER XIL 

King Sebastian, thinking the government of India as it was 
then extended too great a burden for one man, divided it into 
three parts : the first from Cape Guardafui to the island Ceylon, 
which is that of India; the second from Cape Correntes to 
Guardafui, which is Monomotapa ; the third from Pegu to China, 
which is that of Malacca. The first was given to Dom Antonio 
de Noronha, with the title of viceroy ; the second \o Francisco 
Barreto, and the third to Antonio Moniz Barreto, both styled 
governors. 

TOME II.— PART IIL— CHAPTER XV. 

The Oovemment of Francisco Barreto in Mononwtapa beginning in 
tlie year 1569, in the reign of King Sebastian. 

When Francisco Barreto returned to Portugal, after having 
been governor of India, he was appointed admiral of the galleys : 
he exercised this command at the time of that memorable action 
of Pennon, by which ho gained great reputation. Being come 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 21 

back to Lisbon, and the king resolved to make that division of 
governments, he named him for Monomotapa, with the additional 
title of Conqueror of the Mines there. The great inducement to 
this conquest was the information and experience of the vast 
quantity of gold found, particularly at Manika in the kingdom of 
Makaranga. 

The doubt was whether it was proper for a man who had been 
governor of all our dominions in Asia and this southern part of 
Africa, to accept of this, which was the least considerable part 
into which it was divided, but the danger and diflSculty of it 
made amends for the greatness. Three things prevailed with 
him to accept of it : the first, that he was poor ; the second, that 
he thought it no lessening to take a less command in obedience 
to his prince ; and the third, that it was allowed him in case the 
viceroy and he met at sea, their power should be equal in all 
respects. 

In fine, Francisco Barreto submitted to the king's command 
and the desires of his country, and sailed from Lisbon in April 
1569 as captain-general and governor of that conquest, with 
tliree ships. He carried one thousand landmen, and might have 
had more if the vessels could have contained them, for the noise 
of gold drowned the thoughts of danger, and nothing raises men 
like the thoughts of gain. Among these were many gentlemen 
and old African soldiers. Being come to Mozambique, he went 
to subdue the king of Pate, who was revolted from us. 

Barreto had orders not to undertake anything without the 
advice of Francisco de Monclaros, a Jesuit, who was the cause of 
the ill success of this enterprise, so great an error is it to subject 
a soldier to a religious man, so indiscreet a presumption for a 
religious man to undertake what does not belong to his profession. 
There were two ways to the mines : the one through Monomotapa, 
the other by Sofala. Barreto was for this, Monclaros for the 
other and carried it, notwithstanding all the votes to the contrary, 
and so the first step they gave was to their ruin. 

Now the governor enters upon this conquest, let us say some- 
thing of its climate, quality, and extent. The coast from Capo 
Delgado to Mozambique is in the form of a bow ; it begins in 9*^ 
of S. latitude, and ends in 14"^ 3', in which space are the islands 
of Pajaros, Mesa, one at the mouth of the river Pandagi, Mocoloe, 
Matemo, Queriba, Cobra, near the river Mouluane, Quisve, and 



22 Beoorda of South-Eastem Africa. 

Cabras, or Do Apoutado. Then follow the rivers Mucutii, Mucn- 
lulo, Situ, Habe, Xanga, Samoca, Veloso, Pimba, Quizinaaluco, 
Tintagone. Between these last are the bays of Xanga and Fuego, 
and the sands of Pinda. From Mozambique to the port of the 
bay of Cauca, in 21^° S. latitude, the continent runs to the west- 
ward, gathering the waters, where appears the shoal of Sofala, the 
dangerous Scylla and Charybdis of those seas, into which fall 
these rivers : Mocugo, Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoale, Sangage, 
Ambuzi (here lie the three islands of Angoya), Monio, Macolongo 
(with three other ishmds), Tondamaje, Corombeca, Quesungo, 
Loranga, Chimani, Mogundo, Mafuta (between the last are the 
ports of Quilimane and Luabo, with the island Chingoma), 
Tendiculu, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miave, Sofala (with the island 
in front called Inhansato), Quiloane, Mambony, Molimon, 
Quilamancobi. Between Cape Bosiqua in 32 degrees of south 
latitude and Cape Correntes in 23 is the great bay of Sauca. 
Into this bay falls the river Inhambane, where is the trade of 
ivory. From these names I infer the language of those people 
cannot be harsh, being mostly compounded of the soft letters 
1 and m. 

The empire of Monomotapa from the mouth of Cuama in the 
east runs two hundred and fifty leagues, is divided by the great 
river Zambesi, which falls into that of Chiri, running through 
the country of Bororo, where are many other large rivers, and on 
their banks many kings, some absolute, some subjects of Mono- 
motapa. The greatest of the first is Mongas, bordering on Sena 
and the Zambesi, which falls into the sea between Mozambique 
and Sofala, to the south-east by four mouths : the first that of 
Quilimane, 90 leagues from Mozambique, the second Cuama, 
25 to the southward, the third Luabo, 5 leagues lower, and 
the fourth Luaboel, 15 more to the south. Between them are 
fruitful and large islands, whereof one is sixty leagues in com- 
pass. The river is navigable the same number of leagues up to 
the town of Sena, inhabited by Portuguese, and as many more 
to Tete, a colony of theirs also. The richest mines are those of 
Masapa, called Aufur, the Ophir where the queen of Sheba had 
her riches, when she went to Jerusalem. In these mines has 
been found a lump of gold worth twelve thousand ducats. It is 
not only found among stones, but grows up within the bark of 
several trees to the top where the branches spread. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 23 

The mines of Manchica and Butica are not much inferior to 
these. There are many others not so considerable. There are 
three fairs or markets, whither our people trade for this gold 
from the castle of Tete on the river Zambesi, 120 leagues from 
the sea : the first is Luane, four days' journey up the inland ; the 
second Buento, farther distant ; and Masapa the third, yet farther 
off. This gold was purchased for cloth, glass beads, and other 
things of no value among us. At Masapa resides a Portuguese 
oflScer appointed by the commander of Mozambique, by consent 
of the emperor of Monomotapa, but upon condition not to go into 
the country without his leave upon pain of death. He is judge 
of the differences that arise there. There are churches of the 
Dominicans at Masapa, Bocuto, and Luanze. 

The original number and time of the reign of the kings is not 
known ; it is believed there were several in the time of the queen 
of Sheba, and that they were subject to her, for thence she had 
her gold. In the mountain Afur, near Masapa, are seen the 
ruins of stately buildings, supposed to be palaces and castles. In 
process of time the empire was divided into three kingdoms: 
Quiteve, Sabanda, and Chicanga, this last the most powerful, as 
possessing the mines of Manchica, Butua, and others. It is 
believed the blacks of Butua of the kingdom of Chicanga are 
those that carry the gold to Angola, because it is thought there 
are but one hundred leagues distance between those two places. 
This country bears rice and what wo call Indian wheat, has 
abundance of all sorts of cattle, fowl, and gardening. Their chief 
care is pasturage and tillage. This empire is divided into 
twenty-five kingdoms, which are Mongas, Baroe, Manica, Boesa, 
Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquiza, Inakanzo, 
Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mungussi, Anturaza, 
Chove, Chungue, Diza, Romba, Rassini, Chirac, Mocaranga, and 
Remo de Beza. There are many lordships that have not the title 
of kings. 

The emperor has a great palace, though of wood; the chief 
apartments in it are three : one for himself, another for his wife, 
and a third for his menial servants. It has three doors into a 
court : one for the queen to go in and out at, another for him 
and the servants that attend his person and are sons of his noble- 
men, the third for his cooks, who are two great men and his 
relations^ and the under-cooks who are also men of quality. 



24 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

None of these must be above twenty years of age, for till that 
age they do not believe they have to do with women, and if any 
do they aro severely punished ; after that time they are preferred 
to great employments. Those within doors are governed by a 
captain, and those without by another, as formerly in Spain. 

The principal oflScers about the king are Ningomoxa, governor 
of the kingdoms ; Macomoaxa, captain-general ; Ambuya, great 
steward, to him it belongs when the Mazarira, or the king's 
principal wife, dies, to name another in her stead, but it must be 
one of the king's sisters or nearest relations; Inhantovo, the 
head musician, who has many under him, and is a great lord ; 
Nurucao, captain of the vanguard ; Bucurumo, which signifies 
the king's right hand ; Magande, the chief conjuror ; Netambe, 
the apothecary that keeps the ointments and utensils for sorcery ; 
Nehono, chief porter. All these offices are executed by lords. 
There is no delicacy in cookery used; they only eat boiled and 
roasted ; tliey eat the same as is usual with us, with the addition 
of mice, which they esteem as good as partridge or rabbit. 

The king has many wives, only nine called great queens, which 
are his sisters or near relations, the others the daughters of nobles. 
The chiefest is called Mazarira, and mother of the Portuguese, 
who often present her, because she solicits their business with the 
king, and he sends no ambassador to them without some servants 
of hers ; the second is Inahanda, that solicits for the Moors ; the 
third Nabuiza, that lives in the same apartment with him ; the 
fourth Navemba ; the fifth Nemangore ; the sixth Nizingoapangi ; 
the seventh Negangoro; the eighth Nessani; the ninth Neca- 
runda. Each of them lives apart, with as great state as the king, 
and have several revenues and kingdoms for their expense. As 
soon as one dies, another succeeds in place and name. They 
have power to reward and punish, as well as the king. Some- 
times he goes to them, sometimes they come to him. There are 
many women waiting on them, of whom he makes use as he 
pleases. 

The principal people of Monomotapa, and whereof the emperor 
is, are the Mocaranga, not warlike, nor furnished with any other 
arms but bows, arrows, and javelins. They have no religion nor 
idols, but acknowledge one only God, arid believe there is a devil, 
that he is wicked, and they call him Muzuco. They believe 
their kings go to heaven, and call them Muzimos, and call ui>on 



JRecords of Sovih-Eastem Africa. 25 

them in time of need, as we on the saints. They speak of things 
past by tradition, having no knowledge of letters. They give 
ear to the doctrine of Christianity : the lame and blind they call 
the king's poor, because maintained by him with great charity, 
and if they travel the towns they go through are obliged to 
maintain and furnish them guides from one place to another : a 
good example for Christians. 

Every month has its festival days, and is divided into three 
weeks, each of ten days ; the first day is that of the new moon, 
and the festivals the fourth and fifth of each week. On these 
days they put on their best apparel, the king gives public 
audience to all, holding a truncheon about three quarters of a 
yard long in each hand, as it were leaning upon it ; they who 
speak to him lie prostrate ; this lasts from morning till evening. 
If he is indisposed Ningomoxa stands in his place ; nobody can 
speak to him or go to court on the eighth day of the new moon, 
because it is held most unlucky. 

On the day the new moon appears, the king with two javelins 
runs about in his house as if he were fighting, the great men are 
present at this pastime, and it being ended, a pot full of Indian 
wheat, boiled whole, is brought, which he scatters about the 
ground, bidding them eat, because it is the growth of the earth ; 
they know how to flatter, for every one strives to gather most, 
knowing that pleases bim, and they eat it as savourly as if it were 
the greatest dainty. 

Their greatest holy day is the first day of the moon of May, 
they call it Chuavo. On this day all the great men, which are a 
great number, resort to court, and there with javelins in their 
hands run about representing a fight. The sport lasts all day. 
Then the king withdraws, and is not seen in eight days after, 
during which time the drums never cease beating. On tlie last 
day he orders the nobleman he has the least ajQection for to be 
killed; this is in the nature of a sacrifice to his Muzimos or 
ancestors ; this done, the drums cease, and every man goes home. 
The Mumbos eat man's flesh, whereof there is a public butchery. 
Let this suflice for the customs of this empire, for it would be 
endless to relate all. 



26 Records of SovilirEastem Africa. 

TOME II.— PART III.— CHAPTER XVL 

Continues the Oovernment of Francisco Barreto in Monomotapa. 

Such was the country whither the governor Francisco Barreto 
was now going. He set out from Mozambique with more vessels 
than he brought^ and more men, tools, camels, horses, and other 
necessaries for war and for the work of the mines ; having sailed 
ninety leagues, he went up the river Cuama, called by our first 
discoverer Dos bons sinaes, he came to Sena, or Fort St. Mar^al, 
as Friar Monclaros desired, and repaired the town Inaparapala, 
which is near to another of the Moors. They being always 
professed enemies to the Christians, began to undermine our 
designs, as they had formerly done in India. They attempted to 
poison our army, and some men and horses began to die, and the 
cause being discovered by one of them, they were all put to the 
sword, and the chief of them torn to pieces at the mouths of guns, 
except one (called Mahomet Jame), who, affirming the Blessed 
Virgin had appeared to him and commanded him to become a 
Christian by the name of Lawrence, had the favour to be strangled. 
The discoverer was pardoned. 

Barreto sent an ambassador to the emperor, who for the more 
honour admitted him to his presence, not as other ambassadors 
were treated at this court, which is to go without arms, bare- 
footed, on their knees, and when they come near, prostrating 
themselves on the ground. The effect of the embassy was to 
desire leave to punish the King of Mongas, who was in rebellion, 
and go on to the mines of Butua and Manchica. The first part 
was a piece of flattery to obtain the second, because the lands of 
Mongas lie between Sena and the mines, and it was necessary to 
make way with the sword. He consented to all, and offered one 
hundred thousand men. Barreto accepted not of them, because 
he would give him no share in the honour gained in that war, 
and thinking thereby to oblige him the more. 

He marched ten days with twenty-three horse and five hundred 
and sixty musqueteers (enduring much by hunger and thirst), for 
the most part along the river Zambesi, over whose most rapid 
stream hang pieces of the high mountain Lupata, ninety leagues 
distant from the Ethiopian sea. At the end of this tedious 
march they began to discover part of the enemy, and soon after 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 27 

saw the mountains and valleys covered with armed men. The 
governor was not daunted, seeing it was hard to discover the end 
of that multitude: he drew up, and gave the van to Vasco 
Fernandes Homem ; he had the rear, and between the bodies was 
the baggage and some field-pieces. When they came to charge, 
he removed the cannon to the front and flanks ; the two unequal 
bodies advanced, the enemy in the form of a half moon ; before 
they engaged, an old woman advanced and scattered some powder 
towards our men, having persuaded the enemy (she was a notorious 
witch) that that powder alone would gain the victory. 

Barre to understanding the superstition, having seen the like in 
India, ordered a gunner to level a piece at her, which was so well 
performed that the old woman was torn to pieces. The Kaffirs 
were astonished, believing her immortal. Barreto rewarded the 
guoner with a gold chain. The enemy advanced without order, 
either through ignorance or relying on their multitude, and 
clouds of arrows and darts began to fly, but our musqueteers killing 
them by hundreds, they turned their backs. Many were killed 
in the pursuit, and then our men were ordered to halt. The 
governor marched to the city Mongas, and met another multitude 
like the former, which in like manner was put to flight. Above 
six thousand Kaffirs were slain, and two of our men, and the 
governor was forced to alight and lead his men. The city was 
entered without opposition, being abandoned. Our men en- 
trenched, and in the morning discovered an army as great as both 
the former. The KaflBrs were again routed, and begged peace in 
the king's name. The governor received the messenger with such 
majesty that he was astonished, and could not speak ; being come 
to himself, and having delivered his message, Barreto promised 
he would see the king and matters should be adjusted. 

The next day our men marched and encamped in a convenient 
place, where ambassadors came from the king to treat of peace. 
It happened that one of our camels broke loose and came so near 
the governor that he stopped bim till they came up that were in 
pursuit of him. The Kaffirs having never seen such a beast, 
admired it stopped at the governor, thinking it some submission 
it made to him, and began to ask some questions. He, making 
his advantage of their ignorance, told them he had many of those 
beasts that only fed upon man's flesh, and having devoured all 
that were killed, that beast came from the rest to desire he would 



28 Records of SotUlirEastem Africa* 

not make peace, because they would come to want food. They, 
astonished hereat, earnestly entreated him he would desire the 
camels to be satisfied with good beef, and they would instantly 
bring them a good number. He granted their request, and 
marched on. He was in great distress for provisions when news 
came that his presence was required at Mozambique. He gave 
the command of the forces to Yasco, and departed. The cause 
was this : 

Antonio Pereira Brandam, who at the Maluccas had committed 
crimes that deserved the severest punishment, in Portugal was 
condemned to banishment into Africa ; he desired the governor 
he might be permitted to go with him to Monomotapa ; he did 
it, and being come to Mozambique, gave him the command of 
that fort. Brandam, though eighty years of age and under such 
obligations, resolved to secure himself in the fort, and defame 
Francisco Barreto with false information sent to the king. The 
original papers fell into the governor's hands, who, being come to 
Mozambique, showed them to him, and he falling down and 
kissing his feet begged pardon; Barreto lifted him up and 
forgave him, then giving the command of the fort to Lourenfo 
Godino, returned to prosecute his design. 

Our governor being come to the fort of Sena, Father Monclaros 
came out in a great rage to tell him he should desist from that 
conquest, with which he had imposed upon the king, that no 
more men might be lost, for he should be answerable to God for 
what had and should die. It was Inost certain Barreto was not 
the promoter of that conquest, and Monclaros was in fault for all 
the miscarriage that had been committed. Barreto took this 
insolence so much to heart that he died within two days without 
any other sickness, breathing out his soul in sighs. Doubtless 
the Father had more to answer for his death, than he for the 
miscarriage the Father was guilty of. 

King Sebastian much resented this loss, and particularly 
expressed it by the honourable reception he made to his body 
when brought to Lisbon. So this great man having escaped so 
many bullets among the Indians, so many darts and arrows 
among the KafBrs, and the malice of a villain, fell by the words 
of a religious man. 



Records of Soufh-Eastem Africa. 29 



TOME IL— PART III.— CHAPTER XVIL 

The Government of Vasco Fernandes Eomem in Monomotapa, in 

the Beiffn of King Sebastian, 

The governor Francisco Barreto being dead, an order of the 
king's found among his papers was opened, by which Vasco 
Fernandes Homem, his major, was appointed to succeed him. 
The persuasions of Father Monclaros, who now disliked the 
conquest, so far prevailed with him that, forgetting his duty, he 
returned to Mozambique. There some understanding persons, 
and chiefly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, his kinsman, represented 
this affair in such manner to him that he returned to Monomotapn. 
Being now delivered of that religious man, who went away to 
Portugal, he set out bv the way of Sofala, as Francisco Barreto 
would have done, that being the most proper road for the design 
in hand. He marched directly towards the mines of Manchica 
of the kingdom Chicanga, bordering by the inland with that of 
Quiteve, the next in power to Monomotapa. With him was the 
same number of men and sorts of instruments his predecessor had. 
To oblige the king of Quiteve, he complimented him and sent 
him presents, and though these are the most efficacious means to 
make all things easy, that prince grew so jealous of these 
solicitations that he received all very coldly. 

The governor, not making much account of his answer, marched 
into his kingdom. Several bodies of Kaffirs attempted to stop 
his passage, but were routed with great slaughter. The king, 
seeing he did not prevail by force of arms, had recourse to policy. 
He caused all the people and provisions to be withdrawn from 
the towns and country, so that our men suffered extreme want 
till they came to Zimbaoe, his court, whence he was fled, and had 
fortified himself in inaccessible mountains. Vasco burnt the city, 
and marched on to Chicanga, the king whereof, rather through 
fear than love, received him with exterior signs of affection, and 
gave him free passage to the mines. Our men marched to them, 
many believing they should gather gold by handfuls ; but seeing 
the natives with much difficulty gathered but little in a long 
time, and not being expert at that work, and that to make any- 
thing of it more men and materials were requisite, they returned 
the way they came, and parted friends with that king. 



30 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Though they obtained not what was sought this way, yet the 
ease wherewith they came to the place designed evinced how 
great an error it was to impose Father Blonclaros as director to 
the late governor, who, only to follow his own extravagant 
humour, led him a way so dangerous and tedious. Vasco returned 
to Quite ve, and that king did now for fear what he refused 
before, permitting the Portuguese to march to the mines of 
Maninnas, only upon condition they should pay him twenty 
crowns yearly. Vasco passed thence to the kingdom of Chicova, 
bordering upon Monomotapa to the northward along the inland. 
The cause of undertaking this march was the account he had of 
rich silver mines. Having encamped, he asked the Kaffirs for 
the mines, and they, seeing it was in vain to resist, and fearing 
the discovery of the mines would bo their ruin, scattering some 
ore far enough from the mines, showed it, telling them there 
they were. 

By this means the Kaffirs got time to escape, for our men, 
giving credit to them, let them go, perhaps not desiring they 
should see what treasure they got. The governor CiUised all 
round about to be dug, and after much labour it was no wonder 
he did not find what was not there. Provisions growing scarce, 
and finding no fruit of his labour, he marched away, leaving 
Captain Antonio Cardoso d' Almeida with two hundred men and 
necessaries to continue there some days, to examine into the 
truth of that so much coveted corner of the earth. 

Vasco being gone, Cardoso suffered himself to bo again 
deceived by the Kaffirs, who had before imposed upon him. 
They offered, since he could not find a vein there, they would 
show him a place where he might ; and leading him the way of 
death rather than that of the mines, killed him and all his men, 
after they had defended themselves with incredible bravery. This 
may convince those who affirm that numbers of Kaffirs would fly 
from a gun, as not having before seen them, since here two 
hundred men fighting with them for their lives were all slain by 
their darts and arrows. 

This was the end of that government, sc^xrce begun sooner 
than ended, and possessed by two governors who no sooner saw 
than they lost it : the first killed by rash words, the second 
expelled by a prudent, not barbarous, stratagem. However, the 
peace and trade with the emperor of Monomotapa continued. 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 31 

These actions of Francisco Barreto and Vasco Femandes Homem 
were in the time of the government of Dom Luis de Ataide, 
Dom Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Monis Barreto ; but we 
could never exactly find when the first died and the last desisted. 



TOME III— PART I.— CHAPTER III. 

1585. Fifteen years before this time there came upon the 
country of Mozambique such an inundation of Kaffirs that they 
could not be numbered. They came from tliat part of Mono- 
motapa where is the great lake out of which spring those great 
rivers whose source was formerly unknown. To these were joined 
the Kaffirs Macabire and Ambei, and other borderers upon 
Abyssinia. With them came their wives and families as those 
that sought new countries to inhabit, their own not being able to 
contain them. Their choice food human flesh, and for want of 
it that of beasts. They left no other signs of the towns they 
passed by but the heaps of ruins and bones of the inhabitants. 
For want of them they ate their own, beginning by the sick and 
aged, so that doubtless fathers became food to their children. 
The women, deformed and hardy, carry their goods on their 
backs, and in sight use the bow as dexterously as the men. 
These march in armour, and wherever they halt fortify themselves. 

Hierome de Andrade, from the castle of Tete, sent out a party 
of musqueteers, who firing among that multitude killed some to 
their great astonishment, having never before seen that sort of 
arms, that they fled without looking back. In two encounters 
above five thousand were slain. They stopped not till they came 
to the country of Mozambique, having destroyed all in their way 
like a fiery inundation. This place was approved of by Mambea^ 
commander of about six thousand, and he began to build a fort 
and towns two leagues from Mozambique. The fort of Cuama, 
where Nuno Velio Pereira commanded, was much incommoded 
by them, he therefore sent out Antonio Rodrigues Pimentel, or 
Pinto, with four hundred men, four of them Portuguese, who 
unexpectedly falling on the barbarians, slew a V6tst number and 
burnt the fort, but retiring in disorder, they fell upon and killed 
him and all his men, except three Portuguese and very few blacks. 
All the dead were eaten by the victorious Kaffirs, except their 
heads, hands, and feet. 



32 Records of Sovih-Easteni Africa. 

Since this relation has brought us to Mozambique, it will not 
be amiss to give some account of that country. It is full of 
orchards and fruit-trees, especially citron, lemon and orange 
trees, has all sorts of tame and wild beasts, as in Europe, and an 
infinite number of elephants. The people feed on Indian wheat. 
The woods are of ebony, a high tree, bearing a leaf like that of 
our apple-trees, the fruit like medlars but not eatable ; from the 
ground upward it is so covered with thorns that it is difficult to 
come at ; where one is cut down another never grows ; the bark 
of it is as susceptible of fire as tinder. There is another sort of 
a yellowish colour that is of value. The best manna is produced 
here. Among the fish of that river there is one as devouring as 
crocodiles ; no man in reach escapes them, but they touch not 
women, so great is the privilege of that sex. One of these of a 
prodigious bigness was taken that had gold rings in the ears. It 
was supposed to be some piece of witchcraft of the Kaffirs, to clear 
the river of those dangerous monsters. 



TOME III.-PART I.— CHAPTER IV. 

1587. The king of Melinde, always most faithful to us since 
our first discoveries in Asia, advertised the viceroy how pre- 
judicial to our ajQairs what Mir Alibet had done with the galley 
of Mocha would prove. And indeed this was a great step towards 
the Turk's design of possessing himself of the mines of Sofala 
and Cuama, the king of Mombasa having given him leave to 
raise a fort there. The viceroy hereupon consulted the men of 
most experience in those affairs, and the resolution was that a 
considerable fleet must be sent to stop their further progress. 
Eighteen sail were fitted out, and the command of them given to 
Martim Affonso de Mello Pombeiro. 

They came to an anchor in the port of Ampaza, because that 
being the first place that offended, it was thought fit to punish it 
first, as also because that king, relying on his fortifications and 
four thousand armed men, had executed Joao Rabelo for not 
renouncing the Christian faith. Our men assaulted the town in 
two bodies. The first met great opposition, and slew the king, 
then making their way, both parties entered the town, sparing 
neither women nor children. The town and vessels in the port 



Beeorda of SatUh-Eastem Africa. 33 

were burnt, whilst the woods were cut down. Ten days were 
spent in destroying all, with the loss of only four men on our 
part. 

The king of Pate, seeing this ruin, submitted, he of Lusiva 
fled to the mountains, and our admiral gave this kingdom to a 
matron, who had been deposed by him that fled, and came now 
to plead her right. The king of Mombasa at first made show as 
if he would oppose us, having got together seven thousand men, 
but afterwards fled out of the island, and from the top of a 
mountain beheld the flames that consumed his city. 

The commander of Mozambique, Dom Jorge de Meneses, was 
not idle, but still employed against the Moors, who endeavoured 
to settle themselves in the trade of those parts of the island 
Madagascar that lay opposite to him. Many of ours were slain, 
and among them Friar Joao of S. Thom6, a Dominican, who 
preached the faith to those infidels. 



TOME III.— PART L— CHAPTER VII. 

1589. The ships that were homeward bound being despatched, 
Dom Paul de Lima embarked in that called the 8t Thomas^ 
whereof Stephen de Vega was captain. On the coast of Natal 
she sprang a leak in the stern, and a storm raging she could not 
be kept above water, though they threw overboard all the riches 
that were in her. 

The boat being launched, all strove to perish in it, because 
they would have it hold all that the ship contained. Several 
were killed upon this occasion, and Dom Paul, standing on the 
side with his sword drawn, could in no way prevent it. At 
length those that the boat could not contain returned to the 
ship. The women were let down and almost drowned before 
they were taken in, because it could not come to the ship's side. 
Dona Joanna de Mendoza going into it, left behind a daughter 
but two years old, and calling for her afterwards, could not get 
her, because the nurse would not let the child go unless they 
would take her with it. 

The boat was not far from the ship when they saw it swallowed 
up by the sea. It was yet worse, that being overloaded with one 
hundred and twenty persons, and there being no other remedy 

D 



34 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

left, they were forced to throw some into the sea, who immediately 
sank. The boat came to the shore. 

Ninety-eight persons, men and women, landed, several of them 
gentlemen of note, their wives, and some friars, one of which, 
after having confessed the people in the ship, would have stayed 
to die with them, that he might be aiding to them in that last 
hour. They marched in good order, a friar going before with a 
crucifix on high. The women put themselves into men's habit, 
after the Indian manner, that their coats might not be a hindrance 
to them in going. 

The place where tbey landed is called by the Portuguese the 
country of the Fumos, by the natives " of the Macomatos," being 
inhabited by Kaffirs of this name. It is in the latitude of 
27 degrees 20 minutes, beyond the river of Simon Dote, fifty 
leagues south of the bay of Lourenpo Marques. All the land of 
the Fumos belongs to the king of Virangune, and runs thirty 
leagues up the inland, bordering on the south with the country 
of Mocalapata, the king whereof extends his dominion to the 
upper part of the river St. Lucia, in the latitude of 28 degrees 
15 minutes, and to the kingdom of Vambe, that contains a great 
part of Terra de Natal From henre to the Cape of Good Hope 
there are no kings, but Ancozes or lords of villages. Next the 
kingdom of Virangune is that of Inhaca, towards the north-east 
to the point of the bay of Louren^o, in 25 degrees 45 minutes of 
south latitude, and has two islands opposite to it called Choam- 
bone and Setimuro, the last not inhabited is the receptacle of 
the Portuguese that resort thither to buy ivory. 

About the bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as Beligane, 
Manica, Espirito Santo, Vumo, Anzate, and Angomane. At 
Vumo died Dona Leonor and her children, and Manuel de Sousa 
was lost. Anzate runs along the edge of vast inaccessible moun- 
tains covered with herds of elephants, the people of a gigantic 
stature. In the latitude of 25 degrees the river Dos Keys or 
Do Ouro falls into the sea, west of which are the kingdoms of 
Innapula and Manuca. From this place to Cape Correntes the 
sea makes a great bay, along which inhabit the Mocrangas, 
notable thieves. Opposite to the point St. Sebastian are the 
islands of Bazaruta, and not far from it the kingdom of Innabuze, 
that reaches to the river Innarigue ; then that of Pande, bordering 
on the other Monnibene, which extends to that of Zavara in the 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 35 

inland. Near these are the kingdoms of Gamba and Mocuraba, 
next to it is Gape Correntes. 

After suffering much hunger, thirst, and weariness, and being 
persecuted by thieves, they came to the town of the king of 
Manica, by whom they were courteously received and entertained. 
He offered them to live in his town, or in the island (where we 
said before the Portuguese used to reside during the time of their 
stay) till such time as Portuguese merchants came thither. They 
accepted of the island, where some died. Being ill-accommodated 
there, they passed over in boats to the other side of the continent, 
and in the passage were parted. Some few got to the fort of 
Sofala, others to the king of Inhaca's town, where were some 
Portuguese traders who had also suffered shipwreck. Here after 
enduring great hardships, many died. 

Dom Paul de Lima ended his daysj and was there buried on 
the shore. Such as escaped death a long time after went over to 
Ghoa. Among these were three women: Dona Mariansi, Dona 
Joana Mendo9a, who after led a solitary life, and Dona Beatrix, 
wife to Dom Paul, who carried his bones to Goa, then went to 
Portugal, and married again at Oporto. 



TOME III.— PART I.— CHAPTER VIII. 

1592. Let us go to Mozambique, where there happened a great 
loss. Our commander of Tete had some skirmishes with the 
KafiSrs our enemies. Tete is a fort of that authority that all the 
neighbours for three leagues about, divided under eleven captains, 
obey the commander of it, as each does their own, and upon the 
least signal given resort thither, to the number of two thousand 
armed men. With these Kaffirs and some Portuguese he marched 
against Quisura, captain of the Mumbo Kaffirs, who was at 
Chicarongo. Six hundred of these gave him battle, and were cut 
off every man of them, whereby many prisoners were released, 
who were to have been slaughtered like cattle for the shambles, 
theirs being of human flesh. The tyrant Quisura was also killed, 
who used to pave the way to his habitation with the skulls of 
those he had overcome. 

Andre de Santiago, commander of the fort of Sena, designing 
as much against the Muzimbas, found them so well fortified he 

D 2 



36 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

was obliged to send to Pedro Femandes de Chaves, commander 
of Tete, for aid. Chaves marched with some Portuguese mus- 
queteers and the Kaffirs under his command ; but the Muzimbas, 
being informed of it and fearing the conjunction of those forces, 
fell upon him so unexpectedly that they slew him and all his 
Portuguese, being advanced before their Kaffirs, who thereby had 
time to retire. The victors quartered the dead for food, and 
returned with them to their works. Friar Nicolam of the Kosary, 
a Dominican, was reserved from this general slaughter, and after- 
wards shot to death with arrows. 

Next day the Muzimbas marched out of their works after their 
leader, who had put on the Casula or vestment taken from the 
martyred priest, and holding a dart in his right hand and the 
chalice in the left. The men carried the commander of Tete's 
head on a spear, and the quarters of the Portuguese on their 
backs. Andre de Santiago, astonished at that sight, thought to 
retire by night, but the enemy falling upon him he was killed 
with most of his men, so that in both actions above one hundred 
and thirty of them were cut in pieces, to be buried in those 
barbarous bellies. 

Dom Pedro de Sousa, commander of Mozambique, under whose 
jurisdiction Tete is, set out with two hundred Portuguese and 
fifteen hundred Kaffirs to take revenge on these Muzimbas. He 
battered their works, but with no success, and endeavouring to 
scale them was repulsed. Being likely to succeed by raising 
gabions as high as their trenches, he was prevented by some 
cowardly Portuguese, who, to hide their fear, pretended the fort 
of Sena was in danger. Our commander, drawing off to relieve 
it, was attacked by the Muzimbas, and lost many of his men, the 
cannon, and other booty. Yet the enemy offered peace, which 
was concluded. 

Soon after one of these Muzimbas marched eastward, gathered 
fifteen thousand men, and killing all in his way that had life, set 
down before Kilwa, which he entered by the treachery of one of 
the inhabitants, and put them all to the sword. 

This done, he caused the traitor and all his family in his 
presence to be cast into the river, saying it was not fit such base 
people, who betrayed their country, should be spared, nor yet 
eaten, because they were venonious, therefore he cast them to be 
food for the fish. So odious is treason even among barbarians. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 37 

He designed to have done the same at Melinde, but that king, 
assisted by thirty Portuguese, withstood him till three thousand 
of the Mosseguejo Kaffirs coming to the relief of Melinde, the 
Muzimbas were so slaughtered that of all that army only one 
hundred escaped with the general, after they had ravaged three 
hundred leagues. Behold the chalice of this Muzimba. 



TOME III.— PAET I.— CHAPTER IX. 

1593. The ship Santo Alberto sailing for Portugal was cast away 
on the coast of Natal. Some of the men were lost, the rest 
marched in a body under the command of Nuno Velio Pereira, 
suffering great hardships, to the river of Lourenjo Marques, 
where finding Manuel Malleiro with a ship, Nuno and most of 
the men embarked and came to Mozambique. Those who were 
left behind travelled by land, and forgetting their miserable 
condition, so provoked the Kaffirs with their insolence that they 
killed most of them. 



TOME III.— PART II.— CHAPTER VII. 

1607. The Hollanders now aimed at the conquest of the island 
of Mozambique. Our fort there was commanded by Dom Estevam 
de Ataide, who not long before had obtained of the emperor of 
Monomotapa a grant of all the silver mines in his dominions, 
which are much richer than those of Asia, to the crown of Por- 
tugal. The motive of this donation was that we might assist him 
to subdue his rebellious subjects, which Dom Estevam performed, 
securing him in his throne, and to us that great gift, if we had 
known how to make use of it. 



TOME III.— PART III.— CHAPTER IX. 

1616. There were great complaints against the commander of 
Mozambique, Ruy de Mello e Sampayo, for that he robbed the 
natives, and did not pay the soldiers, having privately strangled 
some of them, which caused a mutiny. Francisco de Fonseca 
Pinto was sent from Goa to regulate these disorders. With him 
went Salvador Vaz da Gama to succeed Mello, in case he were 



38 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

found guilty. Mello's conscience accusing him, he refused to 
admit the judge, who resolved to return to Goa, but hearing that 
Mello had left open a wicket of the fort, he rushed in, and de- 
posing him, gave the command to Guerra, contrary to what the 
viceroy had ordered. He was also to victual the fort at Tete, 
and furnish it with cloth, that fort being maintained to continue 
the discovery of the mines of Monomotapa, which gave great 
hopes of profit. But before we relate what happened at this time, 
let us refresh the memory of what wtis before. 

In the tenth chapter of the third part of the second volume we 
gave some account of what was acted by some of our commanders 
in these parts. Chunzo, a powerful king, rebelled against the 
emperor of Monomotapa, and was subdued by the assistance of 
the Portuguese ; so other rebels. To gratify these favours he for 
ever gave all his mines to the king of Portugal, making a resig- 
nation of them to Diogo Simoens Madera, commander of Tete, 
who was then in his service. The substance of the instrument 
WAS, that he gave all his mines of gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, 
and lead to the king of Portugal, upon condition that he should 
support him in his throne ; that the king should admit of him as 
his brother ; that the next year he would send his son with an 
ambassador to Goa ; that he had put two sons, and would soon 
put two daughters, into the custody of Diogo Simoens to be bred 
Christians. The emperor ordered Simoens to have an instrument 
made hereof; and he asking how he would sign it, since in his 
empire none could write, the emperor made three crosses on the 
ground, one under the other, and said he would sign it that way, 
which accordingly he did. 

This done, Simoens with his men accompanied the emperor 
who was marching towards Ancone that was in rebellion. Gaspar 
Pereira Cabral being left behind wounded was carried by Eafiirs, 
who ran away from him. Simoens understanding it, went back 
with one slave, and helped to carry him on his own back, an act 
worthy of memory, from a captain to a soldier. The rebel being 
subdued, Simoens returned to Tete with the emperor's two sons. 
They were baptized by the names of Filipe and Diogo. The 
latter returned there, the other went back to his father. 

The emperor, thinking he could now overcome his enemies 
without the assistance of the Portuguese, marched to the kingdom 
of Buroe, and was there defeated ; at Mougas he had a son killed, 



Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 39 

and Matuziane usurped his whole empire. Diogo Simoens 
restored him^ and possessed himself of Chieova. Matuziane 
raising new forces was defeated and killed by the Portuguese. 
Dom Estevam de Ataide raised a fort at Masapa, and gave that 
command to Diogo Carvalho, whom he sent to Monomotapa with 
a present to obtain the delivery of the mines. 

Carvalho went and told the emperor he had a great present, 
but gave him none ; and he seeing the Portuguese entered his 
lands for gold without his consent, caused all they had to be 
taken from them, and many to be killed. Carvalho had with 
him some forces belonging to the emperor, with whose assistance 
he curbed the robbers of Quizinga, and supported himself. He 
resolved to revenge the spoiling of the Portuguese by a horrid 
treachery against those that served him, for joining with the 
Quizingas, he one night fell upon the Kaffirs, and killing many 
put the rest to flight, who justly cursed the falseness of the 
Portuguese. 

Carvalho, fearful of his own wickedness, abandoned the fort of 
Masapa and went to Tete, leaving all the country in arms against 
the Portuguese. All he acted was by order of Dom Estevam de 
Ataide, who, instead of appeasing the emperor, threatened him 
with war. He sent out from Sena, and by his order Carvalho 
raised another fort on the banks of the Zambesi, two days' 
journey from Tete. Diogo Simoens Madera was left in command 
at Tete, be(*ause Ataide returned to Mozambique, hearing the 
Hollanders were coming thither. Dom Estevam perceiving no 
Dutch appeared in six months, returned to Tete. The emperor 
sent to ofler him Chieova if he would send the ordinary present, 
which was a debt, and no gift. Dom Estevam would not so 
much as hear the ambassadors, refusing to give a present of five 
thousand ducats, which might have saved much greater charges, 
for about thirty thousand were already lost at Masapa to no 
purpose. 

Dom Estevam set forward with one hundred and fifty men,, 
but being better advised, expected news from Portugal and 
India. In July he received the king's orders to go to Goa, and 
give the command of Tete to Diogo Simoens, and that of Mozam- 
bique to Dom Joam de Ataide, the viceroy's brother. Dojii 
Estevam obeyed against his will, leaving Simoens one hundred 
and forty soldiers without anything to maintain them in that 



40 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

dangerous conquest. However Simoens made the best of it, and 
resolved to proceed, beginning with Chombe, a powerful Kaffir, 
demanding of him what he owed as our tributary, and the 
restitution of the Portuguese he had. Some infamous Portuguese 
advised Chombe to take no notice of Simoens, because he could 
do him no harm. This caused that king first to slight, and 
then to molest him in the vessels wherein he sailed for Tete. 
Simoens landing drove the Kaffirs so that they troubled him no 
more. 



TOME III.— PART III.— CHAPTER X. 

Continues the Oovemment of the Viceroy Dom Eierome de Azevedo, 

in the year 1616. 

Diogo Simoens Madera, raising six thousand Kaffirs, marched 
with them and his Portuguese against Chombe at the beginning 
of September. One night they heard a voice that said " Chombe 
rejoices at your coming, and desires you will make haste, for he 
is hungry, and expects to feast upon your bodies." Simoens 
marched on, and fortified himself close under the enemy's works, 
which were half a league in length, and in breadth proportion- 
able, furnished with eight thousand men. Simoens attacked 
them twice, but to no effect. Next night a Kaffir fled to the 
enemy, and from them a Christian black woman to us with advice 
that Chombe would fall upon our men before day. Simoens 
expected them with silence, and killing a thousand, put the rest 
to flight. 

The enemy proposed a peace, but nothing was concluded. 
Simoens attempted their works, but without success ; he sent to 
the commander of Sena for succour, who sent him forty Portu- 
guese and three thousand Kaffirs. The works were again 
assaulted in vain. Soon after some deserters gave information 
that the intrenchment was weakest on the side of a lake. Here 
the assault was renewed, the works entered, Chombe put to flight, 
and the place given to Quitambo, a Kaffir, who faithfully served 
us on condition to pay what Chombe had denied. 

Diogo Simoens was now bent upon the conquest of the silver 
mines in Chicova. The emperor sent to acquaint him that he 
again resigned those mines to him, upon condition he should not 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 41 

go thither with an armed power. Simoens desired he would 
send one to put him in possession thereof, and to receive cloth to 
the value of four thousand ducats he had to present him. The 
emperor was satisfied, and Simoens, with applause of all the 
Kaffirs, took possession of Chicova on the 8th of May 1614, 
being put into it by Inanxangue, a great man, nephew to the 
emperor. The first thing he did was to raise a fort there ; the 
next, to join friendship with a powerful Kaffir called Sapoe, and 
his country Bororo. 

The lord of Chicova, now subject to the Portuguese by virtue 
of the emperor's resignation, withdrew himself from them ; so 
that complaint was made thereof to the emperor, who gave leave 
to depose him and put another in his place, sending a Kaffir 
called Cherema to show the mines. This man twice deceived 
iSimoens, causing him to dig in places where he had hid some 
ore, for which reason he was confined ; and then showed another 
place, of which some hope was conceived, he excusing himself 
what was done had been by the emperor's order. Nevertheless 
Simoens sent him a present ; he detained the messengers, and 
sent word that he would have needles, pins, knives, looking- 
glasses, candles, soap» zafran, pepper, and some rich silks. He 
repented the giving of Chicova, and sought occasion of disagree- 
ment, thinking that Simoens could not send what he demanded. 
But he sending all things, the emperor seemed satisfied. 

That Dom Filipe the emperor's son, whom Diogo Simoens 
caused to be baptized, attempted several times to make his 
escape to the Portuguese, and was taken ; at length he got to 
the fort of Chicova, and was joyfully received. Hearing there 
that Cherema was fled to avoid discovering the mines, he sent for 
him, pretending to be sent ambassador by his father, and having 
rebuked and secured him, went himself to Tete. The emperor 
hearing thereof, proflFered great rewards to any would kill his 
son. At the same time it fell out that a soldier gathering some 
fruit, the son of the owner, who was a powerful man, forbade 
him ; the soldier complained to his captain Diogo Teixera 
Barroso, who without further examination shot the young man. 
The father, in revenge of his son's death, did the Portuguese 
much harm ; and the emperor declared war, because they enter- 
tained his son against his will. 

In March 1615 ten thousand Kaffirs assaulted the fort, but 



42 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

were forced thence with great loss, Diogo Simoens coming in 
time with succour. The country being clear, Simoens sent some 
men with Oherema to discover the mines; after some days 
digging they discovered ore, whereof one half was pure metal, 
and some scarce wanted casting. It appeared to be no cheat, 
some being grown into the roots of a tree. 

Our commander being assured there were rich silver mines, 
resolved to send three great lumps of ore for a proof to Spain. 
The messengers and ore were received with great joy at Madrid. 
Gaspar Bocarro was so ambitious of carrying this news that after 
the others were gone he gave two thousand ducats to purchase 
the employ, and offered to go by land at his own expense; but 
he ended his days at Mozambique. 

The excessive heat caused a sickness in the fort of Chicova, 
whereof the soldiers died in three or four days. Next followed a 
famine, which gave occasion to the Kaifirs who served the fort 
and dug in the mines to run away, so that there was no silver to 
buy cloth, and consequently no cloth to purchase provisions with 
at Sape, it being the only coin that passed there. Diogo Simoens 
had acquainted the viceroy that conquest could not be maintained 
without relief. The chief sustenance of that garrison for some 
days was a small fruit, so harsh they could not swallow it, unless 
rolled in ashes. 

The supplies were sent by the viceroy to Mozambique, but 
never reached Chicova, which thereupon was abandoned. The 
hatred the lawyer Francisco de Fonseca Pinto, to whom the 
viceroy had given the whole charge of the affair, bore to Diogo 
Simoens, was the cause he was not relieved, and that important 
place lost. 

This is that Francisco de Fonseca Pinto who took the command 
of Mozambique from Buy de Mello e Sampayo, and had all 
necessaries for Chicova, as well of provisions as tools to work in 
the mines. But his hatred to Simoens diverted him from sending 
those succours; besides he sold all that was to relieve that 
place, and converted it to his own use, and seized upon Buy de 
Mello's effects. Diogo Simoens pressed him by letters for relief, 
in his last protesting with all his men that if the place were lost 
the fault would lie upon him. 

All the answer that insolent fellow returned was putting 
Simoens' nephew, sent to conduct him, in irons. Then he entered 



Records of SotUh-Eaatem Africa. 43 

his lands, and destroyed all that was there, selling his slaves ; 
he forbade the inhabitants on pain of death corresponding with, 
or relieving those of Chicova, and sent word to the emperor that 
he might freely kill Simoens for entering his dominions without 
orders from the viceroy. Not satisfied to procure his ruin by 
those means, he marched towards Chicova with intention to 
murder him. Simoens understanding it withdrew thence, and 
Pinto hearing of it, though so near, would not relieve the fort, 
nor examine the mines as he had in orders, but returned hastily 
to Tete, fearing Diogo Simoens should meet him. But going 
back to the fort, he caused the notary to draw an instrument, 
containing the causes why that fort was abandoned, to which 
they all signed. This done, they marched with their women and 
children towards Tete. 

Weakness caused them to march very slowly, and two soldiers 
fell dead for want. At Marenga Simoens received a summons 
from Pinto, to appear before him at Tete in nine days to answer 
for himself, but knowing now he had quitted the fort, sent two 
thousand KaflSrs commanded by a Portuguese to murder him ; 
they, though the opportunity was presented, would not do it. 
Simoens stayed in the country of Inambanzo, which was his o^vn, 
and all the company went to Tete. There Pinto enquired of 
them whether there were any mines at Chicova, they all unani- 
mously answered there were. But he in hatred to Simoens 
desiring to conceal them, with threats and rewards prevailed with 
each of them singly to swear there were none. Then he gave 
sentence against Simoens for abandoning the fort, not considering 
if there were no mines there (as he endeavoured to make out) it 
was no crime, and that if any fault were it was his own, since the 
other held it longer than could be required. 

This done, Pinto promised the emperor a considerable present 
if he would fall upon Simoens at Inambanzo. The emperor not 
only expelled Simoens from those lands, but so distressed Tete 
that they were forced to make up the present promised by Pinto, 
to buy his absence, the emperor positively requiring it at their 
hands. Diogo Simoens afterwards returned to '1 ete, being utterly 
ruined by his good service, and Pinto who had ruined all was 
enriched by his villainies and rapine. This is what happened 
about the mines of Monomotapa. 1 will only add that the first 
commander there, Francisco Barreto, was undone by a divine. 



44 Becords of Souih-Eastem Africa. 

and now Diogo Simoens by a lawyer ; and the king, by employ- 
ing such gownmen in things they understand not, lost the great 
advantages that might be expected from those mines. 



TOME III.— PART III.— CHAPTER VIII. 

The Government of the Viceroy Bom MicJiael de Noronha, Count of 

LinnareSf from the year 1629 till 1635. 

The ship St. Gonzalo, having set out from Goa with two others, 
finding, after being parted from her company, that she could not 
be kept above water, they made the shore, and came to an anchor 
in the bay called Formosa for its largeness, being three leagues 
over, exposed to no winds but the east, north-east, and south-east, 
and lies near the Cape of Good Hope. 

Being come to anchor, they ought whilst the weather favoured 
to have landed the men and goods that were not before cast 
overboard ; but instead of that, at the persuasion of some oflScers, 
they attempted to suck the ship dry in order to sail again. 
Three men were let down one after another to clear the pump, 
and returned not; then a fourth being put down with a rope 
about him, and brought up almost dead, it appeared that the 
steam of the pepper which had taken wet killed them. 

In order to refit the ship, one hundred men landed, and one 
hundred and thirty remained aboard, who after fifty days perished 
together with the ship by a sudden storm, being beaten to pieces 
upon the coast. The hundred men left ashore built huts, because 
it would be long before they could find the means of going to 
sea, which were only by building two small vessels out of the 
wreck and the trees on the mountain. The captain, being old 
and sick, gave the men leave to choose another, and they pitched 
upon Rocque Borges, who behaved himself well ; but one Simon 
de Figueyredo, in that misery ambitious of command, endeavour- 
ing to kill him missed his design, yet grievously wounded him, 
but Borges, recovering, stabbed him, and all was quiet again. 

They sowed some seeds, and reaped the fruit ; meanwhile they 
lived upon rice that had been saved, some fish taken, and cows 
and sheep they bought of the natives for iron. The language of 
these natives could not be understood, therefore they had 
recourse to signs. They are not quite black, go naked, cover 



I b 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 45 

their privy parts with a skin, in winter wear cloaks of the same, 
their bodies anointed with the dung of bulls, they make sudden 
stops in their speech, carry fox -tails in their hands to make signs 
with ; have no towns, but wander with their cattle like the hordes 
of Arabs ; some carry stakes and mats to make a sort of tents ; 
they use no tillage, and offered our men a cake that seemed to 
be made of meal of roots mixed with cow-dung ; they eat flesh, 
but almost raw, just showed to the fire, which is made by rubbing 
sticks together ; their choicest food is the guts and tripes, the 
filth only squeezed out ; their weapons are darts and bows ; no 
sign of religion was discovered among them, but it was observed 
that on Midsummer or St. John Baptist's day they appeared 
crowned with garlands of sweet herbs and flowers. 

The soil is fruitful, free from stones, produces all sorts of herbs, 
plants, sweet flowers, and variety of trees. It is watered by great 
rivers, and many springs. The spring begins in November. 
Summer and winter in these parts, as also in India, are not 
caused by the sun coming near or going from the zenith as in 
Europe, but by the winds. It is winter when it rains, and then 
the sun is in his greatest altitude ; when in his greatest decli- 
nation it rains not, and then it is summer. Winter begins about 
the end of May, when the west wind reigns, which brings great 
rain, and lasts till September, during which time all navigation 
ceases. From September till May the north-east winds blow, 
which keep a serene sky, and this is the summer when all put 
to sea. Let us return to the description of that country and our 
men there. 

There is an infinite number of wild beasts, and those very 
large, as deer, wolves, seahorses, buffaloes, wild boars, monkeys, 
tigers, and elephants, and some rabbits not unlike our ferrets. 
They have abundance of wild turkeys, geese, pigeons, turtles, 
and partridges, which last build their nests hanging on branches 
of trees. Thus much of the people and country about the Cape 
of Good Hope. There lived our shipwrecked Portuguese, and 
had erected a sort of church where mass was said, and there were 
frequent sermons, five priests being in that company. 

The ships being built, instead of tar they made use of benjamin 
and frankincense, and wanting oil to dissolve them, they supplied 
it with that of seawolves. Before their departure they erected a 
cross on the top of a mountain, with an inscription signifying 



46 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

their misfortune. The vessels were launched, the men and goods 
shipped, one party designing for Portugal, the other for India. 
The former, after some days' fruitless labour, were almost in the 
same place they set out from, and in that condition were taken 
up by Antonio de Sousa e Carvalho in that ship which, as was 
before said, afterwards perished upon the bar of Lisbon. 

Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira was commander of Mozambique, 
and died this year. Dom Filipe Christian was emperor of 
Monomotapa, with whom we were in league. A Kaffir named 
Capranzirle rebelled against him, who, falling upon a body of 
our men as they marched to Tete, slew three hundred Portuguese, 
the chief cause whereof wits a dispute between our captains about 
superiority. All had been lost but for Christopher de Brito o 
Vasconcelos, who put a stop to the current of the victorious 
enemy. Diogo de Sousa e Meneses commanded Mozambique at 
that time in the place of Pereira. Soon afterwards it was known 
that the Kaffir died of a musket shot he had received, and a 
brother of the emperor, but thirteen years of age, and a Christian, 
baptized by the Dominicans by the name of Domingo, was 
proclaimed king. 



APPENDIX. 

A short Account of whaJt (lie Toriuguese are possessed of between 
the Cape of Good Hope and China, dtc. 

The Portuguese empire to the eastward extends from the Cape 
of Good Hope in Africa to Cape Liampo in China. The first 
part is bounded by the Cape of Good Hope and the mouth of the 
Ked Sea. This division contains along the coast many kingdoms 
of the Kaffirs, as the vast one of Monomotapa, who is lord of all 
the gold mines in Africa. Here the crown of Portugal is possessed 
of the forts of Sofala and Mombasa and the city and fort of 
Mozambique. The forts of Sofala and Mozambique are worth to 
their commanders two hundred thousand ducats each. This value 
is computed for three years. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 47 



Extracios da Navega^o de Pedro Alvares Cabral.* 

Continuaiido a nossa viagem chegamos diante de Qofala, onde 
ha huma mioa de ouro, e achamos junto a esta poyoa9ao duas 
Ilhas : esta^ao aqui duas naos de Mouros, que tinhao carregado 
ouro daquella mina, e hiao para Melinde, os quaes tanto que nos 
avistarao, comeparao a fugir, e lan9arao-se todos ao mar, tendo 
primeiro alijado o ouro para que Iho nao tirassemos. Pedro 
Alvares depois de se ter apoderado das duas naos, fez vir ante si 
o Capitao dellas, e Ihe perguntou de que paiz era, ao que respondeo 
que era Monro, prime de El-Bei de Melinde, que as naos erao 
suas, e que vinha de Qofala com aquelle ouro, treizendo comsigo 
sua mulher e hum filho, os quaes se tinhao afogado querendo fugir 
para terra : o Capitao m6r quando soube que o Monro era primo 
de £1-Rei de Melinde (o qual era muito nosso amigo) se desgostou 
sobre maneira, e fazendo-Ihe muita honra, Ihe mandou entregar 
as suas duas naos com todo o ouro que se Ihe tinha tirade. 
Capitao Monro perguntou ao nosso se trazia comsigo algum 
Encantador, que podesse tirar a outra porcao que tinhao deitado 
ao mar, ao que elle respondeo que eramos Christaos, e que nSo 
tinhamos semelhantes uzos. Depois tirou o nosso CapitSlo m6r 
informa96es das cousas de Qofala, que ainda neste tempo nsLo era 
descoberta senSo por fama, e o Monro Ihe deo por novas, que em 
Qofala havia huma mina muito abundante de ouro, cujo Senhor 
era hum Bei Monro, o qual assistia em huma Ilha chamada Quiloa, 
que estava na derrota, que deviamos seguir : e que o parcel de 
^fala ja nos ficava atraz ; com isto o Capitao se despedeo de nos, 
e continuamos a ncssa Jornada. 

• . • • • • 

Por ordem do CapitSo m6r partio dalli (Mozambique) Sancho 

* This account of Cabral's voyage wag written by a Portuguese pilot in the 
fleet, whose name is unknown. It was translated into Italian and appeared in 
that language at an early date, but was retranslated into Portuguese and pub- 
lished by the Poyal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon in 1812 in Vol. II. of 
Collect de Noiicias para a Historia e Oeografia das Na^es UUramarinas que 
vivem no» Dominios Portuguezes, The fleet under Cabral sailed from Portugal 
in the year 1500. The events related in the first paragraph occurred on the 
outward passage, those related in the second and third paragraphs when the six 
remaining ships of the fleet were returning home. — G. M. T. 



48 Becords of Souih-Eastem Africa. 

de Tovar em hum navio mais pequeno, com hum Piloto que 
tinhamos tornado, a fim de reconhecer a Ilha de Qofala. 

• « « « • ' 

Partindo daqui chegamos a este Cidade de Lisboa no fim de 
Julho: hum dia depois chegou a nao que perdemos de vista 
quando yoltavamos, e igualmente Sancho de Tovar com a Cara- 
vella que foi a ^fala ; que elle disse ser huma pequena Ilha na 
embocadura de hum rio ; e que o ouro que alii vem, he de huma 
montanha aonde esta a mina, he povoada de Mouros, e Gentios, 
que resgatSLo o dito ouro por outras mercadorias. Quando alii 
chegou Sancho de Tovar achou muitas naos de Mouros, e tomou 
hum destes para refens de hum Christao da Arabia que mandara 
a terra, e pelo qual esperou dous ou tres dias ; passados os quaes 
vendo que elle naU) voltava o deixou ficar vindo com o Monro 
para Portugal ; de mode que da Armada que foi a Calicut vieiilo 
seis naos, e todas as outras se perderao. 

[English translation of the foregoing!] 

Continuing our voyage we arrived before Sofala, where there is 
a mine of gold, and we found close to this town two islands ; here 
were two ships of Moors, who had laden gold from that mine and 
were going to Melinde, who as soon as they caught sight of us 
took to flight, and all threw themselves into the sea, having first 
cast overboard the gold in order that we should not take it from 
them. Pedro Alvares, after taking possession of the two ships, 
caused their captain to come before him, and asked him from 
what country he was, to which he replied that he was a Moor, 
cousin of the king of Melinde, that the ships were his, and that 
he came from Sofala with that gold, carrying with him his wife 
and one son, who had drowned themselves when trying to escape 
to land. The chief captain, when he knew that the Moor was a 
cousin of the king of Melinde (who was our great friend), was 
annoyed at what had occurred, and did him much honour ; he 
commanded his two ships to be restored to him with all the gold 
that had been taken. The Moorish captain asked ours if he 
carried with him an enchanter who could recover the other part 
that had been cast into the sea, to which he replied that we were 
Christians, and that we had no such usages. Afterwards our chief 
captain obtained information upon the affairs of Sofala, which had 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 49 

not yet at this time been discovered except by report, and the 
Moor gave him for news that in Sofala there was a mine containing 
much goldy the lord of which was a Moorish king who lived on an 
island named Eilwa, that was on the route which we must follow ; 
and that we had already passed the shoal of Sofala. With this 
the captain took leave of us, and we continued our voyage. 
# # « « « 

By order of the chief captain, Sancho de Tovar went from that 
place (Mozambique) in a smaller ship, with a pilot whom we had 
engaged, in order to inspect the island of Sofala. 

« « # « « 

Leaving this place we arrived at this city of Lisbon at the end 
of July ; the following day the ship that we lost sight of when we 
put about arrived, and also Sancho de Tovar with the caravel 
which went to Sofala, that he stated to be a small island in the 
mouth of a river, and that the gold which comes here is from a 
mountain where the mine is situated, and it is inhabited by Moors 
and heathens, who barter the said gold for other merchandise. 
When Sancho de Tovar arrived there he found many ships of the 
Moors, and he took one of tjiese (Moors) as a hostage for a 
Christian of Arabia whom he had sent ashore, and for whom he 
waited two or three days, at the end of which, seeing that he was 
not returning, he left him behind and came to Portugal with the 
Moor ; so that of the fleet which went to Calicut six ships returned, 
and all the others were lost. 



Extra^cto da Navegofdo a's Indias OrientaeSf por Thome Lopes.* 

Aos quinze de Julho achavamo-nos sobre a embocadura do rio 
de ^fala, e por estar calmaria estivemos aqui surtos em onze 
bra^as, desde huma Sexta feira depois de Jantar ate ao Domingo 

* This is an account of the second voyage of Vasco da Gama, published by the 
Royal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon in 1812 in Vol. II. of Collecfdo de NoticioB 
para a Hittoria e Qeografia das Na^des UltramarinaSf que vivem nos DominioB 
Portugunes, The extract refers to the rear division of the fleet, consisting of 
five s^ips under command of Estev3o da Grama, in one of which Thom^ Lopes 
asiled. The call at Sofala was made on the passage to India, in July 1502.— 
G. M. T, 



60 Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 

a tarde ; os da terra fizerSo-nos muitas rogativas, e vimos muitos 
fumos com que nos convidavao a entrar, o que nSo fizemos, 
perdendo nisso muito ; pois nao obstante achar o Almirante pouco 
ouro quando alii passou. 

[English translation of the foregoing,] 
Extract from Voyage to the East Indies, by Thom6 Lopes, 

On the 15th of July we found ourselves at the mouth of the 
river of Sofala, and as it was calm we were here at anchor in 
eleven fathoms from a Friday after dinner until Sunday in the 
afternoon ; those on shore made us many requests, and we saw 
much smoke with which they invited us to enter the river, which 
we did not, by which we lost much ; although the Admiral (t.e. 
Yasco da Grama) found little gold when he passed there. 



Carta de Pedro Quaresma a El-Bet sobre a sua viagem de 
Lisboa a MofainbiquCf e a Sofalla ; e com varias noticias d'esta. 
terra.* 

Senhor. Per esta dou comta a Vossa Allteza de tudo o que 
nesta vyagem pasamos. Partymos de Lixboa aos xix dias de 
Novembrro de 505, e vyemos a Bezegiche aos tres dias Dezembro; 
e aly se alemamtou mais a caravella, * * * * ; e dally partymos 
aos sete dias do dito mes ; e fomos tam chegados a costa de 6yne, 
que as callmas atraves do cabo do Moto nos deteveram ; e assy 
nos deu ho vento mais esqasso, e nos fomos na voUta do suU e do 
sudueste ; e despoes ao ssueste ate sermos Ueste e oeste com ho 
cabo de Boa Esperan^a ; e d y fomos em lesueste ate nos pormos 
em trinta e ssete graos he meio ; e em este dia que hestevemoa 

* This is a copy of the original letter in the archives at Lisbon, and was pub- 
lished by the Portuguese government in 1892 in a beautifully printed volume of 
five hundred and fifty-five foolscap pages, which contaios, in addition to the 
printed papers, numerous lithographed copies of ancient documents and signatures 
of kings and princes. The volume is entitled Alguns Documentos do Archivo 
NacumtU da Torre do Tombo aceroa das Navega^des e ConquUtas Fortuguezas, 
pMicadoB por ordem do Qovemo de 9ua Maj'estade Fidelisnma ao cdebrar-Me a 
commemort^ao quadricentenaria do desccbrimento da America, — G, M. T, 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 51 

em esta alltura fallou, senhor, ho meu pylloto com ho de Cyde 
Barbudo ; e o pilloto da nau fazia gemto e ^inqoenta leegoas do 
cabo, e ho da caravella trezemtas e tamtas ; e emtSo dyse Gide 
Barbudo que tyrasemos em lesnordeste pera darmos no rosto do 
caboy como Yossa AUteza mandava ; e ao por do soil yymos hua 
ilha aos bj dias de Fevereyro de b'^bj, que Vasco Gomez d'Abrreu 
achou, coma majs comprydamente dira a Yossa AUteza, e nos 
affyrmamos ser o cabo, por ho pilloto da nao ser tSo perto d elle ; 
e, tamto que ha vymos, vyrei a nao na voUta do noroeste, e segy 
CO ella ate pella menhSLa; e nSLo yymos terra ; de maneira, senhor, 
* * * * amdamos arreamdo, ate que fomos dar n angra das Areas 
aos trres dias de Margo, que ssSo do cabo pera Gyne trezentas 
leegoas ; e d ahy, senhor, partymos a xij dias de Mar^o ; e fomos 
na YoUta do sull, ate nos fazermos leste he hoeste com ho cabo, e 
comtudo quando ho fomos demandar fomos aymda a re d elle xx 
legoas ; e os xbiij dias d Abrill pousamos na augada d Antonio 
de Salldanha, que he oyto leegoas do cabo ; e aly, senhor, este- 
vemos biij dias ; e a h'aly muito gado ; e * * Cide Barbudo * * * ♦ 
fez paz com a gemte ; e ally me tyrou Cyde Barbudo da 
caravella, e me meteo na nao, e elle na caravella, dizendo que 
havia milhor de busqar a costa que heu ; e assy mudou ho pilloto 
que Yossa AUteza mandava na caravella, pera amostrar ha nao ; 
e levou consygo ho sen ; d aly partymos com vemto norte ; e os 
xxbj d Abrill fomos comtamdo hos padroes ; e d aly a dous dias 
se leyxou ficar a caravella a re, de noyte; e heu qujdando que 
ha levava avamte segy avamte, he fuy com ha nao com vemtos 
bonanzas, e de noyte callma poussando por casso das comrrentes 
tres hou qoatro vezes fui ate ho cabo d Aagulhas comtamdo os 
padroes ; e avamte do cabo me deu ho yemto suU, de maneira 
que me fuj com ha nao mais ao mar e os dous dias de Mayo 
fui emtrar n augada de Ssao Bras nao levamdo qem ha conhecesse, 
nem homem que nella fosse senS,o por huua ermyda que yymos 
demtro que fez Johao da Nova a conhecemos ; e mandey amarrar 
a nao, como Yossa AUteza mamdava en sen regymento ; e d aly 
a duas horas yeo Cide Barbudo com ha carayella a yella, e nao 
quis poussar, dizemdo que nom hera aly augada; e emtSo a 
fomos yer com hos bates e a conhecemos ; e ao houtro dia se tornou 
a partjr e levou ho meu pilloto, pera Ihe hir amostrar homde vyra 
a nao com Lopo d Abrreu; e vemtou tamto ponente, que se 
tornou, e nao chegou Ua ; e emt&o mandou dous homes, saber 

£ 2 



52 Records of South-Easfeni Africa, 

huum degradado e huum gromete, os qoaes amdarom la tires 
dias, e dyserom que forom homde a nao estevera, e que acharom 
hua osada de homem e hua racha de huum masto ; mas nom sey, 
senhor, quamto jsto podera ser verdade. Na dita augada n^o 
achamos majs novas ; e aly estevemos xiij dias ; e d aly partymo 
aos xbj dias do mes de Mayo, ao llomgo da costa, e tanto avamte 
como a pomta de Samta Luzya hiia noyte se perdeo a caravella 
da nao, e eu com a nao fui a ver amtre o cal)o das Correntes e dc 
Samta Maria ; e d aly fuj sempre ao llomgo da costa ate Gofalla, 
como Vossa AUteza mandava ; e chegey a Cofalla a xj dias de 
Junho ; e Cide Barbudo avia huum dya que chegara aly ; achamos 
a fortaleza desbaratada, com pero d Anhaya morto, e o allcayde 
mor e seteuta e sseis homeiis, e sem mantymentos, como Vossa 
AUteza vera pellas cartas de Manuell Fernandes que he capitao ; 
d aly me mamdou Cide Barbudo ha caravella, e elle se partjo 
pera a Hymdia, e me deyxou na fortaleza, por o quail, senhor, 
com ha minha gemte * * ♦ ♦ * e ysty ve ahy ate que hos mouros se 
poserom em fazer paz com a fortaleza; e tamto que Manuell 
Fernandes Ihe pare^eo que nao tynha de mym ne^essydade me 
pydio cinqo homens e allgum pao e artylharia, e mandou que 
fosse agoardar TristSo da Qunha, como Vossa AUteza mandava. 
£ de Gofala parti aos xiiij dias de Julho e os xxbij do dito mes 
chegey a Mozambique, homde achey Vasco Gomez d Abreu e 
Diogo Fernandes com elle, hos qoaes estavSLo em gran necessy- 
dade, como dirao a Vossa AUteza ; e eu Ihe dey quamtas lonas 
trazia, e assy brreu e sebo, e assy Ihe dey a mor parte do pao que 
trazia que me fycara de ^falla ; e Vasco Gomez me mandou dar 
allgum milho e pesqado pera manter a gemte e ajudo nos com 
hum carpynteyro e dous calafatcs que trazja, e pus a caravella 
aqui em monte, que vynha em necessydade d isso. 

Alem de todo esto, Ihe fa^o saber, que, quamdo party de 
^falla, Manuell Fernandes, capitao do dito logar nao sabya que 
ho navjo Sao Johao em que handava Frrancisco d Anhay hera 
perdido, nem que ha qaravella que fora de Johao de Qeyros era 
aqy perdida com esta do busano, os qoaes navjos Vossa AUteza 
tinha hordenados ao dito lugar. Eu, senhor, vynha aqy agoar- 
dar Tristao da Qunha, segundo vossos regymentos e vomtade 
do dito Manuell Fernandes, que Ihe largamente espreve do q 
& necessario aqella fortaleza; e daqy me havia dir a Qyloa, 
segundo o dito regymento; e Vasqo Gomez me disc da vossa 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 53 

parte que eu nao fezese nenhum outro fundamento sena5 d estar 
em ^falla com Manuell Fernandas ate Yossa AUteza mandar 
repayro e outros navjos a dita fortaleza, apertamdo me muito da 
Tossa parte a fazer ysto, dizendo que Ihe parecya assy vosso 
servj^o ; somente dizendo me que heu chegase a Qujlloa, e que 
se Ua achasse TristSo da Qunlia, que helle TristSo da Qunha me 
mandaria o que heu fezese, porque helle mesmo Ihe esprevya a 
necesydade de ^ofalla; e nom ho achando hy qe reqerese ao 
qapitao de Qylloa hos homes e artelharia que elle Yasqomez Ihe 
Ua mandara da carayella que se aqy perdera ; e assy levarja della 
panos pera ^ofalla, he allguum mantymento ; e com tudo me fose 
lloguo pera ^falla com hos levantes que agora fajisU), e nSLo 
leyxasse a dita fortaleza ate Yossa Allteza dar a ella provysSLo. 
YstOy senhor, farey, se nom achar o dito Tristao da Qunha por m 
o requerer da vosa parte do dito Yasco Gomez, se a mjm e ao 
capitao de Qylloa nos parefer majs vosso 8ervi90, porque ho 
pratycarey co elle, e lango me fora de nenhuns houtros proveytos 
senao servjr Yossa Allteza ; e pefo por mer^ee a Yosa Allteza 
que na primeyra frota que vyer me mande d aqy hir d estas 
partes. * * * * 

Feyta em Mo9ambique, ho derradeyro dia d Agosto de 1506. 

Pero Coresma. 

Sobrescripto : A El Eey nosso Senhor. 

[English trandaiion of the foregoing. 1 

Letter from Pedro Quaresma to the King concerning his voyage 
from Lisbon to Mozainhique and Sofala, tvith various particulars 
concerning this country* 

Sir, — By this I give 'an account to Your Highness of all that 
we went through in this voyage. We left Lisbon on the 19th of 
November 1505, and reached Bezegiche on the 3rd of December ; 
and there the caravel took in more provisions, * * * * ; and we 
sailed from that place on the 7th of the same month ; and were 
so close to the coast of Guinea, that the calms detained us abreast 
of Cape Moto ; and then with light winds we turned to the south 
and south-west ; and afterwards to the south-east until we were 
east and west with the Cape of Good Hope ; and thence we went 
to the south-east until we reached thirty-seven and a half degrees; 



54 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

and on the day that we were in this latitude, Sir, my pilot con- 
sulted with the pilot of Cyde Barbudo ; aiid the pilot of the ship 
reckoned the Cape to be distant a hundred and fifty leagues, and 
the pilot of the caravel about three hundred; and then Cyde 
Barbudo said that we should direct our course to the north-east 
in order to make the Cape, as Your Highness ordered ; and at 
sunset on the 6th of February 1506 we saw an island, which 
Vasco Gomes d'Abreu discovered, as he will describe more 
particularly to Your Highness, and we declared it to be the Cape, 
because the pilot of the ship (believed he) was so close to it ; 
and as soon as we saw it, I directed the course of the ship to the 
north-west, and continued on that course until morning ; and we 
did not see land ; so that, »Sir, * * * * we kept on, until we 
reached the bay of Areas on the 3rd of March, which is from the 
Cape towards Guinea three hundred leagues ; and that place. 
Sir, we left on the 1 2th of March ; and proceeded towards the 
south, until we made ourselves east and west with the Cape, and 
yet when we went to look for it we were still twenty leagues 
behind it; and on the 18th of April we came to anchor in the 
watering place of Antonio de Saldanha, which is eight leagues 
from the Cape; and there, Sir, we remained eight days; and 
there are many cattle ; and Cyde Barbudo ♦ ♦ ♦ * made peace 
with the people ; and there Cyde Barbudo removed me from the 
caravel, and placed me in the ship, and went himself in the 
caravel, stiying that he could examine the coast better than I ; 
and thus he changed the pilot that Your Highness placed in the 
caravel (and sent him) to direct the ship ; and took his (pilot) 
with him ; we left that place with a north wind ; and the 26th of 
April we were counting the pillars (set up (ai shore) ; and two 
days later the caravel dropped behind at night ; and I believing 
that she was in front pushed forward, the ship having light 
winds, and the night being calm, stopping on account of the 
currents three or four times, as far as Cape Agulhas I was counting 
the pillars ; and beyond the Cape the wind was south, so that I 
stood out more to sea with the ship, and on the 2nd of May I 
entered the watering place of St Bras, having no one on board 
who knew the locality, nor a man who had been there, but by a 
hermitage made by Jobam da Nova which we saw therein we 
recognised it ; and I ordered .the ship to be anchored, as Your 
Highness commanded in your instnictions ; and there two hours 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa, 55 

afterwards came Cyde Barbudo with the caravel under sail, and 
did not wish to remain, saying that it was not a watering place ; 
and then we went to examine it with the boats and recognised it ; 
and the next day he left and took with him my pilot, in order to 
show him where he had seen the ship of Lopo d'Abreu : and it 
blew so hard from the west that lie returned, without reaching 
the spot ; and then he sent two men, namely a convict and a 
ship's boy, who travelled three days, and they said that they 
went to the place where the ship had been, and that they found 
a man's skeleton and a splinter of a mast ; but I do not know, 
Sir, how far it was true. In the said watering place we did not 
obtain any more information; and there we remained thirteen 
days ; and we left on the 16th of May, (and kept) along the coast 
as far as tlie point of Saint Lucia. One night the caravel parted 
from the ship, and 1 with the ship went to examine between the 
Cape Correntes and that of Saint Mary ; and thence I kept 
always along the coast to Sofala, as Your Highness commanded ; 
and I arrived at Sofala on the 11th of June ; and Cyde Barbudo 
had fiurived there the day before ; we found the fortress in great 
distress, with Pedro d'Anaya dead, and the chief magistrate and 
seventy-six men, and without provisions, as Your Highness will 
see by the letters of Manuel Fernandes who is captain ; there 
Cyde Barbudo replaced me in the caravel, and he departed for 
India, and left me in the fortress, by which. Sir, with my people 
* * * *, and I remained there until the Moors made terms of 
peace with the fortress ; and as soon as Manuel Fernandes 
thought that he had no necessity for my assistance he asked of 
me five men and some bread and artillery, and sent me to wait 
for Tristam da Cunha, as Your Highness commanded. And I 
left Sofala on the 14th of July and on the 27th of the said month 
I arrived at Mozambique, where I found Vasco Gomes d'Abreu 
and Diogo Fernandes with him, who were in great want, as they 
will inform Your Highness ; and I gave them all the canvas I 
had with me, and also pitch and tallow, and also gave them the 
greater part of the bread that I had brought from Sofala ; and 
Vasco Gomes directed me to give some millet and dried fish as 
food to the people and he helped me with a carpenter and two 
calkers that he had with him, and here I put in repair the caravel, 
which was in want of it. 

Besides all this, I inform you that when I left Sofala, Manuel 



56 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Femandes, captain of the said place, did not know that the ship 
Saint Joam in which was Francisco d'Anaya was lost, nor that 
the caravel of Joam de Queiros was here lost with that of Busano, 
which ships Your Highness had sent to the said place. I, Sir, 
came here to wait for Tristam da Gunha, according to your 
instructions and the wish of the said Manuel Femandes, who will 
write you all particulars of what is required for that fortress ; and 
from this place I should have gone to Eilwa, according to the 
said instructions ; and Yasco Gomes told me on your behalf that 
I should undertake nothing else than to stay at Sofala with 
Manuel Femandes until Your Highness should send reinforce- 
ments and other ships to the said fortress, pressing much on me 
on your account to do this, stating that he thought this for your 
service ; saying to me that I should merely go to Eilwa, and 
that if I found there Tristam da Gunha, that he Tristam da 
Gunha would instruct me what I should do, because he would 
himself write to him about the needs of Sofala ; and not finding 
him there that I should ask the captain of Eilwa for the men and 
artillery which he Yasco Gomes had sent to him from the caravel 
which had been lost here ; and so I should bring from it cloth 
for Sofala, and some provisions; and above all that I should 
return speedily to Sofala with the east wind now prevailing, and 
that I should not leave the said fortress until Your Highness 
should send supplies to it. This, Sir, I shall do, if I do not find 
the said Tristam da Gunha, in consequence of the request of the 
said Yasco Gomes on your part, if to me and the captain of 
Kilwa it appears to be more for your service, because 1 shall act 
in concert with him, and I shall do nothing except for the service 
of Your Highness ; and I pray Your Highness graciously to send 
me away from these parts in the first fleet that comes. 

Done at Mozambique, on the last day of August 1506. 

(Signed) Pero Goresma. 

Addressed : To the King our Lord. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 57 



Carta de DiOGO de Alca^ova a El-Rei D. Manuel sohre 
SofcUa, sea eomtnercio, logarts de onde Ihe vem o oiro, que sao 
no interior, no reino de Vealanga, maneira por qiie a elle se 
vae, rnodo por que se lavram as minas, certeza de qus todo o 
oiro sde por Sofala, guerras do rei de Vealanga e mal que d'ahi 
resulta a esta cidade pois ndo o recebe ein tarda qtuintidade corno 
d'antes, nmos de acabar esta guerra, e algumas noticias de Quiloa 
e Mombaga.* 

Senhor. Yossa Alteza me mandou a ^ofalla por que vos 
servysse nella. Eu, senhor, quando vim de Purtugall vim com 
Pero Davyam, que Deus aja, na naao Santo Esprito, em que elle 
vinha, e, como chegamos ssobre o pra9el de Qofala, adoecy de 
febreSy e levey as atee jumto com ^fala, e fequey d elas com o 
estamago muito danado de purgas que me deram; e, despoys 
da forteleza fecta, tomey adoe9er de febres com o trabalho do 
fazimento d ela, de que esty ve pera me finar ; leixaram me ; e 
fiquey com o estamago muito jmchado. Porque pare^eo, senor, 
a Pero Davya que eu me fosse pera Purtugall, poys que cada vez 
era pior, vym me na caravela Espera a Quyloa, pera d aly me hyr 
a Purtugall ; e nom achey em que fosse : vym me a Jmdia asy 
doemte, mas nom tamto como d antes, homde fico por mandado 
do vysso rey pera servyr Vossa Alteza no que me elle mandar. 
As cartas de Pero Davyam, e asy huum presente d ouro que el 
rey de ^fala mandou a Vossa Alteza, me mandou o vysso rey 
que entregasse a Lourengo Moreno, fey tor, porque avia por servy^o 
de Vossa Alteza, que eu fosse estar em Batecala por feitor ; e 
entregey Ihe tudo ; e o vysso rey o mandou a Vosa Alteza asy 
como o eu trazia, e o espreve a Vossa Alteza. 

lie bem, senhor, que d6 alguma comta a Vossa Alteza das 
coussas de ^fala, e do oiro que ha nella, e d omde vem, e como 
o tiram, e o porque agora nom vem, porque porventura nymgem 
o nom sabera tam ferto dizer a Vossa Alteza como eu, porque o 
ssoube muito ^erto. regno, senhor, em que ha o ouro que vem 
a ^fala sse chama Vealanga, e he regno mujto grande, em que 

* This is a copy of an original letter in the archives at Lisbon, and published 
by the Tortugucsc govcruiucut iu 18D2 in the vulumo already meutioned. — 
G. M. T. 



68 Mecord^ of South-Eastern Africa. 

ha muytas villas mujto grandes, afora muitos lugares outros, e a 
propea Qofala he d este regno, sse nam como toda a terra da beyra 
do mar. Os rexs do sertaao nom curam muito nem pouco d ela 
8se a senhoream os mouros ; e jmdo poUa beyra do mar e polio 
sertalLo atee iiij legas, porque mays demtro nom oussam, porque 
08 roubam os caferes e matam, porque nom creem em neuhuua 
cousa. E podera, senhor, huum homem hyr a huaa cydade, que 
se chama zumubany de Qofala que he grande, em que sempre o 
rey esta, em x ou xij dias, sse andar hordenadamente como em 
Furtugall ; mas porque elles nom hamdam ssenom desde polla 
menhSa atee meo dia, e comem e dormem atee o outro dia pola 
menhUa, que partem, nom vaao a esta cydade em menos de xx ou 
xxiiij dias ; e em todo o regno de Yealanga sse tira o ouro ; e he 
nesta maneira : cavam a terra e fazem como myna que hiram por 
ella por baixo da terra huum grande tiro de pedra, e vam no 
tirando por veeas com a terra mesturada com o ouro, e, apanbado, 
o metem em huua panella, e ferve muito no fogo ; e despoys 
que ferve a tiram fora, e a poee a esfriar, e, fria, fica a terra, e o 
ouro tudo ouro fyno ; nysto nom aja Yossa Alteza ssenam por 
muita verdade; e nom no pode nenhuum homem tirar ssem 
li^enca d el rey sso pena de morte. E este rey que agora regna, 
senhor, em Vealanga he filho de IMocomba, rey que foy do dito 
regno, e ha nome Quesarymgo Menamotapam, que he como dizer 
rey fuaO; porque o nome de rey he Menamotapam, e o regno 
Vealanga. Ja Vossa Alteza ssabe como doze ou treze annos que 
ha gerra no regnno d omde vinha o ouro a ^ofala ; elle he este o 
Vealanga; a gerra, senhor, foy nesta maneira. No tempo de 
Mocomba Menamotapam, pay d este Quesarimgo Menamotapam, 
tinha huum sseu pry vado que era grande senhor em seu regno, e 
que govemava todo o regno de desterrar e degolar, e de toilas 
outras coussas que queriam, como rey, que sse chamava Changanijr, 
e era justifa moor d el rey ; e o nome d este justi9a moor he 
amyr, asy como dizemos governador. E este amyr tinha no regno 
mujtas villas e lugares que Ihe o rey dera. E, estando o amyr em 
suas terras, fazia sse grande polo mando que tinha no regno e 
aquyria muita jente assy ; e outros pry vados do rey, com enveja, 
come9aram a dizer a el rey, que sse queria o amyr alevantar com 
regnno ; que o matasse. E a elrey pareceo Ihe que era asy polla 
jente mujta que o aguardava; detrimynou elrey de matar o 
amyr, e mandibu Ihe a ssuas terras por huum fidalgo huua pucara 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 59 

com pe^onha que a bebesse ; e porque tern por custume, quando 
quer que o rey quer mandar matar alguum homem, assy grande, 
como pequeuoy mandar Ihe dar pe^oulia a beber, e bebem a, e isto 
pruvycameiite, como degolar por justifa. £ quando a a de beber 
aquele a que a dam, esta muito contente e muito ricamente 
vestido de pano de sseda ; e os panos vaao de (^ofala. E, sse a 
bebe, morre logo, e herdam sseus filbos ou parentes erdeiros todas 
suas terras e fazenda ; e, se nom quer beber a pe9onha, cortam Ihe 
a cabe9a, e nom erda nenhuum de sens filhos nem herdeiros 
nenhuua cousa sua, e fica a elrey. £ este amyr, quando Ihe elrey 
mandou a pe^onha, que a bebesse elle, a nom quys beber, e den 
por repo?ta a elrey, que o mandase pelejar em guerra, homde 
ele quesese, porque queria amies morrer pelejamdo que asy com 
pe^onha. E, quando Ihe mandou esta reposta, mandou elle a 
elrey Mocomba Menamotapam quatro barrys asy como d auga de 
naao cheos d ouro e majs iiij yacas mochas; e que Ihe nom 
mandase beber aquela pe^onha. E elrey torriou Iha a mandar 
que a bebese todavia ; e o amyr nom quys ; de maneira que tres 
vezes Ihe mandou elrey que a bebese. £ quando o amyr vyo 
que elrey asy queria, hordenou de o matar na cydade homde 
estava, que se chama Zunhauhy ; e levou comsygo muita jente ; 
e quando chegou jumto com a cydade, que souberam os grandes 
que estavam com elrey que vinba, foram no re9eber, e, quando 
o viram vyr d aquela maneira, nom quyseram estar na cydade 
e foram sse fora ; e o amyr foy sse as cassas d elrey. que eram 
de pedra e barro muito grandes e todas terreas, e entrou homde 
estava elrey com sseus escravos e alguuns homens ; e estando 
falando com elrey Ihe cortou o amyr a cabe9a a elrey ; e, 
como o matou, alevantou sse com o regnno e se fez rey ; e Ihe 
obede9eram todos ; e regnou iiij anos pa9yficamente ; e ficaram 
a elrey Mocombo xxij filhos ; e todos Ihos matou o amyr, ssenam 
huum, o mays velho, que era ainda mo90, que ha nome Quecary- 
nugo, que agora he rey ; e este fogyram com elle pera outro regno 
de huum sseu tyo ; e depoys que foy de xx anos, sse veeo opoderar 
do regno de muita jemte da de sen pay, que sse veeo pera elle ; e 
veeo sobre o amyr que matara sen pay, jumto com a cydade em 
huum campo. £, quando o amyr vio que elle vinha ssobre elle, 
mandou muita jente pelejar com elle ; e o filho d elrey matou 
Ihe muita jente ao amyr ; e quando o amyr vio que Ihe matam 
tanta jemte, sayu fora a pelejar com elle; e o filho d elrey 



60 Becords of 8outh-Ea»tern Africa. 

matou o amyr no campo; e durou a peleja iij dias meio, em 
que morreu muita jente de huua e da outra parte ; e, como 
o amyr foy morto Quecarimugo Menamotapam com o regno 
ssomente, que as terras do amyr que Ihe nom queseram obede^er ; 
e fieou do amyr huum seu parente que sse chama Toloa, que 
agora faz a gerra com huum filho que ficou do amyr a elrey 
Que^arinuto. E elrey Quefarinuto mandou ja muitas vezes dizer 
a Toloa que fossem amijgos, e o Toloa nom quer, e diz, que poys 
elle matou seu senhor, que elle ha de matar a elle. E d esta 
maneira, senhor, se alevantou a gerra, e esta ajmda oje. E por 
jsto, senhor, nom vem o euro que ssoya a ^ofala, porque huuns 
roubam os outros de huua parte a outra ; e o ouro, senhor, todo 
esta na terra do amyr e ao redor d ela, ajmda que alguum ha 
polo regno, mas he muito pouco, E, quando, senhor, a terra estava 
de paz tiravam de Qofala cada huum ano tres, quatro naaos, huum 
mjlham d ouro, e as vezes huum mjlham e trezentos mill 
mytiqaes d ouro, de huum mjlham pera cyma, e nom pera 
baixo. Eu, senhor, procurey tambem de ssaber sse saya alguum 
ouro do regnno de Vealanga por algua parte do sertaSo; nom 
say por nenhfiua parte, ssenam por Qofalla, e alguua cousa 
por Angoje, mas nom muito ; diseram me que sayriam por 
Angoje L mytiqaes d ouro cada huum anno, pouco majs ou 
menos. E asy, senhor, trabalhey de saber de que maneera se 
poderiam fazer pazes autre estes ambos, o rey de Vealanga e o 
Toloa ; diseram me que sse nom podiam fazer ssenam por elrey 
de ^fala ou por elrey de Quiloa. E que a nom fizeram todo o 
tempo pasado, ssenom por nom vyr o ouro a Qofala, como soya, 
por que o nom achasem hy os christ3aos, sse hy yiesem ter; 
porque, como souberam que o almyrante viera a India, que logo 
ouveram os christ^os por senhores de Qofala, e que por jsto 
nom fizeram as pazes. E que, senhor, sse as mandarem fazer, 
que ha de ser com mandarem a elrey Que9arinugo Menamotapam 
huum presente, e ao Toloa outro ; e que o presente ha de ser de 
panos ricos dos que vem a Qofar de Cambaya ; e que nom sera 
muyto de fazer a paz com elles d esta maneira. Elrey de Qofala, 
senhor, era mouro, e todos hos homens que ha em Qofala sam 
mouros ; alguuns cafres vy vem ao redor d eles ; mas nom amtre 
eles ; ha, senhor, na primeira aldea de Qofala que esta na pomta 
do mar iiij*^ moradores ; e naldea d elrey outros iiij*^ moradores ; 
e hu de huua a outra accrca de meia Icgoa. E ha em todo o 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 61 

senhorio d eirey de Qofala x homeens ; e acodem ao seu atabaque 
bij homeens de huum dia ao outro. Assy, senhor, me afyrmaram 
que avia em Quiloa que vinham e hiam xxx homeens, pouco 
mays ou menos, e Qofala era do regnno de Quylloa. Mombasa, 
senhor, he de grande avantajem de Quiloa, asy de mercadores 
como d outra jente. Os direitos, senhor, que tem elrey de Mom- 
basa dos mercadores que vaSo a Qofalla ssam estes: quallquer 
mercador que vem a Mombasa e traz mjU pannos pagua a elrey 
de direitos d emtrada por cada mill pannos huum mjtiquall d 
ouro; e entam partem Ihe os mjU panes pola metade; e elrey 
toma a metade ; e a outra metade fica ao mercador ; e, quer os 
leve fora, quer os venda na cydade, a Ihe de levar esta metade ; 
e elrey manda vender o seu a Qofala ou a Quiloa. E os direitos 
que tem elrey de Quiloa ssam: que quallquer mercador que 
entrar na cydade paga de cada b^ pannos que traz, quer sejam 
ricos, quer bayxos, huum mjtiquall d ouro d emtrada ; e, despoys 
de pagar este mjtiquall por os b*^ pannos, leva elrey dous ter^os 
de toda a mercadoria que fica, e o mercador huum ter^o ; e do 
terfo que fica ao mercador nom ho ha de tirar da cydade, e 
tomam Ihe a valiar toda a mercadaria que Ihe fica n aquele huum 
ter^o, e paga de cada mill mytiquaees xxx mytiquaees pera elrey 
de Quiloa. E d aly parte o mercador pera Qofala ; e, como la 
chegava, pagava de cada bij panes huum pano pera o dito rey de 
Quiloa. E, quando se toma pera Quiloa, que vem de Qofala, a 
de vymir de for^a por Quiloa ; e page do ouro que traz a elrey 
de cada mjU mjtiquaees L^ mjtiquaees d ouro, e em Momba9a a 
jda nom paga nada. E, sse passa por Quiloa, e nom entra nela, 
ha de hyr todavia a Mombasa, e, sse nom leva alvara de como 
pagou em Quiloa, aly Ihe tomam estes L^ mytiquaes de cada 
mjU mitiquaes, e os mandam a elrey de Quiloa. E o direito que 
tambem pagam a elrey de Quiloa do marfim he : que de cada 
bahar paga xx mytiquaes d ouro em Qofala ; e, quando vem a 
Quiloa, paga majs de cada bij demtes huum, e em cada bahar ha 
XX farazulas, e em cada farazula ha xxiij arrates. E despoys, 
senhor, que este rey de Qofala, que matou Pero Davyam, regnou, 
nunca mays deu nenhuuns direitos a elrey de Quiloa, dos que sse 
arrecadavam em Qofala. Sprita em Cochim a xx dias do mes de 
Novembro de 1506. 

Senhor, pe90 a Vossa Alteza que olhe a quamto servj^o eu 
tenho feito, e que nom tenho nenhiiua cousa, e que tenho b filhos 



62 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

e filhas ; e, poys ca ando servyndo Vossa Alteza, que me fa^a 
mer9ee da feitoria de Cananor, despoys que Lopo Cabreyra acabar 
seu tempo, ou primeiro, se se ele primeiro quiser hyr, no que 
Yossa Alteza me fara grande mer^ee. 

Feitura de Vosa Alteza 

Diogo d Alcagova. 
Sobrescripto. — A ElEey Nosso Senlior. 



[English translation of the foregoing.'] 

Letter of Diogo de ALCAgovA to the King Dom Manuel con- 
cerning Sofala, its trade, places where the gold is obtained^ 
which are in the interior, in the kingdom of Vealanga, the 
manner in which one goes to them, the way in which the mines 
are worked, the certainty that all the gold is exported through 
Sofala, wars of the king of Vealanga and the evil resulting 
therefrom to this town, because it does not receive it (the 
gold) in so large a quantity as before, the means of putting 
an end to that war, and some observations upon Kilwa and 
Mombasa. 

Sir, — Your Highness sent me to Sofala that I should serve you 
in it. I, Sir, when I came from Portugal came with Pedro 
d'Anaya, whom may God have,* in the ship Santo Espirito, in 
which he came, and as we arrived upon the banks of Sofala I 
had an attack of fever, and I carried it as far as close to Sofala, 
and in consequence of it I was left with my stomach in a very 
disordered state through the purgatives which they gave me ; 
and, after the fortress was built, I again fell ill with fever 
through the labour of making it, of which I nearly died ; they 
gave me purgatives again ; and I was left with my stomach very 
swollen. As it seemed. Sir, to Pedro d'Anaya that I should 
leave for Portugal, as each attack was more severe, I came in the 

* There is <n'cat difficulty Id fixing upon the correct names of individuals in 
all such ancient documents as this, especially when they were written by men 
with no pretension to literary attainments. In the translation I give the modem 
furm of the name, which by the best of the old authors was written da Nhaya* 
As the Portuguese text is copied verbatim et literatim, it is optional with the 
reader to follow my rendering it into Eiiglish or not. The expression *' whom 
may God have " is used only of one who is dead. — G. M. T. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa^ 63 

caravel Espera to Eilwa, in order to go from that place to 
Portugal ; and did not find (any vessel) in which to go : I came 
to India in this state of illness, but not so bad as before, where I 
remain by order of the viceroy to serve Your Highness in what 
he may command. The letters of Pedro d'Anaya, and also a 
present of gold which the king of Sofala sent to Your Highness, 
I was ordered by the viceroy to deliver to the factor Lourengo 
Moreno, because I had to go to Batecala to act as factor for 
Your Highness ; and I delivered all to him ; and the viceroy 
sent it to Your Highness just as I brought it, and he writes of it 
to Your Highness. 

It is well. Sir, that I should give some account to Your 
Highness of the affairs of Sofala, and of the gold that there is in 
it, and where it comes from, and how it is taken out, and why it 
does not come now, because very likely no one will be able to 
tell Your Highness so well as I, as I knew it very exactly. The 
kingdom. Sir, in which there is the gold that comes to Sofala is 
called Vealanga, and the kingdom is very lar^e, in which there 
are many large towns, besides many other villages, and Sofala 
itself is in this kingdom, if not the whole land along the sea. 
The kings of the interior pay little or no regard to it if the 
Moors are in possession ; and going along the coast and towards 
the interior four leagues, because they (the Moors) do not attempt 
to go farther inland, as the KaflSrs rob and kill them, for they 
do not believe in anything. And, Sir, a man might go from 
Sofala to a city which is called Zumubany (Zimbabwe) which is 
large, in which the king always resides, in ten or twelve days, if 
you travel as in Portugal ; but because they do not travel except 
from morning until midday, and eat and sleep until the next 
morning, when they go on again, they cannot go to this city in 
less than twenty or twenty-four days ; and in the whole kingdom 
of Vealanga gold is extracted ; and in this way : they dig out 
the earth and make a kind of tunnel, through which they go 
under the ground a long stone's throw, and keep on taking out 
from the veins with the ground mixed with the gold, and, when 
collected, they put it in a pot, and cook it much in fire ; and 
after cooking they take it out, and put it to cool, and, when 
cold, the earth. remains, and the gold all fine gold; in this Your 
Highness has nothing but pure truth ; and no man can take it 
(the gold) out without leave from the king, under penalty of 



64 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

death. And this king who now reigns, Sir, in Vealanga is the 
son of Mokomba, late king of the said kingdom, and he has the 
name Kwesarimgo Menamotapam, which is like saying king so 
and so, because the title of the king is Menamotapam, and the 
kingdom Vealanga. Your Highness is already aware that for 
twelve or thirteen years there has been war in the kingdom from 
which the gold came to Sofala ; it is this Vealanga ; the war. 
Sir, was in this way. In the time of Mokomba Menamotapam, 
father of this Kwesarimgo Menamotapam, he had a favourite who 
was a great lord in his kingdom, and who ruled the whole 
kingdom by exiling and beheading, and all other things that 
he willed, like a king, who was called Tshanganijr, and was chief 
justice of the king ; and the title of this chief justice was ameer, 
just as we say governor. And this coneer had in the kingdom 
many towns and places which the king had given to him. And 
the ameer being in his territories, made himself great through 
the authority he possessed in the kingdom, and thus he acquired 
many retainers ; and other favourites of the king, through envy, 
began to tell the king that the ameer wanted to raise himself to 
sovereign authority ; that he should kill him. And to the king 
it seemed that it was so through the many people that he main- 
tained ; the king resolved to kill the ameer, and sent to him in 
his territory by a nobleman a cup of poison that he should drink 
it ; and because it is usual, when the king wishes any one to be 
killed, whether high or low, to send him poison to drink, and 
they drink it, and this is equivalent to beheading by justice. 
And when it is to be drunk, that one to whom they give it is 
much pleased and richly dressed in silk cloth ; and the cloth 
comes from Sofala. And if he drinks it, he dies immediately, 
and his children or relations who are heirs inherit all his lands 
and goods ; and, if he will not drink the poison, they cut off his 
head, and none of his children or heirs inherit anything of his, 
and it remains to the king. And this ameer, when the king 
sent him the poison that he should drink it, would not do so, 
and gave as a reply to the king, that he should send him to 
fight in war, wherever he pleased, because he would rather die 
fighting than thus with poison. And, when he sent him this 
reply, he forwarded to the king Mokomba Menamotapam four 
barrels like ships' water- casks full of gold and also four thousand 
hornless cows ; and (begged) that he should not order him to drink 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 65 

that poison. And nevertheless the king commanded again that 
he should drink it ; and the ameer would not ; so that the king 
ordered him three times to drink it. And when the ameer saw 
that the king thus desired, he made up his mind to kill him in 
the city where he was, which is called Zunhauhy (Zimbabwe ?) ; 
and he took with him many people ; and when he arrived near 
the city, the grandees who were with the king knew that he was 
coming, they went to receive him, and, when they saw him 
coming in that way, they would not remain in the city and went 
out of it ; and the ameer went to the houses of the king, which 
were of stone and clay very large and of one storey, and he 
entered where the king was with his slaves and some other men ; 
and while speaking to the king the ameer cut his head off; and 
as he killed him, he made himself king ; and all obeyed him ; 
and he reigned peacefully four years ; and the king Mokomba left 
twenty-two children ; and the ameer killed them all, except one, 
the eldest, who was still young, whose name was Kwekarynugo, 
who is now the king ; and this one fled to another kingdom of 
his uncle ; and when he was twenty years old, he took possession 
of the kingdom with many people of his father, who came to 
join him ; and he marched against the ameer who had killed his 
father, in a field close to the town. And, when the ameer saw 
that he was coming upon him, he sent many people to fight with 
him ; and the son of the king killed many people of the ameer ; 
and when the ameer saw that they killed so many people, he 
came out to fight with him ; and the son of the king killed the 
ameer in the field ; and the battle lasted three days and a half, 
in which many people were killed on both sides ; and, as the 
ameer was dead Ewekarimugo Menamotapam had the kingdom to 
himself, except that the territories of the ameer would not 
submit to him ; and the ameer left a relative who is named 
Toloa, who now with a son of the ameer wages war with the 
king Kwesarinuto. And the king Kwesarinuto sent many times 
to Toloa to say that they should be friends, and Toloa will not, 
and says that as he killed his lord, he will kill him. And in 
this way. Sir, the war originated, and is still to-day. And for 
this reason. Sir, the gold does not come to Sofala as it used to, 
because some rob the others on both sides ; and the gold, Sir, is 
all found in the territory of the ameer and round about it, 
although there is some in all parts of the kingdom, but in small 

F 



CO Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

quantities. And, Sir, when the land was at peace three or four 

ships took away from Sofala each year a million of gold, and 

sometimes one million three hundred thousand miticals * of 

gold, of over a million, and not below. I, Sir, also tried to 

ascertain if any gold went out of the kingdom of Yealanga 

through any other part of the interior; it does not go out 

through any other part, except through Sofala, and something 

through Angoya, but not much ; I was told that through Angoya 

about fifty thousand miticcds of gold came every year. And so. 

Sir, I endeavoured to ascertain in what manner peace could be 

made between these two, the king of Yealanga and Toloa; I was 

told that it could not be done except through the king of Sofala 

or through the king of Kilwa. And that they did not make it 

all this time, in order that the gold should not come through 

Sofala, as it used to, that the Christians should not find it if they 

came there ; as they heard that the Admiral (Vasco da Gama) 

had come to India, and that the Christians were in possession of 

Sofala, and that therefore they did not make peace. And that. 

Sir, if they make peace, it will be by sending a present to the 

king Ewesarinugo Menamotapam, and another to Toloa; and 

that the present will be of rich cloth like that which comes to 

. Sofala from Cambaya ; and that there will be no great difficulty 

in making peace between them in this way. The king of Sofala, 

Sir, was a Moor, and all the men who are in Sofala are Moors ; 

some Kaffirs live round about them; but not among them; 

there are. Sir, four hundred inhabitants in the first village of 

Sofala, which is on a point at the sea ; and in the village of the 

king other four hundred inhabitants ; and the distance between 

them is about half a league. And there are in the whole 

seigniory of Sofala ten thousand men ; and there rally round his 

kettle-drum from day to day seven thousand men. Thus, Sir, I 

was assured that there were in Kilwa thirty thousand men who 

came and went, more or less, and Sofala was part of the kingdom 

of Kilwa. Mombasa, Sir, is superior to Kilwa, both in merchants 

and other people. The duties. Sir, which the king of Mombasa 

receives from the merchants who go to Sofala are the following : 

♦ Taking the mitical at four hundred and sixty-seven reis, and one hundred 
reis as equal to five and three-fifths English pennies, the quantity of gold yearly 
exporteil through Sofala, as here represented, would be from £108,966 13«. 4f/. to 
£141,656 13». 4r/. But sec subsequent lettors from Sofala.— G. M. T. 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 67 

any merchant who comes to Mombasa and brings a thousand 
pieces of cloth pays to the king duties of entrance for each 
thousand pieces of cloth one mitical of gold ; and then they 
divide the thousand pieces of cloth into two halves ; and the 
king takes one half ; and the other half remains to the merchant ; 
and, whether he carries them beyond, or sells them in the city, 
he has to take this half to the king ; and the king sends his to 
be sold at Sofala or at Kilwa. And the duties which the king of 
Kilwa has are : that any merchant who wishes to enter the city 
pays for each five hundred pieces of cloth he brings, no matter 
what the quality, one mitical of gold as entrance duty ; and, after 
paying this mitical for the five hundred pieces of cloth, the king 
takes two-thirds of all the merchandise, and the merchant one- 
third ; and the third which remains to the merchant must not 
be taken from the city, and the whole merchandise remaining in 
that third is again vcdued, and pays for each thousand miticals 
thirty miticals for the king of Kilwa. And from that place the 
merchant departs for Sofala ; and, on arriving there, he must pay 
lor every seven pieces of cloth one piece for the said king of 
Kilwa. And when any one returns from Sofala, he is obliged to 
stop at Kilwa ; and he must pay to the king for each thousand 
miticals of gold he carries with him fifty miticals of gold, and at 
Mombasa going through costs nothing. And, if he passes Kilwa, 
and does not enter it, he must however go to Mombasa, and if he 
does not carry with him a clearance to show that he has paid at 
Kilwa, there they .take these fifty miticals out of every thousand 
miticals, and send them to the king of Kilwa. And the duty on 
ivory which they also pay to the king of Kilwa is : that for each 
bahar he pays twenty miticals of gold in Sofala ; and when they 
come to Kilwa, he pays further for each seven tusks one, and in 
each bahar are twenty farazulas, and in each farazula there are 
twenty-three pounds. And since. Sir, this king of Sofala, whom 
Pedro d'Anaya killed, reigned, no one has ever paid duties to the 
king of Kilwa out of those collected at Sofala. 

Written at Cochin on the 20th day of the month of November 
1506. 

Sir, I pray Your Highness to bear in mind what I have done, 
and that I possess nothing, and that I have five sons and 
daughters ; and whereas I am serving Your Highness, that you 
will grant me the factory of Cananor, after Lopo Cabreyra has 

F 2 



68 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

completed his term, or sooner, if he wishes to leave earlier, by 
which Your Highness will confer upon me a great favour. 
The servant of Your Highness, 

Diogo d'Alca9ova. 
To the King our Lord. 



Extracto do Begimento dado a Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, para ir 
descobrir a parte oeste da ilha de 8. Lourengo, pots a outra era 
jd toda descoberta, e qtuiesquer terras atS Malaea, tomando de 
tfido infomuifao : — * 

E achando ouro em Mo^anbique, que hy tenha Vasquo Guomez 
d Abreu nosso capitam e o feitor do nosso resgate de Qufalia, Ike 
requererees que voUo entregue pera nolle trazerdes; e sse elle ho 
nam tevesse hy, e tevesse recado que estava em Cufalla, hirees a 
Cufalla, e tomarees ho ouro que hy achardes, e noUo trazees, e 
com elle e com todo a mais que nas ditas jlhas descobrirdes vos 
virees em booa ora a nos. E por este capitoUo mandamos ao dito 
Yasco Guomez nosso capitam de Qufalla e Mo^nbique que vos 
fafa entregar o ouro que tever hy em Mocambique ou em Cuffalla 
ate contia de L dobras pera nolle trazerdes. 

Feito em AUmeirim a xiij dias de Fevereiro de jb*^biij^ 

Key. 

[Englisli translation of the foregoing.^ 

Extract from the Instructions given to DiOGO Lopes de Sequeira, 
to go and explore tlie western part of the island of Madagascar, 
as the whole of the other coast had already been explor^, and 
any other countries as far as Malacca, taking informaiion 
about everything : — 

And finding gold at Mozambique, that Vasco Gomes d'Abreu 
our captain and the factor of our trade at Sofala may have there, 
you will ask him to deliver it to you m order to bring it to us ; 
and should he not have it there, and should he have received 

♦ ThU is an extract from an original manuscript in the archives at Lisbon, 
published by the Portuguese government in 1892 in the volume already 
mentioned. — G. M. T. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 69 

informatiou that it was in Sofala, you shall proceed to Sofala, aud 
shall take the gold that you may find there, and shall bring it to 
us, and with it and with whatever else you may have discovered 
in the said islands you shall come back in a fortunate hour to us. 
And by this instruction we send order to the said Vasco Gomes 
our captain of Sofala and Mozambique to deliver to you the gold 
that he may have there at Mozambique or at Sofala up to the 
amount of fifty thousand dobras, that you may bring it to us. 
Done at Almeirim on the 13th day of February 1508. 

(Signed) The King. 



Extractos da Carta de Duarte de Lemos a ElBei D. Manuel.* 

Faz Duarte de Mello isto, e todas as outras coussas da 
governan^a da terra, com tamto rrequado, he tamta diligem9iay 
que me pare9eo voso servifo dizelo, pera Iho agrade^er e fazer 
muita mer9e, que por isso mere9e ; porque, segundo as cousas d 
aquj e primcipallmente Qafalla estam desmanchadas, por nam ser 
avido Vasco Gomez, que d isso tinha carequo ; se aquj fiquara 
outro omem de mon . . . rrequado, que Duarte de Melo tudo 
esto . . . era perdido ; porque, comquanto prove a tudo, quanto a 
eile he posy veil, muito comprira a voso servi90 ser Yorie d Aguiar 
presemte, ou eu ter 9erteza que elle erra avante ou a rre, pera 
lazer nisso o que me pare9era servi9o de Vossa Alteza. E, porque, 
senhor, eu queria dar boa conta de mjm em tudo, quando vir que 
vosso servi9o se perde, e eu com rezam ho devo prover, crreya 
Vossa Alteza que ho farey entejramente, ho milhor que eu souber ; 
porque em cousa em que tamto vaij a so servi9o, nam compre 
dilayam. £, segumdo a emforma9am que aquj acho em todalas 
pessoas que nesta fortaleza estam, tudo esta mall aparelbado e 
primcipallmente tenho d isto enforma9am pello feitor d aquj e 
ofi9iaes, que todos falam per hua maneira ; e asaz he de ser verdade 
o que me dizem nam aver em Qofalla mays de dous ate tres mjll 
mitiquaes d ourro, depois que Vasco Guomez d ella partio, ate 
aguora. 

* These are extracts from an original document in the archives at Lisbon, 
published by the Portuguese government in 1^92 in the volume already 
mentioned. — G. M. T. 



70 Records of Souih-Easteni Africa. 

Item. Lhe mandava Vossa Alteza que da abastam^a do ourro 
de Qofalla, lhe escprevese que tinha sabido, e asy da terra firme e 
ilhas ; e se tinha descuberto com os navios algua cousa. 

Yasco GuomeZy como chegou a ^falla, fez hua sala • . . na 
fortaleza. Aquj em Mozambique nam leixou rregimento, como 
ya tenho dyto a Vossa Alteza esperando tornar aquj, que tenho 
por nova, a^erqua do ouro de Cofalla, he que a muito na terra, e 
na feituria de Vossa Alteza a muyta merquadoria e rresgatam 
muito pouquo. Per mouros e per christaos, e pellos proprios 
oficiaes d aquj de Mozambique, que sam alcaide e feitor e escprivam, 
tenho sabido que he cuUpa de vosos oficiaes nam aver mays ourro 
na cassa de Cofalla,e que ya . . . . tem mandado hiia enquirizam 
a Vossa Alteza que se aquj tirou. Das ilhas que Vossa Alteza 
queria saber, e asy sse descubrirra algua cousa com os navjos, nam 
ha i nada feyto. 

Item. Da saude da jemte de Cofalla, Deus seya louvado, he 
mays saao que Symtra. Tenho, senhor, sabido que nam adoe^eo 
em todo este ano pasado hum soo omem. 

Item. Dos mouros d Amgoya, estam como estavam: danam 
todo o trato de Cofalla. Pareje me pouquo voso servi^o estar 
allij aquella ladrroeira. Segundo per esta carta de Vasco Guomez 
vij a vomtade de Vossa Alteza, nam tardarra muito que se nam 
fa^a d elles o que Vossa Alteza a Vasco Guomez tinha mandado ; 
e eu o fezerra loguo, com estes navios que comjguo estam, se nam 
esperarra por Jorie d Aguiar ; mas, tamto que sua vimda emborra 
for, elle verra qu e tamto servifo de Vossa Alteza, que o 
mandarra fazer loguo; porque, com a estada d estes mouros d 
Amguoja, e asy com alguns outros que ao lomguo d esta costa d 
aquj pera Cofalla estam tudo danado e ; asy dous outros que aquj 
estam em Mocambique, he pouquo servizo de Vossa Alteza leixalos 
aquj estar, porque sam mercadores, e secretamente . . . trratam 
com OS d Amgoja, per cima de todallas diligemzias que os oficiaes 
de Vossa Altez^i posam fazer ; porque, como a este lugar henham 
ter vosos capitaes, e suas gentes tragam panes de suas partes, estes 
mouros os rrecolhem todos secretamente por quatro galinhas, e d 
aquj OS mandam a Amgoya, pellos mesmos mouros que aquj d 
Amgoya vem trrazer mantimentos, e d alij rresgatam com Qofalla ; 
e, que seyam buscados pellos ofifiaes de Vossa Alteza, nam lhe 
acham nada, porque, hum dia amtes ou dous, tem posto em 
almadias dc i)escar, na terra iirme, tudo o dofcso, e camdo vam de 



Records of SoiUh-Eastern Africa. 71 

camjnho, tomom no ; e asy fazem quando pera qua vem. Asy, 
Benhor, que o atalho d isto pera Vos^a Alteza ser servido seria 
nem aquj, nem em toda a costa, d aquj a Cofalla, nam aver mouro 
d estes omrados, que danam voso trrato ; porque os d aquj da 
terra de Mozambique sam bystiaes, e comtemtam se . . . • guan- 
harem hum alqueire de mjlho, e nam podem danar em maijs, e 
seryem nestas obrras e em tudo, como escpravos ; e estes outros 
que danam, sam todos mercadores e estrramgeiros : hum he d 
Ormuz ; outro he d Adem ; outros sam d outrras partes ; e sam 
todos mens avjsados e que toda sua vida trrataram ; e estees sam 
OS que danam voso servico, que aviam mester todos pimchados. 

Vasco Guomez fez em Cofalla, emquanto hij esteve, hua 
carravella de coremta tones, que comsiguo levou. Leixou aquij 
em Mocambique hum navio que se chama Sam Geaao, o quail d 
aquj pera Cofalla vay com mantimentos, quando sam ne^e^Mios, e 
mereadoria. Amda por capitam d elle Lopo Cabrall; e la he 
aguorra, senhor, em Cofalla. 

Em Qofalla esta por capitam, que hij deyxou Vasco Guomez, 
Euj de Brito Patalim ; por feitor, Pero Pesoa. 

Item. Do dinheiro que Vossa Alteza mandava dar a Kuj d 
Arrahujo, e asy ao capitam moor, nam sse fez nada, pello nam 
aver em Cofalla e menos aquj. 

Item. Da mereadoria que Vossa Alteza quer saber que d estes 
rreinos haproveitaria pera Q^falla, dizem m aquj vosos ofifiaes, 
que nam querem senam panes de Cambaya e corneas que ha em 
Mjlimdj ; e, se algua de Purtugall elles querem, sam brabamtes 
alvos e larguos. Tomey aquj os nomes das mercadorias que 
querem d esta costa por omde avemos d amdar pera dar d iso 
conta ao capitam moor pera as aver, ou, em sua ausemzia, quando 
vimjr que elle nam vem, fazer eu o que elle faria, vemdo a 
nezezidade que d iso tem a casa de Qofalla, temdo outra muyta 
mereadoria que vail gram soma de dinheiro. 

Escprita em Mozambique, o derradeiro dia de Setembro de 
508. 

Beyjo as moos de Vos Alteza. 

Duarte de Lemos. 



72 Records of Sauth-Eastern Africa. 

[Translation of the foregoing.] 

Extracts from a Letter from Duarte de Lemos to the Kino 

DoM Manuel. 

Duarto de Mello does this, and all other matters connected with 
the government of the country, with so much care, and so much 
diligence, that I thought for your service I should inform you, 
in order that you should thank him and show him much favour, 
as he deserves it ; because as matters here and chiefly at Sofala 
are out of order, in consequence of Vasco Gomes, who was at the 
head of affairs, not having appeared ; if another man of less 
ability than Duarte de Mello had been left here all would be 
lost ; nevertheless, although he attends to everything, as far as 
he can, the presence of Jorge d'Aguiar will forward your service, 
or I (could do so if I had) the certainty that he was in advance 
or still behind, in order to take such action as I thought would 
be in the interest of Your Highness. And because, Sir, I should 
like to give a good account of myself in everything, when I see 
that your service is going backward, and I with reason ought to 
attend to it, be assured. Your Highness, that I will do it 
thoroughly, to the best of my ability; because in a matter that 
affects your interests go much, it is not right that there should 
be any delay. And, according to the information that I obtain 
here from all persons who are in this fortress, everything is in 
bad order and chiefly I have this information from the factor 
here and the oflicers, all of whom speak in the same way ; and it 
is but too true what they tell me that at Sofala no more than two 
to three thousand mitieals of gold have been obtained, since 
Vasco Gomes left that place until the present time. 

Item. Your Highness commanded him to write what he had 
ascertained concerning the supply of gold at Sofala, and also 
concerning the mainland and the islands; and if he had dis- 
covered anything with the ships. 

Vasco Gomes, when he arrived at Sofala, built a hall ... in 
the fortress. Here at jMozambique he did not leave instructions, 
as I have already informed Your Highness, he expecting to return 
here. The information I have concerning the gold of Sofala is 
that it is plentiful in the country, and in the factory of Your 
Highness there is much merchandise and they barter very little. 



Records of South Eastern Africa. 73 

From the Moors and from the Christians, and from the officers 
themselves here at Mozambique, who are the judge and the 
factor and the secretary, I have ascertained that it is the fault of 
your officers that there is not more gold in the store at Sofala, 
and that a report has already been sent to Your Highness of 
what has taken place here. Concerning the islands of which 
Your Highness wished to have information, and also if anything 
had been discovered with the ships, nothing has been done. 

Item. Of the health of the people at Sofala, God be praised, it 
is healthier than Cintra, I have known, Sir, that during the 
whole of last year not a single man fell ill. 

Item. Of the Moors of Angoya, they are as they were : they 
ruin the whole trade of Sofala. I think it is little for your 
service that thieving being there. From the letter of Vasco 
Gomes I saw the wishes of Your Highness, what Your Highness 
ordered Yasco Gomes will soon be done to them ; and I would 
have done it at once, with these ships which were with me, if I 
were not waiting for Jorge d'Aguiar ; but, although his coming 
is delayed, he will see that it is so much for the service of Your 
Highness that he will have it done at once ; because, with the 
existence of these Moors of Angoya, and also with some others 
who are along this coast from this place to Sofala everything is 
being ruined ; also of the others who are here in Mozambique, it 
is of little service to Your Highness to allow them to remain here, 
because they are merchants, and they deal secretly with those of 
Angoya, in spite of all the efforts that the officers of Your Highness 
can make ; because, as your captains come to this place, and their 
crews bring pieces of cloth on their own account, these Moors 
buy them all secretly for four hens, and they send them from 
this place to Angoya by the same Moors who bring food here 
from Angoya, and from that place they barter with Sofala ; and, 
if they are searched by the officers of Your Highness, nothing is 
found on them, because, one or two days before, they place all the 
smuggled goods in fishing canoes on the mainland, and when 
they go on the road they take it with them ; and so they do 
when they return. Thus, Sir, the best thing for the interests of 
Your Highness would be that neither here nor on the whole 
coast from this place to Sofala should there be any Moors who 
injure your trade ; because those here of the territory of Mozam- 
bique are beasts, and they are quite content to earn a measure of 



74 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

millet, and they cannot do more harm (than they are doing at 
present), and they act in these matters and in everything as 
slaves; and these others who injure us are all merchants and 
strangers ; one is from Ormuz ; another is from Aden ; others 
are from other places ; and they are all crafty-minded and have 
been trading all their lives ; and these are they who injure your 
service, who should all be blown up. 

Vasco Gomes built in Sofala, while he was there, a caravel of 
forty tons, which he took with him. He left here in Mozambique 
a ship which is called Saint Johriy which plies between this place 
and Sofala with provisions, when they are needed, and merchan- 
dise. The captain of this vessel is Lopo Cabral ; and he is there 
now, Sir, in Sofala. 

In Sofala is as captain, left there by Vasco Gomes, Ruy de 
Brito Fatalim ; as factor, Pedro Pesoa. 

Item. Concerning the money which Your Highness ordered 
to be given to Buy d'Araujo, and also to the chief captain, nothing 
has been done, for there was none at Sofala and less here. 

Item. Of the merchandise of these countries that would be 
of advantage for Sofala, concerning which Your Highness wishes 
to be informed, your officers here tell me they only need cloth 
of Cambaya and shells which are in Melinde ; and if they require 
any merchandise from Portugal, it is Flemish linen white and 
broad. I took down here the descriptions of the merchandise 
that is required along this coast where it is frequented, in order 
to give an account of it to the chief captain, so that he may 
get them, or, in his absence, when I see that he is not coming, 
to do what he would do, taking into consideration the require- 
ments of the factory of Sofala, and its having much other 
merchandise which is worth a large sum of money. 

Written at Mozambique on the last day of September 1508. 

I kiss the hands of Your Highness. 

(Signed) Duarte de Lemos. 



Beoards of South-Eastern Africa. 75 



Carta de Pedro Vaz Scares, feitor de Sofala, a ElBei Dom 
Manuel, sobre os negocios d'esta feiioria^ com muitas noticias 
d'aqveUes logares e do seu commercio com o interior e com 
Portugal^ principalmente no que respeita ao oiro* 

Senhor, — ^nam escreuy a vosa alteza quando daquy foy berto- 
lameu prestrelo das cousas desta feitoria e do trato dela porque 
me pare^eo que por ele seria vosa alteza emformado largamente 
de todo o que compryse a seu serui90 e a sua fazenda somente 
escreuy a dom martinho das mercadarias que aehey nesta feitoiia 
e Ee^eby do dito feitor pera que se comprise vosa alteza o poder 
saber dele per mjnha carta. E asy do ouro que memtregou ho 
dito feitor fazendo fundamento dar depois conta a vosa alteza do 
Hemdimento e Besgate desta casa e das cousas que me parecese 
seu serui^o, eu Senhor depois que fuy emtrege da dita feitoria 
que foy na fim doutubro de UcXII ate fim deste mes de junho de 
UcXIII que sam XJIII meses nam tenho Eesgatado mais de seis 
mjU e quinhemtos at6 sete mjl meticaes e este ouro easy todo 
Besgatey com os mouros mercadores daquy de 9ofala que 
continoamente Besgatam pouco ou mujto porque dos cafres e 
mercadores de sertam yejo aquy tam poucos que deles ategora 
nam tenho Besgatado quinhemtos meticaes certo senhor eu nam 
sey a que ho ponha e posto que ategora segundo eles dizesse que 
amtre eles ouve geras e causas por onde nam vinham mercadores 
agora toda ha tera esta da paz ate menamotapa que he o mor Bey 
e Senhor de toda esta tera e a que todos os outros Beyx e 
senhores sam sojeitos e obede9em e onde ha majs cantidade douro 
ha nestas partes segundo todos dizem, o qual depois que acabou 
algiias geras em que andava mandou fazer paz por toda a tera 
que Ihe obedefe pera que todos os mercadores podesem jr e vjr 
tratar por onde quisesem seguramente e alem de tudo ho capitam 
trabalhou de fazer amjzade com todos estes Beix e senhores aquy 
comarcaos dos quaes podiamos ter neyesidade pera os mercadores 
poderem jr e vjr seguros por suas teras com dadivas e presemtes 
e asy algus com tem^as de ^erta cousa cada seis luuas segundo o 
costume damtre eles e com a bamdeyra de vosa alteza como Ihe 
tem mandado e dado poder per as terem como vasalos e senijdores 
de vosa alteza e por terem sens camjnhos de suas terras abcrtos e 

* Copied fur mc from the origiual iu the arciiivts at Lisbon. — G. M. T. 



76 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

sem nenhum Jnpedimento pera os ditos mercadores poderem Jr 
e vjr seguros, polo qual Senhor os mouros diiquy de cofala vam e 
yem agora seguros por onde querem com suas mercadarias o que 
ategora nam faziam porque em mujtas partes eram Roubados e os 
matavam e comtudo nam leixavam de jr com as ditas mercadarias 
pelo grande ganho e proueyto que fazem com os cafres em suas 
teras E por este custume e foro em que estam creo que nam vem 
aquy a comprar sem alguns que compram majs groso que sam 
Senhor muj poucos e posto que em toda a tera aja ouro be 
espalhado pela tera e nem tem cada bum tanta cantidade pera 
que posa ca vir de tam lonje a BesgataJo e asy porque esperam 
que Ibe levem la as mercadarias onde compram cada bum o que 
quer e asy vem feiras 9ertas onde estam xeques daquy de 9ofaIa 
feitores destes mercadores onde Ibe vem comprar as mercadorias 
que Ibe de qa mandam. E tambem Senbor sera jnconvenjente 
nam vjr aquy tanto ouro porque os mouros por o que compre a 
sens tratos emformaram os cafres muy mal dos cbristaos dizendo 
Ibe que Ibe vendemos as mercadarias majs caras do que Ibe eles 
vendem levandolbas a suas teras pera ver se per algua maneyra 
poderam inpedir e danar o Besgate daquy e isto faram secreto 
porque pubrico amostram que nam desejam majs bem todos que 
serujrem vosa alteza e acre9entar este trato e vjrem aquy 
mercadores E ategora o capitam despendeo e gastou de vosa 
fazenda com as ditas dadivas por os camjnbos serem abertos e 
seguros E eles vam la fazer sens Kesgates e proveitos com as 
mercadarias que aquy tomam. E a outra causa porque me pare9e 
Senbor que nam ba nesta tera tanto ouro como tem dito a vosa 
alteza be porque todo o que aquy vem asy dos cafres como dos 
mouros que de la trazem be laurado em contas e joias muj meudas 
que muj pouco vem em peda90S grosos fundido que be muj 
desviado do ouro que vem do castelo da mjna que be em grosas 
manylbas e colares, que be synal que be amtre eles muj estimado 
e que nem be tamto como deziam porque quando algum Rey 
aquy manda algua dadiva por cousas que Ibe mandam que valem 
quarenta meticaes manda aquy ao capitam bum Ramal de contas 
douro muj meudas que pesa dez e doze meticaes avendo que Ibe 
manda ba maior cousa do mundo que me nem satisfaz Senbor 
mujto polo que compre a voso serui9o e pola esperam9a que tem 
da Kemda de 9ofala pera o mujto gasto e despesa que aquy tem 
foita nesta fortuleza e se faz cada dja com ba jemte que aquy t«m 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa, 77 

e caravelas que aquy andam que he mujta despesa pera tarn 
pouco Bendimento e proveito, que escasamente abastara per as 
despesas da dita casa porque dois mil e tantos meticaes que 
memtregou ho feitor quando se foy com todo ho outro ouro quo 
Remdeo esta casa atee fim de mar9o que eram majs tres mil e 
tantos meticaes se despenderom em soldos e mamtimentos dos 
moradores desta fortaleza e jemte das caravelas de todo o tempo 
que Ihe era devjdo des que partiram de portugal sendo Ihes feito 
sous descontos do que la Beceberam dante mao, de maneira que 
foy necesarjo ao capitam tomar huns dois mil meticaes que aquy 
memtregou o feitor do ouro dos finados pera Besgoardo da despesa 
da dita casa como vosa alteza Ihe mandou em hum Begimento 
que trouxe e la manda as aBecadacoes do dito ouro ha vosa alteza 
pera o la mandar pagar Aos erdeiros dos ditos defuntos e ho majs 
que ategora Bemdeo esta casa abastara pera o que ja he devjdo 
dos ditos moradores daquy em diante espero em noso Senhor que 
nos acudjra Besgate pois que ha tera toda esta de paz e sem 
nenhum empidimento pera os mercadores poderem vjr se os hy a. 
£ em quanto Senhor esta casa nom Bende o que vosa alteza 
espera mujta despesa que aquy tem sobeja a pode bem escusar 
como he alcaide mor que haquy no he majs nefesaryo que pera 
levar dinheiro a vosa alteza, E ajnda Senhor capitam ho podera 
vosa alteza muj bem escusar que leva hum ter^o do gasto desta 
casa cadano porque com hum feitor homem de Becado e de que 
vosa alteza confye com dous escrivaes abasta pera goarda desta 
forteleza e trato dela, com hum almoxarife que tenha caBego dos 
mantjmentos e toda ha outra jemte ser de trabalho e doJi9ios 
macanycos pera aquy necesarjos que se acharam por menos dos 
vinte mil reaes que aquy tem ordenados, porque a tera he aquy 
tarn segura e sojeita a esta forteleza que mais nom pode ser com 
duas caravelas que aquy andem hua pera goarda da costa e outra 
pera Besgates de fora e provymentos dos mantimentos pera aquy 
necesarjos, tambem Senhor tem este trato hum dano que Ihe faz 
mujto Jmpidimento do dito Besgate o qual he angoja onde estam 
mujtos mouros estamtes mercadores de quiloa e melinde e Ihe 
vem mujtas mercadorias em zambuqos que sempre pasam aos 
tempos que eles sabem que podem vir sem perigo de os tomarem 
porque sam avjsados polos mouros que estam em mo9ambique ao 
tempo que devem pasar e quando hy nom esta navjo porque todos 
tem trato huns com outros com os quaes emchem toda a terra de 



78 Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 

panos, e fazem grande quebra no Eesgate desta feitoria o que vosa 
alteza devja mandar lan9ar daly fora os ditos mouros ou destroilos 
de maneira que nam posam hy viuer nem tratar, e aquele paso de 
mofambique ser bem goardado aos tempos que eles podem vjr 
porque sempre os tomaram. E asy tambem Senhor neste Bio de 
cuama que he o major Ejo que ha nesta costa ha nele mouros 
estamtes mercadores no qual ha mujto marfym e pelo dito Bjo 
a^ima ha mujtos Besgates douro o qual os ditos mouros am polas 
mercadarias que hy tem e polo muito proveito que nele ha o 
capitam desejou mujto e trabalhou pera nele mandar tratar e pera 
o bem poder descobrir mandou fazer paz e amjzade com hum 
xeque Senhor dele que he cafre que esta na emtrada do dito Bio 
em huma Jlha, e Ihe mandou dadivas e Becados pera fazer com 
ele a dita paz pera hy mandar tratar todo o que na tera ouvese e 
poder mjlhor descobrir o dito Bjo por ele a9ima e mandou daquy 
huma caravela com jemte e hum feitor e spivam com mercadarias 
pera fazerem hy algum Besgate fazendo a dita paz com huns 
mouros honBados daqui de 9ofala que pera iso hyam e com 
Becados e dadiuas do dito Bej de 9ofala pera os majs proYocar a 
jso. E depois de la serem e terem feita e asentada a dita paz per 
meo dos mouros que daquy hiam pera iso parecendo ao capitam 
da caravela e feitor e sprivam que era sy verdade e querendo se 
ja TJr o dito xeque peitando pelos mouros da tera que mandase 
chamar o capitam da caravela com ho feitor e escrivam e hum 
bonbardeiro que era Ijngoa pera Ihes jurar a dita paz e amjzade 
segundo seu custume porque doutra maneira ha nam aviam por 
feita e tendo os em tera os matase e que poderiam tomar a 
caravela com toda a outra jente e as mercadarias que nela hiam e 
que nem tornariam la mais os christaos a cometer Ihe a dita paz 
o que o dito xeque fez pola dita manejra mandado chamar o dito 
capitam e feitor e escriuam e bombardeiro em tera pera com eles 
fazer o dito juramento aos quaes por Ihe pare9er que seria verdade 
sem tomarem majs outra seguram9a nem aBefes se foram la onde 
tanto que la foron os mataram todos, levando grandes avisos e 
Begimento do capitam que por nenhua cousa nam saise em tera 
senem o escriuam ou hum so homem quando comprise com os 
mouros que de qa hiam os quaes se lan9aram a nado e eles sos 
escaparom e se salvarom a caravela sobre a qual vieram mujtos 
azambuqos com mujta jemte com arcos e frechas pera ver se 
poderjam tomar o dito navjo o qual se defendeo o mjlhor que 



Records of SorUh-Eastem Africa. 79 

pode as bestas e bombardas com que mataram deles cinqo ou 
seis, e com mujta fadiga cortou as amaBas e se veo por o Eio a 
fundo ate sair de fora e se yeo aquy a (ofala com este mao Kecado 
e por nam conprirem o que leuauam por Begimento do capitam 
nam sabemos ategora se foy esta trei9am feita pelos mouros de ca 
se por OS de la somente aquy se pode Senhor dar hum bom 
castigo se yosalteza quiser com hum navjo pequeno que yenha 
pera aquy quando for pera Jndya com outro que daquy Jra e com 
ajudas que ca ha pera iso, pera que se nom ouse cometer outras 
vezes semelhantes trei9oes ho capitam creo que escreyera a yosa 
alteza a^erqa diso e Ihe dara de tudo majs larga conta, e do que 
86 poder fazer o qual Senhor he ido a mo^ambyque tanto que 
aquy yeo Becado que nom yiera armada da Jndya ao tempo que 
de mo^ambique partio bertolomeu prestrelo em huma naao de 
dom nuno que hy yeo por pimenta a proyer alguas cousas na dita 
forteleza e agoardar armada que ha de yjr de portugal, E alguas 
mercadarias que nos Senhor sam necesarjas nesta feitoria escre- 
yemos a jndja aos feitores de yosa alteza pera nolas mandarem 
per as quaes Ihe mandamos daquy quarenta quintaes de marfim 
que aquy Besgatey depois de aquy ser e mjl meticaes porque 
majs se non pode mandar marfim Senhor ha quy aBazoadamente 
e me trabalho de ayer o majs que posso por que sey que he muj 
proyeitoso na Jndya e se ganha nele mujto polo pouqo que aquy 
custa polas mercadarias com que se compra. 

beijo as Beaes maos de yosa alteza. 

de 9ofala A trinta dias de junho de quinhentos e treze. 

criado e feitura de yosa alteza, 

Pedro Vaaz scares. 
Sobrescripto : A ElBey Nosso Senhor, do feitor de fofala. 

Conforme o original no Archiyo da Torre do Tombo. 

Director, 
Jose Manuel da Costa Basto. 



80 Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa, 



[Translation of the foregoing.'] 

Letter from Pedro Vaz Soarez, factor of Sofala, to the King 
DoM Manuel, upon the trade of the factory, with mnch infor^ 
mation concerning tliat place and of its commerce taith the 
interior and with Portugal, principally in respect of gold. 

Sir, — I did not write to Your Highness concerning the affairs 
of this factory and of it« trade when Bartholomeu Perestrello 
left, because I thought Your Highness would be fully informed 
by him of all that was done for your service and for your business, 
only I wrote to Dom Martin of the merchandise which I found 
in this factory and received from the said factor, in order that he 
might make Your Highness acquainted with it by means of my 
letter. And so of the gold which the said factor delivered to me, 
acting on the principle of giving afterwards to Your Highness 
an account of the revenue and barter of this establishment and 
of the matters which appeared to me for your service. I, Sir, 
since the said factory was transferred to me, which was at the 
end of October 1512, until the end of this month of June 1513, 
that is eight months, have not bartered more than six thousand 
five hundred to seven thousand miticals, and nearly all this gold 
I bartered from the Sloorish traders here at Sofala, who constantly 
barter a little or much, for of the Kaitirs and traders of the 
interior I see here so few that from them to the present time I 
have not bartered five hundred miticals. 

Sir, I do not know how to give you an exact statement, and 
although hitherto, according to what they say, there were wars 
Wtween them and causes owing to which the traders did not 
come, at pn?sout the whole country is at peace as far as Menamo- 
tajMi, who is the oliief king and lord of all this country, and to 
wliom all tho other kings and lords are subject and obedient, and 
whon^ tlioro is tho greatest quantity of gold in these parts, 
a(*conliug to what nil say, who, after he finished some wars in 
wliioh ho was engaged, sent to make peace through all the 
tH>untrv wliich is olHHliiMit to him, in order that all the traders 
might go and come to c»arry on traffic wherever they wished in 
security. And also the captain hilwured with gifts and presents 
to nuike friendship with all these kings and lords who carry on 



Beeords of SoutJhEastem Africa. 81 

commeice here, whose aid was needed for the traders to pass 
safely through their territories, and thus he gaye to some allow- 
ances of a fixed amount every six moons, according to the custom 
among them, and with the flag of Your Highness, as he was 
ordered and empowered to receive them as vassals and servants of 
Your Highness, and to have the roads through their territories 
open and without any impediment, that the said traders might 
go and come safely. 

Through which. Sir, the Moors here at Sofala go and come 
now safely where they will with their merchandise, which pre- 
viously they could not do, because in many parts they were 
robbed and murdered. And withal they did not desist from 
going with the said merchandise, on account of the great gain 
and profit that they make from the KaiBrs in their territories. 
And according to tiieir usual practice, I think they do not come 
here to buy without some who buy in large quantities, who, Sir, 
are very few. And although there is gold scattered over the 
whole country no one has such a quantity that it is worth his 
while to come so far in order to barter it, and this is why they 
wait until the goods are brought there, where every one buys 
what he wants. And thus fairs are established, where there are 
leading men from Sofala, fie^^tors of these traders, where they 
come to buy the merchandise which is sent from this place. 

And also. Sir, there will be an obstacle in much gold coming 
here, because the Moors, in order that the Kaffirs shall buy from 
them, speak very ill of the Christians, telling them that we sell 
merchandise dearer than they, taking it to their countries in 
order to see if they by any means can hinder and spoil the barter 
here, and this they do secretly, for publicly they pretend that 
they have no other wish than that all should serve Your High- 
ness, and increase this traffic, and that the traders should come 
here. And up to the present the captain has expended and used 
your goods for the said gifts, that the roads may be open and 
safe, and they go there to barter and make their profits with the 
merchandise which they obtain here. 

And another reason why it appears to me. Sir, that there is 
not in this country so much gold as has been reported to Your 
Highness, is that all which is brought here, as well by the 
Kaffirs as by the Moors who convey it thence, is wrought into 
very small beads and trinkets. Very little comes in large melted 

Q 



82 Becords of South-Eastern Afriaa. 

pieces, which is very different from the gold which comes from 
the castle of the mine,* which is in large bracelets and necklaces, 
a sign that it is much esteemed among them, and that it is not 
in such quantity as they reported. Moreover when any king 
sends here a gift in return for articles sent to him that are worth 
forty miticals, he sends here to the captain a bunch of very 
small beads of gold, which weighs ten and twelve miticals, 
making out that he is sending to him the greatest thing in the 
world. 

This does not satisfy me much. Sir, that it tends to your 
service, and to the prospect that the revenue of Sofala will be 
proportionate to the great expense and cost which has been 
caused by this fortress, and is occasioned every day for the 
people who are stationed in it and the caravels that are engaged 
in the trade : a great expense for so little revenue and profit, 
which is scarcely sufficient to cover the charges of the said 
establishment. For two thousand and odd miticals which the 
factor transferred to me when he left, with all the other gold 
which was obtained by this establishment until the end of March, 
which was three thousand and odd miticals more, were expended 
in salaries and provisions for the residents in this fortress and 
the people of the caravels for all the time that was owing them 
since they left Portugal, deducting from it what they had 
received in advance there, so that the captain was compelled to 
make use of some two thousand miticals of gold belonging to 
deceased persons delivered to me here by the factor, in order 
to meet the expense of the said establishment, as Your Highness 
commanded in an order which he brought, and he sends the 
distribution accounts of the said gold to Your Highness, that it 
may be paid to the heirs of the said deceased. 

The revenue of this establishment until the present will suffice 
for what is already due to the said residents here. For the 
future I trust in our Lord that he will help us in the barter, 
because the whole land is at peace and with nothing to prevent 
the traders coming here, if any are there. 

As long. Sir, as this establishment does not produce what 
Your Highness expects, much of the present expense is unneces- 
sary. For instance, the officer whose only duty here is to 
transmit money to Your Highness, and even the captain. Sir, 

* St. George Delmina, on the western coast. 



Bec(yrds of Scmth-Emtern Africa. 83 

\rIiose salary is one-third of the expense of this establishment 
every year, Tour Highness could easily dispense with, because a 
factor, a forwarding officer whom Your Highness could trust, and 
two secretaries will be sufficient to take care of this fortress and 
carry on its trade, with an officer to take charge of the provisions, 
and all the other people to be labourers and artisans necessary 
for this place, who could be provided for less than twenty 
thousand reals that are spent here in salaries, because the country 
here is as safe and subject to this fortress as it possibly can be ; 
with two caravels to be employed here, one to guard the coast 
and the other for trade beyond and for conveying the necessary 
provisions here. 

This trade, Sir, is also greatly hindered by the barter carried 

on at Angoya, where there are many resident Moorish traders of 

Kilwa and Melinde, and much merchandise is brought to them 

in zambucos, that always pass over at the time they know they 

cau do so without risk of being seized, for they are warned by 

the Moors of Mozambique of the time when they must make the 

passage, when there is no ship there, because they all deal with 

each other, through which they fill the whole country with cloths 

and cause great damage to the barter of this factory. Your 

Highness ought to order the expulsion of the said Moors, or 

reduce them in such a way that they should not be able to live 

or trade there, and that passage from Mozambique should be 

well guarded during the time that they can use it, because they 

always take it. 

And also, Sir^ on this river of Cuama, which is the largest 
river on this coast, there are resident Moorish traders, on which 
river there is much ivory, and along it there is much bartering 
of gold, which the said Moors obtain for merchandise they have 
there. On account of the large profit to be made there the 
captain desired much and tried to open a trade, and in order to 
be able to explore it thoroughly he sent to make peace and 
friendship with a chief. Sir, who is a Kaffir, who lives on an 
island at the entrance of the said river, and he sent gifts and 
messages to make peace with him, in order that he could send 
to trade for all that is in the country and could better explore 
the said river upwards. And he sent a caravel from this place 
with people, and a factor, and a secretary, with merchandise to 
carry on trade there, making the said peace by means of some 

o 2 



64 Beeords of SatUJhEastem Africa. 

respectable Moors from this place Sofala, who went for this 
purpose, and with messages and presents from the said king of 
Bofala to induce them the more to it. 

After arriving there and having concluded peace by means of 
the Moors who went from this place for the purpose, it appearing 
to the captain of the caravel and the factor and the secretary 
that it was in earnest, the said chief, bribed by the Moors of the 
country to send for the captain of the caravel and the factor and 
the secretary and a bombardier who was interpreter, that they 
should confirm the said peace and friendship by oath according 
to his custom, as otherwise it would not be perfect, and that 
when they were on land he should kill them all. and then seize 
the caravel with the rest of the people and the merchandise in 
it, so that the Christians should not come there again to enter 
into peace, the said chief did it in this manner : 

Sending for the captain and factor and secretary and bom- 
bardier, to come on shore in order to make with them the said 
oath, they, thinking all was right and without taking any 
security or hostage, went there, where as soon as they arrived 
they were all murdered. They had strong warnings and instruc- 
tions from the captain that on no account should any one go 
ashore except the secretary or one man only if necessary with 
the Moors that went from this place. These saved themselves 
by swimming, and they alone escaped to the caravel, against 
which came many zambucos with many people with bows and 
arrows to see if they could seize the said ship, which was defended 
in the best manner possible with crossbows and bombs, with 
which they killed five or six of the enemy ; and ¥rith great 
trouble they cut the cables and went down the river to the sea, 
and came here to Sofala with this bad news. Thb happened 
because they did not carry out their instructions from the 
captain. 

We do not yet know whether this treachery was the work of 
the Moors here, or solely of the Moors there ; only here. Sir, a 
good punishment can be inflicted, if Your Highness wishes, by 
means of a small ship calling when on the way to India, with 
another sent from this place with such assistance as is available, 
in order that similar treacherous deeds shall not occur again. 

The captain, I think, will write to Your Highness about this, 
and will give a fuller account of everything and of what can be 



Jkcards of Smth-Eaatem Africa. 85 

done. He, Sir, went to Mozambique as soon as intelligence 
reached this place that no fleet from India had arrived when 
Bartolomeu Perestrello left Mozambique in a ship of Dom Nunc, 
who came there for pepper, to provide several things in the 
said fortress, and to wait for the fleet which is expected from 
PortogaL 

And for some merchandise which we, Sir, are in want of in 
this factory we wrote to thu factors of Your Highness in India 
that they should send it to us in exchange for what we sent 
them from this place, forty quintals * of ivory which I bartered 
here after I came, and a thousand miticals, because more could 
not be sent. Of ivory. Sir, here is a reasonable quantity, and I 
try to get as much as I can, for I know that it is very profitable 
in India, and a good deal is gained by it in consequence of the 
trifling value here of the merchandise with which it is purchased. 
I kiss the royal hands of Your Highness. 

Sofala, 30th of June, 1513. 

The Servant and Factor of Your Highness, 

Pedro Vaz Soares. 

To the King our Lord, from the Factor of Sofala. 

A true copy of the original in the archives in the Torre do 
Tombo. 

The Director, 
Jo86 Manuel da Costa Basto. 



Extraetoa do Livro de Duabte BABBOSA-f 



Primeiramente ho Caho de Sam Sebastiam. 

Indo ha ho longvo da costa, passando ho Cabo da Boa esperanpa, 
caminho da India ate ho de Sam Sebastiam, saom hvas terras 

* Forty quintals equal to about three tons avoirdupois. 

t Duarte Barbosa was a Dative of Lisbon, who spent several years in the king's 
employment in India, during which time he was also diligently engaiiied in 
coliectiiig information upon the various countries recently opened to Europeans. 
The highest office that he is known to have filled was that of secretary of the 
factory of Cananor. At a later date he entertd the Spanish service with his 
relative Fernando de Magalhaes, and wai; killed with him at the Philippine 



86 Records of SouthrEastem Africa. 

assaz fermosas de mvytas montanhas, e campos, em que ha mv via 
cria^am de mvytas uaqvas, cameiros e ovtras alimarias montezes ; 
he a dita terra habitada de hyas gentes pretas, andaom nvvsy 
somente trazem de peles, com sev pelo de ceruo ot dovtras 
alimariaSy hvas capas Francezas ; da qval gente hos nossos nynqva 
poderao hauer noticia de lingoa nem serem informados do qve uai 
pela terra dentro ; nem elles tem nauega9amy nem se seruem do 
maar, nem hos Movros Darabia, e Persia nynqva t^li nauegaraom, 
nem ha descobriraom por caso do cabo das Correntes ser mvyto 
tormentoso. 

Has Hhas qve chamaom Evcicas grandea. 

Indo mais ha ho longvo da Costa passando este cabo de Sam 
Sebastiam caminho da India, estaom jvnto com ha terra firme 
hvas Ilhas qve chamaom Hvcicas grandes ; em has qvaes pela 
terra firme dellas, estaom algvmas pouoa9oens de Movros, qve 
trataom com hos Gentios da terra firme, e prestaom com elles ; 
nestas Hvcicas se acha mvyto ambar qve estes Movros apanhaom, 
ho qval he mvyto boom, qve elles uendem pera ovtras partes : 
tambem se achaom mvytas perolas e aljofar mevdo, qve se acha 
dentro no maar, em ostras, porem elles nam ho sabem apanhar nem 
pescar ; algvm qve tiraom he com assarem has ostras, e ho aljofar 
qve fiqva he mvyto roim e qveimado ; nam seria mvyta dvuida 
hauello hy boom, se ho sovberem apanhar, e pescar, como fazem 
em ovtras partes de qve ha ho diante falarey. 



islands on the lat of May 1521. His Liuro em que dd relacSo do que viu e 
ouvtu no Orienie was completed in 1516, but was not published in the language 
in which it was written nntil 1813, when it was issued at Lisbon by the Royal 
Academy of Sciences in the second volume of Colleccdo de Noticias para a 
EUtoria e Qeografia doe Na^des Ultramarinas que vivem noe Dominios 
Portugueze8, It was however translated into Italian and published at Venice 
soon after the middle of the sixteenth century, and was also, with some altera- 
tions, translated into Spanish, though it was not printed in that language. From 
a Spanish copy preserved in the library at Barcelona, an English translation was 
made by the Hon. £. J. Stanley, and was published by the Hakluyt Society in 
1866, under the title of A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar 
in the beginning qf the sixteenth century. It agrees &irly well, though n<»t 
absolutely, with the original Portuguese version as given here. — G. M. T. 



'Becords of South-Eastem Africa. 87 

Eucieas pequenas nos Bios. 

Passadas as Hucicas grandes para a banda de Qofala, que he 
huma fortaleza que aqui tern ElRei de Portugal, perto da qual 
se acha muito ouro ; a dezasete ou dezouto legoas longe della, ha 
alguns rios que formao Ilhas pela meio, a que chamao Hucicas 
pequenasy aonde ha alguns lugares habitados por Mouros, que 
comerceao com os Gentios da terra firme : o seu sustento he arroz, 
milho, e cames, que conduzem a QofiEila em pequenas barcas. 

^ofala. 

Indo mais adiante passando estas Hvcicas caminho da India, 
ha uinte ov trinta legoas della, esta hvv rio, qve nam he mvyto 
grande pelo qval dentro esta hva pouoa^am de Movros que 
chaihaom Qofala, jvnto com ha qval tem elBey N. Sr. hya 
fortaleza ; estes Movros ha mvyto tempo qve pouoaraom aqvi, por 
caso do grande trato de ovro qve tinhaom com hos Gentios da 
terra firme: hos Movros desta pouoa9am falaom Arauia, e t^m 
hvm Rei sobre sy qve esta ha obediencia delRey N. Sr., ha maneira 
de sev trato era qve ha elles uinhaom em peqvenos nauios, qve 
chamaom zambvqvos do regno de Qviloa, Mombasa e Melynde 
mvytos panoB pintados dalgodam, ovtros branqvos e azvis, delles 
de seda, e mvytas continhas pardas, e roxas, e amarellas, qve ha 
hos ditos regnos nem em ovtros nauios mayoresdo gram regno de 
Cambaya, has qvaes mercadorias hos ditos Movros qve uinhaom 
de Melynde e Momba9a comprao a outros que aqui as trazem e 
Ihas pagaom em ovro pelo pre^o de qve elles hiaom mvyto 
contentes ; ho qval ovro Ihe daom ha pezo : hos Movros de Qofala 
goardauaom estas mercadorias, e has uendiaom depois ha hos 
Gentios do regno de Benametapa qve aly uinhaom carregados 
dovro ; ho qval ovro Ihe dauaom ha troqvo dos ditos panes sem 
pezoy em tanta cantidade qve bem ganhaom cento por hw. 
Estes Movros recolhem tambem mvyta soma de marfim qve 
achaom derredor de Qofala, qve tambem uendem pera ho regno 
de Cambaya ha since e ha seis crvzados ho qvintal ; tambem 
uendem algvm ambar qve Ihe trazem das Hvcicas, qve he mvyto 
boo. Saom estes Movros homeins pretos, e delles ba90s, falaom 
algvns delles arauia, e hos mais se seruem da lingoa da terra qve 
he ha dos Gentios : elles se cobrem da cinta pera bayxo com hvvs 



88 Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

panes dalgodam e seda; trazem o\rtros panos sobrapados como 
capasy e fotas nas cabe^as, algms delles carapyclDhas de graam 
de qyartosy e de ovtros panos de laam de mvytas cores, e 
chamalotesy e dovtras sedas, sevs mantimentos saom milho, arroz, 
came, e pescado ; em este no ha ho maar delle, saem em terra 
mvytos caualos marinhos ha pascer, ho6 qvaes caualos andaom 
sempre no maar como peixes, tem denies da fei9So dos alifantes 
peqvenos em sva cantidade segyndo saom ; este he milhor marfim 
qve do alifante, mais aluo e rijo sem nynqva perder coor. Na 
propia terra derredor de Qofala ha myytos alifantes brauos e 
myy grandes os quaes a gente da terra nao sabe nem costuma 
domesticar, on9as, e lioens, e nea9aOy e oytras myytas alimarias : 
ha terra he do campos e montanhas, de myytas ribeiras de myy 
boas agoas; na mesma Qofala fazem agora nouamente grande 
soma dalgodam, e tecemno, de qye se fazem myytos panos 
branqyos ; e porqye nam sabem tingir, oy por nam terem tinta, 
tomaom panos azyis ou de ontras cores de Cambaya, e desfiaomnos 
e tomaomnos ha jyntar, de maneira qye fazem hyy nouelo, e coeste 
fiado e com oytro branqyo do sey, fazem myites panos pintados, e 
delles haom myyta soma doyro '' o qyal remedio fizeraom depois 
qye uirao qye nossas gentes Ihe tolhiaom ha nauega9am dos 
Zambycos ; has mercadorias nam podem uir ha elles senam por 
mam dos feitores qye elBei N. 8r, tem aly em syas feitorias e 
fortalezas." 

Ho grande regno de Benametapa, 

Indo assy desta terra contra ho certam, jaz hyy myy grande 
regno de Benametapa qye he de Gentios, ha qye hos Moyros 
chamaom Gafres; saom homeins pretos, andaom nyys, somente 
cobrem syas uergonhas com panos pintados dalgodam da cinta 
pera bayxo; delles andaom cobertos com peles dalimarias 
monteses, algyns qye saom mais honrados, trazem das mesmas 
peles hyas capas com hyys rabos, que Ihe arrastaom pelo cbam ; 
trazem isto por estado e galantaria, andaom dando saltos, e 
fazendo gestos do corpo com qye fazem saltar aqyella pele de 
hym cabo pera ho oytro; trazem estes homeins hyas espadas 
metidas em hyas bainhas de p&o lyadas com myyto oyro, e oytros 
metaes, e ha parte da mam esqyerda como nds, com cintas de pano 
qye pera isso fazem, com qyatro oy cinqyo noos, com syas borolas 
dependyradas^ como galantes homeins ; trazem tambem nas macs 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 89 

azagaias ; e ovtros arqvos e frechas meaoos que nam saom tarn 
compridos como de Ingrezesy nem tarn cvrtos como de Tvrqyos ; 
hos feiTos das frechas saom mvy grandes e SYtis: elles saom 
homeins de gverra, e ovtros grandes mercadores ; svas mvlheres 
andaom nyas, somente cobrem svas uergonhas com panos dalgodam 
entrementes saom solteiras, e como saom casadas e tern filhos 
lan9aom oytros panos por cima dos peitos. 

Zimbaoche. 

Indo mais adiante pera ho certam qyinze oy uinte jomadas, 
esta hva myy grande pouoa^am qve chamaom Zimbaoche em qye 
ha myytas casas de madeira e de palha ; qye he de Gentios, em 
ha qyal myytas uezes esta ho Bei de Benemetapa e dahy a 
Benemetapa sik) seis jomadas; ho qyal caminho uai de Qofala 
pelo certam dentro contra ho cabo de Boa esperan^a: nesta 
mesma pouoa^am de Benemetapa he ho assento mais accostymado 
do Bei em hyy lygar myyto grande, donde trazem hos mercadores 
oyro dentro ha Qofala, ho qyal daom ha hos Moyros sem peso por 
panos pintados e por contas, qye antre elles saom myyto estimadas, 
has qyaes contas nem de Cambaya: dizem estes Moyros de 
Benametapa qye ainda este oyro nem de myyto mais longe, de 
contra ho cabo de Boa esperan^a, doytro regno qye he sygeito ha 
este de Benametapa, qye he myy grande Senhor, de myytos Beis 
qye tem debayxo de sey porte : elle he Senhor de myyto grande 
terra qye corre pelo certam dentro, assy pera ho cabo de Boa 
esperan^a, como pora Mo^ambiqye ; elle he cada dia semido de 
myy grandes presentes, qye Ihe hos oytros Beis e Senhores 
mandaom, cada hvm em sya cantidade, e trazem-lhos pelo meio 
da Cidade, e descobertos sobre ha cabe^a ate qye chegyem a hya 
casa myyto aita aonde ho Bei sempre esta apoyzentado, e elle ho 
nee per hya janela e nam ho ueem ha elle, somente oyuemlhe sya 
palaura; depois elle mesmo Bei manda chamar ha pessoa qye 
Ihe ho tal prezente troyue, e ho manda logyo myy bem despachado, 
Este Bei traz continyamente no campo hyy Capitam qye chamaom 
SonOy com myy ta soma de gente, e cinqyo e seis mil molheres qye 
tambem tomaom has armas, e pelejaom ; com ha qyal gente anda 
socegando algyys Beis qye se leuantaom, oy qyerem aleuantar 
contra sey Senhor. Este Bei de Benametapa manda cadano 
homeins honrados, despachados per sev regno ha todolos Senhorios 



f 

90 Becorda of South-Eastern Africx. 

e Ivgares qve nelle tern, ha dar fogo noQO ; pera saber se estaom 
em sva obediencia, silicety cada homS destes chegado ha eada 
Ivgar, faz apagar qvantos fogos nelle estaom, de maneira qve em 
todo ho Ivgar nam fiqva nem hw fogo, e como saom todos 
apagados, todos ho tomaom ha uir tomar de sva maom, em sinal 
de mvy ta amisade e obedieneia, de maneira qye ho Ivgar ov Uilla 
qve assy ho nam qver fazer, he loguo accvsado per reuel : ho qval 
manda logvo ho dito sev Capitam sobre elle, qve ho ua destroir 
ov meter debayxo do sev mando e Senhorio ; ho qval Capitam 
com toda ha sva gente darmas por honde qver qve for, hade comer 
ha cvsta dos Ivgares ; sev mantimento he milho, arroz, e came ; 
seniem-se mvyto dazeyte de gergolym. 

• 

Cvama. 

Indo de Qofala caminho de Mo^ambiqve ha corenta legoas de 
^fala povco mais ov menos, esta hw mvy grande rio qve chamao 
Cvama, dizem qve entra contra ho regno de Benametapa mais de 
cento e setenta legoas ; na boqva do qval rio esta hw Ivgar ha 
cvjo Bei chamaom Mangalo, por este rio uem dentro ha este Ivgar 
de Movros mvyto ovro de Benametapa ; do qval rio se faz ovtro 
bra^o que nem dentro ha hw Ivgar qve chamaom Angoya, qve he 
por honde se hos Movros seruem com mvytas almadias de trazer 
hos panes, e ovtras mercadorias mvytas Damgoya ; hos ovtros Ihe 
trazem mvyto ovro e marfinu 

Amgoya. 

Indo ha ho diante leyxando este Cvama ha cento corenta 
legoas delle, ha ho longvo da costa, esta hva mvy grande 
pouva^am de Movros que chamaom Amgoya que tem Bei sobre 
si. Uiuem nella mvytos mercadores qve trataom em ovro, e em 
marfim, em panes de seda e algodam, e contas de Cambaya ; assy 
como sohiaom de fazer hos de Qofala : has qvaes mercadorias Ihe 
trazem hos Movros de ^ofala, de Mombasa, de Melynde, e Qviloa, 
em hvvs nauios mvyto peqvenos escondidamente dos nossos 
nauios, de maneira qve daly leuao mvy gram soma de marfim, e 
mvyto ovro ; neste mesmo Ivgar Damgoya ha mvyto mantimento, 
milho, arroz, e mvitas carnes; ha gente delle saom homeins 
pretos, ba^os ; andaom nvvs da cinta pera cima, della pera baixo 



Becords of South-Eastern Afriaa, 91 

86 cobrem com panos dalgodam e seda, e trazem ovtros panos 
sobra^ados ha maneira de capas; deles fotas em has cabe9as; 
outros trazem huas carapu9as de quartos de pano de seda ; falaom 
ha lingoa natural da tera que he dos Gentios, alguns deles falaom 
arauia : Estes Mouros has uezes estaom ha obediencia de elEei 
N. Sr.y oTtras uezes estaom aleuantados por estarem apartados das 
nosas fortalezas. 

Mo^mbique* 

Indo mais ha ho dianto leyxando Amgoya caminho da India, 
estaom muyto perto da tera fyrme tres Ilhas, autre has quaes 
esta huma pouoada de Mouros que chamaom Mozambique, que 
tem muyto boo porto; em ho qual todolos nauios dos Mouros 
nauegantes que pera Qofala e Cuama nauegaom, faziaom sua 
eseala ^ pera corregimento de suas naos, honde tomauaom muyta 
agoa, lenha, e mantimento : " autre hos Mouros desta ilha e de 
Mozambique, auya huu Xarife que hos gouemaua e tiuha ha 
direito: estes Mouros saom da mesma lyngoa e costume dos 
Damgoya : aquy tem elBei N. Sr. hua fortaleza, com que estaom 
hos ditos Mouros debayxo de seu mandado e gouemanza; e 
agora tomaom neste porto has nosas naos agoa, e lenha, e manti- 
mentos que ha na tera, e nele se coregem has que ho haom 
mister ; asy quando yaom, como quando uem ; e daquy mandaom 
tambem mantimentos dentro ha Qofala ha hos Portuguezes que 
la estaom, asy de muytas cousas que uem de Portugal, como da 
India por Ihe ficar em caminho. Na tera fyrme destas Ilhas ha 
muytos alifantes e muyto grandes, e outros animaes selvagens : 
ha tera he habitada de Gentios, que saom hiius homeins bestiaes, 
que andaom nuus, e barados todos com hum baro uermelho; 
trazem suas naturas emburilhadas em huas tiras de pano azul de 
algodam, sem nenhua outra cobertura ; trazem hos beizos furados 
com tres furos ; em cada beizo tres buzios, e neles metidos huus 
bsos com huas pedrinhas, e outros brinquinhos. 

QuiUa. 

Indo deste lugar de Mozambique ha ho longuo da costa, esta 
hua ilha junto com ha tera fyrme que chamaom Quiloa, em que 
esta hua uila do Mouros de muy fermosas casas de pedra e cal, 
com muytas janelas ha nosa maneira, muyto bem aruadas, com 



92 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

muytos terados; has portas de madeira may bem lanradas da 
muy fermosa xnacenaria, deredor muytas agoas, e pomares, e 
hortas com muytas agoas doces ; tern Bei mouro sobre sy : daqni 
trataom com hos de ^fala donde Ihe traziaom mnyto euro; 
daqui se extendiaom per toda Arabia felix, que tambem daqui 
por diante poderemos cbamar asy ainda qae seja sobre a Ethiopia, 
porque toda ha ribeira do maar nay muyto pouoada de muytas 
uilas e lugares de Mouros. Antes que elBei N. Sr. mandase 
descobrir ha India, hos Mouros de Qofala, Cuama, Angoya, e 
Mozambique estauom todos ha obediencia delBei de Quiloa, que 
era muy poderoso Eei antreles, em ha qual uila hauia grande 
soma douroy porque nenhuus nauios nom pasauaom pera Q^fala 
que primeiro nom uiesem daar nesa ilha; e hos Mouros dela 
saom, deles branquos, deles pretos : andaom asas bem atauiados 
de muytos panes riquos douro e seda e dalgodam, e has molheres 
tambem, e com muyto euro e prata em cadeas, e manilhas que 
trazem nos peis e nos brakes, e muytas joias em has orelhas ; estes 
Mouros Maom arauya e tern ha ceita do Alcoram, creem muito 
em Mafamede, e ha ho Bei dela Ihe foi tomado ho lugar forzosa- 
mente pelos Portuguezes, nom querendo per sua soberba obedecer 
ha ELBei N. Sr., honde Ihe captiuarao muyta gente, e ho Bei 
lugio da ilha, e S. Alteza mandou fazer nela hua fortaleza, e hos 
meteo debayxo do seu mando e goueman^a '' depois ha tomou ha 
mandar deribar por nom ser seu seruipo nem proueito sostentala, 
ha qual desfes Antonio de Saldanha." 

[English translation of the foregoing.'] 
Extracts from the Booh writteih hy Duabtb Barbosa. 



First the Cape Saint Sebastian* 

Going along the coast, having passed the Cape of Good Hope 
on the way to India, until reaching that of Saint Sebastian, there 
are tracts of land beautiful enough, with many mountains and 
fields, in which there is much stock of cows, sheep, and other 
wild cattle ; it is a coimtry inhabited by black people who go 
naked, they wear only skins with the fur of deer or of other 
animals, like French cloaks ; of which people ours could never 
obtain information of the language, nor learn what there is in 



Beaords of South-Eastern Africa. 93 

the interior of the country; neither do they practise navigation , 
nor do they make use of the sea, neither have the Moors of 
Arabia and Persia ever sailed so far, or discovered them, by 
reason of the Cape of Currents being very stormy. 



The Islands that are eaUed the Oreai Eucieas. 

Gtnng farther along the coast, having passed this Cape Saint 
Bebastian on the way to India, there are close to the mainland 
some islands which are called the Great Hucicas ; in which on 
the side towards the mainland there are some settlements of 
Moors, who trade with the heathens of the mainland, and are 
serviceable to them. In these Hucicas much ambergris of very 
good quality is found, which these Moors gather and sell in other 
places ; also many pearls and small seed pearls are found in the 
sea, in oysters, but they do not know how to gather or fish for 
them ; they get some by broiling the oysters, and the seed pearls 
that remain are of poor quality and burnt ; there is not much 
doubt that there are good ones, if they knew how to gather and 
fish for them, as is done in other places, of which I shall speak 
hereafter. 

The lAtUe Hueieas in the Rivers. 

The Great Hucicas being passed towards the side of Sofala, 
which is a fortress that the king of Portugal has there, near to 
which much gold is found, at seventeen or eighteen leagues 
distance there are some rivers which between them form islands 
that are called the Little Hucicas, where there are some places 
inhabited by Moors, who trade with the heathens of the main- 
laud ; their sustenance consists of rice, millet, and meat, which 
they convey to Sofala in little vessels. 



Sofala. 

Going still farther, passing these Hucicas on the way to India, 
at twenty or thirty leagues from it there is a river which is not 
very large, on which a little way inland is a village of Moors that 
is called Sofala, close to which the king our lord has a fortress. 
These Moors have resided there a long time, by reason of the 



94 JRecords of South-Eastern Africa. 

great trade in ^old which they have with the heathens of the 
mainland. The Moors of this settlement speak Arabic, and have 
a king over them who is subject to the king our lord. The 
manner of their trade was that they came in little vessels which 
they call zambucos from the kingdom of Kilwa, Mombasa, and 
Melinde, bringing much coloured cotton cloth, some whito and 
blue, some of silk, and many grey and purple and yellow beads, 
which come to the said kingdoms in other larger ships from the 
great kingdom of Cambaya, which merchandise the said Moors 
who come from Melinde and Mombasa buy from others who bring 
it there, and they pay for it in gold at a price which makes them 
well contented, which gold is given by weight. The Moors of 
Sofala kept this merchandise, and sold it afterwards to the 
heathens of the kingdom of Benametapa who came there laden 
with gold, which gold they gave in exchange for the said cloth» 
without weighing, in such quantity that they commonly gain a 
hundred for one. These Moors also collect a large quantity of 
ivory, which is found about Sofala, which they likewise sell for 
the kingdom of Cambaya at five or six cruzados (12/3 or 14/6) 
the quintal (128 pounds), they sell also some ambergris, which is 
brought from the Hucicas, which is very good. These Moors are 
black men, and among them are some dark brown, some of them 
speak Arabic, and the others use the language of the country, 
which is that of the heathens. They cover themselves from the 
waist downward with cloth of cotton and silk, they wear other 
cloths folded as capes, and turbans on their heads ; some of them 
wear little caps of scarlet cloth and of other cloths of wool of 
many colours, and camlets, and of other silks. Their food is 
millet, rice, meat, and fish. In this river near to the sea there 
are on the land many sea-horses feeding, which horses move 
about always in the sea like fish; they have teeth like small 
elephants, but less in quantity ; it is better ivory than that of the 
elephant, whiter and harder, without ever losing its colour. In 
the country about Sofala there are many elephants, wild and very 
large, which the people of the country do not know how to tame, 
panthers, and lions, and antelopes, and many other animals. It 
is a country of plains and mountains, of many streams of very 
good water. In this same Sofala they have recently begun to 
produce much cotton, and they weave it, of which they make 
many white clotlis ; and because they do not know how to dye it. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 95 

or have not got dyes, they take the blue or other coloured cloths 
of Cambaya and unrayel them and again put it together in such 
a way that they make a ball^ and with this thread and other 
white of their own they make many coloured cloths, and with 
them they obtain much gold ; which remedy they made after 
they saw that our people prevented the navigation of the 
zambucos; the merchandise can only reach them through the 
hands of the factors that the king our lord keeps in his factories 
and fortresses. 

The Great Kingdom of Benametapa. 

Going thus from this country towards the interior there is a 
very great kingdom of Benametapa, which is peopled by heathens 
whom the Moors call Kaffirs ; they are black men, who go naked, 
only they cover themselves with coloured cotton cloths from the 
waist downward; some of them go covered with skins of wild 
animals, others who are more respectable wear cloaks of the same 
skins with their tails behind them, which they trail on the 
ground ; they wear this for state and display, in travelling they 
make leaps and movements of their bodies by which they cause 
that skin to move from one end to the other ; these men carry 
swords sheathed in scabbards of wood bound with mucli gold and 
other metals, on the side of the left hand as we do, with girdles of 
cloth which they make for this purpose, with four or five knots, 
and their tassels hanging down, like gallants ; they carry also in 
their hands assagais, and others ordinary bows and arrows which 
are of medium size, not so long as those of the English nor so 
short as those of the Turks, and the iron points of the arrows are 
very large and sharp. They are men of war, and some of them 
are great traders ; their women go naked, only they cover their 
loins with cotton cloths while they are single, and when they are 
married and have children they throw other cloths over their 
breasts. 

Zinibaoche. 

Going farther towards the interior fifteen or twenty days' 
journey there is a very large town which is called Zimbaoche, in 
which are many houses of wood and straw, which is of the 
heathens, in which the king of Benametapa frequently resides. 



96 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

and from it to Benametapa is six days' journey^ which road goes 
from Sofala inland towards the Gape of Good Hope. In this 
same town of Benametapa is the usual residence of the king^ in a 
very large place, whence the merchants take to Sofala gold which 
they give to the Moors without weighing for coloured cloths and 
beads which among them are much valued, which beads come 
from Cambaya ; these Moors of Benametapa say that this gold 
comes irom a more distant country towards the Cape of Grood 
Hope, from another kingdom which is subject to this of Bena- 
metapa, who is a very great lord of many kings whom he has 
under his rule ; he is lord of a very large territory which extends 
far inland as well towards the Cape of Good Hope as towards 
Mozambique; he is each day served with very large presents, 
which the other kings and lords send to him, each one in a fixed 
quantity, and they bring them through the middle of the town 
bareheaded until they reach a very high house where the king is 
always lodged, and he sees them from a window, and they do not 
see him, only they hear his words ; afterwards the king himself 
orders the person who has brought the present to be called, and 
he sends him away immediately, wishing him a pleasant journey. 
This king constantly takes with him into the field a captain 
whom they call Sono, with a great number of people, and five 
and six thousand women who also bear arms and fight; with 
which people he goes about quieting whatever kings rebel or 
desire to revolt against their lord. This king of Benametapa 
sends each year honourable men throughout his kingdom to all 
the seigniories and places that are in it to give them new fire, to 
ascertain if they are obedient, that is to say, each man of them 
having reached a place causes all the fires that are in it to be 
extinguished in such a way that in all the place no fire is left, 
and when aJl have been put out, all go to him to take it from his 
hand as a token of much amity and obedience, so that the place 
or town that, does not choose to do this is immediately accused of 
rebellion, and the king at once sends his captain against it to 
destroy it or to reduce it to obedience, which captain with all his 
people pass through all the places where they will at their 
expense. Their food is millet, rice, and meat, and they use much 
oil of sesame. 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 97 



The Cuama {Zambem). 

Groing from Sofala on the way to Mozambique, at about forty 
leagues from Sofala there is a very large river, which is called 
the Cuama, it is said that it flows from the kingdom of Bename- 
tapa. more than a hundred and seventy leagues, in the mouth of 
which river there is a place whose king is called Mongalo. By 
this river comes to this place of the Moors much gold from 
Benametapa, which river makes another branch that comes to a 
place called Angoya, where the Moors make use of many canoes 
to convey the cloths and much other merchandise from Angoya, 
others convey to it much gold and ivory. 

Angoya. 

Going forward and leaving this river Cuama, at a hundred and 
forty leagues from it along the coast there is a very large town 
of the Moors, which is called Angoya, that has a king over it. 
Many merchants live there, who traffic in gold and in ivijry, in 
cloths of silk and cotton, and beads from Cambaya, the same as 
do those of Sofala, which merchandise the Moors of Sofala, of 
Mombasa, of Melinde, and Eilwa bring in very small vessels 
concealed from our ships, in such a manner that they carry away 
a great quantity of ivory and much gold. In this place Angoya 
there is abundance of food, millet, rice, and much meat. The 
people are black and dusky-brown men ; they go naked from the 
waist upward, from it downward they cover themselves with 
cloths of cotton and silk, and they carry other cloths folded like 
mantles, some wear turbans on their heads, others wear caps of 
silken cloth. They speak the language of the country, which is 
that of the heathens, and some of them speak Arabic. These 
Moors are sometimes in obedience to the king our lord, at other 
times they are in insurrection, for they are a long way from our 
fortresses. 

Mozambique. 

Going farther forward and leaving Angoya on the way to 
India, very near the main land there are three islands, one of 
which is inhabited by Moors, and is called Mozambique. It has 

H 



98 Jtecords of Scmth-Eastem Africa. 

a very good port, which all tlie ships of the Moors that sail to 
Sofala and Cuama made the station for repair, where they took 
in water, fuel, and food. Among the Moors of this island of 
Mozambique there was a sheriff who governed them and carried 
out the laws. These Moors are of the same language and customs 
as those of Angoya. Here the king our lord has a fortress, by 
means of which the said Moors are under his command and 
government, and now our ships take in at this port water and 
fuel and provisions of the country, and in it are repaired those 
that are in need of it, as well the outward as the homeward 
bound. And from this place likewise provisions are sent to the 
Portuguese who are at Sofala, also many things that come from 
Portugal as well as from India, because they are stored here on 
the way. On the main land abreast of these islands there are 
many very large elephants and other wild animals. The country 
is inhabited by heathens, who are men like beasts, who go naked 
and covered all over with red clay, they have their loins wrapped 
in strips of blue cotton cloth, without any other covering, and 
they have their lips pierced with three holes, in each lip they 
wear three shells, and some of them put in bones with small 
stones, and others rings. 

Kilwa. 

Going from Mozambique along the coast there is an island 
close to the main land which is called Kilwa, in which there is a 
town of the Moors of very handsome houses of stone and lime, 
with many windows in our style, very well laid out, with many 
terraces ; the doors are of wood very well wrought with beautiful 
joinery, around are many tanks of water, and orchards, and 
gardens with much fresh water. They have a Moorish king over 
them, and they trade with those of Sofala, from which pla^e they 
brought much gold, which was spread hence through all Arabia 
Felix, as the whole country in front to Abyssinia can also be 
called, on account of the low lands along the sea being occupied 
by many towns and places of the Moors. Before the king our 
lord sent people to discover Indict the Moors of Sofala, Cuama, 
Angoya, and Mozambique were all under obedience to the king 
of Kilwa, who was a very powerful king among them, in which 
town he had a great quantity of gold, because no ships went to 
Sofala without first touching at this island. The Moors in it are 



Records of SotUh- Eastern Africa. 99 

some white, some black ; they are suflBciently well dressed with 
many rich cloths of gold and silk and cotton, and the women 
also with much gold and silver in chains and bracelets which 
they wear on their feet and arms, and many jewels in their ears. 
These Moors speak Arabic, and they have the religion of the 
Koran, and have strong faith in Mohamed. This place was 
forcibly taken by the Portuguese from the king, who on account 
of his pride was unwilling to obey the king our lord, when many 
prisonei-s were made, and the king fled from the island, in which 
his Highness ordered a fortress to be built, and put them under 
his command and government. Afterwards he gave instructions 
that it (the fortress) should be razed, because its maintenance 
was neither for his service nor his gain, and Antonio de Saldanha 
broke it down. 



Carta de Francisco de BniTO yfeitor de Sofala, a ElRei Dom 
Manuel, sohre as necessidades da fortaleza de Sofala, por 
causa da guerra do cliefe Inhamunda com a gente das terras 
do Bouro, Manica e Monomotapa, onde havia muito oiro, pela 
qual as niercadorias das ditas terras naopodiam vir a fortaleza, 
e bohre negocios do seu cargo* 

Senhor, — na naao sam tome escrepuy a uossa alteza como esta 
tera estaua perdida e asy esta ate o dia dose sem teer nenhfia 
sayda de mercadoryas per nenhua parte por Respeyto de Jnha- 
munda hum Senhor que tem todas as teras tomadas ao Redor 
desta fortaleza que nenhum mercador nom ousa a sayr desta 
fortaleza com mercadorja nem do Sertao ousa a vyr e se vem he 
alguns de maravylha que vem polios mates e tam escoteyro que 
muy pouqua cousa pode leuar e se ho acha gemte de Jmhamunda 
que sempre traz gados pera que nenhua pesoa posa hyr nem vyr 
que elle nom sayba he Roubado e as vezes os matam e Ihe tomam 
quanta mercadorja Ihe acham e ao capytam mandam dizer quo 
nom comsymtem que os morcadores veham a feytorja polios 
matos que elle tem os camjnhos abertos e tudo he falcydade 
porque se forem abertos vyryam mercadores e os mouros que 
moram na aldea de cofala hyryam de muy boa mente que outra 
cousa nam desejam nem tem outro ofycio so senam trautar e 

* Copied for me from the original in the archives at Lisbon. — G. M. T. 

H 2 



100 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

temos nouas que os mercadores do bouro honde dizem a mnyto 
ouro desejam de yyr trautar comnosco majs nom podem qae nom 
ousam com Jnhamunda que no tern outro camjnho se nam por 
sua tera e a asy os de manhyqua e os de benabotapa com quern o 
dito Jnhamunda tem a gera e outras terras mujtas em que dizem 
que ha muito ourro e ja na outra mjnha carta primeiro escrepuy 
a uosa alteza jso majs largamente dando logo a Bezam de capytam 
em capytam e dos Bendymentos de todollos feitores e cofala 
Senhor no he pera tamtos gastos nem os homes nom podem majs 
coreger que aqujlo que deus quer e Ihe apraz e pare^eme que 
seruyremos qua e leuaremos sertidoes pera sermos panos neses 
Keyno se deus mylagrosamente nom acore por que em sen mado 
estam toda las cousas, a nao que Senhor hera em Cambaya como 
escrepuy a uosa alteza veeo a qujloane UIII legoas desta fortaleza 
de cofala o capytam mandou por a pyloto tendo elle capytam ja 
aboyada a bara pera meter a nao demtro na baja e ho pyloto a 
tornou a boyar nom se estreueo de ha meter demtro e descaregou 
em qujloane tudo quanto trazia que sam estas cousas de beitangys 
nove mil reaes que custaram em Cambaya sessenta e seis reaes 
cada hum e nesta feytorja estam avalyados a dois meticaes meio 
cada hum que ha cada metical quatro centos sessenta e sete reaes 
e de maca^eres que sam como bejrames mas sam majs grosos que 
bejrames oito centos e oito p (pe^as ?) que custaram em dyo a 
cento e onze reaes p e nesta feytorja estam a dous meticaes cada 
himi e de cotonyas trouxe cento e noventa e oito p que custaram 
em dyo a cento cincoenta e um reaes p e na feytoria estam a 
quatro meticaes cada hua e de teadas trouxe setecentos e noventa 
e cinco p que eustam a cento e cincoenta e um reaes e sam dos 
quatro meticaes cada hua avalyadas e trouxe mil quatrocentos 
vinte e quatro p de sabones que eustam em dyo a trinta e nove 
reaes p e aquj na feitorja vendese a metical p e trouxe destanho 
de cambaya vinte e um quintaes menos quatro aBetes que custou 
cada vinte e seis aBetes que he hua faracola de dyo dois mil 
novecentos reaes e a farazola que he valyada nesta feytorja a 
trinta meticaes cada trinta aBetes que nom sam as farazolas todas 
jguaes que de hum cabo destas partes tem vinte e quatro Bates e 
doutro tem majs e doutro menos e trouxe de contas vermelhas de 
cambaya tres quintaes meio nove Bates que custaram em dyo a 
oito centos quarenta reaes farazoUa que quando sam boas estam 
avalyadas na feitorja a cincoenta meticaes de hy pera cyma e 



Records of SaiUh'Eastern Africa. 101 

toouxe em dinheiro vinte e oy to mil duzentos vinte e cinco tangas 
moeda de prata de dyo que lie cada hua de sessenta reaes e esta 
Koupa se tyuera sayda valera boo dinheiro majs esta tudo tarn 
morto que hos homes nom tern cora9oes nem se gasta nada nada 
a dinheiro cousa que seja pera dizer dinheiro e se se gasta algil 
cousa pouqua he Boupa que leuam fyada pera trazerem algum 
marfyr que poderey ter Besgatado as majs desne que siruo de 
feitor cem quorenta quintaes de marfym. desne setembro de 
quinhentos e desoito que siruo de feitor tem Eendydo esta 
feytorja quinhentos e ciuquoenta e dous meticaes e meio ate fym 
de mar9o de quinhentos e desanove anos e desne emtram ate 
feytura desta carta tera Kendido duzentos cincoenta meticaes e 
com OS tres mil e tantos meticaes que me emtregou o feitor dante 
mym e as tamgas que vyeram de dyo e com ho dinheiro dos dous 
ter9os do vynhos que se uendem de uosa alteza e com estes 
quinhentos e tantos meticaes ditos teho paga a gemte desta 
iortaleza e de duas caravellas que andauam nesta costa e a naao 
e algua gemte de mofambyque seruo nesta fortaleza por mandado 
do capytam em ajudarem a fortaleza de madeira que se avya de 
asentar em cuama. 

Item, aos quinze dias desto agosto de quinhentos e desanove 
anos tynha sancho de tovar prestos *e feyta huma tore de madeyra 
em quadrado que avya de hyr asentar em cuama e agardaua poUa 
nao que era em mo9ambique buscar mjlho pera esta fortaleza pera 
com a gemte da nao e das caravellas a hyr asentar e vymdo as 
caravelas de qujluane aos tres dias primeiros da deste agosto 
caregadas de mjlho porque a nao no podya emtrar nesta bara 
avysta da fortaleza se perdeo huma das caravellas huma que 
Sancho de touar mandou fazer em mo^ambyque pera garda da 
costa de mo^ambyque pera melynde que ja esta caravella tynha 
tomada huma preza e trazyda parte dela a cofala e a outra 
deyxada ao feitor de moyambyque e por se perder esta caravella 
e a nao nom poder emtrar em cuama e ao menos que fycava donde 
se avya dasentar asentar a fortaleza segmido dezyam serya oito 
legoas por este Respeito nom foy asentar em cuama a tore que 
me parese que fora huma cousa mujto serujco de uosa aJteza 
majs nesta desauentura o estoruou determyna mandar fazer logo 
huma caravella e hum barganty que ponha em cuama que nom 
venha nenhum zambuquo de comtra aquelas partes de melynde 
quando a nao veeo de cambaja achegou a qujloane aos tres dias 



102 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

andados dabrjl e outra caravella que fycou de cristouam de tauora 
que hera estromquada se perdeo em qujluane de que muyto 
dambo8 deram grande estoruo as berafeytorjas e todalas cousas 
querem dita e uosa alteza cujdaua que aproueytaua a mym a me 
fazer me desta feytorja ho cuido e ha vomtade he virtuosa de 
uosa alteza e eu Senhor estou de todo perdido e nom qujxera 
qua ter vymdo por nenhum pre^o porque nenhum serujyo vos 
fafo Senhor em cofala e a mym desaproueyto na honra e na 
fazenda que se nao fora por pareser a uosa alteza que nom hera 
homem pera vos saber serujr em tal cargo ajmda que ja em outra 
feytorja vos tynha serujdo e por nom dar prazer a mens ymygos 
eu Senhor me tyuera ja ydo de cofala a vos serujr a jndya honde 
pefo por mer^e a uosa alteza que me faca merce de qualquer 
alcaydarja mor que na jndya me Senhor qujerdes dar que feytorja 
bem ha saberja serujr majs com alcaydarja Eeceberya grade 
merce e quando naao seja feytorja ou o que me Senhor qujxerdes 
dar que cayba em mym e seja ofycyo de tera ou qualquer cousa 
destas em goa ou em aRamuz ou honde quer que uosa alteza se 
qujxer serujr de mym que com ho que tenho ganhado em cofaJa 
nom ousarey de hyr a portugal senam com ten9am de emportunar 
uosa alteza pera tomar logo pera qua e nom querja Senhor tornar 
a pasar tanto mar e trabalho homde perdy hum filho que tanto 
como a mym querya e jndo sem nenhum proueyto e aja uosa 
alteza a ter seruido a vinte e cinco anos desne que fuy homem 
em armadas e caualos e homes e eu Senhor escrepuo ao baram 
que por sua bondade e polio de deus Bequera estas cousas e 
outn\s que em hus apomtamentos Ihe mando que a uosa alteza os 
Itequeyra por mym o que beyxarey as maos fazerlhas que pera 
uoso serujco o quero e pera mantimento de seis filhos e molher 
o (]uero que bem sabe uosa alteza que cousa he filhos ajmda que 
si'jaes tamanho princepe e Rey e Senhor que deus acresemte 
vossos dias e estado pera que sempre Ihe poderdes acresentar 
Ihe suas honras e estados com desci\nso de uosa alteza e de uosos 
Keynos terey em merce a uosa alteza fazer me merce que me 
maudem algum vinho pera men beber a nao parte Senhor desta 
fortaleza |>era cambaja a doze dagosto de quinhentos desanove 
anos parece me que he grande {)era esta costa e leua desta 
feytorja cento cincoenta qujmtaes de marfym com outro que tern 
cm mo^ambyque que tn)uxe de portugal e cobre o capytam 
escropuera a uosa alteza o i\\\Q aserqua della Ihe parece bejxo as 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 103 

Beaes maos de uosa alteza que prasa a deus que acresente sua 
vyda e estudo. 

oje nesta fortaleza a oito dias dagosto de mil quinhentos dez e 
nove anos. 

francisco de brito. 

Sobrescripto : perce elRey nosso senhor. 

Conforme o original existente no Archivo da Torre do Tombo. 

3 de Setembro de 1897. 

O Director, 

Jose Manuel da Costa Basto. 

\Englisk translation of the foregoing. '\ 

Letter from Francisco de Brito, /actor of Sofala, to the king 
DoM Manuel, concerning the requirements of tlie fortress of 
Sofala, in consequence of the war between the chief Inhamunda 
and the people of the territories of Bouro, Manica, and Mono- 
motapa, where there was much gold, owing to which the mer^ 
chandise of the said countries could "not he brought to the 
fortress^ and concerning the affairs of his office. 

Sir, — By the ship St. Thomas I wrote to Your Highness how 
this country was ruined, and it is still in the same condition, 
without any merchandise having arrived from any part of it, on 
account of Inhamunda, a chief who has reduced all the territories 
around this fortress to such a state that no trader can venture to 
leave the fortress with merchandise, neither can any one venture 
to come from the interior. If any arrive, they are some who 
occasionally come through the thickets so free of encumbrance 
that they can carry very little, and if they are found by the 
people of Inhamunda, who are always herding cattle so that no 
person can go or come without its being known, they are robbed 
and sometimes murdered. And they take from them as much 
merchandise as they can find, and send to the captain to say that 
they will not allow the traders to come to the factory through 
the thickets, that there are open roads. This is false, because if 
they were open the traders would use them, and the Moors who 
live in the village of Sofala would go with much confidence, as 
they desire nothing else, nor have they other occupation than 
trading. 



104 Records of South-Eastern Africa* 

We have information that the traders of Bouro, where it is 
said there is much gold, desire to come to trade with us, but they 
cannot, as they dare notion account of Inhamunda, and there is 
no other road than through his territory. And in like manner 
those of Manica and those of Benabotapa, with whom the said 
Inhamunda is at war, and many other countries in which it is 
said there is much gold. 

In my first letter I wrote to Your Highness more fully about 
it, giving an account from the successive captains, and of the 
receipts of all the factors. And Sofala, Sir, cannot bear such 
charges, nor can men do anything except what God wills and 
pleases. And I think that we shall be servants here and shall 
carry the badges of slavery in the interior if God by a miracle 
does not come to our aid, for everything is at his disposal. 

The ship. Sir, which was at Cambaya, as I wrote to Your 
Highness, came to Kilwane, eight leagues from this fortress of 
Sofala. The captain sent for a pilot, having already buoyed the 
bar, to take the ship into the bay, and the pilot began to put 
down buoys and did not attempt to take her in. She discharged 
at Kilwane all that she carried, which are these articles : 

Pieces of calico to the value of nine thousand reis, which cost 
in Cambaya sixty-six reis each, and in this factory are valued at 
two and a half miticals each, and each mitical is worth four 
hundred and sixty-seven reis; macassars, which are something 
like cotton cloths, but thicker, eight hundred and eight pieces, 
which cost in Diu one hundred and eleven reis each, and in this 
factory the price is two miticals each ; dimity one hundred and 
ninety-eight pieces, which cost in Diu one hundred and fifty-one 
reis each piece, and in the factory the price is four miticals each ; 
linen seven hundred and ninety-five pieces, which cost one 
hundred and fifty-one reis and are valued at four miticals each ; 
one thousand four hundred and twenty-four pieces of sapon, 
which cost in Diu thirty-nine reis each piece, and here in the 
factory are sold at one mitical each ; tin from Cambaya twenty- 
one quintals less four pounds, which cost each twenty-six pounds, 
that is a farazola of Diu, two thousand nine hundred reis, and is 
valued in this factory at thirty miticals the farazola of thirty 
pounds, for the farazolas are not all the same, being at some 
places in these countries twenty-four pounds, at other places 
more, and at others again less ; red beads of Cambaya three and 



Becords of South-Eastern Afiica. 105 

a half quintals nine pounds, which cost in Diu eight hundred 
and forty reis the farazola, which, when they are good, are valued 
in the factory at fifty miticals and more. And he brought in 
money twenty-eight thousand two hundred and twenty-five silver 
coins of Diu, each of which is worth sixty reis. 

The cloth, if it was saleable, would be worth a good deal of 
money, but everything is so dull that men have no heart, nor is 
anything purchased for cash or anything that can be called 
money, and if anything is bought it is very little. The cloth is 
taken on credit to obtain with it some ivory, which I shall be 
able to have bartered. The most that I have obtained in this 
way since I have been here as factor is one hundred and forty 
quintals of ivory. 

From September 1518, when I became factor, this factory has 
received five hundred and fifty-two miticals and a half to the end 
of March 1519, and from that date to the time of writing this 
letter the receipts have been about two hundred and fifty miticals. 
With the three thousand and odd miticals which were delivered 
to me by the preceding factor and the coin which came from 
Diu, together with the money for the two-thirds of the wine 
which I sold on Your Highness's account and these said five 
hundred and odd miticals, 1 have paid the people of this fortress, 
the crews of the two caravels which are employed on this coast 
and the ship, and some people of Mozambique who were employed 
in this fortress by order of the captain in preparing a wooden fort 
which was to be put up on the Cuama. 

Item. On the 15th * of this month of August 1519 Sanchode 
Tovar finished a square tower of timber which was to be put up 
on the Cuama, and he was waiting for the ship which went to 
Mozambique to bring millet for this fortress, in order to proceed 
to that place and erect it there with the assistance of the crews of 
the ship and the caravels. And the caravels having arrived from 
Eilwane in the first three days of this month of August laden 
with millet, because the ship could not cross the bar, one of the 
caravels was lost in sight of the fortress, the one which Sancho de 
Tovar had ordered to be built at Mozambique to guard the coast 
from that place to Melinde. And that caravel had already taken 
a prize and brought part of what was in it to Sofala, and left the 

* This date mnst be incorrect. It may have been 15th of July. See date of 
the letter. 



106 Becorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

other part with the factor at Mozambique. In consequence of 
this caravel being lost, and the ship not being able to enter the 
Cuama, he could not go and put up that tower, as it waa said it 
would be about eight leagues (up the river). For this reason 
he did not go and erect the tower at Cuama, which I think would 
have been of great service to Your Highness, but by this mishap 
he was prevented from doing it. He resolved to have another 
caravel built at once, and a brigantine which he would station at 
Cuama to prevent any zambucos coming from Melinde to those 
parts. When the ship came from Cambaya and arrived at 
Kilwane on the 3rd of April, and another caravel that was left by 
Christovam de Tavora, and was damaged, was lost at Kilwane, a 
great drawback was occasioned to the improvement of matters 
hero. Everything was unfortunate. 

Your Highness thought to help me by employing me at this 
factory, and I credit the good intention of Your Highness. And 
I, Sir, am quite ruined, and I wish I had not come here at any 
price, because I am doing no service to you. Sir, at Sofala, and I 
am losing in honour and in property, so that if it were not that 
Your Highness might think I am not a man who knows how to 
serve you at such a post, although I have already served you in 
another factory, and in order not to give pleasure to my enemies, 
I, Sir, would have gone from Sofala to serve you in India, where I 
beg as a favour Your Highness will be pleased to give me any 
commandantship whatever, as there are plenty of factories where 
I can be more usefvd to you in a commandantship, and for which 
I would be very thankful ; and if there is not a factory, whatever 
other office. Sir, you will be pleased to give me that I can fill, in 
service on laud, or in any employment in Goa, or Ormuz, or any- 
where else that Your Highness can make use of me. For with 
what I have earned at Sofala I cannot venture to go to Portugal, 
except to trouble Your Highness and return here immediately. 
And I should not like to undertake another long voyage with the 
discomforts of the sea, where I lost a son who was very dear to 
me, tuid I should bo going also without any advantage. Your 
Highness will remember that I have served twenty-five years, 
since I became a mau, in the fleets and in cavalry and infantry. 

I am writing, Sir, to the baron, asking that through his kindness 
and for God's Siike he will represent these matters and others 
which I mention to him in notes, and that he will apply to Your 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 107 

Highness on my behalf, for which I shall kiss your hands, because 
all ray wish is to work in your service and for the support of six 
children and a wife. Your Highness is well aware of what it is 
to have children, although you are such a great prince and king 
and lord. May God lengthen your days and increase your 
dignity, so that you may be able to add to your honours and 
estates for the benefit of Your Highness and of your kingdoms. 

I shall take it as a great favour if Your Highness will do me 
the kindness to send me some wine for my use. 

The ship leaves this fortress, Sir, for Cambaya on the 12th of 
August 1519. I think she is too large for this coast. She takes 
from this factory one hundred and fifty quintals of ivory, with 
other freight brought from Portugal which there is at Mozam- 
bique, and copper. The captain will write to Your Highness 
what he thinks about this matter. 

I kiss the royal hands of Your Highness. May God be pleased 
to lengthen your life and add to your dignity. 

To-day in this fortress, the 8th of August, 1519. 

Francisco de Brita 

Addressed : To the King our Lord. 

Agrees with the original in tlie Archives in the Torre do 
Tombo. 3rd September, 1897. 

The Director, 
Jose Manuel da Costa Basto. 



108 Records of SoutlfEastern Africa, 



EELAgAO 

DO 

NAUFRAGIO DO GALEAO GRANDE S. JOAO 

Na Terra do Natal no anno de 1552.* 

Partio neste Galeao Manoel de Sousa, que Deos perdoe, para 
fazer esta desaventurada viagem de Cbchim, a tres de Fevereiro 
o anno de cincoenta e dous. E partio tao tarde por hir carregar 
a Coulao, e Id haver pouca pimenta, onde carregou obra de quatro 
mil e quinhentaS) e yeyo a Cbchim acabar de carregar a copia 
de sette mil e quinhentas por toda com muito trabalho por causa 
da guerra que havia do Malavar. E com esta carga se partio 
para o Reyno podendo levar doze mil ; e ainda que a Nao levara 
pouca pimenta, nem por isso deixou de hir muito carregada de 
outras mercadorias, no que se havia de ter muito cuidado pelo 
grande risco que correm as Naos muito carregadas. 

A treze de Abril veyo Manoel de Sousa haver vista da Costa 
do Cabo em trinta e dous graos, e vierao ter tanto dentro, porque 
havia muitos dias que erao partidos da India, e tardarad muito 
em ver o Cabo por causa das roins v^las que traziad, que foy 
huma das causas e a principal de seo perdimento; porque o 
Piloto Andre Yas fazia seo caminho para hir a terra do Cabo das 
Agulhas, e o Capitao Manoel de Sousa Ihe rogou que quizesse 
hir ver a terra mais perto ; e o Piloto por Ihe fazer a vontade, o 
fez : pela qual razad forao ver a Terra do Natal, e estando a vista 
della, se Ihe fez o vento bonanza, e foy correndo a Cbsta athe ver 
o Cabo das Agulhas, com prumo na mad, e sondando ; e erao os 
ventos taes, que se hum dia ventava Levante, outro se levantava 

* In the accounts of shipwrecks on the coast of South-Eastem Africa much 
information concerning the natives of the country is to be obtained, and I there- 
fore include them among records of importance. There are several pamphlets in 
the Library of the British Museum containing narratives of such wrecks, printed 
very shortly after the disasters occurred, and published under authority from the 
government at Lisbon. Among them is the one from which this is copied, 
which gives an account of a disaster that will not be forgotten as long as the 
noble ix)cm of Camocns finds readers. — G. M. T. 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 109 

Poente. E sendo ja em onze de Mar^o erao Nordeste, Sudueste 
com o Cabo de Boa Esperan^a vinte e cinco legoas ao mar, alii 
Ihe deo o vento Oeste, e Oesnoroeste com muitos fuzis. E 
sendo perto da noite o Capitao chamou o Mestre, e Piloto, e 
Ihes perguntou que deviao fazer com aquelle tempo, pois Ihe era 
pela proa, e todos respondferao, que era bom conselho arribar. 

As razoens que davao para arribar, forao que a Nao era muito 
grande, e muito comprida, e hia muito carregada de caixaria, e 
de outras fazendas, e nao traziad ja outras velas, senad as que 
traziao nas vergas, que a outra e8quipa9ao levou hum temporal 
que Ihe deo na Linha, e estas era5 rotas, que se na5 fiavao nellas : 
e que se parassem, e o tempo crescesse, e Ihe fosse necessario 
arribar, Ihe poderia o vento levar as outras velas que tinhad, 
que era prejuizo para sua viagem, e salva^ao, que nao havia na 
Nao outras; e taes era5 aquellas que traziao, que tanto tempo 
punhao em as remendar, como em nayegar. E huma das cousas 
porque nao tinhad dobrado o Cabo a este tempo, foy pelo tempo 
que gastavad em as amainar para cozerem; e por tanto o bom 
conselho era arribar com os papafigos grand es am bos baixos, 
porque dando-lhe somente a vela de proa, era tao velha, que 
estava muy certo levarlha o vento da verga pelo grande pezo da 
Nao, e ambos juntos hum ajudaria ao outro. E vindo assim 
arribando, que seriao cento e trinta legoas do Cabo, Ihe virou o 
vento ao Nordeste, e ao Lesnordeste tao furioso que os fez outra 
vez correr ao Sul, e ao Sudueste ; e como o mar que vinha feito 
de Poente, e o que o Levante fez meteo tanto mar, que cada 
balan9o que o Galeae tomava, parecia que o metia no fundo. 
£ assim correrao tres dias, e ao cabo delles Ihe tornou o vento 
a acalmar, e ficou o mar ta5 grande, e trabalhou tanto a Nao, 
que perdeo tres machos do leme so-os polegar em que esta toda 
a perdi^ao, ou 8alva9ad de huma Nao. E isto se nao sabia de 
ninguem, somente o Carpinteiro da Nao que foy a ver o leme, 
e achou falta dos ferros, e entao se veyo ao Mestre, e Iho disse 
em segredo, que era hum Christovao Femandes da Cunha o 
Curto. E elle respondeo como bom Official, e bom homem, que 
tal cousa nao dissesse ao Capitao, nem a outra nenhuma pessoa 
por nao causar terror, e medo na gente, e assim o fez. 

Andando assim neste trabalho, tornoulhe outra vez a saltar o 
vento a Oes-sudueste, e temporal desfeito, e ja entao parecia que 
Deos era servido do fim que ao despois tiverao. E hindo com a 



110 Records of Sotith-Eastern Africa. 

mesma vela arribando outra vez, lan^ando-lhe o leme a banda, 
nao quiz a Nao dar por elle, e toda se poz de 16 ; o vento que 
era bravo Ihe levou o papafigo da verga grande. Quando se 
virao sem vela, e que nao liavia outra, acodirao com diligencia 
a tomar a vela de proa, e se quizerao antes aventurar a ficar de 
mar em travez, que ficarem sem nenhuma vela. traquete de 
proa nao era ainda acabado de tomar quando se a Nao atravessou, 
e em se atravessando Ihe derao tres mares tao grandes, que dos 
balan9os que a Nao deu Uie arrebentarao os aparelhos e costeiras 
da banda de bombordo, que nao Ihe ficarao mais que as tres 
dianteiras. 

E vendo-se com os aparelhos quebrados, e sem nenhuma 
enxarcea no mastro daquella banda, lan^arao a mao a huns 
viradores para fazerem huns brandaes. E estando com esta obra 
na mao andava o mar muito grosso, e Ihes pareceo que por entao 
era obra escuzada, e que era melhor conselho cortarem o mastro 
pelo muito que a Nao trabalhava ; o vento e o mar era tamanho 
que Ihe nao consentia fazer obra nenhuma, nem havia homem que 
se pudesse ter em pe. 

Estando com os machados nas maos come^ando ja a cortar 
vem supitamente arrebentar o mastro grande por cima das poles 
das coroas, como se o cortarao de hum golpe, e pela banda do 
estibordo o lan^ou o vento ao mar com a Gavea, e enxarcea, 
como que fora huma cousa muito leve ; e entao Ihe cortarao os 
aparelhos, e enxarcea da outra banda, e todo junto se foy ao mar. 
E vendo-se sem mastro, nem verga fizerao no pe do mastro 
grande que Ihe ficou, hum mastareo de hum peda9o de entena 
bem pregada, e com as melhores arreataduras que puderao: e 
nolle guamecerao huma verga para a vela da guia, e da outra 
entena fizerao huma verga para papafigo, e com alguns peda^os 
de velas velhas tornarao a guarnecer esta verga grande ; e outro 
tanto fizerao para o mastro de proa ; e ficou isto iao remendado 
6 fraco, (jue bastava qualqucr vento para Ihos tomar a levar. 

E como tiverao tudo guarnecido derao as velas com o vento 
Susueste. E como o leme vinha ja com tres forros menos, que 
erao os princiimos, nao Ihe quiz a Nao govemar, senao com muito 
trabalho, e ja entao as escotas Ihe serviao de leme. E hindo 
assim, foy o vento crescendo, e a Nao agufou de 16, e poz-se 
toda a corda, sem quoror dar pelo leme, nem escotas. E desta 
vez Ihe toniou a levar o vento a vela grande, e a que Ihes servia 



J Becords of South-Eastern Africa. Ill 

de guia ; e vendo-se outra vez desaparelhados de velas, acodirao 
a vela da proa, e entao se atravessou a Nao, e come^ou de traba- 
Ihar : e por o Ifeme ser podre hum mar que Ihe entao deu, Iho 
quebrou pelo meyo, e levoulhe logo ametade, e todos os machos 
fiearao metidos nas femeas. Por onde se deve ter grande recato 
nos lemes, e velas das Naos, por causa de tantos trabalhos, quantos 
sao OS que nesta carreira se passao. 

Quem entender bem o mar, ou todos os que nisto bem cuidarera, 
IK)derao ver qual ficaria Manoel de Sousa com sua mulher, e 
aquella gente, quando se visse em huma Nao em Cabo de Boa 
Esperan^a, sem leme, sem mastro, e sem velas, nem de que as 
poder fazer; e ja neste tempo trabalhava a Nao tanto, e fazia 
tanta agoa, que houverao por melhor remedio para se nao hirem 
ao fundo a pique cortarem o mastro da proa que Ihe fazia abrir 
a Nao ; e estando para o cortar Ihe deo hum mar tao grande que 
Iho quebrou pelos tamboretos, e Iho lan^ou ao mar sem elles 
porem mais trabalho que o que tiverao em Ihe cortar a enxarcea ; 
e ao cahir do mastro deu hum golpe muito grande no gurupes, 
que Iho lan90U fora da carlinga, e Iho meteo por dentro da Nao 
quasi todo; e ainda foy algum remedio para Ihe ficar alguma 
arvore ; mas como tudo erao prognosticos de mayores trabalhos, 
ncnhuma diligencia por seos peccados Ihe aproveitava. Ainda 
a este tempo nao tinhao vista da terra, despois que arribarao do 
Cabo, mas seriao della quinze athe vinte legoas. 

Desde que se virao sem mastro, sem leme, e sem velas, ficoulhe 
a Nao lan^ada no bordo da terra : e vendo-se Manoel de Sousa, 
e Officiaes sem nenhum remedio, determinarao o melhor que 
puderao de fazer hum leme, e de alguma roupa que traziao de 
mercadorias, fazerem algum remedio de velas, com que pudessem 
vir a Mozambique. E logo com muita diligencia repartirao a 
gente, parte na obra do leme, e parte em guarnecer alguma arvore, 
e a outra em fazer alguma maneira de velas, e nisto gastariao 
dez dias. E tendo o leme feito, quando o quizerao meter, Iho 
ficou estreito e curto, e nao Ihe servio ; e todavia derao as velas 
que tinhao, para ver se haveria algum remedio de salva^ao, e 
forao para lan^ar o leme, e a Nao Ihe nao quiz govemar de 
nenhum modo, porque nao tinhao a vitola do outro que o mar 
Ihe levara, e ja entao tinhao vista da terra. E isto era aos oito 
de Junho ; e vendo-se tao perto da Costa, e que o mar e o vento 
OS hia levando para a terra, e que nao tinhao outro remedio se 



112 Records of South- Eastern Africa. 

nao hir varar, e por se nao hirem ao fundo, se encomcndarao a 
Deos, e ja entao hia a Nao aberta, que por milagre de Deos se 
8Qstentava sobre o mar. 

Vendose Manoel de Sousa tao perto da terra, e sem nenhum 
remedio, tomou o pareeer de seos Officiaes, e todos disserao, que 
para remedio de salvarem suas vidas do mar, era bom conselho 
deixarem-se hir assim alhe serem em dez bra^as, e como achassem 
o dito fundo surginsem para lan^arem o Batel fora para sua 
desembarca^ao ; e lan^arad logo huma manch^ com alguns 
homens que fossem vigiar a praya, onde dava melhor jazigo para 
poderem desembarcar, cx)m acordo, que tanto que surgissem no 
Batel, e na manchua, depois da gente ser desembarcada, tirarem 
o mantimento, e armas que pudessem, que a mais fazenda que 
do Galeao se podia salvar, era para mais perdi^ao sua, por causa 
dos Cafres que os haviao de roubar. E sendo assim com este 
conselho, forao arribando ao som do mar e yento, alargando de 
huma banda, e ca^ando da outra ; ja o leme na5 goyemava com 
mais de quinze palmos de agoa debaixo da cuberta. E hindo 
ja a Nao perto de terra, lan^arao o prumo, e acharao ainda muito 
fundo, e deixarao-se hir : e d'alli a hum grande espago tomou a 
manch&a a Nao, e disse que perto d'alli hayia huma praya onde 
poderiao desembarcar, se a pudessem tomar ; e que todo o mais 
era rocha talhada, e grande penedia, onde nao hayia maneira de 
salya^ao. 

Yerdadeiramente que cuidarem os homens bem nisto, faz 
grande espanto ! Vem com este Galeao yarar em terra de Cafres, 
hayendo-o por melhor remedio para suas yidas, sendo este tao 
perigoso: e por aqui yerao para quantos trabalhos estayao 
guardados Manoel de Sousa, sua mulher, e filhos. Tendo ja 
recado da manchda, trabalharao por hir contra aquella parte, 
onde Ihe demoraya a praya, athfe chegarem ao lugar, que a 
manchua Ihe tinha ditto, e ja entao erao sette bra9as, onde 
largara5 huma ancora, e apozisso com muita diligencia guamec^rao 
aparelhos, com que Ian9ara5 fora o BateL 

A primeira cousa que fizerao, como tiyerao Batel f6ra, foy 
portar outra ancora a terra, e ja o yento era mais bonanza, e o 
Galead estaya da terra dous tiros de b^sta. E yendo Manoel 
de Sousa como o Galeao se Ihe hia ao fundo sem nenhum remedio, 
chamou ao Mestre, e Piloto, e disselhes, que a primeira cousa que 
fizessem fosse polio em terra com sua mulher e filhos, com yinte 



Records of South- Eastern Africa. 113 

homens, que estivessem em sua guarda, e apozisto tirasse as 
armaSy e mantimentos, e polvora, e alguma roupa de Cambraya, 
para ver se havia na terra alguma maneira de resgate de manti- 
mentos. E isto com fundamento de fazer forte naquelle lugar 
com tranqueiras de pipas, e fazerem alii algum Caravelao da 
madeira da Nao, em que pudessem mandar reeado a Sofala. Mas 
como ja estava de cima, que acabasse este Capitad com sua mullier^ 
e filhoSy e toda sua companhia, nenhum remedio se podia cuidar, 
a que a fortuna nao fosse contraria ; que tendo este pensamento 
de alii se fazer forte, Ihe tomou o vento a ventar com tanto impeto, 
e o mar cresceo tanto, que deo com o Galeao a c6sta, por onde 
nao puderao fazer nada do que cuidarad. A este tempo Manoel 
de Sousa, sua mulher, e filhos, e obra de trinta pessoas em terra, 
e toda a mais gente estava no Galeao. Dizer o perigo que 
tiverao na desembarea^ao o Capitad, e sua mulher com estas 
trinta pessoas, fora escusado ; mas por contar historia verdadeira, 
e lastimosa, direy, que de tres vezes que a manchua foy a terra 
se perdeo, donde morrerao alguns homens, dos quaes, hum era o 
filho de Bento Kodrigues ; e atlie entao o Batel nao tinha hido 
a terra, que nao ouzavao de o mandar, porque o mar andava muy 
bravo, e por a manchua ser mais leve, escapou aquellas duas vezes 
primeiras. 

Vendo o Mestre, e Piloto, com a mais gente que ainda estava 
na Nao, que o Galeao hia sobre a amarra da terra, e entenderem 
que a amarra de mar se Ihe cortara, porque o fundo era 9UJ0, e 
havia dous dias que estavaS surtos, e em amanhecendo ao terceiro 
dia, que virao que o Galeao ficava s6 sobre a amarra da terra, e 
o vento come^ava a ventar, disse o Piloto a outra gente, a tempo 
que ja a Nao tocava : Irmaos, antes que a Nao abra, e se nos va 
ao fundo, quem se quizer embarcar comigo naquelle Batel o 
podera fazer, e se foy embarcar, c fez embarcar o Mestre, que era 
homem velho, e a quem fallecia ja o espirito por sua idade : e 
com grande trabalho, por ser o vento forte, se embarcarao no 
dito Batel obra de quarenta pessoas, e o mar andava tao grosso 
em terra, que deitou o Batel em terra feito em peda^os na praya. 
E quiz Nosso Senhor, que desta batelada nao morreo ninguem, 
que foy milagre, porque antes de vir a terra o fofobrou o mar. 

Capitao, que o dia d'antes se desembareara, andava na praya 
esfor^ando os homens, e dando a mao aos quo podia, os levava ao 
fogo que tinha feito, porque o frio era grande. Na Nao ficarao 

I 



1 14 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

ainda o melhor de quinhentas pessoas, a saber : duzentos Portu- 
guezes, e os mais escravos ; em que entrava Duarte Fernandes 
Coutra-Mestre do Galeae, e o Guardiao ; e estando ainda assim 
a Nao, que ja dava muitas pancadas, Ihes pareceo bom conselho 
alargarem a amarra por mao, porque fosse a Nao bem a terra, e 
nao a quizerao cortar porque a ressaca os nao tomasse para o 
pego ; e como a Nao se assentou, em pouco espa90 se partio pelo 
meyo, a saber do mastro avante hum peda^o, e outro do mastro 
a re, e dahi a obra de huma bora aquelles dous peda^os se fizerao 
em quatro, e como as aberturas forao arrombadas, as fazendas, e 
caixas vierao acima, e a gente que estava na Nao, se lan90U sobre 
a caixaria, e madeira a terra. Morrerao em se ]an9ando, mais de 
quarenta Portuguezes, e settenta Escravos ; a mais gente veyo a 
terra por cima do mar, e alguma por baixo, como a Nosso Senhor 
aprouve ; e muita della ferida dos pregos, e madeira. D'alli a 
quatro boras era o Galeao desfeito, sem delle apparecer peda^o 
tamanho como huma bra9a, e tudo o mar deitou em terra, com 
grande tempestade. 

E a fazenda que no Galeao hia, assim del-Bey, como de partes, 
dizem que valia hum conto de ouro : porque desde que a India 
he descuberta, athe entao nao partio Nao de la tad rica. E por 
se desfazer a Nao en tuntas migalhas, nao pode o Capitad Manoel 
de Sousa fazer a embarca9ao que tinha determinado, que nao 
ficou Batel, nem cousa sobre que pudesse armar o Caravela, nem 
de que o fazer, por onde Ihe foy necessario tomar outro conselho. 

Yeudo o CapitaO, e sua companhia, que nao tinhao remedio 
de embarca9ao, com conselho dos seos Ofiiciaes, e dos homens 
fi(hilgos, que em sua companhia levava, que era Pantaleao de Sa, 
Tristao de Sousa, Amador de Sousa, e Diogo Mendes Dourado de 
Sotuval. Assentarao, que deviao de estar naquella praya, onde 
sahirao do Galeao, alguns dias, pois alii tinhao agoa, athe Ihe 
convalccerem os doentes. Entao fizerao suas Tranqueiras de 
algumas areas, e pipas, e estiverao alii doze dias, e em todos elles 
Ihe nao veyo falar nenhum negro da terra; 86mente aos tres 
primeiros apjmrecerao nove Cafres em hum outeiro, e alii estariao 
duas horas, sem terem nenhuma fala ex>m nosco ; e como espan- 
tados se tornarao a hir. E d'alli a dous dias Ihe pareceo bem 
mandarem hum homem, e hum Cafre do mesmo Galeao, para ver 
se achavao alguns Negros, que com elles quizessem falar para 
resgatarem algum mantimeto. E estes audarao la dous dias sem 



Records of SoiUh-Eastem Africa. 115 

acharem pessoa viva, senao algumas casas de palba despovoadaFiy 
por onde entenderao, que os Negros fugirao com medo, e entao 
86 tomarao ao arrayal, e em algumas das casas acharao frechtis 
metidaSy que dizem que he o seo sinal de guerra. 

D'alli a tres dias, estando naquelle lugar, onde escaparao do 
GaleaOy Ihe apparecerao em hum outeiro sette, ou outo Cafres 
com huma vaca preza, e por acenos os fizerao os Christaos descer 
abaixOy e o Capitao com quatro homens foy falar com elles, e 
despois de os ter seguros, Ihe diss^rao os Negros por aceuos, que 
queriao ferro. Entao o Capitao mandou por meya duzia de 
pregos, e Ihos amostrou, e elles folgarao de os ver, e se chegarao 
entao mais para os nossos, e come9arao a tratar o pre^o da vaca, 
e estando ja concertados, apparecerao cinco Cafres em outro 
outeiro, e come^arao a bradar por sua lingoa, que nao dessem a 
vaca a troco de pregos. Entao se forao estes Cafres, levando 
consigo a vaca* sem falar palavra. E o Capitao Ihe nao q^uiz 
tomar a vaca, tendo della muy grande necessidade para sua 
mulher, e filhos. 

Assim esteve sempre com muito cuidado, e vigia, levantando-se 
cada noite tres e quatro vezes a rondar os quartos, o que era 
grande trabalho para elle ; e assim estiverao doze dias athe que 
a gente Ihe ronvaleceo ; no cabo dos quaes vendo que ja estavao 
todos para caminhar, os chamou a conselho, sobre o que deviao 
fazer, e antes de praticarem o case, Ihes fez huma fala desta 
maneira. 

Amigos e Senhores: bem vedes o estado a que por nossos 
peccados somos chegados, e eu creyo verdadeiramente que os 
meos s6 bastavao para por elles sermos postos em tamanhas 
necessidades, como vedes que temos ; mas he Nosso Senhor tao 
piedoso, que ainda nos faz tamanha merce, que nos nao fossemos 
ao fundo naquella Nao, trazendo tanta quantidade de agoa 
debaixo das cubertas ; prazera a elle, que pois foy servido de nos 
levar a terra de Christaos, e os que nesta demanda acabarao com 
tantos trabalhos, havera por bem que sejao para salva^ao de suas 
almas. Estes dias, que aqui estivemos, bem vedes, Senhores, que 
forao necessaries para nos convalecerem os doentes que traziamos ; 
ja agora, Nosso Senhor seja louvado, estao para caminhar; e por 
tanto vos ajuntey aqui para assentarmos que caminho havemos 
de tomar para remedio de nossa salvafao, quo a deterniina^ao, 
que traziamos de fazer alguma embarcafao, se nos atalhou como 

I 2 



116 Records of SotUh- Eastern Africa. 

vistes, por nao podermos salvar da Nao cousa nenhuma, para a 
podermos fazer. E pois Senhores e Irmaos, vos vay a vida, como 
a mim, nao sera razao fazer, nem determinar cousa sem conselho 
de todos. Huma meree vos quero pedir, a qual he que me nao 
desampareis, nem deixeis, dado caso que eu nao possa andar 
tanto, como os que mais andarem, por causa de minha mulher, e 
filhos. E assim todos juntos querera Nosso Senhor pela sua 
misericordia ajudamos. 

Despois de feita esta fala, e praticarem todos no caminho que 
haviao de fazer, visto nao haver outro remedio, assentarao, que 
deviao de caminhar com a melhor ordem que pudessem ao longo 
dessas prayas caminho do Rio, que descobrio Louren9o Marques, 
e Ihe prometerao de nunca o desemparar : e logo o puzerao por 
obra ; ao qual Bio haveria cento e outenta legoas por costa, mas 
elles andarao mais de trezentas pelos muitos rodeyos, que fizerao 
em quererem passar os rios, e brejos, que achavao no caminho : 
e despois tomavao ao mar, no que gastarao cinco mezes e meyo. 

Desta praya onde se perderao em 31 graos aos sette de Jullio 
de cincoenta e dous, come^arao a caminhar com esta ordem, que 
se segue : a saber Manocl de Sousa com sua mulher e filhos com 
outenta Portuguezes, e com Escravos, e Andre Vas o Piloto na 
sua companhia com huma bandeira com hum Crucifixo erguido, 
caminhava na vanguarda, e D. Leonor sua mulher, levavaona 
Escravos em hum andor. Logo atras vinha o Mestre do Galeae 
com a gente do mar, e com as Escravas. Na retaguarda camin- 
hava Pantaleao de Sa com o resto dos Portuguezes, e Escravos, 
que seriao athe duzentas pessoas, e todas juntas seriao quinhentas ; 
das quaes erao cento e outenta Portuguezes. Desta maneira 
caminharao hum mez com muitos trabalhos, fomes, e sedes, porque 
em todo este tempo nao comiao senao o arroz que escapara do 
Galeao, e algumas fnitas do mato, que outros mantimentos da 
terra nao achavao, nem quem os vendesse ; por onde passarao tao 
grande esterilidade, qual se nao pode crer, nem escrever. 

Em todo este mez poderiao ter caminhado cem legoas : e pelos 
grandes rodeyos, que faziao no passar dos Rios, nao teriao andado 
trinta legoas por Costa : e ja entao tinhao perdidas dez, ou doze 
pessoas; so hum filho bastardo de Manoel de Sousa de dez ou 
onze annos, que vindo ja muito fraco da fpme, elle, e hum Escravo, 
que o trazia as costas, se deixarao ficar atras. Quando Manoel de 
Sousa perguntou por elle, que Ihe disserao que ficava atras obra 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 117 

de meya legoa, esteve para percler o sizo, e por Ihe parecer que 
vinha na trazeira com seo tio Fantaleao de Sa, como algumas 
vezes acontecia, o perdeo assim; e logo prometteo quinlientos 
cruzados a dous hotnens, que tomassem em busea delle, mas nao 
houve quern os quizesse aceitar, por ser ja perto da noite, e por 
causa dos Tigres, e Leoens ; porque como ficava o homem atras, 
o comiao ; por onde Ihe foy for^ado nao deixar o caminho que 
levava, e deixar assim o filho, onde Ihe ficarao os olhos. E aqui 
se podera ver quantos trabalhos forao os deste Fidalgo antes de 
sua morte. Era tambem perdido Antonio de Sampayo sobrinho 
de Lopo Vas de Sampayo, Governador que foy da India : e cinco, 
ou seis homens Portuguezes, e alguns Escravos de pura fome, e 
trabalho do caminho. 

Neste tempo tinhao ja pelejado algumas vezes, mas sempre os 
Cafres levavao a peyor, e em huma briga Ihe matarao Diogo 
Mendes Dourado, que athe sua morte tinha pelejado muy bem 
como valente Cavalleiro. Era tanto o trabalho, assim da vigia, 
como da fome, e caminho, que cada dia desfallecia mais a gente, 
e nao havia dia que nao ficasse huma ou duas pessoas por essas 
prayas, e pelos mates, por nao poderem oaminhar; e logo erao 
comidos dos Tigres, e Serpentes, por haver na terra grande 
quantidade. E certo, que ver ficar estes homens, que cada dia 
ihe ficavao vivos por esses desertos, era cousa de grande dor e 
sentimento para huns, e para outros ; porque o que ficava, dizia 
aos outros que caminhavao de sua companhia, por ventura a pays, 
e a irmaos, e amigos, que se fossem muito embora, que os enco- 
mendassem ao Senhor Deos. Fazia isto tamanha magoa ver ficar 
o parente, e o amigo sem Ihe poder valer, sabendo que d'alli a 
pouco espa^o havia de ser comido de Feras Alimarias ; que pois 
faz tanta magoa a quem o ouve, quanta mais fara a quem o vio 
e passou. 

Com grandissima desaventura hindo assim proseguindo, ora se 
metiao no sertao a buscar de comer, e a passar rios, e se tornavao 
ao longo do mar sobindo serras muy altas : ora descendo outras 
de grandissimo perigo ; e nao bastavao ainda estes trabalhos, 
senao outrus muitos, que os Cafres Ihe davao. E assim camin- 
harao obra de dous mezes e meyo, e tanta era a fome, e a sede 
que tinhao, que os mais dos dias aconteciao cousas de grande 
admira^ao, das quaes contarey algumas mais notavcis. 

A(;onteceo muitas vezes entre esta gente vender-se hum pucaro 



118 Records of Souih-Eastem Africa. 

de agoa de hum quartilho por dez cruzados, e em huui caldeiraa 
que levava quatro cauadas, se fazia cem cruzados ; e porque nisto 
ks vezes ha via desordem, o Capitao mandava buscar hum caldeirao 
della, por naO haver outra vasilha mayor na companhia, e dava 
por isso a quern a hia buscar cem cruzados : e elle por sua mao 
a repartia, e a que tomava para sua mulher, e iilhos, era a outo 
e dez cruzados o quartilho; e pela mesma maneira repartia a 
outra, de modo que sempre pudesse remediar, que com o dinheiro, 
que em dia se fazia naquella agoa, ao outro houvesse quem a 
fosse buscar, e se puzesse a esse risco pelo interesse. E alem disto 
passavao grandes fomes, e davao muito dinheiro por qualquer 
peixe que se achava ua praya, ou por qualquer animal do monte. 

Vindo caminhando por suas joniadas, segundo era a terra que 
achavao, e sempre com os trabalhos que tenho dito: seriao ja 
p.issados tres mezes que caminhavao com dcterminafao de buscar 
aquelle Kio de Louren^o Marques, que he a agoada de Boa Paz. 
Havia ja muitos dias que se nao mantinhao senao de frutas, que 
acaso se achavao, e de ossos torrados : e aconteceo muitas vezes 
vender-se no arrayal huma pelle de huma cabra i)or quinze 
cruzados: e ainda que fosse seca a lan^avao na agoa, e assim 
a comiao. 

Quando caminhavao pelas prayas, mantinhao-se com marisco, 
ou peixe, que o mar lau^ava fora. E no cabo deste tempo vierao 
ter com hum Cafre, senhor de duas Aldeas, homem velho, e que 
Ihes pareceo de boa condi9ao, e assim o era pelo agazalho, que 
nelle acharao, e Ihes disse, que nao passassem d'alli, que estivessem 
em sua companhia, e que elle os manteria o melhor que pudesse ; 
porque na verdade aquella terra era falta de mantimentos, nao 
por ella os deixar de dar, senao porque os Cafres sao homens que 
nao semeao senao muito pouco, nem comem senao do gado bravo 
que matao. 

Assim que este Eey Cafre apertou muito com Manoel de Sousa, 
e sua gentc que estivera com elle, dizendo-lhe que tinha guerra 
com outro Hey, por onde elles haviao de passar, e queria'sua 
ajuda: e que se passassem avante, que soubessem certo que 
haviao de ser roubados deste Key, que era mais poderoso que 
elle ; de maneira que pelo proveito, e ajuda que esperava desta 
companhia, e tambem pela noticia que ja tinha de Portuguezes 
por Louren^o Marques, e Antonio Caldeira, que alii estiverao, 
trabalhava quanto podia, porque d'alli nao passassem; e estes 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 119 

dons homens Ihe puzerao nome Garcia de Sa, per ser velho, e ter 
muito o parecer com elle, e ser bom homem, que nao ha duvida, 
senao que em todas as Na^oens ha maos, e bons ; e por ser tal 
fazia agazalhos; e honrava aos Portuguezes: e trabalhou quanto 
pode que nao passassem avante, dizendo-Ihe que haviao de ser 
roubados daquelle Key, com que elle tinha guerra. E em se 
determinar se detiverao alii seis dias. Mas como parer*e que 
estava determinado acabar Manoel de Sousa nesta joniada com 
a mayor parte de sua companhia, nao quizerao seguir o conselho 
deste Reyzinho, que os desenganava. 

Vendo o Key, que todavia o Capitao determinava de se partir 
d'alli, Ihe pedio que antes que se partisse, o quizesse ajudar com 
alguns homens de sua companhia contra hum Key, que atras Ihe 
ficaya ; e parec^dolhe a Manoel de Sousa, e aos Portuguezes, que 
se nao podiao escusar de fazer o que Ihe pedia, assim pelas boas 
obras, e agazalho, que delle receberao, como por razao de o nao 
escandalizar, que estava em sen poder, e de sua gente ; pedio a 
Pantaleao de Sa seo cunhado, que quizesse hir com vinte homens 
Portuguezes ajudar ao Key seu amigo ; foy Pantaleao de Sa com 
OS vinte homens, e quinhentos Cafres, e seos Capitaes, e tornarao 
atraz por onde elles ja tinhao passado seis legoas, e peleijarao 
com hum Cafre, que andava levantado, e tomaraolhe todo o gado, 
que sao os seos despojos, e trouxerao-no ao Arrayal adonde estava 
Manoel de Sousa com ElKey, e nisto gastarao cinco ou seis dias. 

Despois que Pantaleao de Sa veyo daquella guerra em que foy 
ajudar ao Keyzinho, e a gente que com elle foy, e descanfou do 
trabalho que la tiverao ; tornou o Capitao a fazer conselho sobre 
a determina^ao de sua partida, e foy tao fraco, que assentarao que 
deviao de caminhar, e buscar aquelle Kio de Louren^o Marques, 
e nao sabiao que estavao nolle. E porque este Kio he o da agoa 
de Boa Paz com tres bra90S, que todos vem entrar ao mar em 
huma foz, e elles estavao no primeiro : E sem embargo de verem 
alii huma gota vermelha, que era sinal de virem ja alii Portu- 
guezes, OS cegou a sua fortuna, que nao quizerao senao caminhar 
avante. E porque haviao de peissar o Kio, e nao podia ser senao 
em Almadias, por ser grande, quiz o Capitao ver se podia tomar 
sette ou onto Almadias, que estavao fechadas com cadeas, para 
passar nellas o Eio, que ElKey nao Ihas queria dar, ponjue toda 
a maneira buscava para nao passarem, pelos dezejos que tinha 
de OS ter consigo. E para isso mandou certos homens a ver se 



120 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

podiao tomar as Almadias ; dous dos quaes vierao^ e disserao que 
Ihe era cousa difficultosa para se poder fazer. E os que se 
deixarao ficar ja com malieia, houverao huma das Almadias a 
mad, e embarcarao-se nella, e foraO-se pelo Bio abaixo, e deixarao 
a seo Capitao. E vendo elle que nenhuma maneira havia de 
passar o Kio, senao por vontade do Bey, Ihe pedio o quizesse 
mandar passar da outra banda nas suas Almadias, e que elle 
pagaria bem a gente que os levasse; e pelo eontentar Ihe deo 
algumas das suas armas, porque o largasse, e o mandasse passar. 

Entao o Bey foy em pessoa com elle, e estando os Portuguezes 
receosos de alguma tray9ao ao passar do Bio, Ihe rogou o Capitao 
Manoel de Sousa, que se tornasse ao lugar com sua gente, e que 
o deixasse passar a sua vontade com a sua, e Ihe ficassem somente 
os negros das Almadias. E como no Beyzinho negro nao havia 
malieia, mas antes os ajudava no que podia, foy cousa leve de 
acabar com elle que se tornasse para o Lugar, e logo se foy, e 
deixou passar a sua vontade. Entao mandou Manoel de Sousa 
passar trinta homens da outra banda nas Almadias, com trcs 
espiugardas ; e como os trinta homens forao da outra banda, o 
Capitao, sua mulher e filhos passarao alem, e apoz elles toda a 
mais gente, e athe entao nunca forao roubados, e logo se puzerao 
em ordem de caminhar. 

Haveria cinco dias: que caminhavao para o segundo Bio, e 
teriao andado vinte legoas quando chegarad ao Bio do meyo, e 
alii acharao negros, que os encaminharao para o mar, e isto era 
ja ao Sol posto : e estando a borda do Bio, virao duas Almadias 
gran(les,'e alii assentarao o Arrayal em huma area onde dormirao 
aqucUa noite : e este Bio era salgado, e nao havia nenhuma agoa 
doce ao redor, senao huma que Ihe ficava atras. E de noite foy 
a sede tamanha no Arrayal, que se houverao de perder: quiz 
Manoel de Sousa mandar buscar alguma agoa, e nao houve quem 
quizesse hir menos de cem cruzados cada caldeii^, e os mandou 
buscar, e em cada hii dia iazia duzentos ; e se o nSo fizera assim, 
nHo se pudera valer. 

E sendo o comer tao pouco como atras digo, a sede era desta 
maneira ; porque queria Nosso Senhor que a agoa Ihe servisse de 
mantimentos. Estando naquelle Arrayal ao outro dia perto da 
noite, virSLo chegar as tres Almadias de negros, que Ihe disserao 
por huma negra do Arrayal, que comefava ja entender alguma 
cousa, que alii vicra hum Navio de homens como elles, e que ja 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 121 

era hido. Entilo Ihe mandou dizer Manoel de Soiisa se os qneri5o 
passar da outra banda : e os negros responderao, que era ja noite 
(porque Cafres nenliuma cousa fazem de noite) que ao outro dia 
OS passariSo se Ihe pagasse. Como amanheceo vier^ os negros 
com quatro Almadias, e sobre pre^o de buns poucos de pregos, 
come9arSo a passar a gente, passando primeiro o CapitSo alguma 
gente para guarda do passo, e embarcando-se em huma Almadia 
com sua mulher e filhos, para da outra banda esperar o resto 
da sua companhia; e com elle hiao as outras tres Almadias 
carregadas de gente. 

Tambem se diz que o CapitSo vinha ja naquelle tempo maltra- 
tado do miolo, da muita vigia, e muito trabalho, que carregou 
sempre nelle, mais que em todos os outros. E por vir ja desta 
maneira, e cuidar que Ihe queriao os negros fazer alguma trai^ao, 
lan^ou mao a espada, e arrancou della para os negros, que hiao 
remando dizendo ; Perros, aonde me levais ? 

Yendo os negros a espada nua, saltai^ ao mar, e alli esteve 
em risco de se perder. EntSo Ihe disse sua mulher, e alguns que 
com elles hiao, que n^o fizesse mal aos negros, que se perderiao. 
Em verdade, quem conhecera a Manoel de Sousa, e soubera sua 
descri9So, e brandura, e Ihe vira fazer isto, bem poderia dizer que 
ja nao hia em sen perfeito juizo; porque era discrete, e bem 
ettentado : e d'alli por diante ficou de maneira, que nunca mais 
govemou a sua gente, como athe alli o tinha feito. E chegando 
da outra banda, se queixou muito da cabe^a, e nella Iho atarSo 
toalhas, e alli se tomarSLo a ajuntar todos. 

Estando ja da outra banda para comefar a caminhar, virSo 
hum golpe de Cafres, e vendo-os se puzerao em som de pelejar, 
cuidando que vinhSo para os roubar : e chegando perto da nossa 
gente, come9arao a ter fala huus com os outros, perguntando os 
Cafres aos nossos, que gente era, ou que buscava ? Eespondcrao- 
Ihe que erSo ChristSos, que se perderao em huma Nao, e que Ihe 
rogavao os guiassem para hum Bio grande que estava mais avante, 
e que se tinhSo mantimentos, que Ihos trouxessem, e Ihos com- 
prariao. E por huma Cafra, que era do Sofala, Ihe disserao os 
negros, que se queriao mantimentos, que fossem com elles a hum 
lugar onde estava o sen Rey, que Ihe faria muito agazalho. A 
este tempo seriao ainda cento e vinte pessoas; e ja entao D. 
Leonor era huma das que caminhavao a p^, e sendo huma mulher 
Fidalga, delicada, e moya, vinha por aquelles asperos caminhos 



122 Records of Soutlt'Eastern Afnc-a. 

tao trabalhosos, como qualquer robusto homem do campo, e 
muitas vezes consolava as da sua companhia, e ajudava a trazer 
sens filfaos. Isto foy depois que nao houye Escraros para o andor 
em que vinha. Parece verdadeiraraente que a gra^a de Nosso 
Senhor supria aqui ; porque sem ella nao pud^a huma mulber 
tad fraca, e tao pouco costumada a trabalhos, andar tad cumpridos, 
e asperos caminfaos, e sempre com tantas fomes, e sedes, que ja 
entao passavad de trezentaa legoas as que tinhao andado, por 
causa dos grandes rodeyos. 

Tomando a Historia. Despois que o Capitad, e sua companbia 
tiverao entendido, que o Rey estaya perto d'alli, tomarao os 
Cafres por sua guia ; e com muito recato caminbarao com elles 
para o lugar que Ibe diziao, com tanta fome, e sede, quanto Deos 
sabe. Dalli ao Lugar onde estava o Rey bavia buma legoa, e 
como cbegarao, Ibe mandou dizer o Cafre, que nao entmsscm no 
Lugar ; porque be cousa que elles muito escondem, mas que se 
fossem pdr ao pe de bumas arvores^ que Ibe mostrarao, e que alli 
Ibe mandaria dar de comer. Manoel de Sousa o fez assim, coroo 
bomem que estava em terra albea, e que nao tinbao sabido tanto 
dos Cafres, como agora sabemos por esta perdiffw, e pela da Nao 
S. Bento, que cem bomens de espingarda atravessariao toda a 
Cafraria ; porque mayor medo tern dellas, que do mesmo demonio. 

Despois de assim estar agazalbado a sombra das arvores, Ibe 
comefou a vir algum mantimento por seo resgate de pr^os. E 
alli estiverao cinco dias, i>arecendo-lbe que poderiao estar atbe 
vir Navio da India, e assim Ibo diziao os negros. Entao pedio 
Manoel de Sousa buma casa ao Rey Cafre para se agazalbar com 
sua mulber e filbos. Respondeo-lhe o Cafre, que Iba dariao ; mas 
que a sua gonte nao podia estar alli junta, porque se nao poderia 
nianter por baver falta de mantimentos na terra : que ficasse elle 
com sua mulber e filbos, com algumas pessoas quaes elle quizesse, 
e a outra gente se repartisse pelos Lugares : e que elle Ibe 
mandaria dar mantimentos, e casas atbe vir algum Navio. Isto 
era a ruindade do Rey, segundo parece, pelo que ao despois Ibe 
fez; por onde esta clara a razao que disse, que os Cafres tern 
grande medo de espingardas; porque nao tendo alli os Portu- 
guezes mais que cinco espingardas, e atbe cento e vinte bomens, 
se nao atreveo o Cafre a pelejar com elles ; e a fim de os roubar 
OS apartou buns dos outros para muitas partes, como bomens que 
estavao tao cbegados a morte de fome; e nao sabendo quanto 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 123 

melhor fora nao §e apartarem, se entregarao a fort?ina, e fizerao 
a Yontade aquelle Key, que tratava sua perdif ao, e nunca quizerao 
tomar o conselho do Eeyziuho, que Ihes falara verdade, e Ihes 
fez o bem que pode. E por aqui verao os homeus, como nunca 
hao de dizer, nem fazer cousa em que cuidem que elles sao os que 
acertao ou podem, senao p6r tudo nets maos de Deos Nosso Senhor. 

Despois que o Rey Cafre teve assentado com Manoel de Sousa, 
que OS Portuguezes se dividissem por diversas Aldeas, e Lugares 
para se poderem manter, Ihe disse tarn bem que elle tinfaa alli 
CapitSles sees, que haviao de levar a sua gente, a saber, cada hii 
OS que Ihe entregassem para Ihe darem de comer ; e isto nao 
podia ser senao com elle mandar aos Portuguezes, que deixassem 
as annas, porque os Cafres haviao medo delles em quanto as viao : 
e que elle as mandaria meter em huma casa, para Ihas dar tanto 
que viesse o Navio dos Portuguezes. 

Como Manoel de Sousa ja entao andava muito doente, e fora 
de seo perfeito juizo, nao respondeo, como fizera estando em seo 
entendimento ; respondeo, que elle falaria com os seos. Mas 
como a hora fosse chegada, em que havia de ser roubado, falou 
com elles, e Ihes disse : Que nem havia de passar d'alli, de huma 
ou de outra maneira havia de buscar remedio de Navio, ou outro 
qualquer que Nusso Senhor delle ordenasse ; porque aquelle Rio 
em que estavao, era de Louren^o Marques ; e o seo Piloto Andre 
Yas assim Iho dizia : que quem quizesse passar d'alli, que o 
poderia fazer, se Ihe bem parecesse, mas que elle nao podia, por 
amor de sua mulher e filhos, que vinha ja muy debilitada dos 
grandes trabalhos, que nao podia ja andar, nem tinha Escravos 
que o ajudassem. E por tanto a sua determina^ao era acabar 
com sua familia, quando Deos disso fosse servido : e que Ihe pedia, 
que OS que d'alli passassem, e fossem ter com alguma embarca9ao 
de Portuguezes, que Ihe trouxessem ou maudassem as novas, e os 
que alli quizessem ficar com elle, o poderiao fazer; e por onde 
elle passasse passariao elles. 

E porem que para os negros se fiarem delles e nao cuidarem 
que erao ladroens, que andavao a roubar, que era necessario entre- 
garem as armas, para remediar tanta desaventura como tinhao de 
fome havia tanto tempo. E ja entao o parecer de Manoel de 
Sousa, e dos que com elle consentirao, nao erao de pessoas que 
estavao em si ; porque se bem olharem, em quanto tiverao suas 
armas comsigo, nunca os negros chegarao a elles. Eiitao mundou 



124 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

o Capitao que puzessem as annas, em que despois de Deos estava 
sua salva^ao, e contra a vontade de alguns, e muito msis contra 
a de D. Leonor, as entregarao ; mas nao houre quern o contra- 
dissesse senao ella, ainda que Ihe aproveitou pouco. Entad disse : 
Vos entregais as armas, agora me dou por perdida com toda esta 
gente. Os negros tomarao as armas, e as levarao a casa do Bey 
Cafre. 

Tanto que os Cafres virao os Portuguezes sem armas, como ja 
tinhao concertado a traifdo os come9arao logo a apartar, e nnibar, 
e OS levarao por esses matos, cada hum como Ihe cahia a sorte. 
E acabado de chegarem aos Lugares, os levarao ja despidos, seiu 
Ihe deixar sobre si cousa alguma, e com muita pancada os lan^avao 
fora das Aldeas. Nesta companhia nao hia Manoel do Sousa, que 
com sua mulher e filhos, e com o Piloto Andre Vas, e obra de 
vinte pessoas ficavao com o Rey, porque traziao muitas joyas, e 
rica pedraria, e dinheiro ; o affirmao que o que esta companhia 
trouxe athe alii, valia mais de cem mil cruzadi)^. Como Manoel 
de Sousa com sua mulher, e com aquellas vinte pessojis foy 
apartado da gente, forao logo roubados de tudo o que traziao, 
somen te os nao despio: e o Bey Ihe disse que se fosse muito 
em bora em busca de sua companhia, que Ihe nao queria fazer mais 
mal, nem tocar em sua pessoa, nem de sua mulher. Quan<lo 
Manoel de Sousa isto vio, bem se lembraria quao grande erro 
tiuha feito em dar as armas, e foy for9a de fazer o que Ihe 
mandavao, pois nao era mais em sua mao. 

Os outros companheiros, que erao noventa, em que entrava 
Pantaleao de Sa, e outros tres Fidalgos, ainda que todos fonio 
apartados huns dos outros, poucos e poucos, segundo se acertarao, 
despois que forao roubados, e despidos pelos Cafres a quern forao 
entregues por o Bey, se tornarao a ajuntar ; porque era perto huns 
dos outros, e juntos bem maltratados, e.bem tristes, faltando-lhe 
as armas, vestidos, e dinheiro para resgate de seo mantimento, e 
sem o SCO Capitao, comc9arao de caminhar. 

E como ja nao levavao figura de homens, nem quern os gover- 
nasse, hiao sem ordem, por desvairados caminhos : huns por matos, 
e outros por scri'as, se acabarao de espalhar, e ja entao cada hum 
nao curava mais que fazer aquillo em que Ihe parecia que podia 
salvar a vida, quer entre Cafres, quer entre outros Mouros: 
porque ja entao nao tinha conselho, nem quem os ajuntasse para 
isso. E como homens que andavao ja de todo perdidos, deixarey 



Records oj South-Eastern Africa, 125 

agora de falar nelles, e toniarey a Manoel de Sousa, e a desditosa 
de sua mulher e filhos. 

Vendo-se Manoel de Sousa roubado, e dospedido delRey, que 

fosse buscar sua companhia, e que ja entao nao tinha dinheiro, 

nem armas, nem gente para as tomar : e dado case que ja havia 

dias qae yinha doente da cabe9a, todavia sentio muito esta afronta. 

Pois que se pode cuidar de huma mulher muito delicada, vendo-se 

em tantos trabalhos, e com tantas necessidades ; e sobre todas, 

Ter sen marido diante de si U\o maltratado, e que nao podia ja 

go\ernar, nem olhar por seos filhos? Mas como mulher de bom 

juizo, com o parecer desses homens, que ainda tinha. comsigo, 

come^arao a caminhar por esses mates, sem nenhum remedio, nem 

fundamento, somente o de Deos. A este tempo estava ainda 

Andre Vas o Piloto em sua companhia, e o Contra-Mestre, que 

nunca a deixou, e huma mulher ou duas Portuguezas, e algumas 

Escravas. Hindo assim caminhando, Ihes pareceo bom conselho 

seguir os noventa homens, que avante hiao roubados, e havia dous 

dias, que caminhavao, seguindo suas pizadas. E D. Leonor hia 

ja tao fraca, tao triste, e desconsolada, por ver seo marido da 

maneira que hia, e por se ver apartada da outra gente, e ter por 

impossivel poderse ajuntar com elles, que cuidar bem nisto, he 

cousa para quebrar os cora^oens ! Hindo assim caminhando, 

toruarao outra vez os Cafres a dar nelle, e em sua mulher, e em 

esses poucos que hiao em sua companhia, e alii os despirao, sem 

ihe deixarem sobre si cousa alguma. Vendo-se ambos desta 

maneira com duas crianyas muito tenras diante de si derao gramas 

a Nosso Senhor. 

A qui dizem, que D. Leonor se nao deixava despir, e que as 
punhadas, e as bofetadas se defendia, porque era tal, que queria 
antes que a matassem os Cafres, que verse nua diante da gente, e 
nao ha duvida que logo alii acabara sua vida, senao fora Manoel 
de Sousa, que Ihe rogou se deixasse despir, que Ihe lembrava que 
nascerao nus, e pois Deos daquillo era servido, que o fosse ella. 
Hum dos grandes trabalhos que sentia, era verem dous meninos 
pequenos seos filhos, diante <le si chorando, pedindo de comer, 
sem Ihe poderem valer. E vendo-se D. Leonor despida, lanfouse 
logo no chao, e cubriose toda com os seos cabellos, que erao muito 
compridos, fazendo huma cova na area, onde se meteo athe a 
cintura, sem mais se erguer d'alli. Manoel de Sousa foy entao a 
huma velha sua Aya, que Ihe ficara ainda huma mantilha rota, e 



1 20 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Iha pedio para cobrir D. Leonor, e Iha deo ; mas com tudo nunoa 
mais se quiz erguer daquelle lugar, onde se deixou cahir, quando 
se vio nua. 

Em verdade, que nao sey quem por isto passe sem grande 
lastima, e tristeza. Ver huma mulher tao nobre, filha, e mulher 
de Fidalgo tao honrado, tao maltratada, e com tao pouca cortezia I 
Os homens que estavao ainda em sua companhia, quando virao a 
Manoel de Sousa, e sua mulher despidos, afastarao-se delles bum 
peda^o, pela vergonha, que houverao de ver assim seo Capitad, e 
D. Leonor : Entad disse ella a Andre Vas o Piloto : Bem vedes 
como estamos, e que ja nao podemos passar daqui, e que havemos 
de acabar por nossos peccados : hidevos muito embora, fazey por 
vos salvar, e encomandainos a Deos: e se fordes a India, e a 
Portugal em algum tempo, dizey como nos deixastes a Manoel 
de Sousa, e a mim com meos filhos. E elles vendo que por sua 
parte nao podiao remediar a fadiga de seo Capitao, nem a pobreza, 
e mizeria de sua mulher e filhos, se forao por esses matos, buscando 
remedio de vida. 

Uespois que Andre Vas se apartou de Manoel de Sousa e 
sua mulher, ficou com elle Duarte Femandes Contra-Mestre do 
Galeao, e algumas Escravas, das quaes se salvarao tres, que 
vierao a Goa, que contarao como virao morrer D. Leonor. E 
Manoel de Sousa ainda que estava maltratado do miolo, nao Ihe 
esquecia a necessidade que sua mulher e filhos passavao de comer. 
E sendo ainda manco de huma ferida que os Cafres Ihe derao em 
huma pema, assim maltratado, se foy ao mato buscar frutas para 
Ihe dar de comer ; quando tomou, achou D. Leonor muito fraca, 
assim de fome, como de chorar, que despois que os Cafres a 
despirao, nunca mais d'alli se ergueo, nem deixou de chorar : e 
achou hum dos meninos mortos, e por sua mao o enterrou na 
area. Ao outro dia tomou Manoel de Sousa ao mato a buscar 
alguma fruta, e quando tomou, achou D. Leonor fallecida, e o 
outro menino, e sobre ella estavao chorando cinco Escravas com 
grandissimos gritos. 

Dizem que elle nao fez mais, quando a vio fallecida, que apartar 
as Escravas d'alli, e assentarse perto della, com o rosto posto sobre 
huma mao, por es{)a9o de meya hora, sem chorar, nem dizer cousa 
alguma ; estando assim com os olhos postos nella : e no menino 
fez pouca conta. E acabando este espa^o se ergueo, e come^ou a 
fazcr huma cova na area com ajuda das Escravas, e sem pre sem 



Records of South-Eadeni Africa, 127 

se falar palavra a enterrou, e o filho com ella, e acabado isto, 
torDou a tomar o caminho que fazia, quando hia a buscar as 
frutas, sem dizer nada as Escravas, e se meteo pelo mato, e nunca 
mais o virao. Parece que andando por esses matos, nao ha 
du?ida senao que seria comido de Tigres, e Leoens. Assim 
acabarao sua yida, mulher e marido, havendo seis mezes, que 
caminhavao por terras de Cafres com tantos trabalhos. 

Os homens que escaparao de toda esta companhia, assim dos 
que ficarao com llanoel de Sousa quando foy roubado, como dos 
noventa, que hiao diaute delle caminhando, seriao athe outo 
Portuguezes, e quatorze Escravos, e tres Escravas das que estavao 
com D. Leonor ao tempo que falleceo. Entre os quaes foy 
Pantaleao de Sa, e Tristao de Sousa, e o Piloto Andre Vas, 
e Balthezar de Sequeira, e Manoel de Castro, e este Alvaro 
Fernandes. E andando estes ja na terra sem esperan^a de 
poderem vir a terra de ChristSoa ; foy ter aquelle Eio hum Navio 
em que hia hum parente de Diogo de Mesquita fazer marfim, 
onde achando novas que havia Portuguezes perdidos pela terra, 
OS mandou buscar, e os resgatou a troeo de contas, e cada pessoa 
custaria dous vintens de contas, que entre os negros he cousa que 
elles mais estimao ; e se neste tempo fora vivo Manoel de Sousa, 
tambem fora resgatado. Mas parece que foy assim melhor para 
sua alma, pois Nosso Senhor foy servido. E estes forao ter a 
Mozambique a vinte e cinco de Mayo de mil e quinhentos e 
cincoenta e tres annos. 

Pantaleao de Sa andando vagamundo muito tempo pelas terras 
dos Cafres, chegou ao Pa90 quasi consumido com fome, nudez, e 
trabalho de tao dilatado caminho, e chegando-se a porta do Pajo, 
pedio a4>s Aulicos Ihe alcanzassem do Bey algum subsidio ; 
recusarao elles pedirlhe tal cousa, desculpando-se com huma 
grande enfermidade, que o Rey havia tempos padecia : e pergun- 
tando-lhes o illustre Portuguez, que enfermidade era, Ihe 
responderao, que huma chaga em huma pema tao pertinaz, e 
corrupta, que todos os instantes Ihe esperavao a morte; ouvio 
elle com atten^ao, e pedio fizessem sabedor ao Bey da sua vinda, 
affirmando que era Medico, e que poderia talvez restituirlhe a 
saude ; entrao logo muito alegres, noticiao-lhe o coso, pede 
instantemente o Bey, que Iho levem dentro; e despois que 
Pantaleao de Sa vio a chaga Ihe disse : Tenha muita confian^a, 
que facilmente recebera saude, e sahindo para fora, se poz a 



128 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

considerar a empreza em que se tinha metido, donde naS poderia 
escapar com vida, pois nao sabia cousa alguma que pudesae 
aplicarlhe ; como quern tinha aprendido mais a tirar vidas, que 
a curar achaques para as conservar. Nesta considerafao, como 
quem ja nao fazia case da sua, e appetecendo antes morrer huma 
so vez do que tuntas ; ourina na terra, e feito hum pouco de lodo, 
entrou dentro a porlho na quasi incuravel chaga. Passou pois 
aquelle dia, e ao seguinte, quando o illustre Sa esperava mais a 
sentenja dc sua morte, do que remedio algum para a vida tanto 
sua como do Eey ; sahem fora os Palacianos com notavel alvoro9o, 
e querendo-o levar em brafos, Ihe perguntou a causa de tao subita 
alegria ; responderao que a chaga com o medicamento que se Ihe 
applicara, gastara todo o podre, e apparecia so a came, que era 
saa, e boa. Entrou dentro o fingido Medico, e vendo que era 
como elles afBrmavao, mandou continuar com o remedio ; com o 
qual em poucos dias cobrou inteira saude ; o que visto, alem de 
outras honras puzerao a Pantaleao de Sa em hum altar, e vener- 
ando-o como divindade, Ihe pedio ElRey ficasse no seo Pa^o, 
offerecendo-lhe ametade do seo Beyno; e senao que Ihe faria 
tudo o que pedisse: recusou Pantaleao de Sa a offerta; affir- 
mando Ihe era precise yoltar para os sees. E mandando o Key 
trazer huma grande quantia de ouro, e pedraria, o premiou 
grandemente, mandando juntamente aos sees o acompanhassem 
athe Mozambique. 

[English translation of th^ foregoing.^ 
NAREATIVE 

OF THE 

WRECK OF THE GREAT GALLEON SAINT JOHN 

On the Land of Natal, in the year 1552. 

Manuel de Sousa (whom may God forgive) set out on this un- 
fortunate voyage from Cochim on the 3rd of February of the 
year 1552. He started so late through going to load at Coulao, 
where there was but little pepper. He took in about four thousand 
five hundred there, and went to Cochim to finish loading with 
the quantity of seven thousand five hundred , which was 



Records of South-Eastern Afnca. 1 29 

Tery difficult because of the war in Malabar, so that with this 
cargo he set out for Portugal, though he was able to carry twelve 
thousand. But though the ship carried little pepper, it was 
neyertheless well laden with other merchandise, which obliged 
them to use much caution, on account of the great risks to which 
heavily-laden ships are exposed. 

On the 13th of April Manuel de Sousa got sight of the coast 
of the Cape in 32 degrees, and they came in so far because they 
had left India many days before, and they were long in reaching 
the Cape because of the bad sails which they had, which w£ts one, 
and indeed the principal, cause of their loss. The pilot, Andr6 
Yas, was steering his course for Cape Agulhas, but the captain, 
Manuel de Sousa, asked him to make for the nearest land. The 
pilot, in accordance with his wish, did so, for which reason they 
saw the Land of Natal. Being in sight of it, the wind was 
favourable, and they ran along the coast, taking constant sound- 
ings, till they sighted Cape Agulhas. The winds were such, that 
if it blew from the east one day, the next it came from the west, 
and it being now the 12th of May, they were south-west of the 
Cape of Good Hope at a distance of twenty-five leagues. There 
the wind blew west and west-north-west with great fury. And it 
being almost night the captain called the master and the pilot, 
and asked them what was best to be done in such weather, the 
wind being dead ahead, and all were of opinion that it would be 
well to run before it. 

Their reasons for this were that the ship was very large and 
long, and was heavily laden with boxes and other merchandise, 
and they had no other sails than those on the yards, the others 
having been carried away by a storm on the equator, and those 
in use were torn and untrustworthy, and so that if they hove to 
and the gale increased, and it became necessary to run before it, 
the wind might carry away their only remaining sails, which 
would be prejudicial to their voyage and safety, as there were no 
others in the ship, and those they carried were in such a state 
that they spent as much time in mending them as in navigating. 
And one of the reasons why they had not yet doubled the Cape 
was the time they took in unbending the sails to sew them, 
therefore it would be a good plan to run before the wind with the 
mainsail and foresail set, for with the wind only in the foresail it 
was certain that it would be blown from the yard, being so old 

K 



130 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

and the weight of the ship so great, but both being set, one 
might support the other. And thus sailing before the wind 
until the Cape was a hundred and thirty leagues distant, the 
wind shifted to the north-east and east-north-east, and blew so 
furiously that they were obliged again to run to the south and 
south-west, and the swell from the east and the west made such a 
heavy sea that at each pitch of the galleon it seemed as if she 
would go to the bottom. Thus they proceeded for three days, at 
the end of which the wind fell, but the sea was still so heayy and 
the vessel laboured so much that they lost three pintles from the 
rudder, the chief part on which the safety or loss of a ship 
depends. This was not known to anyone but the ship's carpenter, 
who examined the rudder and found the pintles wanting, and 
told the master of it in secret, who was ChristovSo Femandes da 
Cunha o Curto. He like a good man and a good officer told the 
carpenter to keep it to himself, and not to tell even the captain, 
for fear of terrifying those on board, and he did as directed. 

In these straits, the wind from the west-south-west sprang up 
again, and there was a violent storm, and it seemed that Grod 
was pleased that they should then be lost, as afterwards befell 
them. And wearing round again, with the same sail as before, 
the rudder became loose and the ship refused to obey it, and 
luffing, the wind carried away the mainsail from the yard. 
Seeing themselves without this sail, and having none to replace 
it, they began to take in the foresail with all diligence, preferring 
to let the sea strike the ship abeam rather than be left with no 
sail at all. Before they had finished taking in the foresail, the 
ship veered round and three heavy seas struck her abeam, and 
the rolling of the vessel broke the shrouds and backstays on the 
larboard side, and nothing was left but the three forestays. 

Seeing their rigging broken and no shrouds left on that side, 
they seized hawsers to replace the backstays, but while they were 
occupied with this, the sea was so rough that they thought it 
useless, and that it would be better to cut away the mast and 
ease the labouring of the vessel. The wind and sea were so 
violent that it was impossible to do anything, no man being 
able to keep his feet. 

They had begun to cut away the mast with axes, when it 
snapped above the upper pulleys as if it had been cut off with 
one stroke, and was blown overboard on the starboard side with 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 131 

the topsail and shrouds, as if it had been a feather. Then they 
cut away the shrouds and rigging on the other side, and every- 
thing went overboard together. Finding themselves with neither 
mast nor yard, they made a jury mast of a piece of timber, and 
secured it to the stem of the lower mast which remained, fitting 
to it a yard for a small stormsail. They also made of another 
spar a yard for a mainsail, fastening to this mainyard some pieces 
of old sail. They did the same for a foremast; and these sails 
were so worn and mended that the least wind was sufficient to 
carry them off again. 

This being done, they set sail with the wind south-south-east. 
And as the rudder had lost the three principal pintles, it could 
not govern the ship without great difficulty, and the tacks had 
to serve them as a rudder. As they were proceeding thus, the 
wind increased and the vessel luffed, and in spite of their 
endeavours refused to obey the rudder or tacks. Then the wind 
again carried away the mainsail and that which served them as a 
guide, and seeing themselves again without these sails, they took 
in the foresail, so that the vessel veered and began to labour, 
and the rudder being rotten a sea broke it in the middle and 
carried it away, leaving the pintles in the gudgeons. By this it 
is seen what care should be taken of the rudders and sails of ships, 
which were the cause of the hardships suffered in this voyage. 

Whoever understands the sea, or will consider the matter, will 
see the state to which Manuel de Sousa with his wife and people 
was now reduced, being in a ship near the Cape of Good Hope, 
without rudder, mast, or sails, or anything with which to make 
them. By this time the ship was making so much water and 
laboured so much that they thought it prudent to cut away the 
foremast which was causing her to leak, rather than risk founder- 
ing ; and while they were about it a heavy sea struck the ship 
and snapped the mast above the cap, carrying it overboard and 
leaving them nothing else to do but to cut the shrouds. And 
the fall of the mast drew the bowsprit out of its fastenings 
and threw it almost entirely into the ship ; but they still had 
some resource, for some timber still remained, but everything 
foretold further hardship, and, for their sins, no diligence could 
help them. At this time they had no sight of land since they 
put away from the Cape, from which they would then be from 
fifteen to twenty leagues distant. 

K 2 



132 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

When they found themselves without mast, rudder, or sails, 
and the ship being driven towards the land, Manuel de Sousa 
and his officers, seeing no other remedy, determined to make a 
rudder as best they could, and with some cloth which was among 
their merchandise to make a substitute for sails, with which they 
might reach Mozambique. The crew were now divided and set 
to work with great diligence, some to make a rudder, some to 
prepare masts, and some to make substitutes for sails, and in this 
way they spent ten days. When the rudder was finished and 
they were about to fix it, it was found to be too short and narrow 
to serve its purpose, nevertheless they set what sail they had, to 
see if there was any chance of salvation, and fixed the rudder ; 
but the ship could in no way be governed by it, as they had not 
the measurements of that which the sea had carried away. They 
were now in sight of land, it being the 8th of June, and finding 
themselves so near the coast towards which the wind and waves 
were driving them, and that they had no help but to run aground, 
they prayed to God that they might not sink, the ship being so 
leaky that it only kept above water by a miracle. 

Manuel de Sousa, finding himself helpless and so near to land, 
called a council of his officers, who were all of opinion that the 
only chance of saving their lives was to drift on until they found 
themselves in ten fathoms of water, and then to anchor and get 
out a boat in which they might disembark. A boat was imme- 
diately got out with some men to search the shore for the best 
spot at which to disembark, with the understanding that when 
the ship was anchored, after those on board had disembarked, as 
much provisions and arms as could be taken from the galleon 
were to be got on shore in the two boats, but that to save any 
other merchandise from the ship would only be to their greater 
loss, because the Kaffirs were sure to rob them. With tliis 
decision they drifted on with the wind and sea, now to one side 
and then to the other, with a useless rudder and more than fifteen 
spans of water below the deck. The ship being now near land, 
they dropped the lead, but found the water very deep, and so let 
her drift on. A long time afterwards the boat returned with 
intelligence that there was a part of the shore close by where 
they might disembark, if they could reach it, but all the rest was 
sharp rock and great boulders which ofiered no hope of safety. 

It .would truly inspire men with horror to think of their case. 



Becards of South-Eastern Africa, 133 

They were running aground with the galleon in the land of the 
Kaffirs, judging it, however perilous, to be their only hope of 
saving their lives, by which it may be seen with what hardships 
Manuel de Sousa with his wife and children were encompassed. 
On the return of the boat they endeavoured to make for that 
part of the shore which offered them a chance of landing, and 
on reaching it found seven fathoms of water and cast an anchor, 
and then arranged the ropes to get out the smaller boat with all 
diligence. 

The first thing they did when the boat was launched was to 
run out another anchor towards the land, and the wind was now 
more favourable and the galleon lay at two cross-bow shots from 
the shore. Manuel de Sousa, seeing that the galleon must 
inevitably go down, called the pilot and master and said to them 
that the first thing to be done was to put him ashore with his 
wife and children and twenty men, who were to be his guard, and 
then to remove the provisions, arms, and powder from the ship, 
as well as some cambric, in case there might be means of bartering 
it for provisions. This he designed with the intention of making 
a kind of fort there, with a barricade of barrels, and building a 
caravel with the ship's timbers, by which to send a message to 
Sofola. But it had been decreed above that this captain with 
his wife and children and all his company were to perish, and 
thus all their plans were frustrated by circumstances ; for they 
had no sooner thought of this plan than the wind rose with great 
fury, and the waves increased, so that the galleon was driven on 
to the coast where it was impossible to put it into execution. By 
this time Manuel de Sousa with his wife and children and about 
thirty people had landed, the rest remained in the galleon. It 
is not necessary to dwell upon the dangers which attended the 
landing of the captain and his wife with the aforesaid thirty 
persons, but to tell the true and mournful story I will say that 
tho third time the large boat went to shore it was lost, and 
several men were drowned, one of whom was the son of Bento 
Bodrigues; and before that they had not dared to venture to 
shore in the small boat, as the sea was very rough, and the large 
boat being lighter escaped the first two trips. 

The master and the pilot, with those who remained in the ship, 
seeing that she was riding on the land cable and guessing that 
the sea cable was cut, for they had been two days anchored on a 



134 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

• 
foul bottom, and on the morning of the third day this was fonnd 
to be the case, and only the land cable remained, while the wind 
was rising, the pilot said to the others when the vessel was 
already grounding : ^^ Comrades, let those who like come with me 
in the boat before the ship goes to pieces and sinks." Then he 
embarked, helping the master to do the same, he being an old 
man whose spirit was failing through age. About forty persons 
got into the boat with great difficulty, the wind being very high, 
and the surf was so great that the boat was dashed to pieces on 
the shore. But our Lord was pleased that not a soul in it should 
perish, which was a miracle, for it was swamped before it was 
thrown on shore. 

The captain, who had disembarked the day before, went to and 
fro' on the beach, encouraging his men and helping all that he 
could to get to the fire he had made, for the cold was intense. 
There still remained in the ship nearly five hundred persons, 
namely two hundred Portuguese, and the rest slaves, among 
the former were Duarte Fernandes, the quartermaster, and the 
boatswain. As the ship was already bumping on the rocks, they 
thought it advisable to veer away the cable, that she might get 
well on shore, but they would not cut it, in case the ebb should 
carry them back to sea. As the ship settled, in a little while 
she parted amidships, that is one piece before and the other 
abaft the mainmast, and in about an hour the two pieces split 
into four. Her breaking up caused the merchandise and boxes 
to come to the surface, and those in the ship tried to get ashore 
upon the cases and woodwork. More than forty Portuguese and 
seventy slaves were killed in this endeavour, but the rest got to 
land, some above the waves and some under, as it pleased God, 
many of them wounded by the nails and woodwork. In four 
hours there was not a piece of the galleon as large as a man's 
arm remaining, and the sea cast all the debris on shore in a great 
tempest. 

It is said that the merchandise in the ship, belonging to the 
king and others, was worth a million in gold, for a vessel so 
richly laden had not left India since it was discovered. The 
galleon having been dashed into such splinters, the captain 
Manuel de Sousa could not carry out his former plan, for no boat 
remained, nor anything with which to equip or make a caravel, 
and thus he was forced to come to some other decision. 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 135 

• 

The captain and his company, seeing that they had no means 
of procoring a craft, with the connsel of his officers and those of 
high rank among them, who were Pantedeao de Sa, TristSU> 
de Sousa, Amador de Sousa, and Diogo Mendes Dourado de 
Setuval, decided that they should remain on the shore where the 
galleon was lost, for a few days, until the sick were convalescent, 
for here water was to be had. Then they made a sort of fortifica- 
tion with chests and barrels, and remained there twelve days, 
during which time they saw no negro of the country to speak to ; 
only on the third day nine Kaffirs appeared on a hill and 
remained there two hours without speaking to any of oar people, 
and then withdrew as if afraid. And two days afterwards they 
thought it well to send a man and one of the Kaffirs of the 
galleon to see if they could find any negroes who would speak 
and barter provisions with them. They walked for two days, 
finding no living being, and only a few deserted straw huts, by 
which they understood that the negroes had fled in fear, and 
they then returned to the camp. In several of the huts they 
found arrows (or assagais) which is said to be the savages' war 
signal. 

Three days later, while they were still in the same place, seven 
or eight Kaffirs appeared upon a hill, leading a cow. By signs 
the Christians induced them to come down, and the captain 
with four men went to speak with them, and after they had 
reassured them, the negroes declared by signs that they wanted 
iron. Then the captain sent for half-a-dozen nails, which he 
showed to them, to their great delight ; and then they drew 
nearer to our people and began to treat of the price of the cow, 
which was just settled when five Kaffirs appeared on another hill 
and shouted to them in their own language not to exchange the 
cow for nails. So the Kaffirs withdrew, taking the cow with 
them, without speaking a word, and the captain would not take 
it from them, though he was in great need of it for his wife and 
children. 

Thus he remained in great anxiety and vigilance, rising three 
or four times every night to make his rounds, which was a great 
labour for him ; and this went on for twelve days, till all the sick 
were convalescent. Finding that they were now in a fit state to 
travel, he summoned all his people to a council, to consider what 
was to be done, but before discussing the matter he addressed 



136 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

• 
them as follows : ^^ Friends and gentlemen, you see the state to 

which we are reduced for our sins, and I truly consider my own 
sufficient to have brought us all to these straits, but our Lord is 
merciful and has shown us so much favour as to save us from 
going down in the ship, which had so much water under the 
decks, and he may be pleased to bring us into a Christian land, 
and for those who have perished to count the hardships they have 
suffered to the salvation of their souls. Gentlemen, you are well 
aware that the twelve days we have spent in this place were 
necessary for the recovery of our sick, now, thank God, in a fit 
state to travel, and therefore I have called you together that we 
may decide what road we ought to take to save ourselves, for the 
intention we had of building some kind of craft is frustrated, as 
you have seen, by our being unable to save anything from the 
wreck with which to build it. And thus, gentlemen and com- 
rades, as your lives are concerned as well as mine, it is not right 
to come to any decision without the advice of all. I have one 
favour to ask of you, which is that you will not abandon or desert 
me in case I should be unable to keep up with the rest, on account 
of my wife and children. And thus all united may our Lord in 
His mercy be pleased to help us." 

After this speech, all discussed what course should be taken, 
and finding there was no help for it, they decided to travel along 
the shore, in the best order possible, to the river discovered by 
Lourenpo Marques, and they promised the captain never to desert 
him, and then proceeded to carry out their decision. There 
were a hundred and eighty leagues of coast between them and 
the said river, but they travelled more than three hundred, 
because of the many windings they were obliged to make to get 
over the rivers and marshes they found on their way, and then 
returning to the sea. In this journey they spent five months 
and a half. 

From the shore where they were wrecked in 31 degrees they 
set out on the 7th of July 1552 in the following order : Manuel 
de Sousa with his wife and children and eighty Portuguese, with 
slaves, Andre Yas, the pilot, in his company with a banner of the 
crucifix uplifted, and his wife D. Leonor carried by slaves in a 
litter. These went first. Then the master of the galleon with 
the seamen and female slaves, and lastly PantaleSlo de S& with the 
rest of the Portuguese and slaves, about two hundred in alL All 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 1 37 

the company together numbered five hundred, of whom a hundred 
and eighty were Portuguese. In this manner they journeyed for 
a month, enduring hardships, hunger, and thirst, for during all 
that time they had nothing to eat but the rice which was saved 
from the galleon and some fruit found in the thickets, the land 
yielding nothing else, nor did they meet anyone from whom they 
could buy provisions, for the sterility of the country through 
which they passed was beyond description or belief. 

During this month they journeyed about a hundred leagues, 
and because of the deviations they made to pass over the rivers 
the distance they covered was not thirty leagues along the coast. 
They had already lost ten or twelve of their number, and an 
illegitimate son of Manuel de Sousa about ten or eleven years 
of age, who was much weakened by hunger, and a slave who 
bore him on his shoulders were left behind. When Manuel de 
Sousa inquired for him, and was told he had been left about half 
a league behind, he was almost beside himself, because he had 
supposed him to be in the rear with his uncle PantaleSo de S&, as 
had sometimes happened before, and thus he came to be lost. 
His father offered two men five hundred cruzados to return in 
search of him, but no one would accept the offer, for it was now 
near night, and anyone lingering behind was devoured by lions 
and tigers. So he was obliged to proceed on his way, and 
abandon the son who was the desire of his eyes. By this we 
may see the sufferings endured by that gentleman before his 
death. Antonio de Sampayo, nephew of Lopo Vas de Sampayo, 
who had been governor of India, and five or six Portuguese and 
several slaves had also perished of sheer hunger and the hardships 
of the journey. 

Meanwhile they had fought several times, but the EafiSrs were 
always worsted, though in one skirmish they killed Diogo Mendes 
Dourado, who until his death fought like a gallant gentleman. 
The mingled hardships of vigilance, hunger, and travel were so 
great that more of the company failed every day, and not a day 
passed but one or two were left on the shore or in the thickets, 
imable to go a step farther, and were afterwards devoured by 
tigers and serpents, which are numerous in those parts. Truly 
to see these men left daily in the desert while still alive was a 
source ojf great sorrow and pain to all, for he who was left bade the 
rest of the company, perhaps his father, brothers, and friends, go 



138 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

on their way, commending them to the Lord God, and bitter was 
the grief caused by thus abandoning relatives and friends with- 
out power to succour them, knowing that they must shortly be 
devoured by wild beasts. If this is heartrending to those who 
hear of it, how much more so to those who had to see and 
endure it 

Thus with great misfortunes they proceeded on their way, now 
penetrating the interior to pass rivers or in search of food, and 
then returning to the sea, climbing high mountains, and now 
descending others to their great peril ; and as if these hardships 
were not sufficient, they had to endure others from the Kaffirs. 
In this way they travelled for about two months and a half, and 
such were their sufferings from hunger and thirst that extra- 
ordinary things occurred nearly every day, of which I shall relate 
some of the most notable. 

It often happened among them that a cup of water containing 
three-quarters of a pint was sold for ten cruzados, and a hundred 
cruzados were made out of a kettle holding six quarts, and as this 
sometimes led to disorder the captain used to send for a kettle 
full of water, there being no larger vessel in the company, giving 
a hundred cruzados to him who brought it, and then he divided 
it with his own hands, paying eight or ten cruzados a measure of 
three-quarters of a pint for what he required for his wife and 
children, distributing the rest at the same price. For the money 
thus paid one day someone was found on the next willing to risk 
fetching the water for gain. Besides this they suffered great 
hunger, and paid heavily for any fish caught on the shore, or for 
any wild animal whatever. 

Three months had now elapsed since they set out with the 
intention of reaching the river of Lourenpo Marques, which is the 
watering-place of Boa Paz, travelling every day according to 
the nature of the ground, and always enduring the hardships 
aforesaid. For many days they had sustained themselves with 
such fruit as they could find and roasted bones, and it often 
happened in the camp that the skin of a goat was sold for fifteen 
cruzados, and though dry, they soaked it in water and ate it. 
When they journeyed along the shore they lived on the shellfish 
and fish which the sea cast up. At the end of three months they 
met with a Kaffir, the head of two kraals, an old man who seemed 
of good condition, and so he proved by the succour he afforded 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 139 

them. He told them they would do well to go no farther, but 
remain in his company, and he would maintain them as well as 
he could, for the want of provisions in the land was not due to 
the barrenness of the earth but to the fact that the Kaffirs sowed 
but little, and lived on the wild cattle which they killed. 

This Kaffir king strongly urged Manuel de Sousa and his 
company to remain with him, saying that he was at war with 
another king in the country through which they must pass, and 
wanted their help, and if they went forward they would certainly 
be robbed by that king, who was more powerful than himself. 
Thus on account of the benefit and assistance he hoped for from 
their company, and because of his previous acquaintance with the 
Portuguese, through Lourenpo Marques and Antonio Caldeira, 
who had been there, he did all he could to prevent their pro- 
ceeding. Those two men had given him the name of Garcia de 
Sa, because he was old and resembled him greatly, and was a 
good man (for there is no doubt that there are good and bad in 
all nations). Therefore he sheltered and respected the Por- 
tuguese, and did his utmost to detain them, assuring them that 
they would be robbed by that king with whom he was at war. 
And while making up their minds they remained there six days, 
but as it seems to have been decreed that Manuel de Sousa and 
most of his company should perish on that journey, they would 
not follow the advice of that petty king who pointed out their 
mistake. 

The king, seeing that the captain was determined to leave that 
place, asked him if before he went he would help him with some 
men of his company against a king whom they had left in their 
rear, and it seemed to Manuel de Sousa and the Portuguese that 
they could hardly refuse to do what he asked, on account of the 
good offices and shelter which they owed him, and for fear of 
offending him, as they were in his power and among his people, 
Manuel de Sousa asked his brother*in-law PantaleSLo de Sa if ho 
would go with twenty men and help his friend the king. Pan- 
taleSo de Sa with the twenty men and five hundred Kaffirs and 
their chiefs went back six leagues on the road they had come, 
and fought with a rebellious Kaffir and took away all his cattle, 
which are their spoils, and brought them to the camp where 
Manuel de Sousa was with the king, which expedition occupied 
five or six days. 



140 Records of South-Eastem Africa. 

After FantaleSo de Sa returned from the war, iu which he 
went to help the king, and he and those who went with him 
had rested from the labours of that expedition, the captain called 
a council to decide whether they should set out again, and they 
were so weak that they agreed to proceed in search of the river 
of Louren9o Marques, not knowing that they had reached it, for 
this river is that of the water of Boa Paz with three arms, all of 
which enter the sea by the same mouth, and they were on the 
first arm. And though tbey saw a red ornament which was a 
sign that Portuguese had been there before, their fortune blinded 
them, and they insisted on pushing forward. And as the river 
was large and could not be crossed except in canoes, the captain 
wished to see if it were possible to get possession of seven or 
eight which were secured with chains, in order to pass it, as the 
king refused to give them, because he tried in every way to 
prevent their crossing, from his desire to keep them with him. 
To this end he sent certain men to see if it werd possible to take 
the canoes, two of whom returned and said that it would be a 
very difficult matter, and those who maliciously remained behind 
laid hands on one of the canoes, embarked in it, and made off 
down the river, deserting their captain. Finding that it was 
impossible to cross the river except at the will of the king, the 
captain asked him to allow them to cross in his canoes, and he 
would pay his people well to take them over ; and to satisfy him 
he gave him some of his arms to allow him to go free and 
command them to be taken across the river. 

Then the king went with them in person, and the Portuguese 
fearing some treason while they were crossing the river, Manuel 
de Sousa begged him to return to his kraal with his people and 
leave them to cross at their will with only the negroes of the 
canoes. And as this negro king was free from malice and 
willing to help them as much as he could, it was an easy matter 
to persuade him to return to the kraal, and he left them to cross 
the river at their will. Then Manuel de Sousa ordered thirty 
men to cross to the other bank in the canoes, with three muskets, 
uud when they had landed, the captain with his wife and children 
crossed over, and the rest of the company after them, and until 
that time they had not been robbed, and they put themselves in 
marching order again. 

They had travelled five days towards the second river and 



Records of Sov/th-Eastern Africa. 141 

had covered about twenty leagues when they came to the central 
river^ and found some negroes who directed them to the sea. 
This was after sunset, and being on the bank of the river they 
saw two large canoes, and they pitched their camp in a sandy 
place, where they slept that night. This river was brackish, 
and there was no fresh water in the neighbourhood except in 
one place which they had left behind. In the night the thirst 
in the camp was so great that they were almost dead. Manuel 
de Sousa wished to send for water, but no one would fetch it 
under a hundred cruzados for each kettlefull, and he sent them 
for it ; and every day it cost two hundred, but if they did not do 
this there was no help for them. 

And the food being so scanty, as I have said before, the thirst 
was as described above, because our Lord wished that water 
should serve them as provisions. Being in the same camp, the 
next day towards night they saw three canoes with negroes 
coming to them, who told them through a negress of the 
camp who began to understand something of their language,* 
that a ship had come there with men like themselves, but had 
now gone away. Then Manuel de Sousa ordered that they 
should be asked if they would convey them across the river ; 
the negroes replied that it was already night (for Kaffirs will do 
nothing at night), but that they would carry them over next 
day if they were paid. At daybreak the negroes came with four 
canoes, and at the price of a few nails began to carry the people 
across. The captain first sent over some men to guard their 
passage, and then embarked with his wife and children to await 
the rest of his company on the other bank, and with him went 
the three other canoes loaded with people. 

They say that at that time the captain was suffering in his 
brain from constant watching and the many hardships which fell 
more heavily upon him than upon the others. And being in this 
state, and thinking that the negroes intended some treason 
towards him, he placed his hand on his sword and drew it on 
the negroes who were rowing, crying "Dogs! where are you 
taking me ? " 

The negroes, seeing the naked sword, jumped into the water, 
and were in danger of being lost. Then his wife and some of 
those who were with him told him not to hurt the negroes, or 
they would be lost. In truth, any one who knew Manuel de 



142 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

Sousa, his discretion, and gentleness, and had seen him act thus, 
might well have said that he was not in his right mind, for he 
was both discreet and prudent ; and thenceforth he was never 
able to govern his people as before. And when he landed on 
the other bank he complained greatly of his head, and they tied 
bandages round it. And there they all assembled once more. 

Being on that bank and about to set out again, they saw a 
band of Kaffirs, and prepared for fight, thinking they came to 
rob them. When they came close to our people they spoke to 
them, the Kaffirs asking who they were and what they came to 
seek. They answered that they were Christians and had been 
wrecked in a ship, and begged that they would guide them to a 
large river which was farther on, and if they had any provisions 
that they would bring them and they would buy them. And 
the negroes said, through a Kaffir woman from Sofala, that if 
they wanted provisions they should go with them to a kraal 
where their king was, and he would give them good entertainment 

At this time they were about a hundred and twenty persons, 
and Dona Leonor was now one of those who travelled on foot, and 
being a woman of noble rank, delicate, and young, she traversed 
the rough and painful roads as if she were a man accustomed to 
labouring in the fields, often consoling those of her company, 
and helping to carry her children. This was after there were no 
more slaves to carry the litter in which she travelled before. It 
would truly seem that the grace of our Lord supported her, for 
without that, it would have been impossible for a weak woman, 
80 little accustomed to hardships, to travel by such long and 
painful roads, suffering constant hunger and thirst, for they had 
now travelled more than three hundred leagues, owing to the 
long rounds they took. 

To return to the narrative. When the captain and his com- 
pany heard that the king was close by, they took the Kaffirs for 
their guide, and with great caution went with them towards the 
place they told them of, suffering God knows what hunger and 
thirst. It was a league to the kraal where the king was, and as 
they drew near to it, he sent a Kaffir to say that they should not 
enter it, because they always conceal it (i.e. the chiefs residence) 
carefully, but that they should encamp under some trees which 
were pointed out to them, and he would there send them pro- 
visions. Manuel de Sousa did so, as a man in a strange land, 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 143 

not knowing as much about the KafiSrs as we do at present through 
this wreck and that of the ship 8. BentOy or that a hundred men 
with muskets might traverse the whole of Eaffraria, for they fear 
them more than the devil himself. 

Being encamped under the trees, he sent them provisions in 
exchange for nails. Here they remained five days, and it seemed 
to them that they might remain there until some vessel came 
from India, and so said the negroes. Then Manuel de Sousa 
asked the Kaffir king for a house in which he might take shelter 
with his wife and children. The Kaffir replied that he would 
give him one, but that all his people could not remain there 
together, for there was a want of provisions in the country ; but 
that he should remain with his wife and children, with such of 
his people as he chose, and the rest should divide themselves 
among the kraals, and he would command him to be supplied 
with provisions and houses until the arrival of some ship. This 
was the malice of the king, as appears by what afterwards 
occurred ; by which it is clear that the Kaffirs have a great fear 
of muskets, as I have said ; for the Portuguese not having more 
than five muskets there and about a hundred and twenty men, 
he did not dare to fight them, and in order to rob them scattered 
them about in many places as men who were brought to the last 
extremity of hunger ; and not knowing how much better it would 
be to remain together, they abandoned themselves to fate, and 
did the will of this king who was contriving their ruin, but would 
never listen to the advice of the other petty king who spoke the 
truth and did them all the good in his power. And by this men 
may see that they should never say or do anything trusting to 
their own judgment and power, but should place everything in 
the hands of God our Lord. 

When the Kaffir king had arranged with Manuel de Sousa that 
the Portuguese should be divided among the villages and kraals 
in order to subsist, he told him also that there were chiefs under 
him who would conduct his people, namely each one those who 
were allotted to him to be maintained, and this could xtei be 
unless he commanded the Portuguese to lay down their weapons, 
because the Kaffirs were afraid of them while they saw the arms, 
and he would command them to be put in a house and would 
return them when any Portuguese ship arrived. 

Manuel de Sousa, who was very ill and not in his perfect senses. 



144 Records of South^Eastem Africa^ 

did not answer as if he had his proper understanding, he merely 
said that he would speak to his people. But as the hour had 
come in which they were to be robbed, he spoke to them and said 
that he would not go any farther, and in one way or another they 
must find a ship or such other means of safety as the Lord might 
ordain, for this river where they now were was that of Loureo^o 
Marques, as he had been told by his pilot Andr6 Yas. That any 
one who wished to go farther might do as he thought fit, but he 
himself would remain for love of his wife and children, who were 
so enfeebled with their great hardships that they could not walk 
and he had no slaves to help them. That his determination was 
to die with his family when it pleased God, and he asked those 
who went on if they met any Portuguese vessel to bring or send 
him news of it, and those who wished to remain with him mi<;ht 
do so and they should go with him wherever he went. And that 
the negroes might trust them and not take them for thieves who 
wished to rob them, it was necessary to give up their arms, to 
put an end to the misery they had endured so long from hunger. 
At this time the judgment of Manuel de Sousa and of those who 
agreed with him was not that of sane persons, for if they had 
considered it well they would have seen that the negroes could 
not approach them so long as they had their arms. The captain 
then commanded them to lay down the arms, in which, after Grod, 
their only safety lay, and they were given up against the will of 
some, especially against that of Dona Leonor, but there was no 
one who spoke against it except herself, thus it was of little avail. 
Then she said : " You lay down your arms, and now I give 
myself up for lost with all these people." The negroes took the 
arms and carried them to the house of the Kaffir king. 

So soon as the Kaffirs saw the Portuguese without arms, having 
already plotted this treason, they began to separate and rob them, 
leading them through the thickets, each one those who fell to 
him. And by the time they reached the kraals they had stripped 
them all, leaving them with nothing on, and with many blows 
cast them out of their villages. Manuel de Sousa was not in this 
company, having remained with the king with his wife and 
children and the pilot Andr^ Vas and about twenty others, 
because he had with him many jewels, precious stones, and 
money ; and it is said that what that company had brought with 
them as far as this place was worth more than a hundred thousand 



Becarda of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 145 

cruzados. When Manuel de Sousa with his wife and the said 
twenty persons were separated from the rest, they were im- 
mediately robbed of all they possessed, but were not stripped ; 
and the king told him to go in search of his company, for he did 
not wish to do him any further harm, nor to lay hands on his 
person or that of his wife. When Manuel de Sousa saw what had 
Happened, he perceived what a great error he had been guilty of 
in giving up his arms, but he was now obliged to do what they 
told him, for it was not in his power to act otherwise. 

The rest of the company, ninety in number, among whom were 
PantaleSo de Sa and three other noblemen, although they were 
all separated, little by little rejoined each other as they were 
able, for they were not far apart, after they had been robbed and 
stripped by the Kaffirs to whom the king had delivered them. 
And though they were in a wretched state and very sad, being 
in want of arms, clothes, and money with which to procure 
provisions, and without their captain, yet they again set out. 

But now they had no longer the semblance of human beings, 
and having none to command them, they proceeded in disorder 
by different roads, some taking the woods and some the mountains, 
so that they were dispersed, and no one cared for anything further 
but to endeavour to save his life, either among Kaffirs or Moors, 
for they no longer took counsel together nor was there any one to 
assemble them for the purpose. And as men already lost, I shall 
speak of them no more, but shall return to Manuel de Sousa and 
his unfortunate wife and children. 

Manuel de Sousa, seeing himself robbed and sent away by the 
king to rejoin his company, and having now no money, arms, or 
men to wield them, although he had been suffering from his head 
for many days was yet able to feel this affront deeply. And 
what can now be thought of a delicate woman finding herself 
amidst such hardship and want, and above all seeing her husband 
ill-treated before her eyes and unable to govern or defend his 
children. But as a woman of good sense, by the advice of the 
men who still remained with them, they began to journey through 
the thicket with no other hope or trust than God alone. At this 
time Andr^ Vas the pilot was still in her company, as well as the 
boatswain, who never left her, and one or two Portuguese women 
and a few female slaves. Thus proceeding on their way, they 
thought it well to follow the ninety men who had been previously 



146 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

robbed, and for two days they followed in their footsteps. Dona 
Leonor was now so weak, sad, and disconsolate at seeing her 
husband in such a state, and herself separated from the rest of 
the company and deeming it impossible to rejoin them, that it is 
heartrending to think of it While they were proceeding thus 
the Kaffirs again fell upon him and his wife and the few in their 
company, and there stripped them, leaving them nothing to 
cover them. Seeing themselves thus, with two tender little 
children before them, they prayed to our Lord. 

It is said that Dona Leonor would not allow herself to be 
stripped, but defended herself with blows and struggles, as she 
preferred that the Kaffirs should kill her rather than to find her- 
self naked before the people, and there is no doubt but that her 
life would then have ended had Manuel de Sousa not begged her 
to let herself be stripped, reminding her that all are born naked, 
and since this was the will of God she should submit. One of 
the sorrows which she felt the most was to see two little children, 
her sons, crying before her and asking for food, without being 
able to succour them. Dona Leonor, seeing herself stripped, cast 
herself upon the ground and covered herself with her hair, which 
was very long, while she made a pit in the sand in which she 
buried herself to the waist, and never rose from that spot. 
Manuel de Sousa then went to an old woman, her nurse, who had 
still an old torn mantilla, and asked her for it to cover Dona 
Tieonor, and she gave it to him ; but in spite of all she would not 
rise from the spot where she threw herself down when she found 
herself naked. 

In truth I know not who could pass over this without great 
grief and sorrow. To see a woman of such noble rank, daughter 
and wife of a nobleman of such honour, so ill-treated, and with 
such scant courtesy ! The men who were still in her company, 
when they saw Manuel de Sousa and his wife thus stripped, with- 
drew a little, ashamed to see their captain and Dona Leonor in 
such a state. Then she said to Andr^ Vas the pilot : " You see 
to what we are reduced and that we can go no farther, but must 
perish here for our sins ; go on your way and try to save your- 
selves, and commend us to God ; if you should reach India or 
Portugal at any time, say how you left Manuel de Sousa and me 
with my children." And they, seeing that on their part they 
could in nowise relieve the sorrow of their captain nor the poverty 



Records of South-Edstern Africa. 147 

and misery of his wife and children, went on their way through 
the thicket, endeavouring to save their lives. 

After Andr^ Vas departed from Manuel de Sousa and his wife, 
there remained with him Duarte Fernandes, the boatswain of the 
galleon, and a few female slaves, of whom three were saved and 
came to Groa and told how they witnessed the death of Dona 
Leonor. Dom Manuel de Sousa, although his brain was affected, 
was not unmindful that his wife and children had nothing to eat, 
and though still disabled by a wound which the Kaffirs gave him 
in one leg, in this state went into the thicket to seek for fruit 
that they might eat On his return he found Dona Leonor very 
weak, both from hunger and weeping, for ever since the Kaffirs 
stripped her she had not risen from the place or ceased to weep. 
And he found one of the children dead, and with his own hands 
buried him in the sand. The next day Manuel de Sousa again 
went into the thicket to look for fruit, and on his return found 
Dona Leonor dead, as well as the other child, and five slaves 
weeping over her with loud cries. 

They say that^ he did nothing when he saw her dead except 
send the slave women to a little distance, and sit beside her with 
his face supported on one hand for the space of halt' an hour, not 
weeping or saying a single word, but sitting thus with his eyes 
fixed upon her, and taking no account of the child. At the end 
of the said half-hour he arose and began to make a grave in the 
sand with the help of the slaves, and always without saying one 
word buried her with her son. This being done, he took the 
same path as when he went to seek fruit, and without saying 
anything to the slaves disappeared in the thicket and was never 
seen again. It would seem that journeying through the thicket, 
there can be no doubt that he was devoured by ti;;ers and lions. 
Thus husband and wife perished, having traversed the lands of 
the Kaffirs for six months amidst such hardships. 

Those who escaped of all this company, as well from among 
those who remained with Manuel de Sousa when he was robbed 
as from the ninety who preceded him on the way, would be about 
eight Portuguese, fourteen male slaves, and three female slaves 
of those who were with Dona Leonor when she died. Among 
these were PantaleSo de Sa, Tristao de Sousa, the pilot Andre 
Yas, Balthezar de Sequeira, Manuel de Castro, and Alvaro Fer- 
nandes. These were wandering about the country with no hope 

L 2 



148 Beeords of SoutJ^Eastem Afiriea. 

of ever reaching a Christian land, when a ship came into that 
river, in which was a relation of Diogo de Mesquita, in search of 
ivory, and hearing tidings that there were some Portuguese lost 
in that country, he commanded them to be sought for, and 
ransomed them with beads. Each person cost two pence three 
farthings worth of beads, which is a thing more esteemed among 
the negroes than anything else. Had Manuel de Sousa been 
alive he too would have been ransomed, but it seems that it was 
better for his soul as it was, since our Lord so willed it. All 
these arrived at Mozambique on the 25th of May 1553. 

PantaleSo de Sa wandered about the lands of the Kaffirs for a 
long time, and at last arrived at the court almost dead with 
hunger, nakedness, and the hardships of his weary journey, and 
going to the door of the court he begged the courtiers to obtain 
him some relief from the king. They refused to ask the king, 
saying that he had been suffering for a long time from a serious 
illness. The illustrious Portuguese asked what the illness was, 
and they replied that it was a wound in one of his legs so 
persistent and corrupt that every moment they expected it to 
cause his death. He listened with attention, and bade them 
make his coming known to the king, for he was a doctor and 
could restore him to health. They went in joyfully to give notice 
of it to the king, who ordered him to be brought before him at 
once. When Pantale^ de Sa saw the wound he said to the kinjr : 
" Have confidence, and you will easily recover your health." And 
going out he fell to considering the straits in which he now found 
himself, from which he could hardly escape with life, for he had 
no idea what to apply to the wound, as one who had rather learned 
to take life than to cure the attacks of sickness to preserve it. 
Whereupon as one who no longer takes account of his life, and 
wishing rather to die at once than to perish slowly, he made 
water on the ground, and having thus procured a little mud, he 
went in and applied it to the almost incurable wound. That day 
passed, and on the next, when the illustrious 8a was expecting 
rather sentence of death than any remedy for his own case or that 
of the king, the courtiers came out with loud rejoicings, and 
would have raised him in their arms, and on his inquiring the 
cause of this sudden joy, they replied that the ointment he had 
applied to the king's wound had drawn out all the corrupt matter, 
and the raw flesh now appeared clean and healthy. The pre- 



Records of South-Eastern Afriea. 149 

tended doctor entered and found it was as they said« He bade 
them continue the remedy, by which, in a few days, the king was 
restored to perfect health. Seeing this, besides other honours, 
they placed PantaleSo de Sa upon an altar and adored him as a 
divinity. The king asked him to remain in his court, and offered 
him half his kingdom, or if he did not wish for that, to grant 
anything he liked. Fantale^ de Sa refused this offer, saying 
that he must return to his people; whereupon the king com- 
manded a large quantity of gold and precious stones to be 
brought, and having richly rewarded him, commanded some of 
his people to escort him to Mozambique. 



150 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 



EELAgAO 

DO 

NAUFEAGIO DA NAO S. BENTO, ♦ 
Escrita por Manoel de Mesqcita Pebestrello. 

Mas como o tempo nao era de muitas escolhas, dissimulando 
cada hum quanto podia o intemo descor^oamento que levava, 
indireitamos com a terra, que mais perto vimos, a qual era buma 
praya grande de area, em altura de trinta e dous gros e hum 
ter^o, que estava na boca do Bio do Infaute ; e porque a agoa 
descia delle muito teza, com a vazante da mare : e a Nao ja nao 
acodia ao leme, mas somente com a vMa se goyernava, foy-a o 
mar chamando a hum Ilheo de penedos, que esta da boca do Bio 
para a parte do Cabo obra de hum tiro de espinguarda: outra 
rnerc^ grande de Nosso Senhor ; porque se foramos encalhar onde 
levavamos yontade, por ser ja a mare quasi yazia, ficaya a praya 
aparcelhada, arrebentando por toda ella o mar em flor muito 
longe da Costa, de niodo que nenhum pudera escapar : e por este 
caminho dos penedos era tao alcantilada, que nao estariamos 
delles mais de hum tiro de besta, e em sette bra^as de agoa; 
pelas quaes a Nao deo a primeira pancada, e em tocando foy logo 
partida pelo meyo ; convem a saber, o piao que ficou no fundo, 
as outras cubertas, e obras mortas, que forao atrayessadas rolando 
a terra, ficando tudo arrazado de agoa athfa as bordas, e apparecendo 
somente os castellos descubertos, e chapiteos, por riba dos quaes 
passayao os mares tao amiudo, e assim grosses como pezados, que 

* [The Saint Benedict was one of a fleet of five ships sent by King John the 
Third from Portugal to India in March 1553. She was the largest of the fleet, 
and was commanded by FernSo d'Alvares Cabral, who was commodore of the 
squadron. Having re^iched her destination in safer y, she took in a return cargo, 
and sailed from Cochim on the Ist of February 1554. On the pa8sap:e stormy 
weath<r with a very heavy sea was encountered, in which the ship sustained 
grait damage, and when she reached the African coast it was feared every 
moment that she would go to the bottom. From this point onward the narrative 
is given here in full, the preceding portion being omitted. — 0. M. T.] 



BeearJk of SotUh-EaUem Africa, 151 

nao menos andavao a nado os que se a elles recolhiao, que os que 
pelas outrss partes da Nao estavao ; e desta maneira pegado cada 
hum o melhor que podia, no lugar em que Ihe a sorte cahio, nos 
biao as ondas botando a terra ; soaudo neste tempo por todas as 
partes bum eonfuso, alto, e miseravel grito, com que todos a huma 
Toz pediamos a Nosso Senhor misericordia. 

E como quer que as mais das pessoas tinhao junto de si taboas 
ou barris on outras cousas semelhantes, com que naquelle derra- 
deiro extreme esperavao escapar nadando; tanto que tudo foy 
cuberto d'agoa, os que mais confiayao nesta arte se eome^arao de 
lan^ar ao mar ; e os que della nao sabiao, e ainda ficavao na Nao, 
vendo que o mastro com a grossura, e emsapreamento dos mares 
OS so9obrava tanto que os fazia mergulhar muitas vezes, deter- 
minarao cortallo ; pelo que cortandolhe a enxarcea da parte do 
mar, o fizerao rahir para a da terra, e tao perto ja della, que quasi 
tocava com o mastro em seco; e como cada bum estivesse 
aguardando o melbor mevo, que o tempo desse para sua salva9ao, 
e o mastro tivesse tao boa apparencia de ponte, que parecia 
possivel sahir por alii pouco menos de a pe enxuto, bavendo-se 
por remediados os que se a elle puderao lan9ar, em hum memento 
o encherao do pe athe a Gavea ; mas neste comenos vierao tres 
ou quatro mares muito grosses, e o levarao por riba, com tanto 
pezo, que derribarao a todos os que nelle estavao, aos quaes 
as ondas que botavao para fora faziao hir mergulhando, ath^ 
marrarem com a vela que estava envergada, e estendida com o 
tresmalho, e nella ficarao entrelhados, de modo que de tantos 
quantos esta passagem cometterao, morto nem vivo, nenhum sahio 
a terra, senao hum Manoel de Castro, irmao de Diogo de Castro 
mercador, que escapara ja a outra vez do Naufragio de Manoel 
de Sousa, ao qual o pe do mastro colheo huma pema entte si e o 
costado da Nao, e Iha quebrou, e arrancou quasi de todo pela 
reigada da coxa, fazendolha d'alli para baixo em tantos pedagos, 
que Ihe ficou de huma grande braya em comprido, com os ossos 
todos esburgados a huma parte, e tao feitos em rachas, que por 
muitos lugares Ihe hiao cahindo os tutanos; e levando-a desta 
maneira, teve tao bom espirito, que nao bastou a for^a dos mares 
que a tantos saos derribara, para que Ihe estorvasse sahir em terra, 
e hir assim a rastro pelos altos e baixos daquella penedia, atbe 
chegar aonde a agoa nao alcan^ava, mas com tudo na noite 
seguinte falleceo. 



152 Records of 8outlirEastem Africa. 

A este tempo andava o mar todo coalhado de caizas, lan^as, 
pipas^ e outras diversidades de cousas, que a desayenturada hora 
do Naufragio faz apparecer; e andando tudo assim baralhado 
com a gente, de que a mayor parte hia nadando a terra, era cousa 
medonha de yer, e em todo o tempo lastimosa de contar, a 
cami^aria que a furia do mar em cada bum fazia ; e os diyersos 
generos de tormentos com que geralmente trataya a todos, porque 
em cada parte se yiao buns que nao podendo mais nadar andavao 
dando grandes e trabalbosos arrancos com a muita agoa que 
bebiaoy outros a que as for^as inda abrangiao menos, que enco- 
mendandose a Deos nas yontades, se deixavao a derradeira yez 
callar ao fundo ; outros a que as caixas matayao, entre si eutalados, 
ou deixando-os atordoados, as ondas os acabayao marrando com 
elles em os peuedos; outros a que as lan^as, ou peda^os da Nao, 
que andayaS a nado os espeda^ayao por diyersas partes com os 
pregos que traziao, de modo que a agoa andaya em diyersas partes 
mancbada de buma cor tad yermelba como o proprio saugiie, do 
muito que corria das feridas aos que assim acabayao seos dias. 

Andando a cousa como digo, o que ainda bayia da Nao se 
partio em dous peda9os: convem a saber os castellos a buma 
parte, e o cbapiteo a outra, em os quaes lugares estayao recolhidos 
todos OS que nao sabiao nadar, sem ouzarem cometter o mtistro, 
nem o mar, por yerem quao atribuladamente acabayao os que por 
cada buma destas partes se ayenturayao a terra ; e tanto que 
estes peda^os ficarao assim apartados, e o mar se pode melbor 
ajudar delles, come^ou de os trazer no escarcoo aos tombos de 
buma parte para a outra ; e dessa maneira, ora por baixo da agoa, 
ora por cima, andayamos atbe que prouye a Nosso Sentior virom 
tres ou quatro mares muito grosses, que yararao estes peda^os em 
seco, onde ficarao encalbados sem a ressaca os tornar a soryer 
como outras yezes tinba feito, e nelles se salyou a mayor parte da 
gente, que ficou yiya. 

Escapades assim os que Nosso Senbor foy seryido, despois que 
gastamos algum espa90 em Ibe dar as gra9as devidas a tantas 
merces, come^ou cada bum de bradar por cima daquelles penedos, 
pelas pessoas que Ibe mais dobia, as quaes acodindo dos lugares 
donde sua yentura fizera portar, e manifestando bem com os olbos 
o sobejo contentamento, que daquella nao esperada yistu recebiao, 
se tornarao a abra^ar de noyo; e perguntando buns aos outros 
pelos que faltayao, soubemos onde estayao alguns tao maltratados 



Records of Sauth-Eastem Africa. 153 

das difficuldades e contrasted que tiverao em sua salva^ao, que 
se nao podiao bolir donde jaziaoy pelo que foy buscado tudo tad 
miudamente, que se aeabarao de ajuntar os vivos, e nos certificados 
que nao erao fallecidos. 

E f orque entre estes penedos, e a terra firme havia aiuda hum 
bra^o de mar, que os fazia ficar em Ilheo, e a mare come9ava ja 
de repontar, receando que os tolhesse, passamos a vao a outra 
banda, levando os mais saos as costas aos mais feridos, posto que 
todos o estavamos pouco ou muito, buns dos desastres que no 
mar tiverao, e outros da aspereza dos penedos em que sahirao, 
que erao tao asperos e pontagudos, que nenhum se pode livrar 
sem ficar assinalado. 

Tanto que todos fomos passados a terra firme, mandou o Capitao 
saber os que faltavao, e acharao-se menos cento e cincoenta 
pessoas ; convem a saber, passante de cem Escravos, e quarenta e 
quatro Portuguezes : entre os quaes foy D. Alvaro de Noronha, 
que naquella fortuna mostrou bem claro, que se obra humana 
bastara a remediar tanta desaventura, o seo heroico esfor90, 
incan9avel alento e cuidado tinha assas merecido o remedio della, 
e tao arreigado estava em todos o credito, q suas passadas e obras 
naquella e em outras afrontas cobrarao, que foy sentida geralmente 
sua morte, como de pessoa em cuja companhia nenhum receava 
acometter e exporse a todos os perigos e contrastes, que Ihe em 
tao arriscada jomada sobreviessem ; mas como seos feitos fossem 
dignos de outro melhor galardad, nao sendo Nosso Senhor servido 
guardallo para tantos males, como estavao certos, se dalli escapara, 
o arrebatou hum mal attentado, surdo, e furioso mar de riba do 
mastro onde estava, e o meteo debaixo da vela, donde nunca mais 
appareceo. 

Falleceo tambem Nicolao de Sousa Pereira, Gaspar de Sousa, 
Alvaro Barreto, Gaspar Luiz irmao do Padre Fr. Andre da Insoa, 
Rodrigo de Niza Escrivao da Nao, Vicente Dias, Fernao Velozo, 
o Padre Antonio Gomes da Companhia de JESUS, Duarte 
Gon9alves Arcediago da Se de Goa, e outros homens de mar, e 
passageiros. 

E porque o que entre nos melhor vestido estava, nao tinha 
mais sobre si que huma camiza sem mangas, e huns cal^oens de 
giolho para cima, de que se apercebera, quando vinhamos a varar 
em terra, por se achar mais desembara9ado para poder escapar 
nadando; estavamos todos molhados, e entanguidos com frio. 



154 Becorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

Em quanto o Sol foy quente, deitamonos a enxngar por aquella 
praya, fallando nos diversos e desestrados modos de morte, com 
que yiramos acabar os que faltavao ; mas tanto que elle foy 
arrefecendo, nos recolhemos a hum mato que ahi perto estava, e 
por onde corria hum ribeiro d'agoa, com que lavamos as bocas 
do Sal, e satisfizemos a sede, sendo este o primeiro e derradeiro 
mantimento, que naquelle dia tiyemos. 

Tanto que escureceo a noite, agazalhandonos pelos pes das 
arvores que alii estavao, cada hum se recolheo aos pensamentos 
da sua fortuna, occupando-os no sentimento das cousas que Ihe 
mais dohiao ; e para que ainda este pequeno refrigerio nao tives- 
49emos com quieta9ao, choveo aquella noite tanta agoa, que nao 
podeudo nossos mal enroupados corpos soiTrer o demasiado frio 
que com ella fazia, nos levantamos, e assim as escuras andamos 
choutando de humas partes para outras, tomando este trabalho 
por remedio dos outros, que o frio, e ponco sono, e o medo de 
nossas proprias imagina^oens causa vao : as quaes cousas todas nos 
faziao desejar grandemente a tbma da manbaa ; e tanto que ella 
oome9ou de esclarecer, partimos caminho da praya a buscar 
alguma roupa com que nos repairassemos, a qual achamos toda 
cuberta de corpos mortos, com tao feyos e disl'6rmes gestos, que 
dayao bem evidentes mostras das penosas mortes que tiverao, 
jazendo buns por riba, outros por baixo daquelles penedos, e 
muitos que nao pareciao mais q os bra90s, pemas, ou cabe9as, e os 
rostos estavao cubertos de area ou de caixas ou de outras diversas 
cousas : e nao foy tambS aqui pequeno o lugar, q a infinidade 
de perdidas fazendas occupava; porque tudo quanto podiamos 
estender os olhos de huma e outra parte daquella praya, estava 
cheyo de muitas odoriferas drogas, e outra infinita diversidade de 
fazendas, e cousas preciosas, jazendo muitas dellas ao redor de 
seos donos, a quem nao somente nao puderao valer na presente 
necessidade, mas ainda a alguus de quem erao sobejamente 
amadas na vida, com seo pezo forao cuusa da morte ; e verdadeira- 
mente que era huma confusa ordem com que a desaventura tinha 
tudo aquillo ordenado, e que bastaya a memoria daquelle passo, 
para nao ser a pobreza bayida por tamanho mal, que por Ihe 
fugir deixemos a Deos, e o proximo, patria, pays, irm3os, amigos, 
mulheres e filhos, e troquemos tantos gostos, e quieta9oens pelos 
fiobejos que ca ficao. Em quanto vivemos nos fazem atravessar 
mares, fogos, guerras, e todos os outros perigos, e trabalhos, que 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 155 

BOS tanto custao ; mas por nao contrariar de todo as justas escuzas, 
que por si pbdem allegar os atormentados das necessidades, cor- 
tarey o fio ao catholico estilo, porque me hia e leyava a memoria e 
medo do que alii foy representado, recolhendome a meo proposito, 
que he escreyer somente a verdade do que tbca aos acontecimentos 
desta Historia. 

Assim que como pela sobegidao das cousas que por alii estavao 
perdidas, em breve tempo nos fomecemos das que haviamos 
mister, despois que demos algum vigor a nossas desfallecidas 
for^as com hum pouco de biscouto molhado que achamos, toma- 
monos ao lugar onde a noite passada dormimos, para fazer algum 
modo de gazalhado, em que nos recolhessemos os dias que alii 
houvessemos de estar. Pelo que pondo cada hum maos a obra, 
em poucas horas se pudera ver hum lustroso e soberbo alojamento 
feito de alcatifas riquissimas, e de outras muitas pe9as de ouro, e 
seda, gastadas em bem differente uso do para que forao feitas, e 
dos propositos com que seos donos as tinhao ganhadas com tao 
largos trabalhos, com que semelhantes cousas se adquirem. 

Isto acabado pareceo bem ao Capitao mandar descobrir aquella 
terra de riba de humas grandes serras, que pelo Sertao dentro 
appareciaoy assim para saber se havia nella alguma gente, porque 
athe entao pelas mostras, e pouco aproveitado que vimos, parecia 
ser tudo deshabitado : como por ver se poderiamos achar alguma 
passagem ao Uio do Infante, por onde o atravessassemos com 
menos risco, do que por sua corrente, passando ao longo do mar, 
se esperava ; e disto me rogou que tomasse cargo, mandando hir 
comigo a hum Joao Gomes Meirinho da Nao, e a outros dez 
ou doze homens dos mais saos, que entre nos havia. Pelo que 
apercebendonos das armas necessarias, andamos a mayor parte do 
dia, de outeiro em outeiro, e de serra em serra, sem descobrir 
gente, nem outra cousa viva ; somente obra de duas legoas pelo 
Bio acima, onde elle ainda cbrre muito poderoso, e vay de ambas 
as ribas cercado de rbchas talhadas a pique, vimos da banda 
d'alem sahir huma alimaria mayor que cavallo debaixo de certas 
lapas, e de cor negra, ao que ca donde estavamos pareceo, a qual 
nas partes que mostrava fbra d'agoa, que forao cabe^a e pesco^o, 
e parte do lombo, nenhuma differen9a tinha de Camelo ; e se o 
assim ha marinho, certo que este o era; do qual quiz escrever 
isto, porque em nenhuma parte de todo aquelle caminho achamos 
despois outra alimaria de tal fei^ao. 



156 Beeorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

Tanto que forao horas de me recolher, sem trazer mais recado^ 
que o ja dito, me tomey ao Capitao de quem soube como aquelle 
dia^ em quanto eu andara fora, apparecerao sobre hum cabe9o que 
dahi perto estara, sette ou oito homens, que forao os primeiros 
que naquella terra vimos; aos quaes elle mandou alguns dos 
nossos aparelhados de paz e guerra, para yer que modo de gente 
era, e se podiao delles saber alguma cousa, das muitas que nos 
erao necessarias ; mas elles havendo medo fogirao, sem quererem 
vir com os nossos; de modo que nenhuma outra informa^ao 
pudemos ter mais que serem Cafres de cor bem negra, e cabello 
revolto, que andavao nus, com mais apparencia de salvagens, que 
de homens racionaes. E rindo a noite, em quanto a chuva se 
aparelhava como a passada, cada bum se tomou ao lugar da sua 
estancia e gasalhado occupandose em fazer alguns fogos, para 
que menos sentissem a frialdade della. Posto que o conselho 
do Sabio seja, que as cousas de admira9ao e espanto, ainda que 
yerdadeiras, sejao antes de passar calladas, que do contar com 
risco de screm mal cridas ; atrcyome a dizer huma, pelas muitas 
testemunhas com que posso allegar ; e he, que assim esta noite, 
despois que fomos recolbidos, como a outra atras passada, e as 
mais que neste lugar estiyemos, quando era ja bcm cerrada a 
noite, ouyiamos claramente brados altos no lugar onde se a Nao 
quebrara, q por muitas vezes gritayao, dizedo: A bombordo, a 
estibordo, a riba, e outras muitas palayras confusas, que nao 
entendiamos, assim e da maneira que nbs faziamos, quando ja 
alagados yinhamos na for9a da tormenta que nos alii fez encalhar. 
que isto fosse, nunca se pode saber de certo, somen te sospeitamos, 
que ou a nbs se representaya aquillo nos ouyidos, pelos trazermos 
atroados dos brados, que continuamente naquelle tempo ouyiamos : 
ou erao alguns espiritos malignos que festejayao o que de alguns 
alii poderiao alcanfar (cousa que Nosso Senhor por sua piedade 
nao permitta). Mas qualquer destas que fosse, o certo he que 
foy, ou ao menos, a todos pareceo sello; porque posto que ao 
principio cada hum cuidasse, que a elle so se representaya aquelle 
espantoso som, e pela difficuldade que nisso hayia, nao cresse ser 
yerdade ; a continua^ao do tempo fez perguntar huns aos outros, 
se ouyiao o mesmo? e afiSrmando todos que sim, assentamos, 
segundo as boras, escuro, e tempestade das noites, ser alguma 
cousa das que dito tenho. 

Ao outro dia pela manhaa da banda d'alem do Rio do Infante, 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africcu 157 

apparecerao certoB Cafres que andavao ao longo da praya quei- 
maudo aljruns peda^os da Nao que o mar lanpara, para Ihes 
tirar os pregos : e sendo por nbs chamados, alguns delles se 
chegarao a borda do Kio defronte onde estavamos ; e afoutandose 
mais despois que nos rirao sem armas, que logo de industria nao 
quizemos levar, andarao atravessando o Kio a nado, e vierao ter 
comuosco, aos quaes Feraao D'alvares fez o mayor gazalhado que 
pode, dandolhes desse pobre comer que tinhamos, barretes, panes, 
e peda9os de ferro, com o que ficarao tao contentes, como se os 
fizerao senhores do mundo; e posto que elles contavao muitas 
cousas por limroagrem nao tao mal pronunciadas, como serapre 
houve. e naquella Costa se costumava, por faltar entre nbs quem 
OS entendesse, nao ficamos por derradeiro sabendo mais, que ter 
aquelle Rio vao mnito pela terra dentro, e elles viverem a sua 
borda da outra banda, e com isto se tornarao. 

Na tarde deste mesmo dia apparecerao sobre hum cabe^o, que 
perto de nbs estava, obra de cem Cafres com muitos paos tostados 
nas maos, que estas sao as suas principaes armas, e algumas 
azagayas com ferros : e como a miseria do nosso estado nos fizesse 
receosos de tudo o que podia ser, em vendo a estes homens assira 
juntos, tomamos nossas armas, e fomos ter com elles, cuidando 
que este fosse seo proposito ; mas como tivessem outro, nenhum 
abalo fizerao com nossa chegada, e assim como dantes se deixarao 
estar qnedos; pelo que vendo nbs sua determina^ao, tambem 
mudamos a nossa, come^ando de fallar com elles, e d'entre todos 
hum so, de que os outros faziao mais conta, e ora o que respondia 
a nossas perguntas, que elles tao mal entendiao como nbs as suas ; 
o qual posto que na pequena pompa, e pobre atavio de sua pessoa 
nao tivesse diflferen^a de sees companheiros, por vir assim nu 
como elles ; trazia de ventagem humas poucas de contas do sua 
laya, que sao de barro vermelho, tamanhas como graos de coentro, 
e assim redondas : as quaes folgamos de ver, parecendonos que 
havia destas por ser perto de algii rio onde viesse Navio do 
resgate ; porque aqnellas contas se fazem no Reyno de Cambaya ; 
donde 86mente pelas maos dos nossos sao trazidas aos higares 
daquella Cbsta : e despois que gastamos nestas confusoens e 
deten9as a mayor parte do dia, nos recolhemos, sem ficarmos 
entendendo delles mais que por seo repouso e seguraii9a serem 
homens que fora de mao preposito nos vinhaS a ver, como a cousa 
nova e desacostumada entre elles, mostrando espantaremse da 



158 Becords of Souih-Eastern Africa. 

nossa cor, annas, trajes, e disposi^oens ; os quaes tanto que virao 
boras, so levantarao tambem, e come9arao de espalharse por 
aquelles matos pacendo, como alimarias brutas, humas certas 
raizes que achavad ; e assim poueo a pouco se ibrao alongando, 
athe que de todo os perdemos de vista, 

Fassando assim aquella noite com tao pouco repouso, como as 
passadas, pareceo bt^m o todos ao outro dia, enteudermos em 
buscar algum modo de mantimento de que tinhamos muita 
necessidade; porque despois que alii estaramos, nao comiamos 
senao cocos ; e foy tad pouco o que sahio a Costa, por as agoas 
serem mortas, que somente se pode ajuntar huma pipa de biscouto, 
e obra de hum fardo de arroz, com alguns ta^alhos de carne ; e 
isto tudo tao molhado que nao estavao para durar, mas assim foy 
igualmeute repartido entre todos. Pelo que vendo o Capitao 
como havia cinco dias que alii estavamos, e em todos elles nao 
cessava de chover, por onde parecia ser entao naquella Costa a 
for^a do Inverno, que para quao mal remediados estavamos, se 
nao podia alii aguardar, e assim os poucos mantimentos que 
bavia, e que ainda esses estavamos gastando ; quiz praticar 
comuosco a determina^ao que melhor parecia tomar-se em nossas 
cousas ; e sendo para isto chamados todos, nos propoz sua tenpao ; 
e posto que houve alguns de parecer, que tomassemos o caminho 
para o Cabo de Boa Esperan^a; e na Auguada de Saldanha 
esperassemos athe que Nosso Senhor fosse servido trazer a ella 
alguma Nao, que nos cobrasse : e outros que nos fizessemos for- 
tes alii onde estavamos, athe fazer algum modo de embarca^ao em 
que mandassemos recado a Sofala ; por final conclusao assentamos, 
que ainda que pudessemos veneer a difficuldade dos grandes rios, 
e serras, que jaziao entre nos, e o Cabo, e desembara9amos da 
gente da terra, athe chegarmos a Auguada de Saldanha, que 
segundo era pouco frequentada de muitos annos a esta parte, 
primeiro nos gastariamos todos, que alii fosse ter Nao que nos 
tomasse ; e alem disto, que antes de muito tempo se nos havia de 
acabar o ferro, que podiamos levar para o resgate, e entao a 
necessidade nos havia de for9ar a entregarnos a gente da terra, de 
cuja ma inclina9ao, e fe pouca, a desestrada morte de D. Francisco 
de Almeida nos ainda atemorizava ; e tambem que posto que nos 
ahi fizessemos fortes, nao poderiamos assim estar mais, que em 
quanto nos durasse o mantimento da Nao, pois a terra era tao 
esteril, que nem a esses poucos de sees naturaes podia sustentar. 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 159 

senao com raizes e bagas do mato, segundo os dias de antcs> 
viramos; nem menos podiamos fazer embarca9aOy por se nao* 
salvar mais que hum pequeno mackado sem pregos, sem verrumas^ 
sem breu, e sem outras cousas a isso necessarias; e tad pouco* 
podiamos mandar por terra recado^ pois nos nao entendiamos ; e 
quando isto alcan^assemos, ja seriamos quasi todos mortos. Assim 
que alterados todos estes pareceres, que quiz escrever, por ter 
ouvido sobre isto algumas reprehensoens, a conclusaoy e remate do 
tudo foy, que nos aparelkassemos para tomar o caminbo, que 
Manoel de Sousa levara, a ver se poderiamos chegar a Sofala ; e 
porque se nao dilatasse mais a cousa, pois havia de ser^ yendo o- 
Capitao, que os feridos estavao ja em parte repairados para pode- 
rem caminhar, determinou que levassemos os quartos da Nao a. 
borda do Bio para nelles o passarmos ao outro dia ; e isto feito,. 
cada bum apercebeo seo alforge das mais cousas de comer que 
ackoUy e dos mais pregos e ferro que podia leyar para o resgate : 
que estas erao naquelle tempo as joyas de mais estima. £ nisto 
se gastou toda aquella tarde e noite seguinte. 

Apercebidos todos da maneira que tenko dito, ao outro dia que 
erao yinte e sette do mez de Abril em amanhecendo fomos ter a. 
estancia do Capitao que nos ja estava esperando, e contando-nos 
alli, achamos sermos 322 pessoas, a saber 224 EscraTos e 98- 
Portuguezes, os mais delles armados com lan^as ou espadas e 
rodelas, e huma espingarda, que so se pode 9alvar com dez ou 
doze cargas de polvora, assas danificada da agoa; com a qual 
companhia o Capitao abalou para o Bio, deizando o alojamento 
onde estiveramos assim armado, como o tinhamos, e nelle bum 
mancebo Gurumete, e buma Escrava, cada hum com sua pema 
quebrada, que nao estavao para poderem viver, quanto mais 
caminhar; e este dia gastamos em passar a outra banda sobre 
duas jangadas que dos quartos fizemos, afogando-se com tudo aqui 
hum Escravo, que hia a nado levar as linhas com que as alavamos ; 
e dormindo alli na borda do Bio aquella noite, tanto que aman- 
heceo nos puzemos a ponto de caminhar. 

E porque todos nos enganavamos em cuidar que o Sertao havia 
de ser mais povoado, que a fralda do mar, pelo pouco comercio, 
que aquella gente tem com elle, determinamos esperar pelos 
Cafres, que a nado forao ter com nosco, e cada dia alli vinhao, 
para que nos ensinassem algum caminho, que fosse ter a povoado ; 
OS quaes posto que vierao, tanto que nos virao passados da parte 



160 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

em que elles estavao, nao se quizerao fiar de nbs, nem fallamos^ 
por rnais que os ehamamos. Pelo que haveudo por tempo perdido 
o que se mais nisto gastasse, postos em ordem, levaudo hum 
Crueifixo arvorado em huma lan^a, e huma bandeira benta na 
dianteira, que hia eneomendada a Francisco Pires Contra-Mestre, 
com 08 homens do mar, que o seguirao (porque logo estes fizerao 
delle Cabe^a) e hum Eetabolo da Piedade na retaguarda, em que 
hia o Capitao com os passageiros, e os escravos, e desarmados ; no 
meyo, que levarao entre si os feridos (porque quasi a quarta parte 
dos que eramos, come^ou a caminhar com bordoens e molet^is) 
nos metemos em fio, hum atras do outro, por a largura do caminho 
nao ser para mais ; e pondo os rostos no Sertao por huma vereda 
de Elefantes endireitamos com hum Cabe^o, donde nos pareceo 
que descobririamos alguma povoa^ao ou sinaes della ; e em quauto 
hiamos por aquella ladeira acima fazendo cada hum dos que o 
entendiao, entre si conta com quao pouco apercebimento comeyava 
tao comprido, incerto, e perigoso caminho; e quao certo tinha 
acabar nello a pura necessidade, e desamparo, posto que dos 
outros perigos escapasse, sem fallar palavra, levando a fantasia 
occupada nesta angustia, e os olhos arrazados de agoa, nao podia 
dar passo, que muitas vezes nao tornasse atras, para ver a ossada 
daquella tao fermosa, e mal afortunada Nao; porque posto que 
ja nella nao houvesse pao pregado, e tudo fosse desfeito naquellas 
rochas, todavia em quanto a viamos, nos parecia que tinhamos 
alii humas reli({uias, e certa parte desta nossa dezejada terra, de 
cujo abrigo e companhia (por ser aquella a derradeira cousa que 
della esperavamos) nos nao podiamos apartar sem muito senti- 
meuto : e hindo desta maneira fazendo muitos ]X)Usos, chegamos 
ao alto do Cabeyo, onde achamos tudo bem diflferente do que 
cuidavamos; porque nao tao somente nao vimos povoayao, mas 
aiuda quanto descobriamos com os olhos, etsio cercados de valles 
tao baixos, e serras tao altas, q estas coniinavao com as estrellas, 
e aquelles com os abismos. E o peyor de tudo foy, que a vereda 
porque camiuhavamos, se nos cegou, e ficamos sem tor por onde 
seguir ; e despois que estivemos hum pouco confusos sobre o que 
fariamos, assentamos cortar direito ao Nordeste, imaginando q 
por aqui encurtavamos nosso caminho para Sofala: e com esta 
determinayao tornamos a caminhar athe a tarde, que por chover, 
e hirmos todos canyados do ruim caminho, e desuzadas carregas, 
nos recolhemos a hum mate, onde passamos aquella noite. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 161 

Ao outro dia pela mesma ordem do passado, segnimos nossa 
Jornada^ e assim iizemos ao terceiro, no qiial fomos dar sobre huns 
outeiroSy pelo pe dos quaes corria hum Bio, atravessandonos o 
caminbo que levavamos : pelo que cortamos direito aquella parte 
delle, onde nos pareceo que daria melhor passagem ; e acertou 
logo de ser toda aquella Costa, por onde desciamos, tao ingreme, 
e chea de penedos, bervas e mato, que nao vendo onde punhamos 
OS pes, a cada passo cabiamos de focinbos: mas despois que 
gastamos nesta descida a mayor parte do dia, levando cada bum 
muitos tombos, cbegamos a borda do Bio, o qual foy logo apalpado 
por diversas partes, sem acbarmos alguma por onde se pudesse 
vadear ; pelo que desconfiando de passar por alii a outra banda, 
])or ser tarde, e cbover como todos os outros dias fizera, agaza* 
Ihamonos aquella noite em bumas moytas, que abi perto estavao. 

Ao outro dia em amanbecendo tomamos a desandar a carreira, 
por onde o dia d'antes desceramos ; em o qual caminbo foy lanto 
o trabalbo, que levavamos pela summa aspereza delle, que este 
contamos por bum dos dias, em que o mayor tiverao«, e do que 
para ao diante mais danno recebemos; porque como a sobida 
fosse tao ingreme, que difficultosamente a poderia trepar buma 
pessoa despojada, aos que biamos embara^ados com armas e outros 
estorvos poz em tanta necessidade que nos for9ou a alijar o mais 
do ferro que levavamos ; e despois fez tanta mingoa, com quanto 
sabiamos muito certo, que aquillo que alii deixavamos, nao era 
ferro, mas vidas ; e alem disto erao as impossibilidades do caminbo 
tao terriveis, que nao bastando as for9as dos muitos a vencellas, 
se deitavao por entre os penedos, que estavao ao longo da trilba 
que levavamos, tao can^ados e desconfiados de poderem d'alli 
sabir, que pedindo a Nosso Senbor perdao dos seos peccados, nao 
cessavao de despedirse dos que passavao : os quaes vendo a seos 
amigos assim jazer, deixando o fio da outra gente, se assentavao 
junto delles, esforjando-os para que tornassem ao caminbo, dizendo 
que em nenbum modo se bavia de partir d'alli com os deyxar ; 
ajuntando a isto outras muitas palavras, que bem mostravao o 
sobejo sentimento, que de os ver naquelle passo recebiao; com 
OS quaes convencidos os que assim jaziao, trabalbavao tirar esfor^o 
de sua fraqueza, e tornavao a caminbar o melbor que podiao ; e 
com quanto, por este respeito, fizemos muitos pousos, e deten^as, 
buns e outros, andamos atbe que nos tornamos a ajuntar no mais 
alto do Cabejo. Depois que aqui descan9amos hum iK^da^o^ 

H 



162 Records of South-Eastem Africa, 

hoiive flifferen9a no detenniiiar do caminho, que Icvariamos; 
porque huns queriam hir pela meya ladeira daquelles montes, 
assim como o Kio corria ; e ontros pelas cumiadas delles, athe que 
de algiima, descobrissem parte por onde a pudessem atravessar : 
e como sobre isto se nao concertassem, e cada hum protestando 
por sua vida, tivesse licen^a de hir por onde Ihes parecesse que 
teria melhor parada ; o Mestre da Nao, com obra de vinte homens, 
tomou por bayxo, e o Capitao, com a mais comjmnhia, por riba ; 
e iissim andamos huns, e outros, athe quo junto da noite nos 
tornamos a ajuntar sobre humas grandes barrocas e quebradas, om 
parte que o Kio esprayaia muito, e por ser menos alcantihido 
dava esperan^a de melhor passagem ; e como continuamento 
trouxessemos a vista espalhada por aquelles outeiros a ver se 
descobriamos algnma gcnte ou povoa^ao; estando neste lugar, 
que tenho dito, vimos da outra banda hum fumo, e por ello 
viemos a enxergar huma Aldea, que era entao a cousa de nos 
mais dezejada, por haver quatro dias, que chovendo sempre, nao 
cessavamos de andar, sem caminho, nem carreira, pelos altos e 
baixos daquelles matos; e alii esperavamos achar quern nos 
guiasse ; e com este alvorofo fomos dormir a borda do Rio. 

Ao outro dia tanto que amanheceo, come^mos de tentar o viio 
por onde nos pareceo que seria menos trabalhoso, e com quanto a 
agoa hia por alii muito espalhada, era a altura, po^o e eorrente 
della, de sorte, que todo o entulho que Iho lan^avamos lovava ; 
pelo qu'^ nos foy forfado cortar as mayores arvores, que pudemos 
achv\r, e por alguns ramos dellas, (jue ficavao ao decima da a^'oa, 
atando outros, fizemos huma bastida, que chegou ao meyo do Kin, 
onde estavao huns penedos grandes, e descubertos, (|ue apartavao 
o Rio em dous bra^os; mas como o mayor, e mais furioso fosse <> 
que ficava da nossa parte, tanto que chogamos a elles ; arnianios 
milhoteiras de huns a outros, pelas quaes, nao sem muito risco, 
passamos a outra banda, e com o dezcjo que tinhamos de ch(»<rar 
a povoado, posto que era tarde, quando isto acjvbamos indireitanios 
logo para a Aldea que tinhamos visto, a qual seria de obra de 
vinte choupvnas, armadas sobre varas, e eubertas de feno, da 
foifao e tamanho de hum forno de paiJ, das quaes usa e se servo 
toda a gente daquella Costa, mudandoas com as tempestades de 
humas partes para as outras, segundo a bastan^a, ou esterilichuh^ 
q dao de si os matos, de cujos frutos elles principalmonte se 
mantem ; e porque receavamos dos Cafres se escandalizarem, ou 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 163 

fogirem, nao qnizemos entrar dentro, mas apozentamonos perto 
della, e Ihes mandamos recado, com o qual logo vierao alguns 
delles ter comnosco, aos quaes demos dos panos, e peda90s de 
ferro, com que ficarao contentes; e assentamos com elles por 
acenos, que ao outro dia hum nos guiasse para certa poYoa9ao 
grande, e abastada, que diziao estar d alii perto, e com este 
concerto nos recolhemos huns e outros a nossos gazalhados. 

Ao outro dia tornamos a caminhar prolongando pela Aldea, na 
qnal o Tanoeiro, e Calafate da Nao quizerao ficar, por ntvo poderem 
(hum de velho, outro de ferido) aturar mais a companhia, e depois 
que o Capitao os encomendou, o mais intelligivelmente que pode 
aos Cafres, despedindonos delles, e levando a guia comnosco, anda- 
mos por riba daquelles cabejos tres dias, atravessando quantas 
serras, valles e barrancos topavamos diante : mas como a gente 
daquella terra nao se afaste muito dos limites onde uasce, (bema- 
venturada, se tivesse fe !) e ao redor daquellas choupanas se crie 
e morra, quando veyo o terceiro dia, tinha o Cafre tanta necessi- 
dade de quem o guiasse, como nos ; pelo que perdendo o tino do 
caminho, foy dar comnosco sobre huns outeiros, pelo pe dos quaes 
corria, e nos atravessava o caminho o Rio de S. Christovao, cuja 
agoa vimos coalhada de cavallos marinhos; e porque logo nos 
pareceo que nao havia de haver vao em tanta altura, receando de 
tornar a sobir a ladeira que era grande, pelo trabalho que na 
outra levaramos, nao quizemos descer abaixo; mas mandou o 
Capitao por alguns homens despojados apalpar o rio, os quaes nao 
achando por onde o pudessemos atravessar, se tornarao. Pelo que 
enfadados de tantas impossibilidades, como achamos, e for^ados de 
fome que nos hia ja rijamente apertando, assentamos tornar ao 
mar, e provar se porventura achariamos ao longo delle mais 
remedio, que no Sertao; e rogando ao Cafre que nos guiasse, 
tornamos a desandar, naquelle dia e outro, tudo o que andaramos 
em tres. Neste caminho o Lieenciado Christovao Fernandes, que 
na India fora Chanceler e Provedor mbr dos defutos, nao podendo 
por sua velhice soportar mais o trabalho delle, assentando-se sobre 
huma pedra, nos disse, que athe alii fizera o que pudera por viver, 
mas pois suas for^as a mais nao abrangiao: nos fossemos muito 
embora, e que elle alii havia de acabar; e que somente nos 
encomendava hum filho seo de idade de tres annos, que para 
mayor magoa sua a fortuna ordenara, que consigo o trouxesse, o 
qual salvandose milagrosamente da Nao, hia no rbllo de huma 

M 2 



164 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Ama que o criava, sendo era taS tenra idade companheiro dos 
trabalhos, e desterro de seo Pay ; cujo remedio como nao estivesse 
em aguardarmos por elle, antes com qualquer deten^a corressemos 
risco de perder o nosso, consolando-o os seos amigos com a Payxao 
de Nosso Senhor, e despedindonos delle com outras tao tristes 
palavras, fomos dormir a paragem da Aldea do guia, o qual sen- 
tindo nosso descontentamento, por sua ma pilotagem, e apcrtado 
do dezejo de sua casa, nos fogio aquella noite. 

Quando ao outro dia achamos menos o Cafre, pondo os rostos 
no mar, quanto as serras, e valles consentiao, fomos indireitando 
com elle, e nao tivemos andado muito, quando nos achamos outra 
yez sobre o Bio de S. Christovao, que nos fizera tornar atras ; o 
qual fazendo hum largo rodeyo por entre aquellas rochas, vinha 
atravessando o nosso caminho athe se hir lan^ar no mar, com 
tanta furia e altura por todas as partes, que para hum Exercito 
bem apercebido era assas difficultoso passo, quanto mais para nos, 
em quem tudo hia ao contrario : e somente ao p^ do Cabe90 em 
que estavamos, quebrava em huma penedia, que o atrave&sava de 
huma parte a outra, e espalhandose alii a agoa era muitos canaes, 
dava esperan^a, que podendose atravessar arvores de huns penedos 
a outros o passariamos ; mas para cometter por aqui esta passagcm 
tinhamos dous inconvenientes muito grandes : hum era o mato 
ingreme e espesso que estava na ladeira d'alem ; o qual, fora 
outras impossibilidades, era por riba atravessado de huma rb(-ha 
viva, tao talhada a pique, que se pbde dizer, para aves parecia 
trabalhosa sobida ; e outro ser a descida, onde nos estavamos, ao 
Rio, cercada de outra tal rocha como a dalem, e que so com olliar 
para ella punha receyo. Pelo que desconfiando de por alii 
podermos descer, estivemos hum peda^o altercando o que faria- 
mos ; mas como andassemos ja todos enfadados do trabalho, que 
sobre a passagem deste Bio tinhamos levado ; vendo que tudo <> 
que descobriamos com a vista, assim do Bio, como da descida a 
elle, nao mostrava mais apparelho para nosso proposito, receando, 
se o comettessemos por outra parte, de achar outras impossibili- 
dades mayores, (se mayores se podiao achar) determinamos provar 
por alii nossa ventura ; mas como no acomettimento disto houvesse 
tauto risco, disserao alguns que nao queriao perder as vidas ]ior 
suas vontades, pois descer por aquella parte, mais parecia tentar a 
Deos, que esperar remedio, e estes tomarao outni vez o caminho 
por riba daquellas serras, cuidaudo achar outra descida mais iacii. 



Records of SoiUh-Easiem Africa. 1 65 

O Capitao, e os que o seguiamos, endireitamos com a rbcha, e 
fazendo o sinal da Cruz come^amos de nos arriscar por ella abaixo 
com o mayor tento e resguardo que podiamos, dependurandonos 
algumas vezes dos ramos de alguma moita, que nella havia ; e 
outros fincando as laii9as nas pedras, e deixandonos escorregar 
por ellas, de modo que a rastros, de costas, e de brufos segundo o 
j>erigo e dispo8i9ao do lugar davao de si : prouve a Nosso Senhor 
}>ornos salvos na borda do Rio, onde cortando as mayores arvores 
que alii perto estavao, e atravessandoas de huns penedos a outros, 
ajudados dos dezejos, que todos traziamos por nos ver desem- 
bara9ados daquelle trabalho, muito mais azinha, do que a 
difiiculdade da obra eonsentia, acabamos de fazer as milhoteiras 
iiecessarias, por ODde com muito medo pela altura e corrente dos 
cauaes, que a agoa fazia, logo come^amos de passar. E tauto que 
o Mestre da Nao, e quinze, ou vinte homeus que o seguirao se 
virao da outra banda, haveudo por impossivel atravessar o mato e 
rocha que atras contey, tomarao pela banda do Bio abaixo 
buscando alguma outra parte por donde d'alli pudessem sahir 
com menos risco. O Capitao esteve (segundo costumava) na 
borda do Bio, esperando que acabasse toda a gente de passar ; e 
quando isto foy feito, era ja noite fechada : mas por ser alii tudo 
iameiro, e cheyo de agoa por baixo, foy forfado entrarmos pelo 
mato athe chegarmos ao enxuto : e como elle fosse muito basto, e 
cheyo por dentro de penedos : e a altura e assombramento das 
arvores, al^m da escuridao da noite, fizesse ainda o caminho mais 
escuro, nao podiamos atinar huns por onde fossem os outros ; pelo 
que, apupando todos por diversas partes, e fazendo hum corpo 
com as vozes, ao som dellas nos tomamos a ajuntar perto dop^ da 
rocha, em lugar tao escuro, e coalhado de arvores, que nenhum 
de nos foy poderoso para se deitar, nem mudar do lugar onde 
parou : e assim estivemos arrimados as arvores em pe sem dormir 
em toda a noite, a qual passamos espalhados em tres magotes ; a 
saber : o do Capitao, o do Mestre, e o dos que se nao atreviao a 
descer ao Bio : os quaes posto que toda a tarde andarao por riba 
daquellas serras, tentando de humas partes a outras, nao podendo 
achar por onde com menos perigo atravessassem a banda d*alem, 
se agazalh&rao aquella noite como puderao : e tanto que a manhSa 
esclareceo, tomarao em nossa busca, e vendo a trilha que levara- 
mos, e as milhoteiras atravessadas, perdendo com tudo no Bio a 
hum mancebo, que resvalou, chegarao a nos a tempo, que por 



166 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Immas ingremes gretas, e arriscadas abertunis, que a rbcha fazia, 
dando huus a outros de mao em mao as armas, e alforj^es 
acabavamos de sobir ao alto della : e nao passarao muitas horns, 
que o Mestre, e seos eompanheiros vierao tambem ter comnosco ; 
e despois que assim fonios juntos tornamos a caminhar para o 
mar, hindo todos grandeniente atormentados da fome, por ser ja 
gastado, a poder das chuvas j)a8sadas, esse poueo mantiraento com 
que partimos, e nao bastarem as hervas eonhecidas, que pelo 
campo acliavamos, a remediar nossas necessidades. Neste dia 
cortando por cima daquellas eumiadas chegamos a hum Cabe^o, 
donde deseobrimos o mar, e com o alvoro^o que levavamos delh;, 
fazendo a Jornada mais comprida do que costumavamos, fonios 
dormir a huma Aldea que estava despovoada, na qual aclianios 
pedafos do por^olanas, e de outras muitus eousas de nossos usos, 
quo affirmamos ficarera do Naufragio de Manoel de Sousa 
Sepulveda. 

Ao outro dia, que era o trezeno de nosso caminho, chegamos ao 
mar, e no proprio lugar em que o Galeao deo a Costa, do qual 
ainda achamos o preparo, e outros peda^os de tabotis, h^n^ailos 
sobre hum arrecife de penedia, que occupa muitas legoasdatjuella 
praya, e despois que alii estivemos cahimos no erro, que fizeranu)s 
em deixar a fralda do mar, porque alem de nos parecer que elle 
proprio se mostrava mais domestico, e conversayel para nossas 
necessidades, que as asp^rezas do Sortao, achamos tambem peh)s 
penedos (de que toda a Costa da terra, que se chama do Natal he 
chea) muitas ostras, e mixilhoens, com que na baixamar, on 
espa^o do dia que tomamos algum repouso, em parte nos reme- 
diavamos; e a fora isto o caminho era chao, limpo, e disiK)sto 
para andar: a os mais dos Rios, que naquella terra sao muitos, o 
no Sertao sem passagem, quando aqui chcgavao, ou sumidos por 
baixo da area na borda do mar, ou se descubertamente eutravaio 
Delle, era por causa dos bancos (][ue faziao com v^ arrezoado, o 
pouca corrente: o quo tudo pel^ terra dentro achavamos ao 
fiontrario. 

For aqui caminhamos ciuco dias, leyando sempre Cafres a]X)z 
de nos, que sem ouzarem acometternos, hiao esperando ajguns 
can9ados, ou desmaudados; e no fim deste tempo em altura do 
Itrinta graos topamos hum Rio que nao esta [)osto i^as Cartas ; o 

3ual com quanto nao tem muita largura, he dos mais alciintiUvIos 
aquella Costa, o por (|ue may ores Navios poden^ entrar, e o 



J Records of SotUh Eastern Africa. 167 

faziao nos Invernos. Com pouco trabalho fizemos duas jangadas, 
inas bem se descoiitou isto no muito que despois tivemos, assim 
com a correlate do Rio, como com os Cafres que estavao esperando 
para saltearem os que ficassem derradeiros ; e com tudo desem- 
barafandonos delles com algumas remeteduras, e trochadas, que 
se nao puderao escusar, passamos a outra banda ; e tornando a 
continuar nosso caminho, andamos quatro dias, no fim dos quaes 
repousamos a borda de outro Rio esperando a baixamar do dia 
seguinte, por nos parecer que pela borda da agoa salgada, onde 
lazia hum banco, Ihe achariamos vao, e escuzariamos o trabalho e 
risco das jangadas; e sendo ja perto da noite appareeerao da 
outra banda certos Cafres : e nos mostrarao huns bolos feitos de 
^achurre, que he huma semente como mostarda, dizendo que os 
venderiao, se Ihe dessemos ferro ; e como sobre as cousas de 
comer nossa necessidade nao consentisse desavenfa, as rebatinhas 
Ihos acabamos de comprar; e este foy o primeiro lugar onde 
lizeuios resgate, havendo ja vinte e dous dias que camiuhavamos. 
Isto acabado, cada hum se recolheo a seo gazalhado, esperando 
com grande alvoroyo a tornada da manhaa, com a qual passamos 
o Rio por onde atras contey, e logo tornarao os mesmos Cafres, e 
nos disserao por acenos intelligiveis, que aguardassemos alii, e 
nos trariao mantinientos ; e como esta fosse a cousa de que mais 
necessidade tinhamos, houve pouco trabalho em Ihes fazer a 
vonhide, a qual nova tanto que por elles foy publicada em duas 
ou trcs povoa^oens, que alii perto estavao, nao ficou nellas pessoa 
que nos nao viesse ver, cantando e tangendo as pal mas com 
mostras de muita alegria, trazendo alguns bolos, raizes, ou 
qualquer outro modo de seo mantimento para nos vender ; e entre 
elles vinha hum mo90 de Bengala, que licara da outra perdi^ao, 
o qual em sendo por nos conhecido, foy logo arrebatado, e com 
grandes abra9os, e alvorofos levado ao Capitao : e assentandonos 
toJos ao redbr, Ihe perguntamos muitas cousas das que nos erao 
n^cessarias ; mas elle, ou por haver pouco que viera da sua terra, 
quando o embarcarao, ou por ter ja perdida a nossa falla com o 
descostume, quasi que nos nao entendia; mas assim a troncos 
soubemos ser aquella terra muito povoada de gente, e abastada 
de cria^oens ; e posto que Ihe rogamos por muitas vezes ficasse 
comnosco, promettendolhe muitas peitus pela necessidade que 
tinhamos de guia, nunca o quiz fazer, antes tanto que forao horas, 
se tornou a recolhercom sua companhia, sem nos (|nerer ver outra 



16S Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 

v< z ; e ao outro dia tornarao os Cafres com huma vaca, e algumas 
cabras, e bolos, que Ihes resgatamos por hum astrolabio, e outros 
peda^os de ferro; e isto acabado, tornamos ao nosso caminho, 
ficando aqui com tudo hum Jorge da Barca, e outro homem, que 
por can^ados se nao atreviao a passar mais avante, e com elles 
perto de trinta Escravos, que consumidos do trabalho, que atho 
alii tinhao passado, e induzidos pelos proprios da terra, uao 
quizerao hir em nossa companhia. 

Partidos d'alli, como dito teuho, caminhamos tres dias, no 
derradeiro dos quaes chegamos a outro Bio, o qual com quanto 
nao tinha muita largura, era alto em demazia : e como estivesse- 
mos hum peda^o consul tando do ride trariamos madeira para as 
jangadas, o Contra-Mestre, que como ja disse, levava a dianteini, 
come90u de andar com sua companhia pela borda delle acima 
athe obra de meya legoa da barra, onde topou com eertos Cafres, 
que Ihe mostrarao o vao, e passando por elle a outra banda, se 
assentou em hum Cabe^o a esperar pelo Capitao, o qual vendo 
sua tardan9a, e sospeitando o que era, abalou com os que com 
elle estayamos, seguindo a mesma trilha dos outros ; e ao passar 
de hum mato achamos hum cesto de Naohami, que os Cafres alli 
tinhao escondido com receyo de Ihe saltearmos a povoa^ao: e 
como para nossa necessidade aquella fosse huma rioa pe9a ; e os 
que a guardavao a quizessem defender, acoendeose a cousa de 
modo, que escandalizados de algumas trochadas que tiverao, 
apellidando huns a outros, em pouco espa90 se ajuntarao muitos ; 
a porque cuidarao que eramos mais, em quanto fomos por dentro 
do mato nos tiverao medo, mas despois que chegamos a hum 
escampado onde se tomava o v&o do Bio, vendo quao poucos 
hiamos, arremeterao a dous mancebos que algum tanto estavao 
apartadoSy e tomaraolhe os alforges que levavao, e com o leva* 
mento disto come9araose de chegar a nos mais afoutamente, 
amea9ando com a azagaya, que nos matariao so Ihes resistissemos ; 
6 juntamente com isto nos tomlirad o caminho para que nao 
passassemos ao Bio : e por nao haver entre os que alli hiamos, 
mais de cinco homens que levassemos armas, ajuntandonos tivemos 
com elles huma arriscada briga, a qual em obra do huma hora 
que durou, foy por muitas vezes assiis duvidosa a cada huma das 
partes; mas por derradeiro nos fez Nosso Senhor merce, quo 
arrancando-os de todo, os fizemos recolher a hum outeiro, onde 
fiola fortaleza do sitio^ e uo2iso cansafo os dcixamos, toruandouoni 



lUcords of South-Eastern Africa. 169 

para o Capituo quo na borda do Bio com a outra companhia estava 
esperando; e assim juntos entramos pela agoa, com muito risco 
dos Cafres ; porque como o vao se tomasse pelo pe daquelle Cabejo, 
a que se elles recolherao, em quanto hiamos a tiro, nos servirao 
a mao-tente de tantas e tad furiosas pedradas, que nos couvinha 
ter grande vigia, para que nao acertassem em descuberto : mas 
com todo este tento, nao pude eu escuzar huma, que quebrandome 
a rodela em que a primeira tomey, me fez estar hum peda90 bem 
atordoado. 

Passando com estes receyos a outra banda, tomamonos a ajuntar 
cum o Contra-Mestre, em cuja companhia achamos hum mo^o, 
chamado Caspar, que ficara de destrui^ao de Manoel de Sousa, 
e sabendo nossa hida, yeyo alii esperar, desejoso de tomarse a 
terra de Christaos; e porque a cousa de que mais necessitados 
estavamos, era de lingoa, demos todos muitas gramas a Deos, por 
nos socorrer em tal tempo, inspirando tanta fe em hum mancebo, 
e Monro de na^ad, que d'entre aquelles mates, e gente quasi 
salvage, de que ja tinha tomado a natureza, se movesse a querer 
hir comnosco, e passar tantos trabalhos, como tinha exprimentado, 
sem obriga9ao alguma, que a isso o movesse. Este nos contou, 
entre outras cousas, como Manoel de Sousa tambem peleijara com 
OS Cafres destoutra banda, e Ihes matara hum a espingarda. 

Partidos d'alii, caminhamos atbe que forao horas de repousar ; 
e esta noite se moveo pratica entre nos, quo seria bom mandar 
diante tres ou quatro homens despejados, para que chegasscm 
primeiro ao Kio de Loureufo Marques, junto do Cabo das correntes, 
onde esperavamos de o achar ; porque quando partimos da India, 
ficava elle aviado para aquella viagem, (como de feito a fez, e 
na Costa se perdeo antes que se pudesse recolher ao Bio) a Ihe 
dizer em como hiamos atras, e nos esperasse, porque sua partida, 
segundo a navega9ao ordinaria, havia de ser com a Lua de Junho ; 
e nos pelas jornadas que fciziamos, nao podiamos ja chegar menos 
de Julho; e como ao Capitao, e aos mais parecesse bem este 
conselho, cuidando que toda a terra adiante fosse como aquella 
do Natal, em que por ser de penedias ao longo do Bio mar havia 
marisco, com que se poderiao remediar os que assim fossem ; logo 
se oflerecerao para esta empreza quatro iMarinheiros, aos quaes 
se tirarao por entre algumiis pessoas quatro centos pardaos para 
8atisfa9ao de seos trabalhos : e desta manoira aviados se partirao 
ao outro dia, Icvaudo huma carta do Capitao, e outros muitos 



170 Recorihs of South-Eastern Africa. 

recados, que todos desarmarao em vao, segundo ao diante sera 
relatado. 

Depois disto caminhamos dous dias, no fim dos quaes chegamos 
a barra da Pesearia, que esta em 28 graos e tres quartos, a qual 
entra perto de duas legoas pela terra dentro, e tera outro tanto 
de largo, e alii achamos dous Escravos que forao de Mauoel do 
Sousa, e nos vierao receber ao caminho, e fizerao com os da terra, 
que aquella noite nos trouxessem a vender peixe que alii La em 
muita abundancia, e algum milho zaburro; e ao outro dia, antes 
quo nos partissemos, se tornarao a despedir de nos, e com quanto 
Ihe rogamos deixassem aquella gentilidade, e tornassem a viver 
cntre Christaos, nao quizerao, dizendo, que elles passamo com seo 
senhor sette ou oito jornadas adiante, e por nao poderem suportar 
o traballio do caminho, e a esterilidade da terra, se tornarao para 
aquella, que era abastada, onde se encoraendavao a Nosso Senhor, 
que por quem era haveria delles misericordia; e obstinados neste 
propusito, tanto que nos eusinarao j>or onde rodeariamos a bahia, 
salvando alguns regatos, e esteiros que a ella vem ter, se tornarao ; 
e em come^ando nos a caminhar, vimos sahir de hum mato para 
onde estavamos hum ajuntamento de Cafres, que traziao entre si 
a hum homem nu, com hum molho de zagayas as cbstas, (segudo 
seo costume) o qual se nao diflferenpava de nenhii delles ; e nesta 
conta o tivemos, athe que pela falla> o cabello conhecemos ser 
Portuguez, chamado llodrigo Tristao, que tambem ficara da outra 
perdipao, e por haver tres annos que andava despido as calmas 
p- trios daquella Comarca, estava tao mudado na cor e parecer, 
que nenhuma differenpa tinha dos naturaes della. 

Assim que recolhido mais este homem, e satisftizendonos, o 
melhor que pudemos, dos da terra, que por ser muita geute, 
quizera tentar saltearnos a outra banda da bahia, onde achamos 
hum mopo Malavar, que nos encaminhou para huma povoapao, 
junto da qual disse, que repouzassemos aquella noite, e nos faria 
trazer mantimentos ; e assim foy, porque nao passou muito espa^o, 
que vierao os Cafres carregados de cabras, leite, milho, peixe, e 
isto tudo em muito bom prepo: do modo que esta foy a mais 
abtistada e barata estalagem, que em todo o caminho tivemos ; o 
aqui fornecemos os alforges de quanto pudemos levar, por nos 
dizer este mof o, que d'ahi athe hum Rio, que estava avante quatro 
ou ciuco jornadjis nao achariamos outro resgate ; mas com quanto 
iulle encarecia isto muito, se soubera o que d'alem do Rio havia. 



Iteeorcbi of South-Easiern Africa. 171 

bem nos piidera afiSrmar, que aquella era a derradeira hora de 
alivio, que em todo o caminho haviamos de ter; porque dahi por 
diante tudo foy trabalho, e dor, e bater de dentes. 

Ao outro dia fomos dormir jiito de outra povoayao onde com- 
pramos hnma vaca, e sein fazerinos mais resgate caminhamos por 
aquelles matos cinco dias seguindo sempre para o mar, ao qual 
chegamos junto do Rio de Santa Luzia, que esta em altura de 
28 graos e meyo, e he assas grande : e por ser da boca para dentro 
niuito largo, e demasiadamente arrojado, e corrente no encher e 
vazar das mares, em chegando a elle, fizemos duas jangadas, pelas 
quaes ainda neste dia, em quanto a mare deo lugar, passou huma 
grande parte da gente ; mas tan to que ella empe^ou, eome9ara6 
de entrar os que estavao de huma e outra parte, e se recolherao 
ao enxuto; e porque todos vinhamos perdidos a sede por nao 
aeharmos agoa doce despois que partimos da bahia da Pescaria, 
que havia cinco dias, e o tempo que restou destes, gastamos em 
a buscar: e como a necessidade e trabalho ven^a tudo, tan to 
uudamos, athe que descobrimos certas pegadas de Elefantes, que 
tinhao hum pouco de polme, em que nos satisiizemos. 

E porque porventura dezejara saber algum de Femao D'alvares 
Cabral particularmente, pois se vem chegando o tempo de sua 
morte, pareceo me necessario dizer aqui em summa parte dos 
trabalhos e aflBic^oens que passou na vida, posto que do vivo ao 
pintado, da sombra ao verdadeiro, nao pbde haver mais diflerenpa 
do que ha do que ea assim delle, como dos que o seguiamos, 
pbssu dizer, ao que na verdade passou : mas ja que me arrisquey 
a deseobrir miuhas faltas, teuho quem mas desculpe, que he a 
grande:5a do caso, do quem confio, sem que o diga, que os que 
entendem, crerao tanto, que sera melhor o pouco que delle saberey 
contar, pois iicara aproveitado para que se possa acabar de ler 
este 8ummario com meuos lastima : e para que as pessoas, que 
nosta dor tern parte, nao caiba tanta, vendo o por que passarao os 
quo forao causa della ; que por este respeito deixey de escrever 
as desaveuturas particuiares de cada hum, que he a principal 
substiincia do lastimoso, afastundome, o mais que pude, do pezado 
e mizcravel ; mas sem embargo de ser este meo intento, como a 
Ilistoria em si seja triste, nao sofre a verdade della poderso de 
todo fugir a palavras, que huma hora por outra saibao a tristeza. 

Mas tornando a Fernao D'alvares, e pondo a parte o muito 
trabalho, (jue passou no tciuj)o da tormenhi, por cuuiprir em todas 



172 Records of South-Easteni Africa. 

as cousas com sua obriga^ao : nem trattando do sent! men to, que 
com muita rasao o trazia traspassado, por ver a de8trui9ao de 
huma tal Nao, tantos homens, e riquezas, como tinha a seo cargo : 
e por ver que de tantas e8peran9as de descan^o, tanta abastan9a 
do criados, parentes, e amigos, como ao redor de si vira havia 
I>oucos diaSy se achava, por tao desestrada sorte, assim arrebatada- 
uieute em tal mingoa de tudo, que escassamente pode haver a 
mad hum pobre vestido com que cobrisse humas anciaas e honradus 
cariics : e huma pessoa, de que em tempo tao necessario fiasse a 
communica9ao de suas affligidas cousas. Assim que nao saltaudo 
liisto tudo, porque seo espa90so animo de tal modo encobria todas 
as mostras de tao certa e justa dor, que se nao enxergava por 
iora o que dentro jazia ; elle esfor^ando a todos, e mostrando em 
seo rosto e pala\ras muito mais esperan9a de salva9ao da que 
entendia que podia caber nas muitas desaventuras que estavao 
certas em tao incerta Jornada, come9ou de caminhar os primeirus 
dias com muito espirito e alento ; mas como as asperezas e 
contrastes do caminho, que pelo Sertao tivemos, fossem as q dito 
teuho, fizerao nelle tanto abalo, por sua velhice, e pouco costume, 
que ao tempo de tornarmos em busca do mar, vinha tao fraco, 
cau9ado, e despresado, que trazia determinado ficar no primeiro 
lugar que topfiissemos ; porem como neste comenos chegassemos 
a praya por oude o caminho era chao, e sem os altibaixos e estorvos 
q no outro havia, elle se esfor9ou de modo, q ainda que dos 
derradeiros, sempre aturava com a companhia, e igualmente hia 
com ella sojeito a sua ventura. 

Mas como a fortuna nunca comece por pouco, a todas estas 
obras suas accrescentou outra, que com quanto ja nelle nao 
pudesse ser mais negra, nao careceo com tudo de muito sentimento 
jtor serem della executores hus hom^ q tad obrigados Ihe estavao 
(H)r beneficios recebidos : e foy que como a mayor parte que alli 
hiamos fosse gente do mar, de cujos primores athegora poucos 
Authores es<?reverad ; estes come9ando de dia em dia a perder o 
meilo e a vergonha, fazendo todos hum corpo, cuja Cabeya (posto 
(jue nao nestes maos ensiuos) era o Contra-3Iestre, vierao a tanta 
ilesiMivoItura, que totalmente nao tinhao conta ei>m Femad 
D^alvares : antes toilas as vezes que os elle reprehendia de suas 
de$i>rdeus (quo nao erad poucas) Ihe diziad, que nao ouzasse de 
OS emendar, porque nad era ja seo Capitad, nem Ihe deviad 
ttUnlicucia, ajuntando a isto ontras muitas (VilaTras soltas, que a 



Records of Souih-Eastern Africa. 173 

miseria daqiielle tempo fazia ser muito mais escandalosas : de 
modo que nenhuma conta tinfaao com o que Ifaes elle mandava. 
Pelo que vendo o Mestre da Nao, que hia deste Eeyno, e Ihe 
levara odio particular, tao bom aparelho para sua ten9ao, em tao 
danadas vontades, nao se movendo pela obediencia que Ihe devia, 
nem por nenhuma fidalguia tao antiga, virtudes tao illustres, 
descri^ao tao yiya, cavallaria tao inteira, velhice tao honrada, 
assim perseguido da fortuna, desterrado de sua patria, mulher, e 
filhos, e lan^ado com tanta mingoa e necessidade pelos desertos 
de Africa : nem abastando o castigo dos passos presentes, para o 
mudar de seo mao zelo, se determinou em commetter sua obra 
diabolica, e de todo inhumana, que foy induzir aos de sua 
parcialidade a dizerem que em nenhum modo se podiao salvar 
hindo com o Capitao, pois por se nao apartarem delle, faziao as 
jornadas pequenas, e que a sempre hirem daquella maneiru, 
primeiro gastariao o ferro, que levavao para o resgate, e as for^iis 
para caminhar, que pudessem chegar ao Bio de Louren^o Marques, 
onde esperavamos achar Navio ; o que o bom seria, pois Iho dava 
Deos disposi9oens, ajudarem-se do tempo, e nao se quererem perder 
por amor de outrem. 

E como esta gente, onde quer que esta, se tenha huma por 
opiniao da outra, nao forao necessarias muitas destas prega^oens, 
para ser havido o que o Mestre dizia, por muito bom conselho, 
e quasi divinalmente revelado; pelo que induzindose huns aos 
outros, come9arao a tentar o Contra-Mestre que athe entao nao 
entrava nesta consulta, o qual se defeudeo alguns dias, dizendo- 
Ihes as razoens que havia para se tal nao fazer ; e com tudo, 
tanto e por tantas vezes porfiarao com elle, que o trouxerao a sou 
proposito; e como isto foy concluido, para que nao sobreviesso 
algum estorro, assentarao partir o mais <'alladamente que pudessem 
logo na noite seguinte, e araanhecer ao outro dia tres on quatro 
legoas avante, deixando ao Ca2)itao, e a esses que o seguiamosy 
naquella praya hernia, entregues aos Cafres, em quern acharianios 
inenos piedade, que em todos os Tigres de Hircania. 

Mas como o Capitao ja pelas mostras de sua pouca fe, andasse 
sobre aviso, nao se pode este negocio fazer entre tao destieonsel- 
hada gente, com tanto segredo, que elle o nao sentisse : pelo que 
logo aquella noyte, que o soube, nos maudou chaniar aos passa- 
geyros que alii hiamos, e deo conta do quo Iho fora descuberto, 
e do proposito com que aquelles honiens estavao, rogandonos (jue 



174 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Ihe flconselhassemos o que faria ; e todos assentamos que havia 
de iniiii(Lir chaniar ao Contra-Mestre, que era bom honiem, e 
senipre se mostrava seo amigo, e Ihe dissesse o que sabia, e Ihe 
rogasse nao conseutisse poder-se dizer de Portnguezes, que por 
salvarem vidas tao ineertas, cobravao huma infamia tao eerta, 
como era deixarotn o seo Capitao em tal parte ; e que se elle a 
este homem pudesse induzir a seo proposito, dos outros iiao 
reccasse, porque era tanta a obedieneia, que Ihe todos tinhao, (jue 
no que fizesso ou dissesse, nao aeharia contradi^ao : e quaudo se 
nisto mostrasse pertinas, soubesse que alii estavamos j>erto de 
vinte homens, que onde Hcasse ticariamos, e em quauto tivessemos 
vidas, elle nao perderia a sua, sendolhe companheiros em todo o 
mal ou bem que succedesse ; o qual satisfeito com este conselho, 
e oflFerecimento nos despedio. E mandando chamar ao Contra- 
Mestre, se Iho queixou de quao mal Ihe pagava quanto seo amigo 
sempre fora, e dandolhe outras muitas razoens, que o tempo de 
entao faziao necessarias, elle Ihe nao negou a verdade, dizendo 
como o Mestre e homens do mar o tirarao de seo sen tide, mas que 
ihe dava sua palavra, que mais tal Ihe nao viria ao pensamento : 
e posto que todos se quizessem hir, elle so o nao faria ; e assim 
o cumprio, porque dalli por diante o servio sempre com muy 
desenganada vontade, e com tanta obedieneia, ou para melhor 
dizer medo (que he o com que com ella mais pbde) que a gente 
do mar tinha a este homem, quo vendo sua determina^ao, por seo 
respeito quizerao Hear todos ; teudo com tudo conta somente com 
o que Ihes elle mandava, que do Capitao nao curavao: o qual 
aos outros Ihes fez sobre este case huma pratiea reprehensoria, 
que OS bem pouco emmendou. 

E desta maneira pairando o melhor que podia com seos 
infortunios, caniinlum athe o llio de Santa Luzia, de que ja deixey 
passada huma boa parte da gente ao principio desta digressiio : 
8 quando veyo o outro dia, que segun<lo minha lembranya forao 
dous de Junho, tanto que amanheceo, elle se tornou a borda do 
Rio para fazer dar aviamento a passagem com a mayor diligencia 
que ser jH)dia, pelo pouco tempo q o sodamento da mare deixava 
durar este bom enceyo ; e posto que quando veyo sobre a tarde 
erao ja quasi todos pussados, parece que adivinhandolhe o ooni9ao 
o que havia de sor, elle receava est a passagem, o que nao dzera 
em algumas das outras que atras duixamos; })elo que disse ao 
Contra-^Iestrt*, que sua vontade era nao })assiir na jangada, mas 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 175 

rodear tanto pelo Sertao athe que achasse vao : que Ihe dissesse 
se o queria acompanhar ? o qual Ihe respondeo, que bem via ser 
ja quasi toda a gente passada a outra banda, sem athe entao 
perigar ninguem, e assim esperava em Deos suocederia aos que 
fieavao ; e que rodear o Rio Ihe parecia grande trabalho, por ser 
muito alto, largo, e correr por terra chaa, onde se presumia Ihe 
nao poderiao achar vao senao muito longe: e que se todavia 
determiuasse rodeallo, elle o esperaria alii todo o tempo que 
luandasse, mas que nao podia hir em sua companhia, que por 
onde OS outros passarao havia de passar. 

Ouvido isto pelo Capitao, algum tanto apaixonado determinou 
nieterse na primeira jangada que a elle chegou, e com quanto 
Ihe disserao todos, que nao passasse aquella vez, porque descia 
ainda muito a mare, e que para a outra barcada seria estofa de 
todo, e menos perigosa: parece que seguindo ja o conselho da 
fortuna, elle nao quiz tomar o nosso, e entrando pela agoa, se 
poz em hum canto da jangada, e Antonio Pires, e Joao da Eoclia, 
seos criados, e Gaspar o lingoa nos outros tres : e estando assim 
a jangada muito direita, bradou aos da outra banda, que atassem 
pelas linhas, o que foy feito com todo o tento, e resguardo 
possivel: e hindo desta maneira, tanto que come9ara(5 a entrar 
no alto, Joao da Bocha houve medo, e tornouse a nado para terra, 
o que fez ficar a jangada tao fora do compasso, qut» come^ou logo 
de meter demasiadamente os cantos carregados por debaixo da 
agoa : e assim adornados chegarao ao meyo do Rio, onde hia a 
corrente, a qual como descia furiosa, levantando o canto que 
estava em pezo, o fez tombar sobre os que o tinhao, levando 
<lebaixo ao Capitao, e a Antonio Fires : os quaes, posto que 
trabalharao quanto nelles foy possivel, por se nao desaferrareni, 
nao podendo mais resistir a chegada hora, levantando as maos ao 
Ceo em sinal da fe, (que Ihes a agoa com as boc^s nao deixara 
<'onfessar,) se forao ao fundo,. e o moyo lingoa so sal vou, porque 
hia despido, c sabia bem nadar. 

Accmtecido tamanho desastre, os que delle nos doiamos, e 
estavamos de huma e outra part<) do Rio, levantando hum pranti^), 
que atroava as concavidades daquella Ribeira, com muita tristeza, 
o lacrymosos solu^os, nos espalhamos pela praya a vor se tornaria 
o Mar a deitar nella os corpos i)ara Ihes dannos sopultnnis; e 
tanto que a mare come9ou a rcpontar, saliio o de Antonio Piros, 
que logo foy entorrado, e h)go d'ahi a duiis lioras ju*hamos o de 



176 Becords of SoiUh-Eastern Africa. 

Fernao D'alvares entre huns penedos arredado do Eio para a 
banda d'alein hum bom peda90, ao qual despois de tirado ao 
enxuto, e amortalhado tomamos as cbstas, e levamos ao pe de 
hum outeiro, onde o mar nao chegava, e fazendolhe alii huma 
cova, a cuja cabec<;ira puzemos huma Cruz de pao nella, mais 
acompauhado de lagrimas, que de outras pom pas funeraes, o 
deixamos repousaudo athe o dia que elle e todos nos tornemos a 
levantar, para dar conta de nossas bem ou mal gastadas vidas. 

Esta foy a morte de Fernao D'alvares CabnU ; e este he o fim 
de seos trabalhos. £ verdadeiramente, que passando bem os 
corporaes, e espirituaes que vinha soportando, e a paciencia com 
que OS tomava, e gramas que com tudo dava a Nosso Senhor, que 
satiemos ser misericordioso, se pbde crer que foy servido levallo 
naquelle estado e martyrio ; para que ainda que seo corpo fosse 
lan^ado naquella pobre sepultura, a sua alma esteja com elle rica 
de Gloria, e Bemayenturan9a, que nao deve de ser pequena 
consola^ao aos que ca bem Ihe quizerao. 

Em quanto nos detivemos neste enterramento e tomamos a 
bbrda do Bio, os que ainda ficavao da oatra banda o acabarao de 
passar : e despois que assim estivemos juntos, vendo como para 
nossa salva^ao era necessario que fossemos sempre unidos em 
hum corpo, regidos por huma so pessoa, e esta jurada aos Santos 
Evangelhos, para que nao houvesse os reboli^os que d^ntes ha via, 
puzemos logo isto em obra ; e como de noventa e dous homens 
que aquelle tempo eramos por todos, settenta fossem dos do mar 
todos estes jurarao que Francisco Pi res o Contra-Mestre era muito 
para aquillo, e que se o fizessem Capitao, a elle obedeceriao ; e 
posto que havia duas ou tres pessoas, a quem com mais razao isto 
competia, como tantos fossem d'outro parecer, ja os que ficavao 
nao erao parte para desfazer seos vbtos; pelo que considerando 
tambem ser o Contra-Mestre bom homem, e grande sofredor 
de trabalhos, como para aquillo se requeria; e que os da sua 
jurisdi^ao levavao as linhas e machado para se fazerem e sahirem 
as jangadas nas passagens dos Bios, e o fuzil e pederneira com 
que faziamos fogo para nos valermos nos fries das noites ; e que 
a se mover nisto alguma divisao, segundo ja em vida de Fernao 
D*alvares andavao amotinados, a mesma hora se haviao de apartar, 
e deixamos aos de contrario parecer sem alguma destas cousas 
para remedio de nossas necessidades, nao respeitando quanta 
tambem tinhao de nos para as snas no tempo de pelejar, que 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. Ill 

todo carregava a nossa conta : assentamos que for^osamente nos 
convinha approvar a tal eIei9ao ; pelo que foy declarado de todos 
por Capitao ; e isto acabado, elle se obrigou tambem pelo proprio 
jurameuto, que bem e yerdadeiramente uos ajudaria, e seria fiel 
companheiro na paz e na guerra, fazeudo o que Ihe aconse- 
Ihassemos, segundo alcan9asse ser mais service de Deos, e saIva9ao 
de nossas vidas. 

Elegido assim o novo Capitao, pareceo bem a todos repousarmos 
alii hum dia, para enxugarmos os corpos e fato, que tudo estava 
molhado da passagem do Kio ; e quando reyo o outro dia, 
toruamos a caminbar ao longo da praya, pela qual andamos 
quatro dias sem topar gente, nem cousa de comer ; e no fim delles 
hou vemos vista de huma po voa9ao9 junto da qual nos aposentamos, 
cuidando achar algum resgate; mas sabendo do lingoa que os 
moradores della viviao tao necessitados como nos; perdendo 
estas esperanyasy somente assentamos com elles, que ao outro dia 
nos ensinassem a passagem de hum Bio que tinhamos diante ; e 
como aquella noite, e ao outro dia todo em pezo nao deixasse de 
chover, ou por mais certo de nevar (segundo a frialdade da agoa 
que cahia) os Cafres nao ouzarao sahir fora das choupanas; e 
porque nossa f6me e frio apertava, desejoscs de deixar tao roim 
aposento, mandamos ao Lugar Bodrigo Tristao, o que atras 
acbaramosy e a hum Marinheiro, para que trouxessem quem nos 
guiasse, os quaes achando-se ja melhor remediados, por o mancebo 
saber a lingoa da terra, descuidarao-se tanto do que nos cumpria, 
que nem com recado nem sem elle nunca mais tornarao; e 
estando nos assim atribulados, sendo ja o Sol quasi posto, cessou 
a chuva algum tanto ; e logo yeyo ter comosco hum Cafre, que 
satisfazendo-se com o ferro que Ihe davamos nos mostrou o vao 
do Rio por hum passo, onde a agoa dava aos de marca mayor 
pelas barbas, e a outros, a lugarres, pelas coroas; e como sahisse- 
mos a outra banda molhados, e a chuva nao cessasse, trespassou- 
nos o frio de sorte, que encambulhandosenos os pes e maos nao 
])o(liamos dar passada. avante ; e porque d'alli a muito espa9o nao 
havia mato onde nos valessemos daquella perseguipao, foy forfado 
assim meyo a tombos, e o mais depressa que podiamos, hir por 
huma ladeira arriba para com a quentura deste trabalho cobrarmos 
vigor e alento, de que ja hiamos quasi desamparados ; mas 
porque nao menos nos atormentava nossa fraqucza andando assim 
de pressa, que o frio, estaindo quedos, toniamos jM)r n^medio 



178 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

recolhermonos a hum brejo, que com tanto por baixo era todo 
cheyo de agoa, esie houvemos por menor mal, por ser abastado 
de lenha ; e posto que fizemos alguns fogos, era a frialdade do 
tempo tao demasiada, que nem isto nos valeo, para que em toda 
a noite deizassemos de bater o dente. 

Ao outro dia, tanto que amanheceOy tomamos a nosso caminbo, 
hindo nao menos atormentados da f6me e frio que o dia passado ; 
e quando veyo sobre a tarde topamos duas poYoa^oens, onde posto 
que muito caro, resgatamos tres Cabras, com que so alguns 
remediarao : alii nos mostrarao os Cafres hum dente de marfim, 
dizendo, que o haviao hirvender a hum Bio, que avante acharia- 
mos, onde vinhao homens brancos como nos; com que ficamos 
todos alyora9adoSy cuidando fosse mais perto : e porque se a noite 
aparelhava de frio e chuva, como as passadas, desesperando valer- 
nos no campoy se nolle ficassemos, alugamos aos Cafres algumas 
choupanasy nas quaes metidos huns por cima dos outros, e o fogo 
no meyo passamos aquella noite, a qual foy de tanta tempestade, 
que della achamos ao outro dia mortos dons ou tres Escrayos, 
que por nao acharem onde se recolher dormirao f6ra ; e o mesmo 
acontecera a nos, se nos Nosso Senhor nao socorr&ra com aquelles 
gazdlhados. 

Partindo d'alli, tomamos a caminhar ao longo de hum brejo, 
que corria assim como a praya, com proposito de atravessar a 
ella, tanto que achassemos por onde; mas o caminho era de 
maneira, que com quanto acomettemos isto por tres ou quatro 
vezes, nunca o pudemos fazer, e somente dez ou doze homens dos 
que hiao diante descobrindo a passagem, cuidando que a outra 
companhia os seguia, forao rompendo tanto pelas impossibilidades 
della athe que ao tempo que sentirao hir 86s, houverao por menos 
trabalhoso cortar avante, quo tomar atras : de modo que passando 
a outra banda forao ter a huma povoa^ao que estava junto da 
praya, onde se livrarao dos Cafres que os queriao matar, metendo- 
Ihes medo com que hia outra companhia muito perto ; e sendo- 
Ihes por este respeito catada alguma cortezia, se desembara^arao 
delles, e forao ter ao mar, por cuja bbrda caminharao o mais que 
puderao, por nao ficarem atras de nbs. 

Em quanto estes seguirao seo caminho, Francisco Fires o 
Capitao, que hia na trazeira, quando comettiao atravessar o brejo, 
ouvindo dizer aos dianteiros que nao havia passagem, mandou 
tornar a gente, e ac^handoso menos os que passarao a outra banda, 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 179 

nao cnidando qne elles tal pudessem fazer, segtmdo as novas que 
davao os que de la vinbao, quiz esperar hum peda^o; mas despois 
que vimos sua demasiada tardan^a, sospeitando o que era, tomamos 
a prolongar o brejo, e quando veyo sobre a tarde encontramos 
buns poucos de Cafres do Lugar a que os nossos forao ter, e 
yinbao saber se hiamos atras, como Ihes elles disserao, para os 
aeguirem se assim nao fosse ; mas tanto que nos yirao, dissimulando 
seo proposito nos mostrarao o passo do brejo, e encaminharao 
para hum mato onde dormimos aquella nolle, e resgastamos hum 
pouco de Nachani. 

Ao outro dia tomamos a caminhar, prolongando pela povoa^aS 
destes Cafres, para sabermos novas dos nossos que faltavao, as 
quaes negavao, dizendo que os nao virao; mas a verdade foy, 
que se as espias nao toparao tao cedo comnosco, elles Ihes nao 
escaparao ; porque alem da gente ser muita, segundo despois 
fomos informados, vivem alli naquelle Lugar como alevantados, 
sem reeochecerem Key, nem Superior, senao o que elles entre si 
ordenao, sustentandose de roubos que pela terra fazem a outros 
que menos pbdem, e bem se enxergava nelles seo officio, pela 
ventagem que levavao a todos os daquella Comarca na abastan9a 
das armas, manllhas, e outras joyas suas, e pelo desavergonhamento 
com que come^arao a lan^ar mao do ferro a alguns dos nossos : 
afora isto quizerao ter comnosco outras soberbas tao desarrezoadas, 
que estivemos perto de ter com elles huma teza e duvidosa 
contenda ; mas despedindonos d'alli com a mais honra que pude- 
mos, indireitando com a praya quanto o caminho dava lugar^ 
chegamos a ella, pela qual caminhamos ath^ a tarde: e como 
hiamos necessitados de agoa, foy for9ado metermonos outra vez 
pela terra dentro a buscalla; e topando neste caminho tres 
povoa^oens, os Cafres deltas nos mostrarao huma alagoa a cuja 
borda fomos dormir aquella noite. 

Tanto que amanheceo, tomamos a caminhar com proposito de 
atravessar logo ao mar, entre o qual e nbs nao havia mais que 
huns outeiros de area, e muito mato, que vao correndo ao longo 
delle ; e vendonos os Cafres pbstos em caminho, ajnntandose 
toda aquella Comarca, e fazendo hum grande esquadrao, e a seo 
uso bem armado, forao ter onde estavamos, e hindo quietamente 
fallando comnosco, come9arao de furtar algumas cousas aos que 
achavao descuidados : e o que isto fazia, recolhiase aos outros, e 
como que nao tivera feito mal algum tornava a hir praticando 

N 2 



180 Records of SotUh-Easlern Africa. 

muito seguro; e entendendo nbs seo mao proposito, e receando 
sua multidao, leyavamos mais desejos de chegar a praya, porque 
alii, se houvessemos de peleijar, pondo as cbstas no mar, nao 
podiamos ser cercados, e com esta determina9ao quizeramos logo 
atravessar a ella : mas tanto que os Gafres isto entenderao, 
puzeraose diante com as azagayas postas em tiro, dizendonos, que 
iiao fossemos senao por onde nos elles guiassem : nos, assim porque 
o carainho que topavamos, era por hum Cabe^o muito fragoso, 
oomo por ver se nos podiamos 9afar delles sem peleija por hirmos 
todos muito fracos, e entre nos nao haver ja mais de quinze ou 
vinte lan9as, e sineo ou seis espadas, que todas as mais armas 
erao resgatadas a falta d'outro ferro; nao porfiamos muito na 
passagem, e tornamos a caminhar por onde elles queriao; os 
quaes tanto que isto virao, julgando por medo, levantarao huma 
prande grita, como quem fazia escarneo de nossa cobardia, e 
d'alli por diante, cheyos de confian9a, come9ando desembara9ada- 
mente a hir repartindo entre si as armas e despojo que de nos 
esperavao, e entendendo o lingoa todas estas suas praticas nos 
avizou do que passava, dizendo, como determinavao de peleijar 
comnosco tanto que se ajuntassem com outros, que adiante os 
estavao esperando para os ajudar ; pelo que vendo nos se nos nao 
escuzava a briga, e quanto melhor nos convinha fazella em quanto 
fossem menos, e ainda com estes na praya (pelo favor do sitio, 
que ja disse) indireitamos com hum Cabe9o, por onde (ainda que 
fragoso) nos ficava o caminho mais curto: e vendo elles nossa 
determina9ao, come9arao como da outra vez a porse-nos diante 
com suas armas prestes, dizendo, que fossemos por onde elles 
hiao ; e como nos estivessemos pbstos em nao Ihes fazer a vontade, 
apcrcebendonos para o que esperavamos, ordenou o Capitiio, 
dos que tinhamos armas, huns para a trazeira, e outros para a 
dianteira, e a gente sem ellas no meyo; e mandou ao que trazia 
a espingarda, que a disparasse, e tomasse a carregar de novo, 
receando que assim nao tomasse fogo, por haver ja dias que vinha 
carregada, e molhada das chuvas passadas ; e come9ando o que 
a levava de se fazer prestes com ferir fogo, os que delles estavao 
do mato fora, come9arao tambem com grande espanto de avizar 
aos de dentro, que se vigiassem, porque ja tinhamos lume, e nao 
sabiao donde o houveramos; e isto os meteo a todos em tanto 
espanto, pasmo, e sobresalto, que logo enxergamos nelles muita 
parte da fraqueza, que despois mostrarao; mas tudo foy nada, 



Records of SouJh-Eustern Africa. 181 

pira quando ouvirao o estonro da espingarda ; porque entao, como 
86 saltarao os diabos com elles, assim ne espalbarao, e fogirao de 
modo, que em hum momento desaparecbrao todos, nem sey por 
onde se sumirao em tao pouco e8pa90, seudo tantos ; e yendo uos 
o medo que hayiao da espingarda, fizemos d'alli por diante mais 
coiita della para nossa defensao. 

Desembara9ada desta maneira a passagem, sobimos pela ladeira, 
que ja disse, atbe cbegarmos ao alto do Cabe^o, onde estava hum a 
povoa9ao, da qual todos os que puderao, erao fogidos ; e someut^ 
ficarao quatro ou cinco velhos, e tao velhos, que se nao atreverao 
a seguir os outros, com quanto esperavao de iibs o pago do que 
tiuhao merecido ; mas posto que hiamos escandalizados, com do 
de suas velhices nenhum mal Ihes quizemos fazer ; ant.e8 deixando- 
os em paZy seguimos nosso caminho athe chegar a praya, na qnal 
achamos levantada huma tempestade e torments de vento tao 
terrivel, que este dia aos que d*alli escapamos, nos sera sempre 
lembradoy por ser hum dos mais trabalhosos, que em todo o 
caminho tivemos : porque como toda aquella Costa seja de area 
solta, audava tauta, movida com a for^a do vento, que da graude 
carra^a que fazia, nos nao enxergavamos buns aos outros : e assim 
se levautavao subitameute grandes outeiros della; e em parte 
onde tudo estava raso, havia muito pouco espu9o, que em quanto 
descan9amos obra de hum quarto de bora, quasi bouveramos de 
ficar cubertos; pelo que reccando que nos acontecesse, como a 
Lambisses, deixamos o repouso, de que hiemios tao necessitados, 
e tornamos a caminbar, hindo vento a popa, e se se pbde dizer, 
quasi voando: e veyo a continua9ao desta area com a furia do 
vento a disciplinamos de sorte as pernas, e lugares que levavamos 
descubertos, que tudo hia lavado em sangue; mas por aquella 
Costa ser toda escalvada, sem arvores, nem abrigo a que nos 
recolhessemos, foy forgado aturar este trabalho mais espa9o, do 
que nossas disposi9oens podiao soportar ; e hindo desta maneira, 
topamos com outros companheiros, que se apartarao de nos no 
passo do brejo, que atras contey, e com quanto levamos em vontade 
nao parar senao em algum mato, a cujo abrigo nos valessemos, 
por nao haver ja quem pudesse dar hum passo mais avante, e hir 
de nos correndo o sangue em fio; tornamos por remedio humas 
moitas, que ao pe de ham comaro estavad, onde passamos aquella 
noite com tanta sobegidao de dores, e frialdades nas chagas, que 



182 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

levavamoSy como falta de todos os oatros remedios, que nos tao 
oecessarios erao. 

Ao outro dia em amanhecendo cessou aquella tempestade, e 
Dfis tanto que a claridade deo lugar tomamos a continuar nossa 
Jornada, e neste dia topamos ao longo do mar hum peda90 de 
NaOy que affirmarao todos os que disso entendiao, ser do Galeao 
S. Joaoy de alounha o Biscainho, em que vinha Lopo de Sousa, 
e desapareoeo tambem no anno de 551 que da India partio para 
este Beyno: e despois que sobre elle estivemos hum peda^o 
descan9ando9 avivando a magoa de nossos males com ver cousa 
desta terra ; levantandonos fomos dormir aquella noite a boca do 
Bio dos Medos do ouro, que esti em aJtura de 27 graos e dous 
ter9os ; o qnal he hum dos mayores de toda aquella Cbsta ; porque 
recolhe em si a agoa de quatro Bios muito grandes, que de muito 
pelo Sertao dentro se ajuntao em huma bahia, que elle faz, obra 
de meya legoa de praya, a qual tera a lugares mais de duas 
legoas de largo, e perto de yinte de comprido, fioando entre o 
comprimento della e a Cbsta huns outeiros de area» que a dividem 
do mar, e afora estes Bios, se ajuntao nesta bahia as agoas de 
tantos brejos e regatos, que despois de feita toda em hum corpo, 
entra nelle com tanta furia, que mais de duas legoas se enxerga 
a corrente da agoa dooe hir cortando por oima da salgada ; pelo 
que vendo nbs quao perdido trabalho era o que se tomasse em 
buscar vio a tanta altura, come^amos de rodear ao longo do Bio, 
athe que chegamos ao primeiro bra^o delle, e por onde nos 
jmreceo menor a corrente, ordenamos jangadas, que nos forao 
assas trabalhosas de fazer, ]>elo muito espa^o que bavia d*alli 
donde trouxemos a madeira para ellas ; e em quanto o dia deo 
lugar, nao cessou a gente de passar : mas quando veyo sobre a 
tarde forao tantos os cavallos marinhos, que atravessavaS o Bio, 
que com receyo de nos fazerem algum danno, os que estavamos 
de huma e outra parte nos agaWhamos o melhor que pudomos, 
deixando a passagem para outro dia. 

Esta noite porque fasna luar, forao tres Marinheiros correr a 
praya com esperan9a da tormenta passada, e acharao na boca do 
Bio hum Tubarao lan9ado a Cbsta, o qual repartirao entre si, 
o cada dous dedps de posta nos venderaS por quinze e vinte 
cruzados ; e a falta doutros mantimentos fazia tanta sobegidao de 
compradores, que despois do corpo ser todo levado a este pre^o. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 183 

nao falfava quern desse pela ametade da oabe^a vinte mil reis; 
de modo que bem se pudera comprar nesta terra muito arresoada 
quinta com o que aquelle peixe rendeo. 

Ao outro dia tomamos as jangadas, e em acabarmos de passar, 
nos detivemos athe a noite ; pelo que dormimos logo na banda 
d'alem entre huns cani^aos e lamarao q foy o melhor lugar 
que pudemos descobrir ; e toraando, tanto q amanheceo a nosso 
caminhoy andamos athe hora de vespera que chegamos ao outro 
bra^o do Bio, ao qual, posto que era largo, achamos vao ; e vendo 
como ao perto da bahia tudo estava paulado, e cheyo de agoa, 
arredandonos della, e andando rodeando de humas partes para as 
outras, topamos huma certa trilhada, e suppondo que havia de 
bir ter a povoado, caminhamos por ella athe a tarde, que houve- 
mos vista de duas ou tres povoa^ens : nas quaes resgatamos tres 
Cabras: e desembara9andonos da gente dellas, que juntamente 
com a d'outras comettia peleijar comnosco, fomos aquella noite 
dormir junto d'outras povoa^oens, cujos moradores, por nao serem 
tantoSy que se atrevessem a acomettemos descubertamente, se 
hiao ao outro dia oaminhando juntamente comnosco, e esperando 
em n6s alguma desordem, onde descobrissem suas ten^oens; e 
como neste comenos chegassemos a hum Bio, cujo vao nos 
chegava aos pesco^os, vendo elles que pelo resguardo com que 
passavamos, nao podiao fazer em ubs preza, arremeterao a quatro 
ou cinco Escravos que ainda ficavao da sua parte, e os despirao 
sem Ihes podermos valer, por estarem os mais ja da outra banda, 
e OS que ainda ficavao no Bio, terem tanto que fazer com a 
vaza em que estavao atolados, que nao forao poderosos de Ihes 
obedecer. 

Desembara^ados deste Bio, caminhamos athe a tarde, em que 
topamos outra povoa9ao, onde os Cafres nos mostrarao huma certa 
parte por onde diziao, que acbariamos vao a bahia, e poderiamos 
atravessar a praya como desejavamos ; e estando nbs para abalar 
(nao por confian9a que tivessemos em suas palavras) mas pela 
necessidade que nos constrangia, chegou hum mo^o Guzarate 
bem conhecido na India por alguns da companhia, e nos avizou 
que nao fossemos por onde nos encaminhavao, que era tudo vaza» 
e determinavao matamos tanto que fossemos atolados nella, mas 
que elle se queria hir comnosco, e mostrarnos por onde Manoel 
de Sousa passou ; e havendose este por mais seguro conselho, o 
scguimos dous dias sempre ao longo da bahia; no fim dos quaes 



1 84 Records of South-Eastem Africa. 

topamos outro Eio, e como todos fossemos alvoro^ados, cuidando 
chegar ao mar, segundo as esperan^as que o guia nos dava, em 
achando este embara90 houve alguns tanto contra elle, dizendo, 
que haVia mister enforcado, pois acinte nos. trazia por alli a 
morrer ; do que havendo o mo^o medo, se tornou para os Cafres 
sem nossa liceu^a, e despois que o acbamos menos, vendo que nao 
havia quern nos guiasse por outra parte, apalpamos o Bio a ver 
se poderiamos escusar fazer jangadas, por nao haver madeira para 
ellas senao d*alli a grande espa^o ; mas despois que vimos serem 
necessarias, fizemos duas em que ainda aquella tarde passou boa 
parte da gente. 

Ao outro dia, tanto que todos fomos da banda d'alem, tornamos 
a rodear a babia, e como toda a terra por alli seja despovoada, 
e em extreme esteril de arvores e hervas: e nos lugares que 
atras deixamos, nao resgataramos cousa algimaa, cresceo tanto a 
iiecessidade entre nos, que nos constrangeo a comer os sapatos, 
e embra^amentos das rodelas que levavamos : e o que alcan9aYa 
acbar algum osso de alimaria, que ja de velbo estava tao branco 
como a neve, o comiao feito em carvao, como se fora bum abastado 
banquete; com a qual esterilidade veyo a gente a enfraquecer 
de niodo, que d'alli por diante come^ou a ficar sem ordem pelos 
pes das moitas, cahindo pelo caminbo a cada passo; e andavao 
todos tao sem sentido, e transport ados com esta mingoa, que nem 
OS que ficavao sentiao que haviao de morrer d'alli a poucas boras 
naquelle desamparo; nem os que biao por diante, esperando a 
ca>la momento ver o mesmo em si, levavao ja magoa de cousa 
tanto para a ter ; e assim passavao buns pelos outros, sem nelles 
se enxergar sinal algum de sentimento, como que todos forao 
alimarias irracionaes que por alli andavao pascendo ; trazendo 
somente o intento, e olhos pasmados pelo campo a ver se poderiao 
descobrir berva, osso, ou bicbo (a que nao valia ser pefo.ibento) 
de que pudessem laufar mao ; e em apparecendo qualqucr destas 
cousas corriao logo todos a quern mais podia para a tomar primeiro ; 
e muitas vezes cbegavao a ter paixao parentes com parentes, 
amigos com amigos, sobre bum gafanboto, bisouro, ou lagartixa ; 
tanta era a neeessidade, e tanta a lastima, q fazia estimar cousas 
tao torpes; e caminhando com este trabalbo tres dias, no fim 
delles chegamos a bum outeiro, em que havia muitas cebolas 
albarrans, as quaes nao podo defender a sospeita que tinhamos 
do Kcrem pc^onha que ba'itava a matar, para que deixassemos 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 185 

de fazer dellas a cea ; e prouve a Nosso Senhor, que por entao 
Denbum mal nos fizerao. 

Alto, immenso, justo, e todo poderoso Deos, verdadeiro esqiia- 
drinhador do cora^ao humano ! Vbs Senhor, que de vosso sydereo 
throno estais vendo na terra a afSi^ao e angustia com que o meo 
agora litiga, por ser chegada a triste bora, em que para verdadeira 
continuafao deste processo, me be necessario escrever a intem- 
pestiva, e lastimosa morte de Antonio Sobrinbo de Mesquita 
meo Irmao : e sabeis como por sua causa sou posto em perpetua 
magoa, e qual ja fuy com elle vivo, e qual sou tornado com elle 
morto. Socorreime Senhor em tempo tao necessario, e avivay 
meos espiritos debilitados com a lembran^a desta dor, para que 
a for^a della nao afogue de todo as palavras, e eu possa continuar 
com a generalidade desta Historia, deixando o sentimento de 
meos proprios males, para lamentado sb de mim, no grao em que 
I'oy estimada a causa delle. 

Assim que tornando ao case, hindo nos na paragem, onde 
quebrey o fio a este meo come^ado trabalho; veyo meo Irmao 
a enfraquecer de maneira que nao podendo aturar com a com- 
panhia, bavia cinco ou seis dias, que elle e eu fi(*avamos atras de 
todos, e cbegavamos os derradeiros aos lugares onde as noites 
repouzavamos ; e posto que o Capitao esperava por nbs muitas 
vezes, e por nosso respeito se agazalhava as tardes mais cedo 
do costumado, nem isto bastava para podermos aturar com elle, 
antes como esta fraqueza com a mingoa fosse cada vez em mais 
crescimento, nbs tambem hiamos crescendo na tardan9a ; pelo 
que vendo o Capitao, que em come9ando na manbaa seguinte 
de caminbar, ficavamos atras bum grande espa^o, aguardou que 
ebegassemos a elle; e entao nos disse, que bem viamos a des- 
aventura a que nossos peceados nos traziao, e que todos aquelles 
homes se queixavao delle bir esperando por nbs, dizendo que em 
quanto Ibes durava o alento, deviao trabalbar por sahir daquella 
ma terra, e que por pouco tempo que se gastasse naquellas 
deten9as, segundo ja todos andavao, se acabariao alii de consumir ; 
por tanto nos determinassemos no que baviamos de fazer, que 
se podiamos, nao ficassemos atras; e se tambem as for^as de 
Antonio Sobrinbo nao abrangiao, e eu estava posto em ficar com 
elle, assim Ibo dissesse, porque nao gastasse mais o tempo em 
cousas com que a nbs nao podia remediar, e aos outros punha era 
niauifesta i)erdivao: e que sabia Deos com quanta dor aquillo 



186 Itecorck ^f Sonth-Eastern Africa. 

dizk; mas que pelo owgo que ti»zia daquella gente, Ihe era 
assim necessario. 

E como Antonio SolMriiiho a isto dissesse, que muitos dias havia 
que elle ficara, se «u nao fora ; mas que ja entao se naS atrevia a 
<lar hum so passo mais avante ; respond! eu ao Capitao, que bem 
via ter elle muita razao no que dizia, e pois Nosso Senkor era 
eer^idoy que de pays, filhos, e familia, que naquella Nao yinha- 
laosy nenhum escapasse, vendo huns as desestradas mortes dos 
outrofiy eu Ihe dava muitas grapas, e tomava em penitencia de 
meos peooadoSy e estava determinado a ficar com meo Irmao, e 
Aerlhe companheiro na morte, como fora na vida ; e pois estava 
eerto sua fraqueza ser cada vez mayor, por proceder de fome, a 
que elles nao podiao dar remedio, Ihes rogava a todos nao fizessem 
mais detenpa ; e se prouvesse a Nosso Senhor lembrarse delles, e 
levallos a terra de Christaos, esta so cousa Ihes pedia, que nao 
dissessem como acabaramos, mas que nos afogaramos ao desem- 
barcar da Nao, por nao lastimar mais a huma triste e desoonsolada 
May, que trespassada com taes mortes de marido e filhos, nos 
neste Eeyno ficava. 

Tanto que isto foy ouvido por Antonio Sobrinho, agastandose 
fiobejamentCy me disse, que em tal cousa nao fallasse^ nem elle a 
havia de cousentir : mas que me requeria da parte de Deos, de 
S. Pedro e S. Paulo, que me fosse, e o deixasse; e da parte 
dos mesmos requereo ao Capitao, e a todos os mais que me nao 
consentissem ficar; dizendo, que se elle sentira em si alguma 
esperan^a de yida, nenhuma cousa o pudera tanto consolar, como 
a minha companhia ; mas que ao prezente estava em termos, que 
tudo o que ao redbr de si via, era morte, e sinaes della ; por tanto 
eu nao curasse mais delle, nem elle queria mais de mim senao 
que o encomendasse a N. Senhor, a quem me elle tambem 
encomendava; e me pedia que seo fallecimento fosse de mim 
recebido por tamanha merce da mao Divina, como elle o tomava ; 
e que assim mesmo, Deos sabia, que se Ihe alguma dor ficava, 
era em cuidar quanta parte o sentimento de sua morte seria para 
me fazer mais cedo vir a outro tanto. E com quanto o Capitao, 
e outras pessoas com muitas razoens trabalhasse de me persuadir 
que nao fieasse, queixandome eu de quao mal julgado era delles, 
pois cuidavao que bastariao suas porfias em me tirar de meo 
dever, persist! na minha ten^ao. Pelo que elles, nao com 
pequenas mostras dc sentimento, se despedirao de nos, e tornarao 



Becorda of SotUh-Easiern Africa. 187 

a caminhar, iScando somente comigo hum 1110909 que deste Beyno 
levara, e hum escravo, os quaes me nao quizerao deixar, posto 
que muitas vezes Iho roguey ; e vendo eu como sua companhia 
nao servia de mais, que de me magoar ua yida, e desenquietar ua 
mortOy foi-me necessario pagarlhe sua boa ten^ao com tao ma 
obra, como tomar huma lanpa que leyaya, e as trochadas os fazer 
apartar de mim ; dos quaes quiz aqui fazer esta lembraupa, 
porque sua f& mo mereceo. 

Ficando assim sos meo Irmao, e eu, despois que elle descan^ou, 
Ihe roguey se levantasse, e em quanto era dia, e Ihe Nosso Senhor 
dava yida se esfor^asse a andar por diante o mais que pudesse, 
porque prazeria a elle deparamos alguma povoa^ao onde achasse- 
mos remedio: e quando nao, melhor seria acabar em poder de 
homens, que de alimarias, que naquella terra deviao ser muitas, 
segundo o infinito e diverso genero de pegadas com que toda 
estava cuberta; com a qual amoesta9ao se elle afrontou tanto, 
que por hum grande espa90 me nao quiz responder ; mas despois 
vendo que eu nao cessava de o importunar, rompendo aquelle 
silencio disse, que elle me rogava nao ficasse alii, e o deixasse 
por respeito de minha vida, como de sua morte ; e pois o eu nao 
quizera fazer, soubesse, que aquelle que alii estava, nao era ja 
meo Irmao, nem eu por tal o nomeasse, mas hum corpo morto, e 
huma pouca de terra, como veria muy cedo ; e pois assim havia 
de ser, me pedia, esse pouco espa90 de vida, que Ihe ficava, Iho 
nao gastasse em buscar remedies della, que ja os nao havia mister, 
mas o deixasse enoomendarse a Nosso Senhor, e abraparse com 
a sua Sagrada Fayxao, para que Ihe valesse naquella hora, e que 
a isto o ajudasse eu ; porque aquella era a cousa de que somente 
tinha necessidade, e a derradeira que me havia de pedir. £ 
como nestas, e em outras tao tristes e saudosas praticas gastasse* 
mos algum espa^o, commovido elle emfim por minha lastima, se 
esfor9ou a levantarse, e tomar ao caminho, pelo qual nao teve 
andado muito, quando se tomou a deitar; e assim as vezes 
andando, e hs vezes cahindo, pouco e pouco hiamos seguindo os 
da outra companhia ; os quaes depois que se apartarao, andarao 
athe horas de vesperas, que toparao hum brejo, que Ihes atravessava 
o caminho, pelo meyo do qual corria hum Bio; e estando em 
duvida do que no passo delle fariao, apparecerao da outra banda 
certos Cafres, a que rogarao Ihes mostrassem por onde passariao ; 
08 quaes Ihes res^iondbrao, que nao {Kxliao entao, mas que ao 



188 JRecorda of Sauth-Eustern Africa. 

outro dia o fariao; pelo que vendo os nossoSy como Ihes era 
necessario esperar guia, recolheraose a hum mato, que ahi perto 
e^tava, gastando todo o resto daquelle dia em buscar algum modo 
de mantimento : e porque a Jornada que fizerao, com o embara9o 
do Kio foy pequena, hindo meo Irmao e eu com nossas deten9as 
pela sua trilha, sendo ja hem fechada a noite, houvemos vista dos 
fogos que faziao, e nos tornamos a ajuntar com elles, achaudo-os 
mais contentes do que estiverao as outras uoites passadas ; e assim 
pela csperan9a de ao outro dia chegarem a povoado, como por 
toparem aquella tarde na borda do brejo huns golfos destes que 
nascem nas alagoas, a quem a necessidade acreditou por huma 
exeelleute iguaria, posto que meo Irmao e eu nao houvemos delles 
quiuhao, por chegarmos tarde, mas iizemos a cea de humas 
alparcas que eu levava ca]9adaS| a quem tambem a nossa uao 
menor mingoa fez que nao menos gostosas as achassemos. 

Ao outro dia pela manL^ apparecerao da outra banda do Bio 
OS Catres porque esperavamos, os quaes, segundo despois suecedeu, 
parece que toda aquella tarde gastarao em se ajuntar, e tanto que 
chegarao defronte de nos, mostrarao huma certa parte por onde 
disserao que tinbamos passagem; mas I'oy tanta a lama que 
achamos em atravessar do lugar, onde dormiramos, ao Bio, que 
ajuntando isto com alguns sinaes de mao proposito que nelles 
vimos, receavamos entrar na agua : e sentindo elles nossa descon- 
fian9a, fizerao a cousa leve, dizendo que nao houvessemos medo, 
2)orque ja por alii forao outros homeus da nossa terra ; de modo 
que assim por suas exhorta9oens, como pela necessidade que 
tinbamos da outra banda, come9amos a passar o Bio, porem quasi 
juntos em hum trope! , para que em qualquer parte que nos 
acomettessem, Ihes pudessemos resistir; e nao tivemos dados 
inuitos passes, quando todos ficamos atolados na vaza athe a 
cintura, nao havendo mais de dous palmos de agoa sobre ella; 
de modo que tudo junto nos ficava chegando aos hombros ; em o 
qiial trabalho eadahum come9ou de mostrar o extreme a que suas 
tor^as abrangiao, e era a vaza tao alta, e viscosa, que estavamos 
as vezes por nmito espa9o prezos em hum lugar trabalhando 
senipre por nos arranear, sem poder dar hum passo avante: e 
quando ja alcan9avamos tirar huma perna, e estribar nella para 
a outra, tornavamos a soterralla, de sorte que nenhuma deltas 
podiao despois sahir loia; e como nossas disposi9oens ja nao 
I'osscm para tauto trabalho, houve alguns, que descoufiando de 



Reeorda of South-Eastern Africa. 189 

poderem d'alli sahir, can^ados e descor^oados ja de todo, deter- 
minavao deixarse ficar assim pregados naqnelle atoleiro; e sem 
duvida o fizerao, acabando em hum tao novo e cruel genero de 
morte, senao forao outros, que amando-os neste extremo os 
e8for9arao por tantas vezes, que os fizerao passar a outra banda. 

Nesta passagem falleceo Antonio Sobrinho meo Irmao, que 
eomo nella houvesse o trabalho que tenho contado, e sua disposifao 
fosse ja tao chegada ao cabo, arrancando-o eu daquelle atoleiro, 
qnando elle nao podia, com o trabalho, e agonia, que so Deos 
sabe, chegamos a corrente do Bio, que hia ao longo da riba da 
outra banda, na qual a lama era pouca, mas a agoa tanta, que 
DOS cobria de mode, que os que por alii passavao davao cinco on 
seis passes de entuviada, sem tocar com os p^s no ohao, atho 
afferrarem terra da outra parte. E como noj pela detenga de sua 
fraqupza fossemos os derradeiros que ficassemos no Rio, e nao 
Roubessemos nadar, tanto que alii chegamos, passey eu a outra 
banda pondome o mais chegado ao alto que pude, para o ajudar, 
quando a mim chegasse; mas sua fraqueza foy tal, que ao tempo, 
que se lan9ou, Ihe levantou a agoa os pes, e o levou atravessado 
pelo Rio abaixo; e com quanto trabalhey, athe que o aflFerrey 
por hum bra^o, mas nao mereci a Nosso Senhor podello indireitar 
sobre a agoa, sem que primeiro Ihe desse o espirito; e porque 
passando eu huma vez o Rio com os primeiros para ajudar a 
defender a passagem, se fosse necessario, e quando nao, despojarme 
das armas, pois com ellas era impossivel darlhe ajuda ; e emquanto 
eu tomey por elle, e passamos o que esta dito, os ontros compan- 
heiros com receyo dos Cafres, se afastarao hum peda^o donde os 
eu deixara, por ser alii tudo lamarao, e nao tendo quem me ajudasso 
em tao lastimoso acontecimento, senao hum fraco Gurumete quo 
alii ficava can^ado, o tirey ao enxuto, e cobri com humas poucas 
de cannas, que foy o mais pio officio, que segundo minha fraqueza, 
e dor naquella hora Ihe pude fazer ; e isto acabado, porq havia 
algum tempo que o Capitao me estava chamando para peleijarmos 
com OS Cafres, que Ihe tinhao tornado o caminho ; venho eu nao 
haver alii mais que fazer, por o tempo nao ser de lagrimas, nem 
q o fora, se poderem achar bastantes a tanta magoa, despedindomo 
para sempre daquelle corpo, que de mim nesta vida fora tao 
querido, e entao na falta de espirito o mais penetrante e desestrado 
golpe de desaventura mo arrebatava dos olhos, e fazia deixar 
naqnelles desertos, me parti. como, nao direy ; porque alem 



190 Records of South- Eastern Africa. 

de estar entendido, confesso, que se proseguir mais a lembran^a 
de tao triste passo, nenhuma cousa bastara a me dar soffrimentOy 
para que em lugar de escrever Historia geral abreviada, deixe de 
mudar a peuua em elegia mny prolixa. 

Asslm que, chegando eu aos outros companheiros, achey-os 
prestes para peleijarem, e eonfusos se o fariao, pela multidao dos 
Cafres, que Ihe tinhao tomado o caminho, e estavao entre si 
em grandes alterca^oens, se nos accometteriao ou nao ; mas por 
derradeiro, podendo mais com elles o medo da espingarda, que 
suas proprias vontades, eoncluirao em dissimularem por entao, e 
ensinamos o caminho de tres ou quatro povoa9oens, que alii perto 
tinhao, onde determinavao fazer mayor corpo de gente, e tomar 
a seo proposito; e posto que logo o lingoa nos avizou do que 
2>assava, pela falta de mantimentos em que estavamos, dissimula- 
mos tambem, ath^ vermes se poderiamos haver delles algum, e 
agazalhandonos onde elles quizera5, nos trouxerao a vender alguns 
ta^alhos de Bufanos, e outras ca^as, de que toda aquella terra he 
bem abastada. 

Estes Cafres nos derao novas, como os quatro homens, que 
mandaramos diante com reeado a Louren9o Marques, erao mbrtos, 
e OS matarao d'alli perto, porque elles eonstrangidos da f6me, 
tomarao hum Cafre que toparao ao longo do mar, e metendo-se 
com elle em hum mato, o espostejarao e assarao para fomecerem 
OS alforges : mas como os vizinhos deste o achass^m menos, e a 
terra seja toda de area, vierao pela trilla a dar com o negocio ; 
e entao levando os nossos a praya, e nao se havendo por bom o 
que delles nao tomava vingan^a, flzerao nos coitctdos huma croa 
canii^aria. 

Ao outro dia partindo d*alli fomos prolongando por outras povoa- 
9oens, os Cafres das quaes hia5 ao longo de nos incorporandose 
com OS das onde dormiramos ; e como seo proposito fosse o que 
ja disse, despois que se vira5 muitos quizerad come9ar de o pdr 
em obra, pelo que hum delles arremeteo a outro nosso, que algum 
tanto hia descuidado, e arrancandolhe a espada da cinta, fiigio 
com ella ; e vendo que por este seo primeiro desavei^nhamento 
passavamos, com nao fazer mais que amoestallos que se fossem, 
cobrou outro ouzadia de querer tomar o machado ao que o levava ; 
mas como elle ja fosse alerta, nao Iho pode tirar das maos, antes 
carregando nbs todos sobre elle, e sobre os que acodirao a querello 
defender, tivemos hum {xnla^o de briga bem suada, na qual o 



Records of SotUJir Eastern Africa. 191 

ladrao foy derrnbado aos botes das lan9as; mas rinhao nossas- 
disposi9oens tanto para aquelle officio, que com quanto esteve 
hum bom peda^o deitado, e Ihe derao perto de vinte Ian9ada8,> de 
nenhuma ficou ferido, nao trazendo mais armas defensivas, que 
a pelle com que nascera, e assim se tomou a hir, levando somente 
huma mao cortada de hum golpe de espada, que o Capitad' Ihe 
deo; e posto que sees companheiros trabalharao quanto nelles^ 
foy possivel por o vingarem, vendo emfim como nos nao podiao 
romper, e quao trabalhosamente escapava o que se mais afoutava^ 
poucos e poucos se come9arao de hir recolhendo, athe que nos^ 
yierao a largar de todo. 

Desembara9ados desta gente, tomamos a seguir nossa jomada' 
por huma chameca abaixo, na qual yimos andar grande bando 
de Bufanos mecenos, Zeyaras, e Cayallos ; os quaes aqui somento 
em todo este caminho topamos; e passando d'alli chegamos a 
hum brejo, pelo meyo do qual corria hum rio, que por nenhuma 
parte se podia vadear, senao por certa vereda de Elefantes, que 
o atrayessaya de huma parte a outra ; e este receayamos nos em 
extreme, assim por nella ser ainda a agoa alta, como pelos muitoS' 
Cayallos marinhos, de que toda estaya cuberta, e yendonos, se 
ajuntayao em grandes bandos, e leyantando meyos corpos sobre a 
agoa, arremetiao para onde estayamos com tanta furia e rinchos,. 
que nenhum ouzaya de ser o primeiro que comettesse a passagem ; 
mas por derradeiro, yendo que nao tinhamos outro remedio,. 
hindo batendo diante com as lan^as, e dando grandes apnpadas, 
por OS sentirmos com isto algum tanto amedrontados, passamos a 
outra banda. E querendo d'alli atrayessar ao mar, achamos que 
toda a longura do brejo, que sera meya leguoa, era cheya de 
humas aryores em extreme altas, e mal assombradas, por entre a» 
quaes o Sol em nenhum tempo tern entrada a yizitar a agoa, que 
por baixo esta encharcada, e daqui precede ser ella tao fria, e de 
mao cheiro, que ajuntando isto com sua altura, e o lamarao que 
tem, fazem a passagem em tal maneira difficultosa, que com 
quanto este dia, e outros seis, que ao longo delle caminliamos, 
comettemos por muitas yezes passar a outra banda, e nunca o 
pudemos fazer. 

E fomo em todo aquelle tempo, que prolongayamos esta infernal 
alagoa, nao achassemos brejos, raizes, heryas, frutas, nem outra 
algum mode de mantimento com que nos sustentassemos ; yeyo 
a necessidalc a ser tanta, que nos for^ava a comer humas fayas. 



192 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

que foy a mayor e mais arrebatada pe^onha de quantas neste 
eaminho comemos; porque em aeabando de as engolir, davao 
com quem tal fazia no chao com todos os accidentes mortaes : de 
modo que se Ihe logo nao aeodiao com pedra Bazar, nao podiao 
mais dar passo avante, e ficavao fazendo torceduras e geitos com 
a dor, e afrontamentos que parecia5 endemoninbados ; de maneira 
que buns por padecerem tanto com esta comida, e outros, q por 
verem a estes, nao usavao della, nem acbavao outra couza, viemos 
todos a enfraquecer de sorte, que em cada hum daquelles dias 
nos biao ficando muitos bomens com tanta mingoa, e desamparo, 
que se se pbde dizer, a Tigres, e a Ussos moveriao a piedade ; e 
posto que nb3 nesta parte biamos de peyor condi^ao que elles, 
porque o particular receyo, que cada bum de si mesmo levava, 
trazia a todos tao fora de sentido, que se Ibe algum ficava, o 
occupava s6mente em se bir queixando de sua ma fortuna e 
peccados, que a tanta desaventura o trouxerao: e certo que 
qualquer pessoa, que de eima daquelles montes nos estivera 
oibando, posto que barbaro, e criado nas concavidades daquelias 
desbabitadas serras fora, vendonos bir assim nus, de8cal9os, carre- 
gados, e estrangeiros, perdidos, e necessitados, pascendo as bervas 
cruas, de que ainda nao eramos abastados, pelos valles e outeiros 
daquelles desertos, alcan9ara sermos bomens, que gravemente 
tinbamos errado contra Deos, porque a nossos delictos serem 
daqui para baixo, sua costumada elemencia nao consenttra tao 
aspero castigo em corpos tao miseraveis. 

E como esta afflic9ao fosse em crescimento cada dia, yendo nos 
como quanto biamos descobrindo era cbeyo deste brejo; e com 
muy certas mostras de cbegarmos primeiro ao cabo das vodas, 
que delle ; desconfiando poder d'alli sabir por deligencia bumana, 
determinamos recorrer a Diyina ; peloque, pondonos todos de 
joelbos em ora^ao, pedindo a Nossa Senbora pela sua ^^anta 
Concei9ao, nos alcan9asse de seo Glorioso Filbo outro novo milagre 
semelbante ao que fizera com os filbos de Israel na sabida do 
Egypto, e passagem do Mar Boxo, mostrandonos caminbo por 
onde d'alli sabissemos, e achassemos algum modo de mantimento, 
com quo reformassemos nossos ja quasi perdidos espiritos, e nao 
perecessemos em tal mingoa. E como seo officio seja rogar 
sempre por peccadores, prouve a ella, que naquelle mesmo dia 
accometessemos o brejo por parte, que parecia impossivel passallo ; 
e por alii com sua guia (que scm ella nao pudcramos) achamos 



Beeords of SoiUh-Eastem Africa. 193 

maneiia com que atravessassemos a outra banda. Felo que vendo 
tao eyidente milagrey nos puzemos outra vez em ora^ao, dando 
(nao com olhos enxutos) gramas a nosso Senhor por tamanha 
merc^ ; e af6ra os votos particulares, promettemos, em nome de 
todos, huma romaria a Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe com huma 
Missa officiada solemnemente, e outra tal na primeira Casa da 
Yirgem, a que fossemos ter ; porque vendo o que ella Madre de 
Deos por nbs fizera naquelle dia, d'alli por diante come^amos, 
mediante sua ajuda, de cobrar alguma esperan^a de 8alYa9ao, e 
confiar mais no remedio de nossos desconfiados trabalhos ; e neste 
mesmo dia, para que claramente conhecessemos de cuja mao tal 
obra sahira, e nos nao^faltasse o Mana do Deserto, achamos muitos 
cocos de palmeiras bravas, e aquella noite fomos dormir junto de 
huma alagoa que estava perto do mar, onde achamos certas frutas, 
quasi como peras, de muito arrezoado sabor, e yierao Cafres ter 
comnosco. 

Passando alii aquella noite com muito mais repouzo, que as 
passadas, ao dia, que era do Bemaventurado S. Joao Bautista, 
tomarao os Cafres com hum pouco de milho que Ihes resgatamos ; 
e isto acabado, como nossos dezejos nao descangassem, senao 
quando nos viamos na praya, determinamos hir dormir a ella; 
e porque hayia ainda outro brejo neste caminho, rogamos aos 
Cafres nos mostrassem o passo delle : os quaes como a este tempo 
para o fim da malicia que tinhao ordenado, estivessem muitos 
juntos, e esperassem ainda por mais, detinhao-nos com palavras; 
mas despois que virao que Ihe davamos pressa, come^arao dissi- 
muladamente a baralharse comnosco, com proposito de nos tomar 
as maos : e sem duvida o puderao facilmente fazer, segundo suas 
for9as, e nossas fraquezas, se nos o lingoa nao ayizara do que Ihes 
ouvira ; pelo que nao consentimos chegarem a nbs ; e yendo elles 
como erao entendidos, e que por manha nao podiao acabar o que 
queriao, come9arad d'alli por diante a mostrar suas ten^oens mais 
descubertamente, e fallar soberbos, cuidando, que por esta via 
nos abrandariao mais azinha a Ihe fazermos as yontades ; assim 
que yendo nbs quao certa estaya com elles a contenda, come^amos 
de nos fazer prestes : e ordenados todos em hum corpo, leyando 
aos desarmados no meyo, nos puzemos em camiuho, sem esperar 
por elles : os quaes tanto que nos yirao desta maneira, disserao 
que nos queriao guiar ; e assim juntos andamos athe chegar ao 
cume de hum Cabe^o, donde se descobria o mar; e querendo 

o 



194 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

elles que tomassemos por hum carreiro, que hia ter ao brejo, que 
ja disse, onde despois de atolados, determindvao peleijar comnosco ; 
e n6d fossemos enfadados de semelhantes passos, e entendessemoa 
seo propositOy nao quizemos mudar o nosso, que era tomar por 
onde yiamos o caminho mais de8embara9ado ; e conhecendo elles 
nossa ten^ao, aparelharao-se para peleijar, pondose huns pelas 
veredas, a que Ihes pareceo que nos acolheriamoSy e outros cercan- 
d >Qos ao redor, e tanto que estiverao repartidos, e apercebidos, 
come^arao de e8caraniU9ar huns com os outros a modo de homens 
que se ensayavao; e isto feito, com grandes gritos e apupadas 
arremeterao a nbs, atirando tantas azagayas, que todo o ar era 
cuberto de huma nuvem dellas, sem parecer que mingoavao mais 
huma hora que outra; e deste primeiro impeto nos ferirao o 
Capitao e outro homem de duas grandes feridas: mas como a 
este tempo nao fossemos descuidados nem (despois de Deos) 
tivessemos melhor remedio, que a esperan^a pouca delle, deter- 
miuamos em nao ficar sem yingan9a9 se houyessemos de perder 
as yidas, que tanto trabalho nos tinhao custado. Come9amos a 
resistirlhe com algumas poucas de lan9as, e espadas que ainda 
entre nbs hayia, e com outros diyersos generos de armas, que 
entad a ira, e necessidade facilmente ministrarao; mas como 
fossemos poucos, e desbaratados da fraqueza, e elles muitos e 
rijos : yendonos tao maltratados, nao cessayao de nos apertar por 
todas as partes, entrando comnosco a yontade a despedir as 
azagayas, que elles ja por costume atirao com incriyel for^a e 
destreza ; e quando hiamos para os offender, como nossas armas 
nao erao de arremesso, arredayao-se com tanta ligeireza, que Ihes 
nao podiamos fazer nojo; e posto que nos detiyemos com elles 
mais de duas horas peleijando sempre rijamente, e bandeando 
a yitoria, hora a huma parte, hora a outra, andayamos ja tao 
can^ados, que nenhum remedio tiyeramos, se nos nosso Senhor 
nao ajudara com a espingarda, porque nao fazendo neste tempo 
o que a leyaya, senao carregar, e disparar, metendolhe alem do 
pelouro muita soma de moni^ao, como na multidao dos inimig(»s 
nao houyesse que errar, cahirao logo dous, e forao tantos os feridos, 
que escarmentados disto, come^arao a peleijar com menos furiu, 
athe que pouco e pouco nos yierao a largar de todo ; e tanto que 
nos yimos desembara^ados delles, (dando a Nosso Senhor as 
gramas por tamanha yitoria) endireitamos com o mar, e chegamos 
a elle, hayendo quatorze dias que o deixaramos, e come^aramos 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 195 

de rodear aquelle Bio, no fim dos quaes teriamos andado passante 
de sessenta legnoas, e nao avantejariamos em nosso caminho 
mais de cinoo, qae poderia haver deste lugar, onde chegamos, a 
boca do Bioy donde partimos. Neste rodeyo, entre mortos e 
can^ados, nos ficariSo vinte pessoas. 

Despois qae estivemos ham peda^o de8can9aiido naquella area 
tSo desejada, e fomos curados com huma talhada de toucinho, 
que por ditta se achou na companhia, e nSU) foy pequeno remedio, 
segundo careciamos de todos ; por ser ainda cedo tornamos a 
caminhar a ver se topariamos alguma agoa, a cuja beira repou- 
zassemos ; mas como esta terra seja toda muito falta della, anda- 
mos ath^ a tarde sem a podermos achar ; e assim nos recolhemos 
a borda de hum mato, passando aquella noite bem atormentados 
da sede, pelo trabalho, que com os Cafres levaramos ; e nao foy 
esta a primeira, nem a derradeira, porque despois que sahimos 
da Terra do Natal, e entramos na que se chama dos Fumos, que 
he dos 26 graos e dous ter90S para baixo, por ser toda de area, 
muitas yezes caminhavamos seis e sete dias sem beber, que nao 
foy dos menores males, que nesta Jornada passamos. 

Ao outro dia tornamos a caminhar, com proposito de nos nao 
afastar da praya senao com extrema necessidade ; mas como esta 
era tao continua entre nbs, principalmente por agoa, quasi todas 
as tardes nos inetiamos pela terra dentro a buscar algumas pegadas 
de Elefantes, onde as yezes achavamos ; (que estas sa(5 as fontes 
cristalinas daquella comarca ;) e caminhando com esta esterilidade 
cinco dias, no fim delles nos soccorreo Nosso Senhor com hum 
porco montez, que achamos em humas moitas, que ao longo do 
mar estavao ; o qual como se houvesse dedcuidado, primeiro que 
se puzesse em fogida foy cercado, e morto as pancadas, e igual- 
mente entre todos repartido. 

Este dia a tarde, hindo guinando pela terra dentro, segundo 
costumavamos, passamos ao longo de tres ou quatro poYoa9oens 
grandes, em nenhuma das quaes nos quizerao mostrar donde 
bebiao; e sendo ja perto da noite, chegamos a outra, em que 
estavao obra de vinte ou trinta vacas, e alguns cameiros de cinco 
quartos, e della nos mostrarao hum brejo, que estava ainda d'alli 
hum peda^o, mas por nao serem ja horas para hirmos dormir 
junto delle, mandamos la quatro ou cinco mo90S, que por falta 
de vazilhas supprirao bem pouco a nossa muita necessidade. 

£ porque os Cafres de todos aquelles lugares, que atras 

o 2 



196 Becards of South-Eastern Africa. 

deixaramos, vierao toda aquella tarde aco9andonos9 e laD9ando 
mao de alguns descuidados, e ajuntando-se de cada vez mais athe 
nos deixarem agazalhados, fazendo elles tambem o mesmo ahi 
porto; havendo nbs este seo ajuntamento por sospeitoso, tanto 
que se cerrou a noite, mandamos o lingoa fosse seeretamente 
espiar o qae fallavao ; e como fazia escuro, pode-o elle fazer de 
modoy que tomando dos contou como tinhao la despido e ferido 
em dez ou doze partes a hum Marinheiro, que constrangido da 
sede Ihe fora pedir agoa, vendo que estava mais iucerto o perigo 
em tao certos inimigos, que na necessidade que passava ; e que 
a pratica toda era em tratar da maneira em que ao outro dia 
peleijariao comnosco, para que nenhum escapasse. 

Tanto que isto foy sabido, porque entre dos e o mar havia hum 
outeiro e hum valle de muito mato, e trabalhoso de caminhar, 
por onde esperavamos hir peleijando com elles a muita ventagem 
sua, e risco nosso, pareceo bem a todos levantarmonos a meya 
noite, e hir ter ao mar primeiro que fosse dia, onde pelas razoens 
ja dittaSy esperavamos melhor partido ; e seguindo este parecer, 
tanto que a hora foy chegada, puzemonos em caminhoy deixando 
alguns fogos feitos para mais dissimula^ao ; e como o escuro fosse 
grande, e nbs pouco sabedores da terra, nao tinhamos conta com 
mais, que com cortar ao direito ; pelo que acertamos de romper 
])elo mais ingreme, e fragoso do mato, onde havia muitos espin- 
heiros, e outras arvores, que a antiguidade do tempo tinha 
derribadas no chad, por cima ou por baixo das quaes hiamos 
muitas vezes de gatinhas, e as apalpadelas, segundo melhor nos 
parecia, porque a claridade era tad pouca, que os olhos nao serviao 
de mais, que de hirem pondo sempre a seos donos em receyo de 
eucontrarem com algum estrepe em que os quebrassem : e desta 
maneira seguindo huns a outros pelo som dos ays, que hiao dando 
com dor das marradas, ou espinhos que topavao, em comeyando 
ja de romper a alva, chegamos ao mar, ficandonos nesta passagem 
tres homens, afora os que os Cafres ferirao, pelos quaes esperamos 
hum bom peda^o ; mas vendo emfim como sua tardan^a devia ser 
jx)r mais nao poderem, toniamos a eaminhar, e esta noite fomos 
dormir a hum mato, onde houve alguns, que for^ados da sede se 
satisfizerao com a agoa de huma alagoa, tao salgada como a do 
mar, e esta comprada ainda a )>ezo de ouro as pessoas que a forao 
busear; porque pela grande jomada, que aquella noite e dia 
fizeramos, quando alii cliegamos ja nao havia quern se pudesse 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 197 

bulir ; e despois de assim estarmos agazalhados, chegarao tres on 
qiiatro Cafres pela nossa trilba, que erao espias dos outros, que 
atras deixaramos, e tanto que houverao vista onde ficamos, se 
tomarao. 

E como a vinda destes descobridores nos nao deixasse ainda 
repousar seguros, pela muita gente que viramos junta ; tanto que 
luzio a alva tomamos ao caminho, e as nove ou dez horas do dia 
topamos hum Bio, a que por ser baixamar acbamos vao ; e sendo 
ja quasi todos passados a outra banda, ohegarao huns poucos de 
Cat'res apressados em nosso alcance, que erao corredores dos mais 
que atras ficavao, e achando ainda da parte porque elles vinfaao 
a dous ou tres mancebos os despirao, sem Ihes fazerem outro mal, 
I'om o intento de arremetterem a outras pessoas que ainda hiao 
passando o Bio, aos quaes tambem fizerao o mesmo, se os que ja 
estavao da outra banda, Ihes nao socorressem, tornando a entrar 
pela agoa, e defendendo-os, athe que se puzerao em salvo. 

Tanto que assim fomos todos juntos, quizeramos tomar a 
caminbar ; mas estes Cafres vendo nossa ten9ao, passarao o Bio, 
e come9arao de amotinar a outros que estavao da nossa banda 
incitandu-os a que peleijassem comnosco, ou ao menos nos 
detivessem athe que cbegasse a outra gente, que hia atras; 
peloque, dando sees apupos, e appellidos, neste case costumados, 
em pouco tempo foy feito hum grande ajuntamento delles; e 
assim se vierao chegando a nos, havendo a preza por tao certa, 
que nao quizerao esperar mais companhia ; mas como o lingoa nos 
avizasse de sua ten9ao, mandou o Capitao ao que trazia a espingarda, 
que a disparasse no primeiro que viesse a tiro, o qual o fez tao 
bem com hum que vinha diante dos outros, que acertandolhe pelo 
meyo dos peitos o varou a outra parte : e arremetendo nos a elles 
neste mesmo tempo, posto que ao principio se tiverao em pezo 
por derradeiro os fizemos recolher a hum mato que alii perto 
estava, e o ferido correo ao longo do Bio tanto espa^o, primeiro 
que cahisse, que nao havendo os outros o mal por tamanho, 
aeodirao muitos a querello defender dos que o segujao ; mas como 
neste comenos elle viesse ao chao, e no mesmo instante fosse 
todo ata9alhadoy escarmentados os que o socorriao, se tornarao por 
onde vierao. 

E porque havia tantos dias, que nao fizeramos resgate, nem 
meteramos nas bocas couza que nome tivesse, constrangeo a 
necessidade a muitos serem de parecer que comessemos a este 



198 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Cafre ; e segundo se ja soava, nao era esta a primeira vez que a 
desaventura daquella jomada cliegara a alguns a gostarem came 
humana ; mas o Capitao nao quiz consentir em tal, dizendo, que 
se cobrassemos fama que comiamos geute, d'alli athe o cabo do 
mundo fogiriad de nbs, e trabalhariao de nos perseguir com muito 
mais odio. 

E porque receavamos, se alii fizessemos deteu^a, de chegar a 
outra gente que hia em nosso alcance, como sez, segundo despois 
soubemosy e nos metesse em trabalho ajuntandose com estoutra, 
recolheudonos tomamos a caminhar ; e sendo o Sol ja quasi posto, 
encontramos certos Cafres, que com quanto se nao quizerad fiar 
de nos, disserao, que nos venderiao agoa, que por a calma ser 
grande, isto foy o que Ihe pedimos, e mandandolhes vazilhas, nos 
trouxerao algumas cheyas della, mas porque se enfadarao de nos 
fazer aquella boa obra, foy for9ado, pela muita necessidade que 
tinhamos, metemos pela terra dentro a buscalla, e achando huma 
alagoa em que nos satisfizemos, posto que era ja tarde, com receyo 
de termos de noite algum rebate e sobresalto dos inimigos, nao 
quizemos alii ficar, mas tomamos a dormir ainda a bbrda do mar. 
E porque aquelles dias atras passados, erao de grandes calmas, 
pareceo bem a todos caminfaarmos aquella antemanhSLa hum 
peda^o, para que como o dia aquecesse, pudessemos repouzar sem 
quebra da jomada ; pelo que vindo a hora necessaria, nos puzemos 
em caminho ; e despois que tivemos andado obra de huma legoa, 
topamos huma rbcfaa de pedra viva, em que o mar batia : cousa 
bem desacostimiada naquella paragem, por ser toda de area; e 
como OS que hiao diante, com o escuro da noite nao vissem o 
certo do que era, cuidando acfaar passagem por entre o pb della, 
e agoa, entrarao sem receyo, mas nao tiverao dado muitos passos 
quando vierao algumas ondas desmandadas, e sorrendo-os para 
dentro, os trouxerao tao atropellados, que com quanto forao 
soccorridos dos que o puderao fazer, com muito risco se salvarao ; 
e por este embara^o nos foy for9ado esperar a manhSa; com a 
qual vendo como pelo pe da rbcha nao tinhamos caminho, o 
fizemos por riba della com assas difficuldade pelas asperezas dos 
penedos, que erao todos feitos em bicos agudissimos: e como 
hiamos descal9os, forao tantas, e taes as feridas que alii recebemos, 
que alguns ficai^o pelo caminho, e os que passarSo avante, 
sofirerSo dores sem medida; e assim fomos cortando por nos, e 
por este trabalho athe horas do vesperas, que tomamos a achar 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 199 

praya de area limpa ; e em qnanto estivemos hum pouco descan- 
9ando, os Cafres que continuamente hiao atras de nbs esperando 
OS can^adoSy matarao hum Escravo, que estava arredado da outra 
companhia ; e partiudo d'alli fomos dormir aquella noite a bbrda 
de huma alagoa, que por ser doce, era a melhor estalagem que 
podiamos achar. 

Pela mesma ordem do passado caminhamos o dia seguinte, e 
qnando veyo as nove ou dez horas delle, topamos hum Cafre com 
obra de outros quarenta cousigo, o qual nos disse ser mandado a 
1)03 por hum Bey, chamado Inhec*a, amigo dos homens brancos, 
e que este sabia de dossos trabalhos, e por isso nos maudava rogar 
lossemos ter com elle, e nos teria muy bem trattados, como ja 
fizera a outros homens, que pela sua terra passarao havia poucos 
tempos, e se embarcarao em hum Navio, que vinha muitas vezes 
a hum Bio do seo Beyno ; e nao havendo nbs este recado por 
iiel, nem erendo q o nome Portuguez estivesse tao divulgado e 
acreditado em regioens assim remotas de nossa communica^ao, 
que de bom zelo Ihe sahisse tal ofiereeimento ; antes julgando 
tudo a malicia e trai9ao, nao sabendo quao perto estava o Bio 
que hiamos dezejando, respondemos secamente, que nao podiamos 
iazer o que pedia; por quanto nosso caminho era ao longo da 
praya athe toparmos com outros companheiros, que buscavamos ; 
com a qual repbsta elles se despedirao, levando consigo a Luis 
Pedroso, e ao Mestre da Nao, a quem Nosso Senhor quiz chegar 
a tempo, que conhecesse o mal de Fem^ D'alvares, e pagasse na 
mesma moeda o que elle ordenava fazer; e assim levarao mais 
tres ou quatro homens, que por nao poderem aturar, quizerao 
ficar com elles, posto que mais Torsades da fraqueza, que confiados 
nos offerecimentos que Ihes faziao, e bem pouco cumprirao; 
})orque tanto que nos virao arredados, os despirao, e deixarao 
assim nus, e se tomarao por onde vierao, e nbs seguimos o caminho 
este dia e o seguinte, sempre ao longo da praya, achando nella 
grandes cardumes de caranguejos brancos, que andavao no rolo 
do mar, e quando a onda se recolhia, ficavao descubertos; dos 
quaes matamos alguns em quanto o dia deo lugar; e como o 
tempo nao era de muitos temperos, havia nisto tanta pressa, que 
muitas vezes quando os metiamos nas bocas, pegavao elles com 
as suas nos bei90S, e ficandolhe alii a perna afferrada, o resto mal 
mastigado, hia bolindo pelo papo abaixo ; e posto que a alguns 
houvera esta pescaria de custar caro, porque com o acomodameuto 



200 Records of South-Eaetem Africa. 

della, descuidavao-se das ondas, que por algumas vezes os trouxeraS 
atropellados, nao deixamos de os perseguir ath^ a noite, com a 
qual nos recolhemos a humas moitas, que ahi perto estavao. 

Tanto que ao outro dia amanheceo, tornamos a caminhar, 
ficandonoB alii quatro homens can^ados, entre os quaes foy hum 
filho de Garcia de Caceres Lapidairo, que comnosco hia ; o qual, 
posto que sentio este apartamento como de filho a que queria 
muitOy vendo que sua ficada com elle nenhuma couza podia 
aproveitar, deitandolhe a beD9ao, o deixou; e quando veyo as 
novo ou dez boras deste dia, que erao tres de Julho, ohegamos a 
boca da bahia do Bio Santo Espirito, que na carta que leyavamos 
estava nomeado por seo nome antigo, de Bio d'Alagoa, a qual 
sera de qninze ou yiute legoas de cumprido, e a lugares pouco 
menos de largo ; eutra o mar nella por duas bocas, huma da parte 
do Sudu^te, que nao he muito grande ; e outra da do Noroeste, 
que sera de sete ou oito legoas, e entre huma e outra jaz huma 
Ilha, que tera tres legoas em redondo. 

Nesta Bahia se recolhe a agoa de tres Bios assis grandes, que 
de muito pelo Sertao dentro vem alii acabar ; por cada hum dos 
quaes entra a mar^ dez e doze legoas, alem do que a Bahia 
alcan9a. O primeiro delles para a parte do Sul, se chama mar 
do Zembe, que divide as terras de hum Bey assim chamado, das 
d'outrOy que he o Inheca com quem nbs ao despois estivemos. O 
segundo se chama Santo Espirito, ou de Louren90 Marques, que 
primeiro descobrio o resgate do marfim, que alii yem ter, por 
cuja causa he frequentada a navega^ao delle de alguns annos a 
esta parte, que d'antes muitos passarao, que alii ninguem foy ; 
este aparta as terras do Zembe das d'outros dous senhores, cujos 
nomes sao o Bumo, e Mena Lobombo. O terceiro, e ultimo 
Bio para o Norte, se chama Domanhica, por outro Cafre assim 
chamado, que alii reyna, com o qual vizinhao outros muitos 
senhores; ao longo deste foy o desbarato de Manoel de Sousa 
Sepulveda, undo elle, sua mulher, e filhos acabarao com quazi 
toda a gente que o seguia, salyandose somente sete ou oito pessoas, 
que derao testemunho de suas desaventuras. 

E como a carta porque nos hiamos regendo, chamasse errada- 
mente Bio de Santo Espirito ao da Augoada de Boa Paz, que 
esta em 24 graos e meyo, e ayante destoutro dezouto legoas, posto 
que este em cuja foz estayamos, assim pelo nome que ja disse de 
Bahia d'Alagoa, como pela altura dos 25 g^raos e hum quarto em 



Records of Sauth-Eastem Africa, 201 

que jazia, nos mostrasse ser o proprio de Loiiren90 Marques, que 
hiamos desejando, o uome de Santo Espirito, que claramente 
estava posto no outro, nos fez a todos cahir em erro de cuidar 
que elle era, onde levayamos proposito de parar, e esperavamos 
achar Navio. Mas sem embargo de estarmos neste engano, e 
oonformes no dezejo de passar avante, quando nos alii achamos, 
vendo tao grande Bahia, e tao fracas disposi9oens para suprir o 
trabalho do rodeyo della, de que nos atemorizaya aiuda mais o 
que passaramos no Bio dos Medos do Ouro, houve diversos 
pareceres sobre o que fariamos, mas a derradeira re8oln9ao de 
tudo foy que yisto como ja nao levavamos ferro para o resgate, 
nem armas para nos defendermos da gente da terra, que de cada 
vez achavamos mais grossa, e peyor inclinada, nem di8posi9oen8 
para caminhar, por todos hirem ja tao desbaratados da fraqueza, 
que em eada bum daquelles dias nos fieavao cineo e seis pessoas, 
por onde estava certo, se dabi quizessemos passar, ficarmos prezos, 
primeiro que nos comessem ; assentamos, que for9adamente nos 
convinba nao hir mais pordiante, mas entregamos ao Bey daquella 
Comarea, que por ser perto donde o Navio vinba, presumiamos 
ter algum conbecimento de Portuguezes ; porque ouviramos dizer 
aos que escaparao da outra perdi9ao, que de yinte e trinta legoas 
pela terra dentro trouxerao ao Nayio esses poucos que ainda 
erao yivos, pelo interesse do resgate que por elles esperayao, o 
que confiayamos (pois mais nao podiamos) tambem fariao a nos. 

Tanto que nisto fomos Concordes, postos de joelbos dissemos 
buma Salye Bainba, e outras ora9oens dando gra9as a Nosso 
Senbor por tamanba merce, como fora cbegarmos alii, pedindolbe, 
mediante sua Sacratissima Madre, Ibe prouyesse tomar o passado 
por castigo de nossos erros, e espritar nos cora9oens daquelles 
Senbores, noyos e dififerentes em ley e costumes, que entao 
esperayamos topar, que nos nao perseguissem mais do que por 
nossos peccados atbe alii tinbao feito ; e acabado isto, tornamos 
a caminbar ao longo da Babia, por yer se topariamos aJguma 
gente que nos guiasse a ElBey, ou desse informa9ao da noticia 
que tinbao de nos ; e nao tinbamos andado muito quando yimos 
em bum Cabe90 os moradores de buma poyoa9ao, que ao pe delle 
estaya despejada, por medo de Iba saltearmos ; aJguns dos quaes 
despois de muitas duvidas, que com o lingoa tiyerao, forao ter 
comnosco, e nos disserao quo o seo Bey se cbamaya o Inbeca, e 
era irmao dos bomeus braucos, que aquella Babia vinbao muitas 



202 Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

vezes em hum Navio, aos quaes ElBey yeudia mtiito marfim a 
troco de contas, de que elles todos andavao bem ajaezados. 

Ouyido isto por d5s, vendo como confirmavao com o recado, 
que este Cafre nos mandara ao caminho, e que uao discrepavao 
huus dos outTOSy posto que forao perguntadoR separadamente, 
ficamos muito satisfeitos, e com grandes dezejos de hir ter com 
El Key ; e porque estes mesmos homens se offereo^rao a nos levar 
ao outro dia onde elle estava, repousamos alii aqueUa noite ; e 
tanto que foy mauhSa mandamos o lingoa ao Lugar^ para que 
trouxesse quem nos guiasse, como deixaramos concertado; mas 
OS Cafies, nao sey porque movidos, nao quizerao vir com elle, 
por mais rbgos e promessas que Ihe fez; pelo que vendo sua 
contumaciam come^amos de caminbar ao longo da Bahia, bem 
desconfiados das boas novas que o dia d'antes ouviramos; e 
despois que tivemos andado obra de meya legoa, vimos andar 
hum pescador em huma Gamboa, que sao certos azeiros, que elles 
fazem dentro na agoa, onde tomao o peixe ; e chegandonos a elle 
o mais quietamente que pudemos, porque nao fugisse, o chamamos, 
e acertamos de ser hum velho bem acondicionado, que veyo logo, 
e perguntandolhe se nos queria levar onde ElJEtey estava, disse 
que sim ; e em abalando n5s com este proposito, chegou outro 
Cafre com hum recado d'EIBey, em que nos mandava dizer, que 
aquella Bahia era grande, e a nao podiamos rodear sem seo con- 
sentimento; e que a gente da outra banda era muito ma, e 
inimiga dos homens da nossa terra ; porque matarao mnitos que 
la forao ter; e elle era amigo delles; por tanto fossemos para 
onde elle estava, e nos sustentaria athe a vinda do Navio, que 
para isso nos mandara ja outra vez chamar. E como nos nao 
dezejassemos outra couza, com este recado seguimos ao mensageiro, 
e fomos aquella noite dormir a huma Aldea, onde os Cafres tinhao 
morto hum Cavallo marinho, e nos venderao a came delle por 
dinheiro, e este foy o primeiro lugar onde o quizerao aceitar. 

Partindo d'alli, caminhamos tres dias, no derradeiro dos quaes, 
sabendo ElRey como hiamos ja perto, nos sahio a receber hum 
pedafo fora do Lugar em que vivia, com obra de trinta homens 
comsigo, e tanto que chegamos huns a outros, mostrando muito 
conteutamento, e gazalhado, nos fez assentar junto de si, e despois 
que comeo com o nosso Capitao humas poucas de papas feitas 
de fruitas que trazia (por ser entre elles sinal de amizade) nos 
j)erguntou como vinhamos? e toruou a confirmar o que liie 



Records of Soxdh-Eastem Africa. 203 

maudara dizer ao caminho acerca de quanto nosso amigo era, 
esfor9andoD08 com promessas, que d'alli por diante nenhum 
trabalho haviamos de passar, porque elle nos sustentaria, e daria 
de comer athe a vinda do Nayio, que ja pelo costume dos outros 
tempos^ uao devia de tardar muito; e com isto se levantou 
tomando o caminho para a povoa^ao ; a qual posto que nao estava 
cercada de cava cfaapada com muros de batume, e ladrilho : nem 
houvesse uella outros lustrosos edificios de colunas, e cantarias, 
que sustentassem o pezo de altas torres, e soberbos passadi9os ; 
uao deixava com tudo de reprezentar naquella sua natural e 
antiga pobreza, huma certa policia, e ordem de govemo, que para 
seos poucos trafegos bastava ; porque he grande, e de muita gente^ 
com seos pateos, e ruas uao muito descoucertadas, rodeada de 
bastidao de pinheiros muito asperos, que naquella terra se criao, 
assas alta, e bem tapada com tres ou quatro serventias nos lugares 
necessarios ; e em quanto descan9amos em hum pateo, que El Liey 
tinha diante daquelles seos rusticos e montanfaezes Pa^os, elle 
mandou despejar certas choupanas, onde dormimos aquella noite. 

Assim chegamos cincoenta e seis Portuguezes somente, e mais 
seis Escravos, aos sette dias de Julho, havendo settenta e dous, 
que caminhavamos, em que andamos passante de trezentas legoas 
pelos rodeyos que fizemos ; e bem se enxergavao em nossas 
figuras e disposi^oens os refrescos e abastan9as que pelo caminho 
tiveramos; porque nao trazendo cada hum mais que a pelle 
enfermada sobre os ossos, reprezentava a imagem da morte muito 
mais propriamente que cousa viva; e porque esta magreza junta 
com o pouco omamento de nossos enfarrapados atavios, e im- 
mundicia^ de que o trabalho e mingoa nos fazia yir cubertos, 
causava tamanho nojo ra gente da terra, que alii onde estavamos 
nos vinhao perseguir com mil maneiras e escameos, pedimos a 
ElRey nos mandasse aposentar em humas choupanas, que estavao 
separadas das outras para hum recanto do lugar ; o que elle logo 
fez, dizendonos que nao andassemos pela povoa^ao, porque nao 
fossemos maltratados, e que alii nos trariao a vender tudo o que 
nella houvesse. 

E como o proposito, com que este Bey alii nos dezejava, nao 
fosse todo fundado em virtude, mas parte em interesse, como 
pcste geralmente criada nas mais das pessoas (por rusticas que 
sejao) e este fosse haver de nos algum euro ou joyas delle, nao 
porque Ihe sejao nccessarias para seos uses, mas por saberem 



204 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

que 08 Portuguezes do Navio que alii forao os annos passados 
comprarao estas cousas aos que roubarao a Manoel de Sousa 
Sepulveda a troco de contas, que elles tern per tao precioso 
thesouroy como ubs a pedraria ou see semelhante ; como discrete 
e sagas que era, quiz haver isto a mao, com o menos escandaJo 
nossOy que ser pudesse; e para isso buscou huma tal maneira, 
que despois de estarmos, como tenbo dito, tres ou quatro dias 
mandou cbamar o nosso Capitao, e Ihe disse, que por sermos 
muitos se nao atrevia a sustentamos todos, e pois Ihe era necessario 
comprar mantimentos a sua gente para nos dar, o ajudassemos 
nos com aJgum ouro ou pe9as delle ; e que a isto nao puzessemos 
escuza, porque bem sabia serem todos os bomens brancos muito 
ricos, e que olhassemos, que o que pedia era para proyeito nosso, 
sem Ihe ficar a elle mais que o trabalho de o andar ajuntando ; 
e que se todos isto nao quizessem, aos que o fizessem daria de 
comer, e aos outros nao ; e tambem se nos este partido nao 
contentasse nos fossemos para onde quizessemos; mas que elle 
nos nao segurava da sua gente : a qual demanda Ihe respondeo 
o Capitao o melhor que pode para o tirar daquella cobi9a ; e por 
conclusao, que o deixasse fallar comnosco, e que ao outro dia Ihe 
daria a reposta. 

Despedido o Capitao com este recado, nos deo conta do que 
passava, pedindo conselho, e determina^ao do que faria, e prati- 
cando isto entre nos, a conclusao que se tomou, foy, que pois 
estavamos tao desbaratados das dispozi9oens, armas, e resgate, e 
nao podiamos hir para parte onde nos nao fizessem outro tanto, 
ou por Ventura peyor, que for^adamente nos convinha soffrer esta, 
e toda outra mais tirannia que nos quizessem fazer, pois quando 
por vontade nao dessemos a ElBey o q pedia, ninguem Ihe tolhia 
tomarnolo por for^a, sem sermos parte para mais, que para morrer 
defendendonos, pela muita gente que alii estava junta esperando 
a determina9ad que elle tomasse sobre nossa reposta: e alem 
disto, que todos traziao geralmente tao pouco, que segundo alii 
o estavamos gastando, nao podia durar muito mais que athe a 
vinda do Navio, como elle promettia : com o qual recado o 
Capitao Ihe tornou ao outro dia, o sabendo elle nossa vontade, 
por mais nos confirmar nella, mandou que a tarde seguinte fosse- 
mos a sua porta, e la nos deo a cada pessoa obra de hum celamim 
d'alpiste, que he o melhor mantimento da terra, e que elles tem 
como reliquias, dizendo que aquillo era para dous dias, e no lim 



Records of SaiUh-Eastem Africa. 205 

delles, fossemos d'alli por dlante buscar sempre aquella re^ao; 
com a qiial isca nos enganou de sorte, que havendo o partido por 
muito bom, ao outro dia nos apparelhamos para.lhe dar o que 
pedia; e sabendo elle como estavamos prestes, chamando dous 
on tres dos sees mais privados^ e ao nosso Gapitao, e Lingoa se 
assentou a receber o que Ihe levassem, e alii Ihe apresentava 
cada hum o que trazia, dizendo quantas pessoas entravao naquella 
conta, e haviao partieipar da repao que por aquillo Ifae desse : o 
qual elle tomava, e despois de bem olhado, e aconselhado com os 
seosy se se contentava, recolhia-o, e quando nao tornava^o a dar, 
dizendo, que buscassem mais, de modo que por huma ou outra 
via Ihe haviao de levar com que ficasse satisfeito, ajudando 
tambem a isto o Capitao com dizer que eramos pobres por se nos 
quebrar a Nao no mar, e sahirmos nus a nado, e que os outros 
Portuguezes com quem elle allegava, desembarcarao com a Nao 
iuteira, e porisso salvarao muitas cousas: e tanto que isto foy 
acabado, e ElBey recolhido, o Capitao nos rogou a todos, que 
nenhum comprasse mantimento, por mais necessidade que passasse 
athe ver se continuava ElRey com o que promettera, porque 
estava certo, se soub^se nos ficava ainda alguma couza, isto so 
Ihe bastaria para ac^ao de escuza, e quando cuidassemos que o 
tinhamos satisfeito, estaria mais acezo em cobipa. 

E como a genie de todas aquellas partes se crie por entre 
matosy nua sem ley, sem costume, sem atavios, nem outras 
necessidades a incitem a por industria em ajuntar, e guardar 
para o tempo da falta os sobejos que Ihe algumas horas a ventura 
ministra, mantendose somente de fruitas de arvores sylvestres, e 
de outras raizes e hervas, que Ihe o campo por si mesmo cria, e 
algumas yezes de ca9as de Elefantes e Gavallos marinhos, sem 
ter noticia de lavrar a terra, de que precede viverem todos, 
assim Senhores, como Yassallos, em commua e natural necessi- 
dade ; vendo ElKey como por nenhuma via podia cumprir o que 
ficara comnosco, dezejando achar algum meyo houesto para sahir 
desta obriga9ao, e abrir caminho a saber se nos ficava ainda 
alguma couza das que de nos pretendia, ordenou sagasmente 
mandamos tentar por alguns dos sees naquelles dias seguintes 
com couzas de comer, sabendo que a necessidade dellas (mais 
que outra couza) nos faria descubrirlhe o que tanto dezejava ; e 
posto que seis ou sete dias soportassemos nossa mingoa, como 
elle em todo este tempo nao acodisso com a rc^^.vo, comefarao 



206 Becorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

algnns de comprar o que Ihe alii traziao a Yender, o que logo 
ElRey soube, e como nao estivesse esperaudo outra couza, mandou 
chamar ao nosso Capitao, e mostrandose muito aggravado, Ifae 
disse, que o enganaramos, porque todos tinhamos mais do que 
Ihe deramos, e pois podiamos comprar a necessario, nao esperasse- 
mo8 delle ajuda; ao que o Capitao nao teye que responder, senao 
que qiianto traziamos Ihe tinhamos dado ; mas com tudo elle nos 
tomaria a buscar, e achando alguma couza Iha levaria. 

Despedido o Capitao com isto, foy-nos contar o que passava, e 
quanto mais metido na cobi^a ElRey entao estava que d'antes, 
queixandose de quao mat olhavamos o que era necessario, e nos 
tanto encomendara ; porem vendo por cima de tudo, como nossas 
necessidades nao soffriao sogeipoens de leys, nao teve nisto mais 
que fazer, senao tornarse a ElRey, e dizerlhe, que elle nos buscara 
a todos, e nao achara couza que Ihe pudesse levar, porque os que 
aquillo comprarao, erao os mo90S, a que ja nao ficava mais, e que 
bem eastigados fieavao pelo erro que fizerao em guardar aquella 
pouquidade ; mas que soubesse tambem que nos nos queixavamos 
delle, que depois que Ihe deramos quanto traziamos, nos nao 
acodia com comer, como tinha promettido, pelo que morriamos a 
fome ; por tanto houvesse do de nbs, e cumprisse como Rey o que 
ficara ; ao que elle respondeo, descobrindo o pouco que podia, e 
dizendo, que o alpiste nos nao havia de dar, por nao o ter, e que 
ainda o que nos dera os dias passados o andara ajuntando por 
entre todos os seos; mas que quando morresse algum Elefante 
ou Cavallo marinho, elle repartiria comnosco: e a verdade era 
esta; porque posto que isto de principio nos escandalizou 
sospeitando que para nos acabar a fome tomava aquella escuza, 
despois que yimos a esterilidade da terra, e a boa inclina^ao sua 
para nbs, cremos que o que dizia, era o mais que podia fazer. 

Tanto que o Capitao nos desenganou desta repbsta, perdendo 
cada hum a esperan^a de algum pouco de mais repouzo, que athe 
alii tivera, come9ou a entender em outros cuidados de novo, e 
buscar com que comprassem algum mantimento, e este ainda nao 
descubertamente com medo delRey, senao a Cafres, que tambem 
folgavao de vender escondido, por Iho nao tomarem as espias que 
sobre isso andavao; e despois que passamos alguns dias assim 
attribuladamente, matarao os Cafres dous Elefantes em huma 
noite ; e logo ElRey mandou dizer ao nosso Capitao, que ao outro 
dia fossemos ao mato com elle, e la nos mandou dar hum quarto 



Records of Soufh-Eastem Africa. 207 

de Elefante, que foy repartido entre todos igualmente : e desta 
inaneira o fazia todas as yezes que se matava alguma destas rezes ; 
e certOy pbsta a parte a sede que elle tinha de dipheiro, em todas 
as outras couzas nos nao podiamos queixar senao de sua pouea 
posse, porque assim se mostrava pezaroso de ver nossas necessi- 
dadesy amesquinhandose e justifieandose quando nao tinha com 
que nos soccorrer, e assim vinha presenteiro e eontente a darnos 
nova, quando matavao alguma destas ca^as, como que trazia 
sempre nossas mingoas ante os olhos, e folga^a mais de haver 
aquella abastan^a pelo nosso, que pelo seo proveito. 

Mas sem embargo destes seos dezejos, e de elle repartir cora- 
nosco quando podia, he tao pouca a industria que os Cafres tern 
em ca^ar estas Alimarias, que passao as vezes muitos dias sem as 
ca^arem, mas como sejao habituados a se soccorrerem (quando Ihes 
isto falta) de algumas raizes e hervas, que ja por natureza, e cos- 
tume OS pbdem sustentar ; e nos como estrangeiros nao soubesse- 
mos buscar aquelles remedies, viemos a tanta necessidade, que 
morrerao alguns a pura fome, acabando buns nos mates, outros 
nas fontes, e outros por diversos lugares e caminhos, onde os for- 
^ava a hir sua extrema necessidade. 

E como OS que ainda ficavao vivos trouxessem os espiritos e 
cbrpos tao can9ados e debilitados, que o mais a que suas forgas e 
caridades entao abrangiao, era tomar estes, que assim falleciao, e 
fazerlhes em estacas huma pequena cova onde os deixavao mal 
cubertos, se veyo daqui a principiar outra desaventura nao menos 
que a da fome ; e foy, que por este lugar em que ElRey, e nos 
viviamos, estar situado em huma mata antiga, e grande, onde 
havia muitos Tigres, Leoens, e todo o outro genero de Alimarias 
nocivas ; e estes encami9andose de principio em comer os que 
assim ficavao mal sotterrados, vierao a tanto denodamento que 
entrarao a boca da noite dentro na povoa^ao pela parte onde nos 
moravamos, que era hum recanto mais escuzo, como ja contey, e 
se achavao alguem fora da choupana o matavao, e tao levemente 
tomavao a saltar com elle na boca por cima da cerca, com quanto 
era alta e bem tapada, que parecia nenhuma cousa levarem ; e 
assim andavao tao diligentes em fazer estes saltos, que levariao 
cinco homens primeiro que puzessemos cobro em nos : e despois 
que virao nao nos poderem tomar fora das ehoupanas, desaver- 
gonharaose a entrar dentro, e com quanto estavamos seis e sete 
juntos, nao deixavao porisso de ferrar no que mais a seo lan^o 



208 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

acbavao, de modo que acodindo nbs todos a isto trabalhosamente 
Iho tirayamos das mSLos; e com estes acometimentos, que elles 
cada nolle faziao muitas vezes, nos ferirao muito mal outros cinco 
homens, e per nao haver ja entre nos annas (como esta dito) com 
que nos pudessemos vingar, outro nenhum remedio tivemos, senao 
vingarnos de sbrte que nao sahiamos das choupanas menos das 
oito e nove horas do dia, e com huma de Sol nos recolhiamos ; e 
ainda ncste meyo tempo se algum havia de hir ao mato ou fonte 
ou qualquer outra parte, posto que fosse perto da povoa^ao, 
aguanlava que se ajuntassem cinco ou seis, que tivessem a mesma 
YontaJe, com medo delles, que d'outra maneira nao ousavao de 
hir. 

E como com este recato Ihes faltasse o cevo de nossas carnes, 
que elles deviao achar gostosas, segundo o muito que trabalhavao 
polo haver ; andavao tao indiabrados com o sentimento desta falta, 
que de noite nos nao podiamos ouvir com os berros que davao 
pelas ruas, e muitas vezes chegavao a acometter nossas portas com 
taes pancadas e empuxoens, quaes de sua bravcza e forpa se pode 
crer ; e quando as achavao bem tapadas, (como tinhamos a cargo) 
roncando e huivando se deixavao alliestar por hum grande espa^o 
sem se quererem mudar, e todo o tal tempo nao gozavao nossos 
cora9oens de tanto repouzo, que ihes faltasse receyo de elles 
derribarem a choupana, e fiearmos entregues a sua pouca piedade, 
porque sem duvida, que se nisto entenderao^ nem forpas, nem 
vontades Ihes faltavao para o poderem fazer. 

E porque os Cafres nestes dias andavao mais confiados, e com 
menos resguardo em suas pessoas, vendo estas Feras melhor 
aparelho nelles para suas prezas, come^arao a fazerlhe outro tanto 
como a nos ; de modo, que em espa^o de quatro mezes levarao 
passante de cincoenta, e muitos delles de dia, e dentro no Lugar ; 
porque era tamanho o medo, que Ihes cobrarao, que ainda que o 
pay visse levar ao filho, nao ouzava soccorrello, mais que com 
brados (de que elles faziao bem pouca conta) e ainda estes de 
muito longe ; de sorto que sem terem estorvo algum estes Tigres, 
entravao assim seguros a tomar homens dentro em huma povoa^ao 
tao grande, como o puderao fazer a qualquer outra caja em huma 
mata muito deshabitada, e tao vi9osos viviao, q dos que matavao, 
nao aproveitavao mais q o sangue ou alguma couza pouca em 
quSLto estava fresca ; e assim achavamos muitas vezes estes troncos 
por alii lan^ados, somente abocanhados, ou quSLdo muito com 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 209 

huma penia ou bra90 menos ; e de quantos a estes assalios 
andayaOy hum 86 foy morto ; porque nao podendo ca^ar de noite, 
80 deixou ficar o dia dentro em huma moita, que no Lugar estava, 
6 como fosse sentido, vendo os Cafres o cachorrao atreveraose a 
ca^alloy e atirarlhe as zagayadas, o qual sentindose ferido, arre- 
meteo a hum que mais a seo lanpo achou, e deo-lhe duas grandes 
feridas por baixo das goelas, afora outras muitas, nao tao perigosas 
por diversas partes; mas como o Cafre fosse homem valeroso, 
embrulhando no bra^o huma pelle que tinha, e levando da espada 
com muito acordo, o matou as estocadas. 

A esta persegui^ao dos Tigres se ajuntou outra de piolhos, a 
qual posto que parecia leve, foy tal que a alguns tirou as yidas, e 
a todos geralmente pds em risco de as perderem ; porque em 
quanto andavamos quasi nus, trazendo 86mente vestidos huns 
farrapos porque nos appareciao as carnes em muitos lugares, alii 
se criavao tantos, que visivelmente nos comiao sem Ihe podermos 
valer, e com quanto esealdavamos o fato muito a miudo, e o 
catavamos cada dia tres e quatro yezes por ordenan^a ; mas como 
era praga .dada por castigo de nossos erros, nenfauma couza 
aproyeitaya, antes parecia que quanto mais trabalhayamos por os 
apoquentar, entao cresciao em mayor quantidade ; porque quando 
cuidayamos que os tinhamos todos mortos, d'alli a pouco espa^o 
erao outra yez tantos, que com hum cayaco os ajuntayamos pelo 
fato, e OS leyayamos a queimar ou soterrar, por se nao poder matar 
tanta soma de outra maneira, mas com todos estes remedies, a 
hum Duarte Tristao, e outros dous ou tres homens fizerao taes 
gaiyas pelas cbstas e cabe^as, que disso claramente fallecerao. 

E como a gente de todas aquellas partes, pelos poucos trafegos 
e inquieta^oens de suas yidas, tenhao pouca noticia da fortuna, e 
sees reyezes, nao Ihe parecendo que hiamos perseguidos della, 
antes cuidando que por proprias yontades sahiramos de nossas 
terras a roubar as alheyas, esta ma opiniao que nos tinhao nos 
fazia geralmente tao aborrecidos de todos, que d'alli se prineipiou 
outia afflic9ao, nao menor que as ja contadas ; e foy, que como 
nossas necessidades nos for9assem a sahir pelo Lugar em busca 
de alguns ossos ou espinhas, ou outra qualquer semelhante, e 
desayenturada couza, que pelas ruas achayamos, com que nos 
remediassemos, ora fosse por esta ma sospeita que de n5s tinhao, 
ora para quererem tomar a tal ac9ad para escuza de sua ladrotsse, 
logo eramos despidos, e espancados : e se disso faziamos queixume 

p 



210 Becards of South-Eastern Africa. 

a ElRey, diziao que nos achavao roubando as casas, para o que 
Ihe nao faltavao outros taes que fossem testemunhas^ de modo 
que se nao fartavao de nos maltratar, nem nos sabiao outro nome 
senao o de ladroens, andando todas tao soltos em nos perseguir, 
que totalmente nao tinfaamos vida com elles, se sahiamos f6ra das 
choupanas, nem nossas necessidades as soffiriao, se as quenamos 
passar dentro. 

E como nossos peccados ainda merecessem a Nosso Senhor 
mayores castigos, as desaventuras, e trabalhos que tenho contado, 
se ajuntou outra muito mayor, e cheya de mayor medo, e miseria ; 
e foy q como por ainda nao sabermos a lingoagg da terra, nao 
tivessemos outro mo9o em nossas couzas, assim para com ElRey, 
como para com os seos, que queriao muitas vezes ser comnosco 
sobejamente desarrezoados, senao a Gaspar o Lingoa que levava- 
mos ; este fundado sobre esta nossa necessidade, se veyo a entregar 
ao diabo, e cobipa, de sorte que absolutamente se quiz fazer senhor 
de nos, e assim o levou avante, porque vendo que ElRey era seo 
amigo, abertamente nos dizia que nao viviamos, senao porque elle 
queria, pois trabalhava com ElBey, que nos nao repartisse pelos 
outros seos Lugares, como ja tinha assentado, onde sabiamos que 
logo haviamos de ser despidos, e mbrtos, segundo se fizera aos da 
companhia de Manoel de Sousa Sepulveda; e por tanto quem 
quizesse viver o peitasse, que d*outra maneira nao intercederia 
por elle: pelcrug cada hum com este receyo, fazia de si mil 
partidos, dandolhe quanto tinha, e podia haver, e isto ainda o 
aceitava tao carrep^adamente, que parecia fazer muita merce em 
o querer* tomar, drendo, que bem barato compravamos nossa 
salva^ao, que em sua mao estava; e gostando destas peitas, ou 
por mais certo dizer, vidas, que assim nos levava; yeyo sua 
cobi^a a andar tanto mais encami^ada em nos que os Tigres, que 
todos OS outros males nos parecerao pequenos, a respeito das 
soberbas, e desarrezoadas afflic9oen8 que delle recebiamos, assim 
em nos tomar algum bocado, que com tanto suor ganhavamos, 
como em querer que for^adamente Ihe dessemos o que nao podia- 
mos, nem tinhamos ; porque algumas pessoas houve, a quem elle 
ouzou dizer, que se cada huma Ihe nao d^sse mil cruzados justos, 
se puz^e a paciencia, e olhasse por si : e dous mancebos havia 
entre nos a quem elle disse, andandolhes ElBey cavando a 
choupana, Ihe descobrissem a que parte tinhao escondido alguma 
couza, para se assentar sobre ella, e Iha nao acharem ; e como os 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 211 

pobres se confiassem delle, logo ElRey o soube, e Ihes tomou 
passante de mil cruzados em dinheiro e pe9as que Ihe deixara o 
Mestre da Nao, quando ficara com os Cafres, como ja contey: e 
afora isto induzia a ElBey que nos perseguisse, e buseasse cada 
dia OS corpos, e casas ; porque de quanto assim descobria, despois 
hayia delle toda a parte que queria ; de modo que entre o peitado, 
6 roubado ajuntou tanto, que daqui se Ihe causou com que nao 
chegasse a lograr a parte que tinha bem ganhada ; e tao arreigado 
estava nelle o demonic, que com quanto Ihe andayamos sempre 
a Yontade, se alguma hora o haviamos mister para fazer a ElBey 
queixume dos aggravos que os sees nos faziao, nao tao somente 
nos nao queria ajudar, mas ainda os fayorecia, dizendo, que o 
fizessem sem temor, porque elle sabia que muito mais mereciamos. 
Peloque vendonos attribulados, e perseguidos per tantas partes, 
qae nenhum remedio tinhamos, para que em muitos poucos dias 
deixassemos de fazer aos Tigres sepulturas de nossos corpos, 
determinamos experimentar antes a derradeira 86rte la per fora, 
que acabar entre tantas desaventuras ; e com este proposito tres 
on quatro homens pedirao a ElRey os mandasse para hum Lugar, 
que dahi perto estava, o que elle fez de muito boa yontade ; e 
mandando chamar ao mayoral delles (porque em cada povoa^ao 
esta hum Cafre, que da sua mao tem cuidado de goyemar aos 
outros, e apaziguar suas desayen^as) Ihos entregou muito en- 
carregados ; apos estes entrey eu no mesmo requerimento com 
outros seis ou sete, que me quizerao seguir, e ElBey nos mandou 
para aquella Ilha, que disse estar na boca da Bahia, dizendo, que 
por hayer nella fruitas, nos remediariamos melhor ; e tanto trazia 
o tento em nossas necessidades e afflic^oens, que yendo ficar 
descontentes ao Capitao, e outros meos amigos, por minha partida 
ser para doze ou quinze legoas, donde elles ficayao, e pela ma 
inclina9ao que yia na gente da terra, Ihes disse, que se nao 
agastassem, nem tiyessem receyo ; porque la nos nao seria feito 
mal algum, antes seriamos trattados de sorte, que em muitos 
poucos dias tomassemos em nossas for9as; e para comprimento 
disto mandou comnosco dous parentes seos, que nos entregarao 
ao Capitao do Lugar para onde hiamos com muitas palayras de 
obriga9ao, encomendandolhe nao consentisse semos feito aggrayo 
pelos seos, e nos ajudasse com o que pudesse, assim, e da maneira 
que o fizera, se foramos seos filhos, porque elle nessa conta nos 
tinha. 

p 2 



212 Becords of South-Eastern Africa, 

Despois de eu ser partido, estiverao os que ainda ficavao com 
El Bey assim juntos alguns dias porque como cressem pouco as 
promessas, que elle Ihes fazia de nosso bom trattamento, antes 
tivessem por certo, que aquillo era manha para poucos e poucos 
nos mandar matar la por fora, sem sabermos huns dos outros; 
posto que alii onde estavao, cenhuma couza yiao de que se 
pudesse esperar yida, havendo por menor mal acabar entre os seos 
naturaes, nao ouzavao a sahir para outra parte, mas tanto que 
tiverao novas de mim, e dos que comigo forao, em como passava- 
mos Id melhor, por ser a gente menos, e os pastes mais largos, 
come9arao huns e outros de haver licenya de mode que em espa^o 
de hum mez, nao ficarao com ElKey, mais que o Capitao, e outros 
quatro homens, que com o favor do Lingoa se podiao alii bem 
sustentar, e todos os mais forao espalhados pelos lugares de que 
tinhao informa9ao, que erao mais abastados. 

A vida que neste tempo passavamos, era escolher cada hum no 
lugar onde estava, o Cafre, que melhor acondicionado Ihe parecia, 
e servillo da agoa e lenha que Ihe era necessaria, para que Ihe 
ficasse valedor contra os que o quizessem maltratar ; porque como 
nos elles tivessem na conta que ja disse, e nossa necessidade 
nao escuzasse sermos desmandados, sobejos, e importunes, e de 
qualquer couza, por leve que fosse, faziao ac^ao para mostrarem 
suas vontades : e quando vinhao as horas de cea, que he o see 
principal comer, nos hiamos assentar as portas destes, a que 
chamavamos amos, e entao partiao comnosco do que queriao ou 
podiao; e porque tudo isto era tao pouco, que nao abastava, o 
tempo que remanecia deste service obrigatorio, gastava-o cada 
hum em hir ao mate buscar alguma couza que comesse, nao 
perdoando a cobra ou lagarto, nem a outro qualquer genero de 
bicho, por mao e venenoso que fosse ; e prouve a Nosso Senhor, 
que de quantos estas pe^onhas comerao, somente hum Marinheiro 
amanheceo morto de hum peixe que a noite eeou, de que' logo os 
Cafres o avizarao ; mas podendo com elle mais a necessidade que 
o temor, nao quiz ter conta com o que Ihe diziao, e disto acabou. 

E posto que em quanto estivemos por estes lugares, acontecerao 
pirticularmente a cada hum muitos cases miseraveis e desestrados, 
que deixo por me nao afastar da generalidade de meo intento; 
aos que Nosso Senhor dava saude, posto que com trabalho, sempre 
Ihes ministrava com que se remediassem ; mas tanto que adoeciao, 
e Ihes faltava este jiobre e limitado sustento, que por suas maos 



Records of South- Eastern Africa. 213 

haviao juntamente com o soccorro dos companheiros, enfraquecisLo 
e pereciao a mingoa, athe que acabavao de espirar, e o peyor de 
tudo era haverem os Cafres tamanho nojo de nossa magreza, 
immundicia, e miseria, que se a doen^a acertaya a ser prolongada, 
Ihes abreviavao as yidas com diyersos generos de mbrtes, como 
fizerao ao Capellao da Nao, que foy arrastado por hum mato athe 
que acabou^ e a hum criado de Femao D'alyares Cabral, que yivo 
foy lan^ado no mar, e a outros alguns, que com estes e outros 
taes tormentos tirarao deste mundo; de mode que nos era necessario, 
tanto que sentiamos nelles este proposito, tomar aos que adoeciao, 
6 leyallos ao mato, e alli escoudidos pelas moitas, os soccorriamos 
com o que podiamos, athe que as chuyas, fries, e calmas, segundo 
o tempo daya lugar, juntamente com suas proprias necessidades 
OS tirayao assim lastimosamente daquelles trabalhos. 

E desta sorte, e com estas miserias e faltas morrendo huns, 
esperando os outros pelo mesmo oada dia, passamos cinco mezes, 
em o qual tempo por humas troyoadas grandes que yierao, e 
derribarao toda a fruita que hayia, nao tinhamos que meter nas 
bocas, nem pelos demaziados fries, e nossa pouca roupa, ouzaya- 
mos a sahir fora das choupanas ; de mode que estayamos (esses 
que yiyos eramos) hayia muitos dias em extrema e final neces- 
sidade. Mas como N. Senhor por quem he, se nao esque^a de 
soccorrer nas mayores pressas aos que elle he seryido, quando 
mais desconfiados. estayamos do remedio, nos yaleo sua Mise- 
ricordia ; e foy assim, que estando eu a quem a sorte coube de 
yiyer em huma aldea, que esta na ponta da Ilha sobre a Barra, 
por onde entrao os Nayios, hum dia que erao tres de Noyembro, 
assas descuidado de tanto bem, metido em huma choupana, e 
fazendo conta com o fim de minha yida, que esperaya ser cede, 
por serem ja mortos cinco dos companheiros que alli tinha, e 
OS dous que ficayamos, nos podermos tambem contar por taes, 
segundo o extreme em que estayamos, chegou hum Cafre a mim 
dizendo, que yinha o Nayio, e porque posto que ElKey nos 
fallasse muitas yezes na yinda delle, nunca disto cremos couza 
alguma, hayendo o que dizia por nos esfor9ar, e nao porque assim 
fosse ; perseyerando ainda no engano da Carta, em cuidar que o 
Bio aonde elle hia, estaya ayante deste dezoito legoas, como esta 
dito; quando isto ouyi ao Cafre (por me ja a necessidade ter 
ensinado a sua lingoagem) Ihe respondi, se fosse, que o nao cria : 
e tomandomo elle a affirmar por muitas yezes, me sahi fora, e 



214 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

o segui atlib hum Cabe^o, donde se descobria mnita parte do mar, 
e d'alli yi hum Navio, que arredado donde eu estava obra de 
huma legoa, come^ou entao a demandar a Barra: que abalo 
entad esta vista fizesse em mim, deixo na contempla^ao dos que 
cuidarem as couzas porque tinha passado, e a miseria em que 
naquelie tempo yivia, vendome assim improvisamente soccorrido 
pela alta bondade de Nosso Senhor ; e por tanto disto nao direy 
mais. Assim que, despois que por algumas experiencias que em 
mim fiz, me certifiquey ser verdade o que via, e nao sonho, como 
de principio cuidey : entao posto de joelhos, Ihe dey as gra9as 
devidas a tanta mered ; e em quanto me detive nestas duvidas, o 
Nayio entrou pela Bahia dentro, quatro ou cinco legoas, athe 
que por hum cotovello, que a Ilha fazia, o deixey de ver. E 
porque tao boa nova nao carecesse de communicapao com os que 
nella tinhao parte, pareceome bem levalla aos da terra firme; 
peloque prolongando por outra Aldea da Ilha, e tomando nella 
hum companheiro para onde ElBey e nosso Capitao estavao, e 
contandolhes o que vira, d'alli o souberao logo todos os nossos, 
que pelos outros lugares do Sertao estavao espalhados. 

E porque a pouca noticia, que ainda aquelle tempo tinhamos 
dos Kios daquella Bahia, e do resgate, que nelles se fazia, nos 
nao segurava de todo, receando que se poderia o Navio tomar a 
sahir, sem saberem de nbs ; quando veyo ao outro dia, pedimos a 
ElRey nos desse quem levasse huma carta, para que soubessem 
OS que nelle yinhao, como estavamos alii, ao que elle respondeo, 
que nos nao agastassemos, que quando yiessem as agoas yiyas, o 
Capitao hayia de yir as suas terras buscar marfim, que assim 
estava em costume, e entao o saberia ; e foy assim, porque d'alli 
a novo dias veyo ter a hum porto seo Bastiao de Lemos Piloto do 
I^avio, mandado por D. Diogo de Sousa Capitao de Sofala e 
Mozambique a buscar marfim para ElEey Nosso Senhor; e sa- 
bendo Inheca de sua vinda, mandou aos Capital dos lugares em 
que estavamos* que nos levassem aquelle porto: de mode que 
em tree dia« nos ajutamos todos, onde elle, e Bastiao de Lemos 
estavao. E sem embargo de tamanho alvoro^o ser bastante para 
dar vida e espiritos novos a quem os nao tivesse, neste caminho 
fallecerao dous homens; tanto na derradeira os tomou ja este 
soccorro; e despois de passados com os nossos os abrazos e 
alvoroyos, que em semelhantes cases estao certos, dando Bastiao 
de Lemos a ElBey as conta^ que Ihe por cada hum de nos x)edio 



Beeords of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 215 

(que todas valiao bem pouco) porqne jnntos nao cabiamos na 
almadia, levando hnns, e tomando pelos outros, de dous caminhos 
nos pos a todos no Navio. 

Aqui nos ajuntamos yinte Portugnezes e tres Escravos s6mente 
de trezentas e vinte e duas almas que partimos donde a Nao deo 
a costa : todos os mais ficarao pelo caminho, e nos lugares em que 
estivemos delle, mbrtos de diversas mortes, o desastres, e delles 
can^ados, delles no povoado, e delles no deserto, segundo nosso 
Senhor era servido ; e os que entre estes tinhao nome, forao 
Femao D'alvares Cabral, Lopo Vaz Coutinho, Balthazar Lopes 
da Costa, Bertholameo Alvares, Antonio Pires da Arruda, Luis 
Pedrozo, Jorge da Barca, Bastiao Gonjalves, Belchior de Meirelles, 
Antonio Ledo Mestre da Nao, e Gaspar o Lingoa, que nao foy 
Nosso Senhor servido, pois elle matara a tantos, levandolhe o que 
com tanto suor ajuntavao para seo sustento, que chegasse a terra 
de Christaos, e lograsse o que tinha tao mal ganhado ; e por cei^to 
que nao falta quem diga^ que se elle nao tivera dous ou tres mil 
cruzados adquiridos, como ja disse, ainda agora fora vivo : os que 
com elle ficarao, dizem que andando muito gordo, e bem disposto, 
desappareceo huma tarde da povoa^ao, e tardando dous ou tres 
dias, o mandou ElRey buscar por todas as partes com muita 
diligencia, e nunca mais souberao novas delle; de maneira ora 
que fosse por algum Tigre tao encami^ado em sangue humane, 
como elle andava no nosso, ora (o que he mais certo) a heran9a, 
que por sua morte algum esperava, o trouxe a tal fim e castigo, 
qual suas obras mereciao. 

Neste Navio estivemos cinco mezes, por cursarem os Levantes, 
e nao podermos fazer viagem : em o qual tempo quasi todas fomos 
doentes, e sangrados muitas vezes, tendo bem poucos remedies 
para estas necessidades, assim por o Navio ser pequeno, e de 
maos gazalhados, como por estar Mozambique muito falto de 
mantimentos, quando elle de la parttra ; e em quanto assim 
estavamos esperando a mon^ao, sahia Bastiao de Lemos algumas 
vezes em terra a fazer o resgate, e andavao os Cafres da borda 
daquelle Bio do meyo onde estavamos ancorados, tao amotinados 
contra elle, que quasi todos os dias o faziao embarcar as pancadas, 
com assas pressa ; e posto que nbs de principio dissimulavamos 
com isto, por nao alevantar a terra, despois que vimos hir esta 
sua soltura em tanto crescimento, determinamos castigallos; 
peloque havendo de Bastiao de Lemos as armas, e licen^a, fomonos 



216 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

lan^ar huma noite sobre hum Lugar grande que nao estava muito 
afastado da borda da agoa, onde o dia passado espancarao, e 
roubarao a hum homem uosso, com proposito de fazermos assalto 
tanto que a manhaa esclarecesse ; e como as horas se fossem 
chegandoy e nos come^assemos de fazer prestes por estarmos peito, 
fomos sentidos de huma mulher, que a case veyo ter comnosco, 
aos gritos da qual forao logo apellidados e juntos os da poyoa9ao ; 
peioque nos foy for9ado dar algum tanto mais cedo do que o 
caso requeria. 

E posto que os inimigos logo de principio fizerao rosto, defen- 
dendose rijamente hum bom peda90, despois que sentirao o dano 
que recebiaoi virarao as cbstas, e por ser ainda tao escuro, que 
quazi nos nao conheciamos huns aos outros, com receyo de 
acontecer algum desastre, Ihes demos occasiao a se salvarem, de 
modo que nao ficarao mortos mais de cinco, entre os quaes foy 
o seo Capitad, chamado Ma9amana, a quem tambem cativamos 
duas filhas, com outras tres ou quatro mulheres, e deixandolhe o 
Lugar todo abrazado, nos recolhemos, trazendo os Cativos, os 
quaes por reforma9ad de pazes, restituimos despois ao Zembe, que 
daquella terra era Bey, e a este rebate acodio ; o qual sabendo 
as demazias que os sees nos faziao, houve tudo por bem feito, e 
ficou nosso amigo. 

No fim deste tempo que dito tenho, tomou Bastiao de Lemos 
ao Inheca, sobre seo resgate, como costumava, o qual Ihe disse, 
que se nao partisse sem fallar com elle, porque tinha nova q 
pelo caminho por onde nbs foramos, hiao outros homens da nossa 
terra ; e fazendo-o elle assim, dous ou tres dias antes da partida 
de ElKey, Ihe entregou a Eodrigo Tristao, que atr^ ficara, como 
tenho dito, e a hum Escravo, que fora de Dom Alvaro de Noronha, 
que tambS se apartara de nbs alem do Bio dos Medos do Ouro, 
OS quaes trazidos ao Navio, nao acabavad de oontar o gazalhado 
que os Cafres Ihe fizerao pelo caminho, andando Jis rebatinhas 
sobre quem os guiaria, despois que souberao que estavamos com 
o Inheca, e erao os mais domesticos e arrezoados do que elles 
d'antes cuidavao. 

Becolhidos mais estes dous homens, como todos estavamos 
conformes nos dezejos de deixar aquella ma terra, com os primeiros 
Ponentes que vierao aos vinte de Marjo, botamos pela barra fora ; 
e porque nao possassemos ainda este caminho sem sobresaltos, 
contorme a nossos merecimcntos, ao terceiro dia de nossa viagem 



Records of South-Eadem Africa. 217 

amanhecemos na ponta do Cabo das Correntes, bem no rolo do 
mar com yento travessao e temporal desfeito, acompanhado de 
mares muy grossos; de modo, que por nenhuma via podiamos 
escuzar perdemos outra vez ; e isto ja com outro receyo, apare- 
Ihando armas e alforges para caminhar d'alli a Sofala. Mas foy 
Nosso Senhor servido largar o yento algnm tanto, com o qual 
for^ando o Navio da vela muito mais do que a arte de marear 
concede, a bolinas agarruch'adas dobramos o Cabo cozidos com os 
penedos delle. 

D'alli fomos haver vista das Hhas primeiras, e por longo dellas, 
e pela d'Angoxa estavamos ja onde chamao os Curraes, que he 
muito perto de Mozambique, quando nos disse o Mestre do Navio, 
que d'alli por diante nao tinhamos baixo que arrecear, que elle 
sabia muito bem aquelle caminho, por haver trinta annos que o 
trilhava; e descuidandose os da vigia algum tanto, com esta 
confianza, parecendolhes que estavao ja com todos os receyos 
passados, nao se procurarao; sen&o quando o Piloto que hia a 
cadeira ouvio quebrar o mar no costado do Navio, o qual estava 
todo em seco sobre huma coroa de areya, e mareando o mais 
prestes que pudemos, prouve a N. Senhor por intercessao da Santa 
Yirgem a quem chamamos, livramos tambem desta, hindo tanto 
royando com o baixo, que qualquer pessoa pudera deitar huma 
lan^a em seco; e assim com estes sobresaltos e trabalhos foy 
Nosso Senhor servido que chegassemos a Mozambique em doua 
dias do mez de Abril de 1555. 

Tanto que desembarcamos, fomos assim juntos fazer orapao a 
Igreja de Santo Espirito, onde a nosso rogo veyo ter o Vigario 
com OS Sacerdotes, e gente toda da Fortaleza, e d'alli fomos com 
solemne procissao, e romaria a N. Senhora do Baluarte ; e dormindo 
alii aquella noite mandamos ao outro dia cantar a Missa, quo 
tinhamos promettida, fazendo juntamente celebrar outros Santos 
Sacrificios, em louvor e grazas de N. Senhor por sua immensa 
misericordia nos escolher d'entre tantos, e trazer aquella Santa 
Casa, despois de haver hum anno que partiramos donde nos 
perderamos ; e termos andado tanta parte da estranha, esteril, e 
quazi nao conhecida Costa da Ethiopia ; e atravessado com tao 
pouca, fraca, e mal apercebida gente, por entre tantas barbaras. 
Na^oens, tao conformes nos dezejos de nossa destruijao, e passando 
por tantas brigas, por tantas fomes, calmas, frios, e sedes, nas 
serras, valles, e barrancos; e finalmcnte, por tudo aquilloque 



218 Records of South-Eastem Africa. 

se pode imaginar contrario, medonho, pezado, triste, perigoso, 
grande, mao, desditoso, imagem da morte, e cruel, onde tantos 
homens, mancebos rijos e robiistos acabarao seos dias, deixando 
OS ossos insepultos pelos campos, e as cames sepultadas 6m 
alimarias, e aves peregrinas : e com suas mortes a tantos pays, e 
irmaos, a tantos parentes, a tantas mulheres e filhos cubertos de 
Into neste Keyno. Praza a N. Senhor, por cuja alta bondade 
destas couzas escapamos, tomarnos o passado por penitencia de 
nossas culpas, e allumiarnos da sua gra9a, para que ao diante 
yivamos de maneira, que Ihe mere^amos despois dos dias da vida 
que elle for servido, darnos para a alma parte em sua Gloria. 

Finis Laus Deo. 



[English translation oftheforegoinffJ] 
NAKRATIVE 

OF THE 

WRECK OP THE SHIP ST. BENEDICT. 
By Manuel de Mesquita Pebestbello. 

But as the time did not admit of any choice, every one con- 
cealing his apprehension as much as he could, we steered for the 
nearest land, which was a wide expanse of sandy shore in latitude 
thirty-two degrees and a third, at the mouth of the river Infante, 
but the sea receding quickly from it with the ebb of the tide, 
and the ship not obeying the helm but only steered by the sails, 
she drifted upon a rocky islet which lies within gunshot of the 
mouth of the river, on the side towards the Cape. This was 
another great mercy of our Lord, for if we had gone ashore where 
we intended, the sea being now almost at low tide, there was left 
a band of rocky shore, over which the sea burst in foam all along 
the coast, so that none could have escaped ; but the shore of the 
rocky island was so steep that we were within a crossbow shot of 
it in seven fathoms of water. Then the ship struck the bottom, 
and split immediately, that is to say the lower part stuck fast 
and the upper parts were washed ashore, leaving the hulk level 
with the water, and only the castles and projecting parta visible. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 219 

over which the sea broke so frequently and heavily that those 
who had taken refuge there were as much under water as those 
in the other parts of the ship, and thus each one clinging as best 
he could to the place where he chanced to find himself, the waves 
drove us ashore, while on all sides there arose a loud confusion of 
mournful cries, by which with one voice we called on our Lord 
for mercy. 

And as most of the people had planks or barrels near them, or 
something similar by the help of which they hoped to swim 
ashore, as soon as the ship was under water those who trusted to 
that art began to throw themselves into the sea ; but those who 
were not skilled in it and still remained in the ship, seeing that 
the mast drew them over and under water many times by the 
force of the heavy seas, determined to cut it away, for which 
purpose they cut the shrouds on the side of the sea and sent the 
mast overboard towards the land, to which they were so close 
that it almost touched the dry ground. As each one was watching 
for the best opportunity to save himself, and the mast had the 
appearance of a bridge on which it seemed possible to reach the 
shore almost dry shod, thinking themselves saved, all those that 
could flung themselves upon it, covering it from end to end. 
But at that moment three or four heavy waves struck it and 
lifted it with such force that it shook off all those who were 
clinging to it, who were drawn under by the bfwikward wash of 
the waves, till they struck the sail which was set upon the yard 
and spread out like a net, in which they were entangled, so that 
of all those who made the attempt, not one, alive or dead, reached 
land, except Manuel de Castro, brother of Diogo de Castro, 
merchant, who escaped once before from the shipwreck of Manuel 
de Sousa. His leg was jammed between the foot of the mast and 
the side of the ship, and was broken and shattered from the 
thigh downward, the flesh was torn off in pieces, so that a large 
portion of the bone was left exposed, and this was so splintered 
that the marrow was dropping out of it in many places ; but with 
all this he had such courage that the fury of the sea which had 
drowned so many who were sound could not prevent him from 
reaching land and dragging himself over the rocks till he was 
out of reach of the waves. But in spite of all, he died the 
following night. 

The sea was now covered with boxes, lances, barrels, and many 



220 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

other things which appeared in this mournful hour of shipwreck, 
floating in confusion with the people, most of whom were swim- 
ming ashore. It was a frightful thing to see and to relate the 
different sorts of torture which the fury of the sea inflicted on all, 
for everywhere there appeared some who could swim no farther 
in the last painful struggles with the water which was choking 
them ; others, feeling their strength decrease, who, commending 
themselves to the will of God, let themselves go to the bottom 
for the last time ; others who were wounded by the debris, or 
were stunned and let go their hold, were finished by the waves 
which dashed them upon the rocks ; others were wounded by the 
lances and nails in floating timbers, so that in many parts the 
colour of the water was red with blood from the wounds of those 
who thus ended their days. 

Meanwhile what remained of the ship parted in two pieces, the 
castles on one side and the poop on the other, upon which those 
who could not swim had taken refuge, not daring to commit 
themselves to the mast or the sea, seeing the disastrous fate of 
those who had attempted to reach the shore in either way. As 
soon as the ship was in two pieces, the sea could get a better hold 
of it, and the waves began to carry them ashore, tossing them 
from side to side, and thus now under, now above water, we drifted 
till it pleased our Lord that two or three large waves should cast 
the two pieces ashore, out of reach of the receding surf which had 
sucked them back several times, by means of which most of those 
who were left alive were saved. Those who it pleased our Lord 
should escape spent some time in returning due thanks for so 
much mercy, each one then began to call from the summit of the 
rocks to those for whom they were most anxious, who, hurrying 
from the spot where they had been thrown by chance, and their 
eyes expressing the overwhelming joy of such an unexpected 
sight, embraced each other anew. Then we questioned each 
other about those who were missing, and thus discovered that 
gome were lying disabled by the difiiculties and perils of their 
landing, and could not rise from the place where they lay. These 
were carefully sought and found, until all the living were 
assembled, and we assured ourselves of those that were not dead. 

As these rocks were separated from the mainland by a fathom 
of sea which made them an island, and the tide was now coming 
in, in case it should prevent us we waded to the other side, the 



Ri cords of Sotith- Eastern Africa. 221 

soundest carrying those who were badly wounded on their 
shoulders, for all were wounded more or less, some in the sea, and 
some by the sharp rocks on which they had landed, which were 
so rugged and pointed that none could save themselves without 
being wounded by them. 

As soon as we reached the mainland, the captain commanded it 
to be ascertained who were missing, and the number was found to 
be less than a hundred and fifty, namely more than a hundred 
slaves and forty-four Portuguese, among whom was Dom Alvaro 
de Noronha, who in this disaster plainly showed that if human 
effort could have averted it, his heroic efforts and unwearied care 
and vigilance would have sufficed to do so, and the esteem 
merited by his past deeds and his behaviour in this and other 
adversities was so rooted in the hearts of all, that his death was 
unanimously mourned as that of a man in whose company none 
would fear to expose themselves to all the perils and misfortunes 
which might occur in such a dangerous journey ; but his deeds 
being worthy of a higher reward, our Lord was not pleased to 
preserve him for the many evils which were certain to ensue if he 
then escaped ; a careless, deaf, and furious wave dashed him from 
the mast on which he was and drew him under the sail from 
which he never rose again. 

Nicolao de Sousa Pereira, Gaspar de Sousa, Alvaro Barreto, 
Caspar Luiz, brother of Father Andr6 da Insoa, Kodrigo de 
Niza, the ship's secretary, Vicente Dias, Fernao Velozo, Father 
Antonio Gomes, of the Company of Jesus, Duarte Gonial ves, 
archdeacon of the see of Goa, and others, seamen and passengers, 
were also among the dead. 

The best dressed among us had on nothing but a shirt without 
sleeves and drawers to his knees, for every one prepared himself 
when the ship grounded to be able to swim more easily, so that 
we were all wet and benumbed with cold. While the sun was 
hot, we stopped on the shore to dry ourselves, talking of the 
many different and disastrous modes of death by which we had 
8«ien those overtaken who were missing from among us ; but when 
the sun was going down we retired into a wood which was close 
bv, throujrh which there ran a river of water, with which we 
wtished the salt from our mouths and quenched our thirst, this 
being the first and last refreshment we had that day. 

In the darkness of the night we took refuge at tlie foot of the 



222 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

trees which were there, each one lost in thought of his own 
fate, and occupied in grieving for those things by which ho was 
most afflicted. But even this small relief could not be enjoyed 
in quiet, for it rained so heavily that night that our ill-clothed 
bodies could not endure the cold of it, and we arose and walked 
up and down in the darkness, enduring this hardship to remedy 
those caused by want of sleep, cold, and our own imaginations, 
and all these things made us long for the morning. As soon as 
day broke we returned to the shore to seek for some clothes 
with which to cover ourselves, and found it strewn with dead 
bodies disfigured by hideous wounds and deformities, which gave 
evidence of the painful death they had suffered. Some lay above 
and some underneath the rocks, and of many nothing was visible 
but heads, arms, or legs, and their faces were covered with sand, 
boxes, and other things. No small space was occupied with the 
property cast up from the wreck, for as far as our eyes could 
reach both sides of the shore were covered with scented drugs 
and an infinite diversity of goods and precious things, many of 
them strewn round their owners, to whom they were not only 
worthless in their present necessity, but many by their weight 
had caused the death of those who had been excessively attached 
to them in life. And truly it was a strange conclusion by which 
misfortune brought these things to pass, and the memory of it 
might suffice to prevent poverty from being considered so great 
an evil, to fly from which we forsake God, our neighbour, country, 
parents, brethren, friends, wives, and children, exchanging peace 
and pleasure for such hardships as we suffered here. And so 
long as we live the fear of poverty induces us to brave seas, fires, 
wars, and all other perils and hardships which cost us so dear ; 
but not to oppose on every point the just excuses of those who 
are tormented by necessity, I will cut short the thread of my 
discourse in the Catholic style, for I was carried away by the 
memory and dread of wnat s here represented, and return to 
my purpose, which is to write only the true facts concerning the 
events of this narrative. 

From the surplus of things thus cast away we soon provided 
ourselves with what was necessary, and having somewhat restored 
our feeble strength with a little wet biscuit which we found, we 
returned to the spot where we had slept the previous night, to 
make some sort of shelter in which to take refuge during the 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa, 223 

days we were to remain in this place. Every one lent a hand for 
the purpose, and in a few hours there might be seen a superb 
lodging made of rich carpets, pieces of gold cloth, and silk, put 
to a very different use from that for which they were made, and 
for which they were intended by their owners, who had earned 
them with the pains by which such things are acquired. 

This being finished, the captain thought fit to command the 
country to be reconnoitred from the top of some high mountains 
which appeared towards the interior, both to discover if it were 
inhabited — because so far from the signs and desolation which 
we saw it seemed quite uninhabited — and also to see if we could 
discover some passage to the river Infante, where we might cross 
it with less risk from its current than could be expected close to 
the se& The captain asked me to take charge of this undertakings 
naming to go with me one Joao Gomes, a sailor, and other ten 
or twelve of the most healthy men among us. For this purpose, 
having provided ourselves with the necessary arms, we travelled 
the greater part of the day from hill to hill and from mountain 
to mountain, without discovering any people or any living thing, 
only about two leagues up the river, where the current is still 
very powerful and both banks are covered with sharp rocks, we 
saw on the other bank an animal larger than a horse under cover 
of some rocks, and from the place where we were the parts of it 
which were visible, being the head, neck, and part of the shoulder, 
differed in no wise from those of a camel, and if there is such a 
thing as a marine camel, this was certainly one. I wished to set 
this down, for in no part of our journey did we afterwards see an 
animal of the sort. 

When it was time to return, I went back to the captain with no 
further tidings than the above mentioned, from whom I learnt 
that on that day, while I was absent, there appeared upon a head- 
land close by seven or eight men, who were the first we had seen 
in that country, to whom he sent some of our people prepared for 
peace or war to see what manner of men they were and if possible 
to learn from them any of those things it was so necessary for us 
to know ; but they were afraid and took to flight, and would not 
speak to our people, so that we could learn nothing but that they 
were KaflSrs, very black in colour, with woolly hair, and went 
naked, having more the appearance of savages than of rational 
men. Night being come, and it raining as the night before, 



224 Becords of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

each one returned to his place of shelter and busied himself in 
building fires that we might not suffer so much from the cold. 
Though the counsel of the wise man is that marvellous and 
surprising things should rather be passed over in silence than 
related at the risk of being disbelieved, I will venture to relate 
one, on account of the many witnesses I can bring forward to vouch 
for it; which is that that night when we were all sheltered in 
that spot, and darkness had closed in, we clearly heard a loud 
clamour from the place where the ship went to pieces, and frequent 
cries of to starboard, to larboard, aloft, and other confused words 
which we could not understand, such as were heard when the 
ship was already swamped and the force of the tempest drove us 
on shore. The cause of this could never be fully and certainly 
explained, but we suppose that this w£is presented to our ears 
because they were still ringing with the cries we heard at that 
time, or else it was due to certain evil spirits rejoicing over those 
who had fallen into their power (a thing which may our Lord in 
his pity avert). But to whatever cause it was due, it is certain 
that it occurred, or at least it seemed so to all, for though at first 
each one thought himself the only one to whom the dreadful 
sound was audible, and from the strangeness of it scarcely held it 
to be true, yet as time went on one questioned the other as to 
whether he could hear it, and everyone answered in the affirma- 
tive, and from the hour, darkness, and stormy weather of the 
night, we concluded that it was due to one of the causes 
aforesaid. 

The next day at dawn on the other bank of the river Infante 
there appeared certain Kaffirs, who went along the shore burning 
some pieces of the ship which the sea had cast up, in order to 
get out the nails, and on our calling to them some of them came 
to the edge of the river opposite to where we were and became 
bolder on seeing us unarmed, for then purposely we did not 
carry weapons with us. They swam across the river and came to 
speak to us, and Fernao d'Alvarez gave them the best welcome 
he could, giving them such poor provisions as we had, and caps, 
pieces of cloth, and iron, with which they were as delighted as if 
they had been made lords of the earth. Though they said many 
things in a language not so badly pronounced as we always heard 
and was customary on that coast, there being none among us 
who could understand them, we learnt nothing further in the 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 225 

end bnt that the river could be forded far inland, and that they 
lived beside it on the other bank ; and upon this they returned* 

On the afternoon of the same day there appeared upon a head* 
land close to us about a hundred Kaffirs with many wooden pikes 
with their points hardened in the fire in their hands, for these 
are their principal arms, and some assagais with iron points ; and 
as the misery of our state made us fear every possible evil, on 
seeing these men together we took our arms and went to attack 
them, thinking such was their intention ; but it proved otherwise, 
for on our approach they oflfered no violence, but showed them- 
selves peaceable as before, and therefore seeing their design we 
changed our own and began to speak to them. Among them 
was one of whom the rest seemed to make the most account, and 
he it was who answered our questions, which he understood as 
little as we did his, and though there was no pomp or dignity 
about his person, being naked like the rest, yet he was distin- 
guished from them by wearing a few beads red in colour, round, 
and about the same size as coriander seeds, which we rejoiced to 
see, it seeming to us that these beads being in his possession 
proved that we were near some river frequented by trading 
vessels, for they are only made in the kingdom of Cambaya, and 
are brought by the hands of our people to this coast. After 
spending the best part of the day in these confusions and delays, 
we learnt nothing from them except that from their peaceable 
and assured demeanour they were men who had come to see us 
as a novelty to which they were unaccustomed, showing their 
surprise at our colour, arms, dress, and disposition. In time they 
rose and dispersed themselves in the wood, eating certain roots 
which they found, like wild animals, and thus little by little they 
moved on until we lost sight of them. 

We passed that night with as little rest as before ; the day was 
welcome to all, on which we intended to seek some means of 
subsistence, of which we stood greatly in need, for since we had 
been in that place we had eaten nothing but cocoa-nuts. So 
little was cast on shore, it being neap-tides, that we could only 
secure a barrel of biscuit, about forty-two pounds of rice, and a 
few pieces of meat, all so wet that it could not last ; but it was 
equally divided among all. The captain seeing that we had l)een 
there five days, during which it had not ceased raining, from 
which he concluded that it was now full winter on that coast, and 

Q 



226 Records of South-Eaaiern Africa. 

being so ill provided we could not remain there, and seeing also 
our small amount of provisions and that even those were nearly 
exhausted, wished to consult with us what course it would be 
best to pursue. Having called us together for the purpose, he 
proposed his plan to us ; and though some were of opinion that 
we should make our way to the Cape of Good Hope and remain 
at the Watering Place of Saldanha till it should please our Lord 
to send some ship to rescue us ; and others that we should fortify 
ourselves where we were until we could make some sort of craft 
in which to send a message to Sofala; we finally agreed that 
though we might overcome the difficulty of the great rivers and 
mountains which lay between us and the Cape, and could hold 
our own against the natives of the country until we reached the 
Watering Place of Saldanha, that part had been little frequented 
for years, and we might all perish there before any ship came to 
take us off. Besides this, before long we should have no more 
iron with which to trade, and then necessity would drive us to 
trust ourselves to the natives, whose evil disposition and want of 
faith the disastrous death of Dom Francisco de Almeida still 
taught us to distrust. And moreover should we fortify ourselves 
in the place where we were, we could only remain there so long as 
the provisions from the ship lasted, for the earth was so sterile 
that it could not sustain the few natives, who were forced to live 
on roots and berries of the wood, as we had seen the day before ; 
nor was it possible to build any sort of craft, nothing having been 
saved but a small axe, and no nails, gimlet, pitch, tar, or any- 
thing necessary for the purpose, neither could we send a messenger 
by land, for we could not make ourselves understood, and before 
this could be accomplished we should nearly all be dead. All 
these opinions having been discussed, which I wished to set 
down, having heard some reprehension on the subject, the con- 
clusion and end of all was that we should prepare ourselves to take 
the route formerly followed by Manuel de Sousa, and endeavour 
to roach Sofala. That there might be no further delay, seeing 
that the thing was unavoidable and that the wounded were suffi- 
ciently recovered to start, the captain determined that we should 
carry the hogsheads of the ship to the edge of the river to use 
them in crossing next day, and this being done, each one filled 
his wallet with what provisions he could and as much nails and 
iron as he could carry to trade with, for at that time these things 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 227 

were esteemed as the most precious jewels. And in this way we 
spent that afternoon and the following night. 

Each one being prepared as aforesaid, the next day, which was 
the 27th of April, at daybreak we sought the captain's quarters 
and found him already waiting for us. There reviewing our 
number we found that we were 322 persons, namely 224 slaves 
and 98 Portuguese, most of them armed with lances or swords 
and shields, and one musket which alone was saved, with ten or 
twelve charges of powder damaged by water. With this company 
the captain set out for the river, leaving the shelter where we 
had established ourselves as it was, and in it a young ship's boy 
and a female slave, both with a broken leg and not likely to live, 
much less to travel. We spent this day crossing the river on 
two rafts which we made of the hogsheads, and here a slave was 
drowned who was swimming to hold the lines by which the rafts 
were drawn. We slept that night on the bank of the river, and 
at daybreak prepared to set out. 

Inasmuch as we were all deceived,. thinking that the interior 
would be more populated than the sea-shore, because of the 
small commerce these people have with the sea, we determined 
to wait for the Kaffirs who swam over to us every day, that they 
might point out some road which led to the populated parts ; but 
when they came and saw that we had crossed over to their side, 
they would not trust us or speak to us, in spite of our calling to 
them. Therefore counting any further time wasted upon them, 
we put ourselves in marching order, carrying a crucifix raised 
upon a lance, and a blessed banner which was entrusted to 
Francisco Pires, the boatswain, with the other seamen who 
followed him (for they chose him for their leader), and a picture 
of Mercy in the rear, where was the captain with the passengers 
and the slaves ; and those who were unarmed in the middle 
carrying the wounded among them, for nearly a fourth of our 
number commenced the journey with sticks and crutches. We 
arranged ourselves in single file, one behind the other, the width 
of the road not admitting of more, and set our faces towards the 
interior by a path made by elephants, directing ourselves towards 
a height where it seemed to us we might discover some settle- 
ment or signs of it. While we climbed the hill, each one capable 
of understanding it was thinking in himself how blindly we were 
setting out upon this long, uncertain, and perilous joiimev, 

Q 2 



228 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

during which we must certainly die of want and privation if we 
escaped other dangers, thus without speaking a word, our hearts 
heavy with these forebodings and with our eyes filled with 
tears, we could not refrain from looking back many times at the 
ruin of that beautiful and unfortunate ship, for though not two 
timbers of it held together, but all was shattered on the rocks, 
still while we could see the wreck it seemed to us a relic and a 
certain portion of our desired country, from whose shelter and 
company (being the last service we expected of it) we could not 
separate ourselves without deep feeling. In this manner, after 
many pauses, we reached the top of the height, but found a very 
different prospect from what we expected, for not only did we see 
no signs of habitation, but as far as our eyes could reach we were 
surrounded by valleys so low and mountains so high that the 
latter seemed to reach to the stars and the former to the abyss. 
But the worst of all was that the path by which we came was lost 
to sight, and we remained without knowing where to direct our- 
selves. After some confusion as to what was to be done, we 
decided to make direct for the north-east, thinking thus to 
shorten the journey to Sofala, and with this intent we set out 
again and travelled till the afternoon, when on account of the 
rain and 'our being weary with the bad road and our unaccus- 
tomed burdens, we took shelter in a wood, where we passed that 
night. 

The next day we set out in the same order as before, and pur- 
sued our journey, and likewise on the third day, upon which we 
came to some hUls, at the foot of which a river ran, crossing our 
path, so that we directed ourselves to that part where we thought 
it might most easily be passed. Then we found all the country 
to which we were descending was so steep and full of rocks, grass, 
and undergrowth that we could not see where to set our feet, and 
at every step we fell upon our faces, but after we had spent the 
best part of the day in this descent, each one suffering from many 
falls, we reached the bank of the river, which was examined in 
different parts without finding any place where it could be forded, 
for which reason we would not venture to cross to the other bank 
there. It being late, and raining as it did every day, we took 
shelter among some shrubs close by. 

The next day at dawn we retraced the distance we had travelled 
the day before, in which we met with so much difficulty on 



Records of South-Eastern Africcu 229 

account of the ruggedness of the way that thereafter we counted 
this as one of those days in which we endured the greatest hard- 
stiip and received most injury, for the ascent was so steep that it 
could with difficulty be accomplished by an unburdened person, 
but to those encumbered with arms and other hindrances it was 
so impossible that we were forced to abandon most of the iron 
we had with us, and afterwards our want of it was so great that 
we knew full well that what we left there was not iron but lives. 
After this the difficulties of the way were so terrible that the 
strength of many being unable to endure them, they lay down 
between the rocks along the track we were following so weary 
and hopeless of ever extricating themselves, that calling on our 
Lord to forgive their sins» they did not cease from bidding fate- 
well to the rest who passed them by. These, seeing their friends 
lying thus, dropped out of their rank in the single file and sat 
down beside them, forcibly urging them to continue on their way, 
saying that they would by no means leave the spot without them, 
and adding many other things which clearly showed their exces- 
sive grief at seeing them brought to such a pass, by which those 
who lay upon the ground were encouraged to exert their feeble 
strength once more, and resumed their march as well as they could. 
Thus after many pauses and delays we struggled on until we were 
all assembled on the highest point of the hill. After we had 
rested here awhile, there arose some difference of opinion as to 
what course we should pursue, for some wished to take the middle 
path on the side of the mountains following the course of the 
river, and others the way along the summits from which they 
might discover some part where it could be crossed, and as they 
could not agree upon this and each one argued for his life, all 
were given liberty to take the path which in their opinion offered 
the best chance of safety. The ship's master with about twenty 
men took the lower, and the captain with the rest of the com- 
pany took the higher path, and thus we all journeyed on until 
we joined company again at night by some great clefts and 
fissures, where the river overflowed a good deal, and the ground 
not being so steep gave hopes of a better crossing. As our eyes 
strayed continually over these hills in search of some living 
beings or signs of habitation, while we were on the aforesaid spot 
we saw smoke upon the other bank, and by this we discovered a 
village, which was thon our greatest object of desire, for we had 



230 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

now travelled continnally during four days of unceasing rain, 
without road or path, among the hills and vales of these thickets, 
and we hoped that there we might find a guide. With this 
anticipation we went and slept on the bank of the river. 

The next day, as soon as it was dawn, we attempted to cross 
where it offered the least diflSculty, and as the water was very 
broad in that part the depth was not great, but the current carried 
away everything we placed in it. So we were obliged to cut 
down the largest trees we could find, and some of the branches 
appearing above the water we tied others to these, and in this 
way we made a heap which reached the middle of the river, 
where some large uncovered rooks separated it into two arms; 
but as the largest ^nd strongest was on our side, as soon as we 
reached them we placed a connection across by which, not without 
great risk, we reached the other bank. And though it was late 
when this was accomplished, so great was our desire to reach the 
village we liad seen that we immediately proceeded towards it. 
It consisted of about twenty huts built with poles and thatched 
with dry grass, in form and si^se like a baker's oven, such as is 
usual among all the people of this coast. They move them from 
place to pl^e with the seasons, according to the abundance or 
barrenness of the ground, upon the wild fruit of which they 
principally subsist. As we feared the ^l^affirs might take offence 
or run away, we did not enter the village, but camped close to it, 
and seut them a messenger, with whom some of them returned to 
speak to us. To these we gave pieces of cloth and iron, with 
which they wepe very pleased, and we agreed with them by signs 
that the next day one of them should guide us to a large and 
well provided village which they said was close by. With this 
understanding we withdrew to our respective shelters. 

The next day we resumed our jouruey, passing through the 
village, in which the ship's caulker and cooper chose to remain 
(one being old and the other wounded), because they could not 
keep up with the company. After the captain had recommended 
tliem to the Kaffirs as intelligibly as he could, we took leave of 
them and set out with our guide. We travelled for three days 
over the said hills, crossing such mountains, valleys, and ravines 
as we came upon, and as the people of these lands never venture 
beyond the limits of the place where they were born Qiappy they, 
if they had the faith !), but live and die h\ the vicinity of their 



Records of SoiUh-Eastern Africa. 231 

hutSy on the third day the Kaffir was as much in need of a guide 
as ourselves. Losing his way, he led us to some hills at the foot 
of which runs the river of Saint Christopher, which lay right 
across our path, and the water was swarming with sea-horses. It 
seemed to us that it could not be forded there, and fearing to 
ascend tlie mountain which was high, because of the hardships 
we had before experienced, we determined to travel downwards. 
The captain first sent some unburdened men to sound the river, 
but finding no part where it might be forded, they returned. 
Then, impatient of the difficulties we encountered and forced by 
the pangs of hunger from which we were suffering severely, we 
determined to return to the coast, to see if we by chance could 
find more succour along the seashore than in the interior. 
Begging the Kaffir to guide us, we retraced in that day and the 
next the whole distancre we had travelled in three. During this 
journey, the Licentiate Christovao Fernandes, who in India was 
chancellor and chief guardian of orphans, sat down upon a rock, 
his age being unable to endure such hardship any further, and 
said that he had done all he could so far to preserve his life, but 
now his strength could hold out no longer. He bade us go on 
our way and leave him there to die, only commending to our 
care his little son three years of age, whom fortune had ordained 
for his greater anguish he should bring with him, after being 
miraculously saved from the ship, and who was now carried in 
the arms of a nurse who had reared him, being thus at such a 
tender age the companion of his father's hardships and exile. As 
we could render him no assistance by remaining there, but rather 
by delay risked our own chances of safety, we bade him farewell 
with many mournful words, his friends consoling him with 
thoughts of the passion of our Lord. We went to sleep in the 
neighbourhood of the village to which our guide belonged, who, 
seeing our dissatisfaction at his bad guidance, and moved by a 
desire for his own home, fled during the night. 

The next day, finding ourselves without a guide, we turned our 
faces to the sea, and directed our steps towards it as far as the 
mountains and valleys would permit. We had not travelled far 
before we again came to the river of St. Christopher, from which 
we had turned back before, which making a large circuit among 
the rocks again crossed our path until it flowed into the sea with 
such impetus and at such a depth in every part that it would have 



232 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

been difficult for a well-equipped anny to cross it, and how much 
more so for us who were destitute of everything. No farther than 
the foot of the height on which we were it broke upon a chain of 
rocks which crossed it from bank to bank, and the water being 
thus dispersed into many different channels, there was some hope 
that we might be able to cross it by laying trees from rock to 
rock ; but there were two great obstacles to our attempting that 
passage. One was the steepness and impenetrable thicket on the 
other banky which besides other difficulties was crossed above by 
a perpendicular bank of rock full of sharp points, so that one 
might almost say the ascent would have been difficult for birds ; 
and the other obstacle was the descent from the place where we 
were to the river, which was crossed by a similar ridge of rock 
to that on the opposite bank, the sight of which was enough to 
inspire dread. For these reasons, losing hope of being able 
to descend there, we paused awhile, discussing what was best to 
be done. But we were all impatient at the difficulties we had 
met with in passing this river, and seeing that as far as our eyes 
could reach, neither the river nor the descent showed any better 
hope of carrying out our design, and fearing, if we should attempt 
it in some other part, to meet with worse difficulties (if worse 
were possible), we determined to try our fortune in that place. 
As the attempt was attended with great risk, some said that they 
would not throw away their lives wilfully, for to try to descend 
there was more like tempting God than seeking safety, and these 
again took the road over the top of the mountains, hoping to find 
a more easy descent. 

The captain and we his followers proceeded towards the rock, 
and making the sign of the cross began our perilous descent with 
the greatest care and caution that we could, sometimes clinging 
to the branches of the shrubs which grew upon its face, some- 
times fixing our lances in the stones and sliding downwards, so 
that on hands and knees, on our backs, or lying full length, 
according to the peril and nature of the ground before us, our 
Lord willed that we should all arrive in safety on the bank of the 
river. Here we cut down the largest trees which were at hand, 
and laid them from rock to rock. From the desire we all had of 
finishing this task, in less time than the difficulty of the work 
demanded we had completed the necessary staging, upon which, 
in great fear on account of the depth and current of the channels 



Beeards of South-Eastem Afriea. 233 

fonned by the water, we began oar passage across. When the 
ship's master and about fifteen or twenty men who followed him 
had reached the opposite bank, finding it impossible to penetrate 
the rocks and thicket beyond them, they proceeded down the 
river, seeking some other place where they could leave it with 
less risk. The captain was upon the bank (according to his 
custom) waiting till all the company had crossed, and when this 
was done, it was already night ; but that place being all wet and 
full of puddles, we were forced to enter the thicket until we 
reached dry ground. The bank was thickly wooded and full of 
rocks, and the height and shadows of the trees, together with the 
darkness of the night, made our way still more obscure, so that 
none of us could tell where the others were. We called out 
therefore from different places, and by the sound of our voices 
formed ourselves into a body at the foot of the rock, in a spot 
which was so dark and thickly set with trees that no one was able 
to move from the spot where he halted, nor to lie down ; and 
thus we remained on our feet without sleeping, leaning against 
the trees all that night. We were broken up into three parties, 
namely that of the captain, that of the ship's master, and that of 
those who did not dare attempt the descent to the river. These 
latter, after they had travelled all the afternoon on the top of the 
mountains, trying first one place and then another where they 
might with less danger reach the opposite bank, took shelter that 
night as best they could, and as soon as morning broke returned 
to seek us. Seeing the path we had taken and the staging across 
the river, they passed over, losing one young man, who missed 
his footing ; and they came up with us. By some steep fissures 
and dangerous clefts in the rock, passing the arms and wallets 
from hand to hand, we succeeded in reaching the summit, where 
before many hours had passed we were rejoined by the master 
and his companions. When we were thus reunited we resumed 
our journey towards the sea, all suffering greatly from hunger, 
the little provision we had with us being now spoilt by the rain, 
and the herbs which were known to us which we found on our 
way were not sufficient for our necessity. That day, crossing the 
top of these summits, we came to a headland from which we couhl 
perceive the sea, and in our joy at the sight we made our day's 
journey longer than usual, and slept in a deserted village, where 
we found pieces of china and many other things in use among us, 



231 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

which we felt certain had remained from the shipwreck of Manuel 
de Sousa Sepulveda. 

The next day, which was the thirteenth of our journey, we 
reached the sea at the very spot where the galleon came ashore, 
where we found the capstan and other pieces of timber thrown 
upon a rocky reef which stretches for many leagues along the 
coast. Here we acknowledged our error in having left the sea- 
shore, which proved gentler and offered more resources to our 
necessities than the wildness of the interior; and among the 
rocks (of which all the coast of the country called Natal is full) 
we found many oysters and mussels, which at low tide, or that 
part of the day when we rested, afforded us some refreshment. 
Besides this the ground was smooth, clear, and proper for walking, 
and most of the rivers, which are numerous in that country and 
impassable in the interior, when they reached the seashore were 
either blocked up by sand, or, if they entered the sea openly, by 
reason of the many sand banks which they formed the current 
was shallow and they were easily forded, while in the interior the 
contrary was always the case. 

We here pursued our journey for five days, constantly followed 
l)y £affirs who did not dare to attack us, but lay in wait for 
loiterers or those who were too weary to proceed. At the end of 
that time in the latitude of thirty degrees we came upon a river 
which is not marked upon the maps, but is one of the most con- 
;siderable on that coast, and which the largest ships can enter in 
the winter. We had little trouble in making two rafts, but the 
eiise with which we accomplished it was far outweighed by the 
difficulty of the current and the Kaffirs who lay in wait to attack 
those who were left the last. However, in spite of all we suc- 
ceeded in disembarking on the other bank, after some delays and 
blows which could not be avoided. Continuing on our way, we 
travelled four davs, at the end of which we rested on the bank of 
another river, awaiting the low tide on the following day, because 
we thought we should then be able to ford it at the edge of the 
salt water where it formed a bank, and thus avoid the trouble 
liud risk of rafts. It being now almost night, certain Kaffirs 
appeared on the opposite bank and showed us some cakes made 
of a seed called nacharre, which resembles mustard, saying that 
they would sell them in exchange for iron ; and as where footl 
was concerned our necessity admitted of no debate, we ended by 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 235 

buying it, allowing them to scramble for pieces of iron ; and this 
was the first place where we made any barter, having already 
journeyed for twenty-two days. 

After this each one withdrew to his shelter, awaiting with 
pleasant anticipation the return of day, when we might cross the 
river at the place aforesaid. The same Kaffirs then returned and 
made known to us by intelligible signs that we should remain 
there, and they would bring us provisions, and as the want of 
these was our greatest necessity, we made no difficulty in acceding 
to their wishes. The news of this was no sooner spread by them 
among the two or three villages close by, than every soul in them 
came out to see us, singing and clapping their hands with many 
joyful demonstrations, bringing cakes, roots, and other things 
upon which they live, to sell to us. Among them was a young 
man from Bengal who remained after the other shipwreck, who 
being recognised by us was immediately seized and embraced, 
and carried to the captain with great rejoicing. Seating ourselves 
round him, we put many questions to him concerning things it 
was necessary lor us to know, but he, either because but few of 
his country were embarked with him, or because he had lost the 
knowledge of our tongue from disuse, could scarcely understand 
us. By a few words, however, we learnt that the country was 
thickly populated and provided with cattle, and though we 
begged him many times to remain with us, offering him many 
bribes because of the need we had of a guide, he would not 
consent, but in due time returned to sleep with his comptimions, 
and would not see us again. The next day the KafiSrs returned 
with a cow and some goats and cakes, which we bought from 
them in exchange for an astrolabe and other pieces of iron. 
After this we resumed our journey, Jorge da Barca and another 
man remaining there, being so weary that they dared not attempt 
to go farther, and with them remained about thirty slaves, wha 
overcome with the hardships they had endured and persuaded by 
the natives of the country, refused to continue in our company. 

Leaving that place, as 1 have said, we travelled for three days, 
on the last of which we reached another river, which though not 
very wide was very deep. As we we^re consulting for a while 
where we could get wood for rafts, the boatswain, who as I have 
said, led the van, walked on with his company up the river about 
half a league from the mouth, where he met with certain Kailirs 



236 Records of South-Eastern Afriea. 

who showed him a ford. He passed to the other side, and sat 
upon a hill to wait for the captain, who, seeing his delay and 
suspecting its cause, set out with those who were with him, 
following the same track as the others. On passing a wood we 
found a large basket of millet which the Kaffirs had hidden 
there in case we should attack their village, and this being a rich 
prize in our necessity and those who were guarding it wishing to 
defend it, the strife increased, and offended at some blows which 
they received, they called to each other. In a short time a large 
number assembled, but thinking we were more numerous they 
were afraid of us so long as we were in the wood, but when we 
reached a clearing in the place where the river was to be forded, 
seeing how few we were, they attacked two young men who were 
a little apart, and took the wallets which they carried. Then 
they began to approach us more boldly^ threatening to kill us 
with their assagais if we resisted, at the same time placing them- 
selves in our path to prevent us from fording the river. There 
not being five armed men among us, we gathered ourselves 
together and had a perilous fight with them, which lasted for an 
hour, during which it was very often doubtful which side would 
triumph, but at last our Lord had mercy on us and we forced 
them to retire to a hill, where we left them, both on account of 
our fatigue and the strength of the site, and went to rejoin the 
captain who was waiting for us on the other side with the other 
company. Then we entered the water all together, at great risk 
from the Kaffirs, for the ford passed near the foot of the hill 
where they had taken refuge ; and while we were within reach 
they attacked us within a short distance with a forious shower of 
stones, so that we were obliged to use great vigilance in keeping 
ourselves covered, but in spite of all caution I could not escape 
one blow, which broke my shield on which it first struck, and left 
me stunned for a while. 

Beaching the other bank in the midst of these dangers, we 
rejoined the boatswain, in whose company we found a young man 
called Gaspar, who survived from the company of Manuel de 
bousa, and hearing of our arrival had come thither to await us, 
being desirous of returning to a Christian country. As what we 
needed most was an interpreter, we gave many thanks to God for 
having succoured us at such a time, by inspiring so much faith 
in a young man, a Moor by birth, that in these wilds and among 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 237 

these savages whose nature he had acquired he should desire to 
go with us and endure such hardships as he had already expe- 
rienced, having no obligation to do so. He related to us, among 
other things, that Manuel de Sousa also fought with the Kaffirs 
on the other bank and killed one of them with a musket. 

Leaving that place, we journeyed on until it was time to rest, 
and that night it was discussed among us whether it would not 
be well to send three or four unburdened men ahead, that they 
might first reach the river of Louren^o Marques, near Cape 
Correntes, where we hoped to find him, for when we left India he 
was equipped for that voyage (which he actually made, but was 
wrecked on the coast before he could reach the river), and tell 
him that we were following, that he might wait for us, for his 
departure according to the ordinary navigation would be about 
the June moon, and we, at the rate we travelled every day, could 
not arrive before July. The captain and the majority of the 
company approved of this plan, thinking that the whole country 
before them was like that of Natal, having rocks all along the 
shore, so that there would be shell-fish for the subsistence of 
those who were sent on in advance. Four sailors then offered 
themselves for that service, to whom were given four hundred 
florins, which were collected from several persons, in payment of 
their labour, and thus provided they set out the next day, carry- 
ing a letter from the captain and many other messages, which 
all proved in vain, as will be hereafter related. 

After this we journeyed for two days, at the end of which we 
reached the mouth of the Pescaria, which is in latitude 28| degrees, 
and penetrates two leagues into the interior, and is about the 
same distance in width. Here we found two slaves of Manuel de 
Sousa, who came to meet us on the way, and they remained with 
the natives of the country who brought us fish for sale that 
night, for it is very abundant there, and some large millet. The 
next day they returned to take leave of us before we set out, and 
for all we begged them to abandon those heathens and return to 
live among Christians, they refused, saying that they had travelled 
seven or eight days* journey farther on with their master, and 
being unable to endure the hardships of the journey and the 
barrenness of the land, they returned here, where there were 
sufficient provisions; and here they commended themselves to 
our Lord, who would have pity on them wherever thoy were. 



238 Records of South Eaatern Africa. 

They were so firm in their purpose that haying shown ns how to 
get round the bay, avoiding several streams and creelss which 
flow into it, they returned. As we were setting out, we saw a 
group of Kaffirs emerge from a wood, and among them a naked 
man with a bundle of assagais upon his back, (according to their 
custom), who was in no way different from the rest of them, and 
we considered him as one of them until by his hair and speech 
we found him to be a Portuguese named Rodrigo Tristao, who 
also survived from the other wreck. Having been for three years 
exposed to the cold and heat of those parts, he had so altered in 
colour and appearance that there was no difference between him 
and the natives. 

Having received this man, we satisfied as best we could the 
natives, who being very numerous wished to attack us on the 
other side of the bay. Here we found a young man of Malabar, 
who directed us to a village near which he said that if we rested 
there that night he would cause provisions to be brought to us. 
And so it proved, for in a short time the Kaffirs appeared laden 
with goats, milk, millet, and fish, and all this at a very moderate 
price, so that this proved the most plentiful and cheapest halting 
place which we found in the whole of our journey. Here we 
furnished our wallets with as much as we could carry, for this 
young man told us that from this place to a river which was 
four or five days' journey farther on we should find no more 
provisions to buy, and though he dwelt strongly upon this, if he 
knew what lay beyond the river he might have affirmed that it 
was the last hour of relief we should find on our whole journey, 
for thenceforward all was hardship, sorrow, and gnashing of 
teeth. 

The next day we slept near another village, where we bought 
a cow, and without trading any further, we travelled through the 
thickets five days, always in the direction of the sea, which we 
reached near the river Santa Lucia, in latitude 28^ degrees, 
which is moderately large, and very wide from the mouth inland, 
extremely rapid, and rises and falls with the sea. On reaching 
it we made two rafts, upon which most of the people passed over 
that day while the tide permitted, but when it turned, those on 
either bank withdrew to the dry land. And because we were all 
perishing with thirst, having found no fresh water since we left 
the bay of Pcscaria, which was five days before, we spent the rest 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 239 

of this day seeking water, and as diligence and necessity over- 
come evervthino:, we walked so far that at last we found a little 
muddy water in the footprints of some elephants, with which we 
satisfied ourselves. 

And since some may desire to know more particulars concerning 
Femao d'Alvares Cabral, for now the time of his death is drawing 
near, it seems to me necessary to sum up here part of the hard- 
ships and afflictions which he suffered in his life. Between the 
painting and the living thing, and between the shadow and the 
substance, there cannot be more difference than there is between 
what I can relate concerning him and those who followed him 
and what really occurred, yet though I thus display my short- 
comings, I have an excuse, which is the greatness of the subject. 
I trust that those who hear it will believe so much in addition 
that the little I can relate will be an advantage, enabling them 
to read this summary with less affliction ; and that those persons 
who have a part in this sorrow may not feel so keenly what was 
suffered by those for whom they mourn, I shall not set down the 
disasters which befell each one in particular, which is the most 
afflicting part, but avoid as far as possible what is sad and painful ; 
nevertheless, in spite of this my purpose, this being in itself a 
sad story, truth will not permit me to avoid all words savouring 
of sadness. 

But to return to Femao d'Alvares, putting aside the hardships 
which he endured at the time of the storm to fulfil his duty in all 
things, and the sorrow which he had good reason to feel at seeing 
the destruction of such a ship, and so many men and such great 
riches as were under his care, and that out of so many hof)es of 
rest, so many servants, relations, and friends as surrounded him 
a few days before, he now remained by this disastrous fate so 
destitute of everything that he had scarcely one poor suit with 
which to cover his aged and honourable flesh, and one person iu 
time of such necessity to share in his afflictions, he was not found 
wanting, for his great soul concealed all signs of this just and 
unavoidable sorrow so well that nothing appeared outwardly of 
the pain within, but encouraging all, his coimtenance and words 
expressing more hope of salvation than was compatible with the 
many disasters which were certain on this unknown journey, he 
set out upon his way during the first days with great spirit and 
energy, but the ruggedness and difficulties of the road in the 



240 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

interior being snch as I have described, proved so fatiguing to 
his age and want of custom that when we returned to seek the 
sea he was so weak, weary, and broken down that he was deter- 
mined to remain in the first village we came to. Nevertheless 
when we reached the sea-shore, and found the ground so level 
and without the inequalities and other obstacles which we met 
with on the other road, he made another effort, and though among 
the last» he managed to keep up with the rest of the company 
in order to share its fortunes. 

But as fortune never begins with little, to all these disasters 
another was added, which, though it could not make things 
blacker than they were, was still a source of much grief, coming 
as it did from men who were bound to him for benefits bestowed 
upon them ; and this was that the greater part of the company 
were seamen, of whose good qualities few authors had then 
written, and these from day to day gradually lost all sense of 
fear and shame, and being gathered in one body headed by the 
boatswain (although he had no hand in their ill-doing), they grew 
so undisciplined that they made absolutely no account of FemSo 
d'Alvares, but rather each time he reprehended their disorders 
(which were not few) they answered that he should not dare to 
reprove them, for he was no longer their captain, and they owed 
him no obedience, adding many other insolent words, which the 
misery of that time rendered the more scandalous, so that they 
took no notice of his orders. Seeing this, the ship's master, who 
came from this kingdom and bore him a special hatred, finding 
in their perverted wills so good an opportunity to tempt them, 
was moved neither by the obedience which he owed him nor 
by his ancient nobility, illustrious virtues, lively discretion, 
unblemished chivalry, and honourable age, thus persecuted by 
fortune and cast with such want and necessity into the deserts of 
Africa ; nor was he moved by the present hardships from his evil 
zeal, but determined to attempt his diabolical and inhuman act, 
which was to induce those of his party to say that they could not 
possibly be saved in the companionship of their captain, because 
tlie day's journey was always shortened that he might not be 
separated from them, and, travelling in this manner, their iron 
fi)r barter and their strength for travelling would give out before 
they could reach the river of Lourenfo Marques, where they 
hoped to find a ship, and that it would bo well, God having given 



Records of Sovih-Easiern Africa. 241 

them strength, to make the most of their time, and not lose their 
lives through love of others. 

And as these people, wherever they may be, follow each others* 
opinions, not many such discourses were needed before what the 
master said was accepted as good advice and almost as if divinely 
revealed, upon which one inducing the other, they began to 
tempt the boatswain, who hitherto had not been included in their 
councils. He held out against them for some days, urging the 
reasons against such conduct, but with all this they persuaded 
him so strongly and so often that they brought him to their 
opinion ; and having concluded this, that no obstacle might arise, 
they arranged to set out the next night as silently as they could 
and gel three or four leagues ahead before the next day broke, 
leaving the captain and those who followed him on that lonely 
shore at the mercy of the KaflBrs, in whom we would find less 
pity than in all the tigers of Hircania. 

But as the captain by the evident signs of their want of faith 
was upon his guard, and as nothing could be done among such 
ill-advised men so secretly that he was not aware of it, as soon as 
it was known to him that very night he commanded us to call 
the passengers who were of the company, and made known what 
he had discovered and the purpose of these men, begging us to 
advise him what was best to be done. All agreed that it would 
be well to summon the boatswain, who was a good man and 
always showed himself his friend, and tell him what he knew, 
and beg him not to let it be said of Portuguese that to save such 
uncertain lives they had done a deed of such certain infamy as to 
abandon their captain in such a spot ; and that if he could bring 
that man to his way of thinking he need not fear the others, who 
showed him such obedience that he would meet with no contra- 
diction from them whatever he might say or do. But should the 
boatswain prove obdurate, he was to know that here were we, 
nearly twenty men, who would remain wherever he remained, and 
as long as we had life he should not lose his, but we would be his 
comrades in whatever good or evil might befall. Satisfied with 
our advice and ofifer, he dismissed us. Calling the boatswain, he 
complained to him of the ill return he was making for the friend- 
ship he had always shown him, urging many other reasons which 
the occasion called for, and the other did not deny the truth, 
saying that the master and seamen had persuaded him against 

II 



242 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

his own judgment, but that he gave his word he would never 
entertain such a thought again, and should all the rest abandon 
him he would remain alone. And he kept his word, and from 
that time he served him loyally and with good will, and such was 
the obedience or rather fear (which is most powerful with them) 
with which he was regarded by the seamen, that seeing his 
determination they all chose to remain, taking no account of 
anything but what he ordered, and caring nothing for the captain, 
who on this occasion made them a speech blaming their conduct, 
which had little efifect upon them. 

In this way, bearing up as well as he could under his mis- 
fortunes, he reached the river of Santa Lucia, over which I left 
most of the people already passed before I began this digression. 
When the next day dawned, which to the best of my recollection 
was the 2nd of June, as soon as it was light he went to the bank 
of the river to hasten the passage with all possible diligence, 
because of the short time that the good opportunity lasted, on 
account of the rising of the sea. And though by the time the 
afternoon was drawing near almost all the company had crossed 
over, it would seem that he had a presentiment in his heart of 
what was to happen, for he dreaded the p«wsage, though he had 
not feared those we had attempted before. For this reason he 
said to the boatswain that he was determined not to cross on the 
raft, but to travel inland till he found a ford, and bade him say 
if he was ready to accompany him. The boatswain replied that 
he saw that nearly all the company had crossed the river without 
any having been lost, and so he hoped to God might those who 
remained ; and he thought that to go round the river would be 
very laborious, it being so great and wide and running on such 
even ground, and therefore it would be impossible to ford it 
except at a great distance ; but if he was determined to make 
the round he would wait for him there as long as he liked, for 
he could not accompany him, but must cross in the same place 
as the others. 

Hearing this, the captain was somewhat appeased, and deter- 
mined to place himself on the first raft which returned to him ; 
and though everyone endeavoured to persuade him to wait for 
the next raft, because the tide was running very strong and the 
next passage would be smoother, he listened to the dictates of 
his fate rather than to our advice, and entering the water placed 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 243 

< 

himself on one comer of the raft with Antonio Pires and JoSo da 
Rocha, his servants, and Gaspar the interpreter on the other 
three. The raft being thus well balanced, they called to those 
on the opposite bank to draw the ropes, which was done with all 
possible care and caution. In this way, as soon as they reached 
the deepest part JoSLo da Bocha became afraid and swam back to 
the shore, which so destroyed the balance of the raft that the 
other corners began to be under water, and thus they reached the 
middle of the river where the current ran so furiously that it 
tilted the unbalanced comer of the raft, sending the captain and 
Antonio Pires overboard, who though they did their utmost to 
keep their hold, could not escape their destined hour, and raising 
their hands to heaven, in confession of faith, which the water 
prevented them from confessing with their lips, they sank, and 
the young interpreter saved himself, being unencumbered and 
a skilful swimmer. 

At such a disaster which afflicted us all, we on either side of 
the river raised a mournful cry which echoed among the caves of 
the shore, and with heavy sadness and tearful sobs we dispersed 
upon the sIiorQ to watch if the sea would cast up the bodies, that 
we might give them burial. As soon as the tide began to rise 
the body of Antonio Pires was cast up, and immediately buried, 
and two hours afterwards we found that of Fernao d'Alvares 
among the rocks at some distance from the river upon the 
opposite shore, which when it had been carried to the dry land 
and wrapped in a shroud, we bore upon our shoulders to the foot 
of a hill out of reach of the sea, and there making him a grave 
we placed a wooden cross at his head, and with more tears than 
other funeral pomps we left him to his rest until the day when 
we shall all rise again to give an account of our well or ill-spent 
lives. 

Such was the death of Femao d'Alvares Cabral, and this was 
the end of his labours. And truly having borne so well the 
corporal and spiritual sufferings he was called upon to endure, 
with such patience, and in all things rendering thanks to our 
Lord whom we know to be merciful, it may be supposed that he 
was pleased to remove him from this state of martyrdom, that 
though his body was thrown into so poor a grave, his soul might 
be with Him in glory and happiness, which should be no small 
consolation to those who loved him here. 

B 2 



244 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

While we were occupied in this burial, those who had remained 
upon the other side finished crossing the river, and when we were 
all thus reunited, seeing how necessary it was for our salvation 
that we should be formed into one bodv under the command of 
one person, to whom obedience should be sworn upon the Holy 
Gospels, to avoid the rebellions which had previously occurred, 
we immediately set about it. As out of the ninety-two persons 
who composed our company, seventy were seamen, all these swore 
that Francisco Pires the boatswain was most fitted for this, and 
if he were named captain they would obey him. Though there 
were two or three persons who had a better claim, as most were 
of a contrary opinion those who remained were not numerous 
enough to oppose them, for which reason and considering that 
the boatswain was a good man and had great endurance under 
suffering, as was required for that post, and those under him had 
the ropes and tools with which to make the rafts and cross the 
rivers, and the steel and flint with which to make the fires to 
protect us from the cold at night, and should any division arise 
in this matter as in the time of Fernao d'Alvares and they were 
to rebel, that same hour we should be obliged to separate, and we 
who held the contrary opinion would be left without any of these 
things with which to remedy our necessities, to say nothing of 
the importance of their numbers to us in case of fighting, all of 
. which had weight with us, we agreed that it was necessary for us 
to approve that election, for which reason he was acknowledged 
by ail as their captain. This being concluded, he also bound 
himself by an oath to help us truly and well, and to be our faith- 
ful comrade both in peace and war, acting according to our 
advice as far as it might be for the better service of God and the 
saving of our lives. 

The new captain having been thus elected, it seemed well to 
all that we should rest there for one day to dry ourselves and our 
property which was wet with the passage of the river. The next 
day we resumed our journey along the shore, without finding 
any people or anything to eat ; and thus we proceeded for four 
days, at the end of which we came in sight of a village and 
encamped near it, hoping to be able to trade with the people. 
Hearing, however, from our interpreter that the inhabitants were 
as poor as ourselves, we lost this hope, and only arranged with 
them that on the following day they should show us the ford 



Records of Sottth-Eastem Africa. 245 

over the river which was before us. And as all that night and 
the next day it never ceased raining, or rather almost snowing 
(from the coldness of the water which fell), the Kaffirs would not 
venture out of their huts, and moved by hunger and cold and 
a desire to leave such an evil iialting-place, we sent llodrigo 
Tristao (him whom we found before) and a sailor into the village 
to procure us a guide, but they finding themselves better off 
because the young man knew the language of the country, were 
so neglectful of our state that they never returned with a message 
or without. Being in this trouble, when it was almost sunset the 
rain ceased somewhat, and a Kaffir came to us, who, being satisfied 
with the iron which we gave him, showed us the ford of the river 
at a place where the water reached to the chin of the tallest and 
in some parts to the top of the heads of the others. When we 
reached the other bank, wet through and the rain not ceasing, 
we were so benumbed with cold that our hands and feet were 
powerless and we could not take a step forward. And as there 
was no thicket within a great distance wherein we could take 
shelter, we were forced as quickly as we could, and half tumbling 
along, to climb up the side of a hill, that the warmth of this 
exercise might restore our animation and life which was almost 
extinct. But as this exertion was as painful to our weakness as 
was the cold when we kept still, we endeavoured to find a remedy 
by taking refuge in a marshy place which lay so low that it was 
full of water, but we chose it as the lesser evil, because there was 
an abundance of wood, and though wo made some fires the cold 
was so excessive that this was not sufficient to prevent our teeth 
firom chattering all night. 

The next day as soon as it was light we resumed our journey, 
no less tormented by cold and hunger than on the previous day, 
and towards the afternoon we came upon two villages where we 
bought three goats, though at a high price, which afforded us 
some relief. Here the Kaffirs showed us an ivory tusk which 
they said they were going to sell at a river which was farther on, 
where there came white men like ourselves, at which we were 
overjoyed, thinking it was nearer. And as that night it was cold 
and rainy as the nights before, despairing of saving ourselves in 
the open air we hired some huts from the Kaffirs in which 
crowded together, with a fire in the middle, we passed that night, 
which was so stormy that the next day we found two or three 



246 Records of South-MJastem Africa. 

slaves (lead, who being unable to find shelter had slept in the 
open air, and such would have been our fate ii our Lord had not 
succoured us with these shelters. 

Leaving this place, we journeyed along a marsh which ran in 
the same direction as the coast, with the intention of crossing it 
to reach the shore as soon as we could find a spot where it was 
possible, but the road was such that, though we attempted it 
three or four times, we could never succeed. Ten or twelve men 
only who were in front attempting the passage, thinking that the 
rest were following them, pushed forward, overcoming the diflS- 
culties of the way, until finding that they were alone they deemed 
it easier to go forward than to turn back, and reaching the other 
side they discovered a village near the shore, where they saved 
themselves from the Kaffirs who endeavoured to kill them by 
frightening them with the news that another company was close 
at hand, and for this reason they showed them a certain amount 
of courtesy, and having got rid of them, they made for the sea, 
and journeyed along the shore as far as they could, that wo might 
not get ahead of them. 

While these were following this road, Francisco Pires, the 
captain, who was in the rear when the passage of the marsh was 
attempted, hearing those in front say that there was no ford, 
ordered the company to turn back, and finding those who had 
reached the other side missing, not thinking it possible that they 
should have succeeded, from the account given by those who 
returned, wished to wait for them for some time ; but seeing their 
great delay and suspecting its cause, we resumed our journey 
along tlie marsh. In the afternoon we met a few Kaffirs from 
the village where our people had been, who had come to see if 
we were following, as they had been told we would do, in order 
to pursue them if it was not so ; but as soon as they perceived us 
they concealed their purpose and showed us the passage of the 
marsh, and directed us to a wood where we slept that night and 
bought a little nachani from them. 

The next day we resumed our journey, extending it to the 
village of these Kaffirs in search of news of our missing comrades, 
of whom they denied any knowledge, saying they had not seen 
them ; but the truth was that if their spies had not come up with 
us so soon they would not have escaped them, because being very 
numerous, as we afterwards learnt, they lived as rebels in that 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 247 

village, recognising no king or superior except sucli as they 
appointed among tliemselves, subsisting by robbing those of the 
couQtry who were less powerful. Their calling was easily per- 
ceived by the advantage they had over the other Kaffirs of that 
district in arms, bracelets, and various ornaments, and by the 
shameless manner in which they began to lay hands on the iron 
of some among us. Besides these, others came to us who were 
so lawless that we were almost forced into a severe and uncertain 
fight with them, but leaving the place with as much honour as 
we could we made for the sea-shore as well as the road would 
permit, and travelled till the afternoon. Being in want of water, 
we were obliged to go inland again in search of it ; and on our 
way we found three villages, the Kaffirs of which showed us a 
lake, on the borders of which we slept that night. 

As soon as it was light we resumed our journey, with the 
intention of returning to the sea-shore, there being nothing 
between it and us but some sand-hills and a good deal of thicket 
which runs along it. The Kaffirs seeing us set out, all those in 
the district having assembled in a large army well armed accord- 
ing to their custom, came to the place where we were, and while 
talking peaceably to us, began to steal different things from those 
who were not upon their guard, and those who did this mingled 
with the rest and went on talking securely as if they had done 
no harm. We, understanding their evil designs and fearing their 
numbers, were still more desirous of reaching the shore, because 
if it came to fighting there we could put our backs to the sea and 
avoid being surrounded. With this purpose, we were making 
towards it, but as soon as the Kaffirs were aware of our intention 
they placed themselves before us with their assagais prepared, 
saying that we should not go except where they chose to guide 
us. We, both because the way lay over a thickly wooded hill, 
and because we wished to get rid of them without a fight, being 
very weak and not having more than fifteen or twenty lances 
and five or six swords among us, all the other arms having been 
bartered away for want of other iron, did not dispute the point, 
but took the road they pointed out. As soon as they saw this, 
thinking we were afraid, they raised a loud shout as if in scorn 
of our cowardice, and thenceforward full of confidence they began 
openly to divide the arms and spoils which they hoped to win 
from us. The interpreter, hearing what they were saying, gave 



248 Becords of Sauth-Eastern Africa. 

us warning of it, telling us that they were resolved to fight us as 
soon as they were joined by some others who were waiting farther 
on to assist them. Finding from this that we could not avoid 
a fight and considering how much better it would be for us while 
they were fewer, we again made for the shore (on account of the 
favourable position it oiffered us, as aforesaid), directing our 
march towards a hill over which, though thickly wooded, the 
way was shorter. They, seeing our intention, again placed them- 
selves before us with their arms prepared, saying that we must 
go with them, and as we were determined not to do their will, we 
prepared ourselves for the battle we expected, the captain com- 
manding those who had arms to place themselves in the front 
and rear, and those who were unarmed in the middle, and he 
who carried the musket to fire and reload it, fearing it would 
hang fire as it had been loaded ior some days and was wet with 
the rain. He who bore the musket began to obey these orders 
by striking a light with the flint and steel, and those who were 
out of the thicket began to warn those who were in it with great 
amazement to be on their guard, for we had a light and they did 
not know how we procured it. This plunged them all into such 
surprise, fear, and amazement that we partly perceived the 
weakness they afterwards showed ; but all this was nothing com- 
pared to the effect of the report of the musket upon them, for 
then they turned and fled as if they were pursued by devils, and 
dispersed so that in a moment every one of them had disappeared. 
1 know not where they hid themselves in such a short time, being 
so numerous. Seeing the fear they had of the musket, in the 
future we made more account of it for our defence. . 

Our way being thus clear, we climbed the hill aforesaid till we 
reached the summit, where there was a village from which all had 
fled who could do so, and there remained only four or five old 
men, so old that they dared not follow the rest, and who expected 
from us the fate they had deserved ; but in spite of our just cause 
of offence, in pity for their age we would do them no harm, but 
rather left them in peace, and went on our way until we reached 
the shore. There we met with such a terrible tempest and storm 
of wind that that day will ever be remembered by us who escaped 
as one of the most painful of tlie journey, for the whole of that 
coast was composed of dry loose sand, which was blown by the 
wind in such clouds that we could not see each other, and great 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 249 

hills of sand were raised suddenly in places where the ground was 
quite smooth before. We could not remain still so much as a 
quarter of an hour, or we should have been buried; therefore 
fearing to share the fate of Cambyses we gave up all thought of 
the rest of which we stood so much in need, and with our backs 
to the wind we resumed our journey (if it can be thus called) 
almost flying. By the fury of the wind the sand beat continually 
on our legs and such parts of our persons as were exposed, until 
we were covered with blood ; but the coast being barren with no 
trees or shelter where we might take refuge, we were obliged to 
endure this hardship longer than our strength could support it. 
Proceeding in this way, we came upon our companions who had 
separated from us in crossing the marsh, as before related, and 
though we were unwilling to stop except in some wood which 
would aflford us shelter, as not one of us could take a step farther 
and the blood was trickling from us, we took refuge among some 
shrubs which were at the foot of a hill, where we passed that 
night in excessive suifferiug, both from the cold in our wounds 
and the want of all other relief which was so necessary to us. 

The next day the tempest ceased, and as soon as it was light 
enough we continued our journey. That day we found upon the 
sea shore a piece of a ship which all declared to be of the galleon 
St. John of Biscay, in which Lopo de Sousa disappeared in the 
year 1551, having sailed from India for this kingdom. After we 
had rested upon it for a while, our grief at our misfortunes revived 
by the sight of something from this land. We then arose, and 
slept that night at the mouth of the river Medaos do Ouro, which 
is situated in latitude 27§ degrees, one of the largest estuaries on 
that coast, receiving as it does the waters of four large rivers from 
the interior, and which enters a bay about half a league from the 
shore. In some parts it is more than two leagues in width during 
nearly twenty in length. Some sand hills lying between its 
course and the coast separate it from the sea, and besides these 
rivers the waters of so many marshes and streams flow into it 
that, when they are joined into one body of water, it enters the 
sea with such force that the fresh water can be perceived above 
the salt at a distance of two leagues. For which reason, seeing 
that it was a waste of time to endeavour to find a ford at such a 
depth, we began to travel along the river until we reached the 
first arm of it, where the current seemed less, and there we made 



250 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

rafts, which was a sujBSciently laborious task, because of the 
distance which we had to carry the wood. As long as the day 
lasted the people continued crossing the river, but when it was 
growing late so many hippopotami appeared that for fear they 
might attack us those on both banks found shelter for the night 
as best they could, leaving the passage for the next day. 

The night being moonlit, three sailors searched along the coast 
in hope of finding something cast up by the storm, and at the 
mouth of the river they found a shark thrown on the shore, which 
they divided between them and sold to us at fifteen and twenty 
cruzados a slice two fingers thick. The want of other provisions 
caused such a number of bidders that when all the body had been 
disposed of at the aforesaid rate, some one was found willing to 
pay twenty thousand reis for half the head, so that a good sized 
farm might have been bought in this country for the price of 
that fish. 

The next day we finished crossing the river, which delayed us 
till dusk, so that we slept that night on the opposite bank in a 
swamp among the reeds, which was the best place we could find. 
In the morning as soon as it was light we resumed our journey, 
and walked until the hour of vespers, when we reached the other 
branch of the river, which we were able to ford, though it was 
wide. Seeing that near the bay the ground was marshy and 
covered with water, we went round it, and going about from one 
place to another we found a path. Supposing that it would lead 
to some village, we followed it till the afternoon, when we came 
in sight of two or three villages, where we traded for three goats. 
Having got rid of some people who endeavoured to attack us, we 
slept that night near other villages, whose residents not being so 
numerous and not daring to attack us openly, travelled with us 
the next day, waiting for some disorder among us that they 
might carry out their intentions. When we reached a river, 
which came up to our necks at the place where we forded it, they, 
seeing with what caution we proceeded and that they could not 
make any attempt against us, seized upon four or five slaves who 
were still on their bank, and stripped them without our being 
able to assist them, as most of us were on the other side, and 
those who were in the river had so much to do in struggling with 
the mud in which they were sinking that they could not succour 
them. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 251 

Having crossed this river, we travelled till the afternoon, when 
we came upon another village. The Kaffirs pointed out a certain 
place where they said it was possible to cross, and reach the shore 
as we desired. As we were setting out (not from any faith in 
their words, but constrained by necessity) there came to us a 
young man of Guzerat well known in India to some of our 
company, who advised us not to go in the direction pointed out, 
because it was all mud, and the Kaffirs intended to kill us when 
we were stuck fast in it, but s*iid that he would go with us and 
show us the way which Manuel de Sousa followed. Thinking 
this the better counsel, we travelled for two days along the bay, 
at the end of which time we came upon a river, and as we were 
all expecting to reach the sea, according to the hopes our guide 
held out to us, on encountering this obstacle many were enraged 
against him, saying that he should be hanged, having purposely 
brought us there to die. Fearing this, the young man returned 
to the Kaffirs without our leave, and when we found him missing, 
seeing there was no one to guide us by a different way, we 
sounded the river to ascertain if we could avoid the necessity of 
making rafts, there being no wood within a great distance, but 
finding that they would be necessary, we made two, on which a 
good number of the people crossed that afternoon. 

The next day, when we had all reached the opposite side, we 
continued our journey round the bay, and as all the land there 
was uninhabited and extremely barren of trees and herbs, and as 
in the villages we had left behind we had not traded for anything, 
our want was so extreme that we were forced to eat our shoes and 
the straps of the shields which we carried. Any one who found 
the bone of an animal bleached with age till it was white as 
snow ate it reduced to charcoal as if it was a plentiful banquet. 
Through this want of food the people became so weak that 
thenceforward they fell into disorder, loitering at the foot of 
shrubs and falling on the road at every step. All were reduced 
to such insensibility, and were so affected by their suffering that 
even those who remained behind did not realise that they must 
die in a few hours in abandonment, and those who went forward, 
expecting the same fate themselves at every moment, showed no 
sorrow at a sight so fitted to call it forth. Thus they passed over 
each other without showing any sign of feeling, as if they had been 
a herd of irrational animals grazing in that place, their eyes and 



252 Records of Sauth-Eastem Africa. 

attention fixed upon the surrounding country to see if they could 
discover herb, bone, or insect on which they might lay hands 
(even though it might be poisonous), and if any of these things 
appeared all rushed to seize it first ; and there were often disputes 
between relations and friends over a locust, beetle, or lizard, so 
great was the want and suffering which made such base things of 
value. After travelling in this misery for three days, at length 
we came to a hill where there were many wild onions, and our 
suspicion that they were deadly poison was not sufficient to 
prevent our supping upon them, and our Lord was pleased that 
they should do us no harm. 

Most high, great, just, and all powerful God, true searcher of 
the human heart ! Thou Lord who from thy resplendent throne 
seest the affliction and anguish in which I am plunged, the 
mournful hour bein<r now come in which in the course of this 
narrative I must set down the untimely and lamentable death of 
Antonio Sobrinho de Mesquita, my brother, and knowest how I 
went forth with him alive and have returned without him, by 
which I am plunged in perpetual sorrow, succour me Lord in this 
my necessity, and revive my spirits bowed down with the remem- 
brance of such grief, that I may not thereby be bereft of words 
and may continue this history, putting aside my private sorrow 
to be lamented by me alone according to the love I bore the 
cause of it. 

To return to the subject, while we were travelling through that 
part where I broke off the thread of my narrative, I saw my 
brother growing weaker, so that he was unable to keep up with 
the rest, and for five or six days he and I remained behind, 
reaching the places where they camped at night the last of the 
company ; and though the captain waited for us very often and 
for our sake halted at night earlier than usual, even this was not 
sufficient to enable us to keep up with him, for as the weakness 
of privation increased so also did our delay. Thereupon the 
captain, seeing that when they set out the next morning we were 
still a long way behind, waited till we came up, and then said 
that we saw to what misfortune our sins had brought us, and all 
these people were complaining of him because he constantly 
waited for us, exclaiming that while they had breath they must 
struggle to get out of this evil country, that ever so little time 
wasted in these delays would be enough to cause them all to 



Records of South-Eastern Afried. 253 

perish, and therefore we should make up our mind what we 
intended to do, and not linger behind, or if the strength of 
Antonio Sobrinho would not suffice and I was determined to 
remain with him, we should declare as much, that no further 
time might be wasted in delay which could not save us and was 
a manifest danger to the others; that God knew with what 
sorrow he said this, but that his duty to those under his care 
made it necessary. 

And as Antonio Sobrinho replied to this that he would have 
been left behind many days ago had it not been for me and that 
now he could not take another step forward, I said to the captain 
that 1 saw there was good reason for what he stated, and since 
our Lord was pleased that of father, sons, and family who came 
in that ship not one should escape, each seeing the disastrous 
death of the others, I gave him many thanks, and accepted this 
fate in penance for my sins, being determined to remain with my 
brother and be his companion in death as I had been in life; 
and since it was certain that his weakness increased each day, 
proceeding as it did from hunger in which they could render no 
assistance, I begged them all to delay no longer, but should our 
Lord be pleased to remember them and bring them to a Christian 
land, I only asked one thing of them, that they should not tell 
the true facts of our death, but say that we were drowned on 
leaving the ship, not to increase the affliction of a sad and 
disconsolate mother, who remained in this kingdom, prostrated 
by the death of her husband and sons. 

Hearing this, Antonio Sobrinho passionately declared that I 
must not speak of such a thing, nor would he consent to it, but 
required me in the name of God and Saints Peter and Paul to go 
away and leave him, calling on the captain and the rest of the 
company in the same way not to consent to leave me, saying that 
if he felt in himself any hope of life, nothing could console him 
so much as my company, but now he was at his last hour and all 
around him was death and the signs of death ; therefore I should 
take no further heed of him, for he required nothing further of 
me but that I should commend him to God, to whom he com- 
mended me in like manner ; and he begged me that his death 
might be regarded by me as a great mercy from the divine 
hands, for so he himself esteemed it, adding that God knew if 
any sentiment of sorrow remained in him, it was the thought that 



254 Records of Sovih-Eastem Africa. 

grief for his death might be the cause of bringing me sooner io 
the like pass. As the captain and other persons endeavoured 
with much reasoning to persuade me not to remain, I, complaining 
that they should judge me so ill as to think that their entreaties 
could turn me from my duty, persisted in my purpose. Where- 
upon with no small show of grief they bade us farewell and 
proceeded on their way, and only a young man whom I took from 
this kingdom and a slave remained with me, refusing to leave me, 
though I begged them many times to do so. Seeing that their 
company could only serve to increase my sorrow in life and 
disturb me in death, I was forced to repay their good intentions 
with such an ill return as to take up the lance 1 carried with me 
and drive them from me with blows ; and I wish to make this 
remembrance of them here, because their loyalty to me deserved 
no less. 

Remaining thus alone with my brother, after he had rested I 
begged him to rise while it was yet day and God gave him life, 
and go forward as well as he could, for it might please Him to 
bring us by chance to some village where we might find relief, or 
if not, it would be better to die in the power of men than of 
animals, which must be very numerous in that country judging 
from the many different kinds of footprints with which the 
ground was covered. At this he was much offended, and would 
not answer me for some time, but at length seeing that I did not 
cease to importune him, he broke the silence and said that he 
entreated me not to remain there, but to leave him both in 
respect for my own life and his death ; but since I would not do 
so, I must know that what I saw before me was no longer my 
brother, nor should I regard him as such, being only a dead body 
and a little earth, as I would s(K)n see ; and since it must be so, 
he begged me not to waste the short space of life which remained 
to him in seeking relief which he no longer required, but to let 
him commend himself to our Lord and meditate upon His sacred 
passion, that He might assist him in this hour, and that I should 
aid him to do this, for this was all that he required and the last 
request he had to make of me. In this and other equally sad 
and salutary discourses we passed some time, till at length, moved 
by my sorrow, he made an effort to rise, and journeyed on, but he 
had not gone far when he again lay down, and thus sometimes 
going forward, sometimes falling, little by little we followed the 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 255 

rest of the company. These, after they had separated from ns, 
went forward till the hour of vespers, when they came upon a 
marsh which lay across their path, with a river running in the 
middle, and as they stood in doubt as to where they might cross 
it, some Kaffirs appeared upon the opposite bank, whom they 
begged to show them the ford, and they replied that they could 
not do so then, but would show them the next day. Our people, 
seeing that it was necessary to wait for a guide, retired to a wood 
close by, and spent the rest of that day in seeking some means of 
subsistence. As their day's journey was short, on account of the 
obstacle of this river, my brother and I, following on their track 
with the aforesaid delays, when the night had closed in came in 
sight of the fires which they made and rejoined them, finding 
them more contented than on previous nights, both from the 
hope of reaching a village next day and because that afternoon 
on the borders of the marsh they found some water-lilies such as 
grow in lakes, which to their necessity seemed an excellent dish. 
Though my brother and I had no share of these, because we 
arrived too late, yet we supped upon the sandals which I had on, 
and our equal necessity made us find them no less delicious. 

In the morning the KaflBrs whom we were expecting showed 
themselves on the opposite bank of the river. As appeared from 
after events, they had spent all the afternoon of the previous day 
in assembling. As soon as they were opposite us they pointed 
out a certain spot where they said we might cross over ; but we 
found so much mud in passing from the place where we slept to 
the river, that, together with signs of evil intentions which we 
perceived in them, we were afraid to enter the water. They, 
seeing our distrust, made light of the matter, telling us not to be 
afraid, for others of our countrymen had passed there before us ; 
«o that moved by their persuasions as well as by the necessity of 
reaching the other bank we began to cross the river all in a body, 
that we might be able to resist them wherever they attacked us. 
We had not taken many steps before we all sank in the ooze up 
to the waist, for there were not two spans of water above it, so 
that it soon reached to our shoulders. In these straits each one 
showed signs of the extremity to which his strength had been 
reduced, and the mud was so deep and sticky that we were some- 
times stuck in one spot for a long while, struggling to free our- 
selves, without being able to move a step forward. When we 



256 Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 

had succeeded in freeing one leg and rested on it to free the 
other, it sank in again, and we were unable to extricate either, as 
we were not then in a fit state for such struggles. Some lost ho{)e 
of ever emerging, and weary and disheartened with eyerything, 
determined to remain there stuck fast, and would doubtless have 
done so and have perished by such a novel and cruel mode of 
death, if those who loved them had not encouraged them many 
times to renewed efforts, and made them cross to the other bank. 
My brother Antonio Sobrinho died during the passage which 
presented the aforesaid difficulties, his strength being already 
reduced to the last extremity. I dragging him out of the mud 
when he could not free himself, with such pain and agony as is 
known to God alone, we reached the current of the river, which 
ran by the opposite bank. Here there was very little mud, but 
80 much water that it covered us, so that those who crossed had 
to get over several lengths of paces without their feet touching 
the ground until they reached land on the opposite side. And 
as we were delayed by his weakness we were left the last in the 
river, and not knowing how to swim, as soon as we reached the 
deep part I crossed over and placed myself as near it as I could 
to help him when he should reach me, but his weakness was such 
that when he let himself go the water carried him off his feet 
and he was swept down the river. Though I managed by an 
effort to seize him by the arm, I did not deserve so much favour 
from our Lord as to be able to raise him above the water before 
he rendered up his spirit to Him. As I had crossed the river 
once before among the first, to help defend the passage if neces- 
sary, and if not, to ease myself of my arms, because with them it 
was impossible to help him, when I returned for him and we 
were enduring what I have related, the rest of the company, in 
fear of the Kaffirs, withdrew a short distance from the place 
where I left them, because it was marshy. There was no one to 
help me at the time of this sad event, except a feeble ship's boy 
who remained there overcome with fatigue. I drew him to the 
dry shore, and covered him with a few reeds, which was the most 
pious office that in my weakness and son'ow I could render him 
in that hour. And this being done, as the captain had been 
calling me for some time to assist in the fight against the 
Kaffirs who had posted themselves in his path, seeing that I 
could do no more in that place, and it being no time for tears. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 257 

nor if it were, could sufficient be found for such a grief, bidding 
farewell to that body which was so beloved by me in life and now 
wanting the animating spirit was torn from my eyes by the most 
piercing and unhappy stroke of fate and left in those deserts, I 
went my way. How, I will not say, not only because it is under- 
stood, but because I must needs confess that if I were further to 
pursue the remembrance of this sad event, nothing could induce 
me to desist from employing my pen in writing a lengthy elegy 
rather than a brief and general history. 

Having reached the rest of the company, I found them ready 
to fight, but doubtful of doing so because of the multitude of 
Kaffirs who had stationed themselves in our path and were dis- 
puting among themselves whether to attack us or not; buti>at 
length the fear of the musket being more powerful than their 
will, they dissimulated their purpose for the time being, and 
showed us the way to two or three villages close by, where they 
determined to collect a larger body of men to accomplish their 
design. Though the interpreter informed us of what was going 
on, our want of provisions forced us to dissimulate also until we 
saw whether we could procure any from them, and camping in 
the place they pointed out, they brought us for sale some pieces 
of buffitlo meat and other produce of the chase, which is very 
plentiful in all that country. 

These Kaffirs told us that the four men whom we sent on before 
with a message to Lourenpo Marques were dead, and they killed 
them close to that spot because, constrained by hunger, they 
seized a Kaffir whom they found on the sea- shore, and carrying 
him into a wood they cut him up and roasted him to furnish their 
wallets; but the inhabitants of that place found that he was 
missing, and the ground being dry and sandy, they followed their 
track and came upon them in the act; and then carrying our 
men to the shore, and thinking it proper to be revenged upon 
them, they slew the poor wretches with cruel butchery. 

The next day, leaving that place, we passed by other Kaffir 
villages, the inhabitants of which joined with those of the place 
where we had slept, and their purpose being such as I have stated, 
they endeavoured to carry it out when they saw how their 
numbers had increased. One of them therefore attacked one of 
our people who was not upon his guard, and snatching the sword 
from his side, fled with it. Seeing that we passed over this first 



258 Records of South-Eastem Africa. 

offence without doing raore than pressing them to leave na^ 
another was bold enough to try to take the axe from him who 
carried it, but he was on the alert, and the Kaffir could not get it 
out of his hands, but rather we all fell upon him and upon those 
who rushed to defend him, and had a lively skirmish, in which 
the robber was knocked down with thrusts from our lances, but 
we were so little inclined for such an ofiSce that though he lay on 
the ground for some time and we gave him nearly twenty thrustB 
with our lances, he was not wounded by any, though he had no 
other means of defence than the skin in which he was bom. He 
withdrew with one hand cut off by a sword-blow from the captain, 
and though his companions did their best to revenge him, seeing 
at last that they could not break our ranks and how badly those 
came off who attempted more, they withdrew little by little until 
we were free from them all. 

Being rid of these people, we resumed our journey along a 
sandy path where we saw a large herd of buffaloes, zebras, and 
horses, which we only saw in this plcu^e during the whole of our 
journey. Passing on, we came to a marsh through which ran a 
river that could not be forded except by a certain elephant track 
which crossed it from side to side, and this we feared very much 
to attempt, both because the water was so deep and because it 
was full of sea-horses, which observing us, gathered in large herds 
and raising their bodies htdf out of the water, made for the spot 
where we were with such fury and neighing that no one dared to 
be the first to attempt the passage ; but at last, seeing there was 
no help for it, beating the water before us with our lances and 
making a loud outcry because we perceived that they were some- 
what frightened by it, we crossed to the other side. Then, 
wishing to reach the sea, we found that the whole width of the 
marsh, which was about half a league, was covered with extremely 
tall trees with thick foliage, through which the sun could never 
penetrate to the stagnant water at the bottom, causing it to be so 
cold and evil smelling that this, joined to its depth and the 
quantity of mud, made the passage so difficult that though we 
journeyed along it all that day and six others and attempted many 
times to reach the opposite side, we were never able to do so. 

As all the time we were travelling along this infernal lake, wo 
found no springs, roots, herbs, fruit, or any other means of sub- 
sistence, our necessity grew to such a pitch that we were obliged 



Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 259 

to eat a species of bean, which was the worst and most deadly 
poison of any which we ate during our journey, for as soon as 
they were swallowed, those who ate them fell upon the ground 
with all the outward signs of death, so that if they were not at 
once assisted with bezoar, they could not go a step farther, but 
remained there writhing and struggling with pain and frenzy as 
if they were possessed. Those therefore who had suffered so 
much from this food as well as those who would not partake of it, 
having seen what the others endured, as nothing else was to be 
found, were all so weakened that every day many were left 
behind in such want and abandonment that, if one may say so, it 
would have moved bears and tigers to pity, though in these parts 
we proved more merciless than they, for each one was so taken 
up with fear of his own fate that all were beside themselves, and 
if any feeling remained to them, they employed it only in be- 
wailing their evil fortune and the sins which had brought them 
to such a pass. Truly if any person had been watching us from 
the summit of the mountains, although he were a savage reared 
in the caves of those desert ranges, seeing us thus, naked, bare- 
foot, burdened, strangers lost and destitute, eating wild herbs, of 
which we could not find sufficient, he would have understood 
that we were men who had sinned grievously against God, or 
otherwise His accustomed clemency would not have suffered such 
severe pimishment to fall upon such miserable bodies. 

As our affliction increased daily, seeing that the marsh was 
always in our way and there were certain signs that we would get 
to the end of our strength rather than the end of it, hopeless of 
extricating ourselves by human efforts we determined to have 
recourse to divine, therefore we all went upon our knees in 
prayer, begging our Lady by her holy conception to obtain for 
us from her Glorious Son such another miracle as was wrought 
for the children of Israel in their going out of Egypt and their 
passage of the Eed sea, by showing us a road by which we might 
leave that place, and that we might find some means of sub- 
sistence to strengthen our almost failing spirits, and might not 
perish in such want. And as her office is to intercede for sinners, 
she was pleased that, on that very day, attempting to cross the 
marsh in a spot where it seemed impossible, by her guidance 
(for without it we could not have done so) we found a means of 
reaching the other side. At this evident miracle, wo again knelt 



i 



200 jieeoras of South-Enstem Afruio. 

in prayer and (not with dry eyes) rendered thanks to onr Lord 
for such a favour, and besides private vows we promised in the 
name of all a pilgrimage to our Lady of Guadalupe and a solemn 
High Mass, and the same in the first house dedicated to the 
Virgin which we reached; for seeing what she, the Mother of 
God, had done for us that day, we began by her aid to recover 
some hopes of safety and to have more faith in our disconsolate 
labour. And that same day, that we might clearly see from 
whose hand these things proceeded and that the manna of the 
desert should not fail us, we found many wild palm-trees ; and 
that night we slept near a lake by the sea, where we found some 
fruit almost like pears, with a very pleasant taste, and some 
Kaffirs came to speak to us. 

Having passed that night with more repose than those before, 
the next day, which was the feast of the Blessed St. John the 
Baptist, the Kaffirs returned with a little millet which we bought 
from them, and this being concluded, having no wish to rest until 
we found ourselves upon the shore, we determined to sleep at the 
sea side, and because there was another marsh in the way, we 
begged the Kaffirs to show us the road thither. Many of them 
being then assembled for the evil purpose which they had in 
view, and awaiting others, they detained us with talking ; but 
seeing that we made haste, they began to mingle slyly among us 
with the intention of seizing us, which they might easily have 
done, seeing their strength and our weakness, if the interpreter 
had not warned us of what he had overheard, so that we did not 
allow them to come near us. They, seeing their intention was 
discovered and that they could not compass their designs by 
trickery, began thenceforward to show their purpose openly, 
speaking proudly, thinking by these means to bend us more 
easily to their will. We, seeing that it must certainly come to a 
fight with them, began to prepare ourselves, and forming ourselves 
into a body with those who were unarmed in the middle, we set 
out upon our way without waiting for them. As soon as they 
saw this, they said that they wished to guide us, and thus we set 
out altogether until we reached the summit of a hill from which 
the sea was visible, and they wishing us to take a path which 
led to the marsh aforesaid, in which they purposed to attack us 
when we were all stuck fast, we, knowing their design and 
enraged at such attempts, refused to alter our route, which lay 



Beco^is of South'Eastern Africa. 261 

where we could see that the road was more free from obstacles. 
They, seeing our purpose, prepared to fight, some placing them- 
selves in the paths where they thought we might take refuge and 
others surrounding us; and as soon as they had divided and 
prepared themselves, they began to skirmish among themselves 
as men who are exercising, and then with shouts and a loud out- 
cry they attacked us, throwing so many assagais that the air was 
darkened by a cloud of them, though they seemed afterwards to 
be as well provided with them as before. In this first attack 
they wounded our captain and another man with two great cuts, 
but as at that time we were not unprepared and (after God) had 
no other resource than our small hope of safety, we determined 
not to be unavenged, although we should lose the lives it had 
cost us so much to preserve. We began to resist them with the 
few lances and swords which still remained among us, and other 
difierent kinds of arms of which anger and necessity easily made 
use ; but as we were few and overcome with weakness, and they 
were numerous and strongi seeing us in this state they did not 
cease drawing near us on every side, coming among us at will to 
throw their assagais which from habit they do with incredible 
force and dexterity, and as our weapons were not such as can be 
thrown and they withdrew with great agility, we could not hurt 
them. Though we remained there two hours fighting hard with 
them, the victory inclining now to one side and then to the other, 
we were already so weary that we had no further resource, if our 
Lord had not aided us with the musket, for during all that time 
he who carried it did nothing but load and discharge it, loading 
it with a heavy charge of ammunition besides the ball, for it was 
impossible to miss among such a multitude of enemies. Two fell 
immediately, and so many were wounded that they were frightened 
and began to fight with less fury, until little by little they 
withdrew from us. As soon as we were rid of them, (rendering 
thanks to our Lord for such a victory) we made for the sea, and 
at length reached it, it being fourteen days since we left it to get 
round the river, during which time we must have travelled more 
than sixty leagues, not having advanced on our journey more 
than about five leagues, which lay between the spot where \%e 
now reached the shore and the mouth of the river where we left 
it. In this round our loss, between the dead and those who fell 
with fatigue, amounted to twenty persons. 



262 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

After we had rested a short time on that dry sand and had 
restored our strength with a little piece of meat which by good 
fortune was found among the company, and was no small relief, 
as we were in want of everything, it being still early, we resumed 
our journey, to see if we might come upon some water upon the 
bank of which we might rest ; but as it is very scarce in that 
land we travelled till the afternoon without finding any, and took 
shelter on the border of a wood, where we passed the night 
tormented by thirst, from our exertions with the KaflSrs. Nor 
was this the. first or last in which we endured the like, for since 
we left the land of Natal and entered that called the land of 
Fumos (Smokes), the southern limit of which is in latitude 
26§ degrees, it being all sand, we often travelled six or seven 
days without drinking, and this was not one of the least evils 
which we had to endure upon our journey. 

The next day we resumed our march, with the intention of not 
leaving the shore except in case of great necessity, but this was 
so constantly our case, especially for want of water, that nearly 
every afternoon we were obliged to travel inland in search of 
some foot-prints of elephants, in which it may sometimes be 
found (for these are the crystalline springs of that country). 
After travelling for five days through these sterile parts, at the 
end of that time our Lord relieved us with a wild pig that we 
found among some shrubs on the sea-shore, which, being taken 
by surprise, was surrounded and killed with blows before it could 
escape, and was equally divided among all. 

That day, in the afternoon, as we were wandering inland 
according to our custom, we passed three or four villages, in none 
of which would they show us where they found their drinking 
water. "When it was almost night we reached another, in which 
there were about twenty or thirty cows and some sheep with five 
quarters, and here the people sbowed us a marsh which was a 
little way off, but as it was not yet lime to go and sleep beside 
it, ^0 sent four or five young men there for water, though for 
want of vessels they could but little relieve our great necessity. 

As the Kafiirs of all these villages aforesaid came that after- 
noon molesting us and laying hands on those who were not on 
their guard, and as they assembled in still greater numbers until 
they left us encamped for the night, they doing the same close 
by, we, thinking their assembling suspicious, lis soon as night 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 263 

closed in sent the interpreter secretly to spy them and overhear 
their conversation. As it was dark, he was able to do so, and on 
his return he told us that they had a sailor in their power, 
stripped and wounded in ten or twelve places, because constrained 
by thirst he went and asked them for water. We then saw that 
the danger we suffered from our want was not so certain as that 
of these enemies, whose sole conversation was of the manner in 
which they could fight with us next day, that not one of us might 
escape. 

As soon as this was known, as there was a hill and a thickly 
wooded valley very difficult to pass through between us and the 
sea, where we knew we should fight them to their great advantage 
and our risk, we all thought it would be better to rise in the 
middle of the night and reach the shore before it was day, where 
for the reasons aforesaid we hoped for a better chance. Acting 
upon this opinion, as soon as the hour was come we set out, 
leaving fires alight to conceal our purpose. As the darkness was 
very dense, and we were little acquainted with the country, we 
could follow no other plan than to keep to the right, by which 
we reached the worst and most thickly wooded part of the thicket, 
where there were many thorns and other trees which time and 
age had cast upon the ground, over and under which we crawled 
and groped as we best could^ for there was so little light that our 
eyes only served to keep their owners in constant fear of having 
them blinded by some branch. In this way, keeping together 
by the sound of the exclamations drawn from us by the thorns 
and knocks we met with, when day was breaking we reached the 
sea, three men being left upon the way besides those who were 
wounded by the Kaffirs, for whom we waited a good while. 
Seeing at last that their delay must arise from their not being 
able to proceed farther, we resumed our journey, and slept that 
night in a wood where some were so tormented by thirst that 
they satisfied it with water from a lake, which was as salt as the 
sea. This they bought almost for its weight in gold from those 
who went to fetch it, because of the long distance we had come 
during that night and day, when we reached that spot no one was 
able to move. After we had taken shelter there, three or four 
Kaffirs came up with us, who were the spies of the rest whom we 
had left behind, and as soon as they saw where we were they 
returned. 



264 Records of South-Eastern Africa, 

As the coming of these spies would not allow us to rest securely^ 
because of the large number we had seen assembled, as soon as 
dawn appeared we resumed our journey, and at about nine or ten 
o'clock in the morning we came upon a river which, the tide 
being low, we were able to ford. When nearly all had reached 
the other bank, there came a few Kaffirs hurrying to overtake us, 
who were the forerunners of those who remained behind, and 
finding several youths still on the bank, they stripped them, 
doing them no further harm, with the intention of attacking 
those who were still crossing the river, whom they would have 
treated in the same way if those on the other bank had not gone 
to their assistance, re-entering the water and defending them till 
they reached a place of safety. 

When we were all reunited we attempted to resume our journey, 
but these Kaffirs, seeing our intention, crossed the river and 
began to stir up those who were on our bank, inciting them to 
fight with us or at least to detain us till the arrival of the rest of 
their people who were behind, for which purpose they began their 
usual shouts and war cries in such cases. In a short time a large 
body of them had assembled, and thus they came towards us so 
certain of their prize that they would not wait for a larger force ; 
but as the interpreter warned us of their purpose, the captain 
commanded him who carried the musket to fire it at the first who 
came within range, which he did to such good purpose that the 
ball hit one who was in advance of the others in the middle of 
the breast and went right through him, and we attacking them 
at the same time, though they stood their ground at first, ive 
drove them back to a wood which was close by. The wounded 
man ran so far along the river before he fell that many of the 
others, not thinking his injury could be so severe, rushed to 
defend him from those who were following him ; but in the 
meanwhile they saw him fall to the ground and discovered at the 
same instant how he was wounded, so that those who had come to 
assist him were terrified and returned whence they came. 

As for so many days we had not bought any provisions, nor 
had anything worth mentioning passed our lips, necessity forced 
some to the opinion that we should eat the dead Kaffir. It was 
already reported that this would not be the first time on this 
hapless journey that some had been driven to taste human flesh, 
but the captain would not consent to it, saying that if it was 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 265 

noised about that we ate liuman beings they would flee from us 
to the ends of the earth, and would endeavour to persecute us 
with still greater hatred. 

Fearing if we delayed in that place that the other people who 
were pursuing us would arrive (which they did, as we afterwards 
learnt) and molest us, joining with the first assailants, uniting 
again we resumed our journey, and when the sun was almost set 
we met with certain KaflSrs, who, though they would not trust us, 
Haid that they would sell us water, for on account of the great 
heat that was what we asked of them. Sending them vessels, 
they returned some of them full of water, but as they grew tired 
of rendering us this good service, we were forced by our great 
necessity to journey inland in search of it. Having found a lake, 
with which we satisfied ourselves, though it was already late, 
fearing an attack or surprise from our enemies in the night, we 
would not remain there, but returned to sleep upon the sea-shore. 

During the last days the heat had been great, so that it seemed 
well to all of us to travel some distance before dawn, that we 
might rest a little during the hottest hours without shortening 
the journey. Therefore when the proper hour had come we set 
out, and when we had walked about a league we came to a steep 
rock, upon which the sea was beating, a very unusual thing in 
those parts, where everything is sand. As those who were in 
front, from the darkness of the night could not see clearly what 
it was, thinking to find a passage between the foot of the rock 
and the water, they entered without fear, but they had not taken 
many steps when several overwhelming waves engulfed them and 
flung them back in disorder, so that though they were immediately 
succoured by those who were able to do so, they were saved with 
great danger. This obstacle therefore obliged us to wait for 
morning, when we found that there was no passage at its foot, so 
that we were forced to seek one over it, which we did with great 
difficulty, on account of the ruggedness of the rock, which was 
all sharp points. As we were bare-footed, the wounds we received 
were so many and so severe that some remained upon the road, 
and those that went on suffered immeasurable pain. Thus over- 
coming this hardship at our own cost until the hour of vespers, 
we came at length to smooth sand on the shore. While we were 
resting a little, the Kaffirs, who were constantly on our track on 
the look-out for stragglers, killed a slave who had separated from 



266 Becords of South-Eastern Africa, 

the rest of the company. Leaving that spot, we slept that night 
upon the border of a lake, which, being fresh water, was the best 
halting place we could find. 

The next day we were travelling in the same order, when at 
about nine or ten o'clock we came upon a KaflSr and about forty 
others with him, who said he had been sent to us by a king called 
Inhaca, a friend of white men, who had heard of our sufferings 
and therefore sent to beg us to come and see him, and we would 
be very well treated, as he had treated some other men who had 
passed through his country a short time back and had embarked 
in a ship which often came to a river of his kingdom. But, not 
trusting the loyalty of this message, nor believing that the name 
of the Portuguese was so well known and esteemed in regions so 
remote from any dealings with us, nor that such an offer could 
be due to friendly zeal, but judging it rather to be prompted by 
malice and treason, not knowing how close was the river we were 
in search of, we briefly replied that we could not do as they 
asked, as our road lay along the shore until we should come up 
with some other comrades whom we were seeking. With this 
answer they left us, taking with them Luis Pedroso and the 
ship's master, for whom the time had come, by our Lord's will, 
that he should feel the sufferings of Femao d'Alvares and be 
paid in the same coin for what he had contrived against him. 
They also took with them three or four other men, who could not 
keep up with us and desired to remain with them, moved rather 
by their own weakness than by faith in the offers made to them, 
which indeed met with small fulfilment, for we were no sooner 
out of the way than they stripped them and returned to the place 
they came from, leaving them naked. We proceeded on our way 
that day and the next, always along the shore, where we found 
large shoals of white crabs in the surf, which were left uncovered 
when the waves receded. We killed some while the daylight 
permitted, and as it was not a time for daintiness, this was done 
in such a hurry that often when we put them in our mouths they 
held on to our lips with their claws and stuck fast, while the rest 
of them half-masticated was wriggling down our throats. Though 
this fish was to cost some of the party dear, because in collecting 
them they took no heed of the waves which sometimes swept 
them back in confusion, we continued catching them till night, 
when we took shelter among some shrubs which were close by. 



Becorda of South^Eastern Africa, 267 

The next day as soon as it was light we resumed our jonmey, 
four men remaining overcome with fatigue, among whom was a 
son of Garcia de Caceres Lapidairo, who was in our company, 
who, though he grieved at this separation from his son whom he 
loved very much, seeing that he could do him no good by 
remaining there, gave him his blessing and left him. At nine 
or ten o'clock that day we came to the shore of the bay of the 
river Santo Espirito, which upon the chart we had with us was 
called by its ancient name of Bio da Lagoa, which is about fifteen 
or twenty leagues long and in parts little less in width ; the sea 
enters it by two passages, one to the south-west which is not very 
large, and the other to the north-west, which is about seven or 
eight leagues wide, and between the two lies an island about 
three leagues in circumference. 

This bay receives the water of three moderately large rivers, 
which rise far in the interior and end here, into each of which 
the tide penetrates ten or twelve leagues, besides what is com- 
prised in the bay. The first of these towards the south is called 
the river of Tembe,* because it divides the lands of a king so- 
called from those of Inhaca, with whom we afterwards remained. 
The second is called the river Santo Espirito, or of Louren^o 
Marques, who first opened up the ivory trade carried on there, 
which has caused this part to be frequently visited by vessels for 
some years past, though previously it was unfrequented, as it was 
not known to produce anything for commerce. This river divides 
the territory of Tembe from those of two other chiefs whose 
names are Bumo and Mena Lobombo. The third and last river 
to the north is called the Manisa, after another Kaffir of that name 
who reigns there, who has many other chiefs for neighbours. 
Along this river was the scene of the disaster of Manuel de Sousa 
Sepulveda, where himself and his wife and children perished, 
with nearly all his followers, only seven or eight persons escaping, 
who bore witness to his misfortunes. 

As on the chart by which we were guided, the watering place 
of Boa Paz was erroneously termed the river Santo Espirito, 
which watering place is in 24^ degrees and eighteen leagues 
farther on, and though that at the embouchure of which we were 
was clearly shown, both by the name aforesaid of Da Lagoa Bay 

* Now known as the Maputa, the present Tembe being a tributary of the 
Espirilo Santo. — G. M. T. 



268 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

and by the latitude of 25^ degrees in which it lies to be that of 
Louren9o Marques, of which we were in search, the name of Santo 
Espirito which was clearly marked upon the other caused us all 
to ftdl into the error of thinking it was the one where we had 
resolved to stop and wait for a ship. But in spite of our mistake 
and our desire to push forward when we found ourselves in that 
place, seeing that great bay and the feeble strength we had to 
endure the toil of journeying round it, which we dreaded the 
more because of what we suffered in getting round the river of 
Medaos do Ouro, there arose a difference of opinion as to what 
was best to be done. The final resolution of all, however, was 
that seeing we had no more iron for trading, nor arms with which 
to defend ourselves from the natives whom we found more savage 
and more evilly inclined at each encounter, nor strength to pro- 
ceed, for all were so broken down with weakness that every day 
five or six persons were left behind, so that it was certain if we 
went forward we would be first captured and then eaten, therefore 
we would go no farther, but trust ourselves to the king of that 
district, because it being so near to the place where the ship 
came, we presumed that he would have some knowledge of the 
Portuguese, for we had heard it said by those who escaped from 
the other wreck that the few survivors were brought twenty or 
thirty leagues from the interior to the ship, in view of the ransom 
expected for them, which we trusted (since we could go no farther) 
they would do in our case. 

As soon as this had been decided, we knelt down and recited 
the Salve Begina and other prayers, giving thanks to our Lord 
for the great favour He had shown us in our reaching this place, 
begging Him through the intercession of His Blessed Mother 
to be pleased to accept the past as penance for our sins, and to 
inspire new and different laws and customs into the hearts of the 
chiefs we hoped to meet with, that they might no longer perse- 
cute us as they had done hitherto for our sins. This being done, 
we resumed our journey along the bay, to see if we could meet 
with any people who would guide us to the king or give him 
information concerning us. We had not gone far before we saw 
upon a hill the inhabitants of a village which was deserted at the 
foot, in case we might attack it, some of whom after much doubt- 
ful conversation with the interpreter came to speak to us and 
said that their king was called Inhaca and was the brother of t^^ 



Records of S&nthrEast&tn Africa. 269 

white men who came to that bay very often in a ship, to whom 
the king sold much ivory in exchange for beads, with which they 
were all well adorned. 

Hearing this confirmation of the message which this E^affir 
sent ns on the way, and finding no discrepancy in their state- 
ments when questioned separately, we were very glad and very 
anxious to speak to the king. As these same men ofiered to 
guide us to him the next day, we rested there that night, and as 
soon as it was morning we sent the interpreter to the village to 
bring some one to guide us as we had agreed ; but the Kaffirs, I 
know not for what reason, refused to go with him in spite of all 
his prayers and promises, so that seeing their obstinacy we 
resumed our journey along the bay, very distrustful of the good 
news we had heard the day before. When we had gone about 
half a league we saw a fisherman in a gamboa, which is a sort of 
snare that they place in the water to catch fish, and drawing near 
to him as quietly as possible that he might not take flight, we 
called to him and found him to be a well-disposed old man, who 
came to us at once. When we asked if he would lead us to the 
king he assented, and as we were setting out with this intention 
there came another Kaffir with a message from the king, telling 
us that the bay was large and we could not get round it without 
his leave, that the natives on the other side of it were very wicked 
and enemies of our countrymen, for they had killed many who 
went there, but he was their friend, and if we would go to the 
place where he was, he would maintain us until the arrival of the 
ship, for which purpose he again sent for us. As we desired 
nothing else, on receiving this invitation we followed the 
messenger, and slept that night in a village where the Kaffirs 
had killed a sea-horse. They sold us the flesh for money, and 
this was the first place where they would accept it 

Leaving that place we travelled for three days, on the last of 
which the king, hearing of our approach, came out to receive us 
at a little distance from the town where he lived, with about 
'hirty men accompanying him. As soon as we came up to each 
>ther, with many signs of pleasure and welcome he made us sit 
oeside him, and when he and our captain had eaten a little of 
3ome kind of paste made of fruit which he brought with him 
(this being a sign of friendship among them), he asked us where 
we came from, and confirmed the message he had sent concerning 



270 Records of SouthrEoMem Africa. 

his friendship for us, encouraging us with promises that thence- 
forth we should suffer no further hardship, for he would maintain 
us and give us food until the arrival of the ship, which according 
to its custom on other occasions would not be long delayed. 
Then he rose and took the road to the town, which, though it 
was not surrounded by a trench and fortified with walls of stone 
and brick, and though it did not boast of splendid edifices with 
columns and masonry sustaining the weight of high towers and 
grand corridors, nevertheless in its natural and ancient poverty 
did not fail to show a certain policy and order of government, 
sufficient for its limited traffic. It was large and with many 
inhabitants, with its court-yards and paths in a not very dis- 
orderly state, and was surrounded by a kind of prickly pine trees 
which grow in that country, thickly set, with three or four 
entrances where they were necessary. While we rested in the 
court-yard before the king's rustic mountain palace, he com- 
manded certain huts to be cleared, in which we slept that night. 

Thus we arrived, only fifty-six Portuguese and six slaves on 
the 7th of July, having been seventy-two days on the road, 
during which we journeyed more than three hundred leagues on 
account of the rounds which we made. It was easily seen in our 
state and appearance how we had fared upon the road, for every- 
one had his skin clinging to his bones and looked more like an 
image of death than a living being, and our thinness, together 
with the poverty of our rags and the filth with which we were 
covered through labour and want, so disgusted the natives that 
they came to the huts where we were and assailed us with all 
manner of scorn. We therefore asked the king to lodge us in 
some huts which stood apart from the rest in a corner of the 
town, which he immediately did, telling us not to walk about 
the town in order that we might not be ill-treated, and that 
everything we needed would be brought to us for sale. 

As the purpose of that king in desiring to have us there was 
not all founded in virtue, but partly in interest, a plague which 
generally infects most people (however rustic they may be), his 
hope was to get some gold or jewels by it, not because such things 
were necessary for his use, but because he knew that the Portu- 
guese of the ship which came there in the past years bought 
these things from those who robbed Manuel de Sousa Sepulv^, 
giving beads in exchange, which they consider as great a treasure 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 271 

as are gold and jewellery with us. But being as discreet and 
sagacious as he was, he wished to possess himself of these with as 
little offence to us as possible, and sought for some means of so 
doing. After we had been there three or four days he sent for 
our captain, and said to him that we were so numerous that he 
was unable to maintain us all, as he was obliged to buy provi- 
sions from his people to give to us, and therefore we should assist 
him with gold or gold pieces, and that we could not excuse 
ourselves from it, because he well knew that all white men were 
rich ; that we should consider what he asked was for our good, 
from which nothing came to him but the trouble of collecting it, 
and if all were not willing to do this he would give food to those 
who did and not to the others ; and if this plan did not suit us 
we might go where we pleased, but he could not promise us 
security from his people. To this demand the captain replied as 
best he could to turn him from this covetousness, and in conclu- 
sion asked leave to consult with us, saying that he would bring 
the answer the next day. 

The captain being dismissed with this message related to us 
what had passed, and asked our advice as to what was best to be 
done. Discussing the matter among us, it was agreed that as 
we had no strength, arms, or means of barter, and as we could 
not go to any other place where the same thing or worse might 
befall us, we must necessarily endure this and any other tyranny 
he chose to show us, since if we did not give him what he asked 
for of our own will there was nothing to prevent him taking it 
from us by force, when nothing would remain for us but to die 
defending ourselves, because of the many people twho were 
assembled there waiting to see what resolution he would take 
upon our answer, besides which most of us had very little, and if 
we spent it gradually it could not possibly last much longer than 
the time of the arrival of the ship of which he informed us. The 
captain therefore returned the next day with our answer ; and on 
hearing it, the king, the better to confirm us in our resolution, 
ordered us all to be at his door the next afternoon. There he 
gave to each person about a peck of grain like canary seed, which 
is the best provision in the country, and is esteemed by them 
like relics, saying that this was for two days, at the end of which 
time we should thenceforward always come for the same allow- 
ance. With this bait he so deceived us that, thinking it a good 



272 Beaords of South-Eaatem Africa. 

bargain, the next day we prepared to give him what he demanded ; 
and hearing that we were ready, he summoned two or three of 
his most confidential subjects, together with our captain and the 
interpreter, and seated himself to receive what we should bring 
him. Each one presented to him what he had brought, stating 
how many persons had contributed towards the gift and were to 
share in the allowance he was to make in return. He took each 
gift and examined it carefully, consulting with his attendants, 
and if he was satisfied with it he accepted it, and if not he 
returned it, saying that we must find more, so that in one way or 
another we were obliged to give him enough to satisfy him. The 
captain assisted in this by telling him that our ship went to 
pieces in the sea and we swam naked ashore, but the other 
Portuguese of whom he spoke disembarked while their ship was 
whole, and thus were able to save many things. When this was 
over and the king withdrew the captain begged us all not to buy 
any provisions, whatever might be our necessity, until we saw 
whether the king would keep his promise, because it was certain 
that if he knew anything remained to us, this would be sufficient 
excuse to him, and when we thought we had satisfied him he 
would be more inflamed with covetousness. 

As the people of all these parts are bred in the wilds, naked, 
without law or custom, without ornament or other necessities to 
incite them to industry in collecting and keeping for a day of 
want the surplus which fortune at times bestows, living only 
upon the fruit of wild trees and other roots and herbs which the 
land produces of itself, and sometimes on the hunting of elephants 
and sea-horses, having no notion of cultivating the earth, from 
whence it follows that both lords and vassals dwell together in 
their common and native poverty, the king, finding that he 
could by no means fulfil his agreement with us and wishing to 
find some creditable way of ridding himself of this obligation and 
of discovering if we had anything remaining of the things he 
demanded of us, sagaciously ordered his people to tempt us 
during the following days with things to eat, knowing that the 
need of these (more than anything else) would move us to display 
what he so much desired. And though we endured our want for 
six or seven days, as he made us no allowance during that time, 
some began to buy what was brought to us for sale, of which the 
king was immediately informed, and as he was waiting for nothing 



Records of South-Eastern Africd. 273^ 

else, he sent for mir captaiil, and showing himself much oflTended^ 
he said we had deceived him, for we had more than what we had 
given hiili, and since wfe could buy what was necessary, we must 
expect no further help from him. To this the captain could 
answer nothing but that we had given him all we had, neverthe- 
less he would return to us, and if he found anything else he 
wotild brihg it to him. 

Thereupon being dismissed, the captain came and made known 
to us what had passed^ and how the king was now mote covetous 
than before, complaining of how little we had considered the 
necessity of the case and what he had so stroilgly recommended 
to us, nevertheless seeing above all that our need could suffer no 
law, there was nothing to be done but to return to thd king and 
tell him he had searched us all and found nothing he could bring 
him, because those who made the purchases were youths^ and had 
nothing left, and had been well punished fof their fault in 
teseifving those trifles ; but that he must also ktiow we had cause 
of complaint agaitist hitn, iot after we had given him all we 
possessed he did not supply us with food according to his promise, 
so that we were dying of hunger, and therefore he should have 
pity upon us and fulBl his obligation like a king. To this he 
replied by making known how little he was able to do, daying he 
could not give us any grain because he had none, for even what 
he gave us befojre he had collected among all his people, but 
when any elephant or sea-horse was killed he would share it with 
us. And this proved to be the truth, for though at first we were 
angry, suspecting he made this elcuse that we might die of 
hunger, when we became aware of the barrenness of the land and 
of his good will towards us, we found this wad really all he 
Could do. 

Undeceived by this reply given to the captain, we all lost the 
hope of a little ease which we had cherished so far, and again 
occupied ourselves with our former cares and in seeking means to 
buy provisions. Even this could not be done openly, for fear of 
the king, thusVe could only obtain food from Kaffirs who rejoiced 
to deal with us in secret, that they might not be deprived of 
their gain by the spies who were always on the watch for this 
purpose. After we had thus spent a few troubled days, the 
Kaffirs killed two elephants in one night, and the king sent 
word to our captain that we should go into the wood with him 

T 



274 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

next day, and there he commanded the quarter of an elephant to 
be given to us, which was equally divided among alL This he 
did whenever one of those animals was killed. Certainly, putting 
aside his greed of money, we had no other cause of complaint 
against him than his want of power, for he always showed himself 
grieved at our necessities, abasing and justifying himself when 
he had nothing with which to relieve us, and coming with open 
satisfaction to inform us when their hunting had been successful, 
as one who always had our want before his eyes and rejoiced 
more at having this provision for our advantage than for his own. 
But in spite of his desires, and that he shared with us when he 
could, the Kaffirs have so little energy in hunting these animals 
that sometimes many days passed without their doing so, and as 
they have accustomed themselves (when this is wanting) to 
subsist upon certain roots and herbs which from their nature and 
habits are sufficient to sustain them, we, being strangers and not 
knowing where to find these things, were reduced to such neces- 
sity that several died of pure hunger, some in the woods, others 
near the springs, and others in different paths and places whither 
they were driven by their extreme want 

Those who were still alive were so weak and weary in mind and 
body that the most their strength and charity could compass was 
to place the dead bodies in a shallow grave fenced with stakes, 
wherein we left them badly covered. This gave rise to another 
misfortune not less than that of hunger, which was that as the 
place where we dwelt with the king was in the midst of a large 
and ancient thicket where there were many tigers, lions, and 
other wild animals, these, becoming fierce in the first place by 
eating the flesh of those who were thus badly buried, became at 
last so bold that they entered the town at nightfall, in the place 
where we dwelt, which was in an isolated comer as I have said, 
and if they found anyone outside the huts, they killed him and 
sprang with their prey as lightly through the surrounding circle 
of trees, though they were high and closely set, as if they carried 
nothing. They made these attacks so carefully that they carried 
off five men before we were on our guard against them. And 
when they found that they could not seize us outside the huts, 
they grew bolder and came into them, and even when five or six 
were assembled it did not prevent them from wounding any who 
were within their reach, so that we were all obliged to go to the 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 275 

rescue and save them from their clutches with great difficulty. 
By these attacks, which occurred often every night, five other 
men were badly wounded, and as now we had no arms (as has 
been said) with which to revenge ourselves upon them, our only 
resource was never to leave our huts till eight or nine in the day 
and retire to them again at one. Even during that time, if any 
had to go to the wood or spring, or anywhere else, they waited 
till five or six were assembled for the same purpose, as they did 
not dare to go otherwise, for fear of the wild animals. 

As by these precautions they missed the taste of our flesh, 
which they must have greatly relished seeing how eagerly they 
sought it, they were furious for want of it, so that at night we could 
not hear ourselves speak for the roaring they made, and very often 
they attacked our doors with such blows and pushes as from 
their strength and ferocity may easily be conceived. When 
they found them firmly closed (of which we took good care) they 
would not go away, but remained there roaring and growling for 
a long time, during which we were not so secure but that our 
hearts misgave us lest they should bring down the hut and leave 
us exposed to their scant pity, for without doubt if they had 
known how to do so neither strength nor will would have been 
wanting. 

Aq the Eaifirs at that time were more confident and took less 
precautions for their own safety, these wild beasts, finding them 
an easier prey, began to treat them as they had treated us, so 
that within four months they carried off more than fifty, and 
many of them in the daytime and inside the town, because they 
were held in such fear that when a father saw his son carried off 
he dared not succour him except with cries (of which they took 
small notice), and even these from afar off. Thus meeting with 
no check whatever, these tigers came as securely into such a 
large town to carry off men as they might have hunted other 
prey in an uninhabited forest, and they grew so dainty that they 
only cared for the blood of those they killed, or a little of the 
flesh while it was untainted ; and so we often found the mutilated 
bodies cast aside, simply bitten, or at most with a leg or nn arm 
missing. And while they made these attacks only one of them 
was killed, which, not being able to hunt during the night, 
remained among some shrubs in the town during the day, and 
being perceived, the Ka£Srs ventured to attack it, and hurled 

T 2 



276 Becords of SouthrEastem Africa. 

their assagais at it. Feeling itself wounded, it attacked thd 
Kaffir who was best within reach and inflicted two severe wounds 
below his knees, besides many others in different parts which 
were not so dangerous ; but the Kaffir, being a brave man, rolled 
a skin which he had round his arm, and seizing a stabbing 
weapon thrust at the wild beast intrepidly until he killed it. 

To this persecution by the tigers was added another of licci 
which, though it may appear a small thing, was such that some 
lost their lives by it ; for though we were almost naked, being 
clad only in rags through which our flesh appeared in many 
places, they multiplied upon us in such numbers that they were 
visibly devouring us, without our being able to prevent it, 
although we scalded our clothes very carefully and rid ourselves 
of them three or four times a day ; but as they were a plague 
sent in punishment for our sins, everything appeared in vain, 
and it seemed that the more we endeavoured to exterminate them 
the more they increased, so that in a little while they were again 
80 numerous that we scraped them off our things with a piece of 
wood to burn or bury them, which was the only means of killing 
such a number, but in spite of all this they made such sores on 
the head and shoulders of Duarte Tristao and of two or three 
other men that it was clearly the cause of their death. 

As the people of all those parts from the few troubles and 
anxieties of their lives have no idea of fortune and its reverses, 
they did not understand that we were suffering its persecutions, 
but rather supposed that we had left our country of our own free 
will to rob that of others ; and this bad opinion which they had 
of us caused us to be so generally hated that it gave rise to 
another affliction not less considerable than those aforesaid. This 
was that when our necessity forced us to go about the town 
seeking bones, thorns, or some similar wretched trifle which we 
might pick up in the paths and which might afford us some 
relief, either because of their evil suspicion aforesaid, or because 
they wished to make that action an excuse for their brutality, we 
were immediately stripped and beaten, and if we complained of 
this to the king, they declared that we were found robbing their 
houses, and witnesses to this never failed them, so that they were 
never weary of ill-treating us, nor were we known by any name 
but that of the thieves, and they were all so unchecked in their 
persecution of us that at last our lives were not safe from them if 



Records af South-Eastern Afrioa. 277 

we left our huts^ and our necessity would not suffer us to remain 
within. 

And as our sins merited from our Lord still greater punishments 
than the misfortunes and hardships which I have related, another 
was added to these, full of greater fear and misery. This was 
that we did not yet know the language of the country, and we 
had no other to transact our business with the king and his 
subjects, who in their extreme unreasonableness often wished to 
speak to us, than the interpreter Gaspar, whom we brought with 
us, and he, trading upon our necessity, gave himself up to the 
devil and covetousness, so that he wished to be absolute lord over 
us all, and he persevered in his intention. Seeing that the king 
was his friend, he openly informed us that we only lived because 
he willed it, since he persuaded the king not to divide us among 
his other villages as he had arranged, where we knew that we 
should immediately be stripped and killed, as was done to those 
of Manuel de Sousa Sepulveda's company, and therefore whoever 
wished to live must bribe him, or he would not intercede for him ; 
in fear of which each one exerted himself to the utmost^ giviilg 
him whatever he had or could procure, and even this he accepted 
grudgingly, as if he were doing us a great favour in taking it, 
saying that we bought our safety cheaply, which was in his 
hands. Delighted with these bribes, or rather lives, which he 
thus took from us, his covetousness grew more ferocious towards 
us than that of the tigers, so that all other evils seemed small to 
us compared with the haughty and unreasonable demands we 
endured from him, both in taking from us any mouthful whiclx 
we gained with such pains and in exacting from us what we could 
not possibly give and had not got; for he dared to tell some 
among us that if we did not give him a thousand cruzados each 
he who refused must have patience and look to himself. And to 
two youths among us, when the king was digging in the hut, he 
said that if they would tell him where they had hidden anything 
he would sit upon it that it might not be found, and as the poor 
wretches trusted him they confided in him, and it was at onrre 
made known to the king, who took from them more than a 
thousand cruzados in money and gold work, which was loft to 
them by the shipmaster when ho remained with the Kaffirs, as I 
have related. Besides this he induced the king to persecute us 
and to search our persons and houses every day, because of 



278 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

whatever was thus found he afterwards had what share he liked. 
Thus between bribes and robbery he amassed so much that this 
afterwards proved the cause of his never coming to enjoy what 
he had well earned. The devil was so implanted in him that, 
though we did whatever he commanded, when we needed him to 
complain to the king of the injuries done us by his people, not 
only would he not assist us, but he even favoured them, saying 
they might do so without fear, for he knew we deserved much 
worse. Therefore, seeing ourselves persecuted on every side, so 
that no resource was left us and in a few days our bodies would 
find a sepulchre in the tigers, we determined to try our last 
chance outside that place rather than perish in such misfortunes. 
To this end three or four men asked the king to let them go to 
a village close by, which he willingly did, and sending for the 
chief (for in each village there is a Kaffir to whom he has given 
the charge of governing the rest and settling their dissensions) 
he entrusted them to him with many recommendations. After 
this I made the same request with six or seven others who chose 
to follow me, and the king sent us to that island which I have 
mentioned as being at the mouth of the bay, saying that there 
was fruit there which would afford us better relief. He was so 
careful of our necessity and affliction, that seeing the dissatis- 
faction of the captain and other of my friends that my destination 
should be twelve or fifteen leagues from the place where they 
remained and at the ill-will they perceived in the natives, he 
bade them not to trouble themselves and to have no fear, for no 
harm would be done us there, but rather we would be treated in 
such a way that in a few days we would regain our strength. In 
proof of this he sent two of his relations with us to deliver us to 
the captain of that place with many strict recommendations, 
charging him not to allow his people to do us any injury, and to 
assist us as far as he could, even as if we were his own sons, for 
80 he esteemed us. 

After my departure the rest remained there all together with 
the king for some days, because they had little faith in the 
promises made to them of our good treatment, but rather held it 
for certain that this was only a device to order us all to be killed 
away from that place, that we might not hear of each other's 
fate ; and though where they were they saw no hope of life, they 
dared not leave it for some other locality, holding it a lesser evil 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 279 

to die among those natives ; but when they had intelligence of 
me and my companions, that we were better off where we were, 
there being fewer people and more provisions, they all began to 
make the same request, so that in the space of a month none 
remained with the king but the captain and four other men, who 
by the favour of the interpreter were able to subsist well there. 
All the rest were scattered among the villages which they were 
told were the best provided. 

Our mode of life at this time was for each one to choose the 
Kaffir in the village where he was who appeared to him best 
disposed, and to carry him such wood and water as he required, 
in return for his protection against those who would have ill- 
treated us ; for holding the aforesaid opinion of us, our necessity 
did not prevent them considering us disorderly, too numerous, 
and too importunate, and of the least thing, however trifling, 
they made an excuse for showing their ill-will. At supper time, 
which is their principal meal, we went and sat at the doors of 
those we called our masters, and they shared with us what they 
would or could. As this was so little that it could not suffice, 
the time which remained from obligatory service was spent by all 
in seeking food in the thickets, not sparing the snake, or the 
lizard, or any other reptile, however noxious or poisonous. Our 
Lord W81S pleased that of all those who ate these poisons only one 
sailor was found dead in the morning from a fish upon which he 
had supped, against which the Kaffirs warned him, but want 
being more powerful than fear, he would not listen to them, and 
this was the cause of his death. 

While we were in these villages each one met with many 
particular miseries and disasters which I pass over in order to 
keep to the general narrative. Those to whom our Lord gave 
health could always find some means of subsistence, although 
with labour, but those who fell ill and lost this poor and limited 
maintenance, which they earned with their hands and the assist- 
ance of their comrades, grew weak and helpless with want before 
they finally expired. The worst of all was that the Kaffirs had 
such a horror of our thinness, filth, and misery, that if the illness 
was likely to be prolonged they cut short the lives of the sufferers 
by different modes of death, as they did to the ship's chaplain, 
who was dragged through a wood till he diffi, to a servant of 
Fernao d'Alvares Cabrul, who was thrown into the sea alive, and 



280 Jtecofds of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

to others whom they thrust out of the world by these and other 
tortures. Thus it was necessary for us, when we perceived that 
such was their intention, to carry the sick into a thicket, and 
there, hidden among the shrubs, to relieve them as best we could, 
until rains, cold, and heat, according to the season, together with 
their own necessity, put a painful end to these hardships. 

In this way and amid such want and suffering, some dying and 
the rest expecting the same fate daily, we 8j)ont five months, at 
the end of which time, because of heavy thunderstorms which 
destroyed all the fruit there was, we had nothing to put into our 
mouths, nor from the intense cold and our want of covering did 
we dare to leave our huts, so that we had been for many days 
(such of us as were left alive) in the last extremity of want But 
as our Lord does not forget to succour those He pleases in the 
direst straits, wherever they may be, when we were least hopeful 
of relief His mercy aided us. Thus it was that I, whoso fate it 
was to live in a village which is at the end of the island, ui)on 
the mouth where the ships enter, one day, being the 3rd of 
November, little thinking of such g(X)d fortune, was in a hut 
pondering upon the end of my life which I hoped was near, five 
of my companions there being already dead and I and the two 
who remained might count ourselves as such, considering the 
extremitv in which we were, a Kaffir came to me and said that 
the ship was coming, and though the king had often spoken of 
its coming wq never believed a word of it, thinking that he said 
this to encourage us and not because it was a fact, persevering, 
because of the mistake on the chart, in thinking that the river to 
which the ship came was eighteen leagues farther on, as I have 
said. When I heard this from the Kaffir (necessity having 
already taught me his language) I bade him be gone, saying I 
did not believe it, and he havi^i^r repeated it many times, I went 
out and followed him to a headland from which a great expanse 
of sea was visible, and thence I saw a ship about a league from 
the place where I was, in the entrance of the bay. What effect 
this sight had upon me I can leave to the iniaginaticm of those 
who will consider what I had gone through, the misery in which 
1 was then living, and how I now saw myself thus succoured 
unexpectedly by the high goodness of our Lord ; therefore I will 
say no more about it. After I had put some tests upon myself 
and assured myself that what I saw was the truth and no dream. 



Records of South-Easfem Africa. 281 

as I at first conceived^ I fell upon my knees and rendered due 
thanks for such a mercy. While I had been standing thus in 
doubt, the ship had entered four or five leagues into the bay, 
until a turn in the island hid it from me. That such good news 
should not be unknown to those whom it concerned, it seemed 
proper to me to carry it to those on the mainland ; therefore 
passing through another village of the island, where I was joined 
by a companion, I went on to the place where our captain 
remained with the king and told him what I had seen, and thence 
it was made known to all our people who were scattered among 
the other villages of the interior. 

Owing to the little information we had of the rivers of that 
bay and of the trade carried on there, we did not feel quite safe, 
fearing that the ship might put to sea again without being aware 
of our presence, therefore the next day we asked the king to let 
us have a messenger to carry a letter, that those in the ship 
might know of our being there. To this ho replied that we need 
not trouble ourselves, because at the spring-tides the captain 
would come to his lands for ivory, for such was his custom, and 
then he would hear of us. And so it proved, for nine days after- 
wards there came into one of his ports BasticLo de Lemos, pilot of 
the ship sent by Dom Diogo de Sousa, captain of Sofala and 
Mozambique, to procure ivory for our lord the king. Inhaca, 
hearing of his arrival, sent word to the chiefs of the villages in 
which we were to bring us all to that port, so that in three days 
we were all assembled where he was with BastiSlo de Lemos. 
Though such joy was suflScient to give new life and spirit to 
those who had none, two men died upon the road, so much did 
this relief find us in the last extremity. After our countrymen 
had greeted us with the embraces and rejoicing usual in such 
cases, Bastiao de Lemos, having given the king the quantity of 
beads he demanded for each one of us (which altogether was 
worth very little), in two journeys, because the boat could not 
contain us all, he carried us to the ship. 

There were assembled only twenty Portuguese and three slaves, 
of the three hundred and twenty-two souls who set out from the 
spot where the ship ran ashore. All the rest remained upon the 
road and in the places where we halted, meeting with different 
deaths and disasters, some from fatigue, some in inhabited parts. 



282 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

some in the desert, as it pleased our Lord. Among them, those 
who were of repute were FernSo d'Alvares Cabral, Lopo Vaz 
Coutinhoy Balthazar Lopes da Costa, Bertholameo Alvares, 
Antonio Pires da Arruda, Luis Pedrozo, Jorge da Barca, Bastiao 
6on9alyes, Belchior de Meirelles, Antonio Ledo, master of the 
ship, and Gaspar, the interpreter, for our Lord was not pleased, 
since he caused the death of so many by depriving them of what 
they had acquired with such labour for their subsistence, that he 
should reach a Christian land and enjoy such ill-gotten gains ; 
and certainly there are not wanting some who say that if he had 
not amassed two or three thousand cruzados, as aforesaid, he 
would be alive still. Tliose who remained with him say that 
being very stout and in good condition, he disappeared from the 
town one night, and being absent two or three days, the king 
ordered a diligent search to be made in every direction, but he 
was never heard of again, so that whether he fell a victim to some 
tiger as thirsty after human blood as he was for ours, or whether 
(which is more likely) his death was due to the profit some one 
hoped to reap by it, he came to the end and punishment which 
his deeds deserved. 

We were five months in this ship without being able to pro- 
ceed on our voyage, because of the continual east winds which 
blew unceasingly ; during which time we were nearly all of us 
ill and were bled many times, having very few remedies for these 
emergencies, both because the ship was small and its accommoda- 
tion bad, and because there was a great scarcity of provisions in 
Mozambique when she left that place. While we were there 
awaiting the monsoon BastilU) de Lemos landed many times to 
trade, and the Kaffirs on the banks of the central river, where we 
were anchored, were so hostile to him that nearly every day they 
drove him hastily back to the ship with blows. Though we 
overlooked this at first in order not to raise the whole country, 
when we saw how their boldness increased we determined to 
chastise them, and having obtained arms and permission from 
BastiSU) de Lemos, we went one night to a large village not far 
from the water's edge, where they had beaten and robbed one of 
our men the day before, intending to attack it as soon as morning 
broke. When the appointed hour was drawing nigh, and we 
were beginning to prepare ourselves, being near, we were i)er- 



Records of South-Eastem Africa^ 283 

ceived by a woman who came upon us by chance, and the 
inhabitants were immediately summoned and assembled by her 
cries, so that we were obliged to use more haste than the case 
demanded. 

Though the enemies at first made front against us and defended 
themselves vigorously for a good while, when they saw the 
damage they were receiving they turned their backs, and it being 
so dark still that we could scarcely recognise each other, for fear 
of some mischance we allowed them to escape. Their dead only 
numbered five, among whom was their chief, called Masamana, 
two of whose daughters and three or four other women we took 
captive, and leaving the place in flames, we withdrew, taking our 
prisoners with us. For the re-establishment of peace we after- 
wards restored these to Tembe, the king of that country, who 
came to that place upon this alarm, and hearing of the excesses 
we had endured from his people, approved of our conduct and 
remained our friend. 

At the end of the time aforesaid BastiSo de Lemos returned to 
Inhaca according to his custom, he having told him not to go 
without speaking to him, because he had information that there 
were others of our countrymen upon the road by which we had 
travelled. Two or three days afterwards there were brought to 
him from the king Kodrigo TristiLo, who remained behind as 
aforesaid, and a slave of Dom Alvaro de Noronha, who also 
separated from us beyond the river Medaos do Ouro, who on being 
brought to the ship did not cease relating the good treatment 
they had received from the KaflBrs on the way. These disputed 
who should be their guide, as soon as they knew we were with 
Inhaca and were more civilised and reasonable than they at 
first imagined. 

Having taken in these two men, as all were united in their 
desire to leave this evil land, with the first west winds on the 
20th of March we sailed out of the bay. And that we might not 
even perform this voyage without mishaps, according to what we 
deserved, on the third day of our voyage we found ourselves at 
daybreak off the point of Cape Correntes in a cross wind and a 
heavy tempest, accompanied by huge waves, so that we could in no 
way escape being wrecked a second time, and in a new alarm we 
prepared arms and wallets to travel thence to Sofala. But our 



284 Beeorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

Lord was pleased to change the wind a little, so that foreinig 
more sail upon the ship than the art of navigation would allow, 
with the bowlines taut we doubled the Cape, coasting its rocks. 

Here we had sight of the first islands, and passing along them 
and those of Angoxa we had already reached those called Curraes, 
which are very close to Mozambique, when the shipmaster told 
us that thenceforward we had no shoals to fear, for he knew the 
course very well, having travelled over it thirty years. In this 
confidence the watch was relaxed, and thinking there was no 
further cause for fear, no caution was used, until the pilot, who 
had retired from the deck, heard the sea breaking against the 
side of the ship, which was aground upon a sand-bank. Exerting 
ourselves as quickly as we could to free the ship, our Lord was 
pleased, by the intercession of the Blessed Virgin, on wliom we 
called, to deliver us from this peril also, though we were so far 
upon the shoal that anyone could have thrown a lance to the dry 
land. And thus with these mishap3 and labours our Lord was 
pleased that we should reach Mozambique on the 2nd of April 
1555. 

As soon as we had disembarked we went all together to pray in 
the church of the Holy Spirit, where at our request there came 
also the vicar with the priests and all the j>eople of the fortress. 
Thence we went in solemn pilgrimage and procession to Our Lady 
of Succour (Baluarte), and sleeping there that night, the next 
day we ordered the Mass we had promised to be sung, causing 
other holy sacrifices to be also celebrated at the same time, in 
praise and thanks to our Lord for His immense mercy in choosing 
us from among so many to bring us to His holy house a year from 
the time when we set out from the place where we were wrecked, 
and after traversing so much of the strange, sterile, and almost 
unknown coast of Ethiopia, passing with so few, weak, and ill- 
equipped persons through many barbarous nations united in their 
desire to destroy us, and enduring such strife, hunger, cold, heat, 
and thirst in the mountains, valleys, and marshes, in fine every- 
thing which can be imagined as hostile, fearful, laborious, sad, 
perilous, great, evil, unfortunate, shadowing death, and cruel, 
where so many men, young, strong, and robust, ended their days, 
leaving their bones unburied in the plains and their flesh buried 
in animals and strange birds, and by their death plunging so 



Becards of South^Eastem Africa. 285 

many parents, brethren, relations, wives, and children in this 
kingdom into mourning. May it please our Lord, by whose high 
bounty we escaped these things, to take what we have endured as 
penance for our sins, and to enlighten us by His grace, that 
henceforward we may so live that after such days of life as He 
shall please we may deserve that He give our souls a share in 
His glory. 

Finis. Laus Deo. 



286 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 



DESCEIPgAO 

DA 

COSTA DA AFRICA MERIDIONAL.* 

For Manoel de Mesquita Pebestbello. 

Ao muito alto e muyto poderosso Rey dom sebastiao nosso 
snor. 
Parti de mo^ambique pera descobrir a costa do cabo de boa 
esperan^a como me vossa A. tinha mandado, aos yinte e dous dias 
do mes de nouembro de mil quinheutos setenta e cimquo auos, e 
depois que chegey ao cabo das correntes onde se come^auSo os 

* This is a copy of an original manuscript in the Library of the British 
Museum. The manuscript was obtained by purchase from a bookseller some 
years ago, and nothing is known of the manner in which it came into his 
possession, or of its former proprietors. It is believed to be the original report to 
King Sebastian, and was very neatly prepared. The document is in perfect 
preservation, except that the name of the author has been erased. The writing 
is in a large bold hand, still it is not very easily read except by those acquainted 
with the style of the time. Frequently several words are written as one, no 
hyphens are used where parts of the same word are in different lines, the letters 
1 and e and final o and e are often indistinguishable, and symbols lone: since 
antiquated occasionally occur. The almost total absence of punctuation ami the 
sparing use of capital letters also add to the difficulty of acciu^tely deciphering 
the text. It is, however, even with these drawbacks, more legible than any 
other document of the period I have ever seen. I give it here without any 
alteration whatever except the correct division of the words. It will 1x3 noticed 
that a capital R sometimes occurs in the middle of a word, a common practice 
in the sixteenth century instead of writing rr, just as ff was used in English at 
the beginning of proper names instead of P. A coloured map on vellnm^K)f 
which a copy made by means of photography is given here— is attached to the 
document, and there are in the text coloured views of prominent landmarks at 
the various places mentioned. These, however, are very poorly executed, some, 
indeed, being almost grotesque. As far as I know^ this document, which marks 
most accurately the highest knowledge of the South African coast attained by 
the Portuguese, has never before been printed in full, though in a condensed 
form it appeared in the Arte de Navegar, by the national oosmocrrapher Manoel 
Pimontcl, a folio volume of six hundred and three pages, published at Lisbon 
in 1762. Its value will bo appreciated by the geographer and the historian. 
— G. M. T. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 287 

limitis desta empresa fuy correndo a costa tanto ao perto quanto 
era necessario pera cumprir com as obrigacooSs da minha in- 
stru^am, com ordem de tomar as yelas todas as noites que me o 
tempo consentisse, e posto que pello discurso da uiagem pasey 
tais trabalhos e pirigos que me poseram em estado de fiquar 
sem gauias e sem mastos dellas, com hua soo amarra, e com o 
nauio tam destro^ado e falto de todos os adjutorios de quem se 
podesse valer, que se nisto nSo ynteruiera o mandado de y. A. 
muitos dias avia que a per8eueran9a daquela empresa me podera 
dar culpa de temerario ou descomfiado, cheguey em fim ao cabo 
de boa esperan^a aos vinte e oyto dias do Janeiro seginte com 
deixar descubertos muytos e boos portos e com me nSo ficar 
cousa por uer saluo hua enseada que esta ao longo dele da parte 
de leste e isto porque estando a vista della me deu hua tormenta 
do sudueste com q estiue de todo perdido por me tomar tam 
perto da terra que quando quis arribar jaa com muito trabalha 
tomey a dobrar o cabo das agulhas e foy tal, que em hu dya e 
meyo que durou me lan9ou nos ilheos Chaaos que estSLo mais de 
9ento e dez legoas donde partira com a gente toda tam cansada 
do trabalho das bombas e de lancar fora os mares que per todas 
as partes entrau^lo que se mais durara ja nSLo auia quem as 
podesse Bepairar, mas em deixar esta emseada cuido que se nSo 
perdeo muito por quanto pera benefi9io das na6s da carreira posto 
que fose de bom fundo e abriguo) eu tenho que serue ella pouco 
ou nada por estar tam perto do cabo que quSldo elas aly cheguSo 
mais querem dobrallo e segurar a viagem que meter ce autre 
terras donde se Ihes pod3 Kecrecer emfadamentos. 

As particularidades do mar e da costa com as alturas e con- 
hecen^as dos portos e a ordem que se a de ter pera os tomar yera 
vossa A. nesse rotero e demostra^SLo que de tudo fiz a que pode 
dar credito posto que sSo mal compostos e de mSo ja tremula o 
que ouue por milhor que buscar Ihe omamento com os yer outrem 
primeiro que vossa A. 

Da gente da terra sey dizer fiwim peUo que vy aguora como 
quando me perdi na nao ssLo bento ho ano de mil quinhentos 
cimcoenta e quatro que se pode fiar neste primcipio com salua 
porem) de em quanto Ihe nos nSo deremos ocasiSo de queixa ou 
de atrevimento e que he com hiia simpli^idade e boa condicSo 
natural disposta pera se imprimir nella toda a doutrina do con- 
hecimeto de deos e ley euamgelica, pelo que espero que neste 



28» Becotda of Scuih-Eastem Afrttd. 

bemauenturado tempo de vossa A. se Ihe ha inda de ftl^er hu 
tamanho serui^o como sera chegar o som de sua palaura ha q[ueles 
tarn Bemotos e derradeiros fls da Bedondeza da tetra pera 
8alua9Sk) de tantas almas como puramente i, mlngoa aly tiuem 
perdidas, Empresa que ele teue guardada pera vossa A. ek)lnente 
pois sendo tarn nej^essaria e ha tantos anos desejada e pedida de 
seus vasalos e tantas yezes determinaua pelo sereuissimo ttey 
dom JoSio Vosso auo de gloriosa memoria nunca foy seruido que 
se effectuase sen^ p&t vossa A. a cujo inuenciuel animo e cristian- 
issimo zelo parece que tern guardado os triumphos de nouas 
comquistcui e riglo^ onde o seu santo noi&e seja conhecido e 
louuado pera que yossa A. alem da ampliflcacao de seus Eeinos e 
estados flq gozando por muitos e felines annos aquela inmortal 
fama que a tam heroicas e catholicas obras he deuida 



EOTEIRO DOS PORTOS, DeRROTAS, AlTURAS, CaBOS, CoNfiECENfAS, 
ReSGUARDOS E SoNDAS que k PER TODA A CoSTA DESD O 

Cabo de Boa EsrERANgA ate o das Correntes. 

Bo caho de hoa esperangcL 

cftbo de boa esperau^a como he notorio esta em altura de 
triuta e quiitro graos e meio corre se com o cabo das agulhas lestc 
oeste e toma da quarta do noroeste sueste avera na derrota vinto e 
oito oil trinta legoas das suas conhecen^as me pare^eo escusado 
tratar por serem muito sabidas o os mais dos anos vistas dos 
nossos pilotos mas por escreuer algua cousa direj someiite que 
quem ouuer vista dele da banda do ponente demorando Ihe ao 
nordeste sete ou oyto legoas de mar em fora uera hu morro grosso 
que parece ylha nSo o sendo e sobre elle da parte de leste hua 
serra grossa que jaz norte e sul com muitos picos e hua degolada 
no meio e adiante dela hii monte comprido e asentado per cima 
como mesa e dele pera o cabo vay a terra mais delgada com 
quatro ou cimco piquos hus maiores que outres da feicSLo dos 
palheros do campo de santarem, 

Ao longo deste cabo da banda de leste esta hua enseada em 
que nao pude entrar por respeito da tromenta que me aly deo e 
dos destro^os do nauio em que hia de que ja tratey tera de boca 
cimquo legoas e da parte do ponente mostra dous morros que 
parecem ylheos dentro descobro huas quebradas que daui 



Records of South-Eastem Afriea. 289 

aparen^ia de sair nella algu no que 08 mestres das cartas piDtam 
muito grande e que ua^endo de hrias lagoas onde fazem as fontes 
de nillo Bega muita parte daquell sertam o que heu duuido por 
nam darem autor de vista nem de escritura antes cuido que asi 
este como todos os outros desde cabo das serras ate aly sium 
piquenos e presume que deve isto proceder de todo aquelo costado 
de terra em que ha quasy cento e dez legoas ser atrauersado pelo 
sertao de serranias e montanhas tam continuas altas e debradas 
que nam parece possiuel que as agoas da outra banda as possam 
atrauessar e como os rios que aly saem nam yenliam emcorporados 
com outros nem de mais longe que das vertentes destas serras 
pera o mar de quem estam perto fiqua pequenos e eles asy o 
mostram) ao menos pera Becochimento de nauios de alto bordo, 
Contudo nao deixo de comfessar auer em alguas partes do mundo 
Bios q atrauessam grandes serras e outros que sam istreitos das 
entradas e dentro muyto nauegaueis por onde a uerdade destes 
nao pode ser bem sabida SenSU) com embarcaco^ que Se rremem 
o que eu nSo leuaua, 

He esta emseada toda cerquada pela praya de Bochedo groso e 
talhado a pique e acaba da banda de leste em hua ponta da 
mesma fei^SLo e daly pera o leuante esta outra pequena e desabri- 
guada e alem dela o cabo false que tern no Bostro hu morro grosso 
com hu sombreiro em cima e da parte de leste outra emseada 
sem abriguo como a de atras e daly pera ho cabo das agulhas vay 
a terra pelo longo do mar delgada e feita em montinhos deles 
agudos e deles usentados per cima e compridos per costa com 
degoladas emtre hus e outros. 

Do cabo das agulhas. 

cabo das agulhas esta em altura de trinta e cimco graos 
escassos corre se com o do Jffante ao nordeste e quarta de leste 
oeste auera na derrota quatorze legoas tern por conhcfen^a ser 
hu rostro de terra parda q esgota em duas pontas delgadas posto 
que a da parte de leste o he muito mais auera de hua a outra 
quatro legoas corre se quasy leste oeste e a costa de entre elas 
•obre o mar e feita em lombadas e tern hua malha branca e por 
cima hua Bodelada de aruoredo e pelo sertSo serras altas e grosas 
que fazem seis on sete degoladas, Ao longo deste cabo da parte 
do ponente se pintam nas cartas hu ylheo chamado das serras de 

u 



290 Beeards of South-Easiem Africa. 

que en n3o doa fe posto qae pasey por aly bem perto da terra 
yerdade seja qne com hua nenoa delgada e oraalhenta que era 
ja sinal da tonnenta do ponente qae me aqnele dia deu e pode 
bem ser qae por este Bespeito on por ele estar muito a sombra 
da terra o nam oise e por yso ho deixej asy fiqoar na demoetra^am 
da ponta de leste deste cabo pera a mesma banda toma a costa 
ao nomordeste fazendo hua emseada de terra delgada ao longo 
da praia que no acabamento tem hum morro grosso e haly he 
o cabo do Jffimte de modo que qnem estiner ao mar nera estes 
dooB cabos e nSo a terra da Bribeira de entre eles na qual esta 
hua malha grande de area e pelo sertSo vay hua lombada desta 
feicSo 

(Ha aqui am desenho.) 

Do cabo do Jffante e laia de sam sebastiamy 

cabo do Jffante esta em altura de trinta e quatro graos e 
meio corre se com o das vacas a leste e toma da quarta do 
nordeste sudueste avera na derrota quimze legoas sua conhe(en9a 
he ser hua terra alta e Bedonda asentada per ^ima com hum 
focinho no mar que de longe pare9e ylha nSo ho sen do e esta 
metida entrre dous morros que tambem parecem ylheos e tem ao 
pe duas outres pedras cercadas da agoa e indo do ponente he a 
primeira terra grosa que se ve passaudo ho cabo das agulhas, 
quem estiuer norte e sul com ela vera no sertam hua serra 
asentada com alguSs Mhas que fazem hus montes compridos e 
pera o ponente tem cimquo ou seis mamoas da feicik) abaixo 
pintada e entre esta serra e o cabo esta hu monte nSk) muito alto 
comprido e asentado per cima que jaz quasi norte e sul, por esta 
paragem nas sete e oito legoas ao mar a f undo de sesenta e oitenta 
bracas de area miuda» 

(Ha aqui um desenho.) 

Ao longo deste cabo da parte de leste esta hua bahya a quem 
pus nome de sam sebastiSU) tera de seo tres legoas abriga desde 
sueste pelo ponente ate quasy lesnordeste e dentro a parcelada 
de oito e none bra^ mas limpa e de boa tem9a pera as amcoras 
ha nela muito pescado e agoa em hu yale o mais chegado ao cabo 
de tres que tem daquela parte posto que o desembaiquaduro pera 



Records of Sauth-Emtem Africa, 291 

a tomar com leuantes Bijos como eu tiue qaando nela emtrey he 
traballio so por causa da Bocha e corrente mas com ponStes deue 
ser muito quieto, desta bahia pera dentro vay outra abriguada de 
todos OS yentos. que sera de meia legoa em comprido com capaci- 
dade pera Becolher qualquer grande armada na qual nSU) pude 
emtrar com ho batel por Bebentar entre elas o mar muito com o 
levante que ventaua mas de fora me pare^eo alta e limpa no seio 
tem hu Bio que segumdo me diseram os por quem o mandey 
discubrir per terra he tamanho como o tejo de fronte de santarem, 
A entrada de entre estas baias Sera de hu quarto de legoa em 
larguo com hus medaos de area da parte do leuante e hua ponta 
de terra delgada dado ponente a qual debaixa mar descobre 
arrecife de pedra que peja hu peda^o dela mas ynda fiqua luguar 
que pode dar passagem a naos da carreira de hua bahia pera a 
outra como presume que ha primcipalmente no tempo dos 
ponentes que por ser ymuerno eles e as agoas dos montes que 
sairem do Bio que acima dis e doutros Begatos qu entSo estauao 
sequos deuem abrir todo ho canal que os leuantes com o fundo e 
aparcelamento da bahia tiuerem entopido e ja pode ser que Iho 
achara eu tambem se o mar nao Bebentara tanto porque pegado 
com a quebraca dele achey duas bracas e meia, 

Quem quiser entrar na bahia primeira nao tem a chegar se a 
ponta do cabo posto que dele como hu tiro de falcao esta hiia 
baixa que nao Bebenta mas conhe^e se por empolar aly o mar de 
quando em quando e entre ela e a terra he alto que podera 
passar qualquer Nao, e dara Besguardo a outra ponta que vera 
diantd por que tem hu arrecife que sae hu tiro de besta q ajuda 
a fazer abriguo pela for9a que nele as ondas perdem, tem mais 
esta bahia e todas as outras daquella costa Hu bem nSo pequeno 
pera quem nelas estiuer amcora do que he ha corrente das agoas 
que vay do leuante pera o ponente a qual saindo pera fora ajuda 
a sustentar a nao de modo que fiqua por tanto pouco pelas amaBas 
posto que ho yento e ja leuante e Bijo, 

tratey da entrada desta bahia e asy o detremino fazer de todas 
as outras pela banda dos pon^tes posto que eu entrey e say em 
alguSLs delas pela dos leuantes e meio canal e achey alto e limpo 
por quanto como pela maior parte se ham de yr demandar com estes 
yentos pelas Bezels que ao diante darey daly he necessario buscar 
Ihe as entradas e o abriguo que por este respeito espreuo desta 
costa do ponente pera o leuate posto que ha dcscubri ao contrario 

u ^ 



292 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

por q asy todas as mostras e conhe^ngas dos portos ficam mais 
apelo pera o piloto que hos for demandar se se nSo emganar no 
conhecimento deles pois delas se ha de ajudar mais que das 
altnras por ser a paragem onde eles estam correr leste oeste on 
qnasy e fiquar aBiscado se pelo sol somente se rreger) a pouco 
erro do astrolabio Ihe causar nas distancias, Desta bahia pera 
leste se faz hua terra grossa e talhada a pique no mar que tem 
cimquo ou seis legoas de comprido com bareiras bramcas e 
Buiuas huas deitadas da priaya pera ho alto e outras asy como se 
a costa corre e ha diante esta outra terra nSLo tarn grossa com 
barreiras da mesma feic^ mas sam todas bramcas a qual vay 
adelgacando cada vez mais ate o cabo das Yacas e antes de chegar 
a ele hua legoa esta ho Bio fremosso ou dos Yaqueros que da 
banda de leste faz hua ponta delgada que sae mais ao mar que ha 
de oeste com hua malha bramca pequena ao longo dagoa, A este 
Bio chamSo muitas correntes posto que de fora parece pequeno 
pera embarccu^oSs grandes e per vezcs estando calmaria me 
obrigarem a durgir, 

Do cdbo das hacas e da sua haihia^ 

cabo das Yacas esta em altura de trintra e quatro graos e hu 
ter9o corre se com ho de sam bras ao nordeste e quarta de leste 
oeste ha na deBota cimquo legoas sua conhe9cn9a yndo correndo 
a costa he ser hda ponta delgada que esgota no mar em huma 
mote com hiis aBecifes ao pe o qual ate estar muito perto parece 
ylheo nSLo o sendo e dele hua legoa pera ho ponente esta ho Bio 
fermoso ou dos Yaqueros de que ja tratcy e emtre ele e ho cabo 
ha huas bareiras grandes e no sertao esta hum m(mte partido na 
ponta da feicSk) que se mostra no capitolo quo trata da agoa de 
sam bras Per aquela paragem sete e oito legoas ao mar ha 
quarenta e cimquenta bracas e pera a costa he mais alta mas todo 
ho fundo de area limpa miuda ou misturada com burgao e tem 
algus lugares vaza, 

Ao longo deste cabo da parte de leste esta a bahia das yacas 
tera hua legoa de seo e bom porto de ponentes abrigua desde sul 
pela parte deles ate o nordeste quem nela ouuer de entrar guardar- 
se-a somente de que vir e surgira nas oito e none bracas, All 
estiueram ja na6s no primcipio da nauega9ao da ymdia e foy onde 
matarao a joao de queiros com quasi toda a sua companhia no 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 293 

ano (le mill e quinheDtos e cimquo na armada de pero da nhaya 
por se meter pela terra dentro a tomar gado por forca. A ponta 
de leste desta bahia tern husLs baixas ao pe e saindo dela vay a 
costa metendo pera o norte muito delgada ao logo do mar e 
fazendo ara ate onde estSLo huas bareiras Buiuas e dali emgrossa 
cada yez mais ja ho cabo de sao bras, 

Do edbo de sao bras e da sua lahia, 

O cabo de s%o bras esta em altura de trinta e quatro gra68 e 
himi quarto escaces corre sse com ho cabo talhado a leste e 
quarta de nordeste sudueste auera na deBota dezoito legoas sua 
conhe^en^a yndo do mar em fora he ser hu Bostro de tera asentada 
que esgota em duas pontas distantes hua da outra oimquo legoas 
e da parte do ponente he muito delgada ao longo do mar e acaba 
na entrada da bahia das vacas de que ja tratej e ha do leuante 
he ho cabo de sam bras do qual se faz hu Bochedo groso e 
talhado com hu sonbreiro em cima e huas barreiras Buiuas na 
ponta ao pe dele estam huas baixas e hiia pedra cercada dagoa, 
quando este cabo demora ao nordeste faz sobre sy hua ch§a com 
alguas manchas bramcas e outras escuras que parecem terras 
lauradias e demorando a oesnoroeste da mostra de ilha Bedonda^ 
As serras do sertao sSo altas e espinhosasmas ha nelas tres piques 
que has fazem muito conhecidas o de que atras fiz mencSo que 
esta defrote do cabo das uacas e outro quasi ao noroeste deste de 
sam bras que parece pauelhSk) armado e pela o nordeste outro 
mais alto que tem a ponta derribada pera a parte de leste e entre 
hus e outros ha montes agudos da mesma altura que aqui niU) 
ponhe por euitar comfusSLOy 

(Ha aqui um desenho.) 

Ao longo deste cabo da banda de leste esta a bahia ou agoada 
de sam bras tres legoas ou mais de seo he aparcelada de seis e 
oito bra^as ate junto da terra e do fundo muito limpo abrigua 
desde sueste e quarta de leste pelo ponente ate o nordeste da 
ponta do cabo pera dentro hu tiro de falcSo tem duas calhetas e 
em hum alto que ha terra faz entre elas estam inda leuantadas 
sobre ho chao altura de cimco ou seis palmos as paredes de hua 
hermida que no descubrimento de nayegaclU) da ymdia ali foi 
feita ao bem aventurado sam bras e hao pe dela esta hua agoada 



2d4 B£eards of Sauih-Eadem Africa. 

na borda do mar e mais pera ho saqno da bahia ha ylheo meia 
legoa da tena entre o qnal dela achei cimqao e seis bra^as de 
fondo limpo ha nile hna innmeranel mnltidao de lobos marinhos 
alg^ deles de imcreinel grandnra e has pasares de tamanho e 
feicSo de patos a qae chamSo sotilicaiios os qaaes nSo tern penas 
mas aas com que hiam e somente com hos cotos delas cabertos 
de hna penngem muito minda merguIhSo de maneira qae pescadja 
manterem a sy e a seas filhos qae criSo em ninhos feitos das 
espinhas des pescades qae eles e os lobos all trazem, Deste ylheo 
pero o noroeste ha hus medSos de area ao longo da praja e deles 
pera o norte esta haii Bio peqaeno e dali daas le;^oa3 perto com a 
boca da bahia se taz oatra aberta de Ribeira e asy vav a costa 
saindo ao mar em hua terra alta talhada a piqae e asentada per 
cima com hus corregos Baiuos e pelo sertio he a terra feita em 
picos agados como ja dise e emtre les os tres de qae fiz measSo 
Nesta bahia sobre ho sombreiro que ha serra faz na pota do cabo 
deixej posta hua eras de pao en ella amarrado com fio de arame 
hu canndo tapado com cortica e cera e dentro hii escrito que 
dlzia, A louuor de nosso snor Jesu christo e exalcamento da saa 
santa f e e p o seruico e ha cre^ntamento dos Beinos e estados de 
dom sebastiSU) serenissimo Bey de portugal, Manoel da mizquita 
perestrello que por sen mandado ueo decobrir esta costa pos aqui 
esta craz aos sete dias de Janeiro de mill quinhentos setenta e 
seis anos, 

Saindo daly pera o leaante faz a costa hua maneira de emseada 
com algus medaos de area ao longo do mar e alen dela esta hua 
terra nSio muito grossa asentada por sima e talhada a pique toda 
de barreiras vermelhas pela praya que durSo te seis legoas da 
agoada e no acabamento faz hu canto quadrado com hila pedra ao 
pe cercada da agoa e ao longo dele corre hun Byo piqueno, dali 
pera leste he ha terra muito delgada pola praya toda de bareiras 
bramcas com alguas poucas vermelhas pegado com a qual esta 
hun ylheo quo se nSLo conhe^e se nao de muito perto e ella vay 
emgrossando cada vez mais ate hua ponta de area bmmca que 
quando demora as norte faz tres medaos jutos com corregos emtre 
eles que diuidem hus dos outros e ho medao do meyo e mais 
grosso e tem no alto hua sobranceiha de mato que dece mais a 
praya que as dos outros dous, meia legoa deles esta hua ponta 
delgada com mcunoas a qual tem de fronte hua baixa que sae ao 
mar hu tiro de falquao e asy uay a costa duas legoiis e no 



Records of Soidh-Eastem Africa. 295 

acabamento estam dous morros grossos hu junto do outro e emtre 
eles fiqna hoa aberta ou emseada piquena que estara quatro ou 
cinquo legoas do cabo talhado, 

Do cabo talhado e lahia de sarUa ccUerina, 

cabo talhado esta em altura de trinta e quatro graos corre 
se com o cabo das baxas leste oeste auera na derrota sete legoas 
sua conhe9en9a he ser hua ponta nSLo muito alto e quer a uejam 
do ponente quer do leuante sempre parepe ylha por Bazao que 
ha terra de entre ela e a costa he tam delgada comprimento de 
hu tiro de espingarda que se nSo imxerga senSio de muito perto, 
tem este cabo no Bostro hua barreira Buiua e hua baixa que sae 
ao mar hun quarto de legoa e da banda do ponente pegado com 
ele esta hun ylheo, sertam nam tem cousa deferenceada de que 
se posa fazer mencao por que todo he de serttanias muito altas 
somente pera lesnordeste sete legoas esta hii piquo entre outros 
que a quem estiuer deste cabo tres ou quatro legoas ao mar faz 
fei^ de palherodos do campo de santarem e he ho mais alto 
monte de toda aquela costa e sua mostra he ha seguinte. 

(Ha aqui um desenho.) 

Ao longo deste cabo da parte de leste esta hua bahia grande 
a que pus nome de santa caterina he bom porto de ponentes 
abriga desd o sul pela parte de oeste hate lesnordeste^ nSo entrey 
nela porque posto que tomey as Yelas na sua boca por ser ja 
tarde pera entrar aquele dia esperando de ho fazer ao outro 
cre^eo tanto ho vento leuante na noite seguinte e habateo me de 
modo que amanheici com ela escorrida mas ao que de fora pude 
julgar e halta e limpa com desposisao pera Becolher qualquer 
armada, lembran9as tenho eu de hun homem antiguo e nSo 
desacreditado que hafirma estar ja surto nesta bahia em quimze e 
dezaseis bra^as de fundo limpo e que detras da ponta de ponente, 
esta hua legoa de agoa dope onde fes agoada, mas eu nSU) yi mais 
do que dito tenho, per esta paragem nas quarenta e cinooenta. 
bracas tudo he fundo de area miuda nSo muito Buiua, 

Do cabo das baxas, 

cabo das baxas esta em altura de trinta e quatro graos corre 
so com a bahia fermossa a lesnordeste oessudoeste ha na den-ota 



296 Records of SouUh^Eastem Afriea. 

oito legoas sua conhecen^a he ser hua pota grossa e preta talhada 
a pique no mar e a quern vay do leuante de longe pare9e ylha 
tern no rrostro hua silua de terra bramca que sobe da praia pera 
o alto e huSLs baxas ao Bedor que saem ao mar meia legoa e da 
banda de leste esta hua enseada que faz mostra de ter colheita 
porem he pequena e de pouco abriguo a qual da mesma parte 
acaba em outra ponta de medaos graudes de area, mas a milhor 
conhecenca deste cabo he ho piquo de que atras fez mensao que 
esta quasi norte sul com ele e a quern estiuer quatro ou cineo 
legoas ao mar faz a mostra abaxo e dele pera o nordeste cinco 
legoas estam cimco mamoas muito bem feitas sobre a serra e daly 
vay emgrossando a costa com alguas barreiras braneas e ver- 
melhas pela praya ate hun Rio que esta quatro legoas da ponta 
delgada> 

(Ha aqui um desenho.) 



Da ponta delgada e hahia ferrnosa, 

A ponta delgada esta em altura de trinta e tres graos e tres 
quartos largos corre se com o cabo das serras a lesnordeste 
oessudueste auera na derrota doze legoas sua conhe9en9a indo do 
ponente he ser huS ponta mto delgada e por iso Ihe pus este 
nome) que esgota no mar em hu mamote com hus arreciffes ao pe 
o qual ate chegar perto pare9e ylheo mas nao ho he e dele pera a 
terra firme ha huu arcal muito Raso sem verdura algua que tera 
de comprido huS carreira de caualo e antes de chegar a pouta 
quatro legoas esta ho Bio q atras dis e entre ele e ella se faz na praia 
huu medao de area que he no meio mais largo que nos cabos e 
dali vay a costa arlelgacando, cada vez mais com huas limguoas 
estreitas de terra branca metidas per entre o mato que parecem 
caminhos e estao deitadas ao quinete e uao d alto abaxo e esta 
mesma ponta a quern for correndo a Bibeira da parte do leuSte 
faz mostra de dous ylheos mas as suas mais claras conhe9en9as 
sam as serras do sertam que se conhecem de muito longe asim 
por serem altas e espinhosas com os picos miudos e huS certa 
ygualdade neles que parecem nao se leuantarem mais hiis que 
outros como por auer entre eles huu que se quer parecer com ha 
Boca de cintra o qual alem de ser conhe9ido por sua feicam e 
altura o he tambcm por que%lele tros ]e<:;()as jx^ra o ponente estam 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 297 

as ciinco mamoas bem feitas de que atras fiz menpam e saas 
mostras sam estas^ 

(Ha aqui um desenho.) 

Ao longo desta ponta da parte de leste esta a bahia fermosa a 
qual tera cimco legoas de seo he bom porto de ponentes abrigua 
pela parte de leste desd o sul ate o nordeste ha milhor conhe9eD9a 
pera a demandar alem das da ponta delgada he ho piquo que 
atras dise parecer se com a Boca de cintra, quem quiser entrar 
nela poera este piquo ao norte e entam sera tanto abante como a 
bahia e hafastando sse da ponta delgada quasi hu tiro de besta 
guardar-se-ha do que vir somente e ira surgir nas noue e dez 
bra^as nas qua§s achara area limpa que das quinze pera as vinte 
he 9ujo e dali pera fora toma a ser limpo e vay o fundo crecendo 
pera o mar de area miuda e nao muito Ituiua, nesta bahia entrey 
pela parte do leuflte correndo a costa perto da terra e sahi pela 
do ponente, detras do surgidouro esta hu£l comcavidade entre as 
terras que todos julgamos ser lagoa mas eu nao pude saber ha 
certeza por ventar tanto o leuante que nao ouue por bom comselho 
apartar ho batel do nauio dal j pera leste yay a costa com areas 
ate o cabo das serras e antes de chegar a ele quatro legoas esta 
hu Bio 

Do cdbo das serras e haJiia de sam framciseo. 

O cabo das serras esta em altura de trinta e tres graos e meo 
corre se com ho cabo do arrecifie lesnordeste oessudueste auera na 
derrota oito legoas sua conhe9en9a he ser huSl ponta delgada 
que esgota no mar em hu mamote com huSl baxa que sae mea 
legoa e antes de chegar a ela quatro legoas esta o rio que atras 
dise e entre ele e o cabo hu medao de area na praia e dali pera a 
ponta yay a terra adelga^ando com huas lingoas de terra branea 
metidas per entre o mato que parecem caminhos de mode que 
desta parte tern quasi as mesmas mostras que ha pota delgada 
somente Ihe achey de differen^a que ho medao he todo ygoal e 
nam mais largo no meo como ho outro e que pela cumiada do 
mato que corre dele pera o cabo estam a luguares outras manchas 
brancas ho que nao tem a ponta delgada, pelo que a milhor 
conhe^en^a he ha serra do sertam porque todas as montanhas e 
serranias que saem do cabo de boa esperan^a vam continuas e 
pegadas huas com as outras i)er toda a costa ate este cabo e all 



298 Becorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

esgotam e fazem acabamento e por tanto Ihe pus este nomo, e 
posto que sobre o cabo do aBecifife seuejam algus piquos ja estam 
800S e apartados d est routros por espaco de legoas, 

Ao longo deste cabo da parte de leste esta hua bahia a que pus 
nome de sam fran^isco he bom porto de ponStes abrigua desde 
mais do sul pela sua banda ate o nordeste a milhor conhe9eD9a 
que tern he a das serras que Se acabam aly como ja dise e no 
acabamento sobre ha bahia fazem tres montes agudos dos qua§s o 
do norte he mais alto que os outros dous. quern quiser entrar nela 
poera est^s montes ao este e entam sera tanto abante como ha 
bahia e chegando se a ponta do cabo dara Besguardo ha baxa de 
que fiz men^ad e surgira nas quinze e dezaseis bra9as que he 
fundo limpo e de dentro do cabo onde esta hu areal achara hua 
boa agoada, Nesta bahia nao entrey por uentar muito o leuante e 
eu nam leuar ja mais que duas acoras posto que estive dous dias 
atrauesado na sua boca esperando que habonam9ase no fim dos 
quads me achey com ela escorrida contudo eu tomo sobre mim ho 
que dela dexey de ver como que ho vira porque o diguo por boca 
e lembram^a de dioguo botelho pereira que nela e na do saldanha 
esteue surto e fez agoada creo que no ano de mil e quinhentos e 
trinta e none quando veo na fusta a este Keino com quern tiue 
particular amizade sendo meu capitam na nao sam bento a 
segumda yez que fui a yndia no ano 549 e por comformar tudo 
com ho que de fora yy acerca da altura acabamento das serras e 
areal creo que tambem he certo ou do sorgidouro e hagoada que 
somente me fiquou por uer e ser as mostras Sam as abaxo, Saindo 
daly vay a terra delgada ao longo do mar com algus medaos d& 
area mas emgrossando cada vez mais ate o cabo do areciffe, 

(Ha aqui um desenho.) 

Do caho do arreeiffe^ 

cabo do arreciffe esta em altura de trinta e tres gra5s e hum 
ter90 corre sse com as pontas do padram quasi lesnordeste 
oessuducste ha na deEota quimze legoas sua conhe9en9a he ser 
hua ponta grossa com hua Bestinga de penedia e hiis ylheos 
pequenos ao Bedor de sy e da agulha dele hu tiro de besta estam 
huas pedras em que quebra ho mar e da parte do ponente tern 
hua mesa de area e na Bibeira hus penedos que pare^em ylheos 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 299 

ma^ nao ho sam e deles pera o cabo esta hum baxo perto da terra 
e pelo serta Tay hu peda^o de serra alta e espingosa co mamoas 
mas apartada da que fiqua atras sobre a bahia de sam fran^isco 
nem desta pera o leuante se uee outra porq dali por diante toda 
ha terra do sertam he feita em lombadas e montes e se tem algus 
peda90s de serra sam muito defereutes d est outros, 

Da bahia da lagoa e dos Jlheos da eruz e chaos 

Ao longo deste cabo da parte de leste esta hua grade emseada 
e desabrigada que se chama da lagoa posto que eu antes Ihe 
chamara dos lobos pelos muitos que nela achey tera de boea dez e 
doze legoas quem estiuer dentro vera no sertam a serra que atras 
dise e pera o sul hum pieo com quatro ou cimquo montes piquenos, 
da banda do ponente tem quatro ylheos que se chamam da cruz 
hu deles maior que os tres ao Bedor do qual se pode abriguar 
qualquer nao com todo ho tempo porque he limpo com doze e 
treze bra9a.s de fundo de area corre se leste oeste com outros dous 
que estam da parte do leuante chamados chaos porq sam tam 
Basos que se nao conhecem a mais de duas legoas os quaes fazem 
ao longo da costa e tem hua baxa apartada mea legoa pera o 
sudueste, toda a terra de entre estes ylheos e hos de atras he pela 
praia de meda5s grandes de area com manchas de mato e pelo 
sertam lombadas de terra preta com muitos montinhos e dali pera 
o nordeste sae hua ponta a leste e quarta de nordeste sudueste 
que esgota no mar m^ delgada com grandes area^s pela Bibeira 
entre Sachados de nodvas pretas de mato e no acabam^to esta 
hu monte que da banda do sertam he talhado a pique com hua 
degolada no meo e adiante dele mea legoa ha outro e no uale que 
jaz entre ambos estam huas aruores que parecem pinheiros e sam 
as primeiras que vy ao longo do mar desd o cabo das agulhas ate 
all, Pela paragem destes ylheos sete e oito legoas ao mar esta hu 
pracel que tem de fundo trinta e trinta e (inco bra^as e dele pera 
a terra he mais alto e a duas e tres legoas fdella ha setenta e 
hoitenta bra^as com fundo de area miuda e em algus lugares 
vaza. 

Das pontas do padrao. 

As pont<as do padram estam quatro legoas dos Jlheos chads 
pera o leuante em altura de trinta e tres graos correm sse com a 



800 Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 

primeira terra do natal nordeste sudueste auera na derrota vinte e 
cimquo legoas sua conlie^en^a he serem duas pontas de area 
talhadas a pique no mar com mato Raso por cima ao pe tern hu 
ylheo da fei^ao abaxo que sera do tamanho de hua carrauela e 
all deue ser o luguar onde esteue o padram chamado sam gregorio 
q po8 bertolameu diaz quando foy descubrir aquela costa por 
mandado delRey dom joao ho scgumdo porque se escreve que ho 
deixou posto em hum ylheo entre os ylheos chaos e ho Rio do 
jfiante na qual paragem nao ha outro e por yso Ihe pus este 
nome, huS legoa destas potas pera o nordeste faz a costa outra 
tambem cuberta de mato e balem dela nas lombadas esta hu% 
conrela de verdura deferen9ia da outra que ha ao Redor ha qual 
dece do alto direito ao mar onde estam huSs baxas junto da terra 
e pasando daly apare^e huS arbore soo grande e copada sobre a 
cumiada das lombadas do sertam e entre ela e o mar estam hu&s 
malhas bi^Leas e pera o leuante toda a terra pela Bibeira he de 
medads de area e pelo sertam de lombadas asentadas cd manchas 
yerdes de pradarias e alguas aruores grandes que parecem emzin- 
heiras e antes de chegar ao Bio do Jfiante oito legoas se 
descobrem na praya alguas abertas de Bibeiros e adiante tres 
legoas estam huSLs barreiras ao pe das quaes esta o penedo que se 
chama das fontes o qual he hua pedra com degolada no meo que 
pare^e ylheo mas nEo ho he e toda a terra per cima dele he muito 
verde com alguSls aruores espalhadas, 

(Ha aqui um descnho.) 

Dorio do JffarUe, 

O rio do jfiante esta em altura de trinta e dous graos e meo sua 
conhe^en^a he fazer no sertam hum Bochedo alto talhado a pique 
d ambas as bandas e asi vS ter ao mar e per cima dele entre o 
outro mato ha alguSs aruores grandes, a barra he alta mas nao 
pera naos da carreira corre se noroeste sueste da parte do sueste 
tem hu aBecife de pedra que lan9a huSLs baxas ao mar hii tiro de 
besta e ali foy onde varamos com a nao sam bento o ano de mill 
quinhentos cimcuenta e quatro em que vinha femam daluares 
cabral por capitam mor da armada da parte do nordeste e ha 
praia de area e ho sertSLo de montes com aruoredo adiante deste 
llio oito legoas esta outro pequeno pera nanios que se chama de 



Records of SotUh-Eastem AfriocL 301 

8am cristoucim e tambem vem ter ao mar per entre Bochedos altos, 
perto dela estam tres ylheos pegados com terra os dous agndos e 
juutos e outro Baso e afastado na paragem dos qiia§8 a quatro e 
ha cimquo legoas da terra nao ha mais de quarenta pera cimqnenta 
bracas com fundo de area grossa e Buiua e em algus lugares 
pedra 

Da terra do natal 

A primeira ponta da terra do natal esta em altura de trinta e 
dons graos corre se com a derradeira ponta ao nordeste e toma de 
norte e sul auera na derrota quarenta e 9inco legoas sua conhe^n^a 
he ser huSl ponta grosa de Bochedo e estando ao mar quatro ou 
cinco legoas apare^e no sertam hua mata de aruores grandes e 
quando esta demorar ao nordeste descobre por 9ima tres montes 
pequenos e Bedondos e daly huS legoa pera o nordeste esta outra 
mata que de9e ao mar e per cima faz lombada com hu escaluado e 
outros tres montes maiores que os de atras, toda esta terra que se 
chama do natal he grosa e ao longo do mar com manchas de area 
e ha mais da pruia de Bochedos e ha Becifes nam tem portos, ha 
nela algus Bios mas ninhu capaz de Becolger nauios grandes, o 
mar todo he alto e limpo somente tem hu ylheo piqueno pegado 
com a costa, ho sertam he de lombadas verdes feitas c manchas 
com muitos aruoredos entre os qua^ em alguSs partes ha tambem 
zambugeros e nos vales e Bibeiras agrio^s e Baba9as e outras eruas 
deste Beinoy ho carao da terra pela maior parte he grosso e disposto 
pera fruitificaco^s e hasi he muito pouoada e de grandes criacoSs 
de animals mansos e monteses e desta maneira vai correndo toda 
a costa ate ha derradeira ponta que esta em altura de trinta graos 
corre se com ha da pescaria ao norte e quarta do nordeste sudueste 
auera na derrota doze legoas sua conhe^eu^a e ser huS ponta na& 
muito grossa que da banda do ponente tem huas barreiras e 
medaos de area na Bibeira e ha quern yay ao longo dela sae a 
lesnordeste oessudueste porque esta terra do natal faz tres pontas 
comuem a saber as duas ja ditas e outra quasi no meio donde a 
costa yay fazendo emseadas pera os cabos. 

Da ponta da pescaria 

A ponta da pescaria esta em altura de vinte e noue graos e hu 
tergo corre se com a de santa luzia ao norte de quarta do nordeste 



302 Becords of Souih-Easiern Africa. 

sndueste anera na derrota qninze legoas sua conhe^en^a he ser 
hnSi ponta nam muito alta com barreiras piqnenas e no sertam 
faz outra mais grosa sobre a da praia com muitas manchas 
brancas e dela pera o nordeste vay a costa feita em barreiras, 
entre esta ponta e ha de santa luzia esta hua emseada peqnena e 
de pouco abrignoy 

Da ponta de santa luzia, 

A ponta de santa luzia esta em altura de vinte e oito graos e 
meo corre so com a terra dos fumos ao nordeste e toma da qnarta 
<1e leste oeste avera na derrota trinta legoas nSo tern conhe^n^a 
de que se possa fazer men^ao somente ser huSi ponta delgada 
cuberta de mato ate a praia que a qu3 a for correndo sae mais ao 
mar que a outra terra d entre ela e ha dos fumos estam os Bios 
de santa luzia e ho dos medaos do ouro na paragem do qual ha 
hii pra^el que ha hua legoa da terra nao tern mais de quatorze e 
quinze bracas com fundo de cascabulho grosso e conchas que- 
bradas e mais pera ho mar area preta miuda com algus buzios 
entre sachados, ho Bio he de muita agoa porque se ajuntam em 
hua lagoa que ele faz dentro as de outros tres de bom tamanho e 
has de algus brejos alagadi^os que duram muitas legoas^ a barra 
nSo he alta corre se quasi leste oeste, da parte do sudueste tern 
huas baxas que saem ao mar huu tiro de ber^o a costa he delgada 
e toda de medaos de area pela praia. 

Da ponta da terra dosfumosy 

A ponta da terra que se chama dos fumos esta em altura de 
vinte e sete graos e hu ter^o corre se co ho rrio de santo sprito 
nomordeste snrsudueste auera na derrota trinta legoas quanto ha 
conhe^enga b3lo Ihe yy cousa differente das outras de que posa 
fazer meu^ao porque toda a terra por ali he baixa e de medaos 
pela praia como tenho dito somente tern ser huS ponta de area 
com huSL sobran^elha de mato per cima a qual sae mais ao mar 
que a outra terra mas ysto nllo he tanto que se emxerge senik) 
yndo coseitos com ela nesta paragem perdy duas ancoras por 
amanhecer hu dia pegado com a costa com vento trauesam e 
sobre arrecifes onde estiue tres dias bem emfadado, as qua§s nam 
fizeram pouco abalo e temor de pasar avante a gente da minha 
coinpanhia por me nSo fiearem mais de outras duas e ser logo no 



Beeards of South-Eastern Africa. 303 

principio da viagem por quanto como ja dise fiz este descobri- 
mento do leuSLte pera o ponente comenpando no cabo das correntes 
e acabando no de boa esperanca. 

Do Bio de santo esprito e da sua lahia 

Bio de santo esprito esta em altura de yinte e cimco graos e 
tres quartos corre se com ho cabo das correntes quasi lesnordeste 
oessudueste avera na derrota setenta legoas sua conhe^enga be 
ter da banda do sudueste hua lombada de terra grosa a qual e 
ylha que nam sae mais ao mar que a costa firme e tera de com- 
prido legoa e meia com huSL degolada pequena no meio em que 
esta huS malha branca, a sua entrada da banda do sudueste he 
alta mas pejada com penedos tera de largo pouco mais de hum 
tiro de espingarda, a do nordeste sera de seis ou sete legoail 
dentro faz huSL grande bahia que descobre muito de baza mar 
de agoas viuas contudo tem colheita pera naos da carreira entram 
nela tres Bios grandes em que tambem podem surgir nauios 
pequenoSy quem a for demandar chegar-se-a a ponta da ylha da 
parte do nordeste huSL boa legoa e nSLo menos porq asim dali pero 
a ilha como da banda da terra firme he aparcelado e yra entranda 
ao longo de hus ylheos ao som do prumo e do olho que logo 
emxerga onde he alto ou baxo achara no banco sete e oito bra^as 
de area limpa e quanto mais for entrando mais se ira chegando a 
ilha ate que acabe de ha pasar e despois voltara pera o sul tanto 
que descubra a sua entrada da parte do sudueste ou poco menos 
e surgira nas oito e noue bra9as perto da ilha na qual achara agoa 
doce onde quer que acabar e hamarrarhea do ponente por 
Bespeito da corrente que sae dos Bios que he grande, A gente da 
ylha e hasy a da terra firme daquela parte he muito nossa amigua 
sogeita a hu Bey chamado Inheca que inda agora he yiuo de quem 
Be^ebemos os que ali fomos perdidos da nao sam bento muito 
gasalhado e hasim ho faz a todos os portugeses que per ordem dos 
capitaes de mo^aobique ali nam fazer Besgate de marfim, o que 
nam tem os que moram da outra banda que fazem todos os males 
que podem aos que com eles nam negocear e haqueles sam os 
que desbarataram a manoel de sousa de sepulueda con toda ha 
companhia quando ali foy ter perdido do galeao sam joao o 
ano 1552, 



304 Records of South-Eastern A/riccu 

Do Bio do euro 

Doze legoas do Bio de santo esprito pera o leuante esta outro 
pequeno a que chamao do euro tern por sina^s da banda do 
sudueste hua terra preta com medaos pretos e em direito deles 
hua mancha branca na praya e da do nordeste hua terra alta com 
hu escaluado em cima que parepe estrada e da boca do Bio pera 
dentro esta hum morro de mato porem a sua entrada nam he de 
fronte donde se ele descobre que he tudo arre^ife mas dali mea 
legoa pera ho sudueste onde logo o arre9iffe faz mostra de ha- 
cabamento a qual he ystreita comete se ao este pelo meo do 
canal tem no banco braca e mea qen ouuer de ir dentro depois 
que for entre o arre^iffe e ha terra voltara pera o Bio ate ampa- 
relhar com a sua boca e pode entrar ao som do prumo dez o doze 
legoas a gente da terra he de nacDLo mocamga e nossa amiga. 

Da agoada de boa paz, 

Quatorze ou quinze legoas deste Bio pera o leuante esta outro 
que se chama a agoada de boa paz o qual he pequeno e incapaz 
pera nauios posto que st^am do rrerao por quebrar o mar muito 
nele tem huas baxas ao longo da terra arredadas hua legoa pera 
o sudueste, quem quiser fazer agoada que somente pera esto 
efeito fapo meupoo dele) ha de pasar com hos batds por cima de 
hua arreciffe que esta dele pera o nordeste hu tiro de faldlo 
e isto de mea mare pera Biba e nSLo pera baxo e despois que 
desembarcar leuara os baris per terra ao Bio e da mesma maneira 
se tornara a embarcar, huS legoa desta agoada pera o nordeste 
esta hu arreciffe arredado da costa mea legoa e entre ele e ela he 
alto e limpo pera poderem estar uaos abriguadas posto que eu 
nao seria de pare9er que ho fosem demandar sen5o com estrema 
neccsidade pelo periguo que corro se o uento nlio for largo 
quando tornarem a suas viages, 

Toda aquela costa pera ly he do area ao longo da praia e de 
baxa mar descobre arrc9iflFes de pedra mas das quatro bra^as pera 
9ima he alto e limpo com fundo de area miuda e a lugares preta, 
per esta paragem ha hu pra9el que ha mea legoa da terra tem 
none e dez bracas e a esta conta vay o fundo crecendo pera o mar 
que fora daqui he muito alcantilado mas limpo e pcla borda dele 
ha montes e manchas de area branca e Buiua, o sertam he feito 



Beeords of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 305 

em lombadas hu3s com aruores e outras co malhas brancas e 
hasim vay a terra adelgaeando cada vez mais feita em montinhos 
agados e farrapas de area per entre o mato que pare9em caminhos 
sem auer nelaimostra nem cousa de que fazer meD9ao ate ho cabo 
das correntes que esta em altura de vinte e quatro graos escapes 
onde se acabaram os limites desta minha empresa e descubrimento 
de que tornei a mocambique em treze dias do mez de marpo de 
mil quinhentos setenta e seis. 

Nam aja vossa A por imcomuiniente querendo se seruir dos 
portos que achey uer que sao bahias e nao Bios e as mais delas 
descubertas dos ventos leuantes, nem menos os periguos que pelo 
discurso pasey a vendo que por iso fiquam inutiles on que todas 
as pesoas que os forem demandar correram os mesmos Biscos 
porque quanto ao primeiro sem embargo que os Bios en toda a 
parte sejam mais abrigados que as bahias nesta nam fiquam de 
tanta vtilidade pera ho que se pretende como elas porque pela 
mor parte tem as entradas estreitas e esta sinda embaracadas com 
Yoltas e canaes que se muitas vezes mudam e com bamcos de area 
on arrepiffes, e alem disto nam se podem demandar senam de dia 
e com comodidade de vento e de mare e sam em fim portos que 
pera os entrar ou sair tem necessidade de cerimonias e comjun^o^ 
que se naquela paragem nao sofrem por quanto os pode as uezes 
yr demandar hua nao apertada do vento e a desoras e sem tempo 
pera agnardar estes ensejos pelo que sam muito milhores as 
bahias que se entram e saem sem eles a todo o tempo e hora que 
he neoessario, 

E aparecerem descubertas dos leuantes asaz de cubertas fiquam 
alguas pois de oito ventos que tem a agulha abrigam de mais do 
seis como ha bahia de sam sebastiao que cobre desde sueste pelo 
ponente ate quasi lesnordeste e ha de sam bras pouco menos e 
ynda que nS^o fora tanto nao tam somente eu as nao Beprouara 
mas afirmara como afirmo que ninhua entrata mais acomodada 
pera o vso desta nauegapao pudiao ter os portos daquela costa 
que da parte dos leuantes pois as naos que por ali pasam numqua 
tem nepesidade de se meterem neles senao com ponentes donde 
eles sam mto abrigados e de fiel estanpia por quanto se as que 
deste Beiuo vam pera a india os querem tomar por chegarem all 
tarde ou nessepitadas pera nao imuemarem em mocambique e 
per fora da ilha de sam louren^o pasarem co todo ho tempo a 
imdia, estas por 9e<lo ou tarde que deste Reino partam segumdo 



i 



306 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

a nauegna^ao ordinaira sempre chegam aqnela paragem na 
moncao e forca dos ponentes, £ pelo comsiguinte as qae da india 
yem posto que chegem ali no despidimento da moncao dos 
leuantes em quant o Ihes eursaS com elles fazem suas viagens e 
somente ham de ir demandar os portos quando Ihes der o contraste 
dos ponentes pera que sem aguardarem no mar os pairos com que 
se perdem on desaparelham e sem temor dos Biscos e inuemadas 
de mo^ambique Bepairadas de agoa lenha pescado e came que 
ali ha muita e barata) com qualquer bom tempo que Ihes tornar 
por estarem perto) possam dobrar ho cabo e pasar a este Beino, 

E ao segumdo dos pirigos que pasey Bespondo que as viagSs 
que as na<!)s da carreira fazem sam muito deferentes da que eu 
fiz asi no tempo como na derrota por quanto eu hia a descobrir e 
era me forbade yr sempre pegado com a costa as sorndas voltas e 
tortuosidades dela pera que me nao ficase cousa algiia por uer e 
como nSLo leuaua mais de duas amcoras por perder outras duas 
sobre a terra dos fumos logo no prin^ipio da viagem como ja dise 
que escasamente bastauain pera sustentar hua nao em hum Bio 
quieto quanto mais ao longo da costa e na for^a dos ventos gera^s 
que nela cursam e juntamente nSLo sabia onde estava ho alto on 
onde ho baxo, o cujo on o limpo, fiquaua me em periguo o quo 
pudia ver de dia e ho que nam viria com a noite e juntamente o 
que OS ventos e correntes que ali sam grandes me poderian for^ar 
prin^ipalmente do cabo das correntes ate as pontas do padram 
que se a costa corre nordeste sudueste e em lugares quasi norte 
c sul pelo que os leuantes pela mor parte ficam nela escasos e has 
agoas com eles tiram muito a henseadas e por ysso me achaua 
per yezes em lugares que nam podia dobrar as pontas da terra 
nem correr pera ninhuH parte nem menos surgir por causa do 
fundo ou do mao aparelho que leuaua ficando todo pendurado da 
misiricordia de nosso snor e dos muitos milagros que ele por sua 
immensa bondade e pela boa vintura de vossa A. cuja ha empresa 
era) fez por mi nesta viagd mas as naos da carreira se deste Beino 
yam passam sempre per aly com yentos ponentes a popa como 
tcnho dito chegando se ou afastando sse da costa a yontade dos 
que iis gouernam e as que da india yem posto que partam cede 
nao chegam aquela paragem senao pelo mes de fiuireiro e dali 
por dianto cm que os leuantes cursam largos porque a mor parte 
do tempo sam nordestes e quando menos lestes e as agoas com 
elcs corrcm mais do longo da costa nem yao demandar a uista 







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PHOTOGRAPH OF PERESTRELLO'S CHART. 



Records of SoiUh-Eastem Africa. 807 

dela senao das pontas do padram oa do cabo do arre9iffe por 
diante com que tudo Ihes fica inda mais fauorauel por se correr 
lesnordeste oessudueste e em partes leste oeste e en tanto he isto 
asym que os pilotos modemos a quern nao pode mostirar entemde- 
rem mais da naueguacam desta carreira que os antigos emsinados 
da espirien^ia sem temor da costa posto que ategora nam tenham 
conhecimento das particularidades dela custumam despois que 
ha vem irem sempre a sua vista ou quasi a vendo que asim ficam 
mais fauore^idos das agoas e dos ventos o que daqui por diante 
poderam inda fazer mais aPoutos pois yam ja alumiados dos sinads 
e conhecenpeas dos portos e lugares onde se podram Becolher ou 
chegar sendo necesario, e tambem dos donde Ihe cumpre fugir e 
haBedar se pera fazerem suas yiagSs siguras e liures dos rriscos e 
sobresaltos em que me eu hachaua a cada memento. 

[Eriffliah translation of the foregoing.^ 
DESCRIPTION 

or 

THE COAST OF SOUTH AFRICA. 

By Manuel de Mesquita Pebestbello. 

To the most high and most powerful king Dom Sebastian^ our 
lord. 
I left Mozambique to explore the coast from the Cape of 
Good Hope, as Your Highness had commanded me, on the 22nd 
of November 1575. After I reached Cape Correntes, where the 
limits of this undertaking commenced, I ran along the coast as 
close as was necessary to carry out the requirements of my instruc- 
tions, making a practice of taking in the sails every night that 
the weather would permit of it. Although in the course of my 
voyage I went through such difiSculties and dangers as put me 
in the condition of being left without look-out tops and without 
masts for them, with only one cable, and with the ship so damaged 
and deficient of all the aids which could be of value, that if it 
had not been for the command of Your Highness, many days 
passed that the persevering in that enterprise could lay the fault 
on me of being a rash or desperate man, I arrived at last at the 

^1 



308 Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

Cape of Good Hope on the 28th day of the following Jannary, 
after having discovered many and good ports, and without having 
left anything to be explored except an open bay which lies along 
it (i.e. the Cape of Good Hope) on the eastern side. This I did 
not explore, because when I was in sight of it I encountered a 
storm from the south-west in which I was in danger of being lost, 
as I was so near the land that when I wished to bring the ship 
before the wind I could only do so with great difficulty. I 
doubled Cape Agulhas again, and the gale was such that in a day 
and a half that it lasted it drove me to the islets Chaos, which 
are more than a hundred and ten leagues distant from the place I 
left, withal the crew so tired out with working the pumps and 
with throwing out the seas which entered at all parts, that if it 
had lasted longer there would have been no one able to provide a 
remedy. But by leaving this open bay I think not much was 
lost, because for the service of passing ships, although it may be 
deep and sheltered, I am sure that it would be of little or no use, 
in consequence of its being so near the Cape that when they 
arrive there they want rather to double it and to proceed on the 
voyage than to run into lands from which annoyances might 
happen to them. 

The particulars of the sea and of the coast, with the latitudes, 
landmarks of the ports, and the order that one has to follow to 
put into them. Tour Highness will see in the journal and relation 
of all that I did, to which credit can be given, although they are 
badly composed and by a trembling hand, which is better than 
having them adorned by someone else before Tour Highness 
sees them. 

Of the people of the country I am able to speak as well from 
what I have seen now as when I was wrecked in the ship 8L 
Benedict in the year 1554, so that you may trust my account, 
with reserve, however, that we should not give them cause for 
complaint or resentment. They have simplicity and a natural 
disposition to receive the doctrine of the knowledge of G<>d and 
the evano:elical law, owing to which I hope that in this fortunate 
reign of Tour Highness such service will be performed that the 
sound of its word will reach those so distant and extreme ends of 
the round world, for the salvation of so many souls that are there 
quite lost, an undertaking which God has reserved for Tour 
Highness only, which is so much needed, and which had been 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 309 

for 80 many years desired and prayed for by your Tassals, and so 
often determined upon by the most serene king Dom John your 
grandfather of glorious memory, an undertaking that was destined 
for Your Highness to carry out, to whose unconquerable spirit 
and most Christian zeal, it seems, were reserved the triumphs of 
new conquests and regions where His holy name may be known 
and praised, in order that Tour Highness, besides the extension 
of your kingdoms and states, may enjoy for many and happy 
years that undying fame which is due to those so heroic and 
Catholic exertions. 



Account of the Ports, Koutes, Latitudes, Capes, Marks 
OF Eecognition, Shelters, and Soundings along the 
WHOLE Coast from the Cape of Good Hope to Cape 

CORRENTES. 

Of the Cape of Good Hope. 

The Cape of Good Hope, as is well known, is in latitude thirty- 
four degrees and a half. Cape Agulhas is to the eastward, in a 
line nearly west by north and east by south, the distance between 
them being twenty-eight or thirty leagues. Its marks of recog- 
nition it seems to me unnecessary to describe, as they are very 
well known, and are seen by our pilots nearly every year ; but in 
order to write something, I shall merely say that when it is seen 
at sea from the western side, it being to the northeast at a distance 
of seven or eight leagues, a huge rock is observable, which appears 
to be an island, but is not, and beyond it on the eastern side a 
great chain of mountains running north and south, with many 
peaks and a break in the middle. In the foreground is a long 
mountain flat on the top like a table, and from it towards the 
Cape the land is lower, with four or five peaks, some larger than 
others, in form like the stacks of straw in the fields of Santarem. 

Along this Cape on the eastern side is an open bay, which I 
could not enter on account of the storm that I encountered there 
and the damage sustained by my ship, of which I have already 
written. The mouth is five leagues across. From the western 
side two large rocks are seen, which appear to be islets. Within 
I observed some openings, apparently the course of a river that 
the chartmakers depicture as very large, as flowing from some 



310 Records of South- Eastern Africa. 

lakes at the sources of the Nile, and as watering a great part of 
the interior country ; but this I doubt, as no one has either seen 
it or an early description of it. I believe that it is like all the 
others from Cape Serras to this place, which are small, and I 
suppose that it must issue from the back part of the country which 
is crossed for nearly a hundred and ten leagues by a chain of 
mountains so continuous, high, and running in double ranges, 
that it does not seem possible for the waters of the other side 
to pass through it, and as the rivers that are there have no 
tributaries longer than those flowing from these mountains to the 
sea, which is close by, they remain small and are seen as such, at 
least from the look-out stations of lofty ships. With all this 1 
admit that there are in some parts of the world rivers that run 
through great chains of mountains, and others that are narrow at 
the entrance while navigable higher up, wherefore the truth con- 
cerning these cannot be properly ascertained except by means of 
boats that can be rowed, which I had not with me. 

This open bay is entirely enclosed by a liigh and steep rocky 
shore, and terminates on the eastern side in a point of the same 
kind. From it towards the east is a small and shelterless bay, and 
beyond that is Cape False, which stands out as a great rock with 
a dark patch on it. On the eastern side is another open bay 
without shelter, like that behind. Thence towards Cape Agulhas 
the land along the sea is low, and forms hillocks, some of which 
are peaked, others flat on top and long, with openings between 
them. 

Of Cape Agulhas. 

Cape Agulhas (Needles) is in latitude a little short of thirty- 
five degrees. Cape Infante lies from it northeast by east, at a 
distance of fourteen leagues. Its mark of recognition is a bank 
of grey land which terminates in two sharp points, of which the 
one to the eastward is much the sharper. The distance from one 
to the other is four leagues, almost east and west, and the coast 
between them is formed in round-topped ridges with a white 
spot, beyond which is a band of bushes. In the interior are 
high and large ranges of mountains, with six or seven breaks. 
To the westward of this Cape a little island, called Das Serras, is 
placed on the charts, but I doubt its existence. Although I 
passed there very close to the land, in truth it may be that with 



Records of S&utJi-Eastem Africa. 31 1 

the fine and damp mist that was the forerunner of the storm 
from the west which I encountered that day, or through its being 
deep in the shadow of the land, I did not see it, and therefore I 
leave this question to be determined hereafter. From the eastern 
point of this cape in the same direction the coast turns to the 
north-northeast, making a bight, with low land along the coast, 
and having as its extremity a great rock. There is Cape Infante. 
From the sea these two capes can be seen, and not the low coast 
land between them, on which there is a great patch of sand, and 
in the interior there is a hillock like this : 

(Here in the original is a coloured view). 

Of Cape Infante and St Sebastian* 8 Bay. 

Cape Infante is in latitude thirty-four degrees and a hsit 
It lies in a line with Cape Yacas to the eastward nearly east by 
north, the distance between them being fifteen leagues. Its 
mark of recognition is a high and circular mass of ground, flat on 
top, with a face to the sea which at a distance looks like an 
island, but is not one. It is situated between two rocks, which 
also look like islets, and it has near it two other rocks encircled 
with water. There is the first lofty land which is seen from the 
westward when passing Cape Agulhas. Any one who is in a 
line north and south with it will see inland a flat range with some 
breaks in it making long mountains, and to the westward five or 
six round hills as depicted below. Between this range and the 
cape there is a long flat-topped mountain, not very high, which 
lies almost north and south. At this place, seven and eight 
leagues from the shore, the bottom at sixty and eighty fathoms 
is of fine sand. 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Along this Cape on the eastern side is a bay, to which I gave 
the name St. Sebastian. It is some three leagues in extent, 
and is sheltered from the southeast round by the west nearly to 
the east-northeast. In it there are places eight and nine fathoms 
deep, but with a clean* bottom and good holding ground for 

* Cleau, mcaniug Dot foul for anchors. 



312 Records of South-Eastem Africa. 

anchors. It is well provided with fish, and there is water in a 
valley the nearest to the cape of three that are seen here, 
although landing to obtain it is difficult during strong easterly 
winds, such as I had when I entered, owing to the rocky shore 
and the current, but with westerly winds it should be very 
smooth. Tnside of this bay there is another sheltered from all 
winds, which is about half a league in length, and large enough 
to contain any great fleet. I did not enter this bay with the 
boat, because the sea was breaking heavily between them with 
the east wind which was blowing, but from outside it appeared 
to me deep and clear. A river flows into it, which, according to 
what was told me by those whom I sent to examine it by land, 
is as large as the Tagus in front of Santarem. The passage 
between these bays is about a quarter of a league wide, with 
some banks of sand on the eastern side and a sharp point of land 
on the western, where at low tide is seen a reef of rock that 
obstructs a portion of it, but sufficient space is left to give 
entrance to ships from one bay to the other, as I suppose that it 
is principally in the season of the west winds that they will need 
it to winter in. The waters from the mountains which run from 
the river of which I have spoken above and from other rivulets 
then in existence should in that season open the whole channel 
that the east winds have blocked up with sand from the bottom 
and other parts of the bay, and I might also have found an 
entrance if the sea had not broken so heavily, for close to the 
bar I found two fathoms and a half of water. 

Any one wishing to enter the first bay should not approach 
the point of the Cape, although from it about a cannon shot 
distant is a shoal upon which the sea does not break, but it can 
be known by the foaming there now and then, and between it 
and the land the water is so deep that any ship can pass. 
Shelter is to be had behind the other point which is seen beyond, 
because there is a reef which runs out a crossbow shot, and helps 
to give protection by breaking the force of the waves. No small 
advantage for those who anchor in this bay and all the others on 
that part of the coast is the current that runs from the east 
towards the west, which by setting outward helps to support the 
ship in such a way that there is much less strain on the cables, 
although the wind is from the east and strong. 

I have treated of the entrance of this bay, as coming from the 



Becards of South-Eastem Africa. 313 

western side, and thus I resolve to do of all the others, although 
I entered and departed from some of them on the eastern side and 
in their centres, and I found them for the most paxt deep and 
clean if they are approached with these winds, for reasons which 
I shall give farther on. Thence it is necessary to look for the 
entrances and the shelter on this coast, which I thus describe, 
from the west towards the east, although I explored it from the 
opposite direction, so that all the tokens and marks of recog- 
nition may be more easily recognised by the pilot who approaches 
these ports, if he makes no mistake in his knowledge of them, 
because by these he will be assisted more than by the latitudes, 
on account of its being a locality where the course is east and 
west, or nearly so, and it is dangerous to depend solely upon the 
sun, as a small error of the astrolabe produces incorrect distances. 
From this bay towards the east the land rises high and steep 
from the sea for a distance of five or six leagues, with white 
and reddish walls of rock,* some of them high up from the shore, 
and others running along the coast. Beyond this the land is not 
so elevated : it has walls of rock of the same kind, but they are 
all white. The land becomes continually lower until Cape Vacas 
is reached, a league before coming to which is the river Fermoso 
or Dos Yaqueiros, that has on the eastern side a sharp point 
which runs farther into the sea than the one on the west, with 
a small white patch along the water. Many currents run towards 
this river, although from outside it appears to be small for large 
boats, and as it was calm at times, they obliged me to come to 
an anchor. 

Of Cape Vacas and its Bay. 

Cape Vacas (Cows) is in latitude thirty-four degrees and a 
third. Cape St. Bras lies northeast by east, at a distance of five 
leagues. Its mark of recognition running along the coast is a 
sharp point which ends in the sea in a mountain with some 
reefs at its base, which, until very close, one would take to be 
an islet, but it is not one. From it a league to the westward is 
the river Fermoso or Dos Vaqueiros, of which I have already 
treated. Between it and the cape are some large walls of rock, 

* Barrciras means harriers, and walls of rock may not be what the writer 
meant, but I cannot imagine anything else. The document is a difficult one to 
translate in placet*, owing to its author s use of odd expressions. — G. M. T. 



314 Records of South-EoMem Africa. 

and In the interior is a mountain divided at the top in a way 
that will be described in the chapter treating of the bay of 
St. Bras. In ;this locality seven or eight leagues at sea there 
are forty and fifty fathoms of water, and closer to the coast 
it is deeper, but the whole bottom is of clean fine sand or 
mixed with small shells, and there is mud in some places. 

Along this cape on the eastern side is the bay of Yacast, 
about a league in extent. It is a good port, sheltered from the 
south round by the west to the northeast. Any one entering 
it must take care only to come to an anchor in eight or nine 
fathoms. In the beginning of the navigation to India ships 
touched there, and it was at this place that Joam de Queiros and 
almost all his people were killed in the year 1505 in the fleet of 
Pedro d'Anaya, because they went inland to take cattle by force. 
Close to the eastern point of this bay there are some shoals, and 
proceeding onward the coast runs northward with a narrow sandy 
beach along the sea until some reddish rocky walls are reached, 
and thence they become larger and larger to Cape St. Bras. 

Of Cape 8L Bras and its Bay. 

Cape St. Bras is in latitude a little short of thirty-four degrees 
and a quarter. Cape Talhado lies east by north, at a distance of 
eighteen leagues. Its mark of recognition from the sea is a flat 
mountain which ends in two points distant five leagues from each 
other, and on the western side it is very low along the sea, 
terminating at the entrance to the bay Das Vacas, of which I 
have already treated. The eastern point is Cape St. Bras, which 
is formed by a great rock shaped above like a hat, and with some 
reddish walls of rock at its base. There are some shoals and a 
rock surrounded with water. When this cape lies to the north- 
east there is upon it a flat piece of ground, with some white 
spots and others dark which look like ploughed lands, and when 
it lies to the west-northwest it appears like a round island. The 
mountains in the interior are high and serrated, but there are in 
them three peaks which make them easily distinguishable, one, 
of which mention has before been made, which is over and against 
Cape Vacas, another almost northwest of Cape St. Bras, which 
looks like a pitched tent with high sides, and towards the north- 
east another still higher which has its top hanging over to the 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 315 

eastward, and between them are pointed mountains that I do not 
depicture here in order to avoid confusion. 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Along this cape, on the eastern side, is the bay or watering- 
place of St. Bras, three leagues or more in extent It is in places 
six and eight fathoms deep close to the shore, and the bottom is 
very clean (i.e. not rocky or otherwise foul). It is sheltered 
from southeast by east round by the west to the northeast Inland 
from the point of the cape a cannon shot there are two coves, and 
on the elevated ground between them are still standing to the 
height of five or six spans the walls of a hermitage which at the 
time of the discovery of the sea route to India was built there 
and dedicated to the blessed Saint Bras. Near to it is a watering- 
place on the shore of the sea. Deeper in the bay is an islet half a 
league from the mainland, and in the channel between I found 
five and six fathoms of water with a clean bottom. There are in it 
innumerable sea wolves, some of which are of incredible size, and 
some birds as large as and shaped like geese, which are called 
penguins. These have no feathers, but wings with which they 
make their way, and with only those stumps of wings covered 
with a very fine down they go under water in such a manner that 
with fish they feed themselves and their young that they rear in 
nests made of fish bones which they and the wolves bring there. 
From this islet towards the northwest there are some banks of 
sand along the shore, and north of these is a little river. Thence 
two leagues, near to the entrance of the bay, there is another low 
opening, from which the coast rises along the sea in a high land, 
steep and flat on top, with some reddish ravines in it. Inland 
the country is formed in sharp peaks, as I have stated, among 
which are the three of which mention has been made. At this 
bay, upon the top of the point of the cape, I left fixed a wooden 
cross, and fastened to it with brass wire a tube closed with cork 
and wax, within which was a document as follows : " In praise of 
our Lord Jesus Christ and exaltation of his holy faith, and for 
the service and enlargement of the kingdoms and states of Dom 
Sebastian the most serene king of Portugal, Manuel de Mesquita 
Perestrello, who by his command came to explore this coast, 
placed here this cross on the 7th day of January 1576." 



316 Records of South-Edstern Africa. 

Proceeding thence towards the east, the coast forms a kind of 
open bay, with some banks of sand along the sea, and thence 
onward the land is not very high, flat on top and steep, with red 
banks of tock along the shore, which continue for six leagues 
from the watering place. It terminates in a right angle, with a 
rock close by surrounded with water, and along it runs a little 
river. Thence towards the east the land is very low along the 
coast, with mostly white banks of rock, though a few are red. 
Close to it is an islet, which is not seen unless very near it. The 
coast then rises constantly until a point of white sand is reached, 
which, when it lies to the north, has three ridges with ravines 
between them, and the central ridge is the largest, and has its 
upper slope covered with bushes, which descend nearer to the 
shore than on the two others. Half a league from these is a 
sharp point with round hillocks on it, that has in front a shoal 
which runs into the sea a cannon shot, and thus the coast con- 
tinues for two leagues, at the end of which are two great rocks not 
far from each other, and between them is an opening or little bay, 
which may be four or five leagues from Cape Talhado. 

Of Cape Talhado and the Bay of St Catherine. 

Cape Talhado is in latitude thirty-four degrees, and has Cape 

Baxas to the east at a distance of seven leagues. Its mark of 

recognition is a point not very high, and whether seen from the 

west or from the east it always appears to be an island, on 

account of the land between it and the coast being so low for the 

distance of a musket shot that it does not come in sight unless one 

is very close to it. This cape has on its face a red ledge of rock, 

and there is a shoal running out from it in the sea a quarter of a 

league, west of which and near to it is an islet. The interior has 

nothing of which special mention can be made, as it consists of 

very high lands, except that towards the east-northeast at a 

distance of seven leagues there is one peak among others which 

when seen from three or four leagues at sea oflf this cape has the 

appearance of the strawstacks in the fields of Santarem. It Is 

the highest mountain of all that coast, and its appearance is as 

follows : 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Along this cape on the eastern side is a great bay, to which I 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 317 

gave the name of Saint Catherine. It is a good port from the 
westerly winds, sheltered from the south round by the west 
to east-northeast. I did not enter it, because although I took 
in sail in its mouth, as it was too late to go in that day, 
hoping to do so on the next, the east wind increased so greatly 
during the following night that it took from me the power to do 
so, as when day dawned I had been driven by it far off ; but by 
what 1 could judge from outside, it is deep and clean, with a 
capacity for containing any fleet. I remember an old and not 
untrustworthy man, who affirmed that he had lain at anchor in 
this bay in fifteen and sixteen fathoms, with a clean bottom, and 
that behind the western point there is a pond, where he took in 
fresh water ; but I did not see more than I have stated. In this 
locality, in forty and fifty fathoms, all the bottom is of fine sand, 
not very reddish. 

■ 

Of Cape Baxas. 

Cape Baxas is in latitude thirty-four degrees. Formosa Bay 
is to the east-northeast, at a distance of eight leagues. Its 
mark of recognition is a large black point rising steeply from 
the sea, and to any one coming along the coast from the eastward 
it looks like an island. It has on its face a strip of white land 
which extends from the shore to the top, and there are some 
shoals around it which run into the sea half a league. On the 
eastern side is an open bay that has the appearance of being 
curved inward, but it is small, and offers little shelter. It 
ends in that direction in another point of great sandbanks, but 
the better mark of recognition of this cape is the peak of which 
mention has before been made, which is almost due north of it, 
and to any one four or five leagues at sea it looks low, and from 
it five leagues to the northeast are five very well formed domes 
with high sides (like the letter U reversed) upon the mountain. 
Thence the coast rises with some white and red walls of rock 
along the shore as far as a river which is four leagues from Point 

Delgada. 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Of Point Delgada and Fermosa Bay, 

Point Delgada is in latitude thirty-three degrees and rather 
over three-quarters. It has Cape Serras to the east-northeast at 



318 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

a distance of twelve leagues. Its mark of recognition, coming 
from the west, is a very narrow point, and on that account I gave 
it this name. It ends in the sea, in a small round hillock with 
some reefs near it, which until close by looks like an islet but it 
is not one. From it towards the mainland is a tract of sand very 
flat, without any verdure, which may have the length of a race- 
course. Four leagues before coming to the point is the river 
which I mentioned above, and between them there is a bank of 
sand on the shore, which is larger in the middle than at the ends. 
Thence the coast becomes lower and lower, with some narrow 
tongues of white land running through the bush-covered soil, 
that look like roads, and they are in a slanting direction, not up 
and down. This same point, to any one running along the low 
coast to the eastward, has the appearance of two islets, but its 
clearest marks of recognition are the mountains of the interior, 
which appear from a great distance not only to be high and 
serrated with the peaks in them small and of about an equal size, 
but to have among them one that resembles the Bock of Cintra, 
which, besides being recognisable by its shape and height, may 
also be known by the five well formed domes, of which mention 
has before been made, being three leagues to the westward of it ; 
and they look like this : 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Along this point on the eastern side is Fermosa Bay, which 
may be five leagues in extent. It is a good port from the west 
winds, sheltered towards the eastern side from the south to the 
northeast. The better mark of recognition in approaching it is, 
besides that of Point Delgada, the peak that I spoke of before as 
resembling the Bock of Cintra. Any one wishing to enter it 
should bring this peak to bear to the north, when he will be as 
far forward as the bay, and approaching Point Delgada to a 
distance of nearly a crossbow shot, he must only take care to 
come to anchor in nine and ten fathoms, where he will find clean 
sand. In from fifteen to twenty fathoms it is foul, and thence 
outward it becomes clean again, the bottom, as the depth in- 
creases, consisting of fine sand, not very reddish. I entered this 
bay on the eastern side, ruuning close along the coast, and I went 
out of it on the western side. Behind the anchoring place is a 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 819 

ralley between higher lands, which all jadged to be a lake, but 
I could not ascertain the certainty of this, because the wind blew 
80 strong from the east that it was not regarded as prudent to 
send the boat away from the ship. Thence eastward stretches a 
sandy coast to Cape Serras, four leagues before reaching which 
there is a river. 



Of Cape Serras and the Bay of Saint Francis. 

Cape Serras is in latitude thirty-three degrees and a half. 
Cape Recife lies east-northeast at a distance of eight leagues. 
Its mark of recognition is a sharp point which ends in the sea 
in a small round hillock, with a shoal that runs out half a league. 
Four leagues before coming to it is the river of which I have 
just spoken, and between it and the cape is a bank of sand on 
the shore. Thence towards the point the land becomes lower, 
with some white tongues intersecting the bush-covered soil, that 
look like roads, so that this part presents the same appearance as 
Point Delgada. The only difference I found is that the sandbank 
is the same size throughout and not larger in the middle as the 
other is, and that towards the top of the bushy ground which 
runs from it towards the cape there are in places white spots such 
as are not seen at Point Delgada. On this account the better 
mark of recognition is the mountain of the interior, as all the 
ranges which are continuous from the Cape of Good Hope, 
and near to each other along the whole coast to this cape, 
terminate here, for which reason I gave it this name; and 
although at Cape Recife there are some peaks, they are isolated 
and separated from each other by a space of leagues. 

On the eastern side of this cape is a bay to which I gave the 
name of Saint Francis. It is a good port from the west winds, 
sheltered from the south round to the northeast. Its better mark 
of recognition is that of the mountains which terminate there, as 
I have already said, and in ending at the bay form three sharp 
peaks, of which that on the north is higher than the other 
two. Any one who wishes to enter must bring these mountains 
to bear on the east, when he will be abreast of the bay, and 
approaching the point of the cape he must take care of the 
shoal of which mention has been made and anchor in fifteen and 
sixteen fathoms, where the bottom is clean. ^Vithin the cape, 



320 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

where there is a sandflat, he will find a good watering place. 
I did not enter this bay, as the wind was blowing strong from 
the east, and I had only two anchors, although I was for two days 
standing ofif and on in its mouth, hoping that the weather would 
moderate, at the end of which I found myself at a distance 
from it. However, I take upon me to state what I have said as 
if I had seen it, because I speak through the mouth and memory 
of Diogo Botelho Pereira, who lay here and in the bay of 
Saldanha at anchor, and took in water, I think in the year 1539, 
when he c^me in the pinnace to this kingdom, with whom I was 
in close friendship, as he was my captain in the ship Saint 
Benedict the second time that I went to India, in the year 1549. 
And as his account agrees with all that I saw from outside 
concerning the latitude, termination of the mountains, and sand- 
flat, I believe that it is also correct as regards the anchorage and 
the watering place, which was all that remained for me to inspect. 
The appearances are as under. Proceeding thence, the land 
continues low along the sea with some banks of sand, but 
constantly becomes higher until Cape Becife is reached. 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Of Cape Recife. 

Cape Becife is in latitude thirty-three degrees and a third. 
The Points of the Pillar lie almost east-northeast, at a distance 
of fifteen leagues. Its mark of recognition is a large point with 
a flat shelf of rock, and some little islets around it ; at a crossbow 
shot from its end are some rocks on which the sea breaks. On 
the western side there is a flat bank of sand, and on the low coast 
some rocks that look like islets, but are not. Between them and 
the cape there is a shoal near the land, and towards the interior 
runs an isolated high mountain covered with domes, but it is at 
a distance from the one at the bay of Saint Francis, nor is another 
to be seen to the eastward of it, because all the land thence 
towards the interior is formed in round-topped ridges and chains, 
and if there are any isolated mountains they are very different 
from these others. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 321 

Of the Bay of Lagoa and the Islets of the Cross and Chaos. 

Along this cape on the eastern side is a great open unsheltered 
bay, which is called da Lagoa, although I had named it before 
the Bay of the Wolves {Le, Seals) owing to the great number I 
found in it. It may have a mouth ten or twelve leagues across. 
Any one who is in it will see in the interior the mountain that I 
have spoken of before, and south of it a peak with four or five 
hills. On the western side there are four islets which are called 
of the Cross, one of them larger than the three around it, where 
any ship can find shelter at all times, for the bottom is clean 
sand with twelve and thirteen fathoms of water. In the eastern 
side of the bay in the same latitude lie other two, that are called 
Chaos, because they are so flat that they cannot be seen farther 
off than two leagues. They lie along the coast, and there is a 
shoal at a distance of half a league towards the southwest. The 
whole coast between these islets and those behind, is of great 
banks of sand with patches of bushes, and towards the interior 
round-topped ridges of black ground with many small mountains. 
Thence towards the northeast there is a point east by north, 
which ends very low in the sea, with great sandflats along the 
shore between rows of black patches of bushes, at the termination 
of which is a mountain that is steep on the inland side and with 
an aperture in the middle. Half a league beyond it is another, 
and in the valley between them there are some trees which look 
like pines and are the first that I saw along the sea from Cape 
Agulhas to that place. In the vicinity of these islets, seven and 
eight leagues from the coast, is a bank with thirty to thirty-five 
fathoms of water on it, and towards the shore it is deeper, at two 
and three leagues from it there being seventy and eighty fathoms, 
with a bottom of fine sand and in some places mud. 

Of the Points of the Pillar. 

The Points of the Pillar are four leagues east of the islets 
Chaos, in latitude thirty-three degrees. The first part of the 
Land of Natal lies northeast at a distance of twenty-five leagues. 
Its mark of recognition is two points of sand rising steeply from 
the sea, with a flat patch of bushes above, and close by is an islet 
shaped as under, which may be as large as a caravel. This is 

Y 



322 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

probably the place where the pillar called Saint Gregory stood, 
which Bartholomeu Dias set up when he was exploring that 
coast by order of the king Dom John the second, for it ia stated 
that he left it fixed in an islet between the Chaos and the riyer 
Infante, in which locality there is no other, and therefore I gave 
it this name. A league from these points towards the northeast 
the coast forms another projection also covered with bushes, and 
beyond it in the round-topped ridges is a long and narrow strip 
of verdure different from the other around, which runs down 
from the top direct to the sea, where there are some shoals close to 
the land. Passing thence, a solitary large widespreading tree is 
seen upon the top of the ridges of the interior, and between it 
and the sea are some white patches. Towards the east the whole 
land along the coast consists of banks of sand, and towards the 
interior of round-topped ridges between green patches of meadow 
decked with trees that look like oaks. Eight leagues before 
reaching the river Infante some low openings are seen on the 
coast, and three leagues farther are some rocky banks, near which 
is the rock that is called Of the Fountains, which is a rock with 
a cleft in the middle, and it looks like an islet, but is not one. 
All the land above it is ve^ green, with some trees scattered 
about. 

(Here in the original is a coloured view.) 

Of tlie River Infante. 

The river Infante is in latitude thirty-two degrees and a half. 
Its mark of recognition is its being high and rocky in the interior, 
with both its banks steep, and thus it enters the sea. Above, 
between it and a bushy patch, there are some large trees. The 
bar is deep, but not sufficiently so for passing ships to cross 
it. It runs from northwest to southeast. On the southeastern side 
there is a reef of rock from which some shoals project into the 
sea a crossbow shot. It was there that we ran aground with the 
ship Saint Benedict in the year 1554, in which ship came Femam 
Alvares Cabral as commodore of the fleet. On the northeastern 
side the shore is sandy, and the interior consists of mountains 
with forests. Eight leagues beyond this river is another too 
small for ships to enter, which is called Saint Christopher, and it 
also enters the sea between high rocks. Near to it are three islets 



Becorda of SoidhrEastem Africa. 323 

close to the shore, two of them peaked and connected with each 
other, the third flat and at a distance. In this locality, four and 
five leagues from the land, there are not more than forty to fifty 
fathoms of water, with a bottom of coarse red sand and in some 
places rock. 

Of the Land of Naial. 

The first point of the Land of Natal is in latitude thirty-two 
degrees. The last point is to the northeast inclined to north, at 
a distance of forty-five leagues. Its mark of recognition is a 
great rocky point, and any one being four or five leagues at sea 
will observe a grove of large trees in the interior, and when this 
lies to the northeast, above it three small mountains are visible. 
Thence a league towards the northeast is another forest which 
runs down to the sea, and above it a bare ridge and three other 
mountains larger than those behind. All this land which is called 
Natal is high, and has patches of sand along the sea. Most of the 
shore is rocky, and there are reefs. It has no ports. There are in it 
some rivers, but none capable of receiving large ships. All the sea 
is deep and clean, only there is a little islet very near the coast. 
The interior consists of green ridges and many patches of forest, 
between which there are also in some places wild olive trees, and 
in the valleys and low lands watercress, water parsley, and other 
herbs of this country. The appearance of the land for the greater 
part is high and fruitful, and thus it is well peopled and contains 
a great variety of animals tame and wild. After this manner the 
whole coast continues to the last point, which is in latitude 
thirty degrees. Point Pescaria lies north by east, at a distance 
of twelve leagues. Its (i.e. the last Point of Natal) mark of 
recognition is a point not very large, which on the western side 
has some walls of rock and banks of sand on the coast, and any 
one passing it must keep to the east-northeast or west-southwest, 
because this Land of Natal has three points, to wit, the two 
already mentioned and another almost in the middle, the coast 
between these capes forming open bays. 

Of Point Pescaria. 

Point Pescaria is in latitude twenty-nine degrees and a 
third. Point Saint Lucia lies north by east at a distance of 

Y 2 



324 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

fifteen leagues. Its mark of recognition is a point not very high, 
with small rocky ledges, and in the interior there is another 
larger one behind that on the coast, with many white patches. 
From it towards the northeast the coast forms banks of rock. 
Between this point and that of Saint Lucia there is a small open 
bay, having little shelter. 

Of Point SaitU Lucia. 

Point Saint Lucia is in latitude twenty-eight degrees and a 
half. The Land of Fumos lies to the northeast inclined to east 
at a distance of thirty leagues. It has no mark of recognition of 
which mention can be made, except a low point covered with 
bushes, that runs down to the shore, which by any one running 
past it is seen to project farther into the sea than the adjoining 
land. Between it and the point of the Land of Fumos are the 
rivers Saint Lucia and the Banks of Gold, in the locality of 
which there is a bank a league from the coast with not more 
than fourteen and fifteen fathoms of water on it, the bottom being 
of large gravel and broken shells, and farther seaward of fine 
black sand with some shellfish among seaweed. The river con- 
tains much water, as it is connected with a lake which it makes 
inland, with three others of good size, and with some swamps 
which continue for several leagues. The bar is not very deep, 
and runs almost east and west. On the southwestern side there 
are some shoals, which extend into the sea a cannon shot. The 
coast is low, and the shore consists entirely of sand banks. 

Of the Point of the Land of Fumos. 

The point of land which is called dos Fumos (of the Smokes) is 
in latitude twenty-seven degrees and a third. The river Espirito 
Santo lies to the north-northeast at a distance of thirty leagues. 
As for its mark of recognition 1 saw nothing distinctive of which 
mention can be made, because all the land there is low and with 
banks along the shore, as I have said, only there is one point of 
sand with a patch of bushes on it, which runs farther into the sea 
than the adjoining land, but not so far as to be noticed unless one 
is running past close to it. In this locality I lost two anchors, 
through finding myself at dawn one day very close to the coast, 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 325 

with a contrary wind and upon reefs, where I remained three 
days very anxious, which caused no little uneasiness and fear to 
the people of my company that we might not be able to proceed, 
as there were only two anchors left. This happened at the 
beginning of the voyage, for, as I have already said, this explora- 
tion was from the east towards the west, commencing at Cape 
Correntes and ending at the Cape of Good Hope. 

Of the River Espirito Santo and of its Bay, 

The river Espirito Santo is in latitude twenty-five degrees and 
three-quarters. Cape Correntes lies almost east-northeast, at a 
distance of seventy leagues. Its mark of recognition is that it 
has on the southwestern side a high round-topped ridge of land, 
which is an island, and which does not project farther into the 
sea than does the main land. The island may be a league and a 
half in length, and it has a little cleft in the middle, in which is 
a white spot. The entrance on the southwestern side is deep, but 
obstructed with rocks. Its width may be a little more than a 
musket shot. The entrance on the northeastern side may be 
six or seven leagues across. Inside there is a grand bay in 
which very low water is seen at spring tides, notwithstanding 
which there is a harbour for passing ships. Three great rivers 
flow into it, in which also small vessels can come to anchor. 
Any one wishing to enter it must approach the point of the 
island from the northeast to within a full league and not less, 
because thence towards the island, as also on the side of the 
mainland, it is shallow, and he must proceed along some islets, 
sounding with the lead and keeping a look-out in order to dis- 
cover where it is deep or shallow. He will find on the bank 
seven and eight fathoms, with clean sand. When he enters 
farther, he must keep close to the island until he has passed it, 
and afterwards he must turn to the south until he sees the south- 
western entrance, or nearly as far, and anchor in eight and nine 
fathoms near the island, on which he will find fresh water. He 
should not go deeper in, and should keep far from the western 
side, on account of the current coming from the rivers, that is 
strong. The people of the island and also of the mainland of 
that part are very friendly to us. They are subject to a king 
called Inhaca, who is still alive, from whom we that were wrecked 



326 Becords of South-Eastem Africa. 

in the ship Saint Benedict received mach hospitality, and thus 
also he treats all the Portuguese who go there to barter ivory by 
order of the captains of Mozambique. This is not the case with 
those who reside on the other shore, who do all the harm they 
can to those who go to trade with them, and they are the people 
who drove away Manuel de Sousa de Sepulveda with all his 
company when the galeon Saint John was wrecked in the year 
1552. 

Of the Biver do Ouro. 

Twelve leagues from the Santo Espirito towards the east is 
another small river, which is called do Ouro (of the Gold). It 
has for landmarks on the southwestern side a black country with 
black banks, and in a line with them a white spot on the shore. 
From it to the northeast is a high land with a bare top that looks 
like a road. From the mouth of the river running inland is a 
bushy bank, but the entrance is not in front of the place where 
that is seen, which is all reef, but half a league thence towards 
the southwest, where as soon as the end of the reef is seen, 
which is narrow, one can enter to the eastward by the middle of 
the channel. There is a fathom and a half of water on the bank. 
If one needs to go inward, after lie is between the reef and the 
land he must turn towards the river until he is at its mouth, and 
can go up it ten or twelve leagues by sounding with the lead. 
The people of the country are of the Mokanga nation, and our 
friends. 

Of the Watering-place of Boa Paz* 

Fourteen or fifteen leagues from this river towards the east is 
another which is called the Watering-place of Boa Paz (Good 
Peace), which is small and unfit for vessels to enter, although 
they have oars, because the sea breaks heavily in it. There are 
some shoals along the land at the distance of a league towards 
the southwest. Any one wishing to take in water, — as only for 
this purpose I make mention of the place, — must go with the 
boats over a reef that lies from it a cannon shot to the northeast, 
and that at half-tide rising, not falling, and after landing he 
must take the barrels overland to the river and must return in 
the same way to embark. A league from this watering-place 



Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 327 

towards the northeast is a reef at a distance from the coast of 
half a league, and the space inside is deep and clean, so that 
ships can be sheltered there, although I should not advise them 
to attempt it unless under extreme necessity, on account of the 
danger there would be of insufiScient wind when they wished to 
continue the voyaga 

All that coast thereabouts is of sand along the shore, and at 
low tide reefs of rock are seen, but four fathoms from them it is 
deep and clean, with a bottom of fine sand, in some places black. 
In this locality there is a shoal which at half a league from the 
land has nine and ten fathoms of water upon it, and on that 
account the depth increases outward, as the bottom thence is 
very steep, but clean. Along the shore there are mountains and 
patches of white and red sand. The interior is formed in round- 
topped ridges, some with trees on them, and others with white spots. 
Thence the country becomes lower and lower, and is formed in 
little pointed mountains and strips of sand between bushes, which 
look like roads, without any landmark or anything of which 
mention can be made, until Cape Correntes is reached. This is 
in latitude a little short of twenty-four degrees, and here ended 
the limit of this my enterprise and exploration, from which I 
returned to Mozambique on the 13th of March 1576. 

It may not be amiss to Your Highness, if you wish to make use 
of the ports that I found, to know that they are bays and not 
rivers, and most of them unprotected from the east winds, nor less 
to know of the dangers that I experienced in the ptissage, not 
considering that for these reasons they are useless or that all the 
persons who shall visit them hereafter will run the same risks. 
Because, as to the first, although rivers everywhere give more 
protection than bays, on this coast they are not of such utility 
for what is needed as the bays are, because for the greater part 
they have narrow entrances and are obstructed with turnings and 
channels which frequently change, and with sandbanks or reefs, 
and besides cannot be entered except by day and with sufficient 
wind and tide, being in short ports where those entering or 
leaving must depend upon various circumstances and favourable 
conditions, which in those localities are not met with, inasmuch 
as a ship may reach them when driven by the wind and unseason- 
ably, and without time to wait for these o])portunities, on 
which account the bays that can be entered and left without 



32S Records of South-Eastern Africa* 

these difficulties at all times and hours when it is necessary are 
much better. 

And as to the bays appearing without protection from the east 
windsi there are some sufficiently shelteredi for of the eight 
winds of the compass they are protected from more than six, as 
the bay of Saint Sebastian, which is covered from southeast round 
by west until nearly east-northeast, and the bay of Saint Bras a 
little less, and even if they were not so much sheltered, I would 
not only not condemn them, but would affirm, as I do, that no 
port for the service of this navigation can be better adapted than 
those of the eastern side of that coast, for the ships which pass 
there never have need to run into them except when the west 
winds are blowing, from which they are well sheltered and offer 
a secure place to lie in. For if those that proceed from this 
kingdom to India wish to put into them through arriving there 
late, or not desiring to be under the necessity of wintering at 
Mozambique and thence passing the island of Madagascar at any 
time to India, these, whether early or late, that leave this 
kingdom according to the ordinary navigation, always reach that 
locality in the monsoon and force of the west winds. And in 
like reasoning those that come from India, although they arrive 
towards the close of the eastern monsoon, inasmuch as they make 
their passage with it, only need to enter the ports when they 
meet the west winds, by which, without tacking to and fro with 
which they are lost or damaged, and without fear of the risks and 
winterings of Mozambique, having taken in water, fuel, fish, and 
flesh, which are plentiful and cheap there, at any convenient 
time, as it is close, they can double the Cape and proceed to this 
kingdom. 

And secondly, of the dangers that I encountered. The voyages 
which ships of passage make are very different from that which 
1 performed, as well in point of time as in that of route. For I 
went to explore, and was obliged always to keep very close to the 
coast, with its shoals, turns, and windings, in order that nothing 
should remain to be inspected ; and as I had only two anchors, — 
through having lost the other two at the Land of Fumos at the 
very commencement of the voyage, as I have related, — which 
were scarcely sufficient to secure a ship in a smooth river, much 
less along the coast and in the force of the trade winds that 
prevail there, and also as I knew not where it was deep or where 



Records of SouthrEastem Africa. 329 

it was shallow, where it was foul or where it was clean, I remained 
in danger of what I could see by day and of what I could not see 
by night, and also of what the winds and currents, which are 
strong there, could effect, chiefly from Cape Correntes to the 
Points of the Pillar, where as the coast runs northeast and south- 
west, and in places almost north and south, on account of which, 
the east winds being there generally light and the coast formed 
in open bays, I found myself at times in places where I could not 
Rouble the points of land, nor run to any other place, still less 
come to an anchor on account of the bad equipment that I had, 
remaining entirely dependent upon the mercy of our Lord and 
upon the many miracles which he through his boundless goodness 
performed for me in this voyage, and upon the good fortune of 
Your Highness, whose enterprise it was. But the passing ships, if 
they proceed from this kingdom, go by always with westerly stem 
winds, as I have said, approaching or keeping away from the 
co£ist at the will of those who direct them. And those that come 
from India, although they leave early, do not reach that locality 
until the middle of February and later, at which time the east 
winds blow on the quarter, because for the greater part they are 
then northeast, and when light, east, and with them the currents 
run more along the coast ; nor do they approach to see the land 
except at the Points of the Pillar or from Cape Recife onward, 
for along the remaining part of the coast it is more advantageous 
for them to run west-southwest and in places west. And further- 
more the modern pilots, to whom it cannot be shown that they 
know more of the navigation of this passage than the ancients, 
taught by experience are without fear of the coast, although 
hitherto they had no knowledge of its features, and are accus- 
tomed after they come so far always to go in sight of it or nearly 
so, that they may be more favoured by the currents and winds. 
Hereafter they can be more venturesome, for they have now been 
enlightened upon the features and marks of recognition of the 
ports and places where they can put in or reach if it is neces- 
sary, and also of those which they must avoid and keep away 
from in order to make their voyages safe and free from the 
risks and sudden surprises in which I found myself at each 
moment. 



330 Beeoria of Soutli-Eaatem Africa. 



EXTRACTOS 

DA BEIiA9A0 DO 

NAUFRAGIO DA NAO SANTIAGO. 



[The ship Santiago left Lisbon for Goa on the Ist of April 1585 with over 
four hundred and fifty souls on board, and in the night of the 18tb of August 
struck upon a shoal in the Mozambique Channel, where she went to pieces. 
The crew and passengers tried to save themselves on rafts and in the two boats, 
but most of them perished. The following extracts are from the account given 
by the survivors.] 

Ao outro dia Domingo oito do mez chegou a Luabo, onde 
Francisco Brochado estava, que o recebeo com aqiielle amor, e 
gazalhado com que recolheo assim todos os mais que escaparao 
deste Naufragio, com mais acolhimento de pay que de amigo. 
Daqui mandou logo Francisco Brochado dous negros, hum a 
Sena a buscar roupa para o resgate dos que ficavao em Linde, 
outro com mantimentos, e proyimento necessario para os que 
estavao em Linde, com que guarnecerao de forfas. E porque de 
Sena Ihe tardavao com a roupa, os tornou a prover de mais manti- 
mentos. Yindo a roupa mandou logo por elles, e chegarao a 
Luabo a vinte e dois de Settembro, alegres de se verem com 
liberdade, e em companhia de Portuguezes. Agazalhou-os, e 
vestio-os, Francisco Brochado, fazendo-lhes muitos regales, como 
todos elles publicayao. Entao se soube, que encalhara a jangada 
duas legoas de Linde entre Calimane, e Cuama a Velha. Este 
foy o successo da jangada do Sota-Piloto, e da gente, que se nella 
embarcou. Das outras jangadas, que so fizeiao, se nao soube 
mais, que prezumirse se perderiao, ou acabariao todos os que 
nellas se meterao a falta de mantimentos, porque nenhuma veyo 
a terra. 

Tornando aos que se salvarao no batel, desembarcarao em 
Luabo, onde forao reccbidos de Francisco Brochado com muito 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 331 

amor, em cuja caza estavao tambem parte dos que se salvarao no 
Esqiiife com Fernao de Alendo^a, Piloto, e Mestre da Nao, dos 
quaes logo se tratara o que Ihes succedeo em sua viagem. 
Partido o Esquife do Baixo, como fica dito, e nao achando terra, 
OS que nelle hiao houverao seo conselho, e ainda que contra 
Yontade de Fernao de Mendo^a, se determinarao todos em hum 
corpo de nao tornar a Nao, mostrando Fernao de Mendoya disso 
muito sentimento, e dezejando de tornar a Nao para se fazerem 
as jangadas com melhor ordem, e com sua prezen^a poder animar, 
e consolar aquella miseravel gente : mas como so nao podia 
resistir a furia de tantos, em tal oecasiao conveyo-lhe calarse. 
Esta foy a causa de fazerem sua yiagem com poucos mantimentos 
e agoa, e sem aparelhos para poderem navegar : levavao algumas 
eaixas de marmellada, alguns barris de conservas, e queijos, hum 
frasco com duas canadas de agoa de flor, sem mais outra agoa, 
nem vinho ; todavia hindo correndo o Baixo tomarao mais hum 
barril de vinho, hum pique, e hum remo, e com mais dous outros 
que levavao, e hum lan^ol, se enxarcearao o melhor que puderao : 
de hum remo fizerao o mastro, do pique verga, do lan^ol vela, 
cozendolhe alguns peda90s de pannos; enxarcea e dri9a fizerao 
de himia linha de pescar. E assim se sahirao do Baixo ; depots 
ordenarao Traquete, o mastro delle fizerao de hum remo, a verga 
de espadas, a vela de camizas : e porque o mar Ihes entrava pelos 
bordos, fizerao arrombadas de hum peda90 de panno de cor, que 
tomarao no Baixo; o leme ordenarao de taboas que tirarao das 
tilhas. Levavao huma Agulha de marear, e por ella com vento 
Sueste governando a Nomoroeste, que era como elles cuidavao 
atravessar, e hir demandar a mais proxima terra ; porque o Esquife 
hia tao aberto, que a dous baldes nao podiao veneer a agoa. A 
regra, que tiverao, foy huma talhada de marmellada, e meyo 
quartilho de vinho por dia: o vinho era misturado com agoa 
salgada, que de contino entrava no bat.el. 

Dous dias navegarao com o vento que se disse, que forao ter^a 
e quarta feira, com o mar muito grosso. A' quarta feira se Ihes 
mudou o tempo, e vento Nordeste, e Lesnordeste, com que o fez 
hir ao Noroeste ; mas acalmou logo de todo. Desemmaistearao o 
Esquife, e armarao tres remos com que forao picando com grandes 
correntes que havia. A' sexta feira virao muitas Baleas, por onde 
entenderao que estavao no Parcel de Sofala; e tambem por a 
agoa ser de fundo ; nao no tomarao com tudo, por nao terem mais 



332 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

que dez bra^as de linha. Ao Sabbado vinte e quatro do mez em 
amanhe<'endo tomarao fundo em nove bragas, quando veyo ao 
meyo dia virao terra, e dantes nao na terem visto foy por canf^a 
de hum grande nevoeiro que hayia, porque descobrindo o dia 
yirao toda a Costa com muitos fumos de queimadas. Alguns 
diziao, que se tomasse logo terra, e que fariao a guarda, que por 
haver sinco dias que navegavao sem beber agoa, s6mente hum 
pouco de vinho misturado com agoa salgada, padeciao graude 
sede; mas o Mestre como tinha experiencia e idade, foy de 
pareeer, que corressem ao lougo da Costa para ver se podiao tomar 
as Uhas primeiras, donde Ihes ficaya facil hir a Mozambique, e 
nao fiearem a cortezia dos negros; e tambem entendia que se 
desembarcassem, que se ha via logo o Esquife de desfazer com o 
rolo do mar, como se desfez. 

Despois deste conselho forao correndo tres dias, e vindo a noite 
escaceava-lhes o vento, e hiao correndo athe dar em fundo de tres 
brazas, e logo surgirao com hum frasco cheyo de agoa salgada, 
que sendo de cobre Ihes servio de ancora, e de amarra huns 
peda90S de cabos, q se desfizcrao em cordoens, amarrados huns 
em outros. Mas nao bastando isto, desemmastreavao, e estavao 
toda a noite remando de mbdo que pudessem sustentar a ponta, 
por nao hirem dar a traves. Nestes quatro dias, que vierao ao 
longo da Costa, andaria o Esquife mais de quarenta legoas, por 
hir sempre com vento esperto em popa muito aviado. 

Ao terceiro dia, que foy terza feira, vindo a noite come^ou a 
engrossar o mar com vento Sueste, que nesta Costa he travessao, 
e metia grande baga ; por onde receando, que os podia de noite 
commetter o mar, determinarao encalhar; disserao primeiro as 
Ladainhas como todas as noites atras tinhao feito, e mareando o 
Esquife com a proa para onde Ihes pareceo que o mar dava mais 
jazigo, commetterao a terra com perigo das vidas, por ser baixamar, 
e o Parcel grande, o vento travessao, os mares grosses, e quebrarem 
muito longe de terra. Dizia o Mestre da Nao, homem esperto 
nas couzas do mar, que esta desembarca^ao fora milagrbsa ; porque 
o mar era grande, e vinha todo rebentando em flor, e parecia que 
a mais pequena onda era poderbsa para desfazer hum grande 
Navio, quanto mais hum tao pequeno Esquife tao mal concertado. 
Aifirmavao os que nelle vierao, que em chegando os mares perto 
delle se desviavao a huma parte, de modo que nunea por onde 
forao o mar quubrou, e assim tomarao a praya sem perigo, e 



Becorda of South-Eastern Africa. 333 

tirarao o fato em terra. intento de enealharem o Esquife em 
terra, era para que aboiian9ando o mar, e feita sua agoada 
tornassem outra yez a demandar as Ilhas primeiras. 

Sahidos em terra enelierao hum barril de agoa, que acharao 
em covas em huma campina pela terra deutro, e vindose com ella 
para a praya, acharao hum negro, que trazia algum peixe miudo, 
posto que pouco, que Ihe resgatarao por hum barrete, e mandarao 
com o negro a Aldea Alvaro Eodrigues, que estava duas legoas 
da praya, para trazer fogo, e yer se achava lingoa, que Ihe dissesse 
onde estavao, para fazerem sua derrota. Os negros da Aldea 
como yirao homem branco, com muito alyoropo se yierao a prayai 
trazendo Alyaro Bodrigues as costas por fraco, e cangado. Entre 
estes negros yinha hum que fallaya alguma couza em Portuguez, 
a quem perguntarao por Calimane, e elle apontando com a mao 
para a banda do Nordeste, dizia que perto estaya; e apontando 
para a parte do Sudueste, Ihes disse, que para alii Ihes iicaya 
Luabo, onde estaya Francisco Brochado. Com estas noyas ficarao 
mais consolados, por saberem ja a onde hayiao de caminhar. 

Fumo da Aldea se offereceo logo a Femao de Mendo9a, 
dizendolhe, que elle o leyaria as costas dentro a Calimane. Com 
taes noyas cearao do peixe, e dormtrao: o Capitao mbr deitouse 
dentro de hum caixao sem tampa, que yiera no Esquife, o que 
yendo os negros pegarao delle rijamente, cuidando que estaya 
cheyo de reales, mas yendose baldados do que esperayao, o larga- 
rao. De noite acodirao muitos negros, e negras das Aldeas mais 
yizinhas, e toda a noite estiyerao em differen^as com os primeiros ; 
deyia ser sobre a reparti9ao dos pobres despojos; roubarao as 
yelas, e fato do Esquife, e comeparao a cayar a praya em differentes 
partes, cuidando que os Portuguezes esconderao nella os reales, 
que ja entre elles sao estimados mais que pregos yelhos, de que 
faziao ha pouco tempo tanto caso ; e cayando na praya, nao 
acharao mais que algumas espadas desempunhadas q os do 
Esquife tinhao enterradas pela area. Pela manhaa aleyantandose 
o Capitao mbr do caixao, arremetterao a elle outros negros com 
grande furia, e sede de reales, e nao achando dentro nolle couza 
algiuna, pegarao todos delle, e foy feito em pedafos de raiya de 
o acharem yazio. 

Caminharao logo os do Esquife praya acima para aquella parte 
onde OS negros tinhao apontado que ficaya Calimane, o que yendo 
OS negros saltarao com elles, e de puUo Ihes leyayao os barretes 



334 Records of SovihrEastem Africa. 

das cabe^as : apoz isto os come9arao a despir, e o que com toda a 
pressa nao dava logo o fato, era mofino, pagando pelo corpo, 
andando a porfia de quern levaria melhor quinhao, trazendo 
muitas vezes ao pobre despojado pizado aos pes ; o que Ihes era 
faeily assim por elles serem muitos, como por os Portuguezes 
estarem tao fracos que se nao podiao ter em p&. Desta maneira 
n^s caminharao para Caliniane ao longo da praya, athe darem na 
bocca do rio, e antes de chegarem a elle forao salteados de outros 
negros, que Ihes levavao os pobres farrapos, athe as contas que 
traziao aos pescofos. 

Chegados a bocca do rio nao virao remedio para o passar, e 
entendendo, que da outra banda estava a povoa^ao de Francisco 
Brochado, toniarao o camiuho rio acima, athe darem em hum 
esteiro que sahia do rio, e hum peda^o alem delle houverao vista 
de hum Luzio, que he embarca^ao desta gente; os negros do 
Luzio estayao fazendo lenha, nao se atreveo nenhum a passar o 
esteiro, e hir ao Luzio, receando a agoa, que yinha muito teza. 
Nisto virao huma almadia, que andava no rio, fizerao-lhe sinal, 
mas OS negros nao acodirao a elle ; entao capearao aos do Luzio, 
que em vendo os Portuguezes sahio o Mocadao, e na almadia 
se veyo a elles, e chegando Ihes fallou em Portuguez, e Ihes 
perguntou donde vinhao? Derao-lhe os Portuguezes conta de 
si ; respondeo, que assim elle como os mais negros que no Luzio 
vinhao, erao cativos do Muinha Sedaca, hum Monro muito amigo 
dos Portuguezes, que vissem o que queriao delle, porque tudo 
faria. Perguntarao-lhe os nossos por Francisco Brochado; re- 
spondeo, que era em Luabo, que nao tinha deixado em caza mais 
que algumas negras ; entao Ihe pedirao, que os quizesse passar a 
outra parte do rio. Disse, que sim ; e logo meterao na almadia 
com elle o Capitao mbr, e o Mestre da Nao ; e o Capitao mbr deo 
ao negro, cuja almadia era, huns calfoens que ainda trazia cingidos, 
e o Mestre deo hum peda^o de panno de cor, que trazia na cabe^a ; 
porque seni estas pagas o negro os nao queria passar. 

Pbstos da outra parte do rio, sahio a elles hum Cavallo marinho, 
que pelo nao terem nunca visto cuidarao ser Bada, e com o medo 
e pressa se meterao pel a vaza, atolandose athe a cinta, no qne 
passarao trabalho ; porque o Cavallo marinho dava mostra de os 
seguir, mas logo se tornou a meter no mar. Chegarao ao Luzio, 
e feita a lenha tomarao com elle em busca dos companheiros, 
tomarao-nos, e atravessando o rio, que teria meya legoa do largura. 



Becords of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 335 

86 passarao da outra banda, chegarao a caza de Francisco Brochado 
com duas boras de Sol ; as negras de caza vendo-os nus, queima- 
dos, ou fallando mais ao certo, assados, e disf6rmes, comeyarao a 
levantar bum grande pranto, recebendo-os com lagrimas e amor, 
como se forao Portuguezas ; derao-lbe a cear do que tinbao, arroz, 
e bredos, que para elles foy banquete. Delias souberao como 
Francisco Brocbado estava em Luabo esperando os Pangayos de 
Mo9ambique, e que nao tinba em caza fato, nem mantimento. 
Desconsolados ficarao com estas novas^ porque as negras como 
pobres nao nos podiao sustentar. 

Dos negros entenderao que encalbarao com o Esquife entre 
Linde, e Calimane, duas legoas e meya de Calimane. Mandou 
no mesmo dia Femao de Mendo^a, hum Marinheiro no Luzio, 
em que vierao, a Muinba Sedaca, que estava em hum seo lugar 
chamado Menguanane, du&s legoas da povoa^o do Brochado, 
mandandolhe dizer, como chegarao alii perdidos^ que cumpria a 
8ervi9o de Sua Magestade vir ter com elles, ou dar licenya para 
o birem ver. He este Muinba Sedaca hum Monro nobre natural 
de Quiloa, irmao de Muinba Mafemede, tyranno de Angora ; vive 
neste rio de Calimane como yassallo d'ElRey de Portugal, e he 
rico. Vindo a noite baterao a porta, onde os Portuguezes estavao, 
dizendo que abrissem, que estava alii ElBey. Era este hum 
Mouro Xeque de huma Aldea, a que os seos chamavao Rey ; com 
elle vinba hum seo irmao chamado Mocata, muito conhecido dos 
Portuguezes, os quaes como souberao, que nao tinba dado a Costa 
perto dalli a Nao, trazendo o tino mais em roubar, que vizitar, 
como fizerao na Nao S. Luis, quando naquella paragem deo a 
Cbsta, detiverao-se muito pouco, fazendo muitos comprimentos 
fingidos. 

Pela manhSLa chegou Muinba Sedaca com o Marinheiro que 
fora ter com elle. Trouxe vestido para o Capitao mbr, camiza, 
cal9oens, cabaya, e yapatos, e dous ca9opos de arroz para todos. 
Deose ordem com que partissem logo dous homens, hum a Sena, 
outro a Luabo a avizar o Capitao de Sena, e a Francisco Brochado 
de sua perdi9ao, pedirlhes roupa, e favor para estes homens birem. 
Deo Muinba Sedaca duas almadias, que logo partirao. Dabi a 
vinte dias chegou Manoel Brochado filho de Francisco Brochado 
em huma almadia para os levar a Luabo, dizendo-lhes da parte 
de seo Pay, que se fossem para Luabo, porque ao prezente elle 
nao tinba roupa, mas que tinba ja despedida huma almadia a 



336 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Sena a trazer hum caixao com vestidos que la tinha, com que os 
proveria a todos, e que entre-tanto mandava a Feraao de Meudoja 
hum vestido, e hum ferragoilo. Apoz o filho de Francisco 
Brochado chegou Martim Simoens morador em Sena com recado 
do Capitao da terra, que se fossem para la se Ihes parecesse bem, 
ou esperassem em Calimane os Pangayos de Mozambique, por 
Sena estar entao muito doentia, e que se esperassem os Pangayos, 
OS proveria de fato para se vestirem, e camizas : e por entre-tanto 
mandou para todos hum bahar de fato. Capitao m5r estava 
sangrado a este tempo seis vezes, e por este respeito quiz antes 
hir a Sena para se purgar. 

Ao outro dia se parttrao todos nas duas almadias, e chegando 
onde o rio se divide em dous bra^os, apartarao-se Femao de 
Mendo^a, Martim Simoens, com sinco mais dos da companhia 
para Sena ; o Mestre com os mais para Luabo em companhia de 
Manoel Brochado ; onde chegados, Francisco Brochado os vestio 
logo, e agazalhou com o amor com que tambem recolheo aos da 
jangada, como fica dito. Salvarao-se no Esquife dezoito pessoas, 
Femao de Mendo^a Capitao mor, Manoel Gon^alves Mestre, 
Manoel Eodrigues passageiro, Dinis Ramos barbeiro da Nao, 
Vicente Jorge criado de Fernao de Mendo^a, Vicente mofo de 
nove annos, Antonio Gonyalves Estrinqueiro, doze Marinheiros, 
Alvaro Rodrigues Negrao, Andre Martins, Antonio Neto, Balthezar 
Vicente, Lazaro Luis, Luis Gonyalves, Manoel Rodrigues, Miguel 
Falcao, Bento Ribeiro, Manoel Gonfalves, Pero Franco, Pero 
Carvalho, que depois falleceo em Sena. Este foy o successo do 
Esquife, e dos que nolle se salvarao. Em Luabo estiverao todos, 
assim os do batel, como a mayor parte dos do Esquife, e os da 
jangada oito dias muito bem tratados de Francisco Brochado, do 
qual he bem se diga alguma couza, pela magnificencia e largueza 
com que se bouve com todos os Portuguezes, que escaparao do 
naufragio da Nao Santiago, merecendo certo pelas grandes obras 
que Ihes fez, sees devidos louvores, e avantajadas merees de Sua 
Magestade. 

Francisco Brochado he natural da Villa de Amarante, da 
honrada Familia dos Brochados, foy criado do Infante D. Luis, 
ha trinta annos que esta neste Rio de Ciiama, do qual he 
Guardambr, e traz todo o maneyo, e fabrica delle, porque todas 
as embarca9oens, que nolle ha, sao duas, excepto alguns couches 
de negros muy pequenos; esta concertado com os Capitaes de 



Beeorda of South-Eastern Africa. 337 

Sofala no frete dos seos Navios, que saS dezaseis, a hum tanto 
por monpao ; tern grande eaza, e familia de escravos, com todos 
OS Officiaes que Ihe sad necessarios, cativos seos ; reside conf6rme 
as moD9oens, em Luabo^ e em CalimaDe, e em ambas as partes 
tem cazas, e povoa^oens suas ; pudera ser hum homem muito rieo, 
mas he tao bom, e largo de condi^ao, que na5 he possivel ajuntar 
fazenda. Em todas as perdi^oens de Naos deo sempre do seo 
liberalmente aos que dellas escaparaS, achando todos nolle grande 
acolhimento, e favor. Nem ha Capitad de Sofala ou Ormuz, que 
com tanta largueza de condi9dO acudisse, e remediasse as necessi- 
dades, que Ihe reprezentassem, como elle ; porque elle foy o que 
vestio, e deo todo o mais necessario aos da jangada do Sota-PilotOy 
e OS resgatou a sua custa; assim se houve com os do Esquife, 
que se forao para ellC) e na8 vestio aos que se salvaraS no batel, 
porque em Luranga, estando ainda no rio sobre ferro, houve 
quem os vestio a todos, que foy hum dos que se salvarao do 
naufragio, o qnal como nisto nao pretendeo mais que o serviyo de 
Deos, e em outros gastos que fez com a mesma gente, quiz por 
sua modestia que delle neste tratado se nao fizesse men9ad. 

Continuando os louvores de Francisco Brochado, elle sustentou 
a todos em sua caza, dandolhe^ meza esplendida de tudo o que 
na terra podia haver; havia dia que mandava matar sincoenta 
gallinhas : os enfermos mandou curar com tanto amor, e cuidando 
como se forao seos filhos ou irmaos, soffrendo com grande brandura 
OS remoques dos doentes, que sao nelles muy ordinarios, e de 
taes doentes, como aquelles que tinhaS passados os trabalhos que 
se contarao. Aconteceo que dezejando hum enfermo huma 
talhada de lombo de vaca, elle mandou logo comprar huma a 
hum mouro, a troco de duas que Ihe ficou de dar em Sena, s6 
por acudir ao dezejo do enfermo, fuzendolhes outros regales, e 
mimos que se nao particularizao. 

De Luabo se partirao a mayor parte dos que alii se achara3 
para Sena, Domingo dezaseis de Novembro, ficando com os que 
nao forao, Manoel Brochado para os agazalhar, e levar comsigo 
a Calimanfe em hum Pangayo que alii estava, porque de Sena 
haviao de hir a Calimanb, e dahi a Mozambique. Partirao em 
duas embarca9oens com que se neste rio navega, a que chamao 
Luzios ; sao do comprimento das barcas de Gascaes, mas muito 
razas, tem no meyo armada huma caza, em que vay metida a 
fazenda que se leva para Sena ; sobre esta caza se anna outra, em 

z 



338 Becords of Southr Eastern Africa. 

que dorme, e se agazalha o Portngnez que yay no Lnzio. Cabem 
neste camarbte duas e tres pessoas ; desta camera de cima sahe 
hnina varanda, em que vao dous MarinheiroSy que tern cuidado 
das escotaSy e nella estao tambem os Portuguezes : como a calma 
passa he aprazivel estancia; porque della yao yendo o rio, e 
tomando o fresco de tarde e manhSa; tem estas embarca^oens 
huma 86 vela redonda, he de esteira, que elles tem por melhor, 
que a de panuo^ de que usamos : da caza para a popa se rema 
com quatroy e since remos por banda, on yao as yaras : na proa 
yay sempre o Mocadao, que he o Arraes da embarca9ao, com 
huma yara nas maos, assim para endireitar, e botar o Luzio, como 
para espantar os Cayallos marinhos, que Ihe nao chegem. 

Este rioy a que os Portuguezes chamao Cuama, he hum dos 
famosos da Ethiopia, e que pelas notayeis couzas que em si tem, 
pode competir com os tao celebrados rios Ganges, e Nilo: nao 
se Ihe sabe principio, e nascimento ; dizem alguns que nasce 
das fontes de que corre e sahe o Nilo ; entra no mar com dous 
brapos: o do rio a que chamao o Grande, he Luabo, que esta 
dezanoye graos esca90S da banda do Sul : o do pequeno he 
Calimane, que esta em dezoito graos menos hum quarto. Pela 
terra de Luabo sahe com tanto impeto a agoa, que affirmao, que 
sete, ou oito legoas ao mar se toma muitas yezes agoa doce nas 
yazantes : nas enchentes nao entra por elle a agoa salgada mais 
que por espa^ de since legoas : come9a-8e a diyidir nestes dous 
brakes trinta legoas das Barras nas terras de Quipango. Entre 
estes dous bra90S do rio ha huma Ilha chamada Chingoma, e 
assim se chama tambem hum Senhor que possue a mayor parte 
della. Pela Barra de Luabo se navega de Verao, e de Inverno ; 
pela de Calimane, que he o Kio pequeno, so de Fevereiro athe 
Julho: todo elle se nayega para cima a Lesnoroeste, inda que 
por razao das vbltas, que yay dando, muitas yezes a Sudueste, e 
a Noroeste. fundo he de area com muitos madeiros, e muy 
grosses ciayados nella: este he hum dos mayores perigos que 
este rio tem, porque como he de grandes correntes, yem por elle 
abaixo as embarcajoens muito aviadas, e dando muitas yezes 
nestes madeiros, que a agoa escajamente cobre, sofobrao : o rio 
tem bastante largura, e no mais estreito hum terpo de legoa : tem 
de huma, e outra parte muito aryoredo silyestre : as suas mayores 
cheyas sao em Marjo, Abril, sem neste tempo hayer chuyas, nem 
neyes, que se dcsfajao ; por onde se presume, que vem de muito 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 339 

longe, e se Ihe da a mesma causa, que attribuem as enohentes 
do Kio Nile. 

Criao-se neste rio muitos Cocodrilhos, que sao os Lagartos 
aquaticos, inuito mayores dos que se criao no Nilo; e alguns, 
dizem os negros, que sao tao grandes que parece incrivel, por 
onde senao escreve aqui sua grandeza. He bicho cruelissimo, na 
ca9a muito sagas quando quer tomar algum negro; porque em 
Sena aeontece as negras que vao lavar, ou tomar agoa ao rio, nao 
nos verem, nem sentirem (tao agaehados e cozidos estao com a 
area) e dando com o cabo subitamente cingem a preza, levandoa 
atras de si ; e depois de se mergulharem abaixo, tornao outra vez • 
a surgir com ella, e mostralia de algum penedo; e depois de 
estarem assim hum pouco, tornao-se a mergulhar com ella ; e os 
negros dizem que os Lagartos fazem isto para os mais magoar. 
Os negros tomao alguns pequenos nas redes, que logo matao, e 
comem com muita festa, em yingan9a dos danos que delles 
recebem. Na terra ha outros Lagartos grandes, de sinco, seis, 
oito athe des pes de comprido, que vao beber ao rio, e dizem os 
negros, que tem ajuntamcnto c6 os aquaticos e terrestes. Vindo 
pelo rio abaixo de Sena para Calimane tomou Francisco Brochado 
hum vivo, e o levantou pelo cabo no ar, e depois o matarao os 
negros : tem estes da terra a lingoa negra, e farpada, o que os 
Cocodrilhos, nao tem : os Cafres tambem comem estes. Ha neste 
rio muitos Cavallos marinhos muito grandes, e de feyo aspecto ; 
tem OS pes tao grandes como de Elefantes, as pernas curtas, o 
corpo disforme, e que ao longe parece de Bada; tem a bocca 
muito grande, e rasgada, a cor he parda, que tira a preto, como 
a de Lobos marinhos ; so de Cavallo tem o pesco90, com grande 
cache, orelhas, e rincho. Arremetem as embarca9oens, e muitas 
vezes as virao ; por onde o Modacao vay sempre com muito tento 
batcndo a agoa com huma vara para os espautar, e desta maueira 
OS afastA da embarca9ao. 

Tem este rio muito pescado, sessenta legoas pela terra dentro 
se comem careens tao grandes como os de Portugal ; os de Cuama 
sao melhores e mais gestoses, e tad saos, que se dao a doentes, 
ainda que estejao com febres ; os Portuguezes Ihe chamao Violas, 
e tem humas espinhas ou ossos largos de hum palmo, de dous de 
comprimento, como espadas, que Ihe sahem d£is cabe9as, com que 
se encontrarem a qualquer outre peixe, nao ha duvida que o 
atravessem da outra parte. Sobem estes ca9oen8 como cento e 

z 2 



340 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

vinte legoas pelo no acima athe Thete, e dizem os negros, que 
passao de Thete. 

Ha em Sena, e por todo o rio outros peixes, que chamao 
Cabozes, pouco menores que Pescadas, tambem se dao a doeutes, 
sao de melhor gosto que Pescadas. Todo o outro pesoado pela 
mayor parte se parece mais com o do mar, que com o dos rios. 
He muy povoado este rio, assim da banda do Boroib, que he da 
parte direita rio acima, como da banda do Motonga, que he a 
parte esquerda : as terras que sao regadas deste rio, sao fertiles, 
e muy abundantes de arroz, milho, feijoens, e outros legumes, 
que se por alii colhem : tem muitos figos como os da India, muito 
gado, e gallinhas, e tao baratas, que por hum panno, que yal 
dous tostoens, dao pelo menos des gallinhas, e muitas yezes doze, 
e quinze. Tem muita ca^a, assim ao longo do rio, como pela 
terra dentro, de Patos, Adens, e outras Ares, BufiEiras Gazellas, 
Merus. Criao-se por aqui muitos Elefantes, Leoens, Tigres, e 
muitos outros animaes, e bichos, tantos, que andao em bandos 
pascendo. 

Metem-se neste rio outros muitos caudaes : des legoas antes de 
Sena se mete o Chiri, bra9o de Luabo, rio celebre na Costa ; na 
bocca do Chiri se comepa a Ilha de Inhagoma, he muito plana, 
e muito abastada de mantimentos, tera des legoas de oomprido, 
e no mais largo legoa e meya. Outras muitas Ilhas ha neste 
rio, e em outros mais pequenos. A principal Ilha destes he 
Chingoma, de que atras disse. Daqui passa o rio por Sena 
povoafao dos Portuguezes, sessenta legoas das Barras de Sena 
corre ao Eeyno de Mongas, dividindo pelo meyo as Serras de 
Lupata. Entre Mongas, e as nossas terras de Thete, recolhe em 
si o famoso rio de Chireira, no qual tambem se metem o Cabreze, 
e Mavoso, rios em que se acha muito ouro, por cujo respeito sao 
muito nomeados; daqui vay a Thete, povoa^ao, e Forte dos 
Portuguezes; e cento e vinte legoas das Barras do Reyno de 
Inhabazo^ que Manamotapa conquistou, e repartio entre alguns 
yassallos sees, dando aos Portuguezes huma boa parte, que sao 
as terras, que reconhecem aos Portuguezes. De Thetfe se navega 
athe o Reyno de Sacumbe, donde por espa^o de vinte e quatro 
legoas athe entrar no Reyno de Chicova, onde estao as minas da 
prata tao desejadas dos nossos, se deixa de navegar pela muita 
penedia que nolle ha, por onde vay quebrando com grandes 
correntes, e susurro : daqui por dianto he navegavel, posto que 



Becards of SotUhrEasterfi Africa. 341 

se nao sabe ath^ onde. Isto he o que se pbde saber dos Forta- 
guezes do no de Cuama. 

Tomando ao Itinerario da gente do Naufragio : parttrao, como 
se disse de Luabo a dezaseis de Novembro, chegarao a Sena aos 
vinte e sinco do mesmo mez^ onde foraS agazalhados com muito 
amor dos Portuguezes, que estavao em Seoa. Antes de chegarem 
a Sena veyo Joao Bodrigues nella morador com recado, e ordem 
de Fernao de Mendo9a, para os kir buscar a Luranga, trazia 
roupa feita, que deo de sua parte a todos. E nisto, e em tudo o 
mais procedeo Fernao de Mendo^a como bom Fidalgo. Sena he 
povoa^ao de Portuguezes nas terras de Inhamioy, tem hum Fbrte, 
que se chama S. Mar^al, com Capitao^ Soldados, e artelharia, e 
ainda que pequeno, e de pouco presidio, basta com tudo para ter 
enfreados e sujeitos os negros, os quaes cercando-o huma vez, 
desistindo da empreza se retirarao com muito dano seo. A terra 
be muy abastada : tem muito gado, gallinhas muito baratas, como 
ilea dito : he muy doentia, os moradores della parecem homens 
doentes de maleitas, sem cor no rosto de vivos, todos tem ba90| 
e OS mais delles sao tocados destes males, e tudo isto faz soffrer a 
sede de ouro, que aqui se vay buscar. Tudo o que Ihes vem do 
Beyno ou da India, como farinha, azeite, conservas, roupa, he a 
pezo de ouro, e o vinho muito mais. 

No tempo que aqui chegarao os Portuguezes do Naufragio da 
Nao Santiago, sendo mon^ao, em que as couzas valiao mais baratas, 
se vendia huma Canada de vinho por sinco meticaSs, que sao seis 
eruzados de ouro, e por esta conta vinha a valer a pipa de vinho 
mil e oito centos e dois eruzados de ouro. Valia a Canada de 
uraca, ainda que muito ma, a dous metica^s, que sahia a pipa por 
sete centos quarenta e novo eruzados de ouro. Valia hum barrll 
de farinha de seis almudes, corrompida, e de mao cheiro, trinta 
metica^s, que fazem trinta e seis eruzados. Os doces custaS 
tanto, que he incrivel. De Sena partirao para Caliman^ a vinte 
e sete de Dezembro a segunda oitava do Natal ; puzeraS no 
caminho quinze dias, chegarao a Calimane a dez de Janeiro, onde 
estiverao vinte e tres dias esperando tempo. £m Caliman^ se 
embarcarao quarta feira tres de Fevereiro, chegaraS a Mo9ambique 
a vinte e hum do mesmo mez. Sahidos em terra forao todos de 
joelhos em Procissao a Nossa Senhora do Baluarte, que assim o 
tinhao promettido por vote, que os do batel fizerao ; acompanhou- 
os o povo todo, o Vigario da Igreja Matriz, e os Padres de S. 



342 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Domingos, onde postrados por terra com muitas lagrimas derao as 
devidas gra9as a Deos^ e a Nossa Senhora, que de tantos perigos 
OS salvarao. 

[English translation of the foregoing. 1 

EXTRACTS 

FBOM THE AOOOUNT OF 

THE WRECK OF THE SHIP SANTIAGO. 

The next day, Sunday the 8th of the month (September), he 
arrived at Luabo, where Francisco Brochado was, who received 
him with the same love and welcome as he showed to all those 
who escaped from that shipwreck, entertaining them more like a 
father than a friend. Thence Francisco Brochado immediately 
sent two negroes, one to Sena for cloth for the ransom of those 
remaining at Linde, the other with provisions and all things 
necessary for those at Linde, that they might recover their 
strength ; and the cloth from Sena being delayed, he sent them 
a further supply. The cloth having arrived, he sent for them 
directly, and they reached Luabo the 22nd of September, happy 
to find themselves at liberty and in the company of Portu- 
guese. Francisco Brochado sheltered and clothed them, and 
made them many presents as they all declared. It was afterwards 
known that the raft ran ashore two leagues from Linde between 
Quilimane and Old Cuama. This was the fate of the raft of the 
under pilot and the people who embarked upon it. Nothing was 
heard of the other rafts, and it is presumed they were lost, or that 
those who embarked upon them died for want of food, for they 
never reached land. 

Returning to those who saved themselves in the boat and 
disembarked at Luabo, where they were received with great 
affection by Francisco Brochado, in whose house were also some 
of those who saved themselves in the skiff, with FernSk) de 
Mendo9a; the pilot, and the ship's master, the events of whose 
voyage we will now relate. The skiff having left the reef, as has 
been said, and not finding land, they consulted together, and 
against the will of Fernao de Mendo^a they determined in a 
body not to return to tho ship. F(»rnrio de Mcndo^a showed 



Beeorda of South-Eastern Africa. 343 

strong feeling upon this pointy wishing to return to the ship that 
the rafts might be made in better order and by his presence to 
encourage and console those poor people ; but as he could not 
stand alone against the fury of so many in such a case, he was 
forced to keep silence. This was the reason of their taking this 
voyage with but little provisions and water, and those things 
which are necessary for navigation. They had several cases of 
marmalade, some kegs of preserves, some cheeses, and a flask 
containing six pints of [orange] flower-water, but no other water 
or wine ; but on leaving the reef they took a barrel of wine, a 
pike, an oar, and with two more which they carried and a sheet, 
they rigged the skiff as best they could. Of an oar they made 
the mast, of the pike a yard, and of the sheet a sail by sewing 
bits of cloth to it, they made a stay and halliard of a fishing line. 
In this manner they left the reef. Afterwards they made a fore- 
sail, the mast of an oar, the yard of swords, and the sail of shirts ; 
and as the water washed over the sides they made screens of a 
piece of coloured cloth which they took from the reef; the 
rudder they made of planks which they took from the decks. 
They carried with them a mariner's compass, by which with the 
wind south-east they steered to the north-north-west, which 
course they were anxious to pursue in search of the nearest land, 
for the skiff was so open that they could hardly bale out the 
water with two buckets. Their rations were a portion of mar- 
malade and half a quartilho * of wine a day, the wine was mixed 
with the salt-water which continually entered the boat. 

For two days they navigated with the wind as above mentioned, 
being Tuesday and Wednesday, and with a heavy sea. On 
Wednesday the weather changed and the wind shifted to the north- 
east, and east-north-east, upon which they steered north-west, but 
presently there came a calm. The skiff was dismasted, and they 
took to the three oars, with which they made way, there being 
heavy currents. On Friday they saw many whales, by which 
they knew that they were near the bank of Sofala, and also 
because the water was not very deep, but they could not cast 
anchor, having only a ten fathom line. On Saturday the 24th 
of the month, at daybreak, they anchored in nine fathoms, and 
at midday they saw the land, which had not been visible before 

* Qu<artilho the fourth of a Canada which is ahout three English pints. 



344 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

on account of a dense fog^ but the day clearing they saw all the 
coast, and the smoke of many clearings. Some were of opinion 
that they should land at once, and some keep guard, they haying 
been five days at sea without water, having only a little wine 
mixed with salt-water to drink, so that they suffered greatly 
from thirst. But the master, who had age and experience, was 
of opinion that they should cruise along the coast and endeavour 
to reach the first islands, from which it would be easy for them 
to get to Moi^mbique, and not trust to the courtesy of the 
negroes ; he also perceived that if they should disembark there, 
the skiff would go to pieces in the surf, which in fact it would 
have done. 

According to this advice they cruised along the coast for three 
days, and at night, the wind falling, they went on till they got 
into three fathoms of water, where they cast anchor, a copper vessel 
filled with sea-water serving them for the purpose, and a piece of 
rope which they untwisted and tied the strands together served 
as a cable ; but this not sufficing they dismasted and rowed all 
night to keep her head to the sea and prevent it striking her 
abeam^ During the four days in which they thus cruised along 
the coast the skiff must have travelled more than forty leagues, 
sailing briskly before the wind all the time. 

On the third day, which was Tuesday, night being come, there 
was a heavy sea, the wind being south-west which is a cross wind 
on this coast, and the waves rose high, so that fearing they might 
be swamped in the night they resolved to run ashore. First they 
recited the Litany, as they had done every night, and then 
steered the skiff with her prow towards the place where the sea 
offered the best chance of disembarking, and made for shore at 
the peril of their lives, it being low tide, the rocks high, the wind 
cross, and huge seas breaking far from land. The ship-master 
said that this landing was miraculous, the waves being so high 
and bursting into spray as if the least of them would be sufficient 
to dash a great ship to pieces, and how much more a small skiff 
so ill equipped. Those who were in it declare that when the 
waves were close they turned aside and never broke over them, 
and thus they reached the shore in safety and landed everything 
from the skiff, their intention in beaching it being to set out 
again in search of the first islands when the se^ grew calm and 
they had taken ii> water. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 345 

Having landed^ they filled a barrel with water, which they 
found in the ditches in a plain towards the interior, and return- 
ing with it to the shore, they met a negro with some small 
fishes, though but few ; these they bought from him in exchsmge 
for a cap, and sent Alvaro Bodrigues back with him to the 
village, which was two leagues from the shore, to fetch fuel and 
see if an interpreter was to be had, who could tell them where 
they ^ere, that they might know how to steer their course. The 
blacks of the village, seeing a white man, came joyfully to the 
shore, carrying Alvaro Bodrigues on their shoulders, he being 
weak and weary ; among them was one who spoke a little Portu- 
guese, and of him they inquired the direction of Quiliman6. He 
pointed with his hand to the north-east, and said that it was 
close, and, pointing to the south-west, said that there was Luabo, 
where Francisco Brocliado was. They were much consoled by 
these tidings, for now they knew in what direction to travel. 

The headman of the village offered himself to FernSo de 
Jlendo^a, saying that he would carry him on his shoulders to 
Quilimane. Upon this they supped on the fish and went to 
sleep. The captain lay down in a chest without a lid, which 
came in the skiff, seeing which the negroes seized upon it forcibly, 
thinking that it was full of reals, but finding their hopes deceived 
they abandoned it. In the night many negroes and negresses 
came from the neighbouring villages, and were disputing with 
the first all night, probably over the division of the wretched 
spoils ; they stole the sails and other things from the skiff, and 
they began to dig in different parts of the shore, thinking that 
the Portuguese had concealed the reals, which they now value 
among themselves more than the old nails which they prized so 
much a short time ago; and their digging led to no result but 
the finding of some cast off swords, which the crew of the skiff 
had buried in the sand. In the morning when the captain rose 
from the chest, other negroes fell upon it with great fury, thirst- 
ing for reals, and finding nothing in it, they all caught hold of 
it and tore it to pieces in their rage at finding it empty. 

Those of the skiff then set out, going up the coast in the 
direction in which the blacks had informed them that QuilimanS 
lay, seeing which the negroes leapt upon them, snatching the caps 
from their heads, and commenced to strip them, and he who did 
not immediately give up bis property [laid for his delay with his 



346 Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 

body, for they vied with each other which should carry off the 
largest share, often trampling their wretched victim under foot, 
which was easy to them, both because they were very numerous 
and because the Portuguese were so weak that they could hardly 
stand upon their feet. In this way they travelled naked along 
the coast, making for Quiliman6, until they reached the mouth of 
the river, having been previously attacked by other negroes, who 
carried off their remaining rags even to the rosaries which they 
wore round their necks. 

Having arrived at the mouth of the river, they could find no 
means of crossing it, and understanding that the settlement of 
Francisco Brochado was on the other side, they pursued their 
way up the river till they came to a stream falling into it, and 
a little farther off saw a luzio, which is a craft used by these 
people. The negroes in the luzio were taking in wood. None 
dared cross the arm of the river to reach the luzio, because of 
the violence of the waters. Upon this they saw a canoe upon the 
river, and signalled to it, but the negroes did not come to their 
assistance ; then they made signs to those in the luzio, who, seeing 
the Portuguese, the master of it came to them in the canoe, and, 
on reaching them, asked them in Portuguese where they came 
from. The Portuguese gave an account of themselves, and he 
replied that he and the other negroes in the luzio were captives 
of Muinha Sedaca, a Moor, very friendly to the Portuguese, and if 
they would say what they required of him, he would do it all. 
Our people inquired for Francisco Brochado. He replied that 
he was at Luabo, and only a few negresses were left in his house. 
Then they asked him if he would convey them over the river. 
He assented, and then the chief captain and the ship-master got 
into the canoe with him, and the captain gave the negro who 
owned it a pair of drawers which he still wore, and the ship- 
master a piece of coloured cloth which he wore on his head, without 
which he refused to carry them across. 

Beaching the other side of the river, a hippopotamus came 
towards them, and never having se^n one before they took it for 
the female of the rhinoceros, and in their fear and haste landed 
themselves in the mud which came up to their waist, and in which 
they suffered great terror, for the hippopotamus made as if it 
would follow them, but returned towards the sea at last Having 
reached the luzio and finished taking in wood, they returned in it 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 347 

to fetch their companions, and, taking them on board, they crossed 
the river, which is about half a leagae in width, and landed on 
the other side, and reached the house of Francisco Brochado after 
two hours in the sun. The negresses of his household, seeing 
them naked and sunburnt — or, more strictly speaking, roasted 
and disfigured, — raised a great lamentation, receiving them with 
tears and affection, as if they had been Portuguese themselves. 
They gave them a supper of what they had, rice and beets, which 
seemed to them a banquet. They learned from them that Francisco 
Brochado was at Luabo, waiting for the pangayos from Mozambique, 
and that they had neither furniture nor provisions in the house ; 
they were disconsolate at these tidings, for the negresses, being 
poor, could not maintain them there. 

They heard from the negroes that they came ashore with the 
skiff between Linde and Quiliman6, at two leagues and a half 
distance from the latter. That same day Fernando de Mendopa 
sent a sailor in the luzio in which they came to Muinha Sedaca, 
who was at a place of his own called Menguanan6, two leagues 
from the settlement of Brochado, telling him that they had arrived 
shipwrecked at that place, and he would be doing service to His 
Majesty by coming to see them or giving them leave to go to 
him. This Muinha Sedaca is a noble Moor, a native of Kilwa, 
brother of Muinha Mohamed, the tyrant of Angoya. He is rich, 
and lives near this river of Quilimane as a vassal of the King of 
Portugal. At night there was a knocking at the door of the 
house where the Portuguese were, and voices calling them to open 
to the king. This was a Moorish chief of a village whose people 
call him king, with whom was his brother called Mocata, who is 
well known to the Portuguese. When they heard that the ship 
had not come ashore near that place, being more intent on robbery 
than visiting, as they were in the case of the ship St. Louis when 
it came ashore in those parts, they left in a short time with many 
feigned compliments. 

In the morning Muinha Sedaca came with the sailor who went 
to him. He brought clothes for the captain, a shirt, drawers, a 
Turkish garment (cabaya), and a pair of shoes ; and two sacks of 
rice for them all. Order was given that two men should set out 
at once — one for Sena, the other for Luabo — to inform the captain 
of Sena and Francisco Brochado of their shipwreck, and ask them 
for clothes and help for the men to come to them. Muinha 



348 Record of South-Eastern Africa. 

Sedaca gave two canoes, which set out at once. Twenty days 
afterwards Manuel Brochado, son of Francisco Brochado, arrived 
in a canoe to take them to Luabo, bringing them word from his 
father that they should go to Luabo, because he hewi no clothes 
at present, but he had already sent a canoe to Sena to fetch a 
chest of clothes which he had there, from which he would provide 
for them all ; and in the meantime he sent FernSo de Mendofa 
a suit of clothes and a cloak. After the son of Francisco Brochado 
came Martin Simoens, an inhabitant of Sena, with a message from 
the captain of that place that they should go there if they thought 
fit, or wait for the pangayos from Mozambique, as there was then 
much sickness at Sena, and that if they chose to wait for the 
pangayos he would provide them with cloth and shirts, and in the 
meantime he sent some clothes for them all. At this time the 
captain, having been bled six times, preferred to go to Sena to 
purge himself. 

The next day they all set out in the two canoes, and reaching 
the place where the river divides into two arms, they separated, 
Fernao de Mendoja and Martin Simoens with five others of the 
company to go to Sena, and the ship-master and the rest^ in 
company with Manuel Brochado, for Luabo. Having arrived 
tUere, Francisco Brochado received them with affection and 
clothed them, as he had entertained those of the raft, as before 
related. Eighteen persons were saved in the skiff: Fem&o de 
Mendo9a, captain ; Manuel Gon^lves, master; Manuel Bodrigues, 
passenger ; Dines Ramos, ship's barber ; Vicente Jorge, servant to 
FernSo de Mendo9a ; Vicente, a boy of nine ; Antonio Gonjalves 
Estrinqueiro ; twelve sailors, Alvaro Bodrigues NegrSo, Andr^ 
]\Iartins, Antonio Neto, Balthezar Vicente, Lazaro Luis, Luis 
Gon^alves, Manuel Bodrigues, Miguel FalcSLo, Bento Bibeiro, 
Manuel Gonpalves, Pero Franco, Pero Carvalho, who afterwards 
died at Sena. This was the fate of the skiff and of those who 
were saved in it. They were all, those of the boat, those of the 
raft, and most of those of the skiff, with Francisco Brochado for 
eight days, very well treated by him. It is fitting that we should 
say something of him, on account of his magnificence and 
generosity towards all the Portuguese who escaped the wreck of 
the Santiago, having certainly deserved due praises and great 
favours from His Majesty by the great things he did for them. 

Francisco Brochado is a native of the town of Amarante, and 



Beeards of SotUJi-Eastern Africa. 349 

comes of the honourable family of the Broehados. He formerly 
served the Infante Dom Luis^ but has now been thirty years on 
this river of Caama, of which he is the Chief Warden, and is the 
cause of all its business and trade, for it has only two boats, 
except a few small ones belonging to the negtoes, and he 
contracts with the captains of Sofala for the hire of theirs, 
which number sixteen, at so much a monsoon. He keeps a large 
household and many slaves, with such officers as are required, all 
his captives; he resides at Luabo and Quiliman6 according to 
the season, and has houses and settlements in both places. He 
might be a very rich man, but he is so good and of so liberal a dis- 
position that it is not possible for him to amass wealth. In every 
shipwreck he gave largely to all who escaped, and all found 
refuge and favour with him. Even the Captain of Sofala or 
Ormuz, who so generously relieved necessities represented to 
him, did not do so much as Brochado, for he clothed all those of 
the raft of the under-pilot, provided them with everything neces- 
sary, and ransomed them at his own expense, and did the like 
for those of the skiff who came to him ; aud he did not clothe 
those of the boat, bi^cuuse while they were still journeying on the 
river, some one was found to clothe them all ; this person was 
one of those saved from the wreck, who in this and other costs to 
which he was put for these same people sought only the service 
of God, and in his modesty did not wish to be mentioned in this 
narrative. 

To continue the praises of Francisco Brochado, he maintained 
them all in his house, keeping a splendid table provided with 
everything that land produces ; some days he ordered fifty hens 
to bo killed. He ordered the sick to be cured, and cared for 
them as if they had been his sons or brothers, bearing with great 
gentleness the ill humours common to the sick, especially those 
who have gone through such hardships as have been related. It 
happened that an invalid wished for a slice of sirloin of beef, aud 
he immediately bought a cow from a Moor, in exchange for two 
to be delivered to him in Sena, simply to gratify the desire of 
the invalid, and heaped many other favours and benefits upon 
them, which are not related in detail. 

Most of those at Luabo left for Sena on the 16th of November, 
Manuel Brochado staying with those who remained, to entertain 
them and convey them to Quilimane with him in a paugayo 



350 Records of South-Easlern Africa, 

which was there, for from Sena they were to come to Quilimane, 
and from thence to Mozambique. They set out in two vessels 
which are used in the navigation of this river, which are called 
luzios ; they are of about the same length as the vessels of bark, 
but very flat ; in the middle they have a compartment in which 
the goods to be taken to Sena are put ; above this there is another 
in which the Portuguese in the luzio sleep or take shelter ; this 
cabin will hold two or three people, above this cabin is a 
verandah with two sailors to mind the tacks; the Portuguese 
also use the verandah in calm weather, for then it is a pleasant 
station from which they can see the river and take the fresh air 
from night till morning. These vessels have only one round sail 
of matting, which they prefer to the sailcloth we use. From 
the cabin to the poop the vessel is moved by four or five rowers 
on each side, or by poles. The captain is always at the prow, he 
is always the master of the vessel, and has a polo in his. hand 
both to keep the vessel clear of shoals and to drive off the 
hippopotami from coming up with it. 

This river, which the Portuguese call Cuama, is one of the 
most famous in Ethiopia, and from its many notable points may 
compete with the celebrated rivers of the Nile and Ganges. Its 
head and source is unknown, some say it springs from the same 
sources as the Nile ; it enters the sea in two arms, one, called the 
great arm, is Luabo, which is scarcely nineteen degrees to the 
south, and the small arm, which is Quiliman^, which is at eighteen 
degrees all but a quarter. In the Luabo the water rushes with 
such force that it is affirmed fresh water is sometimes found 
seven or eight leagues out at sea at low tide, and at high tide 
the salt water does not enter it for more than five leagues. It 
first divides into these two arms thirty leagues from their mouths, 
in the lands of Quipango ; between these arms of the river there 
is an island called Chingoma, which is the name of him who 
owns the greater part of it. By the mouth of the Luabo it can 
be navigated both winter and summer, but by that of Quilimane, 
which is the small river, only from February to July. It is 
navigated upwards to the west-north- v\ est, though on account of 
its many windings the direction is often south-west and north* 
west. The bottom is of sand, the banks are thickly wooded, and 
there are great trees in it, this is one of the greatest perils of this 
river, because the currents are rapid and the craft come down 



Records of SotUlirEastern Africa. 351 

it very swiftly and often strike upon these timbers, which the 
water scarcely covers, and are sunk. The river is of sufiScient 
width, and is a quarter of a league at its narrowest part ; on both 
banks there are many wild groves of trees. The river is at its 
highest in March and April, and as there are no rains or melted 
snows at that time, it is supposed that it comes from a great 
distance, and this is attributed to the same causes as the over- 
flowings of the Nile. 

Many crocodiles are bred in this river, which are aquatic 
lizards much larger than those found in the Nile ; the negroes 
say that some of them are of incredible size. They are very cruel 
creatures and sagacious in their hunting when they wish to catch 
a negro, for it is related at Sena by the negresses who go to the 
river to wash, or fetch water, that they are not seen or felt, being 
so hidden and covered in the sand, and then they suddenly 
strike, and encircle their prey with their tails, and carrying their 
victim behind them sink to the bottom, and then rise once more 
and exhibit their prize from some rock or stone, and afterwards 
carry it to the bottom again ; the negroes say that the crocodiles 
do this to increase their sufferiugs. The negroes catch the 
smaller ones in nets, and then kill and eat them with great 
rejoicing in revenge for the evil they do them. There are other 
great lizards on the land, five, six, and eight feet in length, which 
go down to the river to drink ; the negroes say there is breeding 
between the aquatic and land lizards. Coming down the river 
from Sena to Quilimane Francisco Brochado caught a live one, 
and held it in the air by its tail, and it was afterwards killed by 
the negroes. The land lizards differ from the crocodiles in 
having black forked tongues, the negroes eat these also. There 
are many very large hippopotami in the river, of a hideous 
aspect, they have short legs with feet as large as elephants, and 
a deformed body, at a distance they resemble a rhinoceros ; they 
have large mouths like a rent, their colour is a dark grey inclin- 
ing to black, like that of the sea-calf, but the hippopotamus has 
a great bunch of loose skin at the neck, it has ears, and neighs 
like a horse. They rush upon the boats and often overturn them, 
so that the captain always beats the water with a pole with great 
care to frighten them, and in this way drives them off the boat. 

There is much fish in this river, seventy leagues inland cacoens 
are found as large as those of Portugal ; those of Cuama are of 



352 Becords of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

better quality and flavour, and so wholesome that they are given 
to invalids even when suffering from fevers ; the Portuguese call 
them violas, they have a bone or spike sticking out from their 
head like a sword about a handsbreadth in width and two in 
length, so that there is no doubt that in meeting with some other 
fish it could run it through. These cacoens come a hundred and 
twenty leagues up the river, as far as Tet6, and the negroes say 
still farther. 

At Sena, and all other parts of the river there are other fishes 
called cabozes, somewhat smaller than hake, these are also given 
to the sick, and have a better flavour than the latter. The other 
kinds of fish for the most part more closely resemble salt-water 
than fresh water fishes. This river is thickly populated both on 
the side of Bororo, which is up the river to the right, and that of 
Motonga which is to the left ; the lands watered by this river 
are very fertile and produce abundant rice, millet, beans, and 
other vegetables which are gathered there. There are many figs 
like those of India, and an abundance of cattle, and hens may be 
had so cheap that for a piece of cloth worth two testoons they give 
at lesist ten hens and sometimes twelve or fifteen. There is 
plentiful hunting both on the banks of the river and inland, of 
geese, ducks, and other birds, buffaloes, antelopes, and stags. 
There are many elephants, lions, tigers, and other animals in 
those parts, so many that they are seen grazing in herds. 
Many streams empty themselves into this river, one being the 
Chiri, which enters it ten leagues above Sena, it is an arm of 
the Luabo, a celebrated river on this coast. At the mouth of the 
Chiri begins the island of Inhagoma, which is of great import- 
ance, and abounds with provisions ; it is about ten leagues in 
length, and a league and a half in width at it widest part. There 
are many other islands in this and other smaller rivers; the 
principal of these is Chingoma before mentioned. Hence the 
river runs past St^na, a Portuguese town ; sixty leaguas from Sena 
it enters the kingdom of Mongas, diriding the mountains of 
Lupata in the middle. Between Mongas and our lands of Tete 
it takes in the famous river Chireira, into which run the Cabreze 
and Mavoso, rivers which are renowned on account of the 
quantity of gold which is found in them. Thence it goes to 
Tete, a town and fortress of the Portuguese, one hundred and 
twenty leagues from the entrance of the kingdom of Inhabazoe, 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 353 

which Monomotapa conquered and divided among several of his 
vassals, giving a good share to the Portuguese, which are the 
lands now subject to them. From Tet6 to the kingdom of 
Sacumbe the river is navigable, and thence for a distance of 
twenty-four leagues, until the entrance to the kingdom of 
Chicova, where are the silver mines so coveted by our people, it 
is not navigable on account of the many rocks over which it 
breaks in great and murmuring currents. After this it is navig- 
able, but to what distance is not known. This is what has been 
gathered from the Portuguese concerning the river Cuama. 

To return to the itinerary of those who were shipwrecked. 
They left Luabo, as aforesaid, on the 16th of November, and 
reached Sena on the 25th of the said month, where they were 
entertained with great affection by the Portuguese who were at 
Sena. Before they reached Sena, JoSo Bodriguex, one of the 
inhabitants, came with a message from FernSo de Mendofa to 
fetch them from Luranga; he brought from him ready-made 
clothing for them all; in this and everything else FemSo de 
Mendo^a behaved like a worthy hidalgo. 

Sena is a Portuguese settlement in the lands of Inhamioy, it 
has a fort which is called S. Mar9al, with a captain, soldiers, and 
artillery, and though the fort and garrison are small, they are 
sufficient to keep the negroes in subjection, for on one occasion 
they besieged it and were forced to abandon the enterprise and 
retire with great loss. The country is well provided, the cattle 
are numerous, aud hens very cheap as aforesaid. There is mucli 
sickness; the inhabitants look like men suffering from ague, 
they have no colour in their cheeks like living men, all suffer 
from the spleen, and most of them are attacked by these diseases ; 
all this is borne through the thirst for gold, of which they come 
in search. Everything which comes to them from India, such 
as flour, oil, preserves, and clothes, is worth its weight in gold, 
and wine much more. 

At the time when the Portuguese from the wreck of the 
Santiago arrived there, it being the monsoon in which things 
are sold at a cheaper rate, a Canada of wine was sold at five 
miticals which are Fix cruzados of gold, at which rate a pipe 
of wine is worth 1802 cruzados of gold. A Canada of arrack^ 
though very bad, was sold for two miticals, which comes to 749 
cruzados of gold a i)ipe. A barrel of flour, containing six 

2 K 



S54 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

almudes, mouldy and evil smelling, cost thirty mitiealsy which 
make thirty-six cnizados. Sweetmeats are so expensive that it 
is incredible. 

They left Sena for Quilimane on the 27th of December, the 
second octave of the Nativity. They were fifteen days on 
the way, and reached Quilimane the 10th of January, where 
they remained twenty-three days waiting for favourable weather. 
At Quilimau6 they embarked on Wednesday the 3rd of 
February, and reached Mozambique on the 21st of that month. 
On landing, they went on their knees in procession to Our Lady 
of Succour, to which those in the boat had bound themselves by 
a vow, they were accompanied by all the people, the vicar of the 
metropolitan church, and the Dominican fathers, and prostrate 
on the ground with many tears they gave due thanks to God and 
Our Lady who had saved them from so many perils. 



litcords of South-Eastern Africa. 355 



EXTRACTOS 

DA 

HISTORIA DE S. DOMINGOS, 

PARTICULAR DO REINO E C0NQUISTA8 DE PORTUGAL. 

Per Fr. Luis Cacegas, da mesma ordem, e Provincia, e Chronista 
della ; ' reforma(]a em estilo, e ordem, e amplificada em 
successos e particiilaridades por Fr. Luis de Sousa, Fillio 
do Convento de Bemfiea. Lisboa, 1767. 

LIVRO IIL— CAPITULO XXXIV. 

Do naufragio, irahalhos, e niariyrio do Padre Frey Nicolao 

do Rosario, 

Mnytos aniios adiante passou a India outre filho de S. Dominpos 
de Lisboa, cuja vida ate a perder foy huma continuada tragedia 
de trabalhos, e desaatres, e \h)v isso pertence a este liijrar. 
(/bamavaae Frey Nieolao de Sa, ou do Bosario. E sendo iilho 
do Convento de Lisboa, era nacido na villa do Pedrogao. Este 
Padre despois de ter cnrsado a India alguns annos com nome de 
grande pregador, e vida pnra, e exemplar, onve licen^a pera se 
tornar i)era o Reyno. Embarcouse na nao S. Thome, Capitao 
Estevao da Veiga, entrada do anno de 1588. Cbegando ao Cabo 
de Boa esperan^a, acharao as tempestades ordinarias que noutro 
tempo llie derao nome de Cabo Tormentorio, ou tormentoso. E 
forao ellas taes, que fazendo for^a a todos o desejo de passar, 
abrio a nao huma agoa pola roda da proa, a qual com o muito 
trabalhar (h)s mares grossos foy creceudo, e brovemente che^^ou 
a est ado i\\\e nao avia vencella com muitas bombas. Acordouse 
em commum quo arribassem a Mo9ambique a buscar remedio, 
antes que o nial fosse mayor. Voltarao em poupa, mas foy o 
conselbo sem proveito [Hjr tarde, que tomado com cedo dera salva- 

2 A 1 



356 Records of SotUh'Eastern Africa. 

cao. Antes de sayrem da paragem, que chamao da terra do Natal, 
a nao se cubrio de agoa ate quasi a cuberta de cima. Era em 
meyo do golfo, e a perdi^ao sem genero de remedio, nem asperan^a 
delle. Mandou o Capitao lan^ar o esquife ao mar com giiarda 
pera salvar sua pessoa c*om os que Ihe parecesse, que nao podiao 
ser muitos. E posto debaixo da varanda forao por ordem sua 
deeendo a elle por cordas as pessoas de mais conta, entre as 
quais foy o Padre Frey Nicolao. Becolhidos no esquife os que 
couberao, acabou de se cobrir dagoa a miseravel nao, e come^arao 
a verse lastimosos casos : mas entre todos quebrou o cora^ ate 
aos que fieavao em semelhante desaventura, huma minina de oyto 
annos filha de pay, e mSy fidalgos, e gente muito conhecida, 
bracejando piadosamente nas ondas, e lidando com a morte ate 
flcar afogada entre suas escravas que a cereavao. E em tal estado 
teve sua propria mSy olhos pera a ver, e animo pera se salvar sem 
ella. Mas nao he de crer se nao que a for^a do medo da morte 
a fez descuidar do penhor da alma no primeiro assalto; e no 
segundo Ihe persuadio, que porse no esquife era tomar lugar pera 
sy, e pera a filha, e que teria valia pera a recolher despois. Assi 
o pretendeo logo com gritos, e lastimas, que quebrantarao a todos, 
mas nao acharao em ninguem piedade pera Ihe dar remedio. 

Porem logo se virao no esquife outros casos, que por mais 
desastrados fizerao esquecer os da nao. Pareceo a gente demasiada 
pera tao pequeno vaso, tratouse de o aliviar, e nao podia ser sem 
senten9a de morte contra alguns. Forao logo con(^enados, e 
lan9ados ao mar muitos dos que pouco antes davao parabens a 
sua Ventura, de se verem a seu parecer em salvo, ficando tantos 
bons companheiros sepultados na profundeza das agoas. Foy o 
sorverse a nao no mar, e a passagem ao esquife tudo abreviado, e 
como por mementos. E todavia no lugar, que o tempo deu, 
mostrou Frey Nicolao entranhas de verdadeira piedade, e religiao, 
ouvindo confissoens, e animando a todos : e o mesmo fez mais de 
assento nas fadigas, e perigos da segunda navega^ao : na qual o 
medo de so^brarem com qualquer mar grosso, Ihes trazia a morte 
diante dos olhos a cada momento. A cabo de alguns dias foy 
Deos servido, que tomarao terra em huma jmragem que chamao 
terra dos Fumos, parte da Ethiopia Oriental. Lan9arao fbra dous 
companheiros a descobrir se avia povoa^ens, ou gente tratavel. 
Foy a Ventura que a menos de meya legoa derao com huma aldea 
de nejrros cafres de cabello revolto, como sao os mais desta 



Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 857 

costa. Mas era a gente bem assombrada, branda, e alegre : e tao 

bemaventurada, que nunca tinha visto estrangeiros ; do que derao 

Binal DOS estremos de pasmo que faziao de os verem brancos ; e 

polo que se podia colligir dos geitos, e meneyos que faziao^ 

davaolhes nome de filhos do Sol. Seguipse ao pasmo bom 

gasalhadoy e convidaremnos a comer, e beber do que tinhao: e 

sairem logo alguns com elles em busca dos companheiros a praya* 

Mas erao desaparecidos ; que virao vento em popa, e nao quizerao 

perder viagem : do que os descubridores levantarao gritos ao Ceo 

como desesperados. E por nao ficarem ali em nova, e mayor 

perdi9ao, tomada licen9a dos bous hospedes» se lan^arao a praya, a 

ver se davao com o esquife. Os cafres os consolavao com mostras 

de compaixao de sua desgrapa, e misturavao conselhos naquella 

lingoagem muda : em que queriao significar, que o mar era doudo 

furioso, e sempre irado, e mais doudo quem se fiava delle : que 

andassem sem por terra como faziao os moradores daquella aldea, 

e inmea teriao de que se queizar. Conselho sisudo, se uao viera 

tarde : e na verdade pera os cobi^osos uenhum vem a tempo, como 

logo se mostrou uestes. Hiao caminhando com assaz malencolia, 

arriscados a ficarem pera sempre sepultados entre aquelles barbaros ; 

acertarao de conhecer ambar na praya, e nao avia menos que 

montes delle por toda a costa : assi se carregarao da mercadoria, 

como se caminharao de Belem pera Lisboa : e carregados chegarao 

ao esquife, que acharao surto com forya de vento contrario. 

Daqui se fizerao a vela, e forao correndo a costa ate darem em 

huma Ilha, que conhecerao ser das terras de hum Key amigo dos 

Portuguezes, chamado o Inhacca : e sem fazerem mais diligencia, 

poserao fogo ao esquife, porque nao ouvesse quem deixasse a 

companhia, aproveitandose delle furtadamente. Foy o conselho 

tao precipitado, que estiverao por elle em risco de hum novo 

naufragio de fome, e sede. Porque a Ilha era deshabitada, e tal, 

que corrida toda nem agoa tinha de beber, nem cousa que comer. 

Neste estado moveo Deos os cora^oens de huns Cafres da terra 

firme a que passassem a Ilha a entender a causa de huns fogos 

que nella virao, feitos polos nossos na mesma noite que chegarao. 

Levarao duas embarca9oen8, em que passarao os pobres naufragantes 

a terra firme, mas com novos medos, e trabalhos, porque erao 

Almadias pequenas em demasia, e faciles de virar com pequena 

for9a de tempo, a travessa grande, e os mares temerosos. Como 

a terra era de Bey amigo, forao caminhando descan^adamente 



358 lUcords of South-Eastern Africa. 

ate onde tinha sen asseato: e elle os agasalhou com amizade, 
e cortezia. Pareceo que erao acahadas tod as as fad i gas com 
tal gazalhado, mas acharaose muito encranados. Porque avendo 
so dous caminhos pera se tornarem a India, que erao, ou ficar ali 
esperando embarcagao pera Mo9ambiqiie, ou caminbar por terra 
a nossa fortaleza de Sofalla : os que ficarao esperando pagarao a 
quietapao ci>m pestilenciais doen^a^, e necessidades sem remedio, 
com que acabarao muitos miseravelmente : os que se atreverao 
ao camiuhoy padecerao fomes, e sedes, e encontros de Cafres de 
guerra maos, e desbumanos, a fora oitenta legoas de asperissimos 
caminhos tomados a pe. Uestes atrevidos foy hum o Padre Frey 
Nicolao, e succedeoihe bem, porque achcm em Sofalla Casa de 
S. Domingos, e Fradres da Ordem. Era ali Vigario o Padre 
Frey Joao dos Santos, que despois escreveo parte deste naufragi«» 
ouvido da boca dos que o padecerao, na sua Varia HiUoria da 
Ethiopia Oriental. 

CAPITULO XXXV. 
Como foy inartyrizado o Padre Frey N>colao do Rosfxrio. 

Como Frey Nicolao descan9ou, deixou a fortaleza, e passouse 
a II ha de Mo9ambi(|ue, terra sadia, e frcsca. Ma?) como quern 
vesto o habito da Religiao e zelo della, nao sabe descanpar, nem 
]>ou parse : em lugar de toruar pera a patria, e aos sens amadus 
]K3nedo8 de Pedrogao, ou pera a delicio:*a cidade de Goa: se foy 
do novo offeiecer as febres, e desaventuras dos rios de Cuama, 
i\\xe sao na mesma costa, e CalVaria, onde se ijerdera. Era polo 
anno do Senhor de 1592, quando emprendeo esta viagem. Nella 
se fez bem conhecer, e estimar ][)()r espirito Apostolico de todos 
OS lugares por onde andou, ate acabar, dando a vida por Deos, e 
polos proximos j)ola maneira seguinte. 

Succedeo neste tempo aparecer naqnellas partes exercito de 
Cafres, o nome Zimbas ou Muzimbas, gente nova, e nunca nellas 
vista, que saindo de suas terras, correo grande parte desta 
Ethiopia, como apoute do Ceo fazendo destruipao em toda cousa 
vivente que encontrava, com brutalida«ie mais que de feras. 
I'orque como vordadeiros Anlropofagos da antiguidade celebrados, 
comiao carne humana : no lugar, donde entravao, na(5 perdoavao 
H cuiisa viva, nem homem, nem animal : tudo matavad, e tudu 



Jtecords of BaiUh-Eastem Africa. 359 

eomiao, e ate os bichos, como por conjara^ao. Erao emnumero 
mais de vinte mil, gente solta sem molberes, nem filhos; e como 
erao tantos, e nao vinhao com teniae de buscar terras pera morar 
ao uso dos antigos Hunos, Godos, e Yandalos, e outras nagoeos do 
Norte : se nao s6 instigados de espirito diabolico de fazer mal, 
corriao em breve muita terra, e como achayao a gente descuidada, 
e OS lugares abertos, nenhuma cousa Ihes resistia, assolavao tudo. 
O remedio, que achavao os naturals, era largar as povoa^oens, 
(que na yerdade sad pouco custosas) t'ogir pera o mato, e embren- 
harse no mais espesso : ou ajuntarse com elles em semelhante 
genero de vida, porque so assi escapayao a morte, e a sens dentes. 
Tendo corrido victoriosos mais de trezentas legoas de costa, e 
andando nas terras do Monopotapa : pera com mais seguran9a 
senhorearem a provincia, fortificarao hum lugar, e nelle faziao 
assento, e sahiao a tempos como salteadores. Tern os Portugueses 
nestas partes duas casas fortes, situadas sobre as ribeiras do 
graude rio Zambeze, em distancia de sessenta legoas huma da 
outra : huma esta na poyoa^ao de Sena, de que era Capitao Andre 
de Santiago, outra na de Tete, Capitao Pero Fernandez de 
Chaves. Estes Capitaens sao subditos do nosso Capitao, e 
Governador de Sofaia, e ordinariamente sao homens de sua 
obrigacao, ou sens criados; e as casas Ihe servem de feitorias 
pera o resgate do ouro que mandao fazer, e he o trato mais grosso 
de Sofaia. Obrigado Andre de Santiago dos males que os 
Zimbas vinhao fazendo nas terras vizinhas, determinou buscallos, 
pelejar com elles, e ver se os podia desfazer antes de crecerem 
mais em poder, e reputa9ao. Ajuntou tudo o que ayia em Sena 
de Portugueses, e mesti9os, e negros confidentes, e foyse em 
demanda delles ao mesmo lugar de que se dezia estavao senhores. 
Mas cbegando, achou a empresa mais difficultosa do que se 
persuadira ao sair ae casa, porque o enemigo tinha cercado a 
povoa9ao cm roda de fortes trincheiras de paos a pique, suas 
cavas largas, e fundas, com travezes, e seteiras, tudo em rezao 
militar, e nao como barbaros. Ayisou logo ao Capitao de Tete, 
que se viesse ajudalio com o mayor poder que Ihe fosse possivel. 
Nao tardou Pero Fernandez de Chaves em acodir, porque a causa 
era commum, e como fazia conta que teriao cerco largo, pedio ao 
Padre Frey Nicolao que avia dias residia em Tete, quizcss*' sir 
companheiro na Jornada pera admini^tra^ao dos Sacramentos, e 
consolafao de todos. Nao se soube elle negar, como se tratou 



360 Records of South-East rn Africa. 

de servipo de Deos^ e bem das almas. Pozse com elle em 
caminho. Tiverao os Barbaros notieia do soccorro^ lanyao espias 
fbra^ pera saberem a ordem, e caminho qne trasiao. Como 
estiverao informados^ sae de noite caladamente hum esqoadrao 
dos melhoresy vaose deitar em silada em hum passo de huma 
grande mata de arroredo espesso, e cego, por onde o socorro 
tiuha sua estrada : que nao podia ser mais a proposito peia o 
effeito. Yinhao os nossos sem nenhuma forma de gente de 
guerra, erao poueos mais de cem homens entre Portuguezes^ e 
Mesti9os, geute bem armada, mas todos tao descuidados, e sem 
cautela, como se uao ouTera enemigo em toda a terra. Os mais 
em andores as costas de sous escravos sem armas prestes, nem 
mecha aceza, nem homem diante que descobrisse o campo : em 
fim como gente que nao temia, nem estimava o enemigo : o qnal 
tanto que os vio bem entregues no matx), levantando hum trovao 
de alarida que foy ferir nas nuvens, deu sobre elles com tanta 
furia, que antes de terem tempo de arrancar espoda, forao dego- 
lados todos os Portnguezes, e mesti90Sy sem escapar homem. 
Ajudou a desaventura, que os nossos por virem mais desabafados, 
caminhavao mea legoa diante dos cafres amigos, qne traziao pera 
companheiros do perigo, que erao hum grande numero, gente boa 
6 determinada : e assi quando chegarao ao valle da emboscada, ja 
OS Barbaros sahiao delle vitoriosos. O Padre Frey Nicolao sendo 
achado inda viyo, e conhecido por Beligioso, foy trazido por elles 
a sua povoa9dO, assi como estava atassalhado de feridas mortais : 
all o atarao de pes, e maons a hum madeiro alto, e as frechadas o 
acabarao de matar em odio de nossa santa Beligiao, dizendo que 
OS Portugueses nao faziao aquella guerra se nao por conselho dos 
sens Cacizes (que assi chamao os Cafres aos nossos Sacerdotes com 
lingoagem dos Mouros da costa sens vizinhos antigos). Affirmase 
que sofreo a morte com dXe^xdi, e olhos no Ceo: nao sb com 
paciencia, considerando como he de crer, que pure zelo de servir a 
sens proximoSy e cumprir com sua obriga^ao o chegara a tao duio 
passo. Assi acabou sua vida, e trabalhos com mais este mereci- 
mento, e com outro, que logo seguio tambem assaz considerayel 
que foy ser paste daquellas feras em came humana cozido, e 
assado : pera podermos dizer delle o que se conta dos Martyres 
antigos : Obturaverv/ni ora Leonum &c. sendo despois de asseteado 
como sao Sebastiao, comido de feras como Santo Inacio. 

Mas porque he certo que flea dezejando o fim de tao camiceiros 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 361 

algozes, quern isto le, brevemente o diremos^ inda que nao seja 
de nossa obriga^ao. Com a vitoria de Pero Fernandez de ChaveSy 
facilitarao a outra que logo ouyerao do Capitao de Sena que o& 
cercava : fizeraolhe ver as cabe^as dos amigos, e conheeidos que o 
vinhao socorrer. Besolveose em deixar o cerco. Mas a tristeza, 
e horror do desastre fez nos sens o mesmo desmancho, que nos do 
Chaves. Desordenaraose ao partir^ e (como toda a retirada tem 
partes de desconfian^a, e medo) sayndo tras elles toda a multidao 
dos cereados, forao desbaratados, e mortos, ainda que teverao a 
consola^ao de ser com as annas nas maons, e vendendo bem suas 
vidas. Passarao estes negros despois a Ilba de Quiloa, onde se 
atHrma que comerao mais de tres mil Mouros, e Mouras, e despois 
a de Mombasa, onde Azerao o mesmo em todos os moradores, que 
nao ouve ascaparlhes nenhum. Ultimamente forao mortos^ e 
acabados todos por el Bey de Melinde, que Ihes deu batalha 
acompanhado de outros Cafres homens de valor chamados 
Mosseguejos. Assi castigou Deos, e acabou o instrumento com 
que tinha castigado a tantos. Outro exereito semelhante a este, 
ha muitos annos que correo a costa da mesma Ethiopia, que 
chamamos Occidental, porque corre do Cabo de Boa esperan9a 
pera o Norte, com os mesmos cstilos de vida, e guerra, e com 
nome de Jagas : e andao ja no Beyno de Angola, e polos vizinhos. 
ISao varas de Deos que manda por toda a parte quando Ihe parece, 
pera escarmento do mundo, e exemplo nosso. 

LIVEO QUINTO.— CAPITULO XXXIIL 

Daa Casas, e Besidenfias, que a Ordem tem na Hha de MossambiqiAe, 

e terras da Ethiopia OrierUaL 

Por differente caminho, mas com mais rezao, que todas as Casas 
referidas, pertence ao Sul a que temos na Uha de Mossambique 
com outras, que della dependem, situadas na Ethiopia, que com- 
mummente chamamos Cafraria. Digo por differente caminho. 
Porque esta Ilha fica arrimada a costa, que corre do Cabo de Boa 
Esperan^a contra a India; por grande numero de legoas, que 
por isso mereceo o nome de Ethiopia Oriental, a differen^a da 
Occidental, que desdo Cabo Verde te o de Boa Esperan^a, cria 
gente semelhante a esta em cores de rosto, em infidelidade, e 
barbaria de trato, e costumes. Esta Ilha he todo o refugio ; e 
alivio, que achao as naos de Portugal, depois de longa, e can^ada 



362 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

viagem. Aqui tomao alento dos trabalhos, e tormentas de quatro, 
e sinco, e as vezes mais mezes de mar. E daqiii tornao a 
navegar ordinarianiente na entrada d'Agosto com a mon9ao, que 
entao eotra. E sem mudar vellas correm novecentas legoas, que 
ha de golfo ate Goa. Disse com mais rezao. Porque esta Ilba 
jaz da banda do Sul, tanto contra o Tropico de Capricornio, que 
fica em 15 pera 16 graos alem da Equinocial. Foy Autor da 
Casa o famoso Capitao Dom Luis d'Ataide, da segunda vez que 
governou a India. Sahio de Lisboa no anno de 1577 despachado 
por elRey Dom Sebastiao; chegando a Mossambique, achou neila 
dous Keligiosos Dominicos, que tratavao de passar a Ilba de 
S. Lourenfo, por outro nome Madagascar, a fim de se empregarem 
na conversao daquelle Gentio, que he innumeravel ; mandoulbes 
suspender a Jornada, e aconselhouos, que fundassem Casa all, que 
seria de muita importancia pera gasalhado, cura, e remedio de 
tantos Keligiosos, como cada anno passao do Beyno pera a India, 
e sempre chegao perseguidos de infirmidades, que a longa viagem 
causa : E tambem Ihes nao faltaria occasiao na terra firme, que 
tinhao a vista, pera se occuparem a tempos em allumiar aquelies 
pobres Cafres, tao escuros nas Almas, como nas carnes. Era 
conselho de quem podia mandar como Senhor, e de quem podia 
ser seguido por prudente. Foy aceitado polos Padres, que erai) 
Frey Jeronymo do Couto, e Frey Pedro Ususmariz. Escolheo o 
Viso-Rey o sitio pera o Convento, fez demarcar a pra9a, que avia 
de occupar, e podemos dizer, que foy delle o Fundador. Come^ou 
a obra com felice pronostico polo titulo', que escolheo de Nossa 
Senhora do Bosario, que he o mesmo, com que a acho aceitada 
pola Provincia nas Actas do Capitulo provincial do anno de 1579, 
em que foy eleyto Provincial o Padre Frey Antonio de Sousa, 
que depois foy Bispo de Viseu. Nao se teve por menos bem 
assombrado pronostico da fabrica outro, que agora diremos. Era 
Mestre della hum Gentio assaz emperrado em sua feyta, e enve- 
Ihecido nos annos, como no erro. Tinhaolhe lastima os Beligiosos : 
procuravao ganharlhe a Alma com santas batarias, que cada hora 
Ihe davao. Respond ia Santunayque, que assi se chamava, que 
seria Christao, quando sua hora chegasse. Foy o Senhor servido 
darlhe huma forte doenja, e com ella hum ar de Celestial graja, 
com a qual, sem ninguem Ihe fazer lembranpa, mandou chamar os 
Religiosos, e usando do mesmo termo, com que dantes rebatia as 
santas admoesta^oeus, disselhes, que era a sua hora chegada, e 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 363 

queria receber o Santo Bautismo : E teve tal ventura, que apoz a 
bora do Bautismo, Ihe cliegou a da morte, com que voou pera 
o Ceo. 

Ajudou o edificio huma molher rica de Na9ao Java, chamada 
Yiolaute ; que seudo casada com bum Portuguez, Condestable da 
Fortaleza, deu por sua deva^ao ao Convento hum grande palmar 
a elle yizinbo : E como se fora mSij de cada bum dos Reb'giosos, 
06 susteutou muitos annos de todo o necessario. Estas caridades 
podemos erer, que Ibe acrescentou fazenda, e boura. Que assi 
sabe Ueos pagar as que se fazem a seus servos. Porque morto o 
primeiro marido acbou bum bomem muito nobre, que folgou de 
i-asar com ella. Cbamavase Pedro de Sousa Camello : E ficarao 
coQtinuando ambos no beneficio da Casa. De sorte, que a boa. 
Yiolante nao era conbecida por outro nome, seuao de may dos 
Frades. E por officio de gratidao, fazemos aqui della esta 
memoria. 

Susteiita a Casa commummente quatro ate seis Beligiosos, que 
recebem por ordinaria da Fazenda Real bum tostao por dia cada 
bum. Foy a obra muito acertada. Porque tanto que cbegao as 
iiaos do Reyno, agasalba, e cura com caridade todos os Religiosos 
de qualquer Ordem, que sejao. que sendo notado polo Viso- 
i^ey Matbias d'Albuquerque muitos annos depois, Ibe assentou 
outra particular ordinaria de cem mil reis de renda em cada bum 
anno, pera effeito de continuarem com largueza, e poder, o que 
dantes obrava so a boa condi9ao, e piedade Religiosa. 

Fica esta Casa imitando o mesmo officio, e representacao de 
frontcira com a Cafraria : que, segundo atraz dissemos, faz a de 
JIalaca com os Reynos vizinbos, e Ilbas daquelle mar. Porque 
della passarao logo os Padres a terra firme, e subirao aos Rios de 
Cuama : e atravessarao a outras Ilbas, e a grande de S. Louren9o, 
nao Ihes sofrendo o bom Espirito, ficar nada por tentar, pera 
dilatarem a Prega^ao do Santo Evangelbo, a custa de muitas 
vidas, e perda de saude, por ser todo a([uelle clima de ares 
pestilenciaes, e totalmente contrarios a naturezas criadas debaixo 
uo Ceo temperado, e benigno. 

Foy primeira occupa9a6, passarem todos os Domingos, e dias 
Santos a bum destrito da terra firme, porque a travessa beestreita, 
e dizer ]\[issa, e ministrar os Sacramentos a muita gente Cbristaa, 
que nelle mora, com grande beneficio das Aimas, e como seus 
I'arocbos. Cbamao o destrito a Cabeceira. 



364 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Derao segundo salto na Ilha de Quirimba, junto ao Cabo 
Delgado, sessenta legoas de Mossambique. Era Senhor della 
Diogo Rodrigues Correa, Persuadiraolhe, que fundasse Igreja. 
Edificoua o Portuguez grande, e lustrosa : E nao se conteutou 
com menos, que entregalla aos Beligiosos, com doapao perpetusi 
juntandoihe terras, e palmares de bom rendimento, sem mais 
obrigapdo, que duas Missas rezadas cada semana. Esta Igreja he 
suffraganea a de Mossambique : E de ordinario residem nella 
dous Beligiosos: polo muito que tem crescido a Christandadey 
depois que a tomarao a sua conta. 

Terceira viagem foy a dos Bios de Cuama, e terras de Sofalla, e 
Menopotapa, atravessarao a estas partes, porque em todas andavao 
espalhados muitos Portuguezes, a quern a cobija do ouro trazia 
esquecidos da saude corporal, e muito mais da Espiritual. Assi 
fizerao grande servipo a Deos, encaminhando estes pera a salva^ao. 
Bem se diz, que he raiz de todos os vicios, e hum genero de servir 
Idolos a cobi^a. Quasi que tinhao perdido o conhecimento de 
que erao Christaos, devassos nos costumes, cegos nas obriga^oens 
da Fe, e Mandamentos de Deos, e de sua Igreja. Nao avia 
guardar Domingo, nem festa. Nao conhe9iao Quaresmas, nem 
distin^ao de dias da semana, pera o santo costume de guardar 
abstinencia nas Sextas feiras, e Sabbados, com outros muitos 
erros, e descuidos. Tudo remediarao estes Padres, pregando, 
rogando, reprehendendo, admoestando ; e de caminho ganharao 
outras muitas Almas pera Christo com sua Prega^ao. 

CAPITULO XIV. 

De outras IgrejaSy que os Beligiosos de S. Domingos, moradores em 
Mossambique, govemao na terra firme de Monopotapa ; e do 
valor, com que se portarao em dous cercos, que aqueUa Fortaleza 
padeceo. 

Besidindo ja na povoa^ao, que acompanha a Fortaleza de 
Sofalla, o Padre Fr. Joao Madeira, Beligioso antigo na idade, e 
provado na virtude : foy Ihe mandado por Julho de 1586 por com- 
panheiro o Padre Frey Joao dos Santos, porque tinha a sua conta 
seiscentas Almas de Confissao entre Portuguezes, e Mistigos, e 
gente da terra, que era grande carga pera hum homem so. Partio 
este Padre de Mossambique, e foyse juntar com Frey Joao Madeira. 
Como estiverao juntos, ajudaraose muito. Levantarao duas 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 365 

Ermidas, hiima de Nossa Senhora do Eosario dentro do lugar : 
Outra com titulo da Madre de Deos, em bum palmar dos Frades, 
sitio fresco, e bem assombrado, e Casa de muita romagem : ambas 
omadas com toda a decencia, e concerto, que a terra entao dava 
de sy. E forao convertendo de Gentios, e Mouros tanta gente, 
que so o Padre Frey Joao Madeira bautisou mais de mil Almas, 
e o companheiro por listra, que se fez, seiscentas, e noventa, e 
quatro. 

Ao mesmo fim passarao outros Padres de Mossambique as esten- 
didas terras, que lava o grande Bio de Cuama, que os naturaes 
chamao o Zambeze. He Bio tao poderoso, e grande, que ao desem- 
bocar no mar nao sahe menos, que por sinco portas, cada huma ta3 
espantosa por largura, e impeto de agoas, que daqui nasceo darem 
nomes de muitos rios ao que na verdade ha hum s6 rio, e huma 86 
madre : Como acontece ao Nilo no Egypto, que nao cabendo suas 
agoas em hum so leyto, entra com ellas partidas em sete no mar 
Mediterraneo. Por este Bio Zambeze assima a sessenta legoas da 
boca tem os Portuguezes hum Forte sobre as ribeiras delle, que 
chamao Sena, provide dartelharia, e muniyoens, que serve, como 
de huma feira, e feitoria, pera <:uarda das fazendas, que o Capita? 
de Sofalla manda ao resgate do euro, que alii acode muito das 
terras no Mouopotapa. Pera o mesmo efTeito fundarao outra casa 
forte, outras sessenta legoas mais adiante, sobre o mesmo Bio, e 
da mesma parte, que chamarao Tete. Ambas estas Pra9as ficaS 
nas terras, e senhorio do Monopotapa, e ambas sao governadas por 
ministros, que a elles manda, e poem de sua mao o Capilao de 
Sofalla. A huma, e outra subirao os nossos Beligiosos de 
Mossambique. Em Sena levantarao huma Igreja da InvocayaS 
de Santa Catharina de Sena, aproveitandose do nome da patria da 
Santa, que o da terra Ihes offerecia, Em Tete edificarao outra 
em honra do Glorioso Patrao de Espanha Santiago. Em ambas 
acompanharao os Altares de devotas Imagens, lavradas com 
curiosidade, e mandadas trazer da India, e ajuntarao concerto de 
ornamentos, e muita limpeza do culto Divino. E pera espertar 
deva9ao instituirao suas Confrarias. Em Sena huma de Nossa 
Senhora do Bosario, e outra do nome Jesu, pera evitar os jura- 
mentos. Em Tete huma de Nossa Senhora da Conceipao, e outra 
de Santo Antonio. Emendados os abuses, e desterradas as 
cegueiras, que- atraz apon tamos, quo por tudo corriao, forao 
reduzindo as terras, e gente a toda a policin, e boa ordem da 



^66 Records of South- Eastern Africa. 

observancia Christ 5a: De tal maneira, que por sua diligencia 
florece hoje em aquelles lugares, que sao no cora^ao da Cafraria, 
a perfei^ao da Fe de Nosso Senhor Jesu Christo, como em qualqner 
do8 bons lugares de Portugal. 

Alem das Igrejas ditafifadministrao os nossos Religiosos outran) 
tres, que sao Luauze, Mossapa, e Manica, que por todas trazeni 
continuos em seu servi^o doze, e quatorze lleligiosos. E por(|ue 
em todas sem difTeren^a sad os ares venenosos, e inimigos da 
complexaOy e gosto daquelles, que tiverao seu nascimento em 
terras temperadas: E com tudo os Fradea de S. Domingos as 
correm, e aturao consta,ntemeDte por servi9o de Deos, e obriga9a6 
do Habito : Parese justo darmoslbe por paga a que nossa pena 
pode, que he ficar memoria nestes escritos de seus nomes. Assi 
OS puderamos alcan^ar todos. Os que ehegarao a nossa noticia, 
sao OS Padres Frey Jeronymo Lopes, e Frey Joao Frausto : K apoz 
elles Frey Joao Madeira, e Frey Joao dos Santos. Dos quaes o 
Padre Frey Joao dos Santos, vindo depois a este Keyno, com[K)z, 
e imprimio hum curioso tratado das particularidades dacpiellns 
Provincias, e dos trabalhos, que nellas experimentarao elle, e 
outros muitos Padres nossos. E affirma, que achou por conta de 
livros, serem por elles bautisados deste destrito dos liios de Cuama 
ate o anno de 1591 passante de vinte mil Almas : Entre os quaes 
ouve muitos Senhores de vassallos, que la chamao Encosses. A 
estes Padres juntaremos outros quatro, de eujas letras, e industria 
se aproveitarao OS Metropolitanos de Goa, pera por elles mandarem 
visitar estas llhas, e Costa Ethiopica, que sao de sua jurisdi^ao. 
Forao Frey Jeronymo de Santo Agustinho, Frey Diogo Correa, 
nascido na India em Chaul, o Presentado Frey Estevao d'As- 
sump^ao, e Frey Manoel Pinto. De todos quatro se sabe, (|ue 
correrao todos estes povos, e cumprirao sua obrigafao com muita 
inteireza, emendaudo vicios, e castigandoculpas. Sigua a estes 
Eeligiosos o Padre Frey Joao de Santo Thomas, que toy 
despachado de Mossambique pera a Ilha de S. Louren^o, polo 
Alieresmor D.Jorge de Menezes, no tempo que servio deCapitao 
de Sofalla. Era o intento fundar povoayao, e Igreja, e convidar 
aquelles povos com a Ley de Christo. Passou o mar, comtfou a 
correr com seu ministerio. Mas nao pode resistir a indemencia 
do Ceo. Acabou de doen^a. 

Mas nao se contentarao so Religiosos de S. Domingos do 
Convento de Mossambic^ue, de pelejarem com as febres pestileu- 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 367 

ciaes, e mortiferas de Cafraria. Tambem provarao a mao em 
medos de fogo, e sangue : Quero dizer, sendo companheiros dos 
bons soldados, que dei'enderao aquella Fortaleza de Mossambique 
aos cossarios Olandezes em dous acometimentos tao apertados, 
que a tiverao em grande perigo : E porque o feito da defesa 
foy de valor memoravel, e nao toca menos a honra da Beligao, 
que da Patria; por ambas as cousas fazemos aqui breve rela^ao 
do suecesso dambos. Em Conselho pleno assentou a Bepubliea 
rebelde d'Olanda, que Ihes estaria bem pera segurar os roubos, 
que na India Oriental faziao suas Armadas, e enfraquecerem o 
poder dos Portuguezes nella, fazerse Senhora da II ba de 
Mossambique, unico refugio, e reparo das naos, que deste Beyno 
no navegao pera a India. Aprestarao huma Armada de treze 
veUas, nomearao por General della, Paulo Van-Carden, Capitao 
experimentado naquellas viagens, e tao pratico do pouco poder, e 
forfa, que avia na llha, que cotejando com ella o que levava nas 
treze naos, offereceo aos Ministros, que o mandavao, nao so 
tiralla da mao dos Portuguezes, mas que desde logo, como de 
l*ra9a ja subdita aos Estados d'Olanda, faria della suahomenagem, 
se iha quizessem dar em guard a, e aceitarlhe a obrigaeao. 
Porque tinha por certo, que nao podia aver resisteneia em 
Mossambique. Corria o anno de 1G07 quando com igual 
soberba, e golodisse de huma, e outra parte se concertarao 
Van-Carden, e sens may ores, lan9ando em sens livros mais 
huma Pra9a de novo na India, e Governador delia Paulo Van- 
Carden. Assi foy sua, em quanto nao chegarao a tentalla. 
Passou Van-Carden com boa viagem sua navega^ao : Entrou no 
porto, desembarcou, prometendose vitoria a terceiro dia. Era a 
Fortaleza mais sombra de Fortaleza, que Pra^a defensavei, poucos 
soldados, e esses meyo consumidos dos ares pestiferos, e Sol 
sempre ardente da Torrida Zona. O sitio hum campo raso. Mas 
bem disse Antigono a hum, que o advertia, que erao muitas mais 
as naos dos inimigos, que as suas : Se fazeis boa conta, dizeime, 
por quantas naos contais minha pessoa. Assistia na Fortaleza 
por Capitao della, e de Sofalla Dom Estevao d'Ataide, Fidalgo 
honrado, e valeroso. Valeo sua pessoa, e dos bons companheiros 
inda que poucos, pera fazer retirar a Van-Carden com mais pressa, 
do que tinha obrigaeao pola menagem dada, e com muita gente 
morta, e reputapao perdida. Porque os nossos, como gente, que 
sabia que sens bra9os aviao de ser os verdadeiros muros de sua 



368 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

defeza, sahiao como Leoens de dia, e de noite a offender o inimigo. 
De sorte, que temendo Van-Carden ficar cercado de cercador, ouve 
por seu conselho largar a terra, e embarcarse. Mas muito mais 
gra^a teve o successo do anno seguinte. Como os rebeldes se 
davao por Senhores da Ilha; despacharao traz Van-Carden a 
Pedro Plens na entrada de 1608 com outra boa Armada, e ordem, 
que de caminho visitasse a nova conquista, e sous conquistadores. 
Chegou este a Mossambique, e com a certeza de achar a terra 
por sua, entrou de festa, lan9ando Bandeiras, e Estandartes, e 
com salva de artelharia, como se aportara em Frangelinhas. 
Porem a(;harao tudo tanto ao revez, que no primeiro acometi- 
mento virao, que Ihes convinha despejar a terra, e porto : E assi 
o fizerao. 



De Qttarta Parte da Historia de 8. Domingos, particular do 
Reynoy e Conquistas de Portugal, Por Fr. Lucas de Santa 
Catharina, Chronista da Ordem dos PrSgadores^ e Aeademico 
da Academia Real. lAshoa, 1767. 

Do que tern a Congregafao para o Sul em a Costa de Africa 

{em 1706). 

Sahindo da Costa da India, atravessando para a Costa de 
Africa, em distancia de novecentas legoas, navegadas em Inim 
mez, est a Mozambique em altura de cincoenta graos do Sui, terras 
de Cafraria, em que a Congregazao tem hnma Vigairaria, e Casa 
das principaes, chamada S. Domingos. Besidem nella de ordinario 
quatro, cinco, seis Religiosos, e talvez mayor numero, por ser a 
porta por onde os Religiosos entrao, e sahem para as Christandades 
dos rios de Sena, e Reynos de Monopotapa. 

Adiante sessenta legoas, viagem de oito, e dez dias, se entra 
nos rios. A' entrada delles tem a Congrega^ao a Casa, e Vigairaria 
de Sena, com o titnlo de S. Domingos; assistem nella trez, e 
quatro Religiosos, e talvez mayor numero ; tem capacidade para 
ser Convento. Meya legoa distante desta Casa, se ve a Igreja 
Paroquial de nossa Senhora dos Remedies; assiste nella hum 
Religiose. 

Pelos rios dentro esta a Casa, e Vigairaria de Tete, com o 
titulo de Santiago, riea, e abundante entre todas as dos rios. 



Records of South-Eastern Afru^a^ 369 

Assistem nella dous Beligiosos. Mais pelas terras dentro, no 
Beyno de Manica, tern a CoDgrega9ao muitas Casas, e Paroquias, 
Chimpambura, Matucsa, Vumba, Dambarare, Matafune, Chipriviri, 
Loanze, Ma9apay Quitambruize, Oogue, e outras muitas, e em 
cada huma seu Beligioso catbequizando, ensinando, instruindo, 
e bautizando aquelles barbaros Cafres. Na Corte do mesmo 
Emperador, (chamada Zimbaoe) a que os Beligiosos bautizarao, 
reduzido a luz da Fe, tem a Congregajao Igreja, em que residem 
Beligiosos, que o mesmo Emperador tem por CapellaenSy e 
Confessores, pedidos com instancia, e tratados com estimagao. 

Na Corte delBey Quiteve se ve novamente fundada huma 
Freguesia com seu Beligioso por Paroco, que proraette naquellas 
Christandades grande fruto. Fundouse outra no Corte delBey 
Banoe, que se malogrou pela pertinacia do barbaro duro, e cego 
como Monro. Pela mesma Costa, perto do Cabo das Correntes, 
esta a Fortaleza de Sofala, em que a Congregagao tem Casa com 
hum Beligioso, que assiste, e se occupa em cathequizar, instruir, 
e bautizar. 



TOME IV.— LIVBO QUABTO.— CAPITULO XII. 

qtie de twvo obrarao os Rdigiosos de 8. Domingos, estendendo o 
Evangelho nos Bios de Sena, terras do Monomotapa. Bautiza 
Padre Fr. Luiz do Espirito Santo a Mavura, tic do Emperador 
Capranzine ; intenta este nas suas terras a destrui^o dos 
PortugiLezes, que levantao por Emperador a Mavura, alcanfoda 
hum^ grande vitoria. 

Antiga ceara, e cultura antiga do trabalho, e applica^ao dos 
filhos de S. Domingos, sao os Bios de Sena, em que a sombra das 
armas Portuguezas, entrarao com o Govemador Francisco Barreto, 
reduzindo com a doutrina, como elle com a espada ; prologo, que 
ja se le na terceira Parte da Chronica, com a noticia das primeiras 
Igrejas, que levantamos naquellas vastissimas terras, e fruto 
grande na reduc9ao das almas. Achamos novamente continuando 
OS Padres naquellas Christandades, levantada outra Igreja em 
Tete, com o titulo de S. Domingos em Soriano. Mas passemos 
ao obrado na Corte do Monomotapa, e Feiras da Mocaranga, de 
que tivemos, e daremos singular noticia. 

Achavao-se neste grande Imperio os nossos Beligiosos; de 

2 B 



870 Becords of Sauth-Eastem Afriea. 

trez principaes sabemoR os nomes, o Padre Presentado Fr. Lniz 
do Espirito Santo, e os Padres Fr. Manoel Sardinba, e Fr. Joao 
da Trindade. Occupavao-se no exercicio de cathequizar, e 
bautizar aquella gente barbara, e supersticiosa, qnando se 
offerecerao ao Padre Fr. Luiz algumas praticas com hum 
Principe, tio do Emperador, por nome Mavura, homem de 
cora9ao brando, e entendimento claro, circumstancias, que 
apressarao o efTeito das batarias. Pedio o Bautismo, que Ihe 
ministrou (depois de cathequizado pelo Padre Fr. Manoel 
Sardinha) o Padre Fr. Luiz, com grande alvorojo de espirito, e 
esperan9a8 de grandes consequencias, e poz-Ihe por nome D. 
Filippe. Estimulouse o Emperador Capranzine, (era este o nome 
do sobrinho, que de presente govemava o Imperio) e buscava 
caminho para a vingan^a, a tempo, que chegaya a sua Corte 
Jeronymo de Bairros por Embaixador do Govemador de Mo^m- 
bique, D. Nunc Alvares Pereira, que mandaya o presente, a que 
chamao Curva, mimo, que os Capitaens daquella Fortaleza 
fazem todos os annos ao Emperador, em gratifica^ao de terem 
suas terras francas para o commercio, e passagem para as 
Minas do euro, correspondencia, que ficou assentada, (por Francisco 
Barreto, primeiro Capitao de Sofala) com o Quiteve, Rey das 
terras, que se estendem entre Sofala, e Manica. 

Recebido o presente, dispoz o Emperador (barbaridade im- 
practicayel, ainda entre a mesma Cafraria) que com traycao, e 
engano tirassem a vida ao Embaixador: e desaforado em sea 
rancor, e odio, mandou dar Empata ; que he como pregao geral, 
para que todos os Portuguezes, que se achassem em suas terras, 
fossem mortos, e despojados de suas fazendas. Teye anticipado 
ayiso de tudo, pela fidelidade grande dos sens Cafres, Andre 
Ferreira, Portuguez destemido, que era ao presente Capitao das 
Portas, que he huma Feira, ou como Feitoria, a que chamao 
Macapa. Detinha-se a este tempo na Corte, mas com o ayiso se 
retirou a sua Feira, e fortificandose em hum ChuambOy que he o 
mesmo que reducto, ou tranqueira de paos muito fortes, mandou 
ayiso as mais Feiras das terras do Emperador, que erao Luanzi, 
Dambarare, e Chipiriyiri, para que recolhidos a ellas os 
Portuguezes, e Christaos, se puzessem em defensa contra o grande 
poder, que os amea^ya. 

Recolherao-se logo as Feiras, que Ihe pertenciao, os Beligiosos 
de S. Domingos, que andayao espalbados por aquellas Christan- 



Becords of SotUh- Eastern Africa. 371 

(lades ; e animando os Soldados contra o inimigo deltas, accompan- 
hando siias armas com as que s6 podem debelar o demonioy 
(ora^oens, jejuns, e penitencias) se virao resistidos os assaltos, e 
desbaratados os cercos, com que o Emperador com formidavel 
Exercito cahio de improviso sobre os amea9ado8, em que achou tao 
valerosa resistencia, que o obrigou a retirarse com pouca reputa^ao, 
e muita perda. Caso admiravell Que em hum Imperio tao 
dilatado, como o da Mocaranga, (nome commimi das terras do 
Monomotapa) com tao grosso poder, (assistido do mesmo Em- 
]>erador) ficassem nao so defendidos, mas victoriosos huns poucos 
de Portuguezes, antes encorralados, que guarnecidos, em huma 
tranqueira de paos ! Nao se pode attribuir por certo s6 ao valor 
dos Soldados, nem ds armas dos Beligiosos, mas ao Ceo, que 
esgrimindo as, consegue semelhantes triumfos. 

Chegou noticia do succedido aos Portuguezes de Tete, e Sena, 
e vendo o perigo, em que estayao os da Mocaranga, comeparao a 
levantar muita gente de guerra das nossas terras de Botonga, por 
mandado do Capitao, e Governador D. Nuno Alvares Pereira, 
Nao descanpavao os Religiosos ; por conselho dos quaes junto 
hum bom p6 de Exercito na Feira de Luanze, accIamaraS os 
Christjlos por Emperador o Mavura D. Filippe, e leyando-o por 
Capitao do Exercito, de que era Alferes hum Beligioso nosso, 
levando diante o Estendarte da Cruz arvorado, avistarao a 
Capranzine, soberbo, como poderoso, e dando-lhe batalha, o 
virao em poucas horas posto em vergonhosa fugida. Mas retirado 
ao mais interior da Mocaranga, em que o buscarao, e seguira5 
muitos, tomou a refazerse, e a buscar o campo Christao por duas 
vezes, sahindo de ambas tao desbaratado, e enfraquecido, que 
poderao os Portuguezes seguramente trazer, e coUocar a D. Filippe 
na Corte, e Throno do Monomotapa, fazendo o reconhecer por 
Emperador dos Grandes, e Senhores daquelle Imperio; a que 
elle agradecido, jurou vassallagem a ElRey de Portugal, com o 
tribute de tantas pessas de euro, fruto da doutrina, e instrucpao 
do Padre Fr. Manoel Sardinha, a que D. Filippe escutava, e 
tratava com venera^o de filho. Assim chamou logo a si, (e 
nunca largou de sua companhia) os Beligiosos de S. Domingos, a 
que reconhecia causa da fortuna de se ver Senhor do Imperio, 
sendo para elle ainda de mais prepo (como de toda a impor- 
tancia) o ver-se herdeiro da gloria, que nunca acaba. Para ir 
negociando esta as Christandades daquellas terras, estimamo 

2b i 



372 Beeards of SaidhrEagtem Africa. 

OB Beligiosos o yalimentOy nao para se mtroduzirem nos Palacios, 
on terem voz nos goyemos ; maxima sempre praticada nos filhos 
de S. Domingos. 



TOME IV.— LIVRO IV.— CAPITULO XIU. 

Cowtinuc^9e a guerra earn o Capranzine. Dad a vida pda FS ob 
Padres Fr. Joad da Trindade^ e Fr. Luiz do Espirito Santo. 
Dd huma tritoria ao Emperador D, FHippe hum mysterioso 
nrudj que 9e vio no Ceo. Levanta^se Igreja na Corte ; notieia 
de outraa na mesma Moearanga, e no Reyno de Manica. 

Nao deixou o tyranno Capranzine descan^ar ao novo Empe- 
rador, qae applicado a ideas de dilatar a Christandade no sen 
Imperio, nao suppunha tao promptas as forgas do sen inimigo ; 
mas elle campeava ja com ham grosso Exercito nas mesmas 
terras do Imperio, qae amea9adas hiao reconhecendo o sen 
dominio. Sahio a encontrallo o Emperador com mais resoln^, 
qae ventara, deixando-lhe nas mSos huma. importante yitoriai. 
Ficarao cativos muitos ChristSos, e entre elles dous Beligiosos 
nossos, que Ihes faziao companhia em toda a fortuna, sendo esta^ 
em que agora se viao, a que o Ceo Ihes dava pelo muito que 
trabalharao. Erao elles o Padre Presentado Fr. Luiz do Espirito 
Santo, e o Padre Fr. Joao da Trindade. Vinha este cheyo de 
feridas (gloriosos despojos, com que o enriquecera aquelle conflicto) 
mas nao se contentando a crueldade dos barbaros de o yer 
naquelle e^tado, repetindo-ihe outras com odio camic^iro, o 
despenharao de hum alto rochedo, de donde chegou ao chao feito 
em miudos peda^os. 

Ao mesmo tempo levayao outros ao Padre Fr. Luiz a presen^a 
do Tyranno, que sequioso do sangue innocente, se queria fartar 
agora delle, em yingan^a do que sabia, que o Padre tinha obrado 
na reduc^ do Emperador noyo, e Christandades daquelle 
Imperio. Mandou-lhe logo que Ihe fizesse a Zunibaya (que he 
no estylo da Cafraria a mayor reyerencia). Era o Padre Fr. Luiz 
natural de Mozambique, pratico nos estylos daquellas terras, e 
sabia bem que s6 se daya a Deos o que Ihe pedia o Tyranno ; 
respondeo Ihe intrepido : Que elle era so hum Bey pequeno da 
terra, e que ate esse apoucado Beyno tinha justamefUe perdido por 
tyranno ; que ainda que em seu poder se via cativo, nao reconhecia. 



Records of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 373 

nem podia reconhecer outro Bey na terra mais que o de Portugal^ 
eomo nem outro por Bey do Monomotapa^ mais que a seu tio 
D, Filippey jd fiho da Igreja; e que sobre todos, o unieOy que 
reverenciavay e reconheda^ como Bey dos Beys, era Jesu Christo, 
FUho de Decs verdadeiro, Senhor do Ceo^ e da terra^ que resgatara 
genero humano com o seu sangue; prefo inextimavelf com que 
merecera, em quanto homem, todas as veneragoens de homens, Anjos, 
e demonioSj no CeOy na terra, e nos Infernos. E como te atreves tu 
{continuava o Padre com hum generoso, e infiexivd animo) como te 
a^reveSf homem feito de pd, e que brevemente te has de reduzir a elUy 
a rofuhar a Deos verdadeiro a adora^, que se the deve, como 
Senhor de tudo f Ay de ti^ que coino outro Anjo relelde^ e soberbOf 
te atreves d Cadeira do AUissimo ; mas cahir as no horrivet 
lagoy hramindo por toda a etemidade^ como miseravd carva6 
do inextinguivd Ivme! Toma^ toma em ti, jd que Deos te 
acconselha por minhas vozeSy e dobra ao verdadeiro Senhor o 
joelho, antes que esperar de mim, que a ti to ddbre, devendo-o 
a elle. 

Accendeose em ira o tyrannoy impaciente com o que estava 
ouvindo, e maitdou logo, que atado o Padre a ham troncOy fosse 
azagayado; martyrio em qae acabou gloriosamente a vida, e 
passou a dar a Deos na gloria a adora9aOy que llie defendera 
na terra. 

Mortos OS Beligiosos no martyrio, e mortos muitos Portuguezes 
na batalhai entendia agora o Capranzine, que recuperava o 
Imperio sem resistencia. Assim mandou dizer ao tio, que Ihe 
despejasse a Corte, e o reconhecesse por sen Bey, ou cahiria 
nas mSos de sua ira, ainda ensanguentada da passada campanha. 
Ao que respondeo D. Filippe, que viesse, que nella o esperava ; 
e tratou logo de ajuntar gente : para o que o Padre Fr. Manoel 
Sardinha Ihe agenciou muita roupa, (pre$o mais estimavel na 
Cafraria) que mandada a outra parte do Bio Zambeze, se 
ajuntarao yinte mil Cafres. Achava se o Emperador com alguns 
Christ&oSy e poucos Portuguezes ; com esta gente em boa ordem, 
se resolveo a buscar o inimigOy quando ao mo verse o Exercito, 
levanta os olhos ao Ceo, e ye nolle huma resplandecente, e 
fermosa Cruz, na forma (ainda que sem letras) em que ja 
apparecera ao Emperador Constantino Magno. Prostra-se por 
terra, beijando-a em venera^ao, e reverencia, a tempo que os 
ChristSos, que Ihe faziao companhia, Ihe davao pressa, que nao 



374 Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 

gnspendesse a marcha: a que elle respondeo (jnntamente 
animosOy e compnngido) mostrando-Ihe a Cruz, e ao Padre 
Fr. Manoely que mandou chamar logo, porque hia oa oatra parte 
do campo. 

Alvoro^n-se o bom Padre, e accendido em zelo da honra 
de Deo6, vendo como encaminhava oe sens Soldados com a 
mesma bandeira, com que no Mando trinnfara de aeas inimigos, 
Toltando-se ao Exereito, que admirava o prodigio, foy tal o 
espirito com que incitou a todos a seguir a mysteriosa liAndeiia, 
6 dar a vida pelo Senhor, que Iha mostrava, segurando-lhe a 
yitoria, que envestindo todos ao inimigo, que ja tinhao diante 
com innumeraveis combatentes, os romperao com o primeiro 
impetOy e os puzerao em tal coufusao, que sem bastarem a 
defenderse, se vio em breves horas o campo cuberto de trinta 
e cinco mil Cafres, e os mais postos em arrebatada fugida, 
acompanhando o Capranzine. Mas o Emperador Christao, 
destro, e Soldado, foy seguindo a vitoria, e nao largou as armas 
da mao, sem expulsar os inimigos de toda a ]\[ocaraoga. 

Porem nao tardou o Tyranno, (ajndado de hum sen Capitao 
mor, a que chamao Mcu^moaxa, e de alguus senhores, a que 
chamao EncosseSf que com sens filhos, e mais gentes, que 
fizerao, o forao buscar) em se tomar a pdr em campanha, 
entrando pela ]\[ocaranga com hum Exercito do mayor poder, 
e nobreza della. Mas os Portuguezes das Feiras, e os de Tete, e 
Sena, que tiverao de tudo anticipada noticia, fazendo com 
brevidade levas da gente mais robusta, ajuntarao quarenta mil 
homens, em que se contavao duzentas espingardas Portuguezas, 
muitos CbristSos daquellas terms, e scis mil Cafres, que das em que 
assistia, leyava o Padre Fr. Damiao do Espirito Santo, Religioso 
nosso, juntos, e levantados por sua iudustria, e zolo. Com este 
poder entrarao os nossos pela Slocamnga, e se ajuntarao a hum 
tn»9o de gente, com que o Emperador os esperava ; e buscando 
logo o inimigo, (que vinha tao confiado, como se acabara de sahir 
vitorioso) chocarao com elle com tanta bravozidade, e valentia, 
que sem Ihe valer nenhuma resistencia, o fizerao espalhar pela 
companha, deixando nella dous mil Cafres mo^os, e robustos, 
filhos dos Grandes, que o Capranzine trazia, para occupar nos 
lugares mais nobres. Mas elle sem assistir no campo, como 
ensinado dos varios successes dclle, se retirou com pouca com- 
pauhia, e menos esjx^ranf-a, com a noticia, e magoa da perda. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 375 

Yitorioso agora, e de8f*aD9ado o Emperador D. Filippe, quiz, 
recouhecido a Deos, que se levantasse Igreja na 8ua Corte. 
Assistio a expedi^ao dos materiaes o Padre Fr. Aleixo dos 
Martyres, Beligioso DominicOy e abertos os alicesseSy quiz o 
mesmo Emperador laD9ar a primeira pedra, o que fez em dia 
sinalado, levando-a sobre seus hombros, assistido de alguns 
Beligiosos, e dos senhoreSy que se achavao na Corte, e muito*poYOy 
que lizerao o acto mais festivo. Grande dia, sem duyida, para os 
filhos de S. DomingosI Yerem em terras tao remotas, ta5 
estranhas, e tad incultas, a hum Monarcha, e Senhor dellas, (que 
ainda que com as cames pretas, poderoso Senhor, pela preciosi- 
dade, e vastidao de seu Imperio, e como tal respeitado) carregado 
de hum penedo, nao para o lan^ar com a Gentilidade no monte de 
Mercurio, mas para avultar sobre elle o Templo de Deos verdadeiro ! 
E soando naquella incognita lingua os seus louvores, como ecco 
das Yozes Evangelicas, que os convidarao a elles ! Grande gloria 
per certo, e singular premio, que quiz dar o Ceo a Familia 
Dominicana, como sempre lembrada do seu Institute, sempre 
adiantada em exercitallo I 

Com Igreja na Corte come9arad com mais esperanpas os Padres 
a cathequizar o Povo, de que bautizarao muito, e entre elle a hum 
filho do Emperador, que a peti^ao sua instruio na Fe, e bons 
costumes o Padre Fr. Aleixo, pondo Ihe este nome no Bautismo. 
Com a noticia do que se tinha obrado, e obrava na Mocaranga, ou 
terras do Monomotapa, yierao noYos Obreiros Evangelicos de 
Goa. Espalharao-se logo por Yigarios naquellas Feiras. Na de 
Luanze ja antiga, com huma fermosa Igreja. Outra na de 
Magapa. Outra na de Chipiriviri, isto quanto ao Beyno da 
Mocaranga. No Beyno de Manica, aonde ja era antiga a Chris- 
tandade, se levantarao trez Igrejas, e Paroquias. Na Feira de 
Umba. Na Feira de Chipangura. Na Feira de Matuca, em 
que come^arao a florecer as Christandades, de que foy grande 
cultivador o Padre Fr. Manoel da Cruz, por estes tempos Yigario 
Gertd. Muito mais se poderao estender naquelles dilatados Beynos, 
mas sao curtas as posses dos Beligiosos, para a grandeza dos 
espiritos, com que se sacrificao ao rigor daquelles climas, pela 
mayor parte destemperados, e pouco sadios, sendo innumeraveis 
as vezes, que se teiii visto reduzidos a extremas penurias, e 
ultimos apertus. 



376 Records of Sovih-Eastem Africa, 



TOME IV.— LIVRO QUARTO.— CAPITULO XIV. 

Continua&se aa Christandades no Itnperio do Monomotapa. BaU' 
tizO'Se EmperadoVf toda a Casa Real, e grande parte do Povo. 
Da-se noticia do ultimo progresao destaa Christandades. 

He incan^ayel o trabalho, com que os nossos Cultores Erange- 
licos chegao a ver o fruto fazonado nesta grande seara da 
Mocarangai ou terras do Monomotapa : porque ainda que os 
Cafres nao tenhao repugnancia a crer o que se Ihes ensina nas 
verdades da Fe^ como succede com os Mouros, (que criados, e 
abra^ados com sua maldita seita, duvidao de que possa haver 
ley mais segura, especialmente, nao achando nella freyo a sua 
sensualidade, nega9a com que seu maldito Profeta a fez bemquista) 
com tudo tomarao os Cafres delles, como contagio da yisinhan^ 
o que tambem os leva, e arrastra, que he a liberdade de terem 
muitas mulheres. E o que ho mais para admirar, he que fa^ao 
tanto caso de ter muit£ts, nao fazeudo nenhuma estima9ao dellas ; 
e a prova disso, como do pouco amor, que Ihes tem, he, que nao 
86 nao se alterao, ou se provo(*ao a vingan^a, vendo as com outros, 
(contra a pratica commua da natureza em todas as na9oens) mas 
levando-as comsigo a campanha, as offerecem, e poem diante ao 
^nimigo, para que quebrada a primeira fiiria nellas, com as suas 
mortes se cance, e se embarace antes que peleije. 

Nasee desta crueldade, serem as Cafras menos difficultosas de 
reduzir, com a pia affei9ao, que tem a huma ley, em que se mauda, 
e obriga ao amor, e e8tima9ao das mulheres proprias, e que na 
Casa sad senhoras, como unicas. Menos difficuldade ha tambem 
nos Cafres pequenos, porque os pays (com a duvida de que o 
sejao) nao estimao os filhos, assim os deixao cathequizar dos 
Padres, de que o mayor cuidado he buscallos nos primeiros annos. 
Mas pelos de 1652 se yio naquellas Christandades, que ja se 
facilitavao os adultos, para premio, e ainda para esperan^a dos que 
trabalhavao zelosos naquella Sagrada cultura. Passaro o Sceptro 
do Monomotapa, por morte do Emperador D. Filippe, que annos 
atraz o governara com piedade ChristSa, (como ja contamos nos 
precedeutes Capitulos) a mao de Monarca Gentio, e nao nos con- 
stando o tempo, que estevo nella, o achamos agora sogeito a 
Jgr^ja> por industria, e de zelo Apostolico do Padre Fr. Aleixo do 
Itosario. 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 377 

Achava se este Padre na Igreja, que estd na Corte, on naa 
Tisinhanpas della. Amindadas as yisitas, e as pratieas com o 
Emperador, dispoz o Ceo o effeito, a que se encaminhaYao ; 
cathequizou ao Emperadory e logo toda a Casa Keal, que instante- 
mente pediao o Bautismo ; dispollo, e fello o Padre, com a mayor 
solemnidade, e fausto, que foy possivel uaquelle Imperio, em 4 
de Agosto de 1652. Ao Emperador poz por nome D. Domingos, 
(que no seu dia Iho deu o nosso Patriarca) e k Emperatriz Dona 
Luiza. Bautizarao-se tambem dous filhos. Ao Principe, e her- 
deiro da Coroa, deu o nome de D. MigueL Seguirao-se os 
Grandes, todo o Palacio, e a mayor parte do Povo. Foi dia 
plausivel para aquelle Imperio. Passou a noticia a toda a 
Christandade, festijou-se em Roma, como Cabe^a della, e para 
immortalizar esta memoria, mandou o Mestre Geral da Ordem 
dos Pregadores, Fr. Joao Bautista de Marines, gravar, e esculpir 
em huma lamina de bronze o Bautismo com todas as circum- 
stancias delle, accompanhadas de huma inscrip^ narrativa, em 
que as explicava ; e he a seguinte em idioma Latino : 

Anno 1652 in inferiori ^thiopise vastae MonomotapaB Im- 
perator a Fratribus Ordinis Praedicatorum Christiana Cathechesi 
imbutus, interque eorumdem manus salutifero baptismi lavacro, 
palam ab uno ipsorum tinctus; quod Sacra haec functio in 
4 Augusti diem incidisset, Dominici nomen sibi imponi voluit, 
spem exinde amplam et concipiens, et faoiens, non solos modo 
Palatines, ac Proceres ab iisdem Praedicatoribus jam pen^ edoctos ; 
sed et uniyersa Imperii sui Begna propediem Imperatoris sui, 
atque Imperatricis Ludovicae exemplo Fidem amplexatura ; nee 
quoad Optimates diu fuit expectationis eventus, sic librante Dei 
Providentia, ut quando sub Canchri Tropico passim turbata Fidei 
semina fere exaruerunt, eadem uberius alibi sub Capricorni 
Tropico adolescant. 

Nao foy menor a demonstrafao, que fez a Provincia de Portugal, 
como aquella, a que de justi9a Ihe competia semelhante progresso, 
feito em huma colonia sua. No Convento de 8. Domingos de 
Lisboa, como Cabe^a da Provincia, se celebrou a noticia com a 
mayor demonstra^ao Catholica, estando o Senhor exposto, com 
Missa solemne, a que assistio com toda a Corte ElKey D. Joao 
o lY. de feliz memoria, favorecendo naquelle dia aos Keligiosos 
desta Casa com singulares demonstra9oens de sua magestade, e 
graudeza. 



378 Becorda of South-Tlasiem Africa. 

Bautizado o Emperador daquelle grande Imperio, naS 86 con- 
seguiiao os nossos Religiosos ver estendida a Christaudade por 
toda aqaella Cafraria, & imitapao do seu Monarca, mas pelo tempo 
adiante deiao tambem i Ordem, e a Congrega9ao himi filho, que 
a nao desmereceo, nem pela pessoa, nem pela capacidade. Foy 
este o Principe D. Miguel, herdeiro da Coroa do Monomotapa, 
que criado com a doutrina dos Ileligiosos, e conhecendo o pouco, 
que sao os Imperios do Mundo para quern pelo bautiamo fi(» 
herdeiro de outro, que he etemo, entrou pelos Claustros Domini- 
canos a pedir, e vestir a sua mortalha, pedida com humildade, 
vestida com alvorofo. Estudou com singular applica^ao: e 
chegandoy com nao menos capacidade, a occupar as Cadeiras, 
passou & conversao das almas dos que o perderao Principe, para o 
lograrem Mestre; sendo o seu exemplo a mais eloquente per- 
suasiva, que se escutou naquelle Imperio, com igual assombro, 
que fruto. O Mestre Geral da Ordem, Fr. Thomaz de Rocaberti, 
Ihe mandou Patente de Mestre em Theologia, pelos annos de 
1670. Acabou os sens em Goa, sendo Vigario de Santa Barbara, 
de morte placida, como quem se tinha recolhido a ensayarse 
para ella. 

Mas sera razao, que demos noticia do ultimo progresso destas 
Christandades dos Rios, nestes annos proximos ao em que escre- 
vemos. Come9ou a crescer a zizania na seara de Christo, por 
algumas contendas, que o Administradior Ecclesiastico tinha com 
OS Cultores della, intentando introduzir outras religioens, sem 
haver respeito a que era lavor, e trabalho da de S. Domingoa, tao 
proprio, como antigo, e frutuoso. Com estes pensamentos passou 
o Administrador a Goa, aonde nao surtio effeito a sua diligencia; 
e voltando para os Rios, com ten9ao de as continuar, se pacificou 
tudo por industria do Presentado Fr. Francisco da Trindade, que 
embarcado com elle, vinha por Commissario, o Visitador dos Rios, 
e Vigario de Tete, com mais cinco Religiosos para administrajao 
das Igrejas. Chegou a Mosse, aonde visitou o Convento, e as 
Igrejas das Ilhas de Quirimba, e Amiza, e passando a Sena, 
(aonde fez hum Cathecismo, e Confessionario na lingua dos 
naturaes, de que se tirou grande fruto) despedio os Religiosos, o 
Padre Fr. Joao de Santo Thomaz para a Igreja do Espirito Santo 
de Sofala ; o Padre Fr. Damaso de Santa Rosa para a Igreja do 
ZimbaoS, Capellania do Emperador do Monomotapa ; o Padre Fr. 
Diogo de Santa Rosa para reodificar a Igreja em a Macapa; o 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 379 

P&dre Fi*. Joz6 de Santo Thomaz para reedificar a Igreja do 
Hongue ; o Padre Fr. Miguel dos ArchaDJoSy para levantar noy»« 
mente Igreja no Heyno de Quiteve. Outras Igrejas intentou o 
Commissario, que nao tiverao effeito ; mas continuou felizmente o 
da reduc9ao das almas nestas novamente providas. 

Despedidos os Religiosos, passou o Commissario a Tete, aonde 
compondo novo Cathecismo na lingua da terra, fez fruto de 
innumeraveis almas, cathequizaudo, e bautizando assim meninos^ 
como adultos. Foy hum destes o Principe do Monomotapa, filho 
do Emperador D. Pedro j& defunto, e de Emperatriz Yondato ; 
poz Ihe por nome D. Constantino : e yoltando de Tete, o trouxe 
para a India, e no Convento de Goa, com o nome de Fr. Constan- 
tino do Bosario, tomou o habito de S. Domingos, em que depois 
o acompanhou outro Principe irmao sen, por nome Fr. Joao (de 
que se perdeo o cognome) que tinba bautizado o Padre Fr. Filippe 
da Assumpgao. Ao tempo que isto escrevemos, assistem ambos 
no Convento de Santa Barbara em Goa. 

Estes forao os ultimos progresses das Cbristandades dos Bios 
de Sena, em que sem duvida cultivou aquellas plantas novas 
de Tete o Presentado Fr. Francisco da Trindade, com tanta 
applica9ao, e desvelo, que pelas ruas se entoavao as oragoens, e se 
ouviao no trabalho; e ordenando o Padre, que nas casas da 
Povoa^ao se entoassem de noite, e de manhSa, por haver nellas 
numerosas familias, (e assim se exercitasse juntamente a devo^ao, 
e a memoria) succedeo hum case, em que mostrou o Ceo o quanto 
Ihe era aceito. Molestava-se com o estrondo, que Ihe faziao os 
Cafres, hum homem dos poderosos da terra, e mandou em sua 
casa, que nao rezassem de madrugada. Mas nao tardou muitO, 
que nella se ouvisse huma voz, que claramente chamava os 
eseravos, que ajuntassem para a doutrina. Espertavao, e ajun- 
tavao se, sem acabar de entender quem os chamava. A repeti9ao 
fez mayor o reparo na casa; e fazeudo o Senhor della, veyo a 
entender, que nao devia embara^ar occupa^ad tao santa; e 
advertido, e devote, mandou continualla. 

Extracto do Capitulo XV., Livro quarto. Tome IV. 

Com mais rigorosa morte foy victima daF6 o Padre Fr. Nicolao 
do Rosario, filho do Pedrogao, Villa de Portugal, (e assim filho da 
Villa, como do Convento de S. Domingos, que ha nella) grande 



380 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Pr^gador, e de vida exemplar, ealidades, que Ihe derao grande 
lugar na Congrega^ao; passou della yoluntariamente aos Bios, 
para Obreiro daquellas Christandades, em que se detiuha frutuo- 
Bamente, quando acompanhando o CapitaS de Tete, na guerra, 
que tinha com os Zimbas, (Cafres crueis, e devoradores de came 
bumana) ficou prizioneiro delles. Foy logo atado de p6s, e.mSos 
a hum tronco, e como outro S. Sebastiao, cuberto de settas, que 
Ihe abriao mais bocas, para Ihes pregar a verdade no tempo, que 
Ihe durou a vida no martyrio. Despeda^ado depois seu corpo, o 
repartirao, e comerao. 



[English translation of the foregoing.'] 
EXTRACTS 

FBOM 

HISTORY OF THE ORDER OF SAINT DOMINIC 

IN THE KINGDOM AND CONQUESTS OF FOETUQAL. 

By Feiab Luis Caceqas, of the said Order and Province, and 
Chronicler thereof; reformed in style and order, and amplified 
in events and details, by Feiab Luiz de Sousa, Son of the 
Convent of Bemfica. Lisbon, 1767. 

BOOK III. CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Of the Shipwreck^ Lahours, and Martyrdom of Father Friar Nicolas 

do Bosario. 

Many years ago another son of Saint Dominic went to India 
from Lisbon, whose life up to its close was a continual tragedy of 
hardships and disasters, and therefore deserves a place here. He 
was called Friar Nicolas de Sa, or do Rosario. And being a son 
of the Convent of Lisbon, he was born in the town of Pedrogao. 
This Father after travelling through India some years with the 
reputation of a great preacher and a pure and exemplary life, 
obtained permission to return to the kingdom (i.e. Portugal). 
He embarked in the ship S. Tlioini^ Captain EstevSo da Yeiga, 
in the beginning of the year 1588. On arriving at the Cape of 
Good Hope they encountered the usual tempests which formerly 



Records of Sovih-Eastem Africa. 381 

gave it the name of the Stormy Cape. And these were such 
that all being desirous of passing it and pressing on, the ship 
sprang a leak in her bow, which in conseqaence of the action 
of the high seas increased, and shortly reached a state that it 
could not be kept under by many pumps. It was agreed by all 
to put back to Mozambique to seek a remedy before the evil 
became greater. They turned the ship about, but the counsel 
was without success in consequence of being too late, which had 
it been taken in time would have given safety. Before passing 
the locality which is called the land of Natal the ship was 
filled with water almost to the upper deck. It was in the 
middle of the gulf, and the destruction without any kind of 
remedy or hope thereof. The captain ordered the boat to be got 
out in order to save himself with those he might think proper, 
who could not be many. And the boat being placed under the 
gallery of the ship, by his order the principal persons, among 
whom was the Father Friar Nicolas, were lowered into it by 
means of ropes. AH that it could contain being placed in the 
boat, the unfortunate ship was covered with water, and sad scenes 
were witnessed : but among all it broke the hearts even of those 
who were in such a plight to see a child of eight years, the 
daughter of noble parents and well known people, struggling 
piteously in the waves, and fighting with death until drowned 
among her slaves who surrounded her. And in such a state her 
own mother had eyes to see her and heart to save herself 
without her. But it can only be believed that the strength of 
the fear of death made her careless of the prompting of the 
soul at first, and then persuaded her that by getting into the 
boat she was securing a place for herself and her daughter, 
who would be taken in afterwards. And she showed this by 
screams and groans, which broke the hearts of all, but found in 
no one sufiBcient pity to give her relief. 

But other cases were soon seen in the boat, which by being 
more disastrous made those of the ship to be forgotten. The 
people seemed too many for such a small vessel, means were 
therefore taken to relieve it, and it could not be done without 
sentence of death against some. Many of those who a little 
before were congratulating themselves on their fortune in seeing 
themselves in safety while so many good companions were buried 
in the depth of the water were at once condemned and thrown 



382 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

overboard. The sinking of the ship in the sea and the embarking 
in the boat occupied a very short space, and could be told in 
minutes. And yet in the brief interval Friar Nicolas showed 
proofs of sincere piety and religion, hearing confessions and 
encouraging all : and he did the same with more leisure in the 
hardships and dangers of the second navigation, in which the 
fear of being overturned by each heavy sea kept death before 
their eyes at every moment. At the end of a few days God 
willed that they should reach the land at a locality which is 
called the Country of Smoke, part of Eastern Ethiopia. They 
sent on shore two companions to find out if there were any villages 
or people that could be dealt with. Fortune willed that in less 
than half a league they came across a village of black Kaffirs 
with crumpled hair, like all on this coast. But these people were 
well favoured, gentle and cheerful ; and were so fortunate that 
they had never met foreigners, of which they gave proof by 
extremes of astonishment at seeing them white, and from what 
could bo guessed from their gesticulations and the movements 
which they made, they gave them the name of children of the 
sun. To their astonishment followed good shelter and invitation 
to eat and drink of what they had, and some went at once to the 
shore with them' in search of their companions. But these had 
disappeared, because a favourable wind bad arisen, and they did 
not wish to lose the opportunity of pursuing the voyage; at 
which the explorers raised cries to heaven in despair. And in 
order not to remain there in new and greater distress, they asked 
permission of their good hosts to run along the shore to see 
if they could find the boat. The Kaffirs consoled them with 
proofs of compassion in their misfortune, and they added advice 
in that mute language, in which they desired to express that the 
sea was raving mad and always enraged, and the more foolish 
those who trusted it ; that they should always travel on land, as 
was done by the inhabitants of that region, and then they would 
never have anything to complain of. Wise advice, if it had not 
come too late, and in truth to the covetous nothing comes in time, 
as was soon shown in these. They were walking along in a sad 
mood, in danger of being buried for ever among those barbarians ; 
they came across ambergris on the shore, and there were not less 
than heaps of it on the whole coast, so they loaded themselves 
with the merchandise as if they were going from Belem to Lisbon, 



Records of South-Eastefm Africa. 383 

and thus laden they reached the boat, which they found lying 
still on account of a contrary wind. From this place they set 
sail, and ran along the coast until they came to an island, which 
they found to be part of the territory of a king a friend of the 
Portuguese, called the Inhaca; and without making any more 
efforts they set fire to the boat, to prevent any one leaving the 
company by making use of it stealthily. This proceeding was 
so rash that in consequence of it they were in danger of a new 
shipwreck of hunger and thirst, because the island was uninhabited 
and such that after search neither water to drink was to be found, 
nor anything to eat. In this condition of matters God moved 
the hearts of some EaflSrs on the mainland to cross over to the 
island to ascertain the cause of some fires which they saw on 
it, made by our people on the same night that they arrived* 
They took two boats, in which the poor shipwrecked people 
passed over to the mainland, but with new fears and troubles, 
because they were very small canoes and easy to be upset by the 
slightest rough weather, the passage was long, and the seas 
dangerous. As the territory was that of a friendly king, they 
went on walking without fear until they reached his residence, 
and he entertained them with friendship and courtesy. It seemed 
that all their hardships were at an end with such shelter, but 
they were quite mistaken, because as there were only two ways 
to return to India, which were, either to remain there waiting 
for the ship from Mozambique, or to travel overland to our 
fortress of Sofala, those who waited paid for the ease with pesti- 
lential diseases and necessities without relief, through which 
many perished miserably ; and those who attempted to walk to 
Sofala suffered hunger and thirst, and encountered warlike Kaffirs, 
evil disposed and inhuman, besides eighty leagues of extremely 
rough roads to travel on foot. Among those who braved the 
journey was the Father Friar Nicolas, and he was fortunate, for 
he found in Sofala a house of Saint Dominic and friars of the 
order. Tlie vicar there was the Father Friar JoSo dos Santos,, 
who afterwards, in his OenercU History of Eastern Ethiopia, wrote 
a brief account of this shipwreck, as he heard it from the mouths 
of those who suffered it 



384 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

CHAPTER XXXV. 
How the Father Friar Nicolas do Bosario suffered martyrdom. 

When Friar Nicolas had rested he left the fortress, and went 
to the island of Mozambique, a healthy and cool land. Bnt as 
he who pats on the habit of religion and its zeal does not know 
how to rest or to spare himself, instead of returning to his 
country and to his beloved rocks of Pedroga6, or to the delightful 
city of 6oa, he exposed himself anew to the fevers and misfor- 
tunes of the rivers of the Zambesi, which are on the same coast, 
and E^ffraria, where he perished. It was in the year of our 
Lord 1592 that he undertook this journey. In it he made 
himself well known and esteemed for his apostolical spirit 
throughout all the places he visited, until his death, giving his 
life for God and his neighbours in the following manner : 

It happened at this time that there appeared in those parts 
an army of Kaffirs named Zimbcts or Muzimbas, a strange people 
never before seen there, who leaving their own country traversed 
a great part of this Ethiopia, like a scourge of God, destroying 
every living thing they came across, with a brutality greater than 
that of wild beasts. For like true cannibals celebrated in 
antiquity, they ate human flesh : in the place that they entered 
they spared not a living being, neither man nor animal ; they 
killed all and ate all, even the worms, as by conspiracy. They 
numbered more than twenty thousand men without wives or 
children, and being so numerous, coming not as the ancient 
Huns, Goths, and Vandals, and other northern nations, to find 
lands in which to settle, but rather moved by a diabolical 
spirit of evil doing, they traversed a large tract of country in a 
short time, and finding the people unprepared and the places 
undefended, nothing could resist them and they laid everything 
waste. The only resource of the natives was to abandon their 
villages (which in fact are not worth much) and flee to the thickets 
and conceal themselves in the thickest parts, or to join with them 
and embrace their mode of life, which was the only way in which 
they could escape death and their jaws. Having victoriously 
traversed three hundred leagues of coast, and being in the lands 
of Monomotapa, to dominate the province with greater security 
they made a fortified place, and settled there, issuing from time 



Records df Souih^Eastern Afriea. 385 

to time to ciarry on their tohheA&R. The Portugaeae have two 
Btrongholdfl lH those partsj situated on the banks of the great 
river Zambesi, at a distance df sixty leagues from each other. 
One is in the town of Sena, of which Andr6 de Santiago was 
Captain, the other at Tete, the Captain being Pero Femandes 
de Chdves. I^hese Captains are subject to our Captain and 
Gk>yernor of Sofala^ and are generally men who are indebted to 
him or in his sertice, and sometimes setve him as factors for the 
gold trade commanded to be carried on, which is the most 
considerable commerce of Sofala. Andr6 de Santiago, moved by 
the harm the Zimbas were doing in the vicinity, determined to 
go in search of them and flght them, and try to defeat them 
before their power and reputation increased. He assembled all 
the Portuguese, half«breeds, and trustworthy negroes in Sena, 
and set out to seek tiiem in the place of which they were said to 
have made themselves masters. But on arriving, the enterprise 
was found to be more difficult than was supposed on first setting 
out, for tiie enemy's town was surrounded with a strong palisade, 
their trenches were wide and deep, with parapets and loopholes 
in military style and not like barbarians. He immediately 
requested the Captain at Tete to come to his assistance with as 
large a force as possible. Pero Femandes de Chaves made no 
delay, it being a common cause, and thinking it was likely to be 
a long siege, asked Friar Nicolas, who had been in Tete for some 
days, to accompany the expedition for the administration of the 
sacraments and the consolation of all. He could refuse nothing 
which was for the service of Gkxl and the good of souls, and set 
out with them. The barbarians had notice that help was coming, 
and sent out spies to learn in what order and by what road they 
were approaching ; and being informed thereof, a company of the 
best of them issued silently in the night and lay in ambush in a 
dark and thickly wooded pass most proper for their purpose, 
and through which the reinforcement had to pass. Our people 
came on their way with no attempt at military order ; there were 
little more than a hundred men, including Portuguese and half- 
breeds, all well armed, but as careless of danger and devoid of 
precautions as if there was no such thing as an enemy on earth, 
most of them carried in litters by their slaves, their arms unpre- 
pared, no match-cord alight nor scouts in front to reconnoitre 
the road, in short as men who neither feared nor considered the 

2 c 



386 Recoi-ds of SotUh-Eastem Africa. 

enemy. The latter, as soon as they were well into the thicket, 
raised a thundering cry which rent the clouds, and fell upon 
them with such fury that before they could draw their swords sll 
the Portuguese and half-breeds were slain to a man. This mis- 
fortune was furthered by the fact that our people, for greater 
comfort, travelled half a league in advance of the friendly 
Kaffirs whom they took with them as companions in peril, being 
a large number of good determined men, so that when they 
reached the place of ambush the savages were leaving it in 
triumph. Friar Nicolas, who was found to be still alive and 
was recognised as a religious, they carried to their town, covered 
as he was with mortal wounds ; there they bound him hand and 
foot to a high tree-trunk and finished killing him with arrows, in 
hatred of our holy religion, saying that the Portuguese only 
made this war upon them by the advice of their cacisses (for thus 
the Kaffirs call our priests in the language of the Moors of the 
coast, their ancient neighbours). He is said to have suffered death 
not only with patience but with joy, his eyes upraised to heaven, 
considering that pure zeal to serve his neighbours and fulfil his 
duty had brought him to such a pass. Thus ended his life and 
labours with this merit more, and another very considerable to 
follow, which was to become the food of these ferocious eaters of 
human flesh, roasted and boiled : but we may say of him as of 
the martyrs of old : Ohteraverunt ova Leonum, dbc, being first shot 
to death with arrows like St. Sebastian and then devoured by 
wild beasts like St. Ignatius. 

But it is certain that the reader will be wishing to see the end 
of these bloodthirsty executioners, we will therefore relate it 
briefiy, though it is not part of our subject. Their victory over 
Pero Femandes de Chaves facilitated that which they afterwards 
gained over the Captain of Sena, who was besieging them. 
They showed him the heads of the friends and acquaintances 
who had come to succour him, and he resolved to raise the siege. 
But the sadness and horror of the disaster put our people into 
the same confusion as befell the party of Chaves, they fell into 
disorder in setting out, and (as every retreat has weak and 
dangerous points) the whole multitude of the besieged sallied 
forth upon them, and they were defeated and slain, but they at 
least had the consolation of dying with their arms in hand and 
of selling their lives dearly. These blacks afterwards passed to 



HetCYds of SoiUh'Ed^^m Africd. 887 

the island of Eilwa, where thiey are said to have devoured more 
than three thousand Moors, men and women, and then to that of 
Mombasa where the inhabitants met with the same fate, not one 
escaping them. At last they were all killed and exterminated 
by the King of Melinde, who gave battle to them, accompanied 
by other Kaffirs, men of yalour, called Mosseguejos. Thus did 
God punish and put an end to the instrument with which he 
had chastised so many* Many years ago another similar army 
of savages traversed the coast of this same Ethiopia, called 
Western, because it runs from the Cape of Good Hope to the 
north, haying the same manner of life and warfare, they were 
called Jagas and traversed the kingdom of Angola and the 
neighbouring country. They are scourges which God sends 
into every part when He sees fit, for a warning to the world and 
an example to us* 

BOOK V. CHAPTER XXXlIl. 

Of the Houses and Besidenees of the Order in the Idand of 
Mozambique, Lands of Eastern Ethiopia. 

By a different way, but with greater reason than the other 
houses mentioned, that which we have in the island of Mozam* 
bique and others depending on it situated in fSthiopia, commonly 
called Kaffrariai may be said to belong to the South. By a 
different way, because this island is close to the coast which runs 
from the Cape of Gtood Hope towards India for many leagues, 
and therefore merits the name of Eastern Ethiopia, to distinguish 
it from the Western, which runs from Cape Verde to the Cap6 
of Good Hope. The natives are similar in colour, heathenism, 
and barbarous lives and customs. This island is the only place 
of refuge and refreshment for the Portuguese ships, after their 
long and weary journey. Here they rest from the labour and 
hardships of a four or five months sea voyage, and sometimes 
longer; and thence they resume their navigation, generally 
at the beginning of the August monsoon, and without shifting 
their sails accomplish the nine hundred leagues between the 
Strait of Mo^mbique and Qoa. With more reason, because 
this island lies on the southern side, so close to the tropic of 
Capricorn that it is 15 or 16 degrees beyond the Equator. This 
house was founded by the famous Captain Dom Luis d'Ataide, 

2 c 2 



388 Records of South-Eastern Afrioa. 

the second time that he goTerned India. He set ont from 
Lisbon in the year 1577 by order of the king Dom Sebastian. 
On reaching Mozambique, he found there twelre Dominicans, 
who were endeavonring to reach the island of St. Lawrence, 
otherwise called Madagascar, to employ themselves in the con- 
Tersion of the innumerable heathens there. He oomma&ded 
them to suspend their journey, and adrised them to found a 
house there, which would be of great importance as a place of 
shelter, rest^ and cure for the many Religious who pass from 
Portugal to India, and always arrire suffering ftom the infirmi- 
ties caused by a long voyage, and they would not want for 
opportunities on the mainland, which is in sight, to enlighten 
those poor Kaffirs whose souls are as dark as their faces. This 
was advice from one who might have commanded as master, and 
which could be prudently followed: it was accepted by the 
fathers, who were Friar Jeronymo do Couto and Friar Pedro 
Ususmariz. The site of the convent was chosen by the Viceroy, 
who caused the ground-plan to be marked out, and may in fact 
be called its founder. The work was commenced under happy 
auspices, the name chosen being Our Lady of the Bosary, by 
which it was accepted and recognised in the Acts of the Pro- 
vincial Chapter of the year 1579, in which Friar Antonio de 
Sousa was elected Provincial, who was afterwards Bishop of 
Yiseu. Another omen equally favourable attended the work, 
which we will now relate, the subject of it was a heathen, 
hardened in his courses, and as old in years as in error. The 
Beligious had pity on him, and endeavoured to win his soul with 
pious arguments, with which they assailed him at all hours. 
Santunayque, for such was his name, replied that he would be a 
Christian when his hour should come. The Lord was pleased to 
send him a serious illness, and with it a ray of celestial grace, by 
which without being urged by any one, he sent for the Beligious, 
and in the same terms in which he formerly replied to their holy 
admonitions, said that his hour was come, and he wished to 
receive Holy Baptism, and happily for him the hour of death 
came after the hour of baptism, upon which he went to heaven. 

A rich woman, a native of Java, called Violante, contributed 
to the building, and being married to a Portuguese, the Con- 
stable of the fortress, out of devotion she gave the convent a 
grove of palm trees which was near it, and as if she Iiad been 



Recorda of Soutk-Eastem Africa. 389 

the mother of eaoh of the Beligious she supplied them for many 
years with all necessaries. And we may believe that this charity 
served to increase her honour and wealth, for so God knows how 
to repay what is done for his serrantSyfor her first husband being 
dead, a very noble man called Pedro de Sousa Camello sought 
her in marriage, and both continued their benefits to the con- 
vent, so that the good Yiolante was known by no other name 
than that of the Mother of the Friars, and we here make this 
memorial of her out of gratitude. 

The House commonly maintains from four to six Religious^ 
who are allowed a testoon each a day from the royal coffers. 
The work proved of great service, for when the ships came from 
Portugal they sheltered and cured, with charity, all the Beligious 
who came in them, no matter of what order. This being noted 
many years afterwards by the Viceroy Mathias d'Albuquerque, 
he settled on them an allowance of a hundred thousand reis a 
year, that they might continue with liberality and power what 
they did before only from goodness and religious piety. 

This House fulfilled the same o£Boe towards the opposite 
country of Eaffraria as that which the House at Malacca rendered 
the surrounding country and islands of that sea, as before 
described ; for the fathers went from thence to the mainland and 
journeyed to the rivers of Cuama, and crossed to other islands 
and the large island of Madagascar, the good Spirit suffering 
nothing to tempt them to delay the preaching of the Holy 
Gospel, at the cost of many lives and loss of health, for all that 
country is full of pestilence and totally opposed to the constitu- 
tion of those bom under temperate and benign skies. 

Their first care was to pass to the mainland in a district where 
the crossing was narrow, every Sunday and Holiday, to say Mass 
and administer the Sacraments to many Christians who were 
settled there, to the great benefit of souls, and as their pastors. 
They called the district Cabeceira (beginning). 

Their second mission was to the Island of Quirimba, near 
Cape Delgado, sixty leagues from Mozambique. The lord of it 
was Diogo Bodrigues Correa, and they persuading him to found 
a church, the Portuguese built a large and beautiful church, and 
he did not content himself with less than bestowing it upon the 
Iteligious in perpetuity, with fruitful lands and palm groves 
annexed, with no further obligation than two low Masses to be 



890 Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 

said every week. This church is dependent on that of Mozam-^ 
biquOy two Religious generally reside there on account of the 
great spread of Christianity since they took charge of it 

Their third voyage was to the rivers of Cuama and lands of 
Bofala and Monomotapa, because in these parts there were many 
scattered Portuguese, drawn by the thirst for gold, and careless 
of their temporal and still more of their spiritual health. There 
they performed good service for God, travelling about in th' 
cause of salvation. It is well said that covetousness is the roo 
of all vices and a species of serving of idols, the Portuguese hi 
almost lost the knowledge that they were Christians, they wat 
licentious in their customs, blind to the obligations of faith ^d 
the commandments of God and His Church, they kept no 
Sundays or Feasts, knew no Lent nor distinction in the da]|^ of 
the week, disregarded the holy custom of observing abstinienoe 
on Fridays and Saturdays, and were guilty of many other nolts 
and negligences. The fathers remedied all this, preaching, 
praying, reprehending and admonishing, and gaining manj^ other 
souls to Christ by their preaching on the way. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Of the oilier Churches which the Bdiffious of 8i. Dominic sedUed at 
Mozambique govern on tJie mainland of Monomotapa^ ancd of the 
valour with which tliey bore themselves dv/ring the two ^ sieges 
which the said fortress underwent. 

Friar JoSo Madeira, a Religious of advanced years and ap- 
proved virtue, was already residing in the town which adjoins 
the fortress of Sofala, when in July 1586 Friar JoSjo dos Santos 
was sent to him as his companion, he having in his charge six 
hundred souls to confess, including Portuguese, half-breeds, and 
natives of the country, which was a heavy task for one man 
alone. This friar left Mozambique and joined Friar JoSo 
Madeira, being together they assisted each other greatly, they 
built two hermitages, one called Our Lady of the Rosary, in the 
town, and the other called Of the Mother of God, in a [lalm- 
grove belonging to the friars, a cool well-shaded spot, a great 
place of pilgrimage : both were adorned with all the decency 
and order which the land would give of itself. They continued 
convorting so many Moors and heathens that Friar JoHo Madeira 



Records of Souih-Easiem Africa. 391 

lone baptized more than a thoasand sonls, and his oOmpaniony 
appears by a list which was made, six hundred and ninety-fonr. 
For the same purpose the Friars of Mozambique traversed the 
extensive lands washed by the great river of Cuama, which the 
natives call the Zambesi. This river is so great and powerful 
that it discharges into the sea by no less than five different 
mouths, each of such amazing size and impetuous waters that it 
is called many rivers, whereas it is but one river, and has one 
source* The same is related of the Nile in Egypt, the waters of 
which do not remain in one bed, but discharge into the Mediter- 
ranean Sea by seven mouths. Up this river, sixty leagues from 
its mouth, the Portuguese have a fort on the bank, called Sena, 
provided with artillery and ammunition, which serves as a mart 
and factory for the goods which the Captain of Sofala sends for 
the gold trade, and many resort there from the lands of Mono- 
motapa. For the same purpose they built another stronghold 
sixty leagues farther on, on the same river and on the same 
side, which they called Tete. Both these places are in the lands 
and jurisdiction of Monomotapa, and both are governed by 
officers sent and appointed by the Captain of Sofala. Our 
lieligious of Mozambique journeyed to both. At Sena they 
erected a church under the patronage of St. Catherine of Sienna, 
taking advantage of the name of the saint's country which the 
land offered them. At Tete they built another, in honour of 
the glorious patron of Spain, St. James. In both they decked 
the altars with pious images curiously wrought, ordered to b(; 
brought from India, and added proper ornaments and all seem- 
liness in the Divine worship. And to rouse devotion they 
established their confraternities, in Sena one of Our Lady of the 
Kosary, and another of the Name of Jesus, against swearing ; in 
Tete one of Our Lady of the Conception and another of St. 
Anthony. The abuses and errors before mentioned being 
amended and banished, which before were rife in every part, 
they reduced these lands and people to all the policy and good 
order of Christian observances, in such a manner that by their 
efforts there flourishes in those parts, which are in the heart of 
Kaffraria, the perfection of the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, as 
much as in any of the good towns in Portugal. 

Besides the said churches, our Religious serve three others, 
which are, Liianzo, Mossapa, and Manica, which are constantly 



392 Becords of SouOi-Eattem Africa. 

served by twelve or fourteen Beligious, and as in all, without 
exception, the air is pestilential and contrary to the constitution 
and tastes of those bom in temperate dimes, and as all the 
Friars of St Dominic traverse and labour in them constantly in 
the service of God and by the obligation of their habit, it seems 
but just to reward them as far as is in our power, which is by 
making a memorial of their names in these writings. Thus we 
may reach them all. Those who came under our notice are 
Friar Jeronymo Lopes, Friar JoSo Frausto, and after them 
Friar Jo&o Madeira and Friar JoSo dos Santos, of whom Father 
JoSo dos Santos came afterwards to this kingdom and wrote and 
printed a curious treatise on the peculiarities of those Provinces 
and of the labours he underwent there with many others of our 
friars. And he affirms that by the numbers entered in the books, 
up to the year 1591 more than twenty thousand souls were 
baptized by them in that district of the rivers of Cuama, among 
whom were many lords of vassals, who are called Enco8se$ in 
those parts. To these friars we will add four. others of whose 
learning and industry the Archbishops of Goa availed them- 
selves, sending them to visit these islands and the Coast of 
Etliiopia which are within his jurisdiction. They were Friar 
Jeronymo de Santo Agustinho, Friar Diogo Correa, bom in 
Chaul in India, the *Presentado Friar Estevlo d'AssumpcSo, and 
Friar Manoel Pinto. It is known of all four that they went 
among all those people and fulfilled their obligations with great 
earnestness, amending vices and punishing faults. These 
Beligious were succeeded by Friar Jo&o de Santo Thomas, who 
was sent from Mozambique to the island of Madagascar by the 
First Ensign Dom Jorge de Menezes, at the time when he was 
Captain of Sofala, the intention being to found a town and 
church, and bring those people to the law of Christ He crossed 
the sea and began the labours of his mission, but he could not 
withstand the inclemency of those skies, and died of an illness. 

Not oontent with struggling against the pestilential and mortal 
fevers of Kaffraria, the Beligious of St Dominic of the Convent 
of Mozambique also faced the terrors of fire and bloodshed. 
That is that they were oompanions of the good soldiers who 
defended that fortress of Mozambique against the Dutch pirates, 
on the occasion of two such desperate attacks as placed it in 

* FresefUcuh: a friar who has taken uaivereity degrees 



Becarde of SouA-Easiem Africa. 393 

great peril. And as the defence was made with memorable 
yalour, and is as mnch to the honour of religion as of our 
country, for these two reasons we will give a brief account of both 
eyents. In full council, the rebel Republic of Holland decided 
that it would add security to the thefts of their fleets in East 
India, and weaken the power of the Portuguese there, if they 
made themselves masters of the island of Mozambique, the only 
refuge and defence of the ships which go from this kingdom to 
India. They equipped a fleet of thirteen sail, appointing as its 
General Paulus van Caerden, a captain experienced in those 
voyages and so well aware of the small strength and force in 
that island, that comparing it with the forces sent in the thirteen 
ships, he offered the ministers who sent him not only to take it 
from the Portuguese but to do homage for it there and then as a 
place subject to the States of Holland, if they would appoint 
him to guard it and impose this obligation upon him, for he was 
certain he would meet with no resistance in Mozambique. 
During the year 1607, with equal pride and greed on both sides, 
Van Caerden and his superiors arranged the matter, and set 
down in their books a new stronghold in India, with Paul van 
Caerden as its Governor, thus it was theirs before they had 
arrived to make the attempt against it. Van Caerden arrived 
after a prosperous voyage, disembarked, after entering the port, 
promising himself victory on the third day. The fortress was rather 
the semblance of a fortress than a defensible place, the soldiers 
were few and half consumed by the pestilential air and ever 
ardent sun of the torrid zone, the site an open country. But 
well said Antigonus to one who warned him that the enemies' 
ships outnumbered his own, ** If you count well tell me as how 
many ships do you count my person ? " Don EstevSo d'Ataide 
was present at the time as Captain of the fortress and that of 
Sofala, a valiant and honourable hidalgo, and his person and 
those of his good companions, though few, were 8u£Scient to 
make Van Caerden retreat more speedily than was consistent with 
his promise, with the death of many of his people and the loss of 
his reputation. For our people, as those who knew that their 
own arms were the walls of their defence, sallied out like lions, 
night and day, to attack the enemy, so that Van Caerden, 
besieged instead of besieger, thought fit to abandon the place 
and embark. But the event in the following year was still more 



394 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

fortunate. The rebels, giving out that they were mastery of the 
island, sent Peter Verhoeff after Van Caerden at the beginning of 
the year 1608, with another good ileet» with orders to visit the 
new conquest and the conquerors on his way. On arriving at 
Mozambique, certain of finding the land their own, they entered 
rejoicing, flying banners and standards, and with salvos of 
artillery as they put into port at Frangelinhas ; but found 
matters so contrary to their expectations that at the first attack 
they saw it was more convenient to quit that land and port, 
which they accordingly did. 



From the Fourth Part of the History of St. Dominicy parties 
larly in the Kingdom and Conquests of Portugal. By Friar 
Lucas de Santa Catharina, Chronicler of the Order of 
Preachers and Member of the Boyal Academy. Lisbon, 1767. 

Of the Possessions of the Congregation in the South on the Coast of 

Africa {in 1706). 

Leaving the coast of India, and crossing to the coast of Africa, 
a distance of nine hundred leagues, navigable in a month, 
Mozambique is reached in an altitude of 50 degrees from the 
South, and the lands of Eaffraria, in which the Congregation has 
a vicarage and a house of the principals, called St. Dominic, 
where tour, five, six, and sometimes more Beligious reside, it 
being the door throu<;h which the Beligious pass backwards and 
forwards to the Christian missions of Sena and the kingdoms of 
Monomotapa. 

The rivers are entered sixty leagues farther on, a voyage of 
eight or ten days, here the congregation has the House and 
Vicarage of Sena, called St. Dominic. It is served by three, 
four, and sometimes more Beligious, it might be used as a 
convent. At a distance of half a league from this house is seen 
the parish church of Our Lady of Befuge, which is served by 
one Beligious. 

Penetrating the interior by the rivers, there is the House and 
Vicarage of Tete, with the name of St. James, the richest and 
most numerous mission of all those on the rivers. It is served 
by two Beligious. In the interior, in the kingdom of Manica, 



Beeords of South-Eastern Africa. 395 

the Congregation has many houses and parishes, Chimpambura, 
Matuca, Yumba, Dambarare, Matafune, Chipriviriy Loanze, 
Ma^apa, Quitambmize, Ongne, and many others, each having its 
Beligious to teach, catechise, instruct, and baptize those bar- 
barous Kaffirs. In the court of the Emperor (called Zimbaoe) 
whom the Beligious baptized and converted to the light of faith, 
the Congregation has a church, in which the Beligious reside, 
whom the said Emperor has as his chaplains and confessors. 
They were earnestly asked for, and are treated with esteem. 

In the court of King Quiteve is seen a newly-founded parish 
church, with a Beligious as the parish priest, which promises 
great fruit in the Christian missions. Another was founded in 
the court of King Banoe, but came to an end, through the 
obstinacy and savage hardness and blindness of the Moorish 
heart. On the same coast, near the Cape Correntes, is the 
fortress of Sofala, where the Congregation has a house, where a 
Beligious resides, and occupies himself in catechising, instructing, 
and baptizing. 



TOME IV.— BOOK FOUBTH.— CHAPTEB XII. 

Further Labours of the Beligious of St. Dominic in propagating the 
Gospel in the Rivers of Sena and lands of Monomotapa. Friar 
Luiz de Espirito Santo baptizes Mavura^ the unde of the 
Emperor Capranzine^ the loiter attempts to destroy the Portt^ 
guese^ who proclaim Mavura Emperor and gain a great victory. 

The rivers of Sena are an ancient harvest-field, cultivated by 
the labour and diligence of the sons of St Dominic, they entered 
it under the protection of the Portuguese arms with the Governor 
Francisco Barreto, conquering it with doctrine as he did with 
the sword ; a beginning re€Ml of already in the third part of the 
Chronicle, with an account of the first churches which we raised 
in those vast lands and their great fruit in the conversion of 
souls. We find the fathers again continuing in those Christian 
missions, and another church built at Tete, with the title of St. 
Dominic in Soriano. But let us pass on to what was done in 
the Court of Monomotapa and markets of Mocaranga, of which 
we have and will give a particular account. 

Our Beligious, finding themselves in this great empire, the 



896 Beeards of ^nUh-Eastem Africa. 

names of the three principal being known to ns as Friar Luis 
de Espirito Santo, Presentado, and Friars Manoel Sardinha land 
JoSo da Trinidade, occupied themselves in catechising and 
baptiaing that barbarous and superstitious people, when Friar 
Luiz found occasion to converse with a prince called Maviua, 
uncle to the emperor, a man of gentle disposition and dear 
understanding, a circumstance which deepened the effect of his 
arguments. He asked for baptism, which was administered 
(after he had been catechised by Friar Manoel Sardinha) by 
Friar Luiz with great transport of spirit and the hope of great 
consequences, giving him tiie name of Philip. The Emperor 
Capranzine (such was the name of the emperor who then govemed 
the empire) was enraged, and was searching for some means of 
Teugeance, when there came to his court Jeronjmo de Barros, 
the ambassador of the Governor of Mozambique, D. Nunc Alvares 
Fereira, who sent him a present which they call cunra, a gift 
which the captains of that fortress make to the emperor every 
year in return for a free passage through his lauds for commerce 
and access to the gold-mines, an arrangement made by Francisco 
Barreto, first captain of Sofala, with Quiteve, king of the lands 
which extend between Sofala and Manica. 

Having received the present, the emperor (unheard of barbarity 
even in Eaffraria) plotted by treason and deceit to kill the 
ambassador ; and grown insolent with hate and rancour, ordered 
an empata, which is a sort of general proclamation, that all the 
Portuguese found in his dominions should be put to death and 
despoiled of their property. Andr6 Ferreira, a courageous 
Portuguese, then captain of the Portas^ which is a market or 
factory which they call Masapa, had previous warning of this, 
through the great fidelity of his Eafiirs. He was at Court at the 
time, but on receiving this warning he retired to his market and 
fortified himself in a chuambo, which is the same as a redoubt or 
palisade of strong stakes, and sent warning to all the markets in 
the dominions of the emperor, which were Luanze, Dambaraie, 
and Chipiriviri, that the Portuguese and Christians should 
retreat to them and put themselves in defence against the great 
force which threatened them. 

The Keligious of St. Dominic, who were scattered among the 
Christian missions, retreated to their own markets, animating 
the soldiers against their enemies, assisting their arms with 



Records of South-Eaatem Africa. 397 

those which can alone subdue the deyil, prayers, fasting, and 
penance, no that the attacks were resisted and the sieges defeated, 
upon which the emperor with a formidable army fell upon them 
by surprise, but met with such valiant resistance that he was 
obliged to retire with little credit and great loss. Wonderful 
event I that in such a vast empire as that of Mocaranga, (the 
common name of the lands of Monomotapa) against so great a 
force (assisted by the emperor himself) a few Portuguese should 
not only have defended themselves, but have been victorious^, 
penned in rather than entrenched in a wooden palisade I Such 
triumphs can certainly not be attributed to the valour of the 
soldiers or the arms of the Beligious, but to the protection of 
Heaven. 

The news of this event reached the Portuguese of Tete and 
Sena, and seeing the peril of those in Mocaranga, they com- 
menced to levy soldiers in our lands of Botonga, by command 
of the Captiiin and Governor D. Nuno Alvares Pereiite. The 
Beligious were indefatigable, and by their counsel a large army 
was assembled in the market of Luanze, the Christiiois pro* 
claimed Mavura, D. Filippe, emperor, making him general of 
the army, to which one of the Beligious was Ensign-bearer, 
carrying before them the standard of the cross uplifted. They 
faced Capranaine in his pride and power, and giving him battle, 
in a few hours they saw him in shameful flight. He retired into 
the farthest interior of Mocaranga, where many sought him out 
and followed him, and he returned to retrieve himself and find 
the Christian camp on two occasions; from both of which 
encounters he emerged no weakened and defeated that the 
Portuguese could with safety bring D. Filippe to the court and 
place him on the throne of Monomotapa, causing him to be 
acknowledged emperor by the lords and chiefs of the empire ; 
and he in gratitude swore homage to the king of Portugal, with 
a tribute of so much weight in gold, all this being the fruit of 
the doctrines and instruction of Friar Manoel Sardinha, whom 
D. Filippe listened to and treated with the veneration of a son. 
Thus he called the Beligious of St Dominic to his side and never 
parted from their company, acknowledging them to be the cause 
of his fortune in finding himself lord of the empire and of what 
he prised still more (being of paramount importance) his being 
an heir of everlasting glory. To spread this benefit in the 



398 Beeorda of Sauih^Eostern Africa. 

Christian missions of those lands the Religions prized his esteenii 
but not to introduce themselves into palaces or have a voice in 
governments, which has always been a maxim followed by the 
sons of St. Dominic 

TOME IV.— BOOK IV.— CHAPTER XIIL 

Continuation of the War with Capranzine. Friar Jodo da Trtnidade 
and Friar Luiz do Espirito Santo give their Uvea for the faith. 
A mysterious sign in the heavens gives a victory to the Emperor 
D. Filippe. A church is huilt in the court ; account of othefi 
in the said Mocaranga and the kingdom of Manica. 

The tyrant Capranzine left the new emperor no time to rest, 
who> occupied with plans for spreading Christianity in his kilig- 
dom, had not supposed his enemy's forces would be so ready, but 
he was encamped with a large army in the territories of the 
empire, which, thus threatened, were gradually yielding to his 
dominion. The emperor went out to meet him with greater courage 
than fortune, leaving an important victory in his hands. Many 
Christians were taken captive, among whom were two of our 
Religious who bore them company in all their fortunes, that in 
which they found themselves at present being given to them 
by Heaven for their many labours. They were Friar Ltiiz do 
Espirito Santo and Friar JoiU> da Trinidade. The latter was 
covered with wounds (glorious spoils with which he was enriched 
in that conflict), but the cruelty of the barbarians was not satisfied 
with seeing him in this state, they inflicted others with blood- 
thirsty hate, and flung him from a high rock, so that he was 
dashed to pieces on the ground. 

At the same time, others carried Friar Luiz into the tyrant's 
presence, who, thirsting for innocent blood, now wished to 
satisfy himseK with it, in vengeance for what he knew the father 
had accomplished in the conversion of the new emperor and the 
Christian missions of that kingdom. He immediately ordered 
him to render him the zumhaya (which in the manner of Kaffraria 
is the highest homage). Friar Luiz was a native of Mozambique, 
and was well versed in the customs of those lands; he knew 
that what the tyrant asked of him could only be given to God, 
and answered him with intrepidity : ** That he was only a petty 
king of the earth, and even that small kingdom was justly lost 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 39& 

tbrough his tyranny ; that though he was a captive in his 
power> he did not and could not recognize any king on earth 
except the king of Portugal, and no other as king of Monomo* 
tapa but his uncle D. Filippe, now a son of the Church, and above 
all the only one he reverenced and recognised as king of kings 
was Jesus Christ, true son of God, Lord of heaven and earth, who 
redeemed mankind with his blood, inestimable price, by which 
as man he has merited the veneration of men, angels, and demons 
in heaven, in earth, and in helL And how dost thou dare? 
(continued the father, with generous and inflexible courage). 
How dost thou dare to rob the true God of the adoration due to 
him as Lord of all ? Alas for thee I who like another proud and 
rebel angel darest to aspire to the seat of God, but to fall into 
the horrible lake, burning for all eternity as miserable fuel to the 
inextinguishable fire I Beturn, return to reason, now that God 
counsels thee by my voice, and bend the knee before the true 
Lord, rather than expect me to bend to thee, in the homage due 
to him." 

Inflamed with wrath, the tyrant, impatient of what he was 
hearing, immediately commanded that the father should be tied 
to a tree-trunk and killed with assagais, by which martyrdom he 
gloriously ended his life and went to render God, in glory, the 
adoration he had defended for him on earth. 

The Religious being dead by martyrdom, and many Portu* 
guese killed in battle, Capranzine now thought to recover his 
empire without resistance, he therefore sent a message to his 
uncle bidding him quit the court and acknowledge him as his 
king, or he would fall into the hands of his vengeance still stained 
with blood from the last campaign. Dom Filippe answered that 
he might come, and he was waiting for him there ; and imme* 
diately endeavoured to gather an army, to which end Friar 
Manoel Sardinha procured him a large quantity of cloth (the 
price most esteemed in Eafiraria), which being sent to the other 
side of the river Zambesi, twenty thousand KaflBrs were raised. 
The emperor found himself with some Christians and a few 
Portuguese, and with this force he resolved to go in search of the 
enemy. As the army was setting out, raising his eyes to heaven, 
he saw there a resplendent light, and beautiful cross, in the same 
form (but without letters) in which it before appeared to the 
Emperor Constantine the Great He prostrated himself upon the 



400 Reeards of South-Ecutem AjHea. 

ground, kissing it with veneration and reverence^ while the 
Christians in his company bade him make haste and not stop 
the march, to which he replied both with animation and com- 
punction by showing them the cross, and to Friar Manoel, whom 
he immediately sent for, he being in another part of the camp. 

The good father rejoiced, and inlSamed with zeal for the honour 
of Gtodf seeing that his soldiers marched under the same banner 
with which he triumphed oyer his enemies in the world, returned 
to the army, who were amazed at the prodigy, and incited them 
with such spirit to follow the mysterious banner and give their 
lives for the Lord, who had shown it to them to assure them of 
victory, that they all fell upon the enemy, who was now befoie 
them with innumerable combatants, and breaking theif ranks 
at the first attack, threw them into such confusion that they 
were not sufficient to defend themselves, and in a few hours the 
field was covered with thirty-five thousand Kaffirs, and the rest 
were accompanying Capranzine in speedy flight But the 
Christian emperor as a skilful soldier followed up his victory, 
and did not lay down his arms until he had driven the enemy 
from the whole of Mocaranga. 

But the tyrant did not delay, and assisted by his chief captain, 
who was called Macamoaxa and by some lords called Encosses^ 
and their sons and other men whom they had or caused to be 
levied, attempted another campaign, entering Mocaranga with 
an army composed of the greater part of its nobility and power. 
But the Portuguese of the markets and those of Tete and Sena, 
who had previous warning of all, making speedy levies of the 
fittest people, gathered an army of forty thousand men, among 
which were two hundred Portuguese musketeers, many Christians 
of those lands, and six thousand Kaffirs, among whom was Father 
Dami&o do Espirito Santo, one of our Religious, who had raised 
and assembled them by his zeal and industry. With this force 
our people entered Mocaranga, and joined a body of troops with 
which the emperor was awaiting them, and seeking the enemy, 
who were advancing with as much confidence as if they had just 
gained the victory, attacked them with such bravery and valour 
that in spite of resistance they were scattered over the field, 
leaving two thousand Kaffirs dead, — strong young men, the sons 
of the nobles, whom Capranzine had brought to fill the highest 
places, but he was not present on the field, having learned s 



Reeorde of South-Eastern Africa. 401 

lesson from former events, and retreated with a small company 
with the news and grief of his loss. 

Victorious and at rest, the emperor D. Filippe now wished to 
build a church in his court in gratitude to God. Friar Aleixo 
dos Martyres, a Religious of St. Dominic, assisted in the prepara- 
tion of the materials, and the foundations beiilg dug, the emperor 
himsell' wished to lay the first stone, which he did upon a notable 
day, raising it upon his shoulders, assisted by some Religious and 
gentlemen who were at court, and a large concourse of people, 
which lent festivity to the occasion. Doubtless a great day for 
the sons of St. Dominic I to see in lands so remote, strange, and 
uncultivated, the monarch and lord of them (though black, a 
powerful king and respected as such, for the extent and beauty 
of his empire) burdened with a great stone, not to raise as in 
heathendom the mount of Mercury, but to erect upon it the 
temple of the true God, and hear his praises sounded in that 
unknown tongue like an echo of the apostolic call which invited 
them thither! A great glory certainly, and singular reward 
which heaven wished to give to the family of St. Dominic, as 
always mindful of the rule of their institute and forward in 
exercising it. 

With a church at court, the fathers began with greater hopes 
to catechise the people, many of whom they baptized ; among 
them being a son of the emperor, who at his request was instructed 
in the faith and good habits by Friar Aleixo, who gave him that 
name in baptism. With the news of what was accomplished in 
Mocaranga or the lands ofMonomotapa and was still doing there, 
other apostolic labourers came from Goa, and scattered themselves 
as pastors in the different markets. In that of Luanze, now an 
old mission with a beautiful church, another at Masapa, another 
in that of Chipiriviri, all these in the kingdom of Mocaranga. 
In the kingdom of Manica, where Christianity had now been 
founded for a long time, three churches and parishes arose, in 
the market of Umba, that of Chipangura, and that of Matuca, 
where the Christian missions began to flourish, of which Friar 
Manuel da Cruz, at that time Vicar-General, was a great culti- 
vator. They might have spread still more in these vast kingdoms, 
but the means of the Religious are small compared to the nobility 
of spirit with which they sacrifice themselves to the rigour of 
those climates, for the most part intemperate and unhealthy, and 

2 D 



402 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

on innnmerable occasions they have seen themselves reduced to 
the most extreme penury and most pressing want* 



TOME IV-— BOOK FOURTH,— CHAPTER XIV. 

The ChrisHan missions in the Empire of Monomotapa are continued. 
The Emperor is baptized, and aU the royal house, and a great 
number of the people. An account is givenofthe latest progress 
of these Christian missions. 

9 

It was by dint of indefatigable toil that our evangelical labourers 
made fruitful the great harvest field of Mocaranga, or lands of 
Monomotopay for though the Kaffirs have no repugnance in 
believing what they are taught of the truths of the faith, as is 
the case with the Moors (who, brought up in and attached to 
their cursed sect, doubt that any law can be more secure, espe- 
cially as it places no restraint upon their sensuality, the allurement 
by which their accursed prophet made it beloved), yet the Kaffirs 
imitate them in all, catching contagion from their proximity, and 
what most attracts and leads them astray is the liberty of having 
many wives. And it is a source of astonbhment that they should 
be eager to have many, as they do not hold them in the least 
estimation ; and a proof of this and of the little love they bear 
them is that they are not in the least disturbed or moved to 
vengeance by seeing them with others (against the natural 
custom in all nations), they carry them with them to battle, and 
place them in front before the enemy, that their first fury may 
break upon them and they may be tired by putting them to 
death and hindered in their attack. 

This cruelty is the cause that the Kaffir women are less difficult 
to convert, because of the pious affection they have for a law 
which obliges men to love and esteem their own wives, and makes 
them sole mistress of the house. There is also less difficulty 
with the young Kaffirs, because their fathers (with the doubt of 
their paternity) make no account of the children, and leave them 
to be catechised by the fathers, whose chief care is to seek them 
out in their first years. But by 1652 it was seen in those Christian 
missions that there was already a hope that the adults were 
becoming an easier prize to those who worked zealously in that 
holy harvest. By the death of the emperor D. Filippe, who in 



Records of South-Eastern Africa^ 403 

years gone by governed with Christian piety (as we have related 
in the preceding chapters), the sceptre of Monomotapa passed 
into the hands of a heathen monarch, and not knowing how long 
it remained in them, we now find it subjected to the Church by 
the industry and apostolic vigilance of Friar Aleizo do Bosario. 

This father, being in the church which is in the court, or in 
its vicinity, zealously visited and conversed with the emperor, and 
heaven brought about the end at which he was aiming. He 
catechised the emperor and then all the royal household, who 
earnestly asked for baptism, — which the Father arranged and 
administered with all possible solemnity and pomp in that empire 
on the 4th of August 1652. To the emperor he gave the name 
of Dom Domingos (being the feast-day of our patriarch), and to 
the empress that of Dona Luiza. Their two sons were then 
baptized, the prince and heir to the crown was given the name of 
Dom Miguel, and they were followed by the nobles, all those of 
the palace, and the greater number of the people. It was a 
praiseworthy day for that empire. The news spread all over 
Christendom, and there was rejoicing in Rome as the head of it. 
To commemorate the event the Superior-General of the Order of 
Preachers, Friar JoSo Bautista de Marines, ordered a bronze tablet 
to be made and engraved, representing the baptism and all its 
circumstances, with an inscription explaining them, which is as 
follows in the Latin tongue : 

Anno 1652 in inferiori iEthiopise vastsB Monomotapse Imperator 
a Fratribus Ordinis Praedicatorum Christiana Cathechesi imbutus, 
interque eorumdem manus salutifero baptismi lavacro, palam ab 
uno ipsorum tinctus ; quod Sacra hsec functio in 4 Augusti diem 
incidisset, Dominici nomen sibi imponi voluit, spem exinde 
amplam et concipiens, et faciens, non solos modo Palatines, ao 
Proceres ab iisiem Pr^dicatoribus jam pen6 edoctos; sed et 
universa Imperii sui Begna propediem Imperatoris sui, atque 
Imperatricis Ludovicte exemplo Fidem amplexatura ; nee quoad 
Optimates ditl fuit expectationis eventus, sic librant-e Dei Frovi- 
dentia, ut quando sub Canchri Tropico passim turbata Fidei 
semina fer^ exaruerunt, eadem uberius alibi sub Capricomi 
Tropico adolescant. 

There was no less demonstration in the province of Portugal, 
as one to whom the credit justly belonged of such progress made 
in one of her colonies. In the Convent of St. Dominic at Lisbon, 

2 D 2 



404 Becorda of South-Eastern Africa. 

the chief house of the province, the event was celebrated with the 
highest Catholic demonstrations, the Blessed Sacrament being 
exposed, with solemn high Mass, at which King JoSo lY of happy 
memory assisted with all his court, favouring the Religious of 
that house upon that day with singular marks of his majesty and 
greatness. 

The emperor of this great empire being baptized, our Religious 
not only succeeded in seeing Christianity extended through the 
whole of Eaffraria in imitation of their monarch, but in the future 
the country gave the Order and Congregation a son who was not 
unworthy of it in person or capacity. This was the prince Dom 
Miguel, heir to the crown of Monomotapa, who brought up in the 
doctrine of the Religious and knowing the small value of the 
empires of this world for those who by baptism have been made 
heirs of another which is eternal, entered the Dominican cloisters 
to ask for and put on their habit, which he desired with humility 
and received with rapture. He studied with application, and 
afterwards occupied the teacher's chair with no less capacity, 
passing on to the conversion of the souls of those who lost him as 
a Prince to find him as a Teacher, his example being the most 
eloquent persuasion heard in that empire, with equal fruit and 
admiration. The Master-General of the Order, Friar Thomas de 
Rocaberti, sent him the diploma of Master in Theology in the 
year 1670. He ended his days in Goa, being Vicar of Santa 
Barbara, with a peaceful death, as one who had desired it. 

But it is well that we should give some account of the latest 
progress of the Christian missions of the rivers, in the years 
preceding that in which we write. Discord was sown in the 
harvest-field of Christ by some discussions which the Ecclesias- 
tical Administrator had with the labourers therein, by attempting 
to introduce other religious orders regardless of the fact that the 
missions were the work of the Dominicans, as much their own 
as they were long established and fruitful. In this design the 
Administrator went to Goa, where his attempts were ineffectual, 
and returning to the rivers with the intention of continuing 
them, he was pacified by the industry of Friar Francisco da 
Trinidade, Presentado, who embarked with him as Commissioner 
and Visitor of the rivers, and Vicar of Tete, with five other 
Religious for the service of the churches. He arrived at Mozam- 
bique, from whence he visited the convent and churches of the 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 405 

islands of Qoirimba and Amiza^ and passing to Sena (where he 
compiled a Catechism and exercise for confession in the language 
of the natives, which produced great fruit), he sent the Religious 
— Friar JoSo de Santo Thomaz to the church of the Holy Ghost 
of Sofala, Friar Damaso de Santa Eosa to the church of ZimbaoS, 
chaplain to the emperor of Monomotapa, Friar Diogo de Scuita 
Rosa to rebuild the church at Masapa, Friar Jorge de Santo 
Thomaz to rebuild the church of Hongue, and Friar Miguel dos 
Archanjos to build anew a church in the kingdom of Quiteve. 
Other churches were intended to be built by the Commissioner, 
but the plan was not executed, though the conversion of souls was 
happily carried on in those thus newly provided. 

Having despatched the Religious, the Commissioner proceeded 
to Tete, where composing another catechism, in the language 
of the country, he gained innumerable souls, catechising and 
baptizing both children and adults. One of these was the prince 
of Monomotapa, son of the emperor Dom Pedro, now dead, and 
the empress Vondato; he gave him the name of Dom Con- 
stantino ; and returning from Tete, brought him to India, where 
in the convent of Goa, with the name of Friar Constantino do 
Rosario, he took the habit of St. Dominic, in which he was 
followed by aiiother prince, his brother, whose name was Friar 
Joao (the record of his name is lost), who had been baptized by 
Friar Filippe da AssumpcSo. At the time in which we are 
writing both are in the convent of Santa Barbara at (Soa. 

This is the latest progress of the Christian missions of Sena, 
and those newly established at Tete were doubtless tended by 
Friar Francisco da Trinidade with such diligence and care that 
prayers were entoned in the streets and during work ; and the 
father commanded that in the houses of the population, which 
contained many families, they should be entoned night and 
morning (thus exercising together their devotion and their 
memory). An incident occurred which showed how acceptable 
it was to heaven. Disturbed by the noise made by the Kaffirs, 
one of the powerful men of the country ordered those of his 
household not to pray in the early morning, but before long a 
loud voice was heard in the house, clearly calling to the slaves to 
join together in the creed. They awoke and assembled, not 
knowing who had called them. The incident was repeated and 
caused great surprise in the house, and the master, reflecting 



406 Beeards of Sauih-Eastem Africa. 

upon it, understood that he ought not to hinder their holy occu- 
pation, and thus warned, he devoutly ordered it to be continued. 

EoEtraetfrom Chapter XV^ Book Fourth, Tome IV. 

By a most cruel death Friar Nicolas do Bosario fell a victim 
for the faith. He was a son of PedragSo, a town of Portugal 
(and thus a son both of the town and the convent of St. Dominic 
there), a great preacher, of exemplary life and qualities, which 
gave him a great place in the congregation. He willingly left it 
to go to the rivers as a labourer in those Christian missions, 
where he remained with great fruit till he accompanied the 
Captain of Tete in his war against the Zimbas (cruel Kaffirs, 
eaters of human flesh), and was taken prisoner by them. He 
was then tied to a tree hand and foot, cmd like another St 
Sebastian covered with arrows, which opened more mouths by 
which he preached the truth to them, as long as his life lasted 
under this martyrdom. His body was afterwards cut to pieces, 
divided among them, and devoured. 



Becords of South-Eastern Africa. 407 



[The following papers have been copied from documents in the 
Archive Office at the Hague, where they form part of the records 
of the Dutch East India Company.— G. M. T.] 



Bijvoegsd tot het Tractaat van 12 Jtmi 1641 tusBchen Portugal en 
de Nederlanden voor een Wapenstiktand van Tien Jaren. 

Namen van de plaatsen die in Orienten bij de Portugiesen en 
Nederlanders werden beseten en gefrequenteert, met distinctie 
wat yder int bijsonder toecompt, alleen bevaert en gesamentlijck 
frequenteeren. 

Op de custen van Monomotapa, Monsambicque en Melinde 
tusschen Cabo de bona Esperanca en de Boode Zee besitten en 
frequenteren de Portugiesen alleen 

de fortresse Soffala op de oust vant rijck Monomotapay de 
fortgens en fetorien Eilimane, Angosia, Cabo de Courentos en 
verscheijden rivieren daer omtrent ; 

de stadt en fortresse Monsambicque, en in dat gewest de groote 
ylecke Sene en 't fort St. Marceel met de rivieren de Quama ; 

de fortresse Mombassa, en daer omtrent op de custe van Meline, 
de vlecken en fetorien van Pate, Monfia, Gengebar, Ampassa, en 
andere van minder inportantie ; 

t' eijlandt Madagascar wert aende west cust bij de Portugiese 
en des selfs Oost Cust van de Nederlanders bevaren. 

[The treaty was ratified by the king of Portugal on the 18th of 
November 1641 and by the States General on the 22nd of 
February 1642.— G. M. T.] 



Bapport van Jan van de Capelle aan den Hoog Edelen Heer 
Maurits Basques de Chavonnes, Oouvemeur van de Kaap 
Kolonie, en den Baad van PolUie. 

Wei Edele Gestr* Heer en E. Agtb" Heeren. 

Den ondergetekende, uwe wel Edele Gestr. en E. agtb"* gantsch 
geringen dienaar, van den beginne aan, op 't comptoir rio de la 
goa gelegen, eenige togten met de schuijt opwaarts gedaan, en 



408 Records of South^Easiern Afrioa. 

vennits het ongelukkig geval met de rovers, nog yerscheijde 
reijsen iu eenige negerijen twee a 3 uuren van Gomp" poet 
gelegen zijnde, huijsgehouden hebbende, soo geduurende het 
leggen der rovers, uijt nood, als naa baar vertrek om ons van reijst 
te proviandeeren, tot dagelijkse consumptie, en also de occagie 
gehad bebbende, om den tolk en ook verscbeijde inlanders te 
ondervragen, soo over de negotie, voor desen door de portugeesen 
aldaar gedreeven, als de gesteltbeijt der landen, op 't geen zij 
geven, soo verre bun bet selve bekent is, neemt met alle eerbied 
de vrijmoedigbeijt van aan U wel Edel gestr® en E. agtb' in dit 
volgende geschrift voor oogen te stellen 't geene bij dienaan- 
gaande beeft konnen ervaaren, en alboewel zulx alles niet als een 
seekere waarbeijt kan stellen, boop egter uwe wel Edele gestr* en 
E. agtb'* ootmoedigen dienaar, dat zij de moeijte sullen gelieven 
te nemen van 't selve te doorsien ; te meer dewiji deselve sijn 
te samen gestelt in de boope, dat eenige dingen daar in mogten 
werden gevonden, die strekken konnen, ten dienste en voordeelen 
van d' E. Comp*®. Zal dan beginnen met een verbaal van seker 
geval door den tolk (bier voor gem* :) bijgewoont, waar uijt 
Bcbeijnt te blijken, dat daar aan rio de la goa wel eerder zeeroovers 
sijn geweest, als nu, en om die reeden (mogelijk, de portu- 
geesen, in eenige jaaren berwaards, geen scbeepen meer derwaarts 
gesonden bebben. 

Den tolk dan, beeft mij verbaalt dat voor de sevende reys, met 
de portugeesen van mosambique, aan rio de la goa gekomen 
zijnde, soo als naar buijs meende te keeren, in de bbaij baar een 
scbip was ontmoet, voerende witte vlagge : dat zij alsoo het stil 
wierd beijde ten anker moesten komen, en niet langh daaraan 
bun Gapiteijn benevens den boekhouder naar het andere scbip 
(dat zij meijnde en frans man, en hunne vrinden te sijn) waren 
gegaan, alwaar zij beijde wierden vast gebouden; onder des 
quam de nagt aan, tegen de morgenstond, nog donker zijnde, 
quamen de soo gemijnde fransen met drie vaartuijgen aan geroeijt 
meijnende bet scbip der portugeesen, te overrompelen ; dog alsoo 
zij den boekhouder (gebonden sijnde) in badden, verstouten 
deese sig, roepende tegen zijn volk, dat op baar hoede moesten 
zijn, en gein: vaartuijgen van boord bouden, also zij quamen om 
t' sobip wegb te nemen : bier door geraakte de portugeesen op 
de been, en deeden eenige cbiergies, uijt kleijn geweer, waar op 
die in de vaertuijgcn (: als toen geen kans siende :) weeder te 



Records of SoutJirEastem Africa. 409 

rugge keerden. Dag geworden zijnde, mijnde de portugeesen het 
weeder na binnen te setten, dog raakten per ongeluk aau de 
grond, toen verliet alle het volk het schip salveerden stg aan 
land : die van het andere schip quamen kort daarop en ligten de 
beste goederen daaruijt steekende voorts het schip in den brand : 
zijnde het raijm twintig jaaren geleden, dat dit is ToorgevaUeUy 
en seedert geene scheepen van de Portugeesen aldaar geweest, 
gelijk zij jaariijx deeden. 

Want Yolgens het seggen van gem: tolk, zd hebben zij nooijt een 
vast comptoir daar gehad, maar op een eijiandje genaamt Xiphini, 
gelegen aan de N: 0^ kant van de baij, en aan de mond der revier, 
die wij noemen St Esprict, hadden zij een plaats, daar hutten op- 
sloegen, en in logieerde, gedunrende de tijd, dat daar lagen om 
te negotieeren, 't welk ordinair vijff a ses maanden was. In 
eijder negereij langs evengem: rivier, tot aan manisse toe, 
(: hebbende nooijt hooger op geweest :) hidden zij gedunrende 
bovengem: tijd, een factoor met een man a vier bij zig, die de 
negotie deed, komende dan van beneeden, om de 8 a 10 dagen, 
met hun schuijten opwaards, om het genegotieerde af te haalen, 
ende wanneer met haare scheepen weederom na Mosambicque 
keerde, lieten sij gem: hutten (: zijnde van riet :) staan, tegens 
s' anderen jaars. 

Ik heb deesen tolk (: zijnde een geboore mosambicquer :) over 
verscheijde dingen, aangaande den handel der portugeesen soo 
aan rio de la goa, als mosambicque en Chovallay principaal 
raakende het goud, ondervraagt : waarvan hij mij dit volgende 
heeft gesegt. 

In de landstreeke van mosambicque werd geen off immers seer 
weijnig goud gevonden, dog wel amber, eliphants tanden en wax. 
Maar in de revier Guama, die op circa 18 gr: Z: b** legt, alwaar 
de portugeesen twee casteelen hebben, een op deese en een op 
d' andere zijde (: dog dat op dese zeijde zoude zij al voor lang 
verlaten hebben :) segt hij veel goud gevonden te werden : hier 
komen de portugeesen jaarlijcx met haare scheepen, gaande 
voorts met kleijn vaartuijg, tot twintig a dertigh te gelijk, de 
revier op, tot aan een stad, die hij noemt Cenne, alwaar de 
portugeesen een besetting zouden hebben, en in off aan het 
rijk monomotappa leggen : en moeten zij,eer daar konnen komen 
vijfthien a sesthien dagreijsens under wege sijn. 

In 't land rondom gem: Cenne, sonde goud in overvloed 



410 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

weesen, *t geen door de portugeesen werd ingekogt, voor coraalen, 
lijwaaten, lakenen, scharen, messen, kruijt^ loot, tin, ja selfs voor 
gemaakte kleederen, koussen, schoenen &^, op gem: goederen 
souden daar seer wel getrokken, en 't gout goedkoop ingemijlt 
werden : de portugeesen aldaar hun negotie gedaan hebbende, 
yertcokken weeder met bunne yaartuijgen na beneden en voorts 
met de scheepen na Mosambicque : de voorm: stad Cenne, sonde 
seer groot weesen, in deselve veel swarten wonen, en onder deese 
veel goudsmeeden zijn^ die curious work maakten. 

De yaartuijgen daar de portugeesen meede opwaarts gaan zijn 
(: yolgens t seggen yan meergem: tolk :) langwerpig, yoor niet 
breed maar gesneeden, om dat tegen de stroom op moeten, onder 
platy sd dat niet diep konnen gaan en werden door 8 a 10 man 
voort geroeijt, off lieyer gepagaaijt of geschept^ gelijk op Batayia 
en andere plaatsen de orangbaaijs: soo dat na alio apparentie 
opgem: rieyier Guama, niet dieper zal weesen, als die aan 
rio de la goa : waaryan ik de eene, bij ons gen^ St. Esprit, wel 
yijftig mijlen hebben opgeweest (:'t welk meer als eens soo 
yerre is, als ooijt de portugeesen daar hebben gedaan :) alwaar 
wij de reyier wel breed en scboon yoor *t oog yonden, dog niet 
boyen groote anderbalf yoeten diep, soodat met onse schuijt, die 
twee yoeten diep ging, niet yerder konde komen, maar moesten 
(: tot ons leet weesen :) weeder te rugge keeren : gelijk Uwe Wel 
Edele gestrenge en E. agtb' uijt de te yooren oyergesondene 
rapporten, sulx in bet breede hebben konnen sien, en bet is 
wel apparent dat men aan la goa, mode yaartuijgen hebbende, 
die niet boyen de anderhalf yoet diep gingen, een groot stuk 
yerder opwaarts zoude konnen komen en (: mogelijk :) wel yoor- 
deelen yoor d' E. Comp** te bebalen zijn : alsoo meergem: reyier 
St. Esprit, yolgens de kaarte wel ruijm 200 mijlen landwaard, 
yoorbij de stad monomotappa, en yoorts door bet rijk yan die 
Qaam (: daar eijgentlijk het goud sonde yallen :) doorloopt 
Dog alsoo men met gem: soorte yan yaartuijg, niet al te yeijlig 
de baij kan passeeren, sonde men genootsaakt zijn, een kleijue 
posteering aan meergem: reyier te bouden, bij de capiteijns 
bombo, makandi off mainisse bij deese laaste, zoude wel de 
bequaamste plaats weesen, en deese heeft ons, als d' eerste maal 
daar waaren, een plaats om een logiement te maken aange- 
presenteert : ook konnen de scheeps scbuijten tot daar komen, om 
*t geen opwaarts ingekogt wierd, af te baalen. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 411 

Tot Chovallay dat omtrent op 20 gr: Z. b^ legt, segt den tolk, 
landwaardy meede yeel goud ingeruijit te werden: en zouden 
de hier voorengem: coopmansc: daar meede wel getrokken weesen^ 
de portugeesen hebben daar ook een casteel, dog Boude niet seer 
sterk zijn. 

Niet verre van Choyalla, noemt hij een plaats off revier 
niambaniy hier sonde de portugeesen, seedert het yerlies van 't 
hier voorengem: schip, haare scheepen hebben gesonden, komende 
dan yan daar, met behnlp der negers, naar Mainisse yoorts op 
bombo, en yeryolgens aan la goa, tot aan de oyer seijde bij 
Capit*^ tembiy om te negotieeren : hun handel gedaan hebbende, 
vertrokken zij weeder, door den selyen wegh naa niambani, en 
yoorts te scheep na mosambicque : de portugeesen zouden deese 
revier nooijt landwaarts besogt hebben, soodat hij niet wist te 
seggen, off daar goud viel, ofte niet 

Aangaande Bio de la Groa, daar Gomp' post is, daar van segt 
hij, niet te weeten, dat in alle de tijt, die hij bij de portugeesen 
heeft gevaaren, zij lieden op die plaats godd hebben geruijlt: 
maar wel tanden, amber en wax, dog van dit laaste geen groote 
quantiteijt: heeft ook in alle de tijd, die daar heeft huijs 
gehouden (: 't welk is seedert het verlies van meergem: schip :) 
geen goud bij deese natie gesien: kennende hij nogtans bet 
goud en silver wel, gelijk dat bij ondervinding hebben gesien, 
als hem, eenigh goud off silverwerk wierd verthoont, hij wel 
wiste te seggen wat specie het was. 

Om dat den tolk, en ook de negers, veel vcui getia: niambani 
hoorde spreeken, en hij mij seijde, dat het een groote revier was, 
bequaam om met scheepen binnen te komen, en veijlig te leggen, 
heb ik in eenige kaarten na deselve gesogt (: nog jongst in een 
geographic, gemaakt door Samson d'abbeville :) dog niet gevon- 
den, want van Cabo de goede hoop, tot aan Cuama, vind men 
(:buijten de kleijne:) maar vier groote revieren, als Infantas, 
Spiritus S^ Sambre eu Cuama, die landwaarts ook word gen^ 
Indires. 

In&ntes, legt volgens gem: geographie op circa 32 gf: Z: 
b** niet verre van terra de natiil, loop tot diep in *t rijk van 
monomotappa. 

Spiritus St. off gelijk wij seggen St. Esprit is eijgentlijk aan 
la goa, heeft volgens gem: kaart drie uijtgaugen in zee : die 
daar ook sijn ; als een besuijden do bhaij, bij de Inlanders gen* 



412 Bbcordi of Souih-Eadern Africa. 

machavane naa een Capiteijn van de landstieek : de tweede, is 
die, aan welke Comp^ post is, bij genoemt rio de la goa; de 
derde, leijd oan de N: O^ kant van de bhaij, en bij ons altijd 
genaamt St. Esprit. 

Twee van deese, als die om de Z^ en die an de NS zijn door ons 
besogty 800 yerre men heeft konnen komen, dog die, aan welke 's 
Comp* post legt^ niet verder als een mijl a yier, ten tijde yan 
de beer yan Taak zaliger, en den tolk^ ook sommige negers 
seggen, dat deselye loop, tot aan en mogelijk, wel door het 
gebergte, dat men aldaar nijt het fortje kan sien, en zig strekt 
tot aan en yoorbij paraotte, hetwelke de landstreek is, daar 't 
koo{>er yalt, zijnde yier a yijf dagreijsens yan 's Comp' post 
gelegen. 

Yolgens meergefii: caart, yereenigen sig dese drie gefii: nijt- 
gangen eenige mijlen landwaard makende een rieyier, die daar 
d^ naam ontfangende yan Spiritus St. yoorts loop door het rijk 
monomotappa yerder als een der andere drie groote reyieren» 
yerscheijde negers hebben mij ook gesegt dat gem: nijtgangen 
zig yoor bij *t gebergte yereenigen, en een revier maken, die 
yerre landwaart loopt. 

Benoorden la goa, op omtrent 22 gf : Z: b^ siet men de derde 
riyier Sambre dese loopt meede tot diep in 't rijk monomotappa : 
en is mogelijk deselfde, die den tolk niambani noemt (: apparent 
na een der bij wonende eapiteijns gelijk de gewoonte wel hebben :) 
want hij weet te beduijden, dat deselye groot is, en in de mend 
twee eijlandjes leggen : gelijk hetselye ook in de caerte sodanig 
to sien is. 

l)e yierde reyier Cuama, is gelegen op circa 18 gf: Z: b^, 
loopt meede yerre landwaard, tot in het rijk monomotappa, 
draaijd zig yeel om de Z^ en d' andere om de N^ soo dat het seer 
wel kan sijn, dat meergem: Cenne, meede in opgefii: rijk 
gelegen is, en als men aan la goa, middel had geyonden, de reyier 
op landwaard te komen, sonde men met de portugeesen in een 
en deselye landstreek ziJD, dog een goede distantie tnsschen 
beijde blijyen, alsoo d' een yan deese, en d' andere yan een andere 
zijdo, daarin zoude komen. 

Kau ook niet laten te seggen, wel edele gestr: heer en K 
agtb^ hecren, dat het yeele yremd yoor is gekomen, dat men aan 
la goa, gcen yeryalle fort yan de portugeesen heeft geyonden, nog 
gceno yan die natie (: 't zij swart off blank :) daar woonende. 



Records of SotUh-Eastern Africa. 413 

gelijk ik wel hebbe gehoort dat men verwagt had, dog aan de 
revier Sambere (: gelijk wel appar.ent is :) deseKde zijnde die de 
caffers niambani noemen, vind men desselffs sniijd hoek ook 
genaamt Caab St. maria gelijk aan no de la goa : ook yind men 
daar een vervalle en verlate fort en woonen nog inlandsche 
portugeesen aldaar ; in de mond der selve leggen ook twee eij- 
landjes gelijk aan la goa, is in den ingang soo wijd dat bijna de 
naam yan een baij meriteert; is soo yeel yerder om de N^ en 
nader aan Choyalla gelegen alwaar landwaard goud geyonden 
werd : de portugeesen hebben ook seedert eenige jaaren herwaard, 
geen scheepe meer derwaarts gesonden, aan in de landstreek yan 
la goa te negotieeren, maar sijn geheel achter gebleeyen. 

Egter scbijnen die yan Mainisse, dien landaard somtijts nog te 
besoeken, en met haar te correspondeeren alsoo men aan la goa 
seedert eenige maanden yeel nieuwe mosambicqse coralen heeft 
sien dragen, die de caffers seggen bij mainisse te kopen. 

De soon yan deesen capiteijn yoor eenigen tijd aan la goa bij 
mij zijnde, heb ik hem geyragt off zij lieden geen handel dreyen 
met die yan niambani : hij antwoorde mij yan ja : dat in de 
koude tijd (: dat is in de maanden Maij, Junij en Julij :) haar 
yolk daar heenen gingen en kogten yoor schopjes, beijltjes, en 
assegaijen, mosambicqse coralen : die sij lieden dan weeder aan de 
omher wonende negers yerruijlen, soodat (: na alle apparentie :) 
die yan niambani, nog handel drijyen met die yan Choyalle, dat 
het eerste portngees comptoir aan die seijde is. 

Die yan Mainisse rekenen niambani, seyen dag reijsens yan 
haar, en den tolk segt niambani en Choyalle yijf dag reijsens te 
sijn : en Comp" post aan lago is twee dag reijsens yan mainisse, 
en yolgens gem: reecq: yeerthien dagen reijsens, oyerland yan 
Chayalla. 

Ean ook wel Edele gestf: beer en E. agtb*^ heeren, niet nalaten 
te seggen, dat in laatste yan 't jongst gepasseerde jaar aan la goa 
neegers sijn geweest, uijt de landschappen paraotte en machi- 
cosje die niet alleen koper, maar ook tin met haar bragten om 
aldaar te yerruijlen; het koper was seer mooij yan couleur, 
gelijk daaroyer, aan uwe wel edele gestrenge en E. agtb' al te 
yooren is geschreeyen : het tin is meede mooij yan couleur dogh 
wat weekelijk en ligt, gelijk uijt twee stukjes yan staaQes (: die 
ik de eere hebbe gehad, aan den wel edelen beer gouyemeur te 
overhand igen :) gesien kan werden ; hot eene is yeel harder van 



414 Beeords of South-Eastem Africa. 

specie, dan het andere, gelijk zolx bij omsmelting hebbe 
bevonden. 

Dit thin seggen sij geyonden te werden in de landstreek 
machicosje, aan de kanten der revier, in mandjes opgeraapt, 
gesuij vert van het zand, en dan door de negers tot staafjes gebragt 
om te verruijleny alle de inlanders gebruijken dit thin, ook het 
geene zij van ons inkoopen, om onder haar kooper, tot hals en 
armringen, te smelten: waar door 't sender twijSel komt, dat 
haare ringen, so een glans hebben, en buijgsamer zijn dan 
d' Comps ringen, die daar sijn geweest. 

Eenige van bovengem : buijtenlanders zijn bij ons op t' fort 
geweest, dog soodra de omher woonende negers merkte, dat 
eenige ybxl het volk, koper en thin van haar sogte te mijlen, 
dreef de soon van den capiteijn mateke, alle de buijtenlanders 
weg, in presentie van michel : hier urjt blijkt dat de aan la goa 
woonende neegers, niet gaame sien dat wij met andere handelen, 
daar het egter niet ondienstig yoor d' E. Comp^® konde wesen 
die menschen aan te haalen, en met haar te handelen en alsoo 
aanleijding te geven, tot aanbrengingh van meerder quantiteijt 
en ook (: somtijds :) andere goedereu, die landwaarts mogten 
geyonden werden : ook tot aanmoedinge yan yerder gelegene 
negers, met het geen daar yiel, aff te komen, en men alsoo ook 
nader kondschap dier landen en landaard bekomen. 

Ik ben altijd begerig geweest, om de landen daar de hieryoor- 
gem: stoffe geyonden werd, te besien, en als de heeren majores 
goed yonden, yaartuigen derwaards te senden, gemaakt op de 
wijse als hier yooren gesegt, te weeten : die 8 a 10 man konnen 
yoeren, met 4 a 6 basjes yoorsien, plat zijnde yan boom yoor 
gesneeden, alsoo altijd tegen stroom op moeten waar meede men 
niet alleen kan zeijlen en roeijen, maar ook met stokken of bomen 
setten alsoo men boy en in de reyier met roeijen niet kan yorderen, 
yermits de snelle afwatering : off wel het selfde fatsoen, als de 
yorige schuijten zijn geweest, mits zoo diep niet gaande, plat 
yan bodem en zonder kiel zijnde, soo wil ik seer gaame (: mits 
andere opperhoofden aan la goa zijnde :) de togt landwaard onder- 
nemen, en yertrouwe dat wel soo yerre (: mogelijk :) yerder sonde 
komen dan daar het tin en koper geyonden werd : alsoo die land- 
streken, yolgens de beduijdenis yan een bejaard neger, niet verre 
zijn gelegen yan dien Capiteijn machimbile Cosse, daar den gesag- 
hobber Jurriaan Clappenburg, on ik, wedorom moesten keeren. 



Records of South-Eastern Africa. 415 

vermits ondiepte, breeder in 't overgesondene rapport dato augustij 
1721, te zien. Want gem: negers heeft mij alle de Capiteijns 
genoemt, die aan de hooge landstreek, die men aan la goa uijt 's 
Gomps. post siet, gelegen zijn, dit gebergte strekt zig van 't 
Z. Z. OS N. N. W^ heenen, beginnende dan uijt het Z. Z. O^, 
noemt hij nassangano, daar ook eijser gevonden werd : na deese 
batua paraotte en machicosje welke paalt digt aan meergem: 
Capit" machimbile Cosse : en voorts strekt na de kant van bier 
boven gemelde niambani, wiens jnwoonders, door de Gaffers aan 
la goa werden gen^ moetonge, in de vier gem: landstreeken yald 
kooper, en in die vcui machicasje boven het koper, nog het hier 
vooren gem: thin. 

Dat in gemelte landstreeken, off verder landwaard, goud 
gevonden werd en ook silver, sonde men ten naasten bij, vast 
konnen stellen : om dat de aan la goa wooneude negers, het na* 
men weeten te geven, noemende sij het silver de lamma jntoffe 
om dat van couleur, het tin niet ongelijk is, zijnde Intoffe tin 
gesegt : het gond noemen zij de lamma Insoeke, omdat het van 
couleur aan het Coper, niet oneijgen is, *t welk zij Insoeke 
noemen, bij de lamma, verstaan sij gond of silver, of wel alle 
beijde, het alleenig met bovengem: bij naamen zijnde geschikt 
na de Conleur onderscheijdende, sender zij verders van de wardije 
van dien, yts weeten. 

Yoege hier nog bij, dat volgens alle apparentie en het seggen 
der neegers, wij met de vaartuijgen naar boven zijn geweest, om 
de revier te besoeken in een tijd, dat men het weijnigste water 
daar heeft, als in de maanden Junij, Julij en Augustus zijnde het 
droogste van de tijd, wanneer men daar seer weijnig water ofte 
regen heeft: en de inlanders ook den tolk seggen, dat in de 
regen tijd meerder water is in de revieren, 't geen gelooffelijk is^ 
want toen wij boven zijn geweest, Julij en August ; 1721, hebben 
wij boven mainisse, overal aan de kanten der revieren, konnen 
sien, dat het water hooger was geweest, wel tot vier voeten : soodat 
wel apparent is, dat men in 't laatste, of kort na de regentijd 
(: die voor soo verre wij hebben konnen sien, in de maand 
Septemb' begint, en in Decemb' eijndigt :) na boven gingh, men 
daar meerder water sonde vinden, en bij gevolgh, verder konnen 
komen dan tot nog toe hebben gedaan, de hoop daar toe is nog 
vermeerdert alsoo eenige swarten, ook een der pr Schooteroog 
overgekomene slaven, mij hebben gesegt, dat in 't uijtgaan van 



416 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

't voorleedene jaar, het water bij mainisse, soo hoog is geweest, 
dat de lage landen, die wij 3. a 3^. voet boven water hebben 
gesieoy onder hebben gestaan : sender twijSel veroorsaakt door de 
sterke aanpersing van het boven water tegen de vloeden, op- 
stoppende, en aldus die landen onder water gestelt hebbende, 
genoegsaam vastgestelt kan werden dat men in de hier voren 
gem: tijd, de revieren opgaande, yerder opwaards sonde komen^ 
dan tot nog toe is geschiet. 

Zal onder welduijding van nwe wel Edele gestr. en E. agtb' hier 
nog kortelijk bijvoegen, letwes rakende de negotie, en gesteldheijt 
der landstreek rondom her, bij Comp" post, aan rio de la goa. 

Aangaande de negotie is aan uwe wel edele gestr. en E. agtb^ 
bevoorens door de overleedene opperhoofden, wijdloopig gescr 
of deselve verbeetert is, of veragterd, kan ik nwe wel edele gestr 
en E. agtb' vermits het ongelukkig geval met de zeerovers, 
niet seggen : maar wel dat bij eenige der daar omher woonende 
capiteijns, nog een reedelijke quantiteijt tanden zijn geweest, en 
ook amber, van welke de Engelsche (: die in jannarij en febmarij 
jongst leeden daar zijn geweest :) een goedepartij hebben gekogt, 
dog egter niet alle (: maar 't zij onder welduijdinge gesegt :) 
wanneer zoo creticq zal gehandelt werden, als na de dood van de 
heer Swertner, wel hebbe sien doen, is het niet apparent, datter 
veel voortgang zal werden gemaakt : want die natie niet mag 
sien, dat er gecretiseert wert op een bosje coralen, off andere 
kleijuigheeden, wat het ook mag zijn ; maar wel dat men de hand 
eens ligt, en een bosje meerder geeft : wanneer zij ook williger 
zijn, om aan te brengen, 't geene zij hebben en sulx kan 
gemackelijk gedaan werden, als men siet dat ijmand wat dikwils 
met goede tanden off amber komt, en ook andere met sig brengt, 
met goede waaren : om haar alsoo te animeeren, tot aan • brengen 
van meerder quantiteijd, sender men egter een gewoonte daar 
van behoeft te maken. 

De ondervinding heeft mij geleert, dat de negers seer wel 
content zijn, als men soo met haar leeft, en heb ik, in de ziekte 
van de heer Swertner zaliger (: uijt sijne last:) de negotie doende, 
op gem: wijse gehandelt, en in de tijd van vier a vijff weeken, 
meer dan de helft, der p^ de hoeker Gouda overgesondene «mber 
ingekogt, en geloof ook (: 't zij onder correctie gesegt:) dat de 
meerdere quantiteijt, van amber of andere waaren, wel soo veel 
winste komt te geven, schoon een bosje coralen meerder betault 



Records of South-Eastem Africa. 417 

als de mindere quantiteijt voor een bosje coralen minder ingekogt, 
en bet is seeker, dat men met een geschenkje, 't zij ran een bosje 
coralen, off andere kleijnigbeeden, veel bij die natie kan winnen, 
en haar tot zig trekken : dog als men sit te cretiseeren, nors is, 
en haar doet vertrekken, als bet voor de gebodene prijs niet 
willen geven, blijven zij 'te buijs, en brengen haar waaren niet te 
Yoorscbeijn: waarvan al exempels bebbe gesien, met bet in 
koopen van rijst en rundvee, daar wij om landwaard bebben 
moeten gaan, 

De waare die daar wel meest getrokken zijn, en gewilt, zijn 
corallen, thin en lijwaat: na de twee eerst gefli: vragen de negers 
dagelijx, dog na bet linnen niet soo sterk, alsoo een grote quan- 
titeijt van de zeerovers bebben ingekogt, bet roode, blauwe, of 
bet gebloemde, gelijk bet guinees dat daar is geweest, willen zij 
bet beste aan. 

Eooper kan daar ook wel verbandelt werden, dog niet soo 
willig, als de bovengefa: waaren, te meer alsoo daar te land koper 
vald, vrij mooijer van couleur, als bet geene er van de Comp** is 
geweest. 

Thin bebben zij van den beginne aan sterk na gevraagt : en 
als men daar thin hadde, en er staaQes van deed gieten, sonde 
men daar voor, alles konnen ruijlen wat zij badden : te minsten 
na gedagten : want zij vallen somtijds wat veranderlijk, willende 
d' eene tijd dit, en d' andere weeder wat anders bebben ; bet is 
ook nu dat zij bet landwaart quijt konnen raaken, want voor 't 
geene van ons ruijlen, 't zij coraalen thin, lijwaat, &^, koopen 
zij landwaard weeder ossen, eliphantstanden, amber &^, die dan 
al weederom aan de blanke verruijlen,eijisscbende dan soodanige 
goederen, als zij weeten landwaard meest getrokken te zijn, 
scheijnende egter coralen altijd, bet beste gewild. 

Ik bebbe bierboven vergeeten te seggen dat de negers aan la 
goa, geen sin in bet fatsoen van Comp" kopere ringen bebben 
gehad, om dat met leeden, en te ligt waaren : swaarder zijnde, 
en van een stuk, toegebogen, tot soo verre dat er de platte bals 
of arm, even door kan, sonde zij nog wat beeter van de band 
willen : gelijk dat jongst bebben gesien, met d' Engelscbe koper 
ringen, die op ge£a: wijse gemaakt waaren, en seer wel getrokken ; 
het was ook mooijer geel kooper als d' E. Comp" ringen, bet roode 
kooper willen de negers in 't geheel niet wel aan, omdat haar 
kooper ook rood is. 

2 E 



418 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

Het land om en bij Comp' post aan la goa is meestendeel ral 
sandy uijtgenomen de sonte vlakte, daar in den beginne aan 
gecampeert hebben, die aard en kleijagtig is, dog yennits meest 
alle springthijen onderloopt, en b^uaam om te besaijen als 
alleenig tegen de boogte aan, daar reijst, pisang, pompoenen &^ 
door de negers gezaeijd en yoort-geteelt werd: deese vlakte 
strekt zig tot omtrent twee mijlen van het fort, al langs 't hooge 
land, uijty en zoude ten deele door het leggen van een dam off 
dijkje, voor het zeewater bevrijd konnen werden, en soo in der 
tijd, bequaam gemaakt om te bezaeijen. 

Yerder landwaart, is het land op verre na sd sandig niet, en 
heeft men hier en daar grote vlaktens en laag land, daar schoon 
gras in staad, op kleij en aardagtige grond, met kleijne water- 
poeltjes van verswater, daarin : en zoude sonder twijffel 
(: bearbeijd zijnde:) bequaam weesen, om vrugten voor te brengen 
men heeft ook diergelijke lage landen aan beijde seijde der 
revier St. Esprit tot verre boven den meergefa: capiteijn mai- 
nisse, die omtrent 25 mijlen van Comp" post gelegen is aan de 
overseijde der revier la goa, in de landen van den Capiteijn tembi 
is het omtrent van deselve gesteltheijd, meede met schoone 
vlaktens voorsien, soo wel in het midden, als aan de kanten der 
revieren : ook in voortbrenging van vrugten. 

De vrugten die aldaar gevonden werden zijn reijst, pisang, 
pattattas, pompoene, een soort bruijne en een soort witte boontjes, 
waterlimoenen, annanassen, suijkerriet, toebacq, en een soort 
van zaad genaamt Mawelle, ook wel mosuelle, daar de negers 
meest van leven. 

Rijst vind men in redelijke quantiteyd, egter niet soveel, dat 
met het comptoir (: hondert off meer koppen sterk zijnde :) 
daarvan zoude konnen subsisteeren, schoon dit jaar, vcel meer 
land is besaaijd, als wel geduurende ons verblijf aldaar, is 
gedaan. 

De boontjes zijn er meede in redelijke abondantie en goed 
van smaak, dese bij de reijst geconsumeert, sonde men in cas van 
nood, konnen subsisteeren met een getal van manschap, als even 
is gesegt, te meer alsoo het rundvee, bocken &* daar redelijk 
wel te bekomen is. 

Het suijkerriet, werd op verseheijde plaatsen, door de negers 
aangequeekt scheijnt weelig voort te willen, dog werd in geen 
groote abondantie gevonden, maar sonde wel oecasie weeseu 



Records of South-Eastern Africa, 419 

(: menschen daar zijnde die zig des verstonden :) hetselve in 
meerder en grooter quantiteijt, te doen aanwassen. 

Tabacq vind men daar oyeryloedig, dog hoe verder landwaarci, 
hoe meerder quantiteijt en hoe beeter hij voort komt, is reede- 
lijk om te rooken (: gelijk de ondervinding ons heeft geleerti 
na 't ongelukkigh geyal met de rovers :) en sonde (: menschen daar 
2ijnde, die de voortplanting van dien verstonden:) in een goede 
abondantie konnen voortgeteelt werden alsoo deselve, tot 
sooverre als landwaard ben geweest, seer weelig heb sien groeijen, 
en sonde ik, nog een roUetje van dat kruijt, aan nwe wel Edele 
gestr: en E. Agtb' konnen verthoonen, dat tot specniatie heb 
meede gebragt. 

Aangaande het rundvee, bocken, schaapen en desselfs hair, is 
aan nwe wel Edele gestr: en E. agtb' bij 't leeven der over- 
leedene opperhoofden al gesz: soo dat daar niets van zal spreken 
maar tot slot eijts bij voegen^ aangaande bet humenr en aard dier 
negers. 

Moord-dadig is die landaard niet^ dog diefagtigh van kints 
been aan : zijn gemeensaam in ommegang : liefhebbers om een 
vereering te hebben, dog niet om iets te geven, en zo sij al iets 
aan ijmaud geven, dient men haar ten minsten de waardige van 
dien wederom te geven, off zij zijn misnoegt : estimeeren bijsonder 
haar eijgen selffs, voor andere natie : hebben gaame dat men haar 
aan siet voor stontmoedige menschen^ schoon zij op *t gesigt van 
een snaphaan, het bosch kiesen : egter hebben zij 't sedert het 
geval met de zeerovers, veel meer assnrantie getoond, dan te 
vooren, seggen ook (: sender te sien op de overmagt :) dat de 
Hollanders geen courgie hebben, maar zij lieden wel : verscheijde 
malen hebben zij ons volk, buijten in het bos zijnde, om eijtwes 
te koopen, hunne goederen afgenomen en uijtgetrokken, hoewel 
zij het, door toe doen van den Capit** mateke wederom hebben 
moeten geven : hebben ook selfs op *t fort, ons volk wel gedreijgt 
te slaan, gelijk ik selfs heb gesien, en ook tot differente maalen, 
haar aanstonds van het fort heb doen vertrekken: Sien seer 
ongaarne dat wij met de buijtenlandsche negers handelen : 
gelijk blijkt nijt het wegjagen der buijtenlanders, hiervooren 
gemelt, en zal d' E. Comp**^ off desselfs dienaren daar leggende, 
niet vreedig met de verre afgelegene inlanders (: schoon zij daar 
komen :) konnen handelen, voor dat de nabij de post woonende 
negers (: in het beletten van dien hun particulier voordeel 

2 E 2 



420 Records of South-Eastern Africa. 

beoogende :) boo veel de meeater niet konnen speelen, en onder 
naauwer subject gebragt zijn, dat wel met hondert man (:al» 
was 't ses mijl in de ronte :) kan gedaan werden. 

EUennede eijndigende, zal ik met diep eerbied en onder- 
danigsten respect, verblijven (: onderstond :) Wei Edele gestn 
heer en E. agtb. heeren, uwe wel Edele gestr: en K agtbares, 
gantsch nedrigen dienaar (: was getekent :) J. v. de Capelle(: in 
margine :) Cabo de Goede hoop den 3® Augustus, A^ 1723. 

Accordeert, 
(Geteekend) B, TolbaqHi 

£. G. Cleicq. 



Extract uit het Jowmaal gehouden te Fort Lagoa : — 

Saterdag 29 December 1725, een bewolkte Lugt en een 
Landlijk Coeltje maakende warm weer deese voormidd: quamen 
eenige Paraotters hier met wat Stofgoud bij haar, dat wij incogten ; 
vragende hun verder na de verheijd van hun Land, waar op zij 
seijden Seven dagen reijsens te zijn van hier tot in hun Land, 
en dat aldaar gevonden wierd goud, Coper en Elipbants tanden, 
Seijden meede dat Paraotte, machioosje Chiremandelle en 
Inthowelle aan een grensende Landen waaren, en Inthowelle, 
Cap" of hoofd van alle deselve; een van deese Paraotters, 
wesende zoo hij zeijde een Cap* en gen* Pangele Jntbowisse, als 
wij hem vraagden of hij niet wel hadde hooren Spreeken van 
monomotappa, antwoorden, dat hij daar wel hadde geweest, en 
dat er veel goud verhandelt wierd, dat uijt hunne en andere 
Iiandstreeken daar na toe wierd gebragt; Segt van sijn land 
nog 10 dagen reijsens te zijn tot Monomotappa dat hij op adjn 
taal Blosje noemt gedagte buijtenlanders in de negerije van 
matekij gehuisvest zijnde, Seijden over twee daagen nog eenig 
Stof Goud te sullen brengen ; gem: Paraotter Seijde ons nog 
dat veel en groote Eliphants tanden in hun land waaren, dog 
door de verheijd van d' weg waaren deselve te swaar cm te 
dragen. 



Records of South Eastern Afnca. 421 



Dag Begider gehouden aan Bio 8t. Jao vox aan de wal^ wot 
dagdijx genegotieert ende gepasseert is, in maand Iber 1727* 

Woensdag, den 17 d