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1.. ^ 


-^ "^^^l^s^ 

s< -"-<■ 







Mexican Bureau of Information 
' whitehall building, room 334 

19 14 



a challenged the dictatorship of Huerta. 
he victories on the battlefield against the 
:ican federals created among the constitu- 
alists strong personalities and new ambitions. 

Hiile the soldiers were fighting with sword 

rifles the diplomats were pulling the w-ires 

nd the scenes. In Paris, London, Washing- 

and New York there were rich, experienced 

practical gentlemen who were conspiring 

ise for their own end the forces which had 

{ unchained by the revolution. A tremend- 

battle of money, influence, strategy and 

was pitted against a struggle of principle, 

^ity and faith. 

lith Huerta's rise to power a number of 
ibers of this cabinet were exiled, men like 
e la Barra, ex-provisional President, General 
idragon, Rodolfo Reyes, ex- cabinet member, 
Felix Diaz, the wandering general who never 
jht a battle, the patriot who lost his uncle. 

1 Paris these gentlemen found other exiles 
:eep them company and plot their return to 
er. Jose Y. Limantour, ex-Finance Minister, 
3asasus, ex-Ambassador, were among the 
St of the cientifico exiles. The former ex- 
lister is the brain which directs and pulls 
strings for the purpose of getting some of 
cientificos in any cabinet under any old 
iident in Mexico. Under de la Barra's pro- 
jnal presidency three-fourths of the cabinet 
ibers were "neo-cientificos," tliat is to say, 

:-*-.-.„ ...1 :— i. A- i.u- -.- j.\.^ 

to reports counted up to one hundred and 

Other ex-cabinet members were T. Ezq 
Obregon, Dr. Urrutia, the surgeon-cxccut 
of Huerta; Querido Moheno, ex-Mini 
(General Maas, Fco Carbajal, ex-provia 
l^rcsident; Gen. Juvencio Robles, Razgado 
Terrazas, the Creels, F. Gamboa, to say no 
of the lesser fry. 

These exiles were scattered from New 
to Washington, from New Orleans to El '. 
but their headquarters were in New York. 
did not all come at once to the United S 
but in dribbles and bunches according to the 
of the political wheel. Some are called 
firistas, huertistas, **cientificos," fdid 
others, the maderistas, are divided bet 
"neo-cientificos" and villistas; but they ai 
of one stripe; they are without exceptioi 
actionaries who are only interested in their 1 
money and political power ; they are the em 
of the Mexican liberals, hostile to the Mc 
Constitution. They do not all work tofi 
but they travel on the same road. Witf 
exception of Gen. Mondragon, Gen. Felix 
Rodolfo Reyes and Dr. Urrutia, they ai 
"cientificos" with a dash of clericalism. ' 
methods of procedure are the same ; the idcJ 
fine Italian hand is seen through their plots 

When F. I. Madero had taken Juarez 
Gen. Navarro, tlic "cientificos" sent aUe 

. 4. . « J. «. A- 

^^ *« ^4 4» !««.«*« ^^ ^m ^ ^^ ^n^ . 

frustrated. When the European 
exiles from Mexico observed the 
;)ointed to a future Constitutiona- 
hey sent agents to Carranza, to 
, to Gen. Gonzalez and to Gen. 
er which of those men were more 
lucnced by money, personal ambi- 
motivcs. The reports were un-- 
h the exception of Villa. The 
ere men of culture, breeding and 
rience. Most Constitutionalist 
f the opinion that all reactionary 
the cientificos, should be eli- 
y understood that as F. I. Madero 
rified as a martyr to Mexican 
ne would be inscribed in the scroll 

riadcro family, from Francisco 
had no claim to Mexican gratitude 
f political power. Therefore they 
the attempts of the Madero clan 
he ground floor" of the successful 
Thereupon all the "cientificos" 
efforts upon the brave, loyal and 
ery tempered, illiterate and politi- 
nced Villa. 

week by week, month after month 
ith Villa's army as camp followers, 
s and admirers, as newspaper cor- 
to work on the impressionable 
vanity was tickled, his patriotism 
is personality, his military achieve- 
xaggerated, his importance in the 
5 magnified until he began to think 
spired to lead the Mexican people, 
is going on the "cientificos" spent 
dollars for fiction and magazine 
I biographies wherein the past life 
described in a romantic fashion to 
outhful peccadilloes and magnify 

Even Huerta had .s.ecrejL_ageijts 
try and break him away from^the 
, Carranza. In his last message 

of the division among the re- 
-he meant Villa but at that time 
ripe for a break and his declara- 
laturc. The cientificos, neo-cienti- 
alled maderistas continued the ef- 
•mine the loyalty of Villa. 

lent that Pancho Villa would not 
ven if he should quarrel with Car- 
he reactionary powers, which had 
for Diaz, de la Barra, Huerta, Car- 
itention of the press agents was to 
sonality of Villa so dominant in 
Americans and Mexicans that al- 

though Villa could not hope to be Presiden 
might be nevertheless a president maker, 
balance of power, the man behind the throi 

The agents poured out day after day st 
about Carranza, about his faults, but neve: 
virtues. They told Villa that Carranza wa 
aristocrat, a great landowner who would r 
settle the land question, an ambitious man 
wanted to become dictator, a pretentious scl 
w^ho laughed at Villa's ignorance. 

Reed in an article speaks of Villa's loyal 
Carranza in the beginning of the revolt 
"His loyalty to Carranza was perfectly obsti 
He seems to think that in Carranza were 
bodied the entire ideals of the revolution, 
in spite of the fact that many of his ad\ 
tried to make him see that Carranza wa 
sentially an aristocrat and a reformer and 
the people were fighting for more than refc 

The work of the Villa advisers was si 
bearing fruit; the untrained mind of the si 
willed condottiere was undermined systema 
ly with every known and unknown machiav 
device; his intelligence was being trained t 
come a useful tool for higher unscrupi 
aristocratic masters. 

Excuses for difference between Carranzs 
Villa were easily found and magnified until 
began to believe that Carranza was jealoi 
him and his power, his talent and his hoi 
Carranza appeared in the plastic mind o 
military leader very much blacker than he 
painted. The Chief of the Revolution's 
to Villa had the same effect on him as a re 
to a bull. 

Villa began to believe that he was perse 
by the Supreme Chief. 

It is easy to understand that in such a 
picious, tense, state of mind, filled with im 
ary grievances, one more drop of subtle, c 
nious poison was sufficient to overflow th< 
of bitterness. 

It w^as intended t^at Villa should quarrel 
the Chief of the Revolution, disown him a 
necessary fight him, but at all events no n 
by what methods, he was to be eliminated. 
Villa would control the Convention of Gei 
and Governors. He would dictate the nar 
the provisional President and later of the ] 

He would be the Czar of Mexican p( 
with the string being pulled from Paris and 
York. He was to be a Czar of M 
without office, but with real power in his h; 

1 ne insiae nisiory or me oreaK oetween i^on v enusnano 

Carranza and General Villa. 

part from the first differences occurring be- 
en Mr. Carranza and General Villa through 
deaths of Benton and Bauche events that 
' took place during the revolution in terri- 
' under the dominion of the forces of General 
a, there have been provoked the two follow- 
serious schisms: 


General Villa, like all the Constitutionalist 
jals, expressly recognized the leadership of 
Carranza and took orders from him. Fre- 
Qtly Mr. Carranza ordered a certain head or 
dal of some particular division to assist 
ther who was engaged in battle. On various 
isions he assigned aid to General Villa when 
latter was going into action with his men. 

)n the 9th of June, Generals Natera and Ar- 
a attacked the city of Zacatecas occupied 
Huertista forces. The outposts of the city 
already been taken, but on carrying an as- 
It against the principal fortifications they 
ountered more resistance, for the enemy had 
rived reinforcements. Then Mr. Carranza 
ered General Villa, who was the chief nearest 
Zacatecas, to send 5,000 men to Natera's as- 
ance. General Villa refused to send these \ 

the northern division. Mr. Carranza ace 
the resignation. 

The officials under the direction of 
favored his decision and backed him up, b 
continued in command of his division no 
standing his resignation. 

*\^illa did not only in this instance depr 
companion at arms of aid and disobey Car 
whom he recognized as his Chief, but he or 
tlie capture of the general treasurer and of 
civil officials who depended on General 
ranza, and also took possession of the fuc 
the Treasury. 


Because of the hostile attitude toward G< 
Carranza of Jose Ma. Maytorena in Sononii 
a force of 1,500 Yaquis, Mr. Carranza, a 
guided by the idea of establishing hs 
among the Constitutionalists and of gi 
proof of confidence to General Villa 
authorized him and General Obregon to ai. 
a pacific arrangement with Maytorena, avc 
any clashes with the forces in that State 
manded by Col. Plutarco Elias Calles, and tc 
them faithful to Carranza. 

It was aPTeed between the aforement 

the agreement, for not only 
authority of Obregon, but 
ubordinates to insult him. 
nerals Villa and Obregon to 
th Maytorena, and Villa to 
n if he continued his belli- 

not carry out this last reso- 
eiving General Hill. He 
ng to an agreement between 
General Obregon to leave 
:e to the interior of Chihua- 
Hill answered him that he 
ir orders than those of his 
leral Obregon, General Villa 
Maytorena, as he had offered 
d forces from Chihuahua to 
, in league with Ma)rtorena. 

of General Villa determined 
make a trip to Chihuahua, 
conference there. General 
•n defenceless compelled him 
;hooting him without court- 
11 to get out of Sonora. 

imprisonment of Obregon 
1 Villa, the order given by 
>n without court-martial, the 

Villa himself in the con- 
i which Mr. Carranza con- 
settle peacefully the difficul- 

Sonora, and lastly the in- 
this state with armed forces 

against the troops of Car- 
were consummated without 
owledge. and revealed too 
induct of Villa, caused Mr. 
precautionary measures of 
ich was the suspension of 

of Aguascalientes. 

pend traffic was the pretext 
)Sume a really rebellious at- 
ssed an insolent telegram to 
ig him to account for such a 
>rdering him to annul the 
T. Carranza manifested be- 
telegram that he desired to 
hich he. Villa, had observed 
egon. Villa without ariswer- 
himself declared that the 
ould not be present at the 
*d by Carranza for the 1st 
; he disclaimed him as Chief 
ist Army. 

re this last occurrence, Mr. 
)n Villa the rank of Division 


The first incident provoked by General Villaj 
of disobeying the order to help Natera, which 
action greatly relaxed the discipline of the Con- 
stitutionalist forces, gave rise to what is called 
the pact of Torreon. 

General Pablo Gonzalez and the other leaders 
of the northeastern division, wishing to establish 
concord with the forces of Villa, invited the 
chiefs of these forces to send delegates so that 
through peaceful conferences a way might be 
resolved for smoothing the friction occasioned 
by the disobedience of Villa. He and his 
generals accepted the invitation. 

In these conferences, consummated only be- 
tween representatives of the forces of General 
Gonzalez and those of General Villa, all the 
amendments proposed to the plan of Guadalupe 
were renounced, according to the acts of the 
conclaves, subscribed to by the delegates and 
secretaries who attended them. 

General Carranza conceded again to recognize 
Villa as chief of the northern division, and this 
division reiterated to Carranza its recognition 
of him as the First Chief of the Constitutionalist 

The only measure adopted in the conferences 
of Torreon and that had to be submitted to Mr. 
Carranza for his approval was the following: 
"As soon as the revolution shall have triumphed 
there is to be called a coxiirention which will 
take place in Mexico City, with the object of 
deciding when the elections of the Republic are 
to be held. This convention will be composed 
of one delegate for each 1,000 soldiers under 
arms. The delegate is to be elected by a com- 
mittee of military chiefs, and his election ap- 
proved by the commandants of the respective 

Mr. Carranza did not approve but modified 
the foregoing proposition in the sense that the 
delegates to the convention might be named, one 
by each general or Governor of a State or mifr 
tary chief in command of forces when these 
might not be able to meet. 

It is absurd to believe, as the American press 
believes, that the rebellious attitude of General 
Villa is owing to a failure on the part of Ca^ 
ranza to comply with the agreement celebrated 
in Torreon, in respect to the form of holding' 
tihe convention. Mr. Carranza did not accept. 
the proposition which the officials of General] 
Gonzalez and General Villa agreed to submill 
for his approval. But aside from this, it 
absurd to believe that Villa would have 
advantage if the convention might be forme 

sral, each Uovernor and cacli chiet in com- 
id of troops can meet at the convention or 
le a delegate. 

o sum up, it is untrue to assert that the 
:ile attitude of Villa toward Carranza is 
ified because Carranza did not carry out 
Lt he had agreed upon. Carranza did not 
le to the nomination of a delegate for every 
men, nor is it true that Villa would have 
:rol of the convention if it should be formed 
his manner. 


arranza, satisfying his own wishes and the 
ies of the Constitutionalist leaders, sum- 
led the convention for October, notwith- 
iding the fact that he cannot say the revo- 
on has completely triumphed. This con- 
ition will be vested with the most ample 
hority, the designation of a provisional 
remment, and will map out the plans for the 
aUishment of a constitutional government, 
neral Villa had agreed that the northern di- 
ion under his command should be present at 
J convention through the medium of reprc- 
itatiyes chosen in the form adopted by Mr. 
rranza, it being understood that in accordance 
Ih his telegram addressed to Mr. Carranza, 
had already sent his delegates whom he 
fcred to return when they arrived in the city 

rhp fnllrkAvincr nrnnnQifmnQ filcn -fnrniQVi nrnnf 

and the Judges ot the rrimary \^un oi \- 
and Inferior Judges. 

Fourth: — The Governors of States, 
Governor of the District, and the Political 1 
of tlie Territories will call elections of the 1 
cipalitics, as soon as the judicial authorities 
been appointed. The elections will be hel' 
same month that the council convenes, and 
in eight days after said elections may have 
held the citizens appointed will come tog 
to establish themselves in the Electoral Co 
to qualify the elections, and the day after 
the respective Council will be installed* 

Fifth : — As soon as the Councils are estal 
ed, the Provisional President of the Rcf 
and the Constitutional or Military Govc 
of the States, will call elections, the firsi 
representatives to the Congress of the U 
and the second for Constitutional Gave 
Deputies to the Local Legislature and 1 
strates to the Superior Courts, in the caS( 
which the constitution of the State may pn 
that in this manner these last may be c* 

These elections will be held pred 
month after the call for them may Imp 
issued, and will serve as a basis for the i 
division of the last election which may 
taken place before the 18th of February, ! 

Sixth:— The Federal Cabinets and the I 
Legislatures having been installed, the fiu: 
extraordinary sessions will busy itself pP 
ably in the study of the following constttut 

iiscussion of Ihc constitutional reforms 
lown, the iVovisional President shall 
all for the elections of a Constitutional 
t, and for the appointing of the Magi- 

for each district, with a view to studying 
agrarian problem and to form a plan which 
be sent to the State Congress for its 1 

Carranza's Defense of his Course, 


:ity, September 28th, 1914. Via Laredo. 

jovernment relies upon one hundred 
men to preserve the peace of the 

•eaty agreed to at Torreon between the 

1 Division and the Corps of the North- 

ny is in no way valid, for it has never 

my approval. I judged it of the utmost 

ice to call a meeting the first of October 

object of discussing and agreeing to a 

for the Provisional Government, to fix 

of elections to study and resolve ques- 

general interest and even provisional 

ent, I being disposed to deliver over 

charge if the majority of the assembly 

lotices relative to the downfall and 
ment of Gonzalez are entirely untrue, 
said division has fought the Zapatistas 
cess, destroying them on every side and 
them up to the present time the loss of 
in two thousand men. I repeat that I 
; failed to live up to any compact, but 
-ontrary Villa and Maytorena failed in 
npact celebrated for the purposre of the 

pretended solution of the difficulties in Soi 
for which some days ago Generals Obregon 
Villa were commissioned. 

Constitutionalist generals attempted to 5 
the conflict peaceably, and for that purpo 
commission went out headed by General Obr 
with destination at Zacatecas to hold a coi 
ence with Generals Aguirre Benavides 
Robles of the Villa Division. The railway 
telegraphic communications between Mc 
and Vera Cruz are preserved intact and Gei 
Aguilar remains faithful to the First Magist: 
He, like other Constitutionalist generals ii: 
south, fight the reactionary forces of Argur 
and Aguilar that find it necessary to ensc 
themselves in small groups in the mount 
General Obregon remains faithful to the goi 
ment, with all the confidence of the 






(Signed) V. CARRANZ 



The Great Strength of Don Venustiano Carranza. 

Mexico City, September 28th, 1914. 

northern division commands barely 
i THOUSAND MEN, the majority 

soldiers. The Constitutionalist forces, ; 
from those faithful to the cause, in the ; 

northern division and under the First M 

. may be estimated at ONE HUNDRED 

patism does not possess the importance at- 
ted to it by the enemy, for besides the fact 
s relying on small forces and scanty sup- 
, I esteem it an easy matter to define its 
attitude, which is principally due to the 
- of intrigue consummated by the bad 
ent surrounding Zapata, WHOSE 


proof of the work of those elements are the 
propositions presented by Chief Villa to 
Government, in every way contrary to the 
lutionary spirit. 

With a desire to avoid at any ri 
necessary conflict, I permitted some ( 
were actually in this place to go to th< 
Division and invite them to state the 

There has also been formed a cora 
generals with a view to attempting 
conference at Zacatecas, at which i 
some of the chiefs of the Jforthen 
to discuss in their assembly at the 
which I have called all the matters 
to the revolution, and where it is 
final settljjments may be arrived at 
definitely realize the triumph of the c 
we have been defending. 

(Signed) V. CAR 

The Correspondence between Carranza and General 

of the Northern Division, 

xico City, Sept. 29, 1914. Via Galveston. 

le following messages were exchanged be- 
n this First Magistracy and the Generals 
le Northern Division, which they sign "Chi- 
ma, Chih., Sept. 27th, 1914. 
on Venustiano Carranza, First Chief of the 
stitutionalist Army, in Charge of the Exe- 
re Authority, Mexico, D. F. Honored Sir : — 

generals, chiefs, and officials of the North- 
Division and the civilians who subscribe to 
paper, sincerely moved by a patriotic atti- 

and worthy of tho greatest admiration that 
brothers of other divisions have assumed, 
Ilenerals Ignacio L. Pesqueira, Lucio Blanco, 
ardo Hay, Rafael Buelna, and Juan C. 
lina, with a view to putting to one side all 
sh interests and petty differences so that wc 

save the Republic in the deep and dolorous 
I in which she is at present plunged, address 
for the purpose of manifesting that it is not 
ain that our dear companions of other di- 
)ns invoke our sentiments of dignity, and 
conscience of the honor and most just af- 
ion which wc harbor for the country which 
ur sad and holy mother. We cherish the 
.test ambition that the regenerative work of 
constitutionalist revolution may not crumble; 

we encourage the great illusion that the 
ifices of our brothers who died heroically on 
field of battle in defense of the holy ideals 
iberty and justice may not be unfruitful, 
ike our said brothers wc wish to make every 
rt that owing to these circumstances in which 
are unfortunately placed, the enemy may not 

take advantage of the cause of libert 
do not stop at any measure which i 
the republic in blood. 

Equally, we will make every effort 
sacrifice before sentencing our cour 
dark danger of foreign interventior 
onlv the failure of all these noble ho 
all these generous efforts will carrjf 
fratricidal struggle to which we woi 
because duty would compel us to do 
wiih a heart full of pain and sadn( 
national misfortunes. 

P»y reason of the foregoing and ch< 
intimate conviction that vou will kn 
j)lace yourself at the height of cin 
that you will understand how to be 
the noble example of all true patriot 
\vln» JKive fallen gloriously defending 
Mid honor of our soil, that in your | 
crui soul there will be room for noble 
and i^onerous efforts, we come to ask 
sublime act to save the Republic fror 
^\llicll it may come to through the 
r;i>bncss of all. 

(k-neral \'illa has telegraphed to 
mii])anions that he will cease the hos 
of the northern division if you in 
patriotism and unselfishness may 
supreme command to the incorrupt 
iHTiiando Iglesias Calderon, who bj 
his talent. energ\^ and clean record 
surety for th.e revolution, because he 
stand how to carry the Republic t 
]»ath of honor and will never \itove 

locratic cause, 
categorically declared that 
irmly support Mr. Iglesias, 
e of civism and disinterest 
T that none of his chiefs 
deiicy or vice-presidency, 
lor constitutionally. 
, honorable First Chief, 
It this division is resolved 
; on the altars of our coun- 
lot guided by petty or low 
nly exhort you to turn a 
isels of the amBitious and 
ment of pride and of bad 
e, and leave the supreme 
iblic with a view to saving 
which pride and obstinacy 

and laudable attitude will 

salvation and aggrandize- 

and will raise you to the 

ble, leaving to the genera- 

a luminous and beautiful 

t and patriotism. 

guirrc Benavides, Gral. J. 

Mariano Garcia, General 

Orestes Pereyra, Gral. 

Gral. Calixto Contreras, 

ral. Rosalio C. Hernandez, 

riguez, Coronel Santiago 

LC Arroyo, Gral. Felipe 

Madero, Coronel Manuel 

)ronel E. Santos Coy, Dr. 

?ederico Gonzalez Garza, 

jmbardo, Juan H. Uriba, 

•ilvestre Terrazas, Coronel 

ieneral Fidel L. Avila and 


Aguirre Benavides, Jose 
no Garcia, Manuel Chao, 
artiniano Servin, Calixto 
Cisneros, Rosalio Hernan- 
:z and other signers. Chi- 

essagc under date of the 
you set forth your desire 
First Magistracy of the 
y and the charge of the 
)n to avoid the armed con- 
*ovoked by reason of the 
il Francisco Villa, deliver- 
acy and that charge to C. 
\ than to leave as soon as 

possible the two high positions that the armed 
people of the Republic have entrusted me with 
upon aiding the Plan de Guadalupe of the 26th 
of March, 1913, proclaimed and sustained by the 
first Chiefs who accompanied me in the struggle, 
which happily has caused the downfall of the 
dictatorship created in this city in consequence 
of a military union and of the unfaithfulness 
of the federal army in charge of suppressing it; 
but owing to the fact that the trust which Con- 
stitutionalism has placed in my hands is so 
sacred, on my retirement I believe it my un- 
rescindable duty to place the same in the hands 
of those who have conferred it on me, who are 
necessarily the superior Chiefs of the Constitu- 
tionalist army, between whom, honorably, are 
to be found the Chiefs whom I address. 

With this object and with the object that there 
may be discussed and settled all subjects of 
public interest, I called the convention which 
must be held the first of October next, to all the 
generals in command of the Constitutionalist 
army and Governors of the States, who will 
have to appoint the new depositary of the high 
commission in which I am vested. 

If upon holding that convention any of the 
chiefs should be absent who ought to take part 
in the same, the convention itself will have power 
to summon them to the conference, each separ- 
ately or through the medium of representatives. 

As the petition to which I refer originates in 
the undisciplined action and disobedience of 
General Villa in failing to recognize me as First 
Chief of the Constitutionalist Army and in 
charge of the Executive authority, I judge that 
to work with the greatest impartiality, although 
I do not know whether you may have lent your 
influenced with General Villa himself to turn 
him to execute his duty, they ought to have peti- 
tioned before that the aforesaid General Villa 
would abandon the command of the Northern 
Division and retire, the same as I, to private 
life, although I am still Governor of Coahuila, 
with the noblest object, on the part of you and 
myself, of avoiding the war which undoubtedly 
will come as a consequence of the insubordina- 
tion of the Chief of the N'orthem Division. 

If the Chiefs before whom I make my resigna- 
tion in the convention of the first of October 
accept it, with the greatest pleasure and satis- 
faction I will retire to private life with a clear 
conscience of having discharged my duties a 
a citizen, of Governor of the State of Coahuila 

of the First Chief of the Constitutionalist Arm 


and of the charge of the executive power of tb 
nation; but if the resignation might not be ar 


c^ted, with the same rectitude and the same 

\- energy with which I fought an usurpation headed 

by General Huerta, I will combat the reaction 

which now appears to be headed by General 

Villa, an instrument, perhaps unconscious, of 

Porfirism and Cientificism conquered in the 

struggle, as was Pascual Orozco with respect 

to the reactionaries scattered upon the initiating 

of the insurrection headed by the illustrious 

martyr, Don Francisco I Madero. 

It pleases me to meet and recognize the high 
sentiments with which you are inspired upon 
addressing the First Magistracy, and it is my 
ardent desire that they may meet with success; 

but if notwithstanding those 
and those meritorious efforts 
is made inevitable, 1 hope th; 
ons of those to whom I ad 
recognize that their duty is 
of dignity and honor and not 

It would be lamentable if 
who have exposed their lives 
should now lose them withoi 
civil struggle, the consequence 
escape your penetration. I 
vours for the salvation of the 

Forces under Command of Don Venustiano Car 

Northwestern Division commanded 

General Obregon 22,000 men 

Northeastern Division commanded 

by General Pablo Gonzalez with 35,000 

First Central Division, General 

Natera 7,000 

Second Central Division, Gen. J. 
Carranza 18,000 

Forces of Jalisco, commanded *by 

Gen. M. Dieguez 10,000 

Forces of Durango State, com- 
manded by Gens. Arrieta and 
Carrillo 7,000 

Total <)9,000 

Besides the said ciiicfs, there are with Mr. 
Carranza as subordinate leaders in the foregoing 
army, Generals Martin Triana, Candido Aguilar, 
Murguia, Francisco Cos. (icrtrudis Sanchez. 
Lucio Blanco, Rafael lUielna. Juan Cabral, 
Antonio Flores, Vicente Salazar, Ivsteban Mar- 
quez. Antonio Medina, Federico Saucedo, 
Cesarco Castro. Jesus Castro, Agustin Castro. 

Luis G. Caballero, Eulalio 
Gutierrez, Antonio I. Villi 
Iturbe, Juan Dosal, Ernesto 
Davila Sanchez, Jesus Sancl 
Zua Zua, Encarnacion Dia 
Cerecero Estrada, Teodoro I 
Garza, Jacinto Trevino, Alber 
Francisco Carrera Torres, R< 


The subordinate generals 

follows : — In Sonora, none 
Tomas L'rbina, Eugenio A 
( ) Testes Pereyra, Felipe Ang 
treras. Kanl Madero, Luis h 
llerrera, Manuel Chao. Ton 
Avila. Jose Isabel Robles anc 

I'orces inuler General ViHa (] 

ern Division) 


l^orces under Generals Lui 
Monclovio llerrera ( R«. 
joined the Carranza forces^ 

General Antonio I. Villarreal Addresses Zap 

Messrs. Gen. Don Antonio I. Villarreal and 
Lie. Don Luis Cabrera had been commissioned 
to treat with Gen: Zapata relative to his .sur- 
render of the forces under his command. The 
said gentlemen leaving the metropolis turned 
their footsteps toward Cuernavaca, Morelos 
and had the pleasure of an interview with the 
southern leader. 

Unfortunately, however, (kn. Zapata was 
surrounded with two or three people, who in the 

charaets^T of secretaries make 
possible task for anyone 'to ^ 
him in regard to the bett^nj 
cause. / 

One of the^e persons, T)or 
by his etTorts prevented G( 
Zapata from arriving at ^ sa 
ment with the Presidential co 

Gen. Villarreal in his an: 
problem before alluded to, ha 

Mexico, Sept. Sth, 1914. 

Zapata : 

jre of receiving the last let- 
kverc kind enough to send 
js and in which you express 

were to blame for the in- 
ic. I must advise you that 
ot one of much importance, 

they gave you exaggerated 
ime. What we consider a 
was really a sad one regard- 
nt to consult you with tlie 
J at an agreement between 

elements of the North and 
:he unjustified conduct and 
le of your secretary, Mr. 
in respect to whom I intend 
etter with the most absolute 
ness; believing in this way 
ou a good turn, not alone 
y but also the cause of the 

public which we must all 
he peace of the nation, 
ly analyze the happenings 
uring our visit in this city, 
g to call your attention, you 
I moment that all the diffi- 
lelty misunderstandings, all 
^ emanated principally from 
)orted by Mr. Seratos, who 
»n is carrying on work right 
at is very far from being 

he case that when various 
::her to settle great or small 

may exist between them, it 
hey work in good faith and 
}d of are thoroughly talked 
Dints are ceded by one party 

other party ; there must be 
: arrangements, and a deli- 
ached regarding the subject 
To continue, conferences 

to any matter must not be 
irty on one side imposing a 
,e parties on the other side 
e without discussing the pro- 
1 against and coming to a 


in our case this wliich was 
ust method of procedure did 
cause as vou will remember 

Mr. Palafox, who was the spokesman during 
the discussions almost prevented us from set' 
ting forth our side of the subject, and at- 
tempted to impose upon us certain conditions 
which would have to be accepted uncondition- 
ally as preliminaries before arriving at a 

You will recollect that Mr. Palafox de- 
manded as a first condition that as revolution- 
aries of the North we should accept without 
discussion the Plan of Ayala as the Supreme 
Law of the Republic, declaring that otherwise 
it would be impossible to treat of other 

This is in direct contradiction to your de- 
clarations, that, you had no ambition for 
power; for in one of the clauses of the Plan 
of Ayala it states that General Pascual Orozco 
is recognized as leader of the revolution, and 
in case he is not able to discharge that task, 
you will be eligible ; and as our complete sub- 
mission to the Plan of Ayala is demanded it 
would intimate that we ought to place you in 
the position of the Supreme Chief of the 
Nation and in a more or less covert manner, 
you would be Provisional President of the 

I believe in the sincerity of your words 
when you say that you have no ambition to 
command, that all you want is the settlement 
of the agrarian question and the economic 
betterment of the lower classes for which you 
have struggled so bravely. But back of this 
is Mr. Palafox, who has the ambition to rule, 
and who is desirous to see you raised to 
supreme power so that he may enjoy a privi- 
leged position in your office in his character 
of Secretary and Councillor. The same object 
animated Mr. Serratos more or less who also 
enjoys a certain amount of influence regard- 
ing your affairs, and doubtless awaits the 
auspicious moment of utilizing the same for 
his own benefit. 

You will remcml>er that Don Liiis Cabrera 
and I set forth very clearly that we were 
authorized to accept essentially the Plan of 
Ayala ; that is, the land (luestion, the satis- 
faction of the po])ular needs, the betterment 
of the poor. \Ve hereby declare that we agree 
fully with the principles set forth in the Plan 
of Ayala, and only desire that its form may 
he modified, and that there mav be added to 
the gubernatorial program which we might 
draw up some clauses relative to the needs of 
the Xorthern States and the States in the 
center of the Republic, which are not in the 


same condition as those of the south. Messrs. 
Pilafox and Serratos refused to accept our 
cordial and just propositions, and insisted in 
a blind, unquestionable, despotic manner that 
the Plan of Ayala be accepted, without the 
change of a word or a comma. 

Convinced that the influence of Messrs. 
Palafox and Serratos over you would make 
sterile all our efforts for coming to an agree- 
ment in the form which we proposed, we 
declined to start a discussion which onlv 
might have served to embitter our souls and 
to give rise to more ill-feeling that what we 
suffered in the course of our conversation with 
you. For our part we found ourselves in a 
visibly hostile atmosphere, and we lacked the 
liberty necessary for the free expression of 
our opinions. 

When Mr. Sarabia spoke with you for the 
first time, he wrote me stating that your at- 
titude was cordial and that he saw that your 
propositions of peace were sincere. On the 
occasion of our meeting with you our surprise 
was great to find you different from what 
Mr. Sarabia had represented. This may be 
easily explained for the first time that you 
spoke with Mr. Sarabia you were guided by 
your own impulses and by your good in- 
tentions, and the second time you were under 
the influence of the unhealthy machinations 
of Mr. Palafox. 

The question then is reduced to the follow- 
ing facts : On our ])art the greatest and most 
sincere cordiality, the recognition of the 
justice of your cause, the acceptance of the 
principles of the plan of Ayala relating to the 
division of lands and the social betterment: 
im your part, good impulses, no ambition for 
power, and the exclusive desire for the wel- 
fare of the public; and on the part of Mr. 
Palafox and Mr. Serratos a spirit of intrigue 

that distorts the best intentions, ambitions for 
power in your hands with a view to thriving 
in your shadow, and a decided object of pro- 
voking war if their ambitions should not be 

Is not this sad, General Zapata? Is it not 
deeply to be lamented that all the patriotic 
efforts of honorable men shall go to pieces 
before the caprices of two intriguers? Is it 
not bitter and even shameful that a movement 
as great and unselfish as yours after four 
years of struggle should degenerate by reason 

of an instrument of vile ; 
ignoble weapon for bringin 
on a country already exhai 
for indef)endence ? 

I make a supreme appes 
your patriotism, to your 
who would be in the last 
would suffer ' most from a 
into consideration what we 
with you, and which I a 
letter, that we may arrive 
standing with the revolutic 
and the south, who in real 

We know that we ha\ 
power to arrive at a peace 
at length it might be f( 
reach it, it will not be thro 

God grant that to-morn 
to tell you that through atl 
gues of an ambitious part 
dictates of patriotism, yoi 
for the beginning of a w 
thoroughly unjustifiable, v 
and which would do no oi 

I believe that after whj 
only necessary to add tt 

while Palafox continues at 
the influence that he does, 
for us to return to see > 
nor for us to send other 
we consider that we won 
did not, the necessary HI 
frankness and amplitude 
subject which is under our 

We would be very thai 
you had resolved to act in( 
harmful counsellor; and 
consider that it would \ 
arrive at a settlement. 

In place of Mr. Palafox 
to consult your principal 
struggled faithfully for t 
will surely find among: the 
and iK^tter counsel than 

I know- that the majorit] 
hold Mr. Palafox in scant 
care for him ; and if thev \ 


^cs to you it has been perhaps 
c of opportunity or excess of dis- 
w it would be convenient that you 
ti regarding this matter. 

r. General, in your good judgment 
: right, to kindly bear in mind with 
»erenity and justice what we have 
ou. and unite your efforts to ours 

with a view to realiz-ing the peace which our 
Republic needs so much, without lessening 
the agrarian ideals for which you have strug- 
gled for so long a time. 

I am happy to sign myself, 

Yours affectionate and loyal friend, 



Convention of Generals in Mexico City 


Mexico City, October 5th, 1914. 

Yesterday at 7 P. M. the First Chief of the 
Constitutionalist Army, vested with the Exe- 
cutive Authority, produced before the Assembly 
of Governors and Generals united in convention 
in the Chambers of Deputies, the following in- 
formation: **Generals of the Constitutionalist 
Army, Governors of the States of the Union. 
Upon initiating the struggle for legality against 
the rebel dictatorship, I offered to call you to a 
solemn convention to be held in the Capital of 
the Republic, when it should be occupied by the 
Constitutionalist A'ny; and according to the 
Plan of Guadalupe, accepted by all of you. 
through which I might take upon myself the 
Executive Authority of the Nation, I am happy 
to-day to fulfill the promise I made you ; in con- 
sequence, you will all discuss the political pro- 
gram for a provisional government of the 
Republic, and such matters of general interest 
as will lead the country to its realization of the 
ideals of justice and liberty, for which we have 
so valiantly struggled. During the campaign 
the Chiefs of the Constitutionalist Army with 
whom I spoke, including those of the Northern 
Division, agreed with me in that this convention 
should fix the date on wliich the election to re- 
establish the Constitutionalist order would be 
lield, as the su])renie goal of the legalist niove- 
nicut. Iviually all the Chiefs of this army coin- 
cide with me in that the iVovisional (lOvern- 
ment should institute the social and political 
reforms which will be considered in this Con- 
vention as of urgent i)ul)lic necessity, before the 
re-establishment of the Constitutionalist order ; 
the social and political reforms about which I 
<ipoke to the principal Chiefs of the Army, in- 
dispensable to satisfy the aspirations of the 
public in its need for economic liberty, of 
pr)litical equality, and organic peace, are briefly 
enumerated in what I set forth herewith. The 
assurance of municij)al liberty as a check and 
balance to the political power of the States, and 
as the princi])al doctrine of all democratic prac- 
tices ; the resolution of the agrarian problem 
thnnigh the division of the national lands, of 
the land which the government may buy from 
the great proprietors and that which may 
be expropriated for ])nblic profit. That the 
municipalities, for the public welfare, should 
expropriate, in all the settlements of more than 
500 inhabitants, land for the building of schools, 

markets and courts. 

To compel all business coi 
ries in cash, weekly if possi 
positions concerning the limi 
hours, Sunday rest, a worki 
tion law and the bettermen 
condition of the working clas 

To estimate the value of pi 
tory so as to be able to obtaii 
tion. To nullify all unconstit 
contracts and agreements. '! 
in a broad spirit of liberty, 
hurt the industries of the coi 
tate the importation of pri 
manufactured in the Repub! 
of the middle and lower clas 

To reform the banking law 
establishment of a national 
marriage the character of a 
permitting it to be consumma 
public, and not as at present v 
of an unwarranted interveni 
tionaries and therefore, st 
eventualities. Conjointly ^ 
permit absolute divorce by 
both parties. 

At the approach of the date 
1 thought it my duty to dictat 
necessary within the spirit 
such as the appraisement ( 
matter pertaining to the i: 
million pesos paper money, th< 
ing up an exact list of the 
administration, of the Dep; 
Instruction, and Justice in tl 
and Territories of the Repul 

'I'he intention of the Consti 
offer in this Convention, uniq 
Mexico, social and political 
by the nation, and the most 
of restoring the Constitution; 
the treason and rebellion of 
the p(>int of being frustrated 
Cicn. Francisco Villa, Chief 
Division, who with serious 
to our country only, refused 
Fir^t Chief of the Constitutio 
of the ICxecutive Power. 

This attitude resulted in a 
^ome generals under Villa and 
rounding him in the majMff?i 
destinies of tiHi^^ationraskii 


I renounce as Chief of the Con- 
iiy and the Executive Tower of 
/or of an honorable, distinguish- 
lo naturally was the first one to 
of an amicd group, representing 
torian stroke which if counten- 
ert us to the dark and turbulent 
istory, when as a consecjuence a 

• territory was lost. 

must explain to the nation, for 
rical accuracy, the reasons which 
i the preconceived and prepara- 
ittitude of General Villa, which 
than the work of the reaction 
! so-called cientificos and by all 
y the triumphant revolution, and 
: been refused public posts on 
rdice and ineptitude. 

• of the State of Sonora, Jose 
la, bribing a part of the Consti- 
5 in that State, seized Gen. Sal- 

and in point of fact disclaimed 
jf of the Constitutionalist Army, 
he Executive Authoritv, under 

pretended insults to the State 
imitted by Col. Elias Calles, 
^nstitutionalist Forces in the 


cct of attempting to settle the 
ting between Governor May- 

Calles, I gave orders to Gen. 
m to go to Chihuahua and in 
eneral Mlhi to try to solve those 
I meantime, Maytorena advanced 

to Nogales and then, (^Mieral 
lie view of avoiding more shed- 
ordered Calles to abandon the 
l)lace, where ( )hregon and \*illa 
.imc afterward to treat with the 
it; it being ai^reed that General 

command as a .-substitute of the 
dalles, and these troops should 
uia. after which (general Cabral 
the Military Command in the 
forces of Maytorena should be 

:*ival of (leneral Cabral in Son- 
'd Hill to retire with his trooj^s 
;<. an order which \\\\<^ j^eneral 
;ing to the fact that it did not 

his Chief, General ( )l)reg(i)n. 
I retraced his steps to the Ca])ital 
'Count of his mission, hr.t a few 

left again for Chihuahua with 

^ an investigation i)\ the 

'• •n^i^^f^^lpli^'- the conflict be- 

tween the forces of General Calixto Contreras 
and Tomas Urbina, belonging to Villa's division, 
who presented themselves in Durango, arrayed 
in a hostile attitude against the Governor of the 
State, General Domingo Arrieta. 

General Obregon had scarcely arrived at Chi- 
huahua, when Villa commanded him to order 
the immediate departure of Hill for Casas 
Grandes. Gen. Obregon denied this request, 
before General Cabral should assume military 
command in Sonora. Differences resulted be- 
tween fx)th these leaders, and V^illa tried to shoot 
Obregon, but the intervention of some other 
chiefs prevented his carrying out his plan. Villa 
held him as a prisoner for a short time, but 
with the object of concealing the matter, he gave 
a ball to General Obregon. 

When these occurrences took place General 
1 Till communicated to the Secretarv of War the 
answer which he sent to a message from General 
Obregon, in which this chief ordered him to 
continue his march to Casas Grandes, and to 
which he refused obedience, knowing that 
General Obregon was in prison. Naturally, I 
approved of the conduct of General Hill, and 
told him that in the future he must not obey 
other orders than those of this First Magistracy. 

Upon learning of this message I ordered that 
traffic to the north of Aguascalientes and be- 
tween Torreon and Monterey should be sus- 
l)ended, and if the forces under Villa should 
advance, they were t(^ destroy l)oth railways; 
then Villa addressed me, declaring that he did 
not know to what to attribute such a determina- 
ti(ni : I told him. as was my duty, that before 
giving him an answer regarding the matter I 
desired him to make an explanation of his con- 
duct with relation to General Obregon. In 
place (^f obeying, \'illa refused to give the ex- 
j>lanation which I had recjuested as his superior, 
sending me the following message, which I 
thought it my duty not to answer: 

Chihuahua, Sept. 22d, 1914. 

Mr. \'. Carranza. 

In answer to your message, I hereby declare 
to you lh:it (k'ueral ( )Uregon and other 
generals of this Division departed last night 
for the Ca])ital with the object of discussing 
important matters relative to the general situ- 
ation of the Republic, but in view of your 
])rocee(lings which reveal a premeditated 
(loire to place ^tumbling-blocks in the way of 
a satisfactory arrangement to all difficulties, 
and arrive at the peace which we so much 
desire, i have ordered his trip to be suspended 
and detained him in 'i'orreon. In consequ- 


cnce, I beg to advise you that this Division 
will not meet at the convention which you 
have called, and thereupon I declare that you 
are not recognized as the First Chief of the 
Republic, remaining at liberty to proceed as 
may suit my convenience. 

The General-in-Chief, Francisco Villa." 

Some generals solicited an interview with the 
Chiefs of the Northern Division to see if it were 
not possible to avoid an armed conflict, arising 
from the disavowal made by Villa of the author- 
ity which I represent, and their efforts have 
been directed so that this assembly, as soon as 
it may be completed by the Constitutionalist 
Generals who have not yet arrived, will be moved 
to the City of Aguascalientes there to celebrate 
the convention in place of holding it in this 
Capital, where I had already called it and where 
tlie said convention should really be verified. 

With the intention of making known the 
details which General Obregon may render to 
me as the Executive Authority information in 
regard to the commissions they conferred upon 
him, I cannot admit for the honor of the Consti- 
tutionalist Array itself, which designated me as 
its First Chief, and to whose patriotism and 
self-denial is due the triumph of the Plan of 
Guadalupe, that a rebel group, an undisciplined 
minority, may try to impose their will on the 
majority of the Chiefs, which is the only author- 
ity that has the power to give me orders, and the 
onlv one I will vield obedience to. 

If I have not tried to conquer this rebel Chief- 
tain by force of arms it has been because pru- 
dence so demanded it, but if unfortunately the 
time might come when it would be impossible 
to longer tolerate a persistent and unjustified 
rebellion, the najjon should know that the Con- 
stitutionalist Government can command more 
than one hundred thousand men, artillery, 
machine gims and war supplies to bring that 

rebel Chieftain to order, a 
and principally, on the invi 
reason and justice which ii 
of the level-headed citizen 
sustain the Government. 

You conferred upon me 1 
army, you placed in my h 
Power of the Nation: these 
caimot deliver honorably a 
group of Chieftains misguic 
of their duty and a few ci 
country owed nothing in t! 
only deliver over my author 
it at this moment, to the CI 
desire your immediate resc 
you that from tliis time oi 
Convention, leaving you wh 
ing that your decision ma\ 
supreme welfare of the cou 

Mr. Carranza was una: 
Cpon his retirement, it waj 
the assembly entered shortly 
ations and discussions re; 
general interest without refc 
tion made from the positioi 
the Constitutionalist Army, 
Executive Authority. 

The point under discusion 
the referred-to resignation 
and then, through unanimc 
immediately, the Assembly 
the hands of Mr. Carranz; 
the Constitutionalist Army 
Kxccutive. A commission 
on Mr. Carranza after 1 I 
return of Mr. Carranza to h 
blv. the authority for both 
was placed again in his ha' 

Private Secrel 


N. B. — ^The Mexican Bureau of Information 
has no official connection with Mexican General 
Consulate in this city nor the Mexican Embassy 
in Washington, D. C. 


Whitehall Bldg., Room 334 
New York October, 19 14 





Pnss of 


Edgar Printing and Stationery Co. 
68 West 39lh St., New York. U S. A. 


■ »• 

V s \\ 



to the 

Chief of the Northern Division 

The First Chief of the Constitutionalist Anny, in charge of the 

Executive Power, to 




El Liberal, Mexico D. F., Sunday, October 25th, 1914. 

I have deliberately allowed the Manifest written for General 
Villa in Chihuahua, and signed by him, to circulate freely, my object 
in so doing being that the people might become familiar with the rea- 
sons by which the authors of the "Manifest,'* pretend to justify this 
man's rebellion, in refusing to recognize me as First Chief of the 
Constitutionalist Army and in charge of the Executive Power of the 
Union. Although the false statements and contradictions in this 
document are apparent, I shall make it my duty to refute it with plain 

Villa's Manifest begins: "When the democratic government of 
Mr. Madero was overthrown, a great accomplishment of the revolu- 
tionary movement of 1910, the Mexicans again set out to conquer 
their freedom and their rights, thus proving to the Nation and to the 
whole world, that imposition in Mexico has been banished forever and 
that henceforth Mexicans will only be governed by rulers which they 
themselves have placed in power. 

Evidently, General Villa forgets something that he should always 
remember to his shame: that on May 13th, 1911, immediately after 
the victory of the taking of Ciudad Juarez, General Villa and his 
partner, Pascual Orozco, seized the Provisional President of the 
Republic, Don Francisco I. Madero, who after he had managed to 
escape this first coup d*etat, looked upon Villa with contempt and gave 
orders to shoot him, which orders were not carried out because as 
everyone knows Mr. Madero's goodness had no bounds. 

It is not surprising therefore, that the man who attempted to 
overthrow by violence, the democratic government of Mr. Madero, 
now declares it a wonderful accomplishment of the revolutionary 
movement of 1910, and again resorts to violence, trying to impose 
upon the people a government, while he states that they will only 
respect governments which they themselves have placed in power." 

Villa declares that "the Northern division, which had been the 
object of my political intrigues, fearing more than any of the other 
divisions that the revolutionary ideals would remain unaccomplished" 
proposed, with the concurrence of the chiefs of the Northeastern 
division in Torreon, to celebrate a Convention on a democratic basis, 
and he further states that I refused to accept this arrangement. The 
truth regarding the conferences of Torreon has never been told, but 
it ought to be. The meeting in Torreon was held at the suggestion of 
the Generals of the Northeastern division, and not of the Northern 
division, as Villa asserts, and it was done to find a way out of the 
difficulties brought on by one of the most grave disobediences of 
General Villa. 

These are the facts : General Natera, who was attacking Zacatecas 
and had already taken possession of. important positions in that 
locality, was urgently asking for reinforcements — T then gave orders 
to Villa to send to Zacatecas in all possible haste, five thousand or 
more men, under the command of whatever chief he might deem con- 
venient. After offering many groundless excuses for not obeying this 
order, he finally replied that he would either go with all his forces, or 



resign his command of the Northern division. My answer to him was 
to the effect that there was no cause for such an action on his part, 
and repeated ray order to him, that he was to go to the assistance 
of General Natera, who found himself every moment in a more and 
more embarrassing position. Villa then presented his resignation, 
thinking that I would not accept it, which 1 did, but he nevertheless 
continued at the head of the Northern division, and after rebelling 
against me as First Chief, marched against Zacatecas. 

The Generals of the Northeastern division seeing in the attitude 
of General Villa a serious danger to all concerned, they arranged 
with the Chiefs of the Northern division, to celebrate some confer- 
ences in the State of Torreon. At these conferences, it was agreed 
to submit to my approval, certain propositions, and I must hereby 
state that I did not intervene or take any part whatsoever in these 
conferences, and therefore was not bound to accept its decisions. 
Nevertheless, when the different arrangements were put before me 
for my consideration, I accepted some points and rejected others. 
I agreed to have General Villa continue at the head of the Northern 
Division, furnishing provisions for his men, and letting him have the 
coal of the Coahuila coal-mines for his trains, and for the use of the 
railroad traffic in the region occupied by him. On the other hand, 
the Northern Division agreed to return to obedience and place itself 
under my orders — ^they also agreed to rescind their hold of the Rail- 
roads, and place them at the disposition of the Department of Comuni- 
caciones (that is. the Railroads traversing the territory occupied by the 
Division of the North) also to hand over the National Treasury, the 
Customs of Ciudad Juarez, the Tax-Stamp Office, the Department of 
State and all the other federal offices which they had forcibly seized 
at the time they revolted, and to hand over to their rightful owners 
several millions dollars issued by the Constitutional Government and 
which they were unlawfully retaining in their power. 

One of the clauses of the agreement which I did not accept, 
was that of conferring upon Villa the grade of General of Division, 
as I did not deem it justified to recompense an insubordination with a 
promotion. Another clause to which I would not agree was that pro- 

.-'Viding that General Angeles (whom I had dismissed because I found 
him imworthy of the position entrusted to him) should resume his 
post as Assistant Secretary of War. with the understanding. that im- 
mediately after his reinstatement, he would make his resignation. 
This did not seem to me to be a correct thing to do, it being too much 
like the proceedings of Diaz, and his sham pardons, proceedings 

_.^ which cannot be accepted by anyone with claims to self-respect. 

Facts have been concealed and misrepresented, for the purpose 
of accusing me of having violated agreements, which could in no sort 
or manner be binding for me, and of having transgressed these same 
agreements by summoning a Junta of Generals and Governors of the 
States in the City of Mexico. This last mentioned, was an agreement 
which I had voluntarily entered into, and which I was therefore bound 
to comply with, which I did. But General Villa, who shields himself 
behind the Northern Division, and speaks always in the name of this 
Division, though hq knows well that not all th^ Generals, Chiefs, 



Officers and soldiers share his opinions, he asserts that "Since the 
Northern Division had lost its faith in the First Chief, they natural- 
ly could not put it in a Junta whose members were practically 
chosen by me, as it was I who had the power to confer the grade of 
General, and to appoint the Governors of the different States, which 
at all times would give me an assured majority. 

Grievous and insulting accusations, these that Villa hurls against 
the Constitutionalist Army and its worthy chiefs! His desire to 
harm me is so great, that he audaciously makes the offense extensive 
to all his comrades-in-arms! Let General Villa know that, should I 
have the majority in that Junta, it would be because the majority of 
Constitutionalist Chiefs are true to their words, to themselves and to 
their ideals, and not because I have made them Generals. I also made 
Villa a General, and he betrayed his cause and did not fulfil his 

As First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army, I protest with more 
vigor than if I only were accused, against the charge of servility and 
abjection made by General Villa, to dishonor through history the 
names of all the generals who have followed me and the banner of 
legality. They are all, according to Villa, unworthy, he alone is 
honorable and deserving. 

This majority of unconditional adherents and servile chiefs 
would be, if we are to believe Villa's Manifest, the support which 
would assist me "to remain in power an indefinite length of time, 
and to govern with a despotism never before known in the history of 
our country." Strange, is it not, that General Villa should still pre- 
tend not to know that the Plan of Guadalupe, accepted by him, imposed 
on me the obligation of assuming the Executive Power on entering 
the capital of the Republic, and of retaining it until the country was 
pacified, the elections taken place, and Constitutional order re-establish- 
ed. General Villa also pretends to be ignorant of the fact that the 
Plan of (juadalupc authorized me to fix a date for elections to take 
place, and that if, moved by a democratic spirit, I declined to make 
use of this authority, convoking instead a Junta of Generals and 
Governors of the States, it was with the idea that among other things 
they should also arrange this detail. I will also add that wishing to 
give the Junta entire liberty of action, I made to them my resignation 
of First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army and the Executive Power. 
I can find no more convincing and effective refutation of the calum- 
nious charges made by General Villa against me, than the exposition 
of the facts I have just related. (It must be borne in mind that one 
of his charges is that of my planning to remain in power an indefinite 
length of time). General Villa can only answer my justification, by 
another calumny: that I instructed all the chiefs beforehand, not to 
accept my resignation, and that they, obeying my instructions, again 
put the executive power in my hands, not by a voluntary and patriotic 
act. which would have been to me a just source of ])ride and profound 
gratefulness — but that they did it — sui)posedly — through the abject 
servility whicli (icneral \'illa attributes to them. 

But according to \'illa, I have not only the intention of remain- 
ing indefinitely in p<»\ver, but also of ruling for an indefinite length 


of time, with a despotism never before equalled in the history of our 
country. Villa pretends to found his assertions on several reasons. 
He says I refused to accept the title of Provisional President, which 
rightfully pertained to me according to the Plan of Guadalupe, placing 
me under the restrictions of the Constitution, and that with second 
intention I retained the title of First Chief of the Constitutionalist 
Army and Charge of the Executive Power. To this charge I will only 
say that: the title of Provisional President is in fact understood in 
the Plan of Guadalupe, but not clearly precised, and therefore I 
chose to adopt that which was clearly precised in the mentioned Plan, 
i. e. Charge of the Executive Power. Moreover, the title of Provision- 
al President could not place me, as Villa maintains, under Constitu- 
tional restrictions, as I could not very well be held to a Constitutionial 
system which does not yet exist. The mere fact of my bearing the 
title of Provisional President could not put into effect the Constitu- 
tion of the Republic. 

Villa also charges me with having changed the form of the Con- 
stitutional oath. This charge is hardly worth a reply, it being such an 
insignificant detail when one considers that no public functionary or 
employe can be obliged to obey and enforce on others obedience to a 
Constitution which is not yet effective. Naturally the only thing that 
can be demanded just now of public functionnaries and employes, is 
the promise that they will work for the re-establishment of Con- 
stitutional order, in accordance with the Plan of Guadalupe, that 
being the final goal of the present lawful revolution. General Villa, 
who accuses me of such an insignificant detail as that of having 
changed the form of the oath : Did he not accept as a necessity brought 
on by the Revolution, the enforcement of the law of the 25th of 
January? Did he by chance obey the Constitution which he now so 
ardently defends, when he disposed of the haciendas in Chihuahua, 
when he has shot men without giving any consideration to Constitu- 
tional guarantees, when he has not even respected the decrees of the 
First Chief, when to end with, regardless of international policy and 
regardless of the Law which he so often invokes, he proceeded as he 
did in the caSe of the Englishman, Benton. 

He accuses me of not having chosen my Cabinet in accordance 
to the regulations of the Constitution, because I have left the Secre- 
taries of my Cabinet with the title of Superior Officials. Although 
this charge, like the preceding one, is almost too insignificant to be 
noticed, I will say that, outside of the fact that I am not obliged to act in 
accordance with Constitutional regulations which do not exist as yet. 
General Villa should know, and also those who have made his Manifest 
for him, that the offices of Cabinet Secretaries can be served by 
Assistant Secretaries or Superior Officials, as legally as by regular 

General Villa says that "I assumed the three Constitutional 
Powers while I suppressed Judicial Authorities, and that I left the 
lives and interests of the Mexicans at the mercv of the Military Chiefs, 
without legal restrictions of any sort." This recourse was made 
necessary by the Revolution itself, and it could not be otherwise. The 
Plan of Guadalupe, which was seconded and maintained by General 


I • . 

villa, clearly and finally denied recognition to the three powers : Exe- 
cutive, Legislative and Judicial. In these circumstances, brought about 
by the very nature of the revolution, the First Chief and the Governors 
of the States, with a view to catering to the most urgent needs of the 
public, have prescribed legislative regulations on the one hand, and on 
the other, have had to appoint temporary judicial authorities, giving 
them special faculties, for the protection of the lives and interests of 
the inhabitants of the country. 

Unfortunately the lives and interests of Mexicans and foreign 
residents in the State of Chihuahua, have been exposed to danger in 
the hands of Villa, who being entirely devoid of the most elementary 
administrative notions, and completely ignorant of the meaning of 
order, is only a tool of the interests which surround him, for he has^ 
had the knack of bringing to his side many men who, consciously or 
unconsciously, were instrumental in bringing about Mr. Madero's ruin.. 
Among his adherents is also a Federal General who has had a demora- 
lizing influence on General Villa. This man, after accepting a certain 
commission in Europe for the usurper Huerta, came to me with cre- 
dentials as to his honesty and uprightness, from some members of the 
Madero family. 

I must also confirm a fact which however is well-known to every- 
one, and that is, that Villa, without previous authority from the Exe- 
cutive power, drove out all the Spaniards of the Laguna District, 
without taking the trouble to investigate whether these foreigners had 
in any way been implicated in the struggle we had had with the dictator. 
He also confiscated a great many of their properties, seizing the 
products of their farm-lands, without stopping to think of the inter- 
national complications which would result, nor of the indemnifications 
the Government would have to pay for all the damages sustained by 
the foreigners. 

I am also accused of having decreed Constitutional reforms 
"which only the Congress and House have the exclusive right to do" 
such as the suppression of the Territory of Quintana Roo. It is true 
that I decreed the incorporation of the Territory of Quintana Roo to 
the State of Yucatan, but this I did as a political and military measure, 
in order to strengthen the revolution in the case that Yucatan should 
support our cause, and this could not have been done without the 
incorporation of Quintana Roo, because as a Territory, it lacked suf- 
ficient importance. Moreover this measure, as all others of a similar 
nature taken by me during my administration, are only of a temporary 
character, for they are subject to the approval or rejection of the 
Legislative bodies, once Constitutional order is restored. 

Lastly, General Villa accuses me of having "authorized the viola- 
tion of rights given by the Constitution, among others, liberty of 
thought, allowing many of the Governors to abolish religious worship, 
and impose penalties for the observation of religious practices, which 
the law of the country authorizes, thus deeply wounding the religious 
sentiments of the peoi)le, by acts which civilization and the common 
law condemn, and all this only because of an exaggeration of the 
otherwise just resentment of the Constitutionalists against the Catholic 

Clergy, for having assisted in the military mutiny and supported the 

If General Villa were only able to fathom the meaning of what 
they write for him to sign, he would not have placed himself in such 
an unfavorable light by making this accusation, it being he, who exag- 
gerated this just resentment of the Constitutionalists against the mem- 
bers of the Catholic clergy who supported the dictatorship, carrying 
his exaggeration to such an extreme that he caused great alarm and 
indignation in all classes of society. General Villa, who is now making 
friendly advances to the clergy with much outward respect for religion 
and its practices, used to drive out all the priests and close the churches, 
in every city and village that he took during his campaign. In Zacate- 
cas he crowned his anti-religious frenzy (which so greatly contrasts 
to his Christian mildness of the present time) by driving out eleven 
priests of different Nationalities. Of this number, three were French, 
and their whereabouts are still unknown. This would be a good op- 
portunity to remind General Villa of the warm congratulations he sent 
to General Antonio I. Villareal, Governor of Nuevo Leon, when 
Villareal issued a restrictive decree prohibiting the Catholic practice 
of confession. General Villa's congratulation was expressed in the 
following terms : 

Chihuahua, July 29th, 1914. 

General Antonio I. Villareal : 

Please accept my most cordial and enthusiastic con- 
gratulations for your decree putting restrictions on the Clergy 
of the State which you govern with such ability. I am taking 
the necessary measures to follow your wise example, for like 
yourself, I am of the opinion that one of the greatest enemies 
of our freedom and progress, has been the corrupted clergy 
which for so long has repressed our people. 

Kindest regards, etc. 

General Francisco Villa. 

Villa also finds fault in that I authorized the issue of Thirty 
Million Pesos, without funds to guarantee it. To this I can say that, 
it being urgently necessary to defray the expenses of the army and 
to give a uniform value to the paper money circulated by the Con- 
stitutionalists, I resorted to the only way out of it: a new issue of 
paper money, which was to be used to replace the paper money issued 
during the civil war, by some of the Governors and Military Chiefs, 
to whom circumstances made it impossible for me to send them the 
necessary remittances to cover the actual wants of their soldiers. The 
paper of this new issue can be used to pay importation duties, all kinds 
of contributions, and to pay for the purchase of lands and real estate 
in the cities and in the country — and when peace is once more 
established, measures will be adopted to properly guarantee this money. 

While on the subject of paper money, I will state that having 
authorized General Villa to issue Six Million Pesos with which to 
exchange the paper money issued by him and which was being countcr- 


feited on a big scale, he issued the Six Million as instructed, but did 
not exchange it gradually destroying the other issue, so that the six 
million previously issued staid in circulation, and six more million 
began to circulate. He has now issued in Chihuahua, without my 
authority, paper money amounting nearly to Thirty Million, so that 
the Division under his command is costing the Nation : the millions 
just mentioned; about ten million more which headquarters gave him 
at different times for the maintaining of his forces ; the proceeds of 
cotton, mineral, skins, cattle and cereal sales; the proceeds of the 
Railroads, compulsory contributions exacted by him, proceeds of lot- 
teries and gambling bouses licensed by him, etc. etc. If Villa has 
put any part of all this money to good uses, I know not, but I can 
state with all certainty that the armies of the Northeast and Northwest 
together, which outnumber Villa's more than twice over, have not spent 
anything like the enormous amounts inverted by Villa. This was one 
of the principal reasons I had, when I accepted Villa's resignation of 
the command of the Northern Division after the incident of Zacatecas. 
I w^anted to impose discipline in that division, and to put a stop to this 
useless squandering of money by Villa, which in the end would have 
to be paid by the people. 

Referring to the charge made against me for having suspended 
traffic between Aguascalientes and Zacatecas, I must here confirm my 
reasons for having done it. When General Obregon went to Chihua- 
hua as per my instructions, to make efforts to settle peaceably the 
misunderstandings between General Arrieta, of the forces under my 
command, and General Calixto Contreras of the North, and the forces 
in Sonora, I was informed of what now everybody knows: that Villa 
tried to do away with General Obregon, who was his guest. Then, 
doing what I considered was my duty, I asked General Villa to give 
an explanation for his unseemly conduct towards General Obregon. 
Instead of giving the satisfaction demanded of him, Villa addressed 
me a message (which 1 have already made public) telling me that the 
Northern Division would not attend the Junta of Generals and Gover- 
nors convoked by me, and that he did not recognize me any longer as 
''First Chief of the Republic." I must here call attention to the 
fact that this message disowning me both as Head of the Army and 
Chief Executive of the I'uion, was not the work of all the Generals 
of the Northern Division, most of them not having had any knowledge 
of same until after it had been sent by Villa. In the face of these 
facts, who is it that began to make trouble? Was it I, who sent 
General Obregon so that he might confer with Villa and solve the 
difficulties which had come up in the North — or was it Villa who took 
advantage of this occasion and almost did away with the Chief of the 
Northeastern Division, just because he remained loyal to me? In 
view of these unwarranted proceedings, I had to take the necessary 
precautions which the case recjuired, and it was with this idea that I 
cut off all communications with the Northern Division. 

The marked persistence with which the Manifest alludes to the 
Constitution, to the rc-establishmcnt of the Constitutional Government, 
and to the guarantee of a Supreme Law, etc. etc. is an evident proof 
that the politicians who wrote the Manifest for General Villa, and 

7 * 


Villa himself, far from understanding and wishing the realization of 
the aspirations of the Mexican people, are on the contrary reaction- 
aries. An obvious proof of this is Villa's conciliatory attitude towards 
the Conservative element of the old regime, including ex-federal army 
officers prptected by Felipe Angeles, and the clerical party, whose 
privileges Villa openly defends in his Manifest. A further proof of 
his reactionary spirit is his persistently repeated desire of inaugurating 
a Constitutional System of Government, before the revolution has 
had time to effect the social reforms demanded by the Nation. He 
insists on the immediate re-establishment of the Constitutional system, 
so that in the regular routine of the three Federal Powers, the radical 
and social reforms for whose prompt adoption we have been struggling, 
may be presented, studied, discussed and resolved. Useless to say 
that this would be a postponement of these reforms to such a far-off 
time, that the result would be null. Those who clamor for this are the 
enemies of the revolution. 

It is true that the word "Constitutionalism" is engraved on the 
colors of our flag — it is true that our final aim is the re-establishment 
of a Constitutionalist order which will allow the normal operating of 
institutions which protect and warrant individual rights, and we shall 
not lay down our arms until we have obtained the sovereignty of the 
Law, and that is why we are proud to call ourselves Constitutionalists. 
But in order to obtain this end, it is necessary to satisfy the economical 
and social reforms which the people demand, putting into practice 
without loss of time and without legislative delays, the reforms which 
along these lines should be made. 

General Villa closes his Manifest declaring that he will not accept 
the office of President or Vice-President, either provisional or Con- 
stitutional, of the Republic, which candidacies nobody has offered to 
him, and he adds that he has no ambition to rule. We shall soon be 
able to ascertain whether or not he has this ambition. 

National Palace in Mexico City, 24th of October, 1914. 


Note — The extent of Sr. Carranzas understanding of the underlying 
motives which caused Pancho Villa to forsake the true cause of the 
people and join the banner of the Cientificos and reactionaries, may be 
judged by his foreshadowing of certain events in Villa's camp. More 
than three months before Villa proclaimed himself as the '^President of 
Mexico/' Carransa predicted that that was the real aim and ambition of 
the shattered idol, Pancho Villa. He was fighting to realize his own per- 
sonal zvhims and to obtain the control of the country for a number of 
wealthy reactionaries- He wanted to rule and dictate; he was aspiring to 
be the chief tyrant of the land beyond the Rio Grande and Sr, Carransa 
knew it better, perhaps, than any one else in Mexico. But that the people 
of the United States could not be fooled by his ''Green Book'' is evident 
by the editorial which appeared in the N. Y. Evening Sun, of January 
7. Here is part of the editorial : "The narrative does not come dozvn to 
the Aguascalientes convention, which Villa dominated and which first 
named Antonio Villareal and the Eulalio Gutierres as provisional presi- 
dent- Villareal, like Obregon, is now in arms against Villa, It is the 
avoidance of all that happened since the Torreon conference that im- 
pairs the vcilue of the Green Book as a partisan document," 

Issued by 


834 Whitehall Buh.ding 
nkw yokk city 








Secretaiy of Fiaance ef the Mexican Govement 

■ W. 39A St.. NEW YORK 

Luis Cabrera 

Secretary of Finance of the Mexican Government 


The question of the Churcli in Mexico has not been well tin- 
[lerstood in the Unitntl States, because the conditions of the 
Mpxicaii Catholic Church differ vaatly from those'of the.CBth- 
oli« Clmrt'h in the rnitcd States. . ^, 

In Mexico, ninety-nine per rent of the population profess the - 
Roman Catholic faith, an<i, tliorefore, the infliience of the Cath-. 
olie. clergy in religious matters has no counterbalance of any sort. 

In the United States there are other Chnrches which eoun-r 
terhalance the influence of thd CathoHc Chnrch. On the other 
hand, the Catholic Church in the United States does not hold 
iinlintited sway over society, nor can it attain oncontrollable 
political power; the very education of the American people has 
prc'veiited Rome rniiii exercising so far the influence which it . 
exercises in other countries. 

Before the war of the Reform (1856 to 1859), the Catholic 
Church was the strongest temporal power existing in Mexico, 
and the laws of the Reform enactetl during that period all tended 
to deprive the Church of Its power and bring about the absolute 
independence of Church and State. 

The laws of the Beform are a collection of rules passed previ- 
ous to 1860, with the aim of depriving the Catholic Church of its 
temporal power; and these rules have remained effective, l)e- 
eause the conditions which then demanded their enactmeflt^still 
prevail and still make it necessary that the laws should remain 
in force. 

The aim of the Revolution of Ayutla, from 1856 to 1859, was 
to deprive the Church of economic power and of its social in- 
fluence, and it had to place the Church in a condition which, 
apparently, is disadvantageous and unjust, but which in reality 
was and continues to be the only possible manner of reducing tlie 
Catholic clergy to impotence. 

The principal laws enacted previous to 1860, for governing 
Mm Church and stripping it of the temporal power which it 
enjoyed, are the following: 

(a) Separation of the Church and State. 
■ (fc) Incapacity of the Church to possess landed property. 
— 5 — 


(c) Abolition of convents. 

These laws, wliich are called laws of the Reform, were estab- 
lished in Mexico after a revolution which may be considered the 
most l)loo(lv that Mexico has ever witnessed — a revolution which 
affect«»d the country more deeply than even the present revolu- 
tion is doing. The clergy defendeil themselves desperately 
against the laws which stripped them of power, and on finding 
themselves defeated, they resorted in 1860 to the intervention 
of foreign Powers (Spain, France and England), which attempt- 
ed to intervene with the pretext of the fulfilment of the financial 
obligations of the Juarez Government. 

The treason of the Clerical party had as a result French in- 
tervention only, but the laws of the Reform enacted against the 
clorgy were of such importance and so necessary, that the Em- 
j)er()r Maximilian himself did not dare to undo what had been 
don<^ in the time of Juarez. 

The French troops being withdrawn and the Constitutionalist 
Government of Mexico reestablished, the laws of the Reform 
were not only maintained, but in 1874 they w^re incorporated 
in the jjolitical Constitution. 

At the present time, there are precei)ts contained in the Mexi- 
can Constituion which correspond to those laws of the Reform^ 
and, according to that Constitution, all the laws and all the au- 
thorities of the country must enforce the fulfilment of those laws. 
It becomes necessary at this moment to distinguish between 
tli<^ real aims of the Constitutionalist Government regarding the 
religious question, and that part of the actual happenings which 
is merely a deplorable consequence of the attitude assumed by 
the Catliolic clergy since 1910 against the revolutionary moTe- 

The aim of the Constitutionalist Government, with regard to 
the Mexican Catholic Church, is to enforce the strict observance 
of the laws known as laws of the Reform, which up to the present 
time have been disregarded. The Constitutionalist Government 
demands the fulfilment of these laws, because they form an in- 
tegral part of the Mexican Constitution. These laws must be 
maintained because the causes which demanded their enactment 
are still prevalent in the country. 

A brief aiuilysis of the principal laws of the Reform will 
further clear up the matter. 


According to the Mexican Constitution, there must be abso- 
lute separation b(»tween the Church and State. This signifies 
that the Church is to lack all temporal power and that, as an 

— G — 

I fair 
I " 

organized institution, it is not tu participate in the political af- 
fairs of the eonntry. ; 

It lias never been intemied to deny Mexican Catholics either 
the exercise of tlieir religion, or their right to take part in ithe 
political affairs of Mexico. . We ConstitntioiialiBts are Catho- 
lics; the Villistas are Catholics; the Zapatistas are Catholics. 
Ninety-nine per dait. of liie Hexiean popolation is Catholic, and, 
therefore, the -Cotutitntionalist party conld not in the present 
stm^le attempt to deprive the Catholics, who form the totality 
of the Mexican people, of their right to profess their religion, 
or of their right to take part in political qnestions. 

The Catholic clergy and the Chorch in general abstained for 
a long time from interference in the political problems of Mex- 
ico. Dnring the time of General IMaz, the Catholic clergy made 
no attempt to organize themselves for political campaigns, bat 
appeared to maintain themselves in strict obedience to the law, 
in the belief, perhaps, that they conld avail themselves of other 
indirect proceedings for exercising their influence in the political 
affairs of the country. 

On the retirement of General Diaz from the Government, and 
on Francisco de la Barra's accession to the Prraidency, the 
Catholie clergy of Mexico believed the moment had arrived to 
organize themselves for the political struggle, and to that effect 
a political group was formed, under the patronage of the Catho- 
lic clergy, made up chiefly of big land-owners. This group took 
the name of "Catholic Party", with deliberate intention of 
taking advantage of the religious sentiments of the population 
to induce it to vote in conformity with their directions. The 
Catholic clergy started to make propaganda in fgvjjr of the 
Catholic party, first in a discreet manner , bringing moral 
preassure to bear upon the ignorant masses, who were unable to 
discern clearly where their duties as Catholics ceased, and where 
began their rights as citizens 

The Catholie party is, in a nutshell, the political organization 
of the Catholic Church of Mexico. This single fact constitutes 
a peril for democratic institutions, and was naturally bound to 
be looked upon with great disfavor by the anti- reelect ion i.'^t 
party, first, and later by the Constitutionalist party. 

At the time that de la Barra was President, the Catholic party 
attempted to rol) the Revolution of the fruits of its triumpli, 
designating de la Barra as its candidate for the Presidency 
of the RepuMie. The considerable prestige which Madero en- 
joyed at that time frustrated this attempt of the Catholic party, 
which had to limit its pretensions to the Vice-Presidency of the 
— 7 — 

■ ^..:, . ■; ■ ..j^y^'. ■jK"Sd.i--.. .■■ - 

T{ep.ul)Iic, resigning itself to have as President, Madero, a man 
sprung t'roni llie Revolution; and as Vice-President, de la Barra, 
a man perfectly well known as being of the ancient regime and 
and the principal leader of the Catholic party. 

Tn tlie elections of October, 1911, the formula of the pro- 
gressive Constitutionalist party triumphed over the Madero-de 
la Barra foimula, which was that of the party of the principal 
enemies of the Catholic Government; but from that moment 
that of the enemies of the Government of Francisco I. Madero. 

In the elections for deputies and senators of 1912, the Catho- 
lic parly succeeded in obtaining a considerable number of depu- 
ties, amounting to almost thirty per cent, of the Lower House; 
.whilst the Senate, which was almost completely made up of | 
Porfirisla (elements, was only renewed by half and scarcely ob- 
tained eight or ten senators as followers of the new regime. 

Tbv Catholic clergy of Mexico, directly and through the in- 
t<'rmission of the Catholic Party, were one of the principal fact- 
ors in the downfall of Madero, and although ])erhaps Huerta 
was not the candidate <lesii»:nated to replace him, the fact is that I 
the Clerical chief, de la Barra, formed part of the Cabinet which 
resolved upon the Tnurd<M' of Madero and Pino Suarez. 

Subse(|uently, the party obtained important posts for its prin- 
cipal leaders in the Government of Huerta, and finally supported 
th(» candidacv of Fed(»rico Gamboa. 

Jt is unnecessary to enter into <letails rey:arding the decided 
:issistance lent socially by the clergy, and tin* political support 
given by the Catholic party, to Huerta, with l)oth their men 
and money. But the i)rincipal assistance given by the Catholic 
clergy to the (iov(»rnment of Huerta was contained in the efforts 
made by their principal dignitaries aTid other members of the 
high clergy to create an opinion, if not favorable to Huerta, at 
least V(M-v unfavorabU* to Constitutionalists. 

This end was accomplishiMl, not through the individual means 
that any citizen is at liberty to place at the disposal of a political 
party, but by taking advantage of the religious influence exer- 
cised by the Catholic clergy over the faithful, from the pulpit 
ixuil in the confessional. 

During the war against Huerta, one of the things which most 
5^r(»at!y sur])rised the Constitutionalists was the extremely hos- 
tile and unjust oi)inion encountered by thcTu in each of the towns 
which they came to occupy. It was in the nature of a paradox. 

Th(^ strongest armed resistance that the Constitutionalist par- 
ty encountered in the cities, in the form of social defence, was 
not an opposition caused by the sympathy which the residents 
of the citi(*s might have ex])erience(l in favor of Huerta, but was 

— 8 — 

Isrigi Hilled in \\w antipathy whieli liad been created against the 

"jDitstitiitionHlist forces, whom flie t'atlioHc c^lergy on all oeca- 
ioiiK represcnteti hs bandits wbo with intt-nt on seizing tbe 

lOttTls solely for purposes of plundei-. theft, violation of women, 
Tand inuiiJer. This opinion bad itt= aource in sermons, in the 

confessJoTials, and in an extensive correspondenep, proofs of 

ichieh liHve been seeured. 

The work done l)y the elergy in eieating an opinion nntago- — 
nistic to the Constitutionalist troops ospbtins, if it cannot justi- 
fy, many of tbe acts of aggression, and even attempts of Consti- 
tutiotmlist soIiUers iigiiinst members of the Catholic clergy. 

Since tlie triumph of the Revolution, there has been on the 
part of the Constitutionalist Oovernmont no other aim witli 
regard to the clergy than that of restricting them within the 
limits of their faculties and of tbeir spiritual mission, tliat of 
making effective the Meparntion of the Church and the State, 
and of keeping the clergj' from tjiking any participation, as a 
religious institution, in our political questions. But n political 
struggle having developed, it is natural tliat tbe military groups 
shoitlcl experience strong displeasure, especially on lulH)ring un- 
der tbe effaets of the elerical propaganda against the Kevolu- 
tion, and that, instead of limiting themselves to restrain the 
ciorgy within <iue bounds, they should ovei*step this limitation 
and even, on some oecasions, attempt to interfere in matters <if 
a purely religious character. The restriction of religious serv- ^^ 
ices in some places and tbe destruction of the confessionals are 
instances of this. The destruction of confessionals lias been the 
most ostensible manifestation of tlie ill will with which tbe re- 
volutionary troops have regarded the use that the Catholic 
clergy have made of the sacrament of confession as a weapon ^ 
of political strife. 

If the Catholic clergy had maintained themselves within their 
religious attributes, without interfering in the struggle, and, 
what is more, if they had not put In action the advantages which 
they derive from their capacity of intellectual directors of the 
masses, the counter-effects on the part of the Revolutionary 
troops would not have occurred. 

It is unnecessary to repeat that tlie Constitutionalist Govern- 
ment itself has never pretended to interfere in religious mat- 
ters, or to restrain in any manner the religious liberty of the 
Mexican people. The Constitutionalist Government does not 
propose to establiah laws which affect religion, nor does it in 
any way propose to rwtrict religious practices. 

The course of acti(»i followed by the Constitutionalist Gov- 
ernment justifies thig statement, since, owing to the influence 
— 9 — 


of till* P^irst Chief of the Revolution, Vemistiano Carranza, the 
military acts which were eonsidere<l restrictive of religious lib- 
<Mty liave l)een diminishing in number and in gravity. 


The Mexican Constitution and the laws of the Reform deter- 
miiK* that neither the Catholic Church nor any other religious 
coiporation, regardless of character, denomination, duration or 
object, can own landed property. 

The reason for this ordinance is that the Catholic clergy con- 
stituted, previous to 1856, the strongest economic power exist- 
in*;- in the country. 

In 185G, an attemi)t was made to disentail the properties of 
the clergy, that is, to destroy the mortmain, compelling the 
clergy to alienate their landed property. Tliis was the tendency 
of the laws of disentailment. 

The clergy vigorously resisted this law, believing that their 
economic jmwer was thus considerably reduced, and with this 
motive started the struggle called the War of the Reform or 
Three Years' War. 

The laws of 185(3 did not expropriate the clergy, but in view 
of the latters' completely rebellious attitude, in 1859 Benito Jua- 
rez issued in Vera Cruz a law called ''Nationalization of the 
Lands of the Clergy," by which was expropriated all th landeil 
property of the Catholic clergy who had resisted and struggled 
against the disentailment of these lands. 

Jn virtue of this law, the temples became national property, 
the titles of ownership remaining in the hands of the State, but 
the usufruct of the same being reserved to the Catholic Church. 
As to the clergy's landed property and real estate investments, 
these* were tui'ued over to the nation and awarded to individuals. 

The vital point of the laws of the Reform regarding the Catho- 
lic clergy lies in the declaration of civil incai)acity of religious 
-corporations to own lands. This measure, though it may ap- 
pear extreme, was absolutely necessary in 1859, in order to de- 
l)rive the clergy of their temporal power. The measure still 
continues to l)e absolutely indispensable, because if religious cor- 
porations were at this moment permitted to acquire landed prop- 
ertv, a considerable mortmain would inmediate be created, from 
' which a great amount of power would again be derived by the 
Catholic Church, who would thus recover their temporal power, 
which all countries have admitted should not be tolerated. 
Moreover, it can be said that the reason for which the Catholic 
Church of Mexico has taken, as a Church, participation in the 
political struggle, and attemps to recover its influence and its 

— 10 — 

temporal jiowcr, is that for s^vtral years past it Iihk born siie- 
cpssfully fvadiiig tlip law in so fur as regards tht- posnes-sion 

of laTMliJ. 

Accnniing to tin- Mfxiran law, the Cotliolio Church is im-a- 
pacitatwi from acquiring laiulti, by wliich is understood not only 
landcii proijerty, liul also capital invested in real estate. 

The Mexican law al.-*o prohiliils the feoffments which iiiiglit 
cause the properly lo appear in the liandis of an individual, when 
it really helonps to the Church, or i* useil exclusively for the 
benefit of the Chureli. 

Feoffments from bii-hop lo binliop are not permitted in Mex- 
ico, antl tlie states owned by inemberH of the clergy an- con- 
sidered as their personal property, to be freely transmitted tn 
the voluntary or legal inheritors of the owners. 

The e.ttates of a bixliftp in Mexico, when not acquired through 
agreement or betjuest. are to be transmitted to his legal inheri- 

For a long time past, Mexican bishops, rectors and even a 
number of laymen have been owning lands which apparently 
are their perstmal property, but the products of which in reality 
are destined to be turnHcl over to the Church. These lands effec- 
tuolty constitute a niortmiun, because their owners, before dying, 
have to bequeath them to the persons previously designated by 
the Church, wliether to the succeeding or to any other 
person especially designated fo that effect. 

That is how the Church has, against the law, been acquiring 
a large amount of landed property having the appearance of 
private property. 

But, in practice, the lands personally owned could not always 
be taiten over without difficulties by the new trustee designated 
by the Church, and experience showed that from time to time 
properties were lost to the Church which were claimed by the 
legal inheritors of the owner apparent. 

These losses emphasized the advisability of finding other 
means to tie up the property to the Church, without ostensibly 
violating the laws of the Reform. In some places stock com- 
panies have been organized, without any determined mercantile 
end, but solely for the purpose of managing the estates which 
might be entrusted to these companies. The capital of the com- 
panies was made up of contributions by the members of the 
clergy or by individuals; the shares of the company, and there- 
fore, its management, being retained by the bishops. Notable 
instances of this can be had in the bishoprics of Durango, Pue- 
bla, and several other parts of the country. 
— 11 — 

i J 


^•ygrdn^S^S ' ■ ' S>^iwWliitPWWWWW iWW B*^ .:^«niviwm.-w:wK-««« >-*<^ . — >« - 

Briefly, it can be said that the Catholic Chiirch, transgressing 
the law which prohibits it from acquiring landed property, has 
found means of necessary, just and legal appearance for pos- 
sessing lands, which have served it to recover little by little its 
political influence. 

The confiscation of the lands illegally possessed by the Catho- 
lic Church of Mexico is a necessary, just and legal confiscation, 
ixnd in that sense, all the confiscations of lands pertaining to 
tlie Church are legitimate, for which reason the Constitutional- 
ist Government is in the right in continuing the same policy, 
not only confiscating the properties which are openly in the 
ownership of the clergy, but also investigating those properties 
which apparently belong to individuals, but which, through the 
history of their former owners and through the form of their 
administration, can be clearly distinguished as properties of .the 

As regards the temples, since the passing of the laws of the 
Reform, the ownership has been retained to the State, their use 
being reserved to the Catholic Church; In fact, the Catholic 
Church has for many years used the temples without restriction 
of any kind and without paying rents, pensions or contributions 
of anv sort. 

Tlie limiting of the number of temples which are needed in 
each place for religious services would have to be left to the 
judgment of the Church, but as the Catholic clergy of Mexico 
ex(»rcise absolute* control in religious nmtters, without interven- 
tion of any kind by the community, that is, hy the parishioners, 
in the administration of the estates or in the management of the 
temporal interests of the parishes, or still less in the oi'ganiza- 
tion of the religious services, there is nothing to servo as a basis 
for determining the number of temples required by a certain 
j)arish or a certain city. 

It is, therefore, with State alone that the Church can 
come to an understanding regarding the number of temples to 
be reserved for the service, and the Government, as adminis- 
trator of the nation's property, has the unquestionable right to 
dispose of the temples, when required for uses which, in its esti- 
auation, are of higher importance than the religious service, and 
above all, when, because of the abundance of temples in a single 
»city, the number of tlu)se available for religious services is con- 
sidered excessive. 

Up to the present time, the Government has not made use 

of this right. 

Immediately after the passing of the laws of the Keform, and 
BriMcipallv since 1867, the Juarez Government took over some 

— 12 — 


r • ' 

oE the many temples in existenceT for the purpose of taming 
tliein to public uses, so that in the principal cities of the coontrj 
it may be seen that the libraries, universities, hospitals, and 
aiiany other charitable institutions occupy buildings vhinh origlll- 
jilly were temples. Since 1876, the Catholic Chureli has enjoyed 
munolested the possession of a great number of temples, and the 
■Government up to the present had not tried to nijjte use of its 
right to consolidate the property of some of them, nor had there 
Leen any ocasion to discuss the number of teiTiples neceBBBTy 
for religious services. 

The tnith of the matter is that in some citioa of Mexico 
the nuisber of temples open to public service is considerably ex- 
<-essive. in propfirtimi to tlii' rfjij^ions needs. A popniation of 
](l,000 inhabilants luis I'tiont'h willi one or two temples open 
for worship; however, there are towns, snch as the City of Gho- 
lula, in which the number of chnrches is so great in proportion 
to the popolation that a source of real curiosity is found by tour- 
ists in the vast nnmfaer of temples, all of which are open for 
seirice, all affording occupation to priests, and, therefore, sig- 
nifying a strong contribution on the part of the faithfnL 

Paebla is a city of 100,000 inhabitants, and it is curious to 
note that, until the time of its occupation by the Constitutionalist 
Army, it had nearly 200 temples open to the public. 

Merida is a city of 60,000 inhabitants, and it has enough with 
twelve temples, that is, one for each 5,000 souls. 

The city of Vera Crnz has a normal population of 50,000 in- 
habitants, and three churches have always sufficed for religious 

Up to the present time, the number of temples destined for 
public service in each place has been unlimited. The Govern- 
ment notwithstanding its unquestionable right to dispose of 
the buildings and to determine which are those that should be 
reserved for religious services and which can be destined for 
other purposes, had not limited the number of temples which 
the Catholic Church controlled. 

Lately, however, the attitude assumed by the clergy against 
the Constitutionalist Revolution brought about the closing of 
certain temples to religious services by a number of military 
chiefs and State Governors, on their capturing towns. 

This could be regarded as an act of hostility, or as a sort of 
reprisal against the Catholic clergy, but in reality, and even 
supposing that such were the case, the closing of some of the 
temples, which never reached the extent of the total closing up 
of ail the churches in a town, does not constitute an illegal act 
and is not censurable except in so far as regards the occasiom 
— 13 — 

on whieli it opriirrcd, wliicli, tiTi (lip other liainl, whs elicited bj 
the attitude i»i' llu' rli-rgy tlieinselvcs. 

lu suhstaiioe: as res*"'^'' floods and chattels, the Catholi* 
Church ban full oapucity to acquire and handle property. Bi 
in so far as lauded property is coneemed, the Mexican Consti 
tution t'orhids the Catlmltc Clmrcli to own real estate or capital 
invested in the same, and the only right granted the Church 1^ 
the laws is to maintain the temples immediately or directly de»- 
lined to religious service. 

Concerning the temples open for worship, wliich are the prop 
erty of the State, their number is considerably greater tha 
is required to fill the demand, and the Government is not occi 
sioning a damage, but simply exercising a right, when it coi 
Bolidates the property of those temples which it is not essentia 
should remain in the power of the Chnrcli. 

The laws of the Reform established the abolition of all eoi 
vents and of all religions essociations of monastic life, Tl 
monastic orders existing in Mexico, not only those of a mere) 
contemplative nature, but al.-io those of an educational and chi 
itablo nature, were abolished in virtue of these laws. 

In 1874 they even went so far as to abolish the charity insti 
tution known as "Sisters of Charity," and the other regula 
orders, especially those of the Jesuits, were then expelled. 

The abolition of the monastic orders in Mexico was a meats- 
sure clearly taken in defence of human liberty, which was found 
to be threatened by them. 

This was especially so in regard to women, whose education 
was still very deficient, so that they were not in a condition to 
defend their liberty when the tremendous moral pressure of 
parents and relatives was brought to bear upon them in order 
to force them to enter a convent. 

The Mexican woman, particularly the one who possessed richea 
in her own right, was always exposed to the danger of seeing 
her liberty restricted by her entrance into a convent, where it 
became impossible to prove that her permanence there was not 
absolutely voluntary. 

The Mexican woman has not, like the American woman, an 
education which enables her personally to look after her owb 
liberty, and before the passing of the laws of the Reform, experi- 
ence taught that the existence of convents was a constant threat 
to feminine liberty. 

Even subsequently to the passing of these laws, rich heiresses 
have always been the object of suggestions inducing them to 
take the religious vow in a foreign country. 
— 14 — 

The Irwb of the Befonn completely abolish the monastic or- 
ders, and vithin the principle established by them, all religions 
oongregationB of a monastic character mnst be dismmbered. 

At the time of General Diaz, however, a policy of toleration 
-was initiated in favor of reUgions orders, first in regard to char- 
ity institationa, later in regard to educational orders, finally wind- 
ing up by assmning the same tolerant attitude toward the con- 
templative orders, which, although illegal in their existence, 
were not effectoally proceeded against by the judicial author- 

The conditions prevailing in Italy after 1870; those which 
have been prevalent for a long time in Spain^ since the consider- 
able excess of monastic orders made necessary the positive de- 
portation of persons bound by monastic vows; and the condi- 
tions recently created in France for monastic orders, especially 
for those of an educational character, since 1906: — all this has 
led a great number of foreign nuns and monks to take refoge in 
Hexieo and settie there with, the character of monastic orders. 
The existence of these orders was tolerated in the time of 
General Dfaz. Many of th«m constituted an open violation of 
the law; others, chiefly the French educational orders, tried to 
confonn themselves to the laws of public instruction and ac- 
quired greater freedom of action in their work. 

On the fall of General Huerta and the inauguration of the 
Constitutionalist Government in the principal cities of the Re- 
public, several monastic orders were abolished, and as the mem- 
bers of these were mostly foreigners, the majority voluntarily 
expatriated themselves. 

It is not true that the nuns were made victims of such offences 
as have been attributed to the members of the Constitutionalist 
army. The only occurrence has been the dispersion of several 
religious groups, whose members have withdrawn to foreign 

The religious question in Mexico can be summarized as fol- 

1. The aims of the Constitotlonalist Government regarding 
the Catholic Church are not such as might be inferred from the 
isolated acts which, as a consequence of the war, and above all, 
of the intervention of the clergy in our political contentions, the 
Catholic Church has on several occasions had to undergo. 

2. The conditions of the Catholic Church in Mexico are to- 
tally different from the conditions of the same Church in the 
United States. 

— 15 — 

■''.' * . >■• ■;<~**T^*IFv»#^3?3;*- THHser.. ■-■^..i^. 

3. The laws of the Reform establish a determined conditioii 
for the Catholic Church in Mexico, which is totally different 
from the condition which it has according to the laws of the 
United States. 

4. The said laws of the Reform correspond to a situation 
which is peculiar to Latin America, and the laws in question are 
absolutely indispensable in order to deprive the Catholic Church 
of the temporal power which it had before the War of the Re- 

T). These laws must subsist at the present time, because the- 
social conditions which made them requisite are still prevalent, 

0. During recent years the Catholic Church in Mexico was 
entirely lawless, transgressing the regulations of the Mexican 
Constitution aTxl of the laws of the Reform. 

7. The intervention of the clergy in political matters, the 
possession of landed property on the part of the clergy, and the 
existence of convents, an* acts wholly illegal and violative of the 

Briefly, whatev(»r abuses or excesses which, without the knowl- 
edge and without the consent of the Government, may have 
been cohunitted, are far having the importance which is at- 
tributed to them, aTuI are nothing more than a consequence of 
the conditions in which the same Catholic Church placed itself 
on taking an active j)art in the struggle against the Constita- 
tiouiilist Revolution. 

The Constitutiomdist (jovcrnincut has tried and continues 
trying to reduce to a miniinuni the possible reprisals against the 
Church. The CoTistitulionalij^t G()V(M-nment JTiti^nds, at the same 
time, to maintain tlu* ahsoiutt* sepniation of the Church and 
State, and, therefon*, it is not to he \vori<i(Med at that it enforces 
all tin* measures which t(»n(l to deprive* {\w Catholic clergy of 
the t(Mnporal jmwer which it is attempting to recover; and it 
declares, if necessary, the incapacity of tin* religious corpora- 
tions to organize political groups; and that it proceeds to con- 
fiscate those properties which are illegally in the hands of the 
Church, or of which, even when owned by individuals, the usu- 
fruct can be proved to be reserved to the Church. 

The Constitutionalist Government linally proposes to make 
effective the abolition of the monastic orders existing in Mexico^ 
and, above all, of those of a merely contemplative character. 

To sum up, the Constitutionalist Government proposes to give 
full guarantees in religious matters to the exercise of any cult, 
but strictly enforces the observance of the laws of the Reform 
and of the Mexican Constitution. 

— 16 — 


LAW OF THE 12th OF JULY 1859. 


Host EiXcellent Sir: — His Excellency the constitutional Pre- 
ffldent ad interim of the Kepublic has ordered the fotlowing de- 
er ee to be pnblia hed: 

THE CITIZEN BENITO JUAREZ. Constitutional President 
■d interim of the United States of Mexico, to all its inhabitants^ 
know ye; ^ 

That with the unanimous approval of the Cabinet, and 


That the present war,. promoted and sustained by the clergy, 
has for its chief aim the deliverance of the said clergy from its 
dependence to the civil authorities; 

That when these authorities ha^e offered to better the income 
of the clergy, the clergy has refused even that which would be 
to its benefit, in order to disavow the authority of the sovereig* 

Tliat when the sovereign people, fulfilling the mandate of the 
clergy itself on the subject of parochial imposts, attempted 
thereby to remove from the clergy the hatred it was attracting 
by its manner of collecting these imposts, the clergy chose to 
seem to desire to perish rather than to subject itself to any law; 

That inasmuch as the deteniiinatio]) shown in these matters by 
the Archbishop proves that the clergy can support itself in 
Mexico, as m other countries, without civil law regulations of 
the collection of imposts from the faithful; 

That if at other times tliere might have been some one to 
doubt that the clergy lias been one of the constant hindrances to 
the establishment of public peace, at present all acknowledge 
that it is in open rebellion against the sovereign people; 

That the clergy, having diminished by waste the large funds 
intrusted to it for holy purposes by the faithful, now inverts 
what remains of those funds in the general destruction, support- 
ing and making bloodier every day the fratricidal struggle begun 
by the same clergy in its disavowal of the legitimate authority, 
denying the Republic the right to constitute a government to the 
peoples 's convenience; 

— 17 — 

That, since up to the present all efforts to end a war that is 
ruining the Republic have failed, to leave any longer in the hands 
of the sworn enemy the resources which it has misused so 
grievously would be to become its accomplice, and 

That it is an imperious duty to put in execution all measures 
that may save the situation and save society; 

I have thought it wise to decree the following: 

Article 1. — All the property that the secular and regular 
clergy has been managing under various titles, whether in the 
sliajje of landed property or in whatever name or form it may 
have been held, comes under the dominion of the nation. 

Art. 2. — A special law will determine the manner and form of 
entry, into the treasury of the nation, of the wealth above 

Art. 3. — There shall be perfect independence between the af- 
fairs of the State and the affairs purely ecclesiastical. The gov- 
ernment will limit itself to protect with its authority the public 
worship of the Catholic religion, as well as of any other religion. 

Art. 4. — The ministers of the faith for the administration of 
the sacrament and other religious functions, will be permitted 
to accei)t the gifts and oblations offered in return for services 
rendered. Neither gifts nor indemnizations can be rendered in 
the shape of real estate. 

Art. 5. — The existent religious orders, regardless of the de- 
nomination to which they may belong and of the purpose for 
which they may have l)een created, as well as archconfratem- 
ities, confraternities and brotherhoods united to the religious 
communities and the cathedrals or parishes or whatever other 
churches, are suppressed throughout the Republic. 

Art. 6. — The foundation and construction of new convents or 
religious orders of archconfraternities, confraternities and 
brotherhoods of whatever form or apellation, are hereby pro- 
hibited. In the same manner the wearing of the dresses of the 
suppressed orders is forbidden. 

Art. 7. — As this law reduces the regular clergy of the sup- 
pressed orders to the secular clergj-, they will be subject, as the 
latter, to the ordinary ecclesiastics, in religious matters. 

Art. 8. — To each one of the regular ecclesiastics of the sup- 
pressed orders, who will not disobey the law, the government will 
give 500 pesos once only. To the regular ecclesiastics who, 
because of sickness or old age, are incapacitated in their duties, 
in addition to the 500 pesos there shall be given 3,000 pesos in- 
vested in property so that they may support themselves com- 
petently. Of both sums they may dispose freely as of their own 

Art. 9. — The members of the suppressed orders will be em- 
l)owered to take to their homes furniture and other appertain- 
ances which they had in the convent for their personal use. 

Art. 10. — The images, embroideries, robes and sacred vessels 

_ ]8 — 

of the suppressed regular cliuri'liea shall be delivfioil over to 
the bishop of the diocese for fnrnial inveutory. 

Art. 11.— The governor of the District and the governors of 
the States at the demand of the M. R. Archbishop and the R. 
Bishops of the dioceses, shall designate those temples of the sup- 
pressed regulars that are to be used for religious servicer, ex- 
plaining first and scrupulously their necessity and utility. 

Art. 12. — The boolis, manuscripts, paintings, and antiques and 
other objects belonging to the suppressed religious communities 
shall be tunied over to the umseums, public schools, libraries 
and other public establishments. 

Art. 13.~Tlie regular ecclesiastics of the suppressed orders 
who after fifteen days from the jiublicatioii of this law in each 
place continue to wear in ]ml»!ic llie ecclesiastical robe, or to live 
in communities, will not receive their share as mentioned in 
ai'ticle 8, and after the lifleen days liave elapsed, should they 
continue to live in communities, they will be immediately expell- 
ed from the llepublic. 

Art. 14. — The conveids of the nuns which are at present ia 
existence shall remain, observing the private regulation 
of their cloister. The convents of these nuns which were subject 
to the spii'itual jurisdiction of some of the suppressed regulars, 
remain under that of tiie bishops of the diocese. 

Art. 15. — Every nun that may leave her convent shall receive, 
on leaving, the sum given as dowry on her entrance to the con- 
vent, whether this was given as paraphernalia, or obtained as 
a private donation, or ac<iuireii from some pious foundation. 
Each sister of mercy who had brought nothing to her convent 
ghall receive a sum of 500 pesos on the act of leaving the convent. 
Of the dowry as well as the pension they shall dispose freely as 
of their own property. 

Art, 16, — The political and judicial authorities of the place 
shall offer all manner of help to the outgoing nuns, so as to 
make effective the payment of the dowry or the sum mentioned 
in the above article. 

Art. 17. — Each nun shall keep the capital which in the shape 
of dowry may have gone to the convent. This capital will be 
secured to her in landed property or real estate by means of 
official documents which will be issued to her individually. 

Art. 18, — To each one of the convents of nuns there will be 
left a sufficient capital so that with its proceeds they may attend 
to the repair of the factories and expenses of the feasts of their 
patron saints and of Christmas, Holy Week, Corpus Christi, 
Resurrection and All Saints and to other expenses. 

The superiors and chaplains of the respective convents shall 
give tlie estimates for these expenses, which shall be presented 
within fifteen days after the publication of this law to the gov- 
ernor of the District and to the governors of the respective 
States for their revision and approval. 
— 19 — 

Art. 19. — All the wealth remaining in the convents shall be 
tturned over to the general treasury of the nation in accordance 
with article 1 of this law. 

Art. 20. — The nuns which shall remain cloistered can dispose 
«of their respective dowries, bequeathing them freely according to 
law. In case they do not leave a will or have no kin who can 
receive that inheritance, then the dowry will be turned into the 
public treasury. 

Art. 21. — All the convents for nuns will be closed forever to 
the novitiate. The pre^ient novices will not be permitted to take 
.their vows and on leaving the novitiate they will receive what 
they have brought to the convent. 

Art. 22. — AH transfers of wealth mentioned in this law, be they 
by some .individual of the clergy or whatever persons who should 
not have received authorization from the constitutional govern- 
ment, are null and void. The buyer, be he a native or a for- 
eigner, is obliged to return whatever was brought, or its value, 
and furthermore shall l)e lined live per cent of the value. The 
notary who autliorized the contract shall be deposed and for- 
ever debarred from public service, and the witnesses will suf- 
fer the penalty of from one to four years in the penitentiary. 

Art. 23. — All those who directly or indirectly shall oppose or 
in whatsoever manner prevent the fulfilment of this law, will be, 
-according as the government qualifies the gravity of the offense, 
expelled from the Republic or turne<l over to the judicial au- 
thorities. In this case they will be judged and punished as, con- 
spirators. There will be no appeal of pardon from the sentence 
which will be pronounced against these culprits by the com- 
petent court. 

Art. 24. — All the penalties which this law imposes will be made 
effective by the judicial authorities oF the nation or by the 
political ones of the State, these coninuiiiicating inunediately 
with the general government. 

Art. 25. — The governor of the District, and the governors of 
the States in their turn, shall consult with the government the 
means which they will find convenient for the fulfilment of this 
law. Therefore 1 order it printed, published and circulated. 
Given in the government palace in Veracruz, 12th. of July, 1859. 
BENITO JUAREZ. Melchor Ocampo. President of the Cabinet,. 
Minister of the Interior in charge of Foreign Relations, and of 
War and of Navy. Lie. Manuel Ruiz. Minister of Justice, 
Ecclesiastical Affairs and Public Instruction. — Miguel Lerdo de 
Tejada, Minister of the Treasury and in charge of ''Fomento*' 
(Public advancement). 

1 comnmnicate this to Your Exc. for your information and ful- 
filment. Palace of the general government in Veracruz, 12th. of 
July, 1859. 

Ruiz. Moat excllt. governor of the State of 




of the SDth. of September 1873 on additioiu and reforms 
to the OcHutitation. 

Department of the Interior. — First Section. 

The citizen President of the Bepablic has forwarded to this 
Department the following decree: 

SEBASTIAN LERDO DE TEJAOA. Constitutional President 
of the United States of Mexico, to all its inhabitants, know ye: 

That the Congress of the Union has decreed the following: 

The Congress of the United States of Mexico in the exercise 
of the faculty conceded by article 127 of the political Constitu- 
tion promulgated the 12th. of February 1857, and in accordance 
with the approval of the majority of the Ijpgislalures of the 
Republic, declares the following articles to bo addition!? and 
■ reforms to the same Constitution : 

Article. 1. — The State and the Church are independent from 
each other. .Congress cannot dictate laws establishing or pro- 
hibiting any religion. 

Art. 2.— Matrimony is a civil contract. This and other acts on 
the civil state of persons are of the exclusive jurisdiction of 
civil functionaries and authorities, in the terms provided by the 
laws, which will have the force and validity attributed to them. 

Art. 3. — No religious institution may acquire real estate or 
capital invested in real estate, except only as establislit'd by 
article 27 of the Constitution. 

Art. 4. — The simple promise to tell tlie truth and to fulfill the 
contracted obligations shall substitute the religious oath with 
its effects and penalties. 

Art. 5. — No one may be compelled to lend his personal services 
without a fair retribution or without his full consent. The State 
cannot admit the validity of any contract, pact or agreement, by 
virtue of which a man may impair, lose or irretrievably sacrifice 
his liberty, whether by reason of work, of education, or of 
religious vows. The law, consequently, does not recognize 
monastic orders, nor can it permit their establishment, whatever 
their denominations, or the object with which they claim to be 
formed. It cannot authorize pacts by which a man agrees t» 
his proscription or to bis exile. 

— 21 — 


The anterior additions and reforms of the Constitution shall 
be published at once with the greatest solemnity in the whole 
Republic. Palace of the Congress of the Union, Septembe^r 25tL 
1873. Wherefore I order that it be printed, published, circulated 
and obeyed. Given at the National Palace of Mexico on the 
24th. of September 1873. SEBASTIAN LERDO DE TEJADA 
To the citizen Lie. Cayetano Gomez y P6rez, in charge of the 
Ministry of the Interior. I forward it to you for your cognizance 
and for its consequent effects. Independence and Liberty, Me- 
xico, September 25th., 1873. Cayetano Gdmez y P^rez, Acting 

Citizen governor of the State of 

22 — 



Department of the Interior. — First Section. 

The citizen President of the Republic has ordered to publish 

SEBABTU^ l^So DE TEJADA, Coiutitatioiial Frestdent ot 

the United States of Mexico, to its inhabitaiits. know ye: 

'"That the Congress of the Union has decreed the following: 

"The Congress of the Union decrees; 

"Art. 1. — The State and the Church are independent from each 
other. No one will be empowered to dictate laws establishing or 
prohibiting any religion; but the State exercises authority over 
them, in regard to the preservation of public order and the 
respect of the institutions of the State. 

"Art. 2. — The State gututuitees the exercise of all cults in the 
.Republic. It will only prosecute and punish practices and acts 
authorized by some cult, which may be in violation of our penal 

"Art. 3. — Ko authority or corporation, or organized body, may 
take part official^ in the acts of any cult; nor under the pretext 
of rengions solemnities will they be permitted to make any de- 
monstrations or celebrations. Therefore no holidays are author- 
ized except those which have as their object the solemnization 
of purely civil events. The Sundays are designated as days of 
rest for the offices and public establishments. 

"Art. 4.^Religious instruction and the official practices of 
any colt whatever, are forbidden in all the establisments of the 
Federation, of the States and of the municipalities. The prin- 
ciples of morality will be taught in those establisments where it 
may be relevant to do so, without reference to any cult. The 
infraction of .this article will be punished by a government fine 
of 25 to 200 pesos, besides the dismissal of the guilty parties in 
case of repetition of the offense. Persons living in a public 
■establishment may, if they so desire, meet in tlie temple of their 
— 23 — 

faith aiul ri't-eivf in the same establinlinieiit, in ease of extreme 
urgency, the spiritual assistauce of the religion they profess. The 
cor res ponding regulations will fix the nianinT of carrying out 
this authorization williout impairing the ohject of the estaliliBh- 
menl ami withiml inl'ractiun of artic-li- li. 

"Art. 5.— No religious act can take place in public, but on^ 
within a temple, nnUer penalty of hlopping the act and 
punishing its authors by a government tine of 10 to 200 pesos or 
inipiisonnii'Tit frnin ten to fifteen days. Should the act have taken 
a solemn diaracter hy the nuniher of persons attending it, 
or for any other circumstances, the authors of it, as well as 
the pLTBoriB who will not obey the intimation of tlie authorities 
to desist from it, will be imprisoned and tunied over to the 
judicial authorities, incurring a sentence from two lo six months 

"No religious minister, or individual of either se.\. member of 
a cult, is pennitti'd lo wear {lisliin'tiv.' ur riiaracteristie robes of 
his cult outside (,f the leutpb-.s. under pi'iiidly of 10 lo 10(1 pesos. 

"Art. fj.— The ringing of bells will lie limited strictly as a call 
to the performance of religious acta. The police shall regulate 
tht' ringing of bells so tliat it may not cause any inconvenience 
to tlie public. 

".\rt. 7. — Kor a temple to enjoy tin' prerrogatives of such, in 
ucconlani-..- witli arlid.- DCII ;ind wilh tin.- iither articles on this 
nmtler of tin- IVicd t'."lr of \]\<- Di.-irirt. wiiich articles are liere- 
by declared in force throughout the Republic, the existence and 
installation of the temple must be communicated to the political 
authorities of the locality, where it shall be entered in a registry 
kept for this purpose, and from where notice shall be given to 
the government of the State, which in its turn shall advise the 
Ministry of the Interior. As soon as a temple is known to be 
used for other purposes than those exclusively of its cult, it shall 
be stricken from the registry of temples for the effects of this 

"Art. 8. — The legacies and institutions of successions which 
may be made in favor of ministers of any cult or of persons who 
dwell with the aforesaid ministers, if these should have given 
any manner of spiritual help to the testator during the sickness 
from which he died, or have been his confessors, are null and 

"Art. 9. — Equally null and void are tlie institutions of succes- 
sion or legacies, which, even though they may have been made 
ostensibly in favor of those legally qualified, are in direct con- 
travention of the law and infringe fraction III of art. 1.'). 

"Art. 10. — The ministers of the cults may not enjoy, by reason 
of their character, any privileges which shall distinguish them, 
by law, from other citizens, and are not subject to any more 
interdictions than those which this law an<l the Constitution 

— 24 — 

'"Art. H.— The speeches of religious ministers which may 
be spoken advising disobedience to the laws or provoking some 
misdemeanor or some felony make unlawful the assembly 
wherein such words are spoken, and therefore such assembly 

I loses the guarantees granted in art. 9 of the Constitution. Thi' au- 

■ thor of the address or spppcli will lie suhji'd in tlii.s oast- to Ih** 
rulps of the third book, scotioii six, cliaiitiT eight of th(' Poiial 
CchIi?, which is decljircd in Utn-t- on this ]ioiiit tlirouglioiit the 
Hp[niblif. The mistleiin'unors coininilted by instigation or 

j Buggfstioii of a minister of any cult, iis rcfprrcil to in Iliin iirticlc, 
place such iiiiiiistcr in the category of principal iiulhor of the 

' dail. 

"Art. 12.— All iiu'ftiiigK which may take placi- in li'inpks ^hiill 
be public, subject to the vigilance of the police, and the nu- 
thoritiesj may exercise tlie fiinetioii of their ortice when the case 
demands it. 

"Art. 13.— Keligious institutious are free to organize lii- 
erarchieally as they please; bnt sudi organizations have tio legal 
status before the Stale except lo invest the Mnieiiors of the 
orKaiiization.s in encli lociilily with the repr>'senl!ilive chjii'acter 
referreii to in article I'l. N'n niinistei- nf any ciili riiav Ihcrefoi-e 
present hiincelf oficially as sucli to Ihi' authorities. lie inar 
present himself only in the form and with the requisites wifli 
which every citizen may exercise the riglit of p<>lition. 


"Art. 14.— Xo religion- insllliilion iruiy ;ic.|uirc real estate, or 
capital invested in real estate, excepting the temples to be used 
imnietliately and directly in the public service of t!ie cult and the 
annex property which may be stiictly necessary for such service. 

"Art. 15, — The religious associations, represented in each 
locality by their superiors, have the following rights: 

1. — The right of petition 

II. — The ownership of the temples a<-quire(l in conformity with 
article 14. The laws of the State in which the buildings are 
locattnl shall determine on whom the right of ownership of the 
temples shall fall shouhl the property he aban<1oned or the 
association dissolven. 

111. — The right of receiving alms or gifts, which luay never be 
made in real estate, titles, bonds or promises of future payment, 
whether in the shape of bequests, testamentary donations, 
legacies or any other ifiiui of obligation of this sort, all which 
are hereby declared void 

IV. — The right of receiving alms in the interior of the temples 
by means of collectors appointed for such purpose, with the 
nnderstanding that outside the temples it is forbidden to appoint 
such alms collectors, theappointe<l ones being included in article 
415 of the Penal Code of the District, which aiticte is hereby de- 
clared in full force througliout the llepublic. 
— 25 — 





V. — The right assigned in the next article. 

"Besides the abovesaid rights, the law does not grant any 
others to religious societies as corporations. 

'*Art. 16. — The tempU^s which according to the law of July 
the 12th, 1859, were nationalized and which have been left to 
the Catholic cult, as w^ell as others which later may have been 
ceded to any other religious institutions, shall continue to be- 
long to the nation, but its exclusive use, conservation and im- 
provement, will belong to the religious institutions to whom they 
may have been ceded, as long as the consolidation of the property 
shall not have been decreed 

**Art. 17. — The buildings spoken of in the two former articles 
shall be exempt of payment of contributions, except in case that 
they should be constructed or acquired nominally or outright by 
one or more individuals without transmitting them to a religions 
society. The property in such case shall be governed according 
to the comnio*n laws. 

"Art. 18. — The buildings which do not belong to private in- 
dividuals and which according to this section and the following 
one should be regained by the nation, shall be transferred 
according to the laws in force that control this matter. 


''Art. 19.— The State does not recojSfnize any monastic orders 
nor can it permit their foundation, no matter what their de- 
nomination may be nor the object for which they would be creat- 
ed. The secret orders which may have been established shall be 
considered as illepil and the authorities can disolve them, 
should their mimibers live togeth(»r; in any case, their chiefs, 
superiors and directoi-s, will be judged as guilty of an infraction 
of individual guarantees, in conformity witli art. 9(53 of tho Penal 
Code ot* the l)istrict, wliicli article is here))v diH'lared in force 
throughout the Hepul)li(. 

''Alt. 20. — The religious societies whose members live under 
certain rules peculiar to themselves, under temporary or per- 
petual promises or vows, and under the control of one or more 
superiors, are regarded as monastic orders, subject to the 
previous article, even though each member of the society should 
have a dwelling apart from the others. Conso(iu(Mitly, the first 
and I'eh^vant declai'ations in the circular of the Ministrv of the 
Intei'ior issued on tlie 2Stli. of Mav, 18(il, are herehv (l<K*lared 
null. - 


*'Art. 21. — The simple ])r()niises to tell the truth, and to fulfill 
one's obligations, shall substitute the r(4igious oath in its effects 
an<l penalties; hut eitluM* promise^ is a legal re(|uisite only when 
it is necessary to testify in a court, in whicli case the first 
proniis(» shall he offered; and the second shall l)e ofiered on 
taking possesion of an official ])osition. The lattei' will be nia<le in 

— 2(i — 

t formiil oath, without any resi'rv'c, to obey and preserve the 
»liti<'al Constitution of the United States of Mexico with its 
idditions and reforms, and its laws. This oath sliall be taken by 
all tiiose who take charge of a public office of the Federation, of 
the States or of the Muuicipalities. In all other in which, 
according to the laws, the religions oath had some civil con- 
sequences, it has these no longer, even though it should be taken. 

hfth SEonoN. 

"Art. 22. — Marriage is a civil contract, and that aa well as 
other acts which fix the civil state of individuals, belong to the 
realm of the functionaries of the civil order according to the laws 
and shall have the force and validity which the taws may give 

**Art. 23. — The right to legislate on the civil state of 
the individuals, and to rule the manner in which the correspond- 
ing acts shall be performed and recorded, belongs to the States, 
but their resolution shall be subject to the following rales: 

I. — The offices of the Civil Register shall be as numerous as it 
may be necessary to accomodate all persons who may have need 
of it, and must always be in charge of employees of tried ability 
and honorability. 

II. — The register of the acts of the civil state shall be entere<l 
with accuracy, in separate entries, in books which will be under 
the inspection of the political authorities. The inscription shall 
be done with all necessary formalities which wili guarantee au- 
thenticity and the veracity of its records. They will not be allow- 
ed to have erasures, or corrections, or additions between lines, 
and the remark (rejected) shall be placed after every mistaken 
record before signing it, and the new correct inscription shall be 
recorded immediately following the erroneous one, 

III, — These services incumbent on the civil state of persons 
shall be entirely gratuitous, and a table of rates may be establish- 
ed to exact payment only for those acts that could be performed 
in the offices of the Civil Register, but which take place, for the 
greater convenience of witnesses, in the homes of those interest- 
ed, at their request, and for the burial in privileged plots of the 
public cemeteries, 

IV. — The officers of the Civil Register shall keep a duplicate 
of their books in which there sliall be no interruptions bet-ween 
the records. Every six months this duplicate, legalized at the 
bottom of the last entry, together with a statement of the num- 
ber of pages it contains, every page signed on the margin, shall 
be sent to the archives of the government of the State. Like- 
wise and furthermore, they shall remit a notice of the acts 
registered in a month 

v.— All the acts of the Civil Register shall have a public char- 
acter, and nobody shall be denied the inspection of the records, 
— 27 — 


VI. — The records of the Register will be the only proof of the 
civil state of individuals, and will be considered legal in tilt 
courts unless they can be proved to be forgeries. 

VII.— Civil marriage may be celebrated by one man with only 
one woman. Bigamy and polygamy being crimes punishable by 

VIII. — The will of the contracting parties, freely expressed in 
the form that the law shall establish, constitutes the essence of 
civil marriage; consequently, the law shall protect the utterance 
of such will and shall prevent any compulsion against it. 

IX. — Civil marriage may be dissolved only by the death ef 
one of the consorts; but the law may permit temporary separa- 
tion for serious reasons which shall be determined by the leg- 
islature, this separation allowing neither consort to unite in wed- 
lock with any one else. 

X. — Marriage may not be contracted by persons who, for phys- 
ical unfitness, cannot fulfill the object of that state; or by those 
who, because of moral incapacity, are unable to. express their 
consent to it. Marriages performed in these cases shall be annul- 
led by petition of one of the contracting parties. 

XI. — Kinship, whether natural or legal, between descendants 
and ancestors in direct line, or brothers, or step-brothers, shall 
also prohibit their intermarriage and, when contracted in such 
cases, shall nullify it. 

XI 1. — All cases brought by married couples before the civil 
authorities as to the validity or nullity of marriage, or of 
divorce, or other matters pertaining to their civil state, shall be 
carriod on as the law mav determine; and anv resolutions Ihat 
may be dictated by the minist(»rs of any cult on these questions, 
shall have no legal effect. 

XITI. — The law shall not impose or prescribe religious rites, 
in resp(H*t to marriage. The married couples are free to receive 
•r not the blessings of the ministers of their religion, which 
shall have no legal effect 

XIV. — All ceineteries and ]:)laces of burial will be under the 
innne<liate inspection of the civil authorities even should they be 
private enterprises. No establishment of the kind may be found 
without license from the authorities. Burials or exhumations 
may not be carrie<l on without permission or written orders of 
the authorities. 

**Art. 24. — The civil state of a person registered in one State 
or I)istri(*t, shall be recognized in all the others of the Republic. 


"Art. 25. — No one may be compelled to lend his personal 
services without his full consent or without fair retribution. The 
lack of consent, even when there should be retribution, con- 
stitutes an attack against personal liberty; and the same holds 
true should retribution be lacking when services have been lent, 

— 28 — 

with tacit or expressei! consent, on coiiditioti of forthcoming; 

•Art. 26. — The State eaniiot admit the validity of any oontrftot^ 
pact or agreement, by virtue of wliich a man may imifair, lose or 
irrevocably sacrifice his liberty, whether by reason of work, of 
education, or of religious vows; no can it authorize pacta by 
which a man agrees to his proscription or exile. All the con-- 
traets which may be made in contravention of this article are noil 
»nd void and oblige those who accept them to indemnify the 
losses and injuries caused. 


"Art. 27. — It is in the power of Uic political aiithoritieB of the 
States to impose the sentences of which this law treats. These* 
same authorities shall incnr, before the governor of the State, the- 
double of these penalties, should they niithorizy or knowingly 
tolerate any infringement of the laws. The Governors of uie-. 
States are responsible, in their turn, for any infractions of the- 
present law or ommission of the same committed by them or by 
the autliorities ami olliciais subject iniiler tlieir Orders. 

"Art. 28. — Crimes committed against sections 1, 2, 3 and 6 of 
this law are pnnishahle by the federal laws and are under the- 
jurisdiction of the courts of the Federation; but the judges of the 
States shall try them in all places where there is no District 
Judges carrying these cases on to the sentence which shall be 
passed by the District Judge to whom they shall be sent. The 
crimes committed against sections 4 and 5 shall be tried accord- 
ing to the usual laws by the empowered authorities in each 

"Art. 29. — The Laws of Reform are recast in this Law; but, as 
regards the Civil Register, the Laws of Reform shall continue 
in force until the States legislate in conformity with section 5. 
-They shall also continue in force in regard to the nationalization 
and alienation of ecclesiastical property, and the payment of 
dowries to ex-nuns, with the changes hereby made to art. 8 «f 
the law of the 25th. of June, ISSti. Given at the Palace of the 
Legislative Power, on the 10th. of December, 1874. — Nicolas Le- 
moB, President of the Chamber of Deputies. Antonio Gomez, 
Deputy Secretary. Luis G. Alvlrez, Deputy Seer, J. V. Villada, 
Deputy Seer. Alejandro Prieto, Deputy Seer." 

Whereof I order it printed, published, circulated and obeyed. 
Given at the Palace of the National Government, at Mexi-cs- City, 
en the 14th. of December, 1874. 




>..* K-^^.-Tj/f^f^l^' 


... ■ -■ ' 



Art. 5—.. 

Ilie State cannot admit the validity ot any contract, pact or 
agreement, by virtue of which a man impairs, loses or irrevocably 
sacrifices his liberty, whether by reason of work, of education, or 
of religious vows. 

The law, consequently, does not recognize monastic orders, 
nor can it permit their establishment, whatever be their de- 
nomination, or the object with which they claim to be formed. 
It cannot authorize pacts by which a man agrees to his proscriih 
tion or exile. (Reform of the 19th of June, 1898). 

Art. 27.— 

Religious corporations or institutions, whatever be their char- 
acter, denomination, duration or purpose, and civil institutions 
under the patronage, direction or administration of the former, 
or of ministers of any sect, will not have legal capacity to acquire 
ownership or administration of real estate other than that of the 
buildings which are immediately and directly destined to the 
service or object of said corporations and institutions; nor will 
they be legally authorized to acquire the ownership or admin- 
istration of capital invested in real estate. 

Civil corporations and institutions which are not comprised in 
the foregoing case, may acquire ownership and administration, 
not only of tlie buildings referred to, but of all real estate and 
-capital invested in same, which may be required for the mainten- 
ance and end of said institutions, but subject to the requisites and 
limitations which federal laws may establish through the Con- 
gress of the Union. (Reform of the 14th of March, 1901). 


— 30 — 





Tlic Stale ciiiniol admit tlic valitlity ol any contract, pact or 
«grccnu'iit, l>y virtue of whicli ii man impairs, loses or irrevocabiy 
sacriliees liis )iln'rt v. wliother bv ] 
of reli I II W Pl'ilr" "' 

nor et 
It cam 
■(ioii Ol 


acter, ■ 
or of 11" 
thev \y 



tinee ai 

f : —• -' V 

\ -'. -i ■ <:, H 

!'• '^ 



>«■• vr-c 




Tlie iji[rarian Queslion And Practical Means 

of Solving tlie Problem. 











Art. T)— . . 

Till- Stiitf 

caiiiuit a 

(iiiiit the validity ot any eontraot, pad or 

agii'ciiii'iit, 111 

.' virliipt; 

if wliioh a man impairs, lost'S or irrevocably 

sai'rifit-cs hi-. 


^ liMli.T l,v reason of work, of -'"""*=— — 

of i-fli«^"^ 


' ^^V^^jBI^Hp^H^^^^H 


^C ■■: 

nor C'l 



It (^ain 


"tioii 01 











tliw I. 



till' rnr 

not mil 





f 'J ^^ ' ■" *J< 



I ' ■' . ' I 





I have promised to deal in this confereneo with 
the asrrariau j>rob'em. but, I should havo said wifh tn^ 
^iioial «iituj»[ioi). tho vital question of tk«j moment; but 
ivali/.injr. a- 1 do. that thi» new soe'al eon<Iitio;is for 
whieh our pooj^le are ehiUioriuT au the result of the 
jinaJ disparily het>vepn dirttrbut- d owniT-^liip of lintl", 
i make this the louniloiion stonr t.f all our ^ k-'::'1 
structure and iiliali 'leal with tl.r actaiU- touchiiv^ thi-i 


Many ^Fexican^ havf heeome inter- -h-il in tii* 
me.ttrr of the distribution of fpro])«'.rt y , ami >oni.'. 
wholly or partly auided by i^ncialisti nr»tivps: au'l 
others ft'om more ronsorvative or iorlicrl niotivp-!. 
have expoJir.(h'«l theories, but irainei] very f » w re ult-^. 
I do not wish to ur^e tlr"s«^ niftlicds: but to T»rp-<'iit 
you fcr r»i)i;si'h-ration that wliicli lins htn-n diuie in Xev 
Ziin'and. ^^I^or** afler exiK-rimfntin'r for twenty livi» 
yeai.s. tin* proL! »ni \k\^ Iicimj s-olvrd. bvinjin^j ns n n'^ui'' 
a siM-ialist (' \xW of iri'nernl wfll r;n'«'. which .'«ft r j'-I 
\< tho ideni of hr.nianity, a-' it teudn It* p!'rfc(*l»"n. N-v. 
Zealanil h«:l tn <'nnl»Mnl with the -.Jiriie 'lii fi'-nl! •' • 
whi«-h th.e Af- X r;"ii> .'mc so anxiniu to ovt itmuh!. 'lli.« 
Oio;. } 'jh-ritMi-j >M < I'.-.-, has (MoxviinI theii* i-flivu .'I'mI Hi* 

who!.' WOlhl wil'! »'l!i. <'XC(.'pl ii'U. looks \\\S to ilji^ •■! t'M't 

fount "v of 111" An*i;'«Hh»s lo^r in th«' «.n»".'«t. v.;»t,. n|' t'l • 

• * • 

0-:;in. whi«'h 'i:is triiiiHpJH'd with n 'W s«loalr<. tiic mpImhh 
fMis'oui.'- of ohh-r count r't-'. 


In the fii-t fiftv vcars t>f her ♦»xistonce. New Zea" 
land had to .-Ini^L^lr with tli(> fin^t European colonist?, 
with tin* ahori^jiui'S, l';»r a con. olidation of the colonies, 
w*th hrr £ir-t tri'd.s at an.\ thins: like r-erioiis govwnment 





Alt. 5— 

TIm- Stat*' <'aiiin)t inliiiil tin- validity ol aiiv coiitnu-t. pact or 
agn'fnu'iit. Iiy viitu.' of wliicli a man iriipair.«, iinn-A or irn'vofablv 
uu.tH;..,.^ 1,;... i;i...... , ., i,..ti . ..■ .1 .. . .- ■' 



and witb the' IcNms needed to 1 
_\i\;_ piiblie work}. In this >trng?l« A» ttlHawti til* 1 

,, , ~ beaten path of the ymmgtT and, even of sotne of I 

"'''^ older eonatriee o£ Amariea, for whom politiMl faidapw- 

^'^tcr, denre is still a new proposition. 

Uliilcr The result of the louu obtained and tbo imUw 

■oroi'iT worlu undertaken was a national diaaater. Il» pM(U 

were hii.-dened «o hRavily vith tana, that at ooe IpW 

Utrt Zealand waa no longer a couitry favoikUe t« 

imniiKnition and a crisis was the reauK. Ckphd WM 

Stirvicc wit'tdfAun and misery nnd discontent mn fatt 

tlwy l> thiviugUtHit the land. VJiat was then doneT A rarolvtbiK 

istratl4 hrnko out. hut happily then? was no derical party witt 

..- - 1 ubi-'' tti contend iiiil the )ipii|)lc did not rew»rt to the 

!isi' if ."irnifi. Wherever relig'ona Bentioonta are 

''"■ '"* CXI) ■..•f(]. tb"ii is fibfrt. In this ease war wma «dy 

nol (Hii milt', eci'inst !lie (.'onseriniivy Parly who naturally 

i'Hjiilal ilcf- ■ ..led ibeir inleWBtB, 1 lepeat, the peo[4e did not 

jilK-c ill eaiiiliiy the ««e of arms for this very eirenmrtanee. 

K. ..:>,. I whii'h is not to be oomparrd with otirr., in which tho 

_. J reliitjons qiieption (Jays «a.'b an important part. Thia 

^ " social rerolutimi snlveil tbe problem which is the tama 

tliat interesf,-! ns, ami of whieh the whole worid '• 



The ppiifile of Xpw Zealand realized that the eansa 
of nVI llifir tf'tuble ""as the CTpat nnequalneM in tiia 
difitribiitii'ii "f land-— the plenia! problem. It waa 
iniprtsiible tn niiirm''nt national pri>dnet't and inerease 
weallb wbi'-h winiM Imvi' put finanrrs on an eqoi- 
talili' bn.'i^. 'I'lir-rr. .Mist ns hfre. iliis question was the 
-litrtiiiK p'liiit, !ii[(l H n-urn\ war wn= entraprd ntrainst 
liii'i;!' inmt i-ivn.'iv. yirM fbcn- wnn a prop-essive tax 
sy-tnn wbif- whs I'ixfil ut n eerinjn per rent of the 
iiiti-ii-ie \nhw iif tb.' p'-npfrty. aci'Ofilinjr to it? *itx 
'Tin-, tii'.llicii, wbiib bns b.Mi fn^ny^ti^d by many of onr 
roiiiitryr.icn. iv;i.= 11 failnrr in Npw Zealand. The 
propurty ownrr. p-Ti-rr-i! M pav increasi-d taxes and 
imTi'mse tbe proilnciim .)i' tbeir lands rather than 
d • ii<o tb.-ni. an.) fhn.s tbe ;>oi.ple were duped out if 
ilu'-r buj-es ajnin. Tl wan iirjed that a more ra£eal 


I * 

, I 




|.olicy fijiould be adopted, which authorized ezpropriatioa 

of all property , when needed by the people, resrardless '' I 

of whether or not it belonged to wealthy land owners, ^ 

or to the natives. The Oovornemnt thus became the sole 

agent authorized to carry out any land transaction. 

Since then, in New Zealand, when the people need land^ 

in any particular part of the country, the Government 

expropriates them, or pays tlie owner the value of the 

ground, and divides it accordingly among those who 

seek it. Firsil:, it was <letermined that the plots be paid 

for in annual iustallnK'nts. the Government exactiniir 

the introduction of certain reforms, however, before 

surrendering the property, which would oblige the 

colonist to ritay on his property. This was done in order 

that the i^round would become ivoduetive, thus 

increasing national wealth. This system of payments, 

wit II wiach thi» colonists could not always comply, caused 

much trouble; anil too. a iireat amount of capital was 

nenled to carry out the introduction ef improvements. 

Another nlan advancwl wa; to rent for the term of 

twenty years, ceitain conditions of improvement being 

necessary. At tlu' end of tl?i* term tho pro^x^rty mig:lit 

be bouglit. All these trials prepared the way lor the 

linf'l s('*entirie solution which has hoon established and 

which facilitates matters for the farmer. Hy this last 

€y>lem tho lots are turned over on a pcrjKituity rent 

basis; said rent corresponding to the amount of u 

Tca-^onable interest on the intrinsic value of the. 

proiH»rty. By this way capital is in»t, ncdi^l at the Inr 

.vriniiinir to acquire, ownership of the land, nor mu.^t 

:abor be pressed to pay the annnal inf-tallment, which 

is alwa\y hiirhcr than roni . This i^ especiallv tnie of 

the first, years wl'cn the ta-k i^ nmre difficult and le<.> 

]>rodnctive. Th^ sy^•t."nl alsn ol»lii:es tin* owner to car^y 

out (erlain i'jij)»'ovt«incnts durincr the fir-t ten years 

and tl'.us, by cnatinir interests <»n the i»roperty whioh 

he will not willin^'ly abandon, the State is irniiriinte'.'d 

the f%res'.*nce <d' tlie colonist on his farm whicli national 

interests re<]uire that he shoi^ld attend. 


The results of tlr's now I'un'l unentnl ]>oliey of N^'w 
Zenland were soon visible. Men poured into i'le conntrj- 






Til,. Sl„l,. ra,„K.I u,l„iit tl... vali.lity ..f 'ai,V i-uniraot. imrt or 

Ai-t . 

or of 1 r 


Imilili r 
tlioy 1> 
Ih.- lor 

Illll Ollj 




from the Iftqce eitira and btdbU prodnetirfl i 

planlBtioiig Bprung up aa all ddea. Ititr fBOw Sl«t«, 

with tliiA some socialiatie character, entered Hito & Qsw 

apliere of artiun. It vas deemed tfaat all i 

vf public utility should no longer be in tiie 1 

BpeculHlors and that the people liad a 3' *'" 

were bi=nefit& without being robbed. 

tile rnilronds, telegrnphs, mail ■ 

wore aefiiiirt^d by the Stato and t 

the t'l'utits leing only what was actually 1 

fur the :iitere:^t9 on the capital reqiiiied to 1 


The iudiibtrit's suffered oa the resnlt of this aotaaliatia 
move mil thi' divine i-i^his i>r r.ipilal were impaJr-d. 
Ill ■inlcr tli:ii miinni'ni-tiin'i-i ^lioitld earn equitable 
-!i;-iiriH mill llmt :ii i!ic s;iii:i' riuio the laborer should 
lie .-ufrii-iiTitly r.tiniij' iiili-.l itn.l jTiilected. arbitratoA 
w.T.' iia'iii'.l Ijy ihi- '!.)\,rii:i.-iii. Wipkine hours w»e 
s)ii)riMic<l. hy-ier.i- <-'inilifi"n-, i,i workinir shoijs were 
invc-ii.;,--ii;iil ;nia lioin-r.'rl. iinil ;> law nrohibitinfr thft 
i'iii|'I».iiii.'iit lit' l).)y-< Hi" r-istfi'!! .-inJ :!{Hs of eighteen 
n-ais tr> wcrk ill i'u:-i'>i'ii-s was naj=^ecl. This i-eaultrd 
.11 .-1 rajiiil lii-ttovisuj. i.r tlu- w^.^llfare of the people. 
Til" ( uiv'-niii:Hil lia-. alwjiv^ wiili Ihc ^nmv sooialistio[i- V. (-..rr^' ■ ■! I't'V :Hiii-c <■>■ allnupl at theft OB 
tl..- y..-f ..1- .s;.:-i'"r>. 

Winn. .iMii.: t<i il;{li-rci,! .■.■■.-iimsuuiee?, eapitalitll 
iln■^,■i!^i■l^ the prif.- ni i-.'iil, il:.' (iuvcmiui-iit ftivned 'H 
own niljii-s, an.] prii-r* wrT. iiinicilialcly lowered. (TV* 
sh..!;l.l (].. llu. sane witli f„ir nil -in-luslries) When 
Si' ('i.iinijiuiiw .sfo:!!!.!!!'!! t'n- puhl^" I'hroush biErh 
ra(<-. 1i!.. Cinfrnin.i^t cial.:! li .i riii I>;iran.'.- Depart" 
ni.-M u1i:mIi. ba.-'.:I m a yvr.'.^,' sl-dy uf slatistien,] ;!i<- i».i'>i.- ;i]i(l c.tili-M III.. ^:ur<'.v <*oinpanips 
t(, h. jii.t in tl.i-ii' iU-;.;:i!i:s. 


A-= ;: i- a'.il v.:is cri- i.T Y" ■ '!?.• C" vfrnaiPiit tbaa 
fr-r" ii..;iv;.!vflltt ;.. .■n'ljiir,. ;..,i!:-. v:i«i suma were 
born.w..) l-y 1! ■ C.v. nuiii't.; iir'il A .-'•i'Tiltiirtil Bank* 

r -J ^^ -' !•>• 





¥riio and wore always ready to exi>Urtt the wants of the 

A jiioaf part of the newly acquired funds were 
invc'>ted in the cujirftructiou of homeg for lahori:rs, who 
aoqnin-d them by the jxiyment of a rodeenuible rent, 
Ifss ihan the amcKint ca]>i!alists impaed upou them. 
As th ' out'ome oi' this pat.-nul, kind and <'kner i>olioy, 
Xcw Z.'itlarid Jias in tweniy-five years hoconu* one of 
the iiiO<t pro^'per<»:ls laud^. and industry ha.s Ihriven 
rcoie (iuiu 'n anv eo'inirv in the world. Xow that all 
r^ouree^ of wenllh ;uv exploit: d. Kew Zvalnnd ''an with 
e.ise btiir tin*'n ot* her pnhlif dvhi. -wnii-li is, in 
pn.j»oriioii. t:!<' l:'r.:."<t in ^hv world, flu' sfi'ii;* coidd 
ju t hi' ^:i«o Avli. 11 (fidy j^uldi** wnrUs nn«l iimni'/iatio*! 
wtTi' relitw] u}>on . 



TIk: mi.«re we study t!ic advcniurrs (if X^'w Zealand, 
tiie iiior.' iniiiorl do llie niarliuvl r^'S'ilts <>r th.- lesson 
heeriiue lor ^Frxiro. I'et-ausi' ol' <;ur politi«iil sub" 
serviou' e, t»\\inu ^o tlio power t»f the Consi^rvative 
and (*I.'ioj«.l ,'j»i'ly. wp linve ne\er Imimi able to becomo 
cr-ont^ri'icjilly jiidfjiemlent. and tnir siiiiatit»ii is very 
nni<-li like that «»f Now Zfr'.land ihirtv Vfars .ml'o. We 
all know that in our eouutry we havr always been 
eiHS'.'il with tile unfa-'r di-t-ribntidn of wealth. As wc 
were oridnally I'onquered )>y ihc S])a!iiar'ls. the Penned 
larire ostato-^. which liave for e<.*niurit's bv.n owr.ed and 
(xploii^^'I bv ijifii;. Tho iM;t»|'ie. alw jy., oppress. 'd and 
Ix'trayi'd. fliounuht li-at by oblaininu" th ir |>olitieal 
liberly they wrndd luiturally iiKMva-e their wellfaro, 

hen<e ihe reason why \\v havi* unibTtaki'i: thf w:«r of 
indjMten'hMiec. The (.'ons«»r\ alive l*artv lia-l always 
dc eivcd Un with a thrcp eoi«iioa«l flaL"". Al'hM-wani.s tho 
ConsiTviitive aiul Clerical jun-ty (th«' pri\ih.'i:eii few) 
n]»holdinir our '*ea<i(ju«'s*' (im-n of our own blood) 
Tobbi'd otir pcojik* duiinir anoih»M' lonu (ent ury. Our 

poor raer' r:s«s and follow -< and siunible:^, alwa^'S 
lookiuir 'Ml bi-rh. yran-hinir lor it-N w^'Il-bciii'^'. In spito 
of all personalities, of all poiitii-al partio-i of all 



* ^ TION 

V • 




i prngftj kave been forced to pay for what the others 
te«« nefleefeed. 


Taking into consideration these two dinsions of 
property, the eole and radical .saluliun is the following',: 

Kreir— Properties known to be unlawfully acquired 
•hoiild be confi»catefl : 

Second. Any Ihnda net'ded by t^he people, and 
lawfully owned, shonld be cjcikropriateil and [laid for 
aeeofdlnff to the value they actually represent and hayo 
r^teterad in the Pubtc Treasury. 

Proprfietors who durinsr >o many vcans liavo been 
rcbbinjr tlu* Nation by noi payinir fair taxos, c-annot 
protest atrniiLst tlii.s mi-jour*^ wlurh i- nnly a 
rcstabrslinirnt of ihc rijrhts ut' i!io iumi|»I(» who for so 
lona: 'hiivt* bt'cn i)c'annu thi> lumli'ii i»!' tjixntion, wliieli 
phonid havi» bron fairly sIumvmI. Heine. wIhmvvct th'^ 
p*'op}c need proiKTty and wl>-in'\ r a ^iiiticicnt !minb"r 
«'f fiolitioncrs d<*.sin' a divi>iun i»l lan«J, the «vtal<"< 
des'red are to be expropiati-! hy I In- a love* nn'aiu aixl 
dividend into Ic^ts frnni um^ hnndn-d "hectareaa' 
ac.'urdinir to ibe <|nnlity of tlio «• round, the lots boinir 
of greater extension when tlicy an- di'stiin^l to iirazin?: 
purposes . 

The choice of thes<? lot^ will bo drawn for anions; 
the petit •oner:B and shall inmediatcly hr tnrn»"d over t.» 
them on tbo f^orp+^tuity r«.'nt l;asi.-.. and on ronditinn 
that they improve lh»-m to the ♦'xtent n\' a hnndre<l pi-r 
cent of the intrinsic value durin;? the first ten year . 
Duiing the first year, to th»* aftuai conditiniis of the 
Republic, they will be exein)>t from tlie fir^t payment. 
The actual pnipietor will have the rii:ht lo choose and 
krrp any subdivision whicdi he may prefer, so ns to ow»i 
that i>aTt on which his home i^ linilt. Payment-; to th' 
owner of the property exi»:opriated will hp made in 
Iwcntv or twentvfive vear hoiid<. and that i^art «)f th • 

• • • ■ 

property whirrh has n»»t bci-n ni*»''K'<l hy the Ciov rnment. 
will still bo subje t to this law. sn ihar it may bf 
posessed whenever required. Those tenr.s sliall apj»iy 
to proi>erty owned Ijy foreiirner:? a.^ wt H a^ natives. 
Thougrh any property is not extyopriated ininediatelv. 



4 335 


Art. r,_ 

Tin- Stiitc caiiiiol I 



nor , 
nonii'M ■* 
It can: 
■tioH a; 


or of n 
buiMi j 
tlu.y l> 
til.- r..r 

IJOl Ollj 


lllJfC ill 


t, part or 

(he owner of it must 

Treasuly Department) and thus the tutios i 

the taxes wliieh so long hare gone nnpaid. 

This of couse refers to the nationaUzatioa ot^ 
from A just and Bcientific »tand poiiit. 
Bmatl faruH under the perpetuity rentaJ Oyftcni, 1 
is the most convenient, wil] be praeticaUy tba ■__ 

of tUe land; but when they do not comply witli 1 

ohli>;ation^ imposed upon them by the State, they wQl A 
be rompehVil tn stve up tlieir land for otliers mora ' 
(flpaUe of ma)ia<<::n^ it, pnrt ot the money he haii spent 
'*.- iiivf'stcil ill the ^nniiitl, however, will be returned to 

Tax<'A which nui>l I*e (Miid by mnall owners wil] b9 
n-i-ii-.-vil lit 1111 less thiiiL nix pi-r cent of the intrinsic Ta- 
llied of llic land. Thr nation, m- the people, Whilti bnyin;; 
I'Mi|ii']-1y vnliicd 111 hilt Ini'iily nr thirtrv p.-r cent of its 
iiiil wnrlh mid scHiu? il fur its true value, will carry on 
!i very iinit'itnbli' biisini-ss. Xo loan will Iw requiivd to 
IxTatii'ii. so tl.c iiwMcr inmedintely reapf 


. to r'i"ii 

I l.ini.nlf 

fiict::. nnd mimbeni, the agrri- 
(•■iii'liiii-r Liniler imost favorable 
Viiluintf projwrty at i^">0.Ot) 
ill'-' Mil' farnn's" 50 "liocta" 
!•> piiy lull $12.50 per nosth 

which shiill ronatitnte rent — 

■iiiich (iwniTi! ill Mexico hiiT« 
? n-jsnlu have proven very 
i-' in niilily an imdertokin* 
I ilinriU'li'i". ii OiDiihl hf^ome the Insk of 
.•lit lii^ «-..:k „iil these npi-rat'ons whie;i 
•iiiiipli- I'li.Mcm and vvliiph rcinedv tli* 
t>i-..l>I.-. of tlii. S(!it". iiimI even of r-nintalist*. 
hive (liiit Ih,- (livi.le fiie land« in 
■I'Mfe [niiilni'tion nnil nnmnenl national debt. 
■sc icicnlil'ic niclliiKlr-. these ititdresta may 
ir.lccined, wealth will he nnirmented, small 

n.liti.ins. Vor 
T '■h.Tiiii-ea" 
a-.." III. will 111- .>l)liL'.' 
lis iH-ivrnt of Ihi' vjil 
li-h is I'xtranrd'nary 

Ki'vcral eni'Tprisiii'j' 
i.-.l his sv.-t.-m tm.l 
ti-ra't'.rv; hut as ill 
a iiatinMal ihararlfi-. 

f J -. ■• '/'^ 

• • ^ 





property have been forced to pay for what tho others 
hftve neglected. 


Takinj? into consideraticin th«*fte two ilivisiouH of 
property, the sole and radical solution i-- the folh^winu : 

Firet— Proj><*rtif»<H known to bo unlawfully aM|uirod 
should be confiK'ateil: 

Second. Any Ihnds nei-ded by tin* poopl**, and 
lawfully owned, sli(»nM ho <\\|«.p»|)rialo<l ;ind paiil fn?" 
tccording to the value they actually represent and have 
iegi.?tered in the Public Treasury. 

Propmetors ^^llo durinLT *o in:iny xfiuv Iwivi' l.i-rn 
r^'bhiniiT the Nation h\ not payin-- lair tax<s. rannoi 
protest ajrainst this nicasnn* whit-h i- <»nly a 
rr stabl sliinrnt of tlh» riulits of tiif ot'npl.v wlm tor >*> 
Jonif 'havi* brcn bcanui; tln^ lMn«]«'n «if taxJtion. whicl) 
should haw bc^'n fairly shj^v*!. Hjmicp. wluM-ovcr tli** 
V*'opU' iH'fd pi'opf.'rty and w]i:'in'\ r a "^iil'tiiifnt nmnb'T 
I'f |»of it loners desire a di\i-ion ol laml, the c-iati"^ 
d^S'red are to be cxp?"opiati -I by \\\v al ov(» mean-, anil 
divi'lerl into l(>ts fixwu nnf hnniliiMl "hectareas* 
ac to the <|uality of the ur»»nnd. tlic lots beincr 
of greater extension Avhrn they arc (h"<tinr»l to urazin^: 
pnrpose^s . 

The choice of these Icit^ will be drawn fur anion^ 
the pet it 'oner? and shall innn^tliatt'ly In* lurnod over t.> 
them on th^ f'<*rp»*tuify rvnt l.asi'.. and on rondiliun 
thflt they improve ibfui to tho cxlvnt of a hundred pi'r 
crnt of the intrin-^io value durinu: tho fir<t ten vcar . 
Duiing the f'rgt year, t«» tli" at-tual i-ondiiiniir, i»f tho 
Poniihli,\ tlipy will be cxonipt fnuii tin- fii-r payment. 
The actual propi^tor will have tlu' ri'.:hr lo cIhium. and 
krrp any subdivision which b,- may pnMVr. <i» a- to «»\v'i 
that part on which hij- honir i^ built, Payun'iits lt» ili* 
nwncT of tin* property <'xp:i»prial«'d will In- madi* n\ 
twenty or fwontyfivo year bomb, as-.d iliat part- of tb* 
property wlii -li lia^ n<>i b«-:M n«'fl.'d «iy I'lf (iuv. rnmont. 
will stili be t to this law. s(» lliar it nuiy bf. 
posejised whenever refiuin-d. Theso terms -hall apply 
U\ property ownod by fore::i:ner> a. wtll as initive>. 
Thouirh any property is not expropriated inmedia^elv. 




-' ^ ^^^j.^i'fti^W 




October 5, 1914 

Mexican Bureau of Information 
whitehall building, room 335 


• nrihtu^ni niii^t., 




OCTOBER 5, 1914 

the millions of Americans 
or apprcci.iti.' the historic 
icntes Convention. It marks 
of the Mexican people. It 
ico. But. nl tliis great con- 
ike all other similar gathcr- 
iho silently bore the burden 
e been totally forgotten. 

the Rathcrinp of the 130 
he lil>orty of Mexico, arose 
and in simple words spoke 
lion of Mexicans who were 
•onveniion. He wasted no 
in cold and pure loijic he 
•eat ma'joriiics of Mexico — 
d most. He spoke in behalf 
ians whom the convention 
iocs not plead neither does 
It speak more eloquent than 
. And the greatest of his 
mo Carranza. the statesman 
I Constitutionalist party and 
volt against the murderer 

* several months was con- 
)aran in his diplomatic work 
> the only civilian admitted 
f> pleaded ihc cause of the 

• bore a ride. 

I will and patriotism on 
Miu-nts wliioli arc re j)ro- 
ion, several of iis liavc 
c (k'cla ration before this 
Tied to yiehl all tlie work 
ibc C'(-'nvention, to the 
they so desire it. Jn so 
■«)niT'Led, j^rincipally. and 
:(\ in tlie article just read 
:)nc!liatinn, nnd a sincere 

vhy w:^ «*i\ i'ans h:i\e ;:n 

AU^^; part i-i \hr \\ ;il;e:d 

ind V. ■.} . ye-'frrini:^ t-.) ill-' 

aee<)!i:p'i-!''.'d in ,\:^r.p. ■;- 

i.y t:"ne ::' tiv; '.r ■'•. nt 
I'a^rii'ti-; ru'ti- n {•) v ":!' 
i:' >:ii(] .'»■ •-. nM)!\'. 
een iS^'w-'-:'.] 1^ r\.'. ,]>]._ t:".- 
i'l" Ml t! •. ■ ' ^ = ":! -:■ :'■ ;': : 

\\ \\< ■: ;"■■".■ ■ ■ 

■ 1,..:. 




/ /:•■ ■•; ■■■ .■■; T- 'i ■ ■ •!:. IS 

element, aivl the third is that in time of war they 
will not g(» under lire. 

The reason "f their obstruction, I shall come 
to later on — just now I w:ish to call the attention 
o( the military clement to the subject of inter- 
vention by the civilians. Military men (and I 
now refer to such as have already in them the 
military sjMrit, because the greater part of 
military men here present, arc not sufficiently 
mililatized) (applause). The military men who 
are already inoculated with the virus of militar- 
is'7:. beciMiic autmatons, if they arc subordinates, 
ov absr-luic rulers if they arc chiefs. Therefore, 
any olstaele or interference thcv find in their 
way, even when same is to put them on the 
ric^ht track, or advise them of danger, or to give 
ihem a Ixtter knowledge of facts, they im- 
mediately interpret this interference as a hind- 
rance to tlxir aims, and classify it as an obstacle. 
This n >n[ls in tliat, all intervention by a civilian 
wl'.-'. aecu.-t'=nu (1 to look at things in a more 
d/'il.'.. vat'- wa\-. arj^^nes with a military man when 
:lie laii'.r throws iiiinself headlong into action — 
ll' ■ niiiilary ma:: iinds tins an ( bstaclc, and the 
•'ivilia?! ir:stiiul:\ . 1\ feels the ino])p'.»rtunity of 
^lii-^ ir,ici\ r:;li<.»r:. Wli-.-r^.- action is concerned, 
th'^ I'lili.av; man is ri!:!'! : the civilian hinders. 
\v ■•":■.; ;-. lilies are e^'neerned. he is not right: 
!!,.• ■•'■'. "iaii !-.:ps. When it is a question of 
i' if-incc aluNid and rxecuting measures 
■ ■:■ v:i tak.ii •■:■ rcrolutions which have 
-;'l .:>Ud, :ii'i!{.i!y a.rli()n must be absolutely 
ri'.i : ;i!; ri^il intervention; but at the time 
. : -M 'i'.i.;- a dvt«r!ainali<>n, the military' 
Til :':'•■:■.! r. -1 (.'nm, and I beg all the 
;:•••■ \v';'> a.r-^ r- >w in the process of 
■.':■■•. •:'■ I :•> :-: ; :\n o(>slacle in the civil 
;i ■' ' :.o. e'-.. .:i"l.'\', n<.>r i^ it possible, 
■:.. ".■.■■-■■ I-'.:! v,::kin::( and straining 
in ;i:- :;i',ai' ^-.Iv.^re of action, should 
..':.. I.'... V- in th-,- way of our own 
. ii V i^ ':'.'!(■. is to sec adopted a 
:".--. ..]■ a.:li■'^ l.-nt Ix.'fore entering 
vv v;M\ 1". ;;(. ii'-aid. It is not the 

'. I 

' ■ I I 





Jt has been said, and I understand that it was 
said by my esteemed colleague General Coss, that 
when the military men carried on the revolution, 
they did not ask the advice of the civilians, and 
that now that they are trying to work out the 
political problems which beset us, they do not 
want the opinion of the civilians, either. General 
Coss is right, whenever it is a question of action. 
But he will admit that while the military men 
were waging battles in Sonora, or Chihuahua, 
or Coahuila, there were civilians who were con- 
stantly working to facilitate the work of the 
military men. There was the first of the civil- 
ians, Don Venustiano Carranza, w^orking in that 
sense, and he was completely surrounded by 
civilians. Civilians of another category were 
w^orking at other tasks. Others of us civilians 
were occupied at the humble task to which mill- 
iSLvy men give no importance whatever, and that 
is: the propagating and making clear of the 
revolutionary ideas. The civil element was 
everywhere. It was they who had charge of the 
organization of the Customs, Mails, Telegraphs, 
etc. The staffs of Obregon, Luis Blanco, Pablo 
Gonzalez, were all composed of civilians. To 
say that the civil element did not assist in the 
revolution, would be like saying that the Red 
Cross did not help any during the war, nor its 
doctors lend any service. No, gentlemen, 
civilians must be heard, for they have contri- 
buted and shall continue to contribute, to the 
triumph of the revolution. 

The present i^ovcrnnient is a military govern- 
ment, but it must be admitted that those who 
surround Don Venustiano Carranza are civilians. 
When they wanted a man for Secretary of War 
they choose the most civilian of military men, 
Don Ignacio L. Pesqueira. 

But it is not my intention to praise the merits 
of the civilians. I shall only refer to the third 
reason above mentioned, that is, that the civilians 
will not be there at the moment of the frav. 

In truth, the civilians will not be there at the 
moment of the fray, and as, in all probability, 
the only solution at which the Aguascalientes 
Convention will arrive will be another war, 
another military action ; the civilians, though 
they will not be in the battles, will nevertheless 
share the responsibility and dangers. They will 
not be under lire and in the mid-t of the hand 
to hand battles, but this is one of the few rea- 
sons which can be given for their elimination 
from the side of the military men. ]^)Ut I beg 
to call your attention io t)]c cirennistancc that, 
although it is the military clement which intcr- 
venes jiiorc directly in the political questions oi 

a country, in History it 
have borne the greates 
ians have always had t 
fortune, of being the 
responsibilities of the J 
revolution. Whatever 
military elements in t 
responsible for the fi: 
Venustiano Carranza w 
may have been the res 
tarv elements which we 
we are looking at that 
find that military men 
from the field of hist 
responsibilities have fa 
which surrounded Jua 
who were on the side o: 

The civil elements 1 
always to shoulder th 
During the administral 
Madero, the strongest 
supported him, are sti 
elements that were saci 
life of the Secretary o 
cisco I. Madero, was 
commanders, such as 
alive. Gustavo Madei 
not even have a politic 
ment, and he was the 
Pino Suarez was, of a 
cisco I. Madero, the or 
political influence in tl 
was the Minister w'ho 
the determinations of ] 
because the policy of 
controlled by his relati 
(Icz, Don Ernesto "N 
Gurza — but when the 1 
responsibilities, Henry 
banner of the vStars ai 

ministers and declared 
>av it ) that those wer 
the (lovcrnmcnt staff 
Wil-'in, |)r()tcctcd anc 
M. Pino vSiiarez wa 
^VaIlci^L■(• T. Madero v 

In llie present strut 
havu behind them live 
men whom tliL-y can c 
civilians have no prote 
the A;^niascalientes Co 
the civilians have lakc^ 
w\\o \\W\ sv\\icT \\\^ 

make V\\v:VVA^A:\\n:s Tv 

>5S, interrapthijF— xo also 
om yoa can count on, comc 
nks and you will find them. 

lERA— I b^ die audience to 
Co Mr. Goes. 

SS— We niiiitU7 men do not 
ittend, becatue inGnadaltqx 
at chriliiiu would attend. At 
gre a ne nl in TtHreon, it was 
t Aey were to attend at tliii 
u nulit^iy men, geoerala in 
s, who were to attend. We 
against civilians, no, but we 
sence here because it was not 
ind, it being understood that 
no have suffered the pangs of 
ind carried the blood-covered 
ided comrades from the fields 
) attend. That is why we 
e we are prejudiced against 

3RERA — I most sincerely 
e. General Coss, for the ex- 
jad the kindness to give me, 
E of the points which I was 
n elucidating the question of 

(rilian (and in saying I, it is 
ig my personality to the front, 
in^>le among many others), I 
le any political forces, nor a 
n, nor some hundred mausers 
! — if I run any danger as a 
effective protection I could 
Kcome a military man. And 
must thank General Coss for 
. me, and I beg to assure him 
me necessary, I shall not hesi- 
putting myself under his mili- 
loosing, as I shall be obliged 
; brigade of General Esteban 
of General Antonio Medina, 
represented in this assembly, 
in the State of Puebla, where 
'en with its remotest lanes, 
to the third objection, I will 
military men represent well 
ts, we civilians do not. Every 
-esents a certain number of 
support hin^-^md on whom he- 
we civilians represent no one 
/ colleague General Hay has 
:k of memory in transcribing 
e cannot be blamed, for at 

times, even the press stent^aphers in spite of 
their notes, snffer from lack of memory. 

I do not say that we civilians represent tiie 
fifteen million «*i ;f * 7**«^ ** of onr country. We 
driB^ns re pr e sen t only that i^bidi we apcmtane- 
ousljr assume. I have nefcr as a politician pre- 
tended to repr esen t, wv do I now rqiresent, 
more tlian ^ ideas ■mhath, in n^ <qnnion, otbers 

When I write, or sptak in public, none of the 
tdeu I express are my own — ^I ahn^ try to 
interpret tbe fedings of tbe nation— and wfaetiier 
I have i n terpreted same oorrectfy, it is. not for 
me to judge. General Coss can wdl beUere 
that I am not acquainted witti tbe opinion of 
die military elements, bat I (to know die fedings 
of innumaable sufieFCfS, ■n^^^Mf, fannsbii^, 
iriio are clamonring for bread in this rcfiublic, 
and who have not dioaldered rifles. 

Yoa, the mtUtaiy men, re p re s e nt tbe feelings 
of men who have had the good fbitone, at we 
may call it the privilege, of having been able to 
obtein a rifle. I am less pretcatiotis. and am 
content to represent die denres, die tendencies 
of all the rest of the people iriio. did not even 
have a rifle, and who neveidiekSB wen exposed, 
like all the rest, to die exeessea of die Diaz 
dictatorship. I 'speak in the name of tbe millions 
who, in misery, want their soldier brothers to 
take them out of the misery in which they are 
wallowing. It is in their name that I wish to 
make myself heard, and all these men, sharing 
my opinion, are content that you should decide 
the problem — but they demand that, before 
marching to the front, you should hear them. 

There are two reasons, fundamental and 
beyond discussion, one of which was suggested 
to me the first time by General Blanco, I think, 
and another by General Buelna, I do not exactly 
remember which, but I believe they were the 
originators of these fundamental reasons— two 
reasons why civilians should not come to Agoas- 
calientes, and which are: 

Allow me to come down a little, and to put 
before you a homely example: Every hoose- 
keeper knows that when she has two cooks die 
has only half a cook. That is to say that, vrbKa 
two energies co-operate together, and in perfect 
unison in every detail, these two enei^es are 
worth two whole units, and this union makes 
them strong. 

But when between the t#o caeigie mM 
the minutest shadow of discoc^i tli^« h 
for y^""- *""^^'^ot^ tvtA *■* ■ 

If the military men and civilians, now in this 
assembly, were already in perfect accord in their 
opinions and ideas, before presenting themselves 
to another group of men in the north, then our 
opinion and our greater number would contribute 
lo the greater succcs'; of our labors. Hut if, as 
we have seem there exist little differences (and 
differences in opinion 1 call little) there comes 
the idea that we civilians might be cumbersome, 
and, if we are not perfectly in harmony, our 
differences may become an obstruction when 
convening with the other elements in Aguas- 
calientes. Therefore, when two men do not 
arrive at a perfect understanding, the best thing 
they can do is to agree which of them is lo be 
eliminated. If military men and civilians can- 
not come to a perfect understanding in the details 
of our work in Aguascahentes. those who 
represent the minority and the weaker portion 
would do well to eliminate ourselves, and the 
weaker portion, in numbers and strength is now 
represented by us civilians. We therefore yield 
Ihe field to the militarj' men. 

Another fundamental reason, ami which 
should be taken into consideration to eliminate 
the civil element, is that of making a precedent. 
so that the other group of men who arc coming 
from the North, may also eliminate the civilians 
who arc coming among them. (Applause). Not 
Ihat we believe that the Generals of ihe Kastern. 
Western and Central Divisions, have better civil 
elements co-operating with them, than the 
Northern division. On the contrary, 1 affirm 
that the civil elements which surround the 
Northern division, are much more intelligent. 
and above all, richer, than the civil elements 
with the other divisions — but, I maintain that 
the civil elements surrounding the Eastern, 
Western and Central divisions, are greater 
patriots than those who surround the Northern 

I also affirm that the civil elements surround- 
ing the Division of the South {and in the term 
South in general, I include the East, West 
Center and South) that these elements under- 
stand the revolution better than the civil elements 
of the North, and to corroborate my statement 
I refer to this Manifest of General Francisco 
Villa, which beyond the shadow of a doubt, was 
not produced by him. but by some civilian who 
pulls the strings from the outside. This Maili- 
' itSX interprets the Revolution in altogether a. 
contrary manner to what we military men and 
civilians here assembled, understand it. But this 
I ahiU take up another time, now I must linisb. 
For tfcr;>rwfn(. / shall restrict niysdl ti recti^ 

the declaration made I 
that you may carry the 
determination of whici 
proof, to this coming 
that you light for the 
wc wish you success — 
to interpret correctly, 
troops which you have 
and requirements of oi 

The nation is not < 
military men. Wc an 
and the nation is ( 
niotber.i, wives, sisters 
shield lo protect the 
struggle for life. 

Vou .soldiers are the 
wc (Utrust the succe 
But, since I am here 
separation, I cannot li 
heard, in a brief sun 
our country, as I und 
arc undersAod by the 

The ambitions of th 
in this Manifest, are n 

The great necessitie 
of the political order : 
The necessities of our 
necessities of our co' 
essentially constitution 
present moment. T 
Villa, which is the ke 
ideas which predomin 
sion, this Manifest as 
clusively, to re-establi 
this country. You are 
men whose motto is t' 
ment of the Constitut 
do not desire refom 
constitution is restored 
group of men want 
Repubic. a civilian, so 
manage him. 

Our views are not ii 
lest, and just because 
Manifest of General ^ 
promise not to keep yi 
if yon \v\\\ \ie Vm4 
Mlcui.ion") , 1 vjVih \c 

general lines along which 
ic Convention of Aguas- 

iscalicntes you are going 
'e-constitutional or pro- 
may wish to call it) and 

FORMS which this pro- 
niist work out, and THE 
v^ERNMEXT, is to make 
istitutional Government. 

3ur debates, you will un- 
ties face to face with well- 
studied, already prepared, 
ay be even zcell financed, 
he other side, and which 
lined in the Manifest sent 
, in which he refuses to 
Carranza. You arc going 
r which the Constitutional 
umc. Here let me ask 
)t to hesitate to use that 
stomarv manner in which, 
with the ideas expressed 
t known either by a simple 
) from their seats. 

lerc must not be a consti- 
until the social reforms 
([uircs, have been accom- 
: applause). 

he reforms demanded by 
leeoiiiplished now by the 
rds. will never be accom- 

f we wish to have a truly 

nal iG^ovenimeiit. we must 

that is adequate to our 

J I. 

roin tile activities C)i the 
itii'ii, there nui-t C(,»me out 
^^)ii_i^re>s. which will be as 
T than, that uf 1S57. and 
onirress will be the first 
'f Xew Spain aiul Mexic. 
)n of a leiii^latnre which 
he blood, race and need>. 
a C()n>tituti()n copied from 

l.'niled States. ( I'ravos, 

t}]c (Icfcn^L- of all the re- 
7/\-('s. jv thcit (>i clainoiir- 
.'i])j)}ic:iti(i]\ ni ihc law, 

as soon as they find themselves defeated. 

I believe that if at the present moment we are 
to apply a constitutional government, the object 
of the revolution will be ruined. 

The Manifest sent out to tlie nation by 
General Villa, disowning Mr. Carranza, is 
founded solely on this inculpation: Don Venus- 
tiano Carranza is a dictator, and the Constitu- 
tional Government should be established at once. 

I am not going to tire you with the lecture of 
the proclamation, but should you consider it 
necessary (shouts, applause) then I shall beg the 
Secretary to give me a minute's respite by read- 
ing the proclamation of General Villa. 

GENERAL OBREGON— Let the Convention 
be consulted. 

MR. CABRERA— The Convention is always 
sovereign in its determinations. I beg the Presi- 
dent to consult the convention as to whether it 
desires the reading of the proclamation of 
General Villa. 

THE SECRETARY— The executive board, 
through the secretary, asks the honorable con- 
vention if it requests that the proclamation of 
General X'illa should be read. Those who arc in 
favour of a reading, arc requested to stand up. 
'J1ie Convention does not desire a reading. 

MR. CAliRKRA (continues)— Respecting— 
the decision of the convention, 1 shall omit all 
the iiiedilation^ contained in the three columns 
(»f sm.iU ty])e. and shall i)ass on to the resolu- 
tion<^ of the ])roclaniation. which speaks in suf- 
licientlv clear terms : 

(Here Mr. Cabrera read the resolution of the 
l)roclamation of ( icneral X'illa). 

h'irsl The Division of the N'orth disowns the 
.'LUtlioritv of Don \'enu-tiano Carranza as First 
CI it'f <'f the Constituti(;nalist army. 

Second- The other divisions of the Constitti- 
ti"nalist army are in\ited to disown Don Venus- 
tiar..> Carranza as First Chief of the Constitu- 
ii(»pali-t army. 

Thircl ( )nce this separation has been obtain- 
e«l. then another civilian >hall l.)e designed, wdio 
will immediately a^k for elections, and wdio shall 
(leliheraie with ConiL^res^ as to the Reforms de- 
ma.ndcd by the revolution, and which will be 
].)nt inti> ciTect by the president elect. 

iMHU'th — The Cotistittuion shall be reformed 
S(.> l\\al t\\e A*ve>V\e\\U^\ V<^\w\ ^^\vA\ \y^^\w -^vth 
the liu.e ol decUou. . 

I want to point out to you thU detail, that is 
to say, the idea of ihc Division of the North as 
to the provisional Government : That there 
should be a constitutional govcrntneui with a 
cotigress even during the provisional Presidency. 
The Provisional President must call immediate- 
ly for election, and that the Bovernmcnt, which 
must take upon itself the reforms demanded by 
the rcvolulioti, must be a constitulionaliy elected 

This problem will come under your kind con- 
sideration, you, (generals in ."Sguascalicates. 
You will discuss with the members o£ the 
Northern division, the points relative to the 
question of form and conditions of the provision- 
al government. It is confided to your care to 
: from lite danger of enterinR a beautifully' 
^Ided caRc called "Constitutional Government." 

If it be necessary to search for a sign on the 
brow of each traitor, of each blucrlista. each 
Felicista and each one of the rcactionnaries, 
which would indicate who is the enemy of the 
people, who desires the continuation of the in- 
famous policy of privileges and monoiM^lics in 
Mexico, I would be satisfied to know them by 
asking them the following — "Arc you in con- 
formity with the rc-cslablishment of the Consti- 
iitutional Government after the revolution?" 
F{ Applause) . 

Do you realize that the greatest exertions 
made by a reactionary element against a revolu- 
tion, have always consisted in the rc-establish- 
mcnt of legality? Do you know that during the 
French revolution, legitimacy was the center of 
all reaction — that lawfulness is always the axis 
around which all the reactionaries go round? 
When you see in Mexico, men who begin to ask 
for a constitutional Government because wc call 
ourselves Constitutionalists, and they ask that the 
Government complete the reforms — then you 
will know that those men desire the defeat of 
the revolution. 

I have said it many times, and I shall never 
tire of repeating it: the real transcendental re- 
forms of a people have never been obtained by 
legal means; they have always Iwen retrieved 
through force. Therefore, military gentlemen, 
it docs not appertain to the Constitutionalist 
order, nor to a Congress, nor in ;i Kj^iiiniaieiy 
elected government, to carry out reforms, jlf 

rcfonm. and then yotf i^ cbinofing for tm 
tlic ahsi'lute necessity q{ 
priBtions of the lands, 
repeat, as I have ilorn 
lands must be taken, 
found. Von will kno' 
lands and iho those 
agrarian problem, will 
dolbri tliey can make 

They will speak to 
iconomie reforms, ani 
who are Agatiut them/ 

They will iliscuss the 
at ihc present moment 
and yoti w{ll gaze upoi 
rxpeitcd the least noxit] 
in our rountrj*. nevertli 
ejertion of the most i 
still in our midst. Ti 
political reforms. iUid i 
who pretend that a ii 
initialed, or those what 
ment of our present m 

You win hear them 
ous forefathers of 185? 
re-establishing before 
oppose the reforms in i^ 
fcnnr than the most 3 
people. You will espy 
continuation of the pohc 
fuges and electoral frM 
during the thirty-five ,le 
of Diaz. And lastly y« 
principally, on the fom 
enemy : then you will 
declare that there is no 
Mexico since Huerta 
thereafter neither sacrif 
required. That the C( 
necessary, and as the pr 
"The lives and interests 
must be respected, of i 

They will mention the 
al government which is i 
the proclamation of the 
says, only within the lii 
■for the vcritn.;itton of c 
form yon that the elect 

your swords do not consimiitin 

.- -l,e,Tr, it will he 

inrdi:\tc'y. :>s the divisioi 

many years before tli. >. -!.. 

; ...::. ^. |:;.5S. 

rc-i-i.ililish peace and 

(ApptaiiBc). They will in i. 

...n >..iL, M;l,l..r>- 

a^l- \-'n on the same gp 

grailemen. rtU ■ • '■■ 

.-,,.- ,,. ,1,.. ....■j.,l 

-i..'i i„. vrnficdalXcT ft» 

nectt't'ii - 

(\cr \i> iW Vi\viw 

<.•■'• I 

form of a new constitu- 
id nothing else will be 
establishment of the Con- 

than I do, you who have 
le humble ones, you, who 
eds, not of the large cities 

elements of defense, but 
nlets, that as long as the 
:ipal power is not written 
constitution, there cannot 
lall be. and I entreat you 
)f this idea. When there 

when there exists muni- 
re you that, even if there 
tions, the country will be 
/ and help itself, without 
's of the last one. 

e Municipal self-govern- 
il elections ; then only will 
nocracy. The respect of 
states, the autonomy of 
h localitv will be touched 
ass after the triumph of 
rribe the sovereign power 
atest need of the revolu- 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

It will be said to you, military gentlemen, that 
our laws do not require any tampering, and that 
well enough should be left alone, and the reforms 
of a great many laws will be pointed out to you 
as dangerous. Then you will come to the reali- 
zation that there are many men who call them- 
selves revolutionists, and who tremble before a 
single stroke of the pen which may be scratched 
into our constitution. 

I will not tire you any longer, gentlemen, I 
only beg to be allowed to put these ideas on 
record in a more orderly and methodical shape. 
Meanwhile, we civilians say to you: "Go and 
solve all these problems." Discuss with the 
soldiers of the North, the form in which the 
country shall be saved. 

But consider that, if you succeed in your task, 
you will be covered with glory. Should you 
fail, part of the responsibility will fall upon your 
shoulders. The other part will continue to be 
our share, in spite of the fact that we will not 
have been present at Aguascalientes. (Prolonged 

Press of 


Mi'C.AK Pkiminc a.\i> Stationkry Cu. 

•^^ ^ 



Th* Mexican Reeolution and the 
Nationalization of the Land 

Tbe Poretfn Intemti and Reaction 



Whitehali. liLiH.. Room 334, New York 

The Mexican Revolution and tim 
Nationalization of the Land 

Tku /OfN^Mff it tiu mHOalion of a tp»tdt itHonti by Dr. Att 
at (A« "TMtro Primeifar' in Vtra Cna, Dtetmbtr itk, 1914. 

Dr. Att it vtry twIf-kMofM m Mixieo, Italy tmd Pranei at am 
artial, writtr amd OMitr of peat f»re*, ori gi tt a l it y and taltnl. 

Tto NitiM aad Ita Putte^Th* Crittal Miw— t tar AcdM. 

RigDroosly speaking, the political paitiea in Mexioo may be drridcd 

into four classes. 

The party of Villa, which represents reaction in three forms: 
specific barbarism, embodied in the primitive man, General Villa; 
militarism represented by General Angeles, and the capitalist and 
clerical intrigue synthethizcd by Dr. Silva, the lawyer Miguel Diaz 
Lombardo and Somcrfeld the Jew. 

The party of Zapata, whose existence is due principally to the 
hunger of the masses and the secular Spanish oppression. The 
tendencies of this party — although some of its politicians pretend to 
give it a socialist-revolutionary, or rather syndicalist character — are 
exclusively communist. 

The third division is that of the undecided — the civilians and 
army-men from all over the Republic who have not had a sufficient 
understanding of the situation to adopt a course of action and assist 
in the regeneration of their country. 

The fourth class is formed by the party known until now as the 
Constitutionalist party, and which in spite of its essentially legal 
name, carries in itself the most fruitful germs of a thorough social 
reform. Having accomplished the mission of overthrowing General 
Huerta and annihilating the Federal Army, it must now put into 
execution in a determined manner, the reforms which the urgent needs 
of the country demand. 



ic form of a new consi 
and nothing else will be 
Vc-establishment of the Con- 

tion. Nevenheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

It will be said to you, military gentlemen, that 

I would ask — "Which of these four groups is able to give, not 
only to the Nation, but to the whole American Continent, an assurance 
of moral and material advancement? In which of these parties is the 
spirit of liberty and justice more deeply rooted?" 

National spirit, weak and hesitating, cannot be concretely repre- 
sented, because a series of disunited manifestations cannot be repre- 
sented logically and concretely. If these reforms are to produce 
results they should be made effective in spite of all obstacles put in 
their way by ancient prejudices, written laws and foreign interests. 

The moral, political and military conditions which exist in the 
Constitutionalist party as present, combine the most aprpopriate means 
for developing those principles which are to give our country the 
liberty and prosperity which it has always missed. 

A Trinity of Evil-Doers. 

Let us analyze at a glance some of the elements composing the 
Northern Division, which is represented by a trio creative of evil, 
perpetrator of hideous crimes and protector of all the political and 
social cast-offs of the past. This Trinity is composed of the lawyer 
Miguel Diaz Lombardo, a dissipated Jesuit; General Angeles, a man 
moulded after porfirian ideas — 2l hypocrite by birth and a soldier by 
profession; and General Villa, a product of the quaternary period, 
who, by a phenomenon of retrogression, w^hich after all is no un- 
common thing in our country, since we have had to our shame a Por- 
firio Diaz and a Victoriano Huerta — sprung up from the plains of 
Chihuahua, bearing all the animal characteristics of the first quad- 
rupeds which inhabited our planet. 

These two men and this brute, can neither conceive nor make, 
any political or social reforms which could tend to benefit a people. 
They are after individual gain, they defend the interests of corpora- 
tions which have been the cause in Mexico of political disturbances 
and the oppression of the people and which are: the clergy, the army 
and foreign investors. 

Diaz Lombard©, a man of unpretentious manners, patient and 
foxy, has been the intellectual director of Villa's treachery, with 
General Angeles as a medium. He suggested and guided the acts of 
General Angeles from the time that Angeles went to Paris with a 
special commission from General Huerta, and he continued to counsel 
him from the French Capital by cable and written communications, 
after General Angeles arrived on the field of action. 

I was unable to understand certain strange acts of some of the 
members of the Revolutionary Committee in Paris and specially of 
Diaz Lombardo, unil I arrived in Washington in the month of June 
when the rebellion in Torreon broke out. I then cabled to differet 
members of the Revolutionary Committee in Paris, and from their 
replies it was easy to see that Diaz Lombardo and other members of 


[ said Committee had thought it convenient to come out in tlie open. 
It was then that Diaz Lombardo decided to return to Mexico so as to 
exert his influence more directly over Villa and Angeles. 

Among other effons made by these three men to deal a decisive 
blow to Constitutionalism, there was one feat of a piratical character 
which came very near being successfully accomplished. Angeles and 
Diaz Lombardo, feigning great zeal for the Constitutionalist cause, 
for which they claimed to be working, took steps to purchase a steamer 
in Italy for the sum of £100.000— sterling, with the idea of fitting it 
out for war, and taking possession of Matamoros and Tampico by 
surprise. This scheme came very near being successful, and Diaz 
Lombardo himself was gelling ready to go and put himself at tlic head 
of the expedition, dreaming dreams of himself as the modern Con- 
queror of the New World! Unfortunately for them, the Cientificos 
taking part in this enterprise were distrustful, cither of the seaman- 
ship of Diaz Lombardo, or of Villa's dfcility. or they could not get 
together sufficient moivjj, !■. '■■:> ;Ii, : ' .n'. .i;i -Ii'iv ''■■■' t'.f fact 
remains that the deal ^^ ■ . '. ' ' ' ' ■ _ .,,.,, . i-itcJon 

of foreigners left Paris to go to Genoa to inspect the ship, tate 
possession of it and set out for Mexico. Had this feat been realizeit 
what an interesting account of "Pirates in Frock-coats" Venegu 
Arroyo might have written for us ! 

Diaz Lombardo has been an unlucky star to our country, both in 
his administrative and individual activities dtuing tfie reyidutKMUUy 
period following the overthrow of General Diaz. Two facts suppfy 
ample pru-if of tiiis : hi^ recommcndiTig i.r rather imposing General 
Huerta on Madero as Chief of the Army, and his introducing General 
Angeles in the Constitutionalist party. The two proteges of the Ex- 
Secretary of the Educational Department have produced two national 

The Northern Faction an Obstacle to Liberty and Juttlce. 

To describe Villa would be a useless task. If all his actions did 
not suffice to bring to light the barbarism of this Neanderthal savage, 
the declarations made by General Alvarado and the photograph ac- 
companying same, plainly reveal the character of the individual whom 
the capitalist-clerical-military league arc using as a tool to drag the 
country back into another and a worse state of oppression. This 
photograph published by General Alvarado, is the most stinging ac- 
cusation ever made against the leader of a party. The synthetic force 
and indisputable exactness of photographic art have made in this 
instance a more clear and convincing illustration than could have been 
made by the most accomplished caricaturist of our times. As to 
General Angeles, the fact that he is an Indian, brought up in miliUry 
training during the time of General Diaz, is sufficient to understand 
that behind his apparent modesty and discipline, hides the hand of a 

orm of a new consmu- 

nothing else will be 

tablishmcnt of the Con- 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

It will be said to you, military gentlemen, that 

Besides the three men just described, there are in the Northern 
Division, as everybody knows, a great many lawyers, commission 
merchants, newspaper men, and ambitious Mexicans and foreigners, 
representing everything under the sun, except the interests of the 

Moreover the Northern Division, apart from its political and 
clerical tendencies, and of being the genuine representative of inter- 
national capitalism, carries in itself as its primal reason of existence, 
the pretorian spirit of most abject militarism. This alone would 
suffice to issue its death-warrant. 

If the Diaz-Lombardo-Angeles- Villa f acton were able to obtain 
preponderance in our country, it would be preferable for the sake of 
civilization in general and for our reputation in particular, to make 
of our whole country, one great, big bonfire. To crush that faction, 
even at the risk of being crushed ourselves, is not only our duty to 
our country, but it is also our duty to humanity. Its growth would be 
a serious obstacle to the cause of Liberty, Justice and Progress in 

The Biggest Error of the Zapatistas. 

The Zapatistas committed the grave error of allying themselves 
with Villa, The principles of the Zapatistas and Villistas are anti- 
thetical. xThe Revolution of the South is a violent outbreak of an 
intense popular need ;■ it commands respect in spite of its errors and 
it is just although transgressions might have been committed in its 
name. It is the spontaneous manifestation of an oppressed people, 
generated by hunger and secular oppression. 

The Northern Divi<^ion is the champion of the interests of foreign 
capitalists, the shield of the clerj^^y and the embryo of militarism.' How 
did it happen that the men of the South entered into an alliance with 
their own enemies? I believe this alliance can be explained as the 
result of a simple grudge. Spite felt by the men of the southern 
faction because the Constitutionalists j^assed them uimoticed without 
askin^^ them to take part in the provisional Government which was 
established in Mexico at the exit of Carv^ajal. 

When on October last, General Zapata told me of his intention 
to ally himself to General Villa. I did everything in my power to 
make him give up this idea, but my efforts were fruitless, as were 
also those of some of his followers, who were opposed to an alliance 
with \Mlla. The cleverness and perseverance of General Villa\s agents 
had already misled the freedom-loving tendencies of the healthy ele- 
ment of the Southern Revolution, and had even got General Zapata's 
intransigence to yield. 

This intransigence of General Zapata, which remained unabated 
in the face of five presidents — this intransigence, which was the fruit 
of a great faith and which constituted an undeniable moral strength 

succumbed in a moment of political sentimentalism, and by an irony 
oi late, fell precisely into the hands of the one enemy of the southern 
revolution, and that is: reaction. 

What occurred in connection with the Zapatistas, can be com- 
pared to a not unccunmon phenomenon sometimes seen in the human 
body. When a part of the human mechanism does not perform its 
duty, it stiffens and becomes paralyzed. Zapata's army, secluded in 
the mountains was anxious to do its duty in national politics — but 
intercourse being cut off between them and the other national move- 
ment, when their time came for doing their duty to the nation, they 
were unfit for the part, deprived of political tactics. And the intellects 
of the Southern Revolution were tangled up in the affair, and thus 
used, through the craft of Angeles and Villa. 

Zapatismo, which was for more than five years the most genuine 
revolutionary movement of our history, rapidly changed into a danger- 
ous element of reaction, because of the assistance it is giving the 
Northern Division, and because the elements of intense fanatism 
which it carries might assume gigantic proportions in a short time. 

Zapatismo and Villismo united form an indefensible anomaly. 

From the view-point of principle and also from a military point 
of view, there are only two solutions possible ; cither the partial ab- 
sorption of the revolutionary groups of the south by Villismo, or the 
sudden disintegration of the elements which pretend to forhi this new 
league, which might be given the absurd title of "Military Libertarian." 
In either case, reaction will have gained ground. 

Those forming the undecided, hesitating portion, who during 
social perliirbations constitute the wavering mass which may at any 
moment go to swell the ranks of one or the other side — these slowly 
make up their minds to join one or the other, but nol until they have 
made sure which side will come out victorious. 

Large is the number of men on whom the republic had built 
great hopes, who have succumbed in a moment of political uncon- 
sciousness, and how many popular groups, carried away by tlie treach- 
ery of one man, have made an obstacle, however transient, to the 
onward march of progress! The Revolution should knock at the 
conscience of these men and these groups— the spirit of justice, the 
cause, demand it! 

Constitutionalism Alone can Guarantee the Rights of the People. 

The fourth category is the Constitutionalist party, which combines 
military and intellectual elements, vivified by the true revolutionary 
spirit. This is the party that can guarantee to the oppressed land of 
Anahuac, the well-being and rights of its inhabitants, but this with the 
condition that the reforms to be made shall be thoroughly and rapidly 

)rm of a new consmu- 

nothing else will be 

abUshment of the Con- 

tion. Nevenheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

It will be said to you, military jgentlemen, that 

The Constitutionalist party is, among all those taking part in the 
present struggle, the one that best understands the interests of the 
people. The men surrounding the First Chief are those who have 
most to heart, the desire of satisfying the people's requirements and 
the military element which surrounds him is also the one which can 
successfully eliminate all obstacles which oppose the realization of the 
reforms demanded by the people. 

The First Chief stated in a clear and definite manner, the very 
night he arrived in Vera Cruz "To-day begins the social revolution." 
This is well understood by some of the most valuable military and 
civil elements who, arriving in this heroic little city from the capital, 
have firmly decided to collaborate with him. But at the present 
moment, the party lacks cohesion — its acts are not unanimous, either 
from a political, or military point of view. 

This is a critical moment for the nation and also for the party! 
It is now that we must keep our minds clear and our pulses firm, so 
that we may be able to steer clear of the rocks ! I know well that in 
the strong hearts and healthy minds of the brave men who are used 
to wrestling with nature in the mountains and forests, a ruling tend- 
ency to righteousness predominates — the kind of righteousness that 
will help to clear the chaos of the present situation, but I also know 
that if all the parts that form the whole do not work in harmony, 
and if each man or group of men tries to impose his views — if the 
efforts arc not united and strong and do not act independently of 
existing prejudgments and interests, the struggle will be prolonged 
indefinitely, and when we look for the body of the Nation, in order 
to heal its wounds, we shall find instead a corpse. 

We have made mistakes, and some of them serious — as is that 
of not having proclaimed the nationalization of the lands — agrarian 
question — as is also that of having tolerated the interference of foreign 
nations in our interior affairs (tacit consent of foreign intervention) 
also having neglected the propaganda of our views, in our own country 
and throughout the world : dangerous neglect, which our enemies have 
intelligently used to their advantage. 

The solutions found for the agrarian problem are very vague. 
Programs for the solution of this same question in different countries 
where the same difficulty has come up, may be divided into three 
different headings. 

The first and simplest is the one which tries to solve the problem 
by the law ; respecting the rights of proprietorship and permitting the 
wealthy to remain the owners of the lands, without giving the people 
who work these lands the slightest possibility of ever coming into the 
possession of that which rightfully belongs to them. This program, 
as well as all those where Law is brought to bear, is altogether out of 
the question and cannot even be considered by the Revolution. 

The next and second soluton is that by which all lands and 
properties seized arc returned to their owners, whether they be cor- 


porations or individuals, and which provides for the confiscation of 
lands not cultivated, which are to be divided among the people. 

The third and best solution is the one that a social revolution 
should propose to carry out, and that is : the nationalization of the 
land. This is the program that our revolution should adopt. Like all 
great transformations, this solution frightens the Revolutionists them- 
selves. But it is the right one, and why hesitate? All the land, from 
Bravo to Yucatan, should be confiscated in the name of the people 
and this regardless of individual rights or foreigners' properties. 
Why should we respect the concessions made to Pearson, or the 
wholesale robberies of Inigo Noriega, or the usurpation of natives and 
foreigners in Morelos, in Puebia, and lastly of ^e neo-Cien^ificos in 
the States of Chihuahua and Durango ? 

International complications should not deter us. In the first place ^ 
we have the right to do justice, and secondly — at present the European 
nations are sufficiently occupied in settling their complicated and 
somewhat dubious affairs, to attempt to interfere with us while we 
accomplish the noblest act of social justice done in these modem 

Some other time I shall explain in detail, my idea for the nationali- 
zation of the lands. 

The Problem of Distribution of Land* Does Not Exist. 

If we are to believe history, we are now at the most opportune 
moment in which to reahze the dream of free men, who in all the 
ages have protested — from either a philosophical or scientific, or 
practical point of view — against the monstrous injustice of the earth 
being monopolized for the benefit of those who do not work it. It is 
our sacred duty to accomplish a task of national recovery — which is at 
the same time an act of elevated and practical philanthropy. Inter- 
national Socialism — which comprises a large number of clear-minded 
men who are struggling for economic equality in every country — will 
assist us in our task. 

In Mexico, we would never arrive at a just and final solution of 
what is called the "agrarian problem" if we satisfy ourselves with 
handing back to the difTerent localities and townships, the properties 
taken from them — and with confiscating the properties held by the 
favourites of Diaz, Huerta or Villa. 

As a matter of fact, the problem of the distribution of lands does 
not exist — but there exists the complicated problem of "the distribution 
of the land." The land that has been abused, confiscated, trampled 
underfoot, covered with blood, for the exclusive benefit of a group of 
native and foreign promoters, who squander in the decorating of a 
palatial residence of vulgar taste, or in the cabarets of Montmartre 
the hard-gained earnings of a people who has been going hungry for 
the last three hundred years ! 


•rm of a new coi 

nothing else will be 
ablishmcnt of the Con- 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, tlic 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

Jt will be said to you^ militaryjpentlemen, that 

This hunger of the mases is precisely the biggest factor of all 
national revolutions. If we have not the courage to give the people 
what belongs to them by natural rights and by the rights of conquest — 
for it is they who cultivate the earth and make it yield — they will 
continue to clamor, always and forever, for that which is unquestion- 
ably theirs. We must not hesitate any longer — injustice has reigned 
supreme long enough — let us now deal justice to them. Justice must 
be done now, and it must be done quickly. And we must give the 
people the land not according to the theories of Kropotkin, or the 
resolutions of the legislators of New Zealand, or the decision of a 
magnanimous Russian monarch, or following the theories of this or 
that French or German socialist, or following the wise suggestions of 
some group of bankers, or some economist on the style of Leroy- 
earth belongs to him who works it." 

And here in Mexico the land is not tilled by Inigo Noriega, nor 
Pablo Macedo, nor the Pearson people — it is worked by eight million 
men, who are nevertheless, homeless and starving, and who are given 
the right to live, only in order to be made slaves in the name of foreign 
diplomacy, or to be degraded in the interests of public peace. 

Nature gives every man the right to a piece of land. 

That former generations have not been able to enforce this right, 
is no reason why WE should not proclaim it and enforce it, in spite 
(•f all written laws, ancestral prejudices, or the phantom fear of inter- 
national intervention. 


A Shameful Tutelage. 

If the European nations ever should dare to intervene with armed 
forces in Mexico, such an intervention would not be more degrading 
to our dignity, nor more harmful to our interests, than is the vicious 
pressure exercised by them from the time of General Diaz. This 
illegal pressure is nothing more nor less than a shameful tutelage, or, 
to express it more clearly, a political intervention which grievously 
harms the honor of the nation and the welfare of its inhabitants. 

While we remain under this influence, and in fear of the threat 
of European powers, we shall be able to make no useful reforms of a 
comprehensive nature, and the whole life of the nation will continue 
to depend on the unsatiable ambition of an oil-developig firm, and on 
the grasping insolence of a group of Spaniards. 

Without (juoting any isolated facts to show to what a degree 
Mexico has been under foreign influence, it will be sufficient to recall 
that when Madero's Government was overthrown, a government which 
was essentially popular, the foreign diplomats in ^lexico contributed 
to a great extent, both morally and materially, to this overthrow — 


and the recognition of General Huerta as president, and his duration 
in power, was due to the influence of the Pearson people in London. 

"There is no doubt, affirms the SUN, that great efforts were made 
in England to force the Minister of Foreign Relations to come to an 
agreement with the present Mexican Government. No one is ignorant 
of the fact that the British Minister of Foreign Relations was acting 
Tinder secret orders as regards Huerta's recognition, and the fact of 
Huerta remaining always very friendly to that nation, is no secret. 
Everyone may draw his own conclusions, but one might ask without 
indiscretion if the Oil concessions given to the English company were 
not a part of the agreement." 

Great Britain had changed the system of fueling her navy, 
substituting petroleum for coal. Petroleum could not be found 
cheap and in sufficiently great quantities, in Russia or the Balkans, 
so the Pearson people devoted long years and large sums of money 
to find oil deposits in Mexico. They found them, and the Diaz' admini- 
stration gave them fabulous concessions: The improvement of the port 
of Vera Cruz, and the right to work, in conditions which were ruinous 
for Mexico, the oil-lands of the States of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas. 
When Diaz fell, the Revolutionary Government annulled the con- 
cessions given to the Pearson people. Madero was an obstacle in the 
way of the ambitions of the British company, and of the needs of the 
British fleet The diplomatic corps in the capital vilely aided the 
English representative and Lane Wilson, U. S. Ambassador. 

When Victoriano Huerta took the reins of the government, he 
was immediately recognized by the British Government and everyone 
will recall how this recognition of the British Government caused 
much surprise in all the political circles of Europe, which gave rise 
to an appeal by the House of Commons on the 8th of July, 1913. This 
appeal, voiced by Mr. Johnson Hinks, brought no satisfactory reply. 
Huerta not only conhrmed to Lord Cowdray the concessions given by 
Diaz, but he gave new privileges to Lord Cowdray himself as well as 
to bis representatives, the Belgian syndicates and European ministers. 
These concessions were so exorbitant that Lord Charles Beresford 
declared, on August 17th, 1914, that any other Government outside of 
Huerta's was entitled to revise the concessions to Lord Cowdray, 
because they were onerous and scandalous. 

The permanence of General Huerta in power is due mostly to 
the diplomatic and financial assistance of the Pearson people, for it 
was through them that General Huerta was able to obtain in Europe, 
money, arms and official protection. But we must add that the official 
circles of Germany gave efficient help to the usurper, and we shall 
not forget that it was the Emperor of Germany who lent to his 
colleague, Victoriano Huerta. a German warship which enabled Huerta 
to elude the punishment he so well deserved! 

These underhand transactions are nothing short of an actual inter- 
vention in our interior affairs, and are infinitely more harmful to our 

rm of a new CO. tion. Ncvenheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, 

nothing else will be reform of the division and the political organi- 

ablishment of the Con- zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

^^,^_^ It will be said to yoy. niiUtary-Ke»tlemen^d^B 

national dignity and interests, than was the occupation of the port of 
Vera Cruz by the American troops. 

Let us therefore defy the threats of Europe, and tear the mask 
off the faces of these foreign commercial intriguers I This is the only 
way in which we shall be able to make in our country, the economic, 
political and social reforms which the nations has been demanding 
for so many years. 

Propas^nda Has Streagtiiraed Reaction. 

To make our actions more effective, we must diffuse our principles 
throughout the country, and organize an extensive propaganda in 
defense of our ideas, in our own country and also outside — similar 
to what is being done by Argentina. 

The reaction which has sprung up and which is headed to-day by 
Villa and Angeles, has made itself known, not in the batties of Tor- 
reon and Zacatecas, but by its propaganda in the United States, Paris 
and London. The conditions of modem life make it impossible to 
bring a campaign of any kind to a successful end, without the aid of 
the press. 

The publicity we give our revolution in foreign countries, will 
reflect back upon our own country, after gaining the sympathy and 
assistance of the world, which it richly deserves. 

From the time of Francisco Madero, international propaganda in 
favor of the Revolution has been neglected. From 1913 to 1914, when 
I was carr)'ing on a revolutionary publicity campaign in Paris, I was 
able to fathom the political importance which the press and public 
opinion have in the success of enterprises of any kind, not excepting 
those of a political and social nsiturc. If in Europe. America and 
Asia, we do not proclaim and defend, the nobleness of our principles 
and the aiins of our Revohition — alter mastering our own country, 
we sJiall find difTicnlties awaiting us on the outside which will not be 
easily overcome. The puhiiciiy and information service organized by 
onr enemies in the United States and Europe, have done much harm 
to our cause. 

The Effect! of our Revolution may attain a World-Wide Importance. 

The Mexican Revohition is one of the keenest manifestations 
of the world's conflict. It portrays the character of the conflagration 
that is =o violently sliaking the world. Tiic telluric, r.icial, economic 
and political conditions of Mexico, put us in a position to solve, in a 
satisfactory manner and for the benefit of the whole continent, the 
great social problems which confront us. The reforms effected in 
Slexico by this revolutionary movement, may serve the world as an 
example of a true social renovation and true justice, and our action 
may attain universal importance, if we make it thorough and unpre- 


The disinteg^tions which have taken place within the rerolutioii 
must not frighten or discourage us — they are the inevitable conse- 
quence of the deep «>niniotioii of the whole organism. In other words : 
a natural selection of the different elements which constitute the ' 
character, aspirations, ambitions and needs — the life — of the race, 

The one essential thing is that during these commotions, the men 
and the principles which must guide the afHicted conscience of the 
nation, remain unshaken. 

"The social revolution is going to begin" has said the First Chief — 
but how ? 

We are not confronting an ideological problem. We have before 
us real necessities which must be analyzed fearlessly and hrmly, and 
we must find for these necessities, not arbitrary solutions, as required 
by one group or another, but solutions which will completely satisfy 
the irresistible necessities of the whole nation. 

If the program we adopt satisfies completely the necessities of 
the masses, all the world will second our efforts. But if we fear to 
destroy the past and do not act regardless of created interests — if 
we fear to trample down barbarous beliefs and mercenary diplomats 
and limit ourselves to partial reforms of existing evils, and weakly 
considerations — the world will cither freeze us with its indifference 
or oppose our action — and the people of Mexico will continue to bear 
the yoke of oppression and misery in the midst of a fruitless struggle I 

fonn of a new conriK- 
id nothing else will be 
fstablisliment of the Con- 



New York, 1915. 


form of a new cor 

d nothing else will be 

stablishment of the Con- 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political orpaur 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 


-J ' ' ' -J I 


I. C. Enriquez 

So much has been written about the religious difficulties in Mexico, 
so many groundless accusations against the Constitutionalists have 
been made by the Catholic Clergy, that i, as a faithful Catholic and 
Mexican revolutionist, feel it necessary to answer the numerous 
charges which are being unjustly heaped upon us. It is a lamentable 
fact that everyone of our accusers, either wilfully or through sheer 
ignorance, is overlooking the most important laws of the Mexican 
Constitution. They seem utterly ^orant of the history and the con- 
ditions of the country, its people and its aims, about which they are" 
writing. Every one of them is hiding behind the cloak of religious 
bigotry and in the name of Christianity and the Catholic religion tries 
to bring naught but sorrow to a people that is struggling for justice 
and independence. 

It is a sad commentary upon the Knights of Columbus Organiza- 
tion when it permits its organ to be used by a man who is afraid to 
sign his name to any article or argument that he may wish to present 
to them. Who is this man who, for fear of divulging his name, signs 
himself "An American Citizen." Why does he fear to make his name 
known ? Is it because he had the audacity to attack President Wilson's 
policies, or is it because within his heart he realizes that he is not 
telling the whole truth about a question of great import to millions of 
struggling Mexicans? 

The alleged influence of Masonry in the present revolution of 
Mexico, as claimed by many Catholics, is absolutely without founda- 
tion. Every one who knows anything at all is aware of the 
fact that Masonry in Mexico is nothing more than a huge joke. That 
the Catholics are harboring wrong notions on the subject, is evidenced 
by the fact that Huerta's and Carbajal's special representative at 
Washington, Jose Castello, was a prominent Mason. Huerta sent him 
here under the impression that he would be assisted by his brother 
Masons, but he soon discovered that the Masonic Order would not 
mingle in politics, or have anything to do with the Mexican affairs. 

rm of a new consffiu- 

nothing else will be 
iblishment of the Con- 

tion. Nevenheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

The whole question of Masonry and its influence iii Mexican 
politics as argued by the many American Catholics, is en exploded 
theory, it is an attempt to discuss a subject they always feared and 
and did. not comprehend. 

If the men who plead the cause of the oppressed Mexican Clergy, 
are to be taken at their word, it would seem that the whole Mexican 
Nation is composed of inconsiderate brutes and beasts. They would 
like to create the impression that murder and rapine are rampant in 
that country, and that the main attacks are directed against the Catholic 
Clergy. Nothing is more ridiculous than such accusations. As a 
Mexican who has fought in the revolution against Huerta, and as a 
Catholic, I know that every Mexican is at heart a faithful believer 
in the Mother Church. More than once I have seen hundreds of 
soldiers kneel in prayer imploring the Almighty that he might bring 
peace to our land of strife ! The first thing our soldiers did when we 
entered a city was to seek out the houses of worship and offer our 
prayers in thanks to Him who brought us victory. No, nothing is 
more false than the accusation that the Mexican people are against 
the Catholic Church and its priests. 

To understand the true causes and reasons of dissension and strife 
between the people and certain members o£ the High Catholic Clergy, 
one must go back to the first struggles of Mexico against the Spanish 
domination. It is the same struggle. The same battles which the 
Mexicans fought a hundred years ago, they are fighting over to-day. 
Unfortunately, with the end of the Spanish domination and the libera- 
tion from the Spanish yoke, all the roots of he evil influences left by 
that regime were not torn out. The rulers of Spain left, but many of 
their harmful institutions staid behind, and it is against these institu- 
tions, which have been slowly devouring the minds of the Mexican 
people, which usurped all thoir riglits, and kept them in ignorance, 
that we Mexicans arc still fighting and struggling against. 

To say that we are nothing short of murderers, that we wantonly 
persecute the priests and the nuns, is to slander the Mexican nation. 
They are falsehoods which are being utilized by certain men in this 
country who are seeking the intervention of the United States Govern- 
ment in Mexico. They are working hand in hand with the enemies of 
Mexican freedom ; they are the evil forces which are seeking to curb 
the independence of our country. 


Oi^e need only go back to the history ot Mexico to see that it u 
the \ower clergy who have always championed the cause of the poor 
and the oppressed. It was native members of Ihe Church, who led 
the rebellion against the Spanisli domination. So long as there is a 
Mexican or any other lover of freedom, the names of Miguel Hidalgo, 
Jose Maria Morelos and others too numerous to mention, will never 
be forgottim. They were priests. They were CatlioHcs who had the 
interests of the people at heart. Tlicy were true Christians who 
realized the plight of the people and who, at their own sacrifice, led 
the people in revolt against the iron rule of Spain. Does any one 
believe that a nation which attained its freedom by the aid of its priests, 
would, a few years later, turn against them ? Is any one naive enough 

^lo believe that ? 
But the priests who fought for the liberty of the Mexican peons, 
»r« not the hi^ Church-dignitaries of to-day. During the three hun- 
dred years of Spanish rule over Mexico, the church comprised the 
secular and the regular clergy. The entire country was covered with 
convents and monasteries, filled with friars and nuns, for the most 
part living in idleness on the labors of the starved pocns. At the time 
of the conquest, the King of Spain had given vast grants of land to 
the various religious orders. They were empowered to do anything 
they desired, so long as they k«pt the Mexicans in submission. They 
had the legal rights to enslave those who lived on the estates granted 
to them by the King, and christianize them. Those who failed to obey, 
or showed the least sign of disobedience, were punished with the well- 
known "Spanish Inquisition," the tortures of hell. Not content with 
their enormous original land-grants, the priests continually used their 
power to withhold Extreme Unction from the dying, as a means of 
obtaining dealh-bed inheritances. By such practises, the Church and 
certain high dignitaries of the church, became the Supreme Power of 
Mexico. With it also came the members of the church who were 
from the people, and who saw within the Christian Doctrine, not means 
of attaining fabulous wealth, but of securing liberty and justice for 
a suffering people. They were the Morelos, the Hidalgos, and others. 
Thus it was that the Mexican people have learned to discern the 
difference between the High Clergy, who grafted and lived off the 
poor, and the poor clergy who helped the people and fought for them. 
It. was to those poor native priests that the oppressed and town-trod- 
den Mexicans went, in time of dire need. They felt and knew that 


those pfiests were the true representatives of the Mother Church, and 
not thoK foreign, rich Spaniards or Frenchmen who lived on the fat 
of the land. 

To illustrate what a power of wealth the church was in Mexico, 
i will quote "Mexico a traves de Ids Siglos." Vol. IV, Page 317. 

"With ibe exception of a certain amount of laod owned by the arifitocracy, 
almosi al! the valuable lands of Mexico were in the hands of the Chtirch, and 
even those not so owned were under heavy mortgage to her, or were cniBhed 
with tithings and taxes which went into her cofiers," 

Ttie same historian has this to say about the higher clergy : 
"The clergy, mainly the higher officials, had accumulated and taken out 
of circulation an incalculable quantity of richer. In IS^ the tithings of six 
BUhcps amounted to the sum of $2,500,000 — immense wealth in those days. 
There were Bishops and Archbishops whose salaries amounted to more than 
$100,000 a year. Indeed, a careful estimate of the revenue of the Church, juat 
previous to the War of Independence, reveals the enormotis figure of $50,000,000 
• year." 

It is but natural for any people which has been burdened with such 
obligations, to rebel. No matter how law-abiding or God-fearing 
they might be, it was impossible for (hem to endure the shameless 
conduct of the high dignitaries of the Catholic Church. The struggles 
for independence were but the beginning of a real uprising, against 
the stifling power of the Church. The Church had become such a 
powerful force in the political life, due to its enormous possessions 
that it could change the government any time it wished to do so. The 
people realized that they were at the mercy of a few foreign high 
church dignitaries, who could perform with their governments acro- 
batic tricks similar to those performed by a J^anese juggler with his 
five balls. A change was necessary, and it came after a three years' 
struggle, from 1857 to 1860. 

The Rrst important article of the Constitution of 1857, (Las Leyes 
de Reforma) dealt precisely with that sore upon the life of the Mexi- 
can Nation. Here it is : 

Article 1. The immediate suppression of all monasteries and convents, and 
the immediate and complete confiscation of all church property, to the use of the 

Article V. The establishment of civil recording authorities for births, 
marriages and deaths, thus abolishing the much abused privilege of the Church 
in the matter of establishing the civil status of persons. 

It wUl be noticed from these articles, that thi ■••• 
greatly concerned with the powers of the Church, and 
much of the new Constitution to the elimination and inc 4j 
the Church from the State. However, it will be borne witne^^ 
one who lived in Mexico any length of tinie, tliat every one wa? 
corded religious liberty and :.cry one had the right to woi 

his God. 

But I will not even at to answer all the charges that 

being showered upon us. I someone else tell the story of ot 

stru^les and our plight. I will quote the Rev. Dr. John Buttler who 
ha5 been a missionary in Mexico for forty years. I have never met the 
gentlemcnt and do not know who he is. My first knowledge of him 
came when I read his open letter to the New York Evening Post. In 
this letter he frankly tells the sad story of our miserable life, our 
futile attempts to free ourselves from the yoke of centuries of slavery, 
and our heroic fight to keep up with the march of civilization, regard- 
less of the stifling influence of the many reactionary forces. 

I will not touch the phase of his letter in which he shows the un- 

m- fairness of the American attitude towards our political upheaval, nor 

^^will I quote him where he answers the many groundless accusations 

of Col. Theodore Roosevelt. I will confine myself to the religious 

question only. The letter appeared on January 5th, 1915. 

Hexicaii historians make dear why such drastic measures were neceSBarilv 
incorporated into the Constitution and emphasized by the reform laws of 1859. 
It was, as one of them says, "because the Church became a ver^ prominent 
factor in politics and could upset and establish governments at its pleasure, 
famentiilK the many revolutions which were constantly breaking out." (Romero, 
Page 9*). Therefore, it was ■ that the political power of the Church was 
destroyed by effecting a complete independence ot the Church and State, and 
the confiscation of all Church property from the most magnificent cathedral to 
die smallest chapel, and from the most extensive convent to the humblest 
■hrtne in the country. Hence all Church property not built in recent years 
bdongs to the Government, which, in turn, gives a free lease to the Church of 
rach edifices as are required for public worship. All this was brought to pass 
by the Liberal party, whose members lived and died in the Roman Catholic 
fold, thou^ they were decidedly opposed to the Church as a political institution. 
Rare indeed the case when a Liberal declared himself opposed to Christianity. 
We repeat, then, that reports of the confiscating of Church property in these 
days is a mistake — such confiscation occurred nearly sixty years ago. 

"Another mistaken charge is that the present leaders of the revolution are 
expelling priests, nans, and other religious orders from Mexico. The same 
reason given above as to the political influence of the Church applied, and with 
special force, to all secret religious orders. Hence in 1873 Mexico believed 
it was for her best interests to promulgate additional reform laws, which 
expelled all siich secret societies from the country. In this they only did what 
several countries in Latin America and many countries in Europe had found 
it necessary to do before them. (1) Now if Jesuits, nuns, and members of the 


«ho ^^^ 


tn of a new consi 
nothing else will be 
Dlishmcnt of the Con- 

tion. Nevenheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

kindred orders have recently been found in Mexico they were there against the law, 
of the existence of which they certainly were not ignorant. If any previous 
Administration "winked" at their presence, that did not signify a justification 
for their remaining, and certainly the present authorities were fully authorized 
in reminding them of the law. 

"It has also been asserted that many of the clergy have recently been 
expelled from the country. I believe, absolutely, in toleration and protection 
for the followers of all creeds. The Constitution of 1857 provides not only 
for the separation of church and state, but it also guarantees full religious 
liberty. This means for Roman Catholic, Protestant, or Jew, and no one has 
more reason to be grateful for these reasonable and just provisions of the 
Constitution than the ancient people of God whose descendants in Mexico 
were, in former times subjected to much cruel treatment simply for following 
the faith of their fathers. (2) 

"Now, it appears true that a considerable number of priests have been sent 
out of the country, but the revolutionists claim that all such were foreigners 
and had given provocation. They likewise claim that many of these left 
"because of troubled consciences," or for fear they might be expelled. All 
foreigners who have resided in Mexico, whether priest or laymen, knew of the 
existence of the famous thirty-third article of the Constitution. This article 
was framed at a time when these secret orders were giving trouble to the 
Government, and it empowers the authorities to expel from the republic, without 
process of law, any foreigner found meddling with politics. We readily confess 
it is a tremendous power to place in the hands of any man. But the experi- 
ence of the past called it into existence, and few are the foreigners in that 
land who have not heard of thirty-third article, and who have not a clear 
understanding of its significance. 

That, however, is not the whole story concerning the high Catholic 
clergy. Of late much has been written about the ignorance and im- 
morality prevalent among the poorer classes of the Mexican populace. 
It is said that a large majority of them totally disregard the marriage 
ceremony and live in open violation of the sacraments of marriage. 
What the causes and reasons are for such religious transgressions has 
never been offered by any of the accusers of Mexico's poor. One thing 
is certain and that is that the peons or Indians are not violating any 
of the canons of the church because they have ceased to believe in it. 
•Far be it from such. An investigation has proven that the price for 
marriage sacraments, instituted by the high Catholic clergy, is so un- 
reasonably high that it ahnost impossible for the poor to meet it^. In 
this manner they are practically forced by the cimrch dignitaries 
themselves to violate the canons of the church. 

(1) This stalomcnt i? noi (luitc correct; European c-mniries divorced the 
cliurcli from tlie v^iaie many yo.irs aittr Mexuu l,.-..] .^.^ ,;,^. ^.^.-iinpie 

(2) Before the overthrow r,t Spanish rule in Mexico. i],c Inquisition bun 
several Jews at the >takc for rctu^mR to he converted to the Catholic faith. 




That demands for the lowering of the prices for various sacra- 
ments has been made by the populace of Mexico is well known to any 
one who has lived there. That those demands were made in vain, 
that the high Catholic dignitaries absolutely refused to comply with 
the demands of the poor is well known to every one in Mexico. To 
illustrate the benighted ways and means utihzed by certain high clergy- 
men I will quote Carlo de Fomaro from his book "Diaz, Czar of 

"The following incident will exemplify the insidious and treacher- 
ous ways used by the clericals to surpress opposition or liberaHsm in 
their midst. » 

In 1901 a priest called Joachin Perez, 50 years old, wrote to Mon- 
signor Averadi, apostolic delegate, letters in which he begged for the 
modification of the high tariff for the administration of the sacra- 
ments. The petition was signed by thousands of Catholics. Mon- 
signor Averadi diplomatically answered that he would consult the 
Pope. But instead of so doing, the Archbishop of Puebla and the 
Monsignor gave a private dinner to Mucio Martinez, Governor of 
Puebla, and convinced him that Perez was hatching a political con- 

By order of the Governor the unfortunate priest was attacked 
in his parish, at Atlixco, at midnight, beaten and then taken to jail. 
All his property and chattels were confiscated and although suffering 
from rheumatism, he was kept in confinement for over fourteen 
months. Eventually through the efforts of his sister, who went to 
beg the intervention of her uncle, Ignacio Mariscal, Minister of foreign 
affairs, he was freed." 

The instance sighted by Carlo de Fornaro is one of hundreds that 
can be brought to show wherein the high Catholic dignitaries always 
acted against the interests and desires of the poor and oppressed. 

But the greatest tragedy of the Catholic Church in Mexico is 
that it is a house very much divided against itself. It possesses no unity 
of purpose, it has no honest desire to uplift, to educate and alleviate 
the needs and sorrows of the masses. The true condition of the 
Catholic Church is that it is composed of wealthy, foreign, high 
clergj-mcn and of poor priests who are native Mexicans and Indians. 
Those native priests have a complete understanding of the hopes, aims 
and desires of the poor people. The wealthy, foreign high church 

dignitaries have always brought naught but sorrow upon Mexico. They 
were responsible for French intervention, it is they who in the present 
stru^le are trying to bring about the intervention of the United States. 
Instead of ministering to the soul needs of the Mexicans, the shame- 
lessly indulge in the low game of politics. They intrique, they scheme. 
They are the friends of the reactionary forces; the kow-towed with 
Diaz when he was in power and used Huerta and his henchman, Dr. 
Urrutia, when they reigned supreme. It will be seen from this that the 
Mexican people can have no love for those high church dignitaries, 
who always allied tJiemselves with their enemies. In fact, they were 
the enemies for they always upheld the benighted forces of Mexico. 

The shamelcs,s manner in which the high Catholic clergy forsook 
their religious offices and dabbled in politics is illustrated by the 
numerous letters which were left behind by Dr. Aureliano Urrutia, 
Minister of Interior in the Huerta cabinet. In the letters left behind 
by him it is to be seen that the Catholic clergymen were the real law- 
breakers of the country, violating wilfully and maliciously every law 
that has been set down by the Constitution of 1857. They did it quite 
openly, without hesitation and with braiizencss that is not at all ecclesi- 

When Dr. Urrutia scented danger and saw that the diabolic rule 
of Huerta was about to crumble into dust, he did not waste any time 
in leaving the country. In fact, he was in such a hurry to get out that 
he left behind him all his archives, consisting of many letters written 
to him by various high church dignitaries, such as Bishops, Arch- 
bishops and others. All those Dr. Urrutia pilled into a basket and' 
turned over to an old woman for safekeeping. The dear old lady 
hardly realized what historic documents were in her possession. 

It is a sad commentary upon the dignity of the Catholic church 
when its highest clergymen plan the overthrow of laws and order at- 
tained by the people after a struggle lasting three years. And that is 
just what they did. In one of the letters Archbishop Mora of Mexico 
suggested that Dr. Urrutia secure a million dollars for the Catholic 
Church for alleged damages. Both Archbishop Mora and Dr. Urrutia 
were fully congizant of the fact that they were acting against the laws 
of the constitution. They knew that they violated the sacred principles 
of a constitution for which thousands died. How can such men like 
Archbishop Mora and Urrutia command respect when they are secret- 
ly planning to violate the laws of the country? 

Is it at ail surprising that Constitutionalists are forced to drive 
Hhem out of the country, especially when they wantomly ignore the ■ 

The thing tliat strikes me as most peculiar at the present time is 
the loud cries which the Catholics are raising against the Constitu- 
tionalist forces, At the same time while they are demanding pro- 
tection for their coreligionists in Mexico, Germany is devastating 
one cathohc country after another. The Mexican revolutionists never 
have made ancient and gorgeous cathedrals the targets of their shells, 
as the Germans have done. One cathedral after another was destroyed 
by the Germans who invaded Belgium and France. Nothing of that 
sort ever happened in Me.xico. Still not a whisper has been heard 
from the Catholics of this country against German barbarism. Is it 
not strange that they should not ask the United States Goverrunent to 
intervene in behalf of the oppressed Catholics in Belgium, while th^y 
demand immediate action in Mexico, What are the reason that they 
shut their eyes to real atrocities in Belgium, while they are so care- 
fully watching events in Mexico? The truth of the matter is that the 
high Catholic clergymen are awakening to the fact that the success of 
the Constitutionalists means the carrying out of the laws of 1857. It 
means the divorce of the church from the state. It means the end of 
the influence of the Catholic clergymen in affairs of the state. The 
high catholic dignitaries are realizing that their power is coming to an 
end and the only way possibly to retain it is to bring about the inter- 
vention of the United States or some other power. 

However, the cries of the clergymen that the United States 
swoop down upon Mexico and at the point of a gun perpetuate the 
power of the Catholic church, is in itself the greatest indictment 
against the leaders who are working in that direction. No honest 
Christian would ever seek an unnecessary war with another nation. 
Fortunately the American people and the Washington administration 
are beginning to realize that not all is well with high Catholic dig- 
nitaries in Mexico. 


Hacienda de Chautia, July llth, 1913. 
Sr. Dr. AateUano Urrulia. 
Mininler of Uie Interior, 

KBtcemcd Sir and Friend : 

I returned to ihis Hacienda yesterday and was iaformed that up around 
HuejotEingo. capiUl of this District, thing!; are rather unsettled, due to a few 
disturberi who molest the authorities, and consequently disturb public peace. 
Having in mind the kind offers which you made to me during my recent visit 
in that cily, I now take (he liberty of addressing you. 

The disturber* of Huejotiingo are a certain Luis Pinto and his tirother. 
They own real estate and small houses to the amount of may be Three Thou- 
sand Dollars each in that bcality. They |>ut on airs of caciques, and have 
for some time even fcotie so far as to pretend to. subordinate the local authori- 
tiei. They have become more overbearmg since the time of Madero. 

WhBe Mr, Alberto Garcia Granados was Minister of the Interior, the 
referred-to Pinto brothers attempted to overthrow Mr. Enrique Acevedo from 
hi) position as Governor of the Province, Mr. Acevedo has maintained the 
peace and well-being in this district ever since he came into office. As Mr. 
Granndos, owner of the Hacienda de Chagua. near Huejotzingo, knows Mr. 
Acevedo, he maintained Mr. Acevedo as Governor, and the Pinto brothers did 
not molest him any more until Mr. Grandos resigned the secretaryship, 

Ai Mr. Acevedo is well acquainted with the intrigues of the I^nto brothers, 
he has kept them well watched, and they, resenting this, have hostilized him, 
to the degree of having trumped up false accusations against him before the 
municipality of Puebla. They did not however, obtain their end, for they were 
unable to obtain his removal, though he was for a time suspended from office, 
much to the regret of the honest contingent of Huejotzingo. The Mayor 
replaced him during this time. 

On the Other hand, Mr. Ramon Vargas, Judge of the Primary Court of 
Claims of Huejotzingo, has been for three months working unceasingly to put 
to date all pending Causes, which had been accumulating, due to the fact that 
his predecessors, partly due to indifference and partly to fear of the Revolution, 
often absented themselves, abandoning their offices. Among those, who most 
distinguished themselves of these last mentioned, was a certain Felipe Ramirez, 
whose wife is a Huejotzingo woman, on which account he was of course 
interested in holding that position in Huejotzingo. The mother of the ladyin 

auestion also found a way to take advantage of the situation, and arranged 
lings so that those who wished their cases attended to, had to have a recom- 
mendation from her, it they wanted a favorable judgment. For this she was 
of course paid a certain sum, and she managed to derive quite a fine income. 

This by-play came to the knowledge of Mr. Garcia Grattados, and he 
managed to obtain from the Puebla Municipality to offer the Judge Felipe KamircE, 
to transfer him to Matamoros, which offer he declined, staying in Huejotzingo 
and exercising his profession of lawyer. This Mr. Ramirez works in harmony 
with the Pinto brothers, and the three of them, openly antagonize Acevedo 
the Governor, Ramon' Vargas, the Judge and Sidronio Primo, Commissioner 
of the Ministry, who is an old employe in this locality and who works together 
with the other two last mentioned. 


With the foregoing deUils, and prompted by the desire to mainuin order 
and peace in this district, I b^ you to exert your good influence with the 
government of Puebia, to have Mr. Acevedo return to his post, and to have 
Mr. Ramon Vsrgas the present Judge, and also Mr. Sodromo Primo, stay in 
their positions. The presence of Mr. Felipe Ramirez, who still pretends to 
occupy the position of Judge in this District, is very harmful to public interests, 
as ii also the presence of the Pinto brothers, so that although I harbor no 
feelings of personal enmi^ towards them for I do not know them except from 
hearsay, I beg to suggest the advantage of their being removed from this 
locality, in whatever way you may deem most appropriate. 

Kindly forgive the length of this -letter, bat I feel justified in giving yott 
all these details, for the sake of the preservation of peace in this region, wUch 
has some importance due to its relations to Fuebla and Mexico. 

Thanking you in advance for whatever you may deem fit to do in the 
interests of the honest dtiEens who have given me the above information, and 
which I transmit to you confidentially, I beg to remain, 
Very respy etc, etc., 


Archbishop of Oaxaca. 

From Archbishop Mora to Urrutia. 

Mexico, July I2th, 1913. 
To the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Aureliano Urrutia, Present. 
My Esteemed Dr. and Friend : 

You have said to me more than once, "Profit by the present times. No- 
one will give you more than ourselves" which to me signifies your good will 
towards the church. Therefore, counting on it, I beg to put before you, for 
your consideration, the following: 

1. Violating the laws of d is entailment, the Archbishop of Mexico was 
deprived of his palace in this capital, and same has not been put to any use 
for government offices. Could you not see that it was given back to me, so I 
could repair it and occupy it and then leave it to ray successors? It this could 
be done, he whose servants we are would take account of your good aclion, 
and we would all be very grateful to you. I do not think this is an impos- 
sibility. , 

2. It also ha« occured to me that the Government might make to the Cathedral 
some restitution for which, even accepting the new laws as just, should have 
been respected and left, such as: Cash, sacred vases, such as chalices, shrines, 
lamps, articles of silver, jewels, all of which was taken from the cathedral. 
The cathedral was also deprived of the Seminary next door, and the houses of 
the chaplains, all of which is excepted in the laws of discntailment. All this 
amounts to a big sum, for in only gold chalices, there were eighteen lost. How 
is this to be repaid? I have an idea, which is: The expenses of the church, 
salary per month of the Archbishop, chaplains and priests, saeristains, amount 
annually to about Sixty Thousand Dollars. And you need not believe that the 
salaries are high, for the Archbishop has a salary of only $750 per month, 
and with this sum he has to attend the victualling, dress, servants, household 
expenses and alms, of which he has many as all the poor of the city go to him 
for help. The canons have a salary of $120 monthly, and the chaplains of the 
choir from $30 to $40. So that as you can well figure out, their living has to 
be very modest, for out of these salaries they have to- pay house rent, food 
and dress. What is left out of the $60,000 mentioned, after paying expenses, is 
used for repairs to the house and ornaments. At present, we have a deficit 
every year, which deficit we of course try to keep as low as possible. The 
parishioners contributions, which is the only thing we can count on towards 
the support of the church, diminishes every year. 


or 111 of a new constitu- 
1 nothing else will be 
tablishment of the Con- 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

In consideration of all the above, the- Government could do us a great , 
favor, by giving us a capital which should produce enough to be able to Ice^ 
what we have now. This capital should be of ONE AOLLION DOLLARS, 
and this would be less, much less than (even admitting the laws which at that 
time deprived the church of its property), was taken unjustly away from the 

This capital could be handed over to the church in parts, from economies 
made on certain expenses, and the monev could be put into shares, bonuses, 
etc., etc. This would enable the Cathedral to be better attended to, niaking the 
necessary reparations, and decorating it conveniently. 

Think this over well, my dear Minister, and act according to the dictates 
of your good heart of Christian and patriot, and we shall be pleased to call 
you our Great Benefactor. 

With all due respect, I remain, etc., etc., 

JOSE, Archbishop of Mexico. 


Puebla, July 12th, 1913. 
To his Honor Minister URRUTIA, 

Very Esteemed Sir: 

Your favor of the 9th inst duly to hand and in reply I beg to say that I 
shall be very pleased to assist you by working along the lines suggested by 
yojj. I shall only wait now until I hear from Mr. Gillow so that we may come 
to an understanding on a matter as delicate and important as the one in question. 

May the Lord bless you in all your under takmgs, and I beg to remain as 
always at your service. 

Very respectfully, etc., etc., 

RAMON, Archbishop of Puebla, 

l.ETTER from the ARCHBISHOP of OAXACA, to DR. 


Oaxaca, July 24th, 1913, 

My Esteemed Friciul : 

In view of tlie benevolence whirh vou have alwavs shown towards me, I 
now ])vi; to atldre^s \(ni rc^ar«lin;r a subject which I consider of the utmost 
importance. Ahlii.'nuh it (Iols niit rei:ar(l the department in your charge 
directly, ii is n«. vcr;liclc-s clc-ely connected with it, and is a matter of universal 
importance to the republic, 

Bcfnrc Lrrantin;^: oHccssir^ns for the international and inter-oceanic rail- 
ways, (irneral l*t>r:Tio Di.i/. oriiani/od a commission, consisting of a lawyer, 
an encinciT and myself, to study and report on the already mentioned con- 
cessions which meant io muih to the country, Durini? two months I gave 
myself up to the .-tuijy nf tliis ipu-stion. and the Comnn^sion presented eighteen 
reports embracing the uifFcretu points of the subject, including a special state- 
ment by me, as 1 did not a^ree with tl^^ two otiuTs on certain points which I 
considered and bcau-e I was of the ojnnion that a big reduction 
could be made in the i>nbvenlions dcTin-'.ded by the i^rantees. 

Time has pR>ved that n;y ideas were c )rre<'t, relative to the delay in the 
construction of the. inieroci-ar.ic r(j;.ds. and as to tlie advisability of building 
a broad-^auge railway from Mexico to Larcilo ri<;ht fmn the start. 

At that time, the Tehuan tepee Railroad did not have the importance that 
it has now, and the ConuMis-if»:i did not pive any consideration to that point, 
taking it for granted that later on the intere-ts of the nation would take up 
the question of connections with tlie Isthmus and the e.xtension south to 
Guatemala, which would put us in communication with Central and South 


Jatt nawr, 1 cannot get it out of my mind, that of 
-^leing planned for the repablic, there are two lines which . 
SititTOite, becaus* they will be of the greatest importance ti 
1«ause ihcy complete our railway system across the coimtrj-, • 
trolongafton of the Oaxacs R. R. to Tehuantepec, and which. st-.,.iig 
the Isitaius R- R. would connect us with the different slates of the Yi 
penlnsi^a. 1 understand that this concession has already been granted, 
that the p\ans were being made 7=ady — ' — i the revolution slarled. 

The prolongation of the R. R. to icaca or rather to Tlacolula, as _ „ 
tnck is already laid up to that ' ty^ is that to which I wish to call your beat 
attention, and also that of the P ^sidenl of the Republic. At present, to com- 
municate from Mexico to Tehu ;ilepec. the Government has to make use of 
three different railways ; the \ dicican RY up to C6rdoba, the Vera Cruz 
Pacific up to Sta. Lucrecia, and the Interoceanic of the Isthmus, For any 
mililary mobilization, tlie inconi enicnce and delay occasioned by this system 
is evident, and, should one of ihi se three lines be cut by the revolutionists, the 
Government would have no coiiimtmication with the Tehuantepec and Pan- 
Ainericaii R. R. — which connects us with Guatemala. 

This proves the necessity of completing as soon as possible, the line from 
Mexico to Tehuantepec, via Puebia and Oaicaca. which line, though not the 
shortest, at least has not the inconvenience of the sleep ascent and decline of 
the summits of Maltrata, but which instead, descends gradually from Pucbla 
to the coast. 

The Isthmus of Tehuantepec has without doubt, a great future ahead, 
for it is, using Baron Humboldt's expression, "the bridge of the universe" con- 
necting on one side, Asia and Europe, and on llie other North and South 


_. _ __._ __ . _ . ._ _. , ._ _ .» anif tbe .^argti~for 

MUM. Whereas, the Tehuantepec R. R. has already anilident traffic assured to 
gtiarantee its existence, and the cost of ttansthipment can therefore be reduced 

The prolongation of this Railroad regards closely the department of Sec- 
retary of the Interior, for in time of revolution this would give them a firmer 
bold on — the State of Oaxaca. Lately it has been seen how, once the Southern 
Mcxic^ cut, we have been without communications with Central Mexico for 
a long time, whereas, if the prolongation referred to existed, going round by 
that way to Tehuantepec, the State woidd be better off and the Federal Govern- 
ment would have the necessary means to successfully fight a rebellion. 

This is of greater importance in a state like Oaxaca, because it is so 
mountainous and because it has an outlet to both oceans, the Gulf and the 

To finish herewith, I am greatly interested in the construction of the prolonga- 
tion in question for the advantage of the people of my diocese. I have travelled 
^trough the state twice and I can assert that it is one of the richest in the 
republic, for its mining as well as for its agricultural products, but I consider 
it poor in spite of its havinif one million inhabitants because it lacks rapid and 
economical ways of communication. 

While waiting for the construction of railways along the Pacific coasf and 
tbe coast of Tuxte^ec to this capital, it is necessary to construct at least a 
central line which will traverse the State up to Tehuantepec 

These valleys which surround the capital have an exuberance of inhabitants, 
and the products of their lands are hardly sufficient to supply their own needs. 
This explains the general poverty existing, there being no exports, and it is 
also explained by the emigration of oaxaquenos to other states, it having been 
.calculated that only in Mexico City there are more than three thousand oaxa- 


:c.rni nt a lu-w constitu- tion. Xcvcrthelcss, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 

I nothing else will be reforni of the division and the political organi- 

.tabhshnicnt of the Con- zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

It will tie said ta you, militacy gentleqaeii. tljaiL. . .«« 

quenos, who would surely come back to their native state, could they make their 
living there. 

I hope you will excuse my having occupied your time with such a lengthy 
letter. I have read in the papers that the Government was negotiating the con- 
struction of some railways, I have thought it right to call your attention to the 
above, so that if possible, you might give them the preference. 

With the assurance of my profound respect, I beg to remain, 

Very truly yours, etc., 


Archbishop of Oaxotea, 



August 2d, 1913. 

Very Illustrious Sir: 

Your favor of July 24th received and I have read it over with great at- 
tention, and considering your suggestion relative to the construction of a 
Railroad from Oaxaca to Tehuantepec, of great importance, not only from the 
military point of view, but also for the convenience of the public in general, 
I shall take an interest and see that your suggestion is carried out as soon as 
circumstances permit, which I trust will be very soon, for we have good^ reasons 
to believe that peace will soon be established all throughout the republic. 

I beg to reiterate my appreciation and respects. 



Minister URRUTIA. 

September 11th. 1913. 

My dear Compadre: 

Tlic tiint'ly measures taken by ytni saved this city from beincf ravaged by 
th«.' tiIk! }:;nv^ wliicli liavo i)e«.'n cdnLi-nti'alin^r in iIk-sc localities to the number 
of nv« T :i th'iiisand stronir. Imt ii«iw, I think 1 can assure v«)U that if the detach- 
mci; v.liirh lia- jn>.i arriveii. iiur.")Ue.s them, this part of the State will soon be 
paei:'c ■!. 

Ti.< pritii'';'.!] •■^icc: i.f this h-ttf- is t'» ask you to relieve me of a great 
.i:]yi(!\ p.r.'lf- '.•.'■i'': I ,:ni l;ih-»Ti: ;.•. i-.y.-l whii :i has been caused by the aggres- 
sivf I!'!'! .-Ii:;:-! si.::!:!l:'l -r- a"i!".'!c : la-n in :".ihlic hv Mr. Calero and a small 
{ ■'.lui : t" •■ !T'-*:i-. .■•'-■■.i:'-i yo"r i:-"l r'Ai. I can well see that their object is 
t'l i: r"i.-.'' •']•• :-'! T- v"mv:^ y.p.i !;,;vv -•. jn.-'ly v.i'k. and to alionate your adherents 
all i'\fr il;c i-I- I'l'.bli'.:. 

i.!^ i.!i.\ w'.V 'i'-i a-Tunijl:-!; a-iviliinv;-, beeanso all the sensible men know 
^';::I! ihi- vn-\ ; i:«: ?'■; t :>:■;• -. iii..! Luii:i;al«- ilu-ye (U'j.n-ade«l people. Although 
1 a:- 1 ..I (.••■I- ..'.; lira sc'.ie. li.y p.-fiund .-^^iiij'alhy and atTection for you make 
mr ■"■ar ti-.:! ili'-.-i- men*- ii:trik:u -^ mi-.r;vi ]'Ui obstacles on the path that Our 
Lord an<l lli> !>lr^s«.".! .\bnhi.r Irsvi- ]/ui b-.M-Te you to climb to the culminating 
positit'H ./*' Chief lixcciuirc •■i' the Rc*'UL'r.i\ wliich position will require of you 
Xhf* ^reaien sarrifice. but will .it the same time lay before you a vast field in 
which to excreise your activity for the glory an«l honor of God. and for the 
benefit of our beloved country. 

In the meantime 1 beir of you to tell me confidentially if this threat of 
Calero is to be feared, or whether you think it will be easy for you to humiliate 
the etTorts of these upstarts. 

Your compadre, etc., 






• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

The Work of the Clergy 

and the 

Religious Persecution 

in Mexico 


Merida, Yucatan, Mexico 

Published by 
1400 Broadway, New York City 


I • n » 

i . : • '. v_ 

' • : ; I . "« " 

i \i-\\ \<Mi, ('.ciiilonion, the 

It will Iw^ «aiil to vnii mJUtorv iro*itl^»nn.i, that 

. ' ' ' 
• ft 

■ •.'4 

Does Mexico Interest You? 

Then you should read the following pamphlets: 

What the Catholic Church Has Done for Mexico, bv Doctorv 

I'aKaiiel \ { q ^a 

The Agrarian Law of Yucatan f "'*" 

The Labor Law of Yucalan 

International Labor Forum v 

Intervene in Mexico, Not to Make, but to End War, urges ( q^k 

Mr. Hearst, with reply by Holland • • • ) 

The President's Mexican Poficv, bv F. K. Lane ^ 

The Religious Question in Mexico J 

A Heconslruclive Policj' in Mexico > 0.10 

Manifest Destiny f J 

What of Mexico 1 

Speech of (ieneral Alvara<lo > 0.10 

Manv Mexican Problems / 

Charges Against the Diaz Administration "J 

(jirnmza > 0.10 

Sluponduous Issues ; 

Minister of the Cntholic Cult 1 

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f-.'in<l Oui^^lioii ill Mexico ; 

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i|' Di 

Perlia|>9 IIil princJnul urijiiiiu'til I'lnployorl by the reao 
liutiiii')- party of Mexico Iicforo Ihc guvcmnietil »nd in (he 
prcAS of lltf'tJniltd Stnli's to ;itt.-ick und lower llic prcsti({(.' 
tiui CnnslituUonalisI lU-vuluUuu, is Ibti une which re- 
I to Ihc ri'iiaioua qtiesliun. 
_Qnsliliiti<mali!iiii, (^iiporiiilly sliicti the rupture between 
eConvt^DlJoii parly unil Mr. tarranza— 1ms bct'n presented 
Tl» c'lieiities ht-furo the Ainenc4in people, us »n Jmplsfablc 
t syslvinalic persecutor of relictnn in ull IIr furtHH tind 
aiicstatiunit; as Ibe vandnlic ut.-»Lrcyer nf Icniplea nnd 
» the insiiUable und cruel exi.'(.'u(ioiicr ot timid and 
H;nt prit^ls; in one wonl, ns nn alhciKt und inipliinter 
I propagntur of olhuisiii in Ml-xIco. They huvt even 
d to demonstrate Dial this und several uth'er dbiiiulveni 
neoriea conslilule the Fiindnmental basis nnd the renson 
^r exUlence of the contililutinnalist poli'ey, at least in that 
Jart which refers to Ibi- internal (^ovcrfunoiil nf the Re- 

It is necessary to acknowledge that the infumous cam- 

>atj^ carried on by the eneuties ot the Revolution must 

lave impressed, und In fact has impressed, in n painful 

nd profound manner, a nation so eminently religions ns 

1 the Anicriean people; a nation so zealous of freedom of 

loughl and so respectful of another's beliefs; a nation 

here such freedom and such respect are considered, and 

itiy so. aa the precious and glorious conquest of 

iteniporaneouB civilization and the most sacred property 

human spirit. 

The acknowledgment of this truth makes it imperative to 
xpose in detail befoiv the American people, tiie facts which 
mstitute the religious persecution of which the Mexican 
actionarii^s complain, and the role which the clorgj- has 
hud and still seeks to have in Uie history of the country; 
because the struggle which Constilntionalism liaR waged 
And continues waging, is not and cannot be a struggle 
against religion in general and much lc.>i.s against the re- 
"igious idea in abstract, an idea which is imniment in man; 
lit it is a struggle exchisively against the clergy, against 
llie catholic clci^ in Mexico, since Catholicism is, or at- 
tempts to be, almost to the cxeUision of any other, the 
dominant religion in the Republic. 

nii nf a new con«mtr- 

iKitliing else will be 

tion. Nevertheless, 1 tell you, Gentlemen, the 
refcimi nf the division and the iioUtioal organi 

mi- I 


The people or Hie l'pita<f.siUHes. proteslant in its ninjority, 
ttna ediicnletl in it ^nimaT'Ilbei-fllism and dcmocrncy wiUi- 
in Uint rcligiun'i'enafnit.'wilhiiul au i-sact und deep Knowl- 
edge (,>f-lliV Nft-.4tciiii question, decide on it. iind much lest 
_ uiictcrstiifirf"- it. Our olijecl is lo fiimisli the Americon 
. .■•- jtadcr'ttiUi the ncccssar\' data so thai he become fully 
'•.-•':•. Sic*pin(n!ed wilh the subjecl and judge il, nol rrom the 
". • American point of view, from thp point of view of n pro- 
leslaat, libcnil, democralie, cultured, educated oalioD, a lover 
of freedom and of the fix-o uxaminatiou of tliinfis. but from 
^thc Mexican poini of view; that is to say, from the point 
( of view of a nnlion consisting of a snniU minority of wealtliy 
I ' indlvidimlii. fanatical, accustomed lo despotism and tyranny. 
I Wslemnlically opposed to nil thai aims to deprive il of its 
I odious librrljcs and uujust priviJejjcs, a bitter enemy of 
mil thai spells fi-eedom and educ«hon of the real people; 
/and hy n nuniberiess majority of annlphnhet Indians, 
/ brought up in servitude, super&liliou and idolatry, Slaves 
f of routine and Inxlition, opposed lo all innovation, on ac- 
/ count of Ibe inherent distnisl and fear of subjuantcd races. 
\ I Sond»er r\frenies among which sparkles as a uriglit sun- 
beam in a leiupesluous sky, the so-colled middle class, the 
only social element capable of strengtlienin^ the nation, of 
leaching and guiding it to progress. To this clatts belongs 
Ihe inkllcclual and thinking class of Mexico, and this is the 
one which has produced, from Ihe lime of the vtcero\-s, (o 
date, the men who have beta an honor lo the country in the 
liberal political Held, in literature, in sciences and arts, in 
the militia, in commerce and the industries. From it surged 
the Ulustrious mi:n who undertook and carried out the 
tremendous work of independence and those who, for about 
a ccnlun,', have continued struggling iu nn unequal Hghl, 
tenacious and lerrible, witli the aim of liberating the pco- 
/ pie from fanaticism and with the aim of democratizing it, 
(helping il out of the abyss of oppression and ignorance 
Nwliere it has been kcplby the clerg\- and the poleulatcs, 
hhe so-called while a (TsfroJTnrtSTjf-Mexlilo. who still allerapl 
lo keep tile people in subjugation. They are the elements 
which since llie time of the emancipation are known in onr 
Dational luslory under the fall die name ot Heacttonary Party. 
\ The territorj" which at present constitutes Ihe Mexicao 
JRejiublJc, was" conquered and colonized about four cen- 
J tunes ago by (be Spaniards of the times of Charles V and 
^ Philip iT. that is to say, by the subjects of the most bask- 
•ar(£ absolutist and fanatical of all the monarchies which 
exisled in Europe. 

Tlic Papittc was at the height of its power al thai liutc. 
The Itoman Pontiff was coasldered as Uie king of Mnm 
and Ibc unappallahle and supreme authority in the world. 
The power of the Church was unlimited, and Ihe Inqukt* 




Hon did not allow even a peep into the possibility of the 

day dawning in which the catholic nations might enjoy 

wnat is now called freedom of conscience. The friars and 

the priests were considered as envoys and representatives 

of tne Divine Power, and as the only distributors of all 

spiritual grace and welfare. They, with the kings and the 

nobilitv, had part in the temporal power, and with them 

were tne masters and absohite and mdisputable owners of 

the masses, which were in a condition of stupor through 

fUe darkness of the Middle Ages. More than any other 

nation, the Spanish people adapted and moulded itself to 

the ideas of stupid fanaticism which it suited the royalty 

and the clergy to maintain, because the nefast influence 

of Rome was at work in spirits already accustomed to the 

ffitalism which the domination of the Arabs had fostered 

in Spain. 

This nation, fanatical and somber, despotic and frown-'^N 
ing, accustomed to tradition and to religious and political ! 

granny, guided by audacious adventurers, sanguinary and ' 
led with the lust of gold, and by lazy friars, ignorant and 
full of cupidity, was appointed by the hand of destiny to^' 
conquer and colonize America, at present unduly calling 
itself Latin, and to carry the light of European culture and 
Christianity to the Aztec people whose civilization, really 
advanced in many ways, was being wrecked on the breakers 
of the most ferocious despotism and the most ignoble 

This meant the assured failure of the Spanish work in 
America, as regards its polilicjil and sociological aspect 
which constitute the fundamental principles of all luuiian 
organization, since History teaches that when the conqueror 
has the same capital defects that mark the conquered, these 
defects are added, while the good (pialities chanicleristic 
of each, are deducted and slowly degenerate and finally 

Closely united in ideas and interests, co-purlicii)ants in 
public power in the colony, so much so that frequently 
bishops and arch-bishops were viceroys or governors of 
provinces, the conquerors and the clergy helped to establish, 
what, to the shame of Spain and of mankind, is known \ 
in histoiy under the name of Spanish colonial system, a \ 
system unique in the world, which consfsls simply in the 
division amongst the Spaniards, of the lands, mines and 
even persons of the Indians who were forced to work as 
beasts in the terrible "enconiiendas" of the conquerors, to / 
the exclusive benefit of the Crown and the Church. 

The clerg\% therefore, had a direct, personal interest in 
keeping the natives in a perpetual slate of blind ignorance 
and absolute servitude, since these were essential condi- 
tions for the colonial domination. 



in of a new constitii- 
noihini:: else will be 
jH-lnnent of the Con- 

lion. Xcvcrtlulc^s. 1 tell you. Gentlemen, the 
rofcjnn (»f the division and the i)olitical organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

The Spanish clergy not only did nothing to raist'the. in- 
tellectual and moral level of the Indian, fu>out whom they 
had long and heated discussions ^s to his being- indowea 
with a soul, a fact which many of them deniecT— but they 
made him sink deeper into the ignominious abyss into 
which he had been pushed. 

The civilization work hy means of the conquest, «such as 
was understood and practised by fiie other people of Europe, 
did not exist in Spanish America. The disgusting abso- 
lutism of the aborigine monarchs and chieftains was re^ 
placed by the repugnant and brutal despotism of the Span- 
ish government. The barbarous lords of the landL cruel, 
sanguinary, ferocious, gave way to conquerors and *'en- 
comenderos," no less ferocious, sanguinary and cruel. The 
Mexican priests were replaced by the Spanish friars, as 
fanatic as the former, and perhaps more ignorant, The 
monstrous Aztec paganism gave way to the fetichist Catho- 
lic pdlyteism. The Indian temples were destroyed m order 
to erect on their ruins other temples which ofteta were 
built with the materials, still bloody, of the former. The 
idols of the natives were replaced by the foreign idols. The 
terrible Hitzilopochtli, the ferocious god of war of 4he Az- 
tecs, merely was lowered from its rank, and became any 
Lord of Battles. The famous god of water was thereafter 
some vulgar St. Isidro, of Spanish manufacture, who has 
charge of irrigating the fields and protecting the crops. 
Each and every one of the Mexican gods was transformed 
into innumerable Christs, virgins and saints, disposed to 
grant the same favors under the same threats through the 
supplications of similar priests, but requiring richer offer- 
ings. If there was any difference, this consisted in the 
fact that, for the greater facility of the vile exploitation, 
instead of having one sanctuar}"^ for each god, almost all 
the gods were gathered in each temple. If any improve- 
ment was attempted, it was merely to replace the hard 
strong Mexican stone, difficult to cut and to chisel, by the 
easily handled paper and cotton goods, the clay and the 
pastes and the soft woods of the Spaniards. If any pro- 
gress was made, it was to spread among the Indians the 
idea of the Catholic hell, the eternal suffering in punishing 
crimes committed on or by perishable beings, and the mon- 
strous and blasphemous conception of the devil, that is to 
say, a spirit of eternal and infinite evil, created and tolerated 
by a God of infinite goodness and inexhaustible love, to 
tempt and cause the spiritutil loss of man. It is true that 
they suppressed the bloody holocausts of the Indian divini- 
tle, but it w-as merely to inaugurate their own persecutions, 
their own burnings, their atrocious torments and the hor- 
rible cells of the Iloly Inquisition. 


.s lo the KicJal stall!, Ibu low cla&M.-^ nained nalhlog. 
\ lost much under Hu* Spimish cooqix'ror^. Tlic Indiana 
nlus urc'w -worne, fur In itcrHoniil slnvciy wiik uildcd 
polilii!fll klnwn- of lliv wtiult.' met.-. Tlie Indian hod 
toraclicully nn honii'. «nd wits ccmsidercd iis a dunicslif 
'bvust und tiol lis ail individual, bvitm dt>]iriv{-d ivon of thai 
Kliltli; pi-tMinulity which, uct!urding lo unturu] principles, cur- 
■ rfisiionds lo nion by llic nu^n- fad of e\islinf(. 'I'lif Inditiu 
I could not Itiivt the "tiiooiuicnda" wht-rc- he belonged nor 
I work itt the Inbor he pn-ft-rrt-d or felt iuciinod la. He was 
I not pertnitUd lo acquire infltrurtiim, even if be sa desired, 
I niucli lexs to Icai'D uii art. a profc^Hsluti or even a Irude nf 
I thouc PxcrrJACf) b>' the Spanioi-ds. He was forliiddeii lo 
Icducalc liit childn^n bct:ause IhuRc, and lhi< wife he liad 
rjakea. wure merely the miserable coiiipauioiis of hlK hatc- 
fttxi aervilude. 

inslnicliua, if we dure eall [| by this name, was entirely 
I in the hands of the eler(>y. and as rc^urdii the Indian, be was 
llnuRhl the ciiterhi.siii, not CluiKllim, but cntholic, and this 
' in Ihe nalivL- loaf{uea, wbieb niissiunaries and pricBts 
rned for llial purpose; fur the clerny Imd a particular 
:are not lo spread the Spiinisb lanaiiage : ..inng Ihe Indians 
n order to keep Ibera mare easily and securely in their 
' coiidilion uf alnulutu ignorance, a 'iiy'd<^"i which bad been 
conlinufd tiiitil now, in aoveral regions of Ihe Republic 
In Ym-nlnn, for example, which is one of our richcsl st.ites 
but also one of the most rcucUonary, Ibe old culoniul ways 
I were religiously presen'ed and Ibe frightful "encomienda*" 
I of the old eoiiiiuerors were maintained in fact until the 
eslablislmient of the Constitutional governnieni h .-c. Ou( 
of a population of ;iOI).0(X) more than half ni-e puri, ludiaos 
wbo are alLSulutely ignorant of the Spanish language and in 
regard to whom all effort for immediate civilization meets 
with imnteniie diflieulties. Tbc natives speak .1 language 
n-liicb has become reduwd to the mininmm of words, abso- 
lutely lacking all literature and consisting only of the wor ! 
mo«it indispcntiable lo carry on the business of the lim' .d 
and mechanical life which they have carried on for :our 
centuries, using only spoken words and employing in- 
terpreters, wbo were men often sold to rcnclion. These 
Indians, therefore, are unable lo become acquainted with 
. tlie liberating steps taken with regard lo tiiemsclves, and it 
I is an bn|K>ssibl€ lask, until Uicy luaru to read, write and 
I speak Spanish in which they arc lieing instructed at present 
I — to express to Itiein in an exact anil simple manner, with 
I Die corresponding explanations and advices, tbc knowledge 
[ of Ihe law and their rights under it. Their language, how- 
l.evcr rich it may have been in ancient times, at present, 
Idue to degeneration und the slavery of the race. lacks all 
I lechnical and scientific tenns, and Ihe dictions necessary- 

.'. •Mt'-tllll 


I • . 


ii-iiiiK-r.i «.»i iiu- Ci su- 


_ 1 \- V. \"'.\ (^-iillcnu-n, the 


to Iraiislalc niodcrii ideas and even to represent the most 
usual things of our epoch. 

Th(* Creoles and the few mestizos who obtained grace 
were laught lo read and write in a very deficient way; gen- 
erally, only the Creoles were taught to write. Of these 
classes, the individuals who desired lo follow a profession, 
could choose only that of arms or the Churcli. In the 
former, they were admitted as a special concession, while 
in the latter they had to endure the humiliations to which 
the high Spanish clergy suhmitted them, and which they, 
in their turn, inflicted on others. 

The while woman was maintained in a condition of 
mediaeval restriction, in a slate of igiu)rance and fanaticism 
which is still rellected in the modern Mexican w-oman. As 
a r(*miniscence of the Moorish customs implanted in Spain 
and maintained throughout seven centuries of Arab dom- 
ination, the woman remained al honu\ guarded by the 
formi<lablt» iron gratings which still call the attention of the 
foreigner who visits Slexican cities, and her society was 
reduced to intercourse with her husband and her children, 
her immediate servants ami naturally, her confessor and 
favorite friars. The Spanish saying: *'lhe married \voman, 
must hi* l)roken-legge<l and stay at home*' contains a com- 
plete historical comment and paints a social condition; this 
proverb was ])iliUssly pnuliced, so thai the home had no 
opening <lot»r exeei)l into the eiuivent or the vestry. Sim- 
ilar to the .\/le<s and llie gentile of Tireece and Home, each 
r.imily lud ils own lumse j^ods and in each house w-as a 
ri:il liinple nioiv or le**N sj);ieious according lo the resources 
ol llu dwellers. '\'\\'- Icmi; idle hours (if the woman and 
Hie einldr* n were (".Misiinu'd in Ihi- worship of a great 
VMiii'l'. (>r ieiii.i^es. n !'! : -iriiiing virgins and C.hrists and 
siiinls. :j:.(! •'..!! Mm- ::!ii(^8;iU su|>|)ose(l lo have been the 
eoUip.-Hiion-. 'I" []w I:.I!j r. These im.'ijL;rs wrrc placed on 
lieh .'liLii^ iii.s:.\:ii-i. :ii{fy <»»ii;,ini u'cd anti constantly lighted 
h\ nie.ii:** ')[ sMUiil "ii !:ii»j)is uiiu»lli*. r vi'Wc of ])aganism) 

li. This barhjirous and anti- 
diie« -i uisd liivored by the 

li :.!)(! Mi.'iinl.'iiii its domination; 

• • -\ilii Ni:}?:}. ilmi it is still prev- 

: :*Ji .s's' t.s} ihree centuries, 
•!• }! ■5!..' - liV- ilui; {){' the Indi- 
.'• :,h :■>..'• . j.d ih'. iipi)er class 


d s;.« 

I «. 

.... I .... I . , 

\\ hiel; v « '■ 


('.hiireh i:i 

and wi 

: d « • I » ! in ?* ' : n i «. » i \\ ' • > 

and <i»!ii:iii iiijr. ii?K.' ii;* 
.'i?is rni ivh( d li-e < .: (jv. e. 
\\ hie) I wa . e«>!i-lih!!« •; ;• 



(■«■. I:! 

Sp.sii:: .is Mud the sons of 
Spani.-iiiN. Aivi-M- ie»p-. ..:.«i i'ish- js, i.-.iujiis. friars and 
monks nl ;ill I. :)M^'e, (ivlri'. \\'..: i):!; ! :■. i|) i h. d, <iirecllv or 
indirc.lly in ihr ui xi n'.\i\ m n'- p,, • '• ;:x. wt re sui)ported 
by |)nhlie tinMls er- ..•» •! ^-^ -s; =••*- '.'•. .^j-. ii.d hixos, and 
thev ^•\^rei^rd llie lu.'.iiir'-i oi*;ii i s li ;iiM!i< iiCi ;■. e'.)U!icils and 


boards, having exclusive charge of the moral and intellectual 
direction of the whole country. Spaniards and Creoles, 
mestizos and Indians, they all bowed to the friars and from 
the viceroy down, they all trembled with fright under the 
threat of excommunication and shuddered at the idea of 
being persecuted by the Inquisition. The weak and iso- 
lated efforts whicn almost always were made with 
interested ideas, both in Europe and in America to 
improve the condition of the natives, failed signal- 
ly, and served only to provoke terrible reprisals 
on the part of the clergy. The few and inellicient 
dispositions which favored the Indians, and which were 
issued by some of the Spanish monarchs upon the recom- 
mendation of the celebrated "Council of Inciies," invariably 
met with a finn opposition from the clergy, and even in the 
metropol itself gave rise to bitter intrigues whcrcfrom the 
Churcn always emerged triumphant and stronger than 

Thus the New Spain was surprised by the war of Inde- 
pendence in the United States and that bloody and glorious 
dawn of Liberty called the French Revolution. These two 
colossal events naturally had to produce a commotion in 
the Spanish colonies in America. The desire to become 
freed from the mother-country was favored by the state 
of debility to which the Napoleonic campaign had reduced 
Spain, and also on account of ihv internal strire which 
rent the Peninsula, an<l the In^niendous administrative cor- 
ruption which marked the fatal reign of the fanatical and 
imbecile Ferdinand VII. 

In Mexico as well as in the other colonies, therefore, there 
started the long and bloody struggle for indei^ndence which, 
by a very particular coincidence, which later had a great 
influence" in favor of the clergy, was headed by two un- 
known Mexican priests who belonged to the low clergy, so 
rebutted and mistreated by the high Spanish clergy. 

As was to be expected, the latter opposcul with all its 
strength and all its influence the accoinplishnienl of emanci- 
pation; disowned and exconununicated the insurgent priests, 
and when they at last fell in the struggle, degraded Iheni puh- 
lich' and ignoniiniously, ordering prayers of thanks when 
thediiefs of the revolt were finally sent to the scatTold. 

The war of independence which lasted eleven years, 
would have lasted many years more if the Spanianls and 
the ClergA*^ itself had not finally understood that the cause 
of Spain in the New World was definitely lost; when they 
decided to take part in the revolt against the goveriunenl of 
the melropoli and take advantage of the benefits they could 
derive by assuming such an attitude and carefully watching 
the trenci of the new order of things. 

This is how that transcendental work was accomplished. 


Ill of a iK-w constitu- 
iintliin^ else will be 
blislimcnt nt tin* ra- 

tion. Xcveriheless. 1 tell you. Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
|ti9n $>L^^. states is absolutely necessary. 

Thus were reitlized the daring dreams of the fnimortal 
Hidalgo and the great Moreloa. But we must acimowledge 
that the movement started in 1810 was more of ft political 
uprise than a social revolution. . -^ 

The essential object of the enterprise was the emancipa- 
tion of the colony from the rule of the Spanish erown, as 
is sufficiently evidenced by the circumstances that at first 
it was not considered indispensable, to abolish fhe mon- 
archical form or to put an end to the supremacy of the 
Spanish element. In the treaty of Cordoba wltfch was 
celebrated to end the war and was exjiressly adoiowledged 
in the Act of Independence, it was stipulated that Mexico 
wotdd become an independent sovereign kingdom, and that 
its government would oe placed in the hands of ^(at same 
King Ferdinand VII; or if he did not accept or iresigned, 
it would be left in the hands of his brother, the clerical 
and sanguinary Charles of Bourbon or any oUier of the 
infants of the same house. 

The insurgents revolted neither against the influence nor 
privileges of the clergy; on the contrary, they supported 
that class in the most determined manner. Their glorious 
flag bore the image of the Indian virgin, the famous Viigin 
of Guadalupe. In 1813, the Congress of Chilpanchigo had 
declared that *'thc Mexican nation would profess and recog- 
nize no other religion but the catholic one, and would never 
permit or tolerate the practice, public or secret of any 
other. Also that it would protect with all its energy the 
profession of faith, guard the preservation of its purity 
and dogmas and would keep the regular bodies (the secu- 
lars and the clergy). "In the constitution called Apant- 
zingan," issued in 1814 by the Sovereign Congress of the 
Insurgents and subscribed by the priest Morelos and other 
prominent men of the Independence period, the Catholic 
religion was acknowledged and recognized as the only one 
to be practised in the nation; foreigners who did not pro- 
fess the Catholic religion were not permitted to become 
citizens, and it was resolved that citizenship was forfeited 
by the crimes of apostasy and heresy; travellers, in order 
lo enjoy the protection of the law on their persons and 
properties were bound to respect Catholicism; free speech 
and thought was forbidden in what referred to attacks on 
the Dogma, and an ordinance was set for the opening and 
closing of the polls by the celebration of masses to the 
Ilolg Spirit and for Tedeums; it was ordered that all ec- 
clesiasticiil jiidcjcs bo maintained in (heir respective offices; 
and finally it was ordered that all members of the Supreme 
(loverinnent, before taking the oath relative to their re- 
solve lo niaintciin the constitution and the cause of Inde- 
pendence, should he sworn to defend even at the cost of 
their bhwd, the Catholic Apostolic Roman religion. The first 



article of the Plan do Iguala, which assured the triumph 
of the insurgents, also established religious intolerance in 
favor of Catholicism, expressly declaring, in case any one 
dared doubt it, that the clergy, both regular and secular, 
would be maintained in the "possession of its properties 
and privileges. Lastly, the same fierce intolerance was 
stamped in the Republican Constitution of 1821, and in 
the Constitutional Bases and Laws issued in the voars 1835 
and 1836. The Bases, indeed, state that th(» Mexican Na- 
tion would profess or protect no other religion but the 
Catholic, Apostolic Roman religion, nor wouhl it permit 
the profession of any otiier. And the Constitution of the 
year '36, when emuiierating the obligations of Nationals, 
ifiientions in the first place, that of "professing the religion 
of his country," and expressly preserved ecclesiastic privi- 

During several years, counting from the fall of the cphe- 
merc empire of Aguslin de Ilurbidc, one of the most at- 
tractive and troublesome figures in our history, and doubt- 
less the most diflicult on which to pass judgnu^nt, Mexico 
was merely a wide field for sterile political struggles ag- 
gravated by the several attempts which Spain made to 
reconquer her lost possessions. The clergy look advantage 
of this situation in order to develof) its resources and extend 
its influence. Its brazenness reached such extremes that a 
certain priest applied to thi». government for authorization 
which was denied him — to have recourse to whippimj in 
order to compel his parishioners to obey and serve him! 

But the good seed which the Norlh-American and the 
French revolutions ha<l planted in the conscience of peo- 
ple had begun to sprout. Th(» Mexican Liberal Parly, which 
was the work of diosen spirits who desired to obUiin the 
development of new ideals for their eounlry began to crys- 
tallize, slowly but surely. It became understood that {he 
real obstacle for the progn\ss and (hvelopnieiit of the Na- 
tion and the education of the peoples was to be found in 
the reactionary party, Ihe one constiluled of the clergy an<l 
the so-called aristocracy; and the struggle between the 
the retrogrades and the nuMi who aspired to sc'cure great- 
ness for their country began in larncst and the country 
was divided into two camps: the reactionaries at the Ix*- 
ginning opposed to i inancipation, then imperialists with 
Iturbide, aft(M'war<ls centralists, the same wlio later sup- 
ported dictatorship with Santa-Anna always clericals and 
natural protect(»rs of the clergy: and the liberal party, 
which wanted to establish a Federal Hi'public similar to 
the Norlh-American one, to spr(a<l e<hu*ali(Hi am(»ng the 
people, to give it ample political and soeial liberty, and 
diminish the [M)\yer of tlu' ('hurch by depri\ing it of its 
privileges and forbidding its participation. 


■■ ' -u ?-. 

11 ».f a new OMistitu- 
iiothiii^ dsv? will be 
Dlishnieiit ol ihe Con- 

lion. \ivcnlulc<s. 1 U'll you. Gentlemen, the 
ni'.irni nf the division and the polilieal organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 


No true Mexican is desirous of remembering the extremes 
of empovcrishmcnt and degradation reached by the coun- 
try under Antonio Lopez dc Santa-Anna the most hatrful 
of tyrants^ a tragic clown who in his speeches and mani- 
festos compared himself to Cincinnatus and Washington 
while he called himself "Alteza Serenisima" and plunged 
a knife into the breast of the mother-country. None of us 
desires to bring to mind the fact that the vanity, ambition^ 
cupidity and fanaticism of this fatidic man, tne powerful 
chief of the reactionaries, was the cause, first of. the re- 
bellion in Texas, and then of the unjust and unequal war 
with the United States by which Mexico lost almost one 
half of its territory. 

This terrible disaster occasioned by the dictatorship and 
the clergj', opened many eyes, imtil then closed, and neces- 
sarily caused the downfall of Santa-Anna and the loss of 
prestige of his perverse politics. The revolution started. 
Sword in hand, the liberal party succeeded in taking j^os- 
sessipn of the power, and the bitter and bloody struggle against 
clericalism began with the dispossession of property and the 
issuance of the celebrated Constitution of '57, copied from the 
American constitution, and by means of which the Federal 
Republic was instituted, consecrating freedom of thought, 
of press, of work and of instruction; proclaiming all the 
other rights of man, suppressing privileges, declaring all 
men equal before the law, and repressing the ambition and 
rapacity of the clergy by the declaration that ecclesiastical 
corporations are incapable to administer or acquire real 
estate, except those buildings directly and immediately 
destined to the* service and object of their institutions. 

The reactionary party turned against these laws furious- 
ly and at tlie cry of **rf7/V//V>/i ;/ fueros*' (religion and privi- 
leges) hrgan the terrible civil' struggle called Reform War, 
whicli for years steeped the soil of the reptiblic in blood 
and almost caused the loss of the Mexican nationalitv. The 
clericals, overcome on the battlefield, did not hesitate to 
search Europe for a scepter to hold sway over the catholic 
empire they had planned to (establish in Mexico. All the 
world knows how that incomparable and gloriotis epoch 
ended, in which the liberal party and the genius of Juarez 
saved the mother country against the united elforts of the 
Mexican traitors and the troops of Napoleon the Small. 

During this struggle, Juarez, Ocampo and the brothel's 
Lerdo dr Tcjada dc^nlt to clericalism the tremendous blows 
which were embodied in the laws which are known in Mexi- 
can history under the significant name of Laws of Reform; 
the sei)aration of the C.hurch and the State was decreed, 
as well as the nationalization of the clerical property; that 
is to say, it was ordered that all the property owned in the 
republic by the regular and secular clergy, reverted to the 


6 . 




nation; all religious orders were suppressed and the erec- 
tion or institution of new convents was forbidden; a law was 
decreed relative to the civil status of persons, depriving 
the Church of the faculty it had usurped, of carrying the 
registers of births, marriages and death, since this work 
evidently belonged to the State. All intervention of the 
Church ceased m the cemeteries and churchyards, w-here 
burial was often denied to those who had fought against 
the abuses of the clergj-; one specific case was when this 
denial was applied to the bodies of the men who had 
signed the Constitution of 1857. The liens between the 
national and pontifical governments were broken; it was 
settled that marriage was only a civil contract and that 
only the unions performed according to law and before 
those ofiicials specially designed for it by the republic, would 
be valid before the law and create legal rights and obliga- 
tions; religious holidays ceased to be national or state holi- 
days; and an ordiharice was adopted forbidding the civil 
authorities as such and the troops in formation, to attend 
temples or religious ceremonies; freedom of culls was pro- 
claimed; the authority of religion and of priests was de- 
clared to be merely spiritual and that in the civil order 
there could be no obligation, no coercion or penalties for 
acts, misdemeanors or crimes of a purely religious ordrr. 
Warning was given that bulls, rescripts, pastoral letters, ser- 
mons, etc., on no account would be toleral(*d; no attack 
against order or peace, morality, private life or the rights 
of a third partv would be tolerated on anv account in anv 
clerical <lecree, bulls, rescripts, pastoral letters, sermons, 
etc. The right of enforcenu'ut was denied to the Church 
and also the right to give refuge within temples. It was 
also declared that oath and its retraction wen* not of the 
incumbence of the law nor could have anv lethal effect; 
and oath was substituted with the |)romise to tell the truth 
and comply with the hnv; it was ordered lliat religious 
acts be confined to tlie interior of churches and that out- 
side of them the priests were not autlu)rize<l to wear special 
clothes nor any distinctive signs of llieir ministry. It was 
no longer permitted that spiritual directors be appointed 
heirs; neillu^' was it permitted to collect alms for religious 
obj(*cts unless duly aulh«>rized by the civil authorities, and 
with the underslandinij that eonlrihulions should nlwavs be 
voluntary and not extorted by eoercjon. All s|)ecial treat- 
ment of priests and religious corporations was supprissed; 
the ringing of bells wns ngulated by the police: hospitals 
and beneficence houses wei\' placed under civil authority 
instead of allowing the clergy to have absolute eonnnand 
of them; the nuns were ordered out of the convents and 
all women convents were dellnitelv closed nnd all reliijious 
teaching as well as all r(>ligious ocrcnioiiies won- hanisliod 


11 (if a now constitu- ticMi. Xwciilule-i'^ 1 Icll vou. Gentlemen, the 

.uiiliin.i; eKv» v;ill be r».'i«;nn of the ilivi'^ioii and the political organi- 

)lishment o£ the Con- zatiou oi the slates, is absolutely necessary. - 

from official schools; all these decrees were, during -^ 
yesLTf 1873 and 1874, when Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada wa» 
president of the republic, the successor of Juares-^-Gon- 
densed into a law and sanctioned as supreme laws of the 
republic by the Congress of the Union, and it was added 
in them that the churches would be under the direct con- 
trol of the Nation which would permit the priests to make 
use of them, but this, only until such time as the govern- 
ment should see fit to decree the final consolidation of the 



But the task of the great Mexican liberals was too gigantic 
to be consummated in one generation. 

It was an attack against ignorance and secular fanaticism 
of a whole nation, and against a power which for centuries 
had absolutely dominated the country, a power whidi is 
still alive; for although the Constitution of '57 and the Laws 
of Reform signified terrible blows against the monster who 
reacted, they were not sufficient to overturn it, much less 
to annihilate it. 

The very spirit of liberalism which animated these laws 
was their worst enemy, for although they deprived the 
Church of official power and placed serious difficulties of 
form in the way of the Church, still, they allowed it, under 
constitutional guaranties, to pursue its somber labor of ob- 
scurantism and rctrogradation. 

However, if the Laws of Reform had been issued for an 
educated, cultured people, one respecting the law, conscious 
of its rights and acts; or if at least, the laws would have 
been applied strictly by honest authorities, zealous of ful- 
filling their duty, the slow work of years would have ac- 
customed the peopk* to such beautiful practices and would 
have insured lor the Mexicans the realization of the glori- 
ous (h-eanis of tliose high thinkers, who endowed their 
mother-country, more than fifty yeai^s ago, with a legisla- 
tion which in a very incomplete manner, was recently copied 
by France, and which is still to he copied by other people 
such as Spain, Italy and the Central and South American 
rejiublics which still moan under the heavy yoke of cleri- 

Bui history, which at all times and in all countries teaches 
us invariably that the best legislations when they are placed 
very high above the intellectual and moral level of the multi- 
tudes and does not care, either, to raise such a level, ac- 
tively and strenuously, they stumble, when carried into 
prnctice, against insuperable difficulties. If nature does not 
go in jumps and leaps when it is a question of the physi- 
cal (!Volution of beings, it does act so either when it is a 
(fuestion of the social or psychological evolution of peoples. 
Its work, its great work is carried on slowly in all fields, 




e by line, step by step, drop by drop. The only thing 
ijvhich will resist the lash of the tempest and the weiglit of 
his ideas, is to follow the earth, weed it uneeasingly, eiilti- 
vate it carefully, and resign himself, without losing faith 
or enthusiasm, to wait until the small sprout l)eeomes a 
plant and finally develops into a budding bush, and to en- 
tertain the hope that the latter will become a strong big tree 
which will resist the lash of the tempest and the weight of 
the centuries. 

This is what should have been done in Mexico. For de- 
spite the declamations of newspapers and demagogues, so 
abundant in Spanish America, the Mexican people was not 
prepared to understand nor ready to take advantage of all 
those conquests which are almost at the sununit of social 
evolution, in so far as can be observed from the depths 
of the dark valley in which we are still groping. It was 
necessary to prepare the people, to modify it, it was neces- 
sar>' to reiterate the new truths to it. It was necessary to 
guide each of its steps, lighting them incessantly with* the 
light of reason; it was indispensable to drag it away with 
facts and not by mere words, from the claws of fanaticism 
and ignorance. 

If a man's behavior would be considered absurd if he 
voluntarily exposed his young eliihl to deathly perils claim- 
ing that he had instructed him fully and given him valuable 
and wise advice, in the same way ii is absurd to expect the 
mass of the people to fr(*e itself of fanaticism whih* still 
being under the influence of llio clergy, while the govern- 
ment of the republic merely disowned and despised that 
institution. It was impossible to close tin* ey(*s of the Mexi- 
can so that he would not s(;e any idols, watch any sou tans, 
read any clerical literature*: it was impossibh* to [)lug his 
ears so that he would not lu^ar any more simmuoms, salv(»s, 
rogatives, bells; nor was it possible to stinVn his li])s so 
that he place no more kisses on llu* feel of sninls, or the 
dirty hands of simu'rs or on the conlaniinaled ornaments 
of priests and images: no one ciaild nail his legs so that he 
should not bend the knor before the so-calle<l ministers of 
the Divine Power ar the evil repn^senhitions of the Su])reme 
Being; no one could snaU'h his poeket-l)o(»k to prevent him 
from delivering his money io priests. hu\ it was possible 
to silence bells, burn bo(»l<s. st(»i> serm(»ns, place idols out of 
the sight and the lips of the Mexjean. forbid ihnt vi'iieni- 
tion of one man fr)r another, prevent [\\nsi' undne worship- 
pings, and those spolialions. rnh.ippily, that i^ nol what 
was done. Outside of llie ])riiieipal eenlres (and no! in all 
of them) where* lib(*ral n^rnpalions existed ready to de- 
mand the fulfillment of tin* Keforin Lav%'s, the authorities 
did not exact compliance with them, and tolerated nnd con- 
sented to hundreds of daily Iransiiressions on tin pai*t ni' 


^^i ii luw constitu- tion. Xcvonlulcss, I loll you. Gentlemen, the 

Dthing else will be rci^nii of ihc division and the pulitical organi- 

ishment of tlic Con- zation c»f the states, is absolutely necessary. ^ 

the clergy. Proof of this slackness may be had in the 
numerous and frequent circulars issued by the Federal 
Government, wherem, invoking patriotism, it requested and 
exhorted the State governors not to permit that the prize 
won at the cost of so much blood and suffering, be snatched 
from their hands and to have the Laws of Reform obeyed 
in full. Yes; the Federal Government had to make this 
request, for unfortunately, as it usually happens in the 
hour of triumph, many reactionaries, many traitors glided 
into the republican liberal ranks, and secured civil employ- 
ment, and under mental restriction, protested the fulfillment 
of the laws of the Republic, while they were the first to 
disregard and violate them, in person and through their 

When the gigantic work had just started, when the labor 
of reconstructing a country, ruined and devastated by sixty- 
six years of bloody struggle, sixty-six years during which 
the Independence War, the second war against Spain, the 
war with the United States, the war of Reform, the war 
against France and the Empire had succeeded each other, 
mixed with innumerable civil struggles; when the govern- 
ment toiled to solve the serious economic problems, as the 
inevitable coroHarj- of such deep and lengthy perturbations, 
there appeared on the bloody stage of national politics the 
somber figure of the sinister man in whose hands the des- 
tinv of Mexico was ncarlv reversed, and who almost made 
useless the incessant and mortal struggle which had been 
ctirrird on for ahnosl two-thirds of a century: that man 
was Porflrio Diaz. 

By his infidelities and by his treasons, he had impeded 
the great work of Juarez and embittered the last years of 
the noble old man; his ambition, his hypocrisy and his secret 
alliance with the men of the reactionary party caused the 
fall of Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, that eminent statician, 
worthy successor of the Beuemerito de las Americas, the 
last representative* of the great Mexican liberals, he who 
went to hide his sluune and that of all his race, until he 
ciicul, in llie ample bosom of the free American nation. 

Once porfirio Diaz beonme enthroned in power by means 
of violence nnd deceil, and thanks to the traditional 
"^euartelazo" which in Spanish American substituted the 
"por ^nieia de Dois" (by the grace of God) of the European 
monarehs, hv knew how to keep himself in by means of 
the paid l)ayonels of a corrupted federal army, ready to 
draw in blood, as he often did, all start of protest, all at- 
tempt al liberation. 

We are not going to make here the history or the criticism 
of the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, for wc would then be 
outside our subject, which is merely to point out through 
the history of Mexico, the work of the clerical party and 


the motives for the serious campaign started against it by 
the ConstitutioDalisni. We will say no more about the 
man who is now a corpse, the man who had his days of 
fliory, who also shed his blood for libcrW, but who was 
blinded by ambition and dared to place his own interest 
before that of the Mothcr-countir. His long journey 
through our national history has at least served 
to show the capabilities of the Mexican people: 
how easily it adapts itself to civilization, how, even 
in the middle of the asphvxiating moral atmosphere in which 
it breathed, it developed material capabilites iind faculties 
re^y surprising; how rapidly it became disciplined even 
under the dictatorship, and how easily it could have been 
led through the path of real progress and true freedom. 

Diaz was well aware of the power of capital and of the 
clergy, and all his policy in order to perpetuate himself in 
power, aimed to obtain, first the sympathy, and afterwards 
the frank, decided, manifest co-operation of the clergy and 
the "aristocracy," the two reactionary elements in Mex- 

Despite all assertions to the contrary, he comes from the 
lowest ranks of the middle class, and by means of alliances, 
he became a member of the most opulent and reactionary 
families of the metropolis, and forgetting bis countrymen, 
the indomitable Oaxaca Indians, at whose nead he had gone 
to triumph, he employed years and years in trying to Ik>- 
come an "aristocrat" lo divine the secret of good manners, 
in the sumptuous functions, in the p;ilatial homes of the rich- 
est families or in the hcaiitiful halls of Clia]>ul(epec, or in 
the superb Hall of Knihassadors or in the niugnificent halls 
of the Jockey Club. 

In the pumiif of an odious "cat-iqiu'snio." with which he 
substituted the federal n-puhlican rcfiinie. proclaimed by a 
constitution which existed in name only, he reserved all 
the high posts for his adherents, tlie rich, nniatical Mexi- 
cans, and systematically and implacahly drove from the 
admini-stralion all the middle class, the liheral class of Mex- 
ico which had contrihufed with the cndeavom- of its intel- 
ligence and with its blood (o the restoralinn of llie Republic; 
the class which invariably had niarchod al the front in all 
(he enterprises of progress and liberty wliich have been 
enacted in Mexico. 

Porlirio Diaz' work of conquest of the clergy was more 
rapid and easier heeaiise he was working on a class which 
has always been a failhCuI partisan of dlcatorsliips; it 
was enough for hiiii lo begin wJiat is known by the name 
of Policy of Cnnrilialinii. and which at llie bottom was 
merely the violent revocation of almost all the Laws of 
Reform, all the measures con(|uered and sanctified by the 
blood of so many Mexicans, lawjj cnactoil in order to rc- 


strict the power of the clergy and lo prevent aay cnlarpi 
I of a reactionary nature. 

Trnitops who, sword In hand, had supporled the empire 
(if Maxiniillian and the bonner of Heligion iind Privilegt^ 
were ciilkd lo the hiahcRt oflicea in the goveronient of "* 
Republic, citlier in fiic orniy. in the government of 
Stute», Ihc Congress »nd (he H«n.ite or in the diploinnl 
service, and even in the cabinet itself. 

The Lawn of Reform only lived the siiUtary life of 
and libraries, and nobody wnnled to remenihcr when or 
or wherefore or i>y whom they had betn issued, unless 
W.18 lo nsk that they be revoked. 

Despite the ordinances which prohibit the cslabUfihment 
of monastic orders in the Rppublic, the countn.' again be- 
came ridden with monks' and nuns' convents, whicn untli 
pretext of founding schools and oslublishing charily inal 
tutlons, abounded in every citj-. On slrcets and s»\\: — ' 
one could see the black soutanus of the eU-rftr; public 
cesjtions and all kinds of religious cercinntiiL-s were 
everj-where-, especially in small cities, where more than ai 
V where else it would Kave been necessary' to reprc«s thenii 

The clei*gy took doliberale bold of instruction, not on1„ 
the primary grades, but high an<l professional schonh, while 
public govL-rnmcnl schools doscti day by day or were pnorl; 
attended on account the scarcity of leaclicrs due lo lh!i 
miserable salaries, and the want of Imoks and olher schi "* 
material, or merely on account of the absence of puj 
who were not compelled by Ihc authorities to attend ofHi 
schools; the clergy multiplied its schools, seminaries l___ 
colleges, spreading its pernicious doctrine^s everywhere, 
especially amongst Ihe children of the Iiigber classes, and 
counting amon^ Iheir pupils the children nf the highest 
utlicial autlioriliL-s. In regard lo the children of the mes- 
lizos and Indians, of whom the Church could expect notli- 
ing, it was convenient to maintain Ihem in ignorance, there- 
fore, schools were closed for lliem, or at best, they were 
instructed only in the catechism, in separate halls, whei-e 
they entered tlirough special doors, because on earth as in 
heaven, tlie clcrg>' lias thus understood equality and de- 

In its text books, in the pulpit, in its publications, the 
clergy brazenly attacked, not only the ideas contrary to 
Ihem. bill also Ihe liberal laws Ihc revocation of which it 
demanded insistently, and even weal so far as to insult and 
ridiculr our national heroes, and denaturing or omitting 
historical facts in our hislor)-. 

Supported and ser\'cd by the servile advocates of 
conciliating "clenlircisnio." and counting upon the ini 
fercnce. complacency and help of reactionary and 



■? '^- Ay-x^ 



authorities and judges, the clericals distorted and misin- 
terpreted laws and proliibitions, thus killing the spirit of 
the Reform. 

By means of all kinds of subterfuges, and notwithstand- 
ing the prohibition imposed on religious corporations to 
possess and administer real estate or revenue capital, they 
began to monopolize a number of vahiable rural and city 
properties, and large amounts of money which appeared 
to be the personal property of archbishops and bishops 
or fanatical wealthy individuals, the latter making a will 
in favor of the former; properties and capitals which by 
means of their parties, and with the complacent knowl- 
edge of the authorities, were leased or rented usuriously, 
or employed in shameful hanking or bursa tile combina- 

Temples, sanctuaries and oratories multiplied, and at- 
tached to the national churches, sumptuous chapels and 
magnificent residences were erected, many times paid for 
with public funds; the higher clergy living like princes, 
with carriages, automobiles and lackeys. 

The authorities, from the President down boasted of the 
good terms on which they lived with the clergy, and the 
clergj' boasted of its friendship with the authorities, and an 
interchange of calls was established between vestries and 
official palaces. 

As if the diocesi already existant were not suHicient, new 
ones were created, thus ridding the republic willi arch- 
bishops and bishops; and the number of brotlierhoods, 
fraternities, congregations and religious societies, pious 
work boards, and other associations of which the clergy 
makes use to carry on its propaganda, were jirodigiously 

Sensing a remote peril in the natives of the country, and 
following in this the past experience they liad had, the 
Church excluded the Mexicans from seminaries and all ec- 
clesiastical employments, oflices and dignities. The greater 
majority of the alumni in the seminaries, was comj)osed 
of boys brought from Spain to Mexico in order to ^'instruct 
or educate" them and convert Ihem in some Future day into 
princes of the Mr.riran church. All llu» clergy, high and 
low, with very frw <»xc('plions, (in which there were hut 
few mestizos and Indians) was in the hands of the Span- 
iards, many of them absolutely illili»rate, and whom i)ul)- 
lic opinion pointrd out as jail-birds, ex-groct*rs or ex-bull- 
fighters, in one word, mcmhers of the pestiferous clerical 
rabble which the catholic Spain itself had driven from 
its soil. 

The bishops called and gave hearty welcome to friars 
and priests exi)elled not only from Sjiain but also from 


Ill 'if a iitw constiW- 
tiotliitif; cIm- will 

tion. \fvenlidc«s. I tell you, Gentlemen, (he 
ri-iorin ai tlic ilivision anti the jmlitical organi- 
^ is-alisQlgtel v iicc^.-5sarv. 

Franco, wlio under the namu uF Marisis iiiid ulUcr suspicious 
ntiincs swnrmcd. ink) Mexico, the new land of promise. 
whercio Ihuy could idle in luxury and steal under the name 
or religlun. und in thai name also currupl men. women and 

The numerous crimes of Ihe soutane people went unpun- 
ished: for while in the United Stales it ia easy to send to 
Ihe electric chair any reverend who is a criminal, in the 
Mislor}- of Mexico nq case is registered wherein a priest 
has been condemned even to life imprisonment. When and 
wherever they pleased Ihey could kill, steal and ahuse. If 
the misdemeanor was nf small importance or executed {n 
aiinm oHi. the matter was forSoltcn; but if it was an enor- 
mous crime either in its nahUT or on account of Ihe vic- 
tim, then the criminal was st-nt out of the diocesU or out of 
the national teri-iton'. In accordance with the aulhorilics 
and with money which sometimes Ihe parishioners Ihcm- 
seives, occasionally even the offended parlies Ihemsclvcs, 
furnished, in order that the good name ol Ihe Church should 
Dot suffer. 
( The tithes were rc-esl;d)Hshed in fuel, hy means nf direct 
pelitioDK which under the pretext of pious wurlcs to be made 
were addi-essed in writing to rich individuals, or by means 
of rtlmoners who went from house to house, asking nnnncial . 
help for the reconstruction of such and such a temple, tir 
for this or that novain; and those who refused were 

Under pretext of exerting the rights guaranteed by the 
Constilution, which they never respected, the renelionarics 
employed Ihe aulhorilirs for preventing, foriiidding. dis- 
solving and punishing ofljcially apy campaign, any propa- 
ganda, any manifestation, any* writing against clericalism; 
while they, in Iheir large diaries, of which Ihey had also 
taken poHscssion, printed Insults, attacks against the "en- 
emies of Ihe faith," and defamed and publicly calumniated 
the liberals, attacking them in their honor, and asking that 
bread and salt be denied to them, which really occurred, 
for to express anti-catholic ideas was enough to be placed 
outside of society. The non-cniholic professionals starved, 
deprived of clients and help. Those who had the courage 
of not having baptism administered lo their cliildren or of 
omitting the religious ceremony of marria|[e. were looked 
upon with public conlenipl. considered as if they lived in 
concubinage and condemned to perpetual isolation. 

Tlie clergy ratified its bnteful pact with the large land- 
holders, snece-ssors in spirit if not in race, of the heartless 
"encomenderos" of the time of the coiiqucst. in order to 
rivet the chains which held Ihe people and continue hold- 
ing it in slavery, which, in spite of anything slated lo the 



contrary, existed in fact in Yucatan in an open and disgust- 
ing manner. In the chapels installed in the fanns and 
ranches, there took place periodical celebrations of masses 
and other ceremonies, liberally paid for, by the owners, 
with the object of "catequizar** the Indians, who were threat- 
ened with eternal torments if they disobeyed their owners 
or tried to leave the farms, an act of impossible accomplish- 
ment, since the authorities, by means of public troops under- 
took to pursue and even hunt as beasts the unhappy beings 
who tried to shake the yoke, and who when caught were 
thrown into inquisitorial cells, in stocks, after having been 
whipped barbarously; a custom which was common in 
Yucatan, until about the end of the year 1914. 

With the complacency of the government, the clericals 
gave a final blow to the mother-country, and before the 
whole world condemned the work of the Republic in Mexico, 
erecting on the historical hill of "Las Campanas," on the 
same site where the Nation, in 1867, had executed those 
who had attempted to murder her, the chapel called the 
Exi)iation to make amends to the Lord for the offense 
against him made by republican soldiers when they marched 
against the clergy and against the empire of Maximillian; 
a chapel which, we understand, is still waiting to be de- 
molished by the constitutionalist pick. 

The clericals made idleness the national Mexican custom, 
promoting the renewal of the old practice of liavin^j civil 
holidays at the same lime as the religious ones. These 
were distributed in such way tliat all cities, boroughs, 
towns, villages, farms, etc., in eadi stale, celcl)rale(l lliem, 
either simultaneously or in turn, so that the holidays ex- 
tended through the whole year, and there were fairs and 
other celebrations with the ineyilalile drunkenness, l)ull- 
flghts and other barbarous aniuseuients. During these 
festivities, each association or group of workingnien, la- 
borers, artisans, merchants, farmers, students and profes- 
sionals (where there were any) and even wonu'n, had charge 
of a separate day, covering all tht* expenses incurred in 
such festivals, and in which the Cluirch expenses were of 
course included. During these days, the iiojiulace, lialf 
drunk (for the clergy, for obvious reasons never fought 
drunkenness in the lower classes) rushed to the churches to 
pay for salves, rosaries, prayers and masses, to offer lighted 
wax candles which had been blessed by lh(» priests (thes(» 
candles were extinguished shortly after being offered, melted 
and sold again) to present and hang at the altars of saints 
or from their clothes, small human or animal figures, limbs, 
etc., made of gold or silver, but nu)re usually of wax or 
jiarafline; these ofTerings were sold by the priests at the 
doors of the churches. Tlu* parisliicuiers knelt to kiss the 
feet, hands or vestments of the inuiges which on these oc- 



n of a iKw constitu- lion. Xcvcnlules^. T toll you, Gentlemen, the 

lulhing else will be reicjrm of the division and the political organi- 

ilishment of the Con- zatiou of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

casions were taken down from the altars and set on bran- 
cards so that they were within reach of the lips of the 

In one word, after four hundred years, other men, be- 
longing to the same race of grasping adventurers, who under 
Cortez conauered the Aztec land, attempted to re-establish 
in Mexico the same social regime in favor during the vice- 
roys, the same which is still dominant in many sections of 
Spain. In this task they had the support of the reaction- 
ary Mexicans whose great weakness, (whatever their color) 
lias been to try to pass themselves as Spaniards or sons of 
Spaniards; and who in conversations, books, speeches, etc^ 
always call the Spaniards (to the great amusement of tiie 
latter) their Forefathers and claim as their own, the Tories 
of the Latin race which exist only in their excited imagina- 

When the reactionaries really considered themselves 
strong, when their preponderance was absolute, when the 
remnants of the liberal party were scattered, some in the 
more remote corners of the republic, others in exile in 
foreign lands; when the apostolic representative of the 
Roman Pope formally treating with the federal govern- 
ment for the re-establishment of official relations with the 
catholic pontiff, the reactionaries threw down the ma^ 
and in the light of the sun, the sun which had shone on the 
bloody battlefields on Calpopalpam, Pucbla and Querstaro, 
they organized the Catholic National Party, with the firm 
and express purpose of taking hold of the government which 
was already falling from the trembling hands of the dic- 

It was then that the dominant national conscience was 
awakened by the call of ingenious apostle Francisco 
/. Madero, who had been appointed by destiny to immolate 
himself on the altar of democracy and to undertake the 
work which in Mexico was considered absurd and impos- 
sible: the overthrowing of the porfirist rule. We say the 
overthrowing of tlie porfirist rule because the object was 
not to oust the dictator who was already within grasp of 
death's hands, but to put an end to a whole political system 
enthroned in tlie nation and deeply rooted for over one 
third of a century. 

But if Madero was an apostle of democracy, he was not 
a politician nor a statesman, nor a true revolutionary: he 
was an awakener of consciences, but not a leader of men. 
He believed that Mexico lacked only justice and liberty, 
when it had an excess of slaves and of tormentors without 
the crushing of whicli it was inipossiI)le to establish a 
democracy. lie imagined tlial a people of serfs, analphabets 
and fanatics could, by the mere fiat of an illumined one, 




turn into a nation, strong, just, democratic, progressive and 
above all, free; witliout remembering that freedom and its 
corollaries are not the work of a law or the will of one man, 
but the slow and bloody conquest of a convinced people. 

He thought of destroying the nefarious work of the reac- 
tion without attacking or punishing its authors; and believ- 
ing that words of concord could replace bullets and that 
embraces could substitute guillotines and scaflolds, he in- 
vited with candid amnesities and ample pardons, all Mexi- 
cans to a union, a conciliation absolutely impossible and 

He forgot the end of Juarez and of Lerdo de Tejada, and 
granted absolute, supreme liberties of which the people 
could not avail itself, since it was an abject, ignorant peo- 
ple, but which were favorable to the pharisees, the traitors, 
the reactionaries who in newspaper's and tribunes condemned, 
insulted, ridiculed him and his own, impeding his work un- 
der pretense of exerting the constitutional franchises which 
they had never before respected. 

Madero's generous and magnanimous spirit, was also 
credulous and weak, and he had all the sweetness, all the 
sincerity of a missionary of peace and love, ready to pardon, 
predestined to sacrifice; he did not have the iron, implacable 
hand, the steel will, the granite energy of the leader wlio 
wishes to remodel the soul and the brains of a race. 

He imagined that by virtue of a si)eech, a vile slave could 
be converted into a conscious man; that the oppressors of 
a nation could become magnanimous Maecenas, and the 
ferocious praetorians of ])oriirisni could be turned into 
loyal mandataries and defenders of the lioiior, peace and 
liberty of the republic. 

His vain dream of finding at once a mother-country im- 
mediately great, free and happy, nia<l(* him lose nil caiition, 
all political wariness, despite the advicc\s and warnings of 
his partisans, and he not only admitted within the admini- 
stration those who a few months before had be(»n pointing 
him out as a dangerous visionary, but he. permitted that 
militarism, the clergy and the plutocracy remain in tlieir 
strong and inexpugnable positions. 

He who could not conceive treason, and fell shorflv 
after under the blows of Judases, in the midst of what ap- 
peared to be the signal, irremediable failurr of nil tlie 
democratic program in Mexico; in the midst of what ap- 
peared as the most brilliant justifienlion of the brulal por- 
firist dictatorship. 

But the men who nceepled his legacy, the men who ngnin 
raised the standard of n^volulion, who believed in tho pos- 
sibilitv of a resurrection of the mother-counlrv, and di<l 


not hesitate to march In reconquer litierly, iit wh»tf^%'er coitt. 
Uicxc iiieu will not cummil the «iune liluntlcrs which Ifae 
Apostle incurred, and shnll know how to {irofll by the cruel 
Icssonit or their hnrd experience. 

Madt-'ro's failure, as all political failures, presents, in- 
deed, a veiy valuable lesson, because it shows which path 
mu»t not he followed. 

Even Huerta's reactionary moveinenl offers a precious 
Ictiching, because it makes cvideni which is the enemy, 
which continiiCR being the enemy of lil>crly and progress 
ill Mexico, who should he cruslied forever, if we desire 
thai the mother-country be placed on the straight path, atul 
to progress along the hues of peace, democracy, justice and 

Tlial failure and this reaction wani us uuniislakably tliaU 
despite wJml Ma<lero believed, the Mexican people was not 
in B condition to enter fully into the modem democratic 
life, because it is impossible to come, in a few hours, from 
Ihc dai-kness of slavery into the- meridian light of the sun 
of freedom; and that it was and is indispensable to raise the 
obstacles whieii urevenletl the advance and to tear from the 
eyes of tlie people tlie thick bandage of lie«, fanaticism and 
ignorance w-hicti blinded and alilt blinds it. In other words, 
and ns it lias ahvJiys been recognized i)y the pliilosopby of 
liislnrv, it was and is necessarj- to prepare tlie people to ac- 
cept tlie laws, and not to lie satisfied wilh reproducing in 
the countrj', excellent codes made for other men, other 
civilizations, other conditions. 

The sagacity of Ihe chiefs of the Constitutionalist 
movement lias' thus understood it, and for that reason they 
established the preconstHutinnaf periods, thnl is to say, the 
indefinite period of adaplaliun and moulding which will 
last in Mexico uutil the people arc in conditions which 
permit the praclice of political and social conepiests which 
have made other nations great and liappy, a state which 
the Mexican people has desired to secure, in their long 
expectation and work for liberty. 

Unhappily, Ihe liberty of the people is not the graceful 
and ephemeral flower which one gathers in the pleasant 
corner of a delightful meadow crossed by milk and honey 
sti'cams, amidst dances and music; it is the eternal and 
dangennis fire of Prometheus, which one must win on top 
of ine steep mountain, under the sweep of the hurricane, 
under the lightning, amidst ruin and desolation, stepping 
over corpses of brolliers, crossing precipices, and rivers of 

And because the Mexican revolution is couficimis of the 
tears and the blood which is the pricf whicIi the Republic 
has paid, and of the devastation caused, it understands that 




it mvLzi justify such devastation, and such shedding of tears 
and blood before the mother-country and the whole world. 

And the only justification possible, the only reason ac- 
ceptable, is; not the conquering, but the definite annihila- 
tion of the reaction; the real, assured, confirmed death of 
clericalism and plutocracy, names which in Mexico, and as 
in Mexico also throughout the world, mean reaction. 

The reactionary party in Mexico must, therefore, abandon 
all hope of any possible conciliation with the triumphant 
constitutionalism, because there is no pardon possible for 
it, because it will never be re-installcd in its old strong- 
holds, because neither under the pretext of the freedom 
of cult, of speech, and of teaching proclaimed by the Con- 
stitution of '57, nor under the pretext of am- 
nesty, nor under any other pretext whatever, will 
the reaction be installed in the exercise of its so-called 
rights, which are merely the means of which it avails it- 
self to control the people of Mexico through religious fana- 
ticism, and which permit it to be a constant threat for all 
republican institutions and for the peace of the country, 
as well as an almost impassable obstacle to the nation's 
development and progress. 

The Federal Constitution of 1857 will not again be in 
force until the exercise of those liberties can be ruled in a 
more efficacious way; and if, in order to attain this object 
it is necessary to reform and modify it, the Hcvolulion 
will not hesitate to undertake and accomplisli this work. 

For "it is necessary to c<miplcte the holy and gigantic 
undertaking of our forefathers, the immense hibor of free- 
dom begun by Juarez, Ocanipo, and Lerdo de Tejada. . 

Because the clergy will no longer be i)erniilted to main- 
tain the low people in ifjnorance and idolatry; nor to 
win over the children of the middle and upper classes, at 
schools, colleges and seminaries, thus preparing generations 
of traitors, of enemies of liberty, progress and the llepublic, 
masses of slaves of llu* Catholic dogma and s(Tfs of the 
Roman curia. 

Thej' will not be allowed to control woman, fomenting 
her superstitution, developing habits of lazinc^ss and isola- 
tion as in the Middle Ages and keeping her subject to 
fanaticism and backwardnt^ss, by means of ineessant re- 
ligious practices carried on clay and night in churches and 
sanctuaries, oratories, and convents, and in the fraternities, 
associations and other societies wherein feminine vanity 
is fanned and flattered making women believe that they 
are servants, daughters and even sisters of each and every 
personification of Catholicism. 

They will not be permitted to exert their ministiy unless 
they are previously married, which is the only nieans to 


II nf a new constitu- 
lothiiig else will be 

tiuii. Ncvprthclcis, 1 icll von, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and tlic political organi- 
, 14 ab&ciluti^ly uece^sary. ^^^ 

prevent their being a constaiit real and formidable menae*. 
tothetranq iiMWiimMM^— MMiMte B. 

They Bhal^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^HK dominate the 
low classes, WHHH^mHHVMIMMIIPwl moral ideas 
by means of the confessional, vblch. is nothing but a win- 
dow open on every home and every conscience; nor will 
thev be permitted to make any one believe they can absolve, 
and that by virtue of a power and in the exercise f^ a 
ministiy which they have received from the Divini^, tliat 
they can wash and nullify merely by learning of them 
all sins, all crimes, even the most abominable, and excuse 
and tolerate the most absolute violations of the moral and 
written laws. 

The^ shall not exploit the people in the future b^ means 
of their interminable religious and profane festiviUea, or 
1^ nevaines, processions, relatives and masses subject to 
a tariff. Nor shall they continue selling spiritual and tem- 
poral grace, pardons, indulgences and the heaven. 

They shall not maintain in the future the idolatry of the 
people, making it kneel before dirty pictures representing 
men, women and animals, which usurp the name and the 
idea of the Supreme Being, and distort, emiivocate and 
prevent all high moral conception of the world system and 
of the destiny of man on earth. 

They shall not make believe that the rain on the fields, 
the light of the sky, the good crops, the realization of 

fiurposcs, the result of business and enterprises, the satis- 
action of desires, epidemics, floods, earthquakes an^ other 
calamities, hcaltli of persons and of animals, the securing 
of lovers, the luck of marriages, the sterility in women and 
impolcncy in men, depend, not on human effort or well 
directed will, or natural causes, common to all times, to all 
countries, races and beings, but on the vain caprice of 
mysterious and absurd trinities, the changeable will of 
chriats, virgins and saints, whose favor can be purchased 
by means of offerings, donations and alms lo the Church, 
or by prayers, ptiid for, offered specially by priests. 

They shall not be permitted to publish under the title 
of educative works, books and pamphlets in which they 
attack and outrage the memory of national heroes, the in- 
slilulions of the republic, in which they disown and deny 
the conquests of science and experience, in which the 
triumphs of sociologj' and modern psychology are con- 
denmed. in which they place the object of human life out- 
side of life itself, in which they counsel hate to beauty, to 
matter and to sexual love, and the poor and the oppressed 
are exhorted to persevere in it, anil to become resigned to 
their poverty and their slavcrj-. to live and desire it. And 
they shall not be permitted in their papers, circulars, pas- 



pral letters and sermons, to ntlack »M repulstions, deritlf'- 
'"[ virtue, whcti thcac mcritx, virtues and rcpiilaltonR nr« 
[hose ot Individuals who arc not wilt) tlieni. or wlio combat 
They shnll not be »ble to continue enricliing themselves 
I Willi tlie cfiiKumblc trade in relics, iniiifies, jMropuloricR. 
r ftitints, votive oflTerings, medals, crosses and wiiters. and 
I bl(!.>ispd candles, to the evident detriment of the true spirihml 
I wi'ifun- and espet-ially llie temporal welfare of llieir adeplu. 
They slinti no longer attempt ajjainst public heallb by 
■ means of their dirty fovrntnins of blessed water, their chants 
J over corjiiies, their vigils, tlieir large gatherings within half 
I dosod temples; nor lihall they continue contributing to the 
f cm poverish merit and degeneriilion of the race for the direct 
I advantage of the mutters and in flagrant violation of the 
' low, ^rranting to Indians and niiKcrable dencndenis anccial 
I permit In wi»rk on Sundays, and forcing Ineni to imbecile 
[ fasts and abKtinonceK, under the pretext that eating certain 
I food on certain days is an offense and u sin against tlie 
I Lord, 

Tlicy shall no! be allowed to build and open their churches, 
Iheir chapels and sanctuaric!; to pursue thercbv their work 
of exploitation, rctroceas and lies, nor will Ihcy be permitted . 
to found nr maintain beneficent nssoeialions. or inslilulions. 
wherein, forgetting that Chrislian charily must he still 
blinder than justice, tliey demand thai the sick one, Ihc 
needy, the orphan, in order to get help, must show himself 
a Catholic, Apuslulic Roman. 

They shall not be perniilled to place collection boxes in 
churches, nor demapd, directly or indirecllv, couirihutions, 
oITerings or alms; nor adorn tlieir tenipfe-S, and images 
with precious nictaht and stones, not even with the excuse 
that the donations ai-c expontaneous oITerings from the 

They shall not continue living in sumptuous palaces be- 
longing to the Nation, under the pretest that these palaces 
were dependencies of the churches; nor will they be per- 
mitted to monopoliiie eurthly goods, tliey wIidhc kingdom 
is not of this carlti. 

Finally, it will no longer be tolerated that within the 
national organization there exist another organization con- 
stituted of foreigners and depending from the Roman Pon- 
tiff, for in (he Republic, in order to practice as a catholic 
priest, it will be necessary to be of Mexican birth, to promise. 
ii; under severe penalties, to comply strictly with our laws and 
H^ to obey our authorilies. besides possessing other requisites 
^ft of instruction, morality and any others required by the cor- 
^K responding by-laws. 

1 of a new constitu- tion. Xevcrihelcss. I lell you. Gentlemen, the 

lolhing else will be reform of the division and the political organi- 

*? absolutely necessary. 

By no means whatever will they be permitted to belong, 
directly or indirectly, individually or collectively, by word 
or by writing to boards, brotherhoods, corpcnrations, soci- 
eties or parties which may even remotely, have a political 

Because all that, which, in accordance with what has been 
said before, must be forbidden, is what constitutes the 
wicked, perverse, criminal work of the catholic clergy, and 
should be destroyed. 

As we stated at the beginning of this work, unless the 
Americans take the Mexican standpoint, they are unable 
to understand and to judge the work of clericalism in Mex- 
ico, and the reason of the prosecution begun against it 

As we said before, the people of the United States, the 
immense majority of which is formed by individuals edu- 
cated in the protestant religion, economical, simple, liberal, 
and based on the free examen, cannot even conceive to 
what extent the catholic fanaticism in a country almost ab- 
solutely analphabet as is Mexico and populated by indi- 
viduals whose moral and religious conceptions remain on 
the same level they had at the time of the conquest, imply 
an obstacle to all purpose of real civilization ana progress. 

Protestant Americans cannot understand all the abomina- 
tion enclosed within Mexican Catholicism, since they have 
no priests from Rome who believe themselves superior to 
[he other mortals, nor have they the idolatric practices and 
the so-called sacraments, especially that of confession, 
which is only an instrument to penetrate into the homes 
and the consciences and rule over them. 

Neither can it be understood, bv the educated members 
of the catholic part of the United States. Because there is 
an abyss of centuries and races between their cultured, dis- 
creet, moderate Catholicism, modified and modernized, if 
we may call it so, and the catholic idolatry, of the Mexican 
masses, mediaeval and savage taught, propagated and ap- 
plied by Spanish priests, exactly similar in intellect and m 
morality to those who, with the cross in one hand and the 
sword in the other, accompanied the ferocious conquerors 
of Anahuac; those who destroyed, breaking and burning, 
even the slightest vestiges of the aboriginal civilizations, 
those who preached chrislianisiu while discussing if the 
Indian had a soul or not; those who to the sacrifical stone 
of the Aztecs, whereon tlic victim's breast was opened to 
extract the heart and oH'er it to their sanguinary deities, 
substituted the frightful fires of the In([uisition wherein, 
in the name of a (lod of niercv and love, thev slowlv burned 
the trembling flesh of the heretics. 

The great figures of Canlinal Gibbons and Archbishop 
Ireland the illustrious pre-caiholic American prelates, who 





have started democratic campaigns in favor of the work- 
ingmen and the oppressed, with their modernist tendencies, 
with their vain attempts to conciliate catholic religion with 
the conquests of civilization and Science, attempts wherein 
they have not hesitated to stand firm against the papal 
power, have no counterpart, and can liave no counterpart 
m Mexico. To these great men who vainly search an open- 
ing on the iron walls of the catholic dogmatism, the Mexi- 
can clergy can only compare the miserable figure of the 
traitor Lahastida, aVchhishop of Mexico, who went abroad 
to beg for a foreign scepter to come and rule over Mexico, 
the repugnant personality of the notorious Plancarte, 
scandalously stealing the treasures of Sanctuary of 
Guadeloupe, the mean profdes of the Spanish priests of 
contemporaneous Mexico, ignorant, fanatical, ambitious, 
loafers and thieves, who on hearing of the triumphs of the 
Constitutionalism, lied carrying, not their miraculous images 
of clay and papier mache, wliich they left in the churches 
at the mercy of the enemy, but the rich jewels, the gold 
and silver, the dazzling gems with wliich the stupidity of 
a whole countiy had adorned the idols; j(»wels which w(Te 
converted into dollars an<l have assured their possessors a 
life of ease and comfort in foreign countries. 

The Constitutionalism, which has been exposed before 
the American pcMiple as being atheist and the systematic 
enemy of all religious idea, shows, therefore, that it only 
attacks the catholic clergy in Mexico, aiul that after so many 
lessons during more than a century of bloody fights, the 
latter will not be permitted to lake refuge under the laws 
of the republic in order to attack it with safely. 

The revolution does not oppose the n^ligious idea; good 
proof of this is that no complaints have bet'U made by the 
protestanl clergy and parishitmers, which, althougli in a re- 
duced number, exist in the Hepublic. Furthermore, the 
liberals of Mexico would be i)leased to see that the directing 
centers of American protestantism would send good and 
numerous missionaries which no doubt would help to de- 
fanatize the i)eople. No doubt they could count on the 
moral and material help of the CovcM-nment which would 
let them use, free of rent, many of the tt^nples which to 
date have been used bv the catholics. 

However it may be, the American public should not admit 
the intiTCsted and foul atlaeks which the reactionary jKirly 
incessantlv directs against the Constitutionalism, bv rea- 
son of the religious (juestioii. 

The descendants of the Kuropean peoi)le which four 
centuries ago, from Martin Luther and the king of Eng- 
land and the (lerman Princes, opposed the powi^r oT the 
Catholic Church and knew how to vanquish it, upsetting 


>hnicrii of the Con- 

i«!.. '•■•/■• ivi. •«-. I ivli >«'n, (.ic!ii!onu*ii, the 
ri . r:-^ -i' ihr iii-.i-inii aivl tlK- in'litical or/:jani- 
zaiion of the stalc.^. i?5 absoliitclv nccosarv. 

the enonnous barrier of fanaticism and ignorance, tyranny 
and cruelty wliich obstructed the path of progress, and 
iiuiking |)()ssible the birth of the modem spirit and the 
fornuition of the vigorous and liberal people of the North 
of Kurope, which since then have been the type and model 
of civilization for the whole world, cannot and must not 
unless they are inconsequent with their own doctrines and 
ideals, condemn, but on the contrar>% approve, help and 
favor the Mexican liberal intellectualitj', fighting at the 
pnvsent time, tlie last fight, the decisive battle against the 
jxiwer of clericalism, and which wishes for its country the 
same advantage and possibilities of progress which so many 
years ago were achieved by their European friends, and 
which llie hitter legated to their children the North Ameri- 
cans of todav. 

They should consider the case of Mexico in what relates 
to the* religious campaign, as a simple isolated episode in 
the history of the terrible struggle between liberalism and 
catholic dogmatism. 

They should bear in mind that sooner or later, the same 
convulsions will shake the people in America and in Europe 
whicii still are under the rule of papism. 

Th(\v niusl reuu'uiber that tlu? people and the press of the 
I'nilcMl Stales, who some years ago applauded the gigantic 
labor cleansing which, despite the protests of a great part 
of tin* prupjc, was undertaken by the* (iovernment of the 
nol»l( an<l cultured I'rance in order to separate the Church 
fi'oin thf State, to put an end to religious associations, to 
invfufor^ :is pro]>('rt\ of the nation, the |)r()perty of the 
el' ri5y, lo \i\\\ an cnil to the ignominious abuses of the 
ealliolii' and lihrralisl parties, t<innof and must not, without 
a sliarnrliss rrvolf rordni; tiieu). <»(Midenni the same under- 
taking when and b'-eau-Nt it is Mexico that is in cpiestion, 
dfspitr Ihi fart tlM? in (»ur Spaiiisb-Anu^rican people, the 
dnniinion and tiie d* s[>i»lisn] (»f the ebM\gy reached a height 
n«v. |- purajlib <i in bi^nlorv. 

1 !-.r\ siii.iiiJ l.iUt i.'h; :\i.H:Mjnl that tbi-y themselves would 
bt' ••.tau.:4'.'riii.ii tiJin* v Ibv w. i^bl of siich an atrocious curse, 
ir inst» jd oi bi 'i;!^ (»'i.«iM/i(I by Ibc ebibhvn of free and 
|)t..!« -.1:11! I'm;. I »!■:!, aU'l t)i' Jiawng developed by the 
\\'\]\\i I'c- ."f iii:!!»»/(r;i!M'n '.-.*.' cif^.-r prolrslant countries of 
I''jr(.']*". Ib« y bad bad tia- Mrisforlunc itf having been colo- 
!•!/! d by tbf r;in:ili<'al Sp-iuijinls of the lime of Charles V 
:r 'I r]?i!lp If. V. !i'»Si i!ib<'i'anri' ^^^' if;MOTane'' and obscuran- 
li-:: »-v ..|i!i ;ilivi ji; lb- ■.•j-rallsd f.»tin countries of the 
\ii\t riran f.-i.-nliiu nt. 

!''ii?a!i\\ iia-v sb.*»ubi \\:ir to iK-.-om-.- involved in similar 
slruiiA^b N. if tb<' drvrba»nit:it o\' ealbi>lirism continues, and 
if the lallrr finally ^ueer? d^ in or^^.ini/ijig its so-called 


National Catholte Parf|f» similar to that which caused the 
terrible war which is stall being waged. 

In his famous speech at Indianapolis, President Wilson 
recognized the riglit of the Mexican people to spill tlieir 
blood for the conquest of their political an<l social liberties, 
v^hich have cost so much to all countries on earth. But 
this recognition must also relate to the campaign now be- 
ing waged with the object that the Mexicans may secure 
liberty of conscience, without which their triumphs on the 
sociaf and political fields however brilliant, would be void 
and ephemeral. 

Because the only man iv^o is really free, is he who has 
succeeded in emancipating himself from the ominous yoke 
of dogma and tradition. 

RoDLOFO Mknkndez Mena. 


Merida, January, 1916. 



'.. w ^'"tstU\i 



:A\>\ibi\uiKm *>i iIk- Con- 

1 1 

-. I ill >"U. ('n.iiik-incn, the 
■■• . !: ■ i" ;:.«.■ •.■;•. i- !••!'. :.vA tlu- p^litica! rirgani- 
zaiiun ui ihc slater, i?. ;ilj>oliUcly necessary. 


The Processes at Work for the 
Regeneration oi the Natiori^?^ 


Author of "The Peace M'w»mcnt of America 
"The War and a G real e^ Scandinavia," etc 


PMuh^ by 


1400 Broadway. Nw York City 

■ : :i 111 V. iMintiUi- 
'tliiiij; iK.' v.ill be 
Lslinwiil i.ii lUt Coii- 

ti.'ii. \. \.iiiul.-". I l.ll >MU, (^'uikiiu-n. the 
n-\\ !:-.i ■■] ilir ,!i*i-iiiii and tlif |>i>liiical crgani- 
zaiii'ii i-i lin- >i;iu->. i- ;il)>nIiiU'ly iicctssary. 





Viewed dispassionaloly, the Mexican j)P»l>lfni dilTers Hitlc 
from the problems that have cnnfmnted nther nations in their 
progp-ess from dependence to full-tledgeil liherty. 'I'hc very 
nearness of Mexico to the United States, h«>\ve\i'r. has tended, 
in numerous ways, to uhscure the visit-n a> t«« ih«' causes and 
effects of the rcvolutionarv ni()\enieni acn»>s the Ri«i ( Irande. 
Further than this, while most national transitions have been 
concerned with thmwint;" ofT shackles j)laced on the people from 
without, Mexican liheratitm is the rt'>u]t <»!' an internal ])urify- 
ing process whereby tht)se in hij^h places, havini^ al>us«'d their 
trust, were com])clled to .step down and permit rest«'ralive meas- 
ures to gain the ascendence. 

"\Vc shall establish, by means of oin* laws, tlu* welfare ti> 
which the citizen c>f anv and everv countrv is entitled; we shall 
produce a transformation in internalii-nal lei^islatioii which has 
become a necessity." 

In this terse sentence, from a >j»ec .li by (M.'ncr.'d ('arran/a. 
delivered at San Luis I*.':.»-i. I >c.'(;^t'k r Jotli, l'M3. ihrn- i.- 
summed up the compli-te j»-l'.*.ii'ai i .»?" rcv-c •:'.<! ruction «•! 
the Mexican 0»nstitu!i"na]i-»-. I Ii--- '!^ ■•!:::• i-.'.'n of indcnend- 
cnce perforce casts ''tV il:c y 'If of il-e :.'-I:".'..i-U'r. It revrrds 
the Mexican character ;i- .■«• -i:^ <•■::! i-.-- •liri-r; ■•.: il!:i: 
srddit;r of the rev«'lnti« ::. r.-r-viii • !•. • -t.-.t* -tii.ih- 
as the great pronijsi- ,.'i tin- l-.":-i..:i ••••" tli-.' va''.\ 
fjublic. Partisan rivalrv. '-r -•••ii-.l;-'- i" •:- :■ 
thin air when a nati«»ir^ iHf.ri- i- a? >*.:k: 
faith with his conscii-n'.c vJ:*:. !i«.' n-i'ii-. . 
the hitter's unholy patli fr. ■:•: 
of President Madno t" tic- 
tionalists nearer tlu-ir l-m! ■ 
aries attempted t" \\.\ 
and tears ac^ainst a c- ■n:".- ■: 
for the purpose of a reL:i!X!,.: 

The writer tra«*e^ I'.i- ti'..-; 'vi^ :■: 
and their aspiran«'ns t • :.:i : . ••- 
minister of linance v\ "i" ' .::•:• 
Clark University »:«i!f'. !• *. e •!■ I .. 
Mass. in Xovemhcr. V'\^ \ 
audiences during th*.- -."•.■. •• v^> 
man who brire a Uf. -.•.. . •'. . • ' :•• . 
Mr. Cabrera's ]dea i- ■: a c- •:■•.. -i • 
can problem was nui«!f iJi tie 'a; • « 

111. *'i > • t 

■ • • • ! 1 * I '.' 
: 1 


1 1: 

. • \ I « 1 1 

• ' I 

rl - 


j ; ^'i-r'a • 'n 
i ::e tviir:-- r 
• ' « I > • : • u • 
■ • • I' : • i: 

■ t • t 

.^ ' ■ ! •,. : I. ! 

\ \ ' 

. -re. I. 
'i til'" 

• •'• I 


nf a iKw constitu- tion. Xcvcnheles!:, I Idl you. Gentlemen, the 

jiliing clso will be R-iunn of the division and the political organi- 

zation of tlic stales, is alisoli 
It ...;i? twT-Tf,) (Of'*--"'.'':- 

"^'^ """""■ _^m 


to uphold the rule of Forfirio Diaz as ideall]r suited to the needi^ 
of Mexico. In many subsequent conversations with the chair- 
man of the Mexican Joint Commission it has been home home 
that however much the travail essential to the regeneration of 
the republic, the underlying idealism is the only real fotinda- 
tion for a government that is to last. That is the reason whj 
Mexicans actuated by the highest sense of loyalty to their land 
refuse to accept make-shift policies bound to be but for the 
moment. It is for this reason that President Wilson's "watch- 
ful waiting^' has proved to be in accord with what is best under 
the existing circumstances. Mistakes there have been made 
on both sides of the border in regard, not so much to motives, 
as to methods. But, high above parleys and discussions floats 
the standard that means America for the Americans. Mexico 
has subscribed to this despite all that may be said regarding 
internal strife. To make known some of the chief agencies mak- 
ing for the greater Mexico is the purpose of this article. 


The least understood personality in all Mexico is General 
Venustiano Carranza, the de facto head of the Mexican govern- 
ment. Why is this so? Has not General Carranza been pletiti^ 
fully in the public eye? Have not friends and foes admired 
and hated him according to their conceptions of the man? Have 
not hi.s public acts marked him fur what he is, viewed as he 
has been from this nr that anjjje? AM this is true. But the 
leadership vested in the First Chief of the Constitutionalists is 
more like an authoritative interpretation of all that the nation 
has suffered and hoped for long before even Porfirio Diaz let 
go his iron rnlc. It is not in Carranza to be a master of men 
in the ordinary sense of that term. If he is today a disci- 
plinarian it is because that is the necessary means to a certain 
end. If there are those who consider the dc facto head unap- 
proachable, it is not because Carranza is not most kindly dis- 
])osed towards all. As a matter of fact, Venustiano Carranza's 
personality and characteristics have nothing whatever to do 
with the principle for which he stands before the world. He 
merely symholizcs a great ideal. Restoration of the land to the 
natives; improved school facilities; elevating the position of 
the women of Mexico: utilizing the national wealth as bound 
up ill the si'il ; eslal)iishiii}j harmonious relations with her neigh- 
bors, these are sonic of the chief aims of the country, and Car- 
ranza unquestionably understands better than anyone else that 
the charjre imposed on him is a privilege to be guarded most 
zealously without pcrsnnal reward. 

Those misled by sii]K'iliciiil judgment or impatient becatise of 
what they consiik-rcd a l<"< slow progress, have been prone to 
say th.Tl flu- e.stablishnirrii uf complete peace in Mexico depends 
only oil the energy with which the country is governed. Let US 
hear how Mr. Cabrera met these assertions at the Worcester 

^iberix^ on tliat memoimble day in Kovetnber three years 

"All foreigners in Mexico," Mr. Cabrera said, "look for a 
strong government, an iron hand or iron fist, and the only thing 
they discuss is whether a certain man is sufficiently strong or 
energetic to govern the country. And when they find a man 
with such qualities, foreigners always have believed that it was 
their duty to help that man to come into power and support him. 
It is necessary to rectify foreign opinion about strong govern- 
ments in Mexico. A strong government is not the one able to 
maintain peace by the mere force of arms, but the one which 
can obtain the support of the majority of the country. Any 
peace obtained by the system of the iron fist is only a temporary 
peace. Permanent peace in Mexico must be based on certain 
economic, political and social conditions which would produce 
a stable equilibrium between the higher and the lower classes 
of the nation." 

The idea of impersonal leadership among Latin Americans 
is a thought so new that few realize that it is scarcely less 
revolutionary than the effort of the people themselves to be- 
come free in all that the word imports. The Man on Horse- 
back has always been the dominant figure in any uplift move- 
ment among the republics of South and (Central America. Presi- 
dent Diaz was the personification of such a type. Democratic 
as he was to a fault, Franci.sco Madcro held brief power thrnujfh 
an emotionalism that, well meaning as it was. failed utterly 
to weigh the "pros" and "cons" where suddenly a natiun, held in 
virtual bondage, felt the first exhiliration of new found free- 

Carranza, on the other hand, came upon the scene when re- 
action threatened to undo everything that Miulero bad aspired 
to achieve. There was no thought nf leadership when the 
former governor of Coahuila Wit his pleasant farmstead to 
stay the hand of the usurper, Huerta. Ifi>w can it be for- 
gotten with what scorn Carranza spurned the offer of f-Tuerta 
to join issues with him! No, whoever avers that the First 
Chief has personal ambitions lieyond what is necessary to ad- 
vance the good of Mexico, fails utterly to comprehend his motive. 
His very sincerity of purpose, in fact, his enemies have falsely 
interpreted as meaning disrespect to the neighbor with whom 
above all .others he desires to remain at peace. \o eharaoter 
study of this man will aid in deciphering his jisychcilngical 
makeup. For Carranza is Mexico int-arnate ; Mexico, not as 
it has been for years and years, but the Mexico of the future. 

Yes, may come the answer to this; but if Carranza is so little 
a prey to personal ambition, why docs he nf>t obliterate him- 
self, instead of running the risk of being charj^ed with ambitious 
designs? Let it be unilerstood once for all tbat Vcniistiaiio Car- 
ranza is no coward. To let go the leadership in the face of 
intrigue within and without the land would iiavc stamped him 
as unworthy of the great task resting upon his shoulders. The 


oi a new constitii- 
ihing else will be 
shment nf the Con- 

tion. XevcTihcless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
rofunn of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

Washington administration realizes this. It is not for notiiingf 
that President Wilson looks compassionately across the Rio 
Grande and views with all the anxiety of a parent the newer 
republic of Mexico trying to find itself. Is it not a fact that the 
re-election of Woodrow Wilson emphasizes that after all the 
American people wants Mexico to shape her own destiny? 
What better evidence that the ties are being strengthened be- 
' tween the two countries than that the commonwealths nearest 
the Mexican border gave consent to the President's Mexican 
policies through a vote of confidence? Let be that Carranza 
is not well versed in the usages of diplomacy as practised fre-. 
quently to the detriment of the nations represented by suave 
statesmen. But he is honest with himself, and no other man 
could have done half as well as he under circumstances similar 
to those that have confronted him. 


While interest in the Mexican situation, from the American 
point of view, has centered on the Joint High Commission and 
its work at Atlantic City, it may not be without value to take 
a look across the border and see what is being done apart from 
the military exigencies. A monumental work is under way 
in the state of Yucatan, where Governor Salvador Alvarado has 
been superintending the distribution of land to the Indians. 
It is, of course, true that by reason of its location Yucatan 
escaped largely the depredations of the bands that sprung into 
existence at the instance of Villa's defection. But this merely 
clinches the argument that when it is possible for Yucatan to 
do justice to the peons, the same can be done elsewhere through- 
out the republic when normal conditions are once fully re- 

The New York Times, in a recent interview with Modesto 
C. Holland, who is doing a constructive work in the United 
States through familiarizing Americans with the Educational 
movement now under way in his native Mexico, said pointedly: 
"Many preconceived, commonly held, matter of course notions 
about Mexico melt away under the spell of Modesto C. Holland's 
faith and optimism. You go to him with that superior feel- 
ing of the citizen of a great, prosj)ert)Us. peaceful, well-governed 
country toward the savage, but nevertheless determined to be 
kind and considerate, almost apolojj:etic, while asking him why, 
if he knows, his country is such a Dark A£2:e disgrace to the 
American hemisphere and if it will ever be any different." 

Then follows Mr. Rolland's answ^er. He tells in simple words 
that the world at large judi^es his country solely by those 
accidents incident to the revolution itself. But to Mr. Rolland 
the revolution has been a great promise. Here and there through 
the republic, he affirms, there has already been fulfillment. A 
new national life has been created under the social, political 
and economic conditions which the Mexican people have been 


hopmg ior in the course of a century. To guote from the in- 
terview in Mr. RoUand's own words regarding the land ques- 
tion: "Of course, the great piece of reconstruction work has 
been the redistribution of the land, and this too, has been 
done without confiscation. In the first place, we took away 
from the former holders all the land that they held by fraud. 
That amounted to many thousands of acres. Then we bought 
from* them as much more as was needed to give to the head 
of every family a tract of about forty acres. For this we paid 
in fifty-year gold bonds at 4 per cent. Although we have only 
just now given title to the small holdings to the farmers we 
know that the plan is going to work because of the results of 
two years of experimenting. These small farms were first lent 
to the people for the two-year period to see what they would 
do with them and to give all the people the opportunity to 
find out how they wanted things adjusted before making any- 
thing final. The forty-acre experiment was a success. No land 
was awarded except to a man who agreed to work it to the best of 
his ability for the benefit pf his family. No holding was thrust 
upon anybody whether or no. But of the .''O.OOO family heads 
in the state, 40,000 came forward and applied for the farms, 
and in the two years of probation practically all of them showed 
themselves fit for ownership." 

General Salvador Alvaradd. already referred to as the Governor 
of Yucatan, is a military katltr who perceives with all the 
force of conviction that the army is an I'Xpcdient, at present 
necessary, but only in so far a<! it aids in rt'Stfiring that order 
which must precede the fullest ilevclcpmeiit of the republic. 
Governor Aharado has hut one hohby: education. The culti- 
vation of the soil fnmi a scientific stand|)oint. adequate school 
instruction, better homes and family environments, in the at- 
taining of all this tlie (ioyernor of Yucatan Is a natural leader 
whose constructive example is spreading in other sections of 
Mexico. The Maya Indians certainly have come to call the 
name of Governor Alvarado blessed. 'I'Jic regcntrative cfTects 
of his land policy arc seen everywhere in Yucatan. The situa- 
tion there is now such that where prior to the revolution the 
2,000 landowners i)aid toward the support of the state in taxes 
for their exclusive use and nwner.ship of somctliiny; over 70.000 
square miles of land $.^.000 a year, taxes from the same land 
paid on an equitable basis both by the 2,000 ohl landowners 
and the many thousand new owners of the fortv-arre tracts 
now amount to $3,000,000 annually. Carrying into effect the 
new agrarian laws has been responsible for this momentous 

Franklin K. Lane. Secretary of the Interior, on a recent oc- 
casion expressed himself regarding: ilie Mexican land question 
to the effect that the things thai Mexico needs are few, but 
fundamental. He summarized as follnws: "Mexico needs a land- 
tax system which will make it impossible to hold great bodies 
of idle land for selfish reasons and which will make it unneces- 

nf a now constitu- 
hiiig elso will be 
ihmeiil <j£ ihc Coti- 

tion. Nevcrthi-lcs? 
rcfi.rni uf the <livi 
zaticiii 111 Uic atate: 

, 1 tell you. Gentlemen, the 
:ioii and tlic political organi- 

, is absolutely necessary. 

sary for the Government to sell concessions in order to Mtpport 
itself. It also needs a school system by which popular educa- 
tion may be given to all the people as it is given in the Uaited 
States. Along with the primary schools, should go agricultural 
schools in which modem methods of agriculture should J|e - 
taught. The army might well be used as a sanitation corps bo 
as to insure against the recurrence of those plagues which bo 
affect trade relations with Mexico and the health of her people. 
Every one in Mexico is united upon the proposition that the 
present land system is based upon privilege and is unjust." 

Secretary Lane would be convinced that today Yucatan is 
making a practical effort to adjust the land problem, were 
he to visit that Mexican state and see Governor Alvarado at 
work. The Henry George theory is being applied with remark- 
able effect. "Tierras y libros"-^land and books — is the cry 
that sounds far and wide through that eastern peninsula of the 
Mexican republic. 

The land problem and its solution are uppermost in the 
minds of all Mexicans with patriotic outlook regarding the future 
of the country. On this subject Mr. Cabrera said to the writer : 
"The 'porfirista' regime can be defined by saying that it con- 
sisted in putting the power in the hands of the large land- 
owners, thus creating a feudal system. The local governments 
of the different states in Mexico and nearly all the important 
public ofliccs were in the hands of, or controlled by, wealthy 
families owning large tracts of land, which of course were in- 
clined to e.\ten<i protection to all properties such as theirs. The 
political, .'social and economic influence e.xertcd during General 
DiaTi's administratio:) was so advantageous to them that it 
hampered the development of the small agricultural property, 
which could otherwise have been formed from the division of 
ecclesiastical and communal lands." And Mr. Rolland drives 
home the complete truth of the situation when he says that "if 
small landed interest is not created, if the land is not given back 
to the people, if an equitable tax on the present landholders 
i.s not established, in order to make them relinquish their prey; 
if. in a word, the fortress of the Mexican family is not built by 
means of the communion of the peon with the land, it will be 
senseless to speak of 'governnienl' in Mexico. But the present 
revolution, having been all this, appreciates its importance and 
is trying to help the people." 

Herein lies the hope of Mexico's future. The hour has struck 
for the return of the .soil to its rightful owners. From Car- 
ranza down to the least of those identified with the Constitu- 
tionalist cause, the land problem is considered the most im- 
portant matter before the nation at this time, .\side from what 
is being done toward proper division of land among the peons 
in districts where complete order has already been restored, 
plans are under way to allot a certain number of .icres of cultiv- 
able soil to returning Constitutionalist soldiers after the country 
is fully at peace. General Carranza and his advisers have not 




adopted a cut and dried program regarding^ the ilivision of lainl 
held wrongfully or beloiiginj^ to the government, but as con- 
ditions arise the problem is to l)e snlvc<l for the very best ad- 
vantage of those whom it is meant to bmefit primarily, the 
4)eons so recently released from what amounted to little less 
than slavery while attached to the great landed j)roperties. 

It requires no genius to realize that many seri(»us questions 
ask ftir their answer in the neighboring republic. Progress 
will of necessity be slow. Xo people can pass thn»ugh the 
purifying fire of internal adjustment without serious obstacles 
standing in the way. The Mexican revolution s])rang from a 
great need, the cry of the masses for land that might supply 
their necessities in order to make existence livable. Land and 
general education, in these is summed up the salvation of 


The writer has knowledge of c»ne striking fact that em])hasizes 
with compelling force how much (ieneral C'arranza has at heart 
proper school instruction. It was during the months immedi- 
ately following the Iluerta military cou]) and (.'arran/a's stern 
opposition to the UMirju-r. I''.vrry thing sj)»»ke of militarism, force 
to rebuke force. Thr First (liief had izathered annnid him men 
who felt as he did. namely thai Madcro'< nuirder wa< n'»t to be 
condoned throuj^h inacti\ity on the pnrt of those loyal to their 

And in the midst <•{ all this militarv activitv, C'arranza 
brought toj^cther two sc«'re or nion* of men and wonien already 
in some measure iilentitied with clucaiion in the rcjuiblii*. While 
m(»ney was not pKrnt\ in the ( 'on>tituti«»iiali>t .Lir«»ni). ni-vcr- 
theless means were ]>rc»\idi'd un' M.ii'Iing thcM- |.K-r<'»ns t'» the 
United States to studv llu* public sclii.«'| sv>tfnis. In r.fst«»n 
and other ea'^tern centers these men anil w«»men ai *'\Wi' be- 
gan their X:\<k, invrsti.u.'itini:- and stn«lying American ]»opular 
teaching in all its branrln-. '['he earne-tiu^s with wln\h they 
went to wi»rk. the disintfrr-tfdncs< «li-Njda\riI. tiie ]>ain staking 
eftorts to umii no sin^K- itrni tliai nii^ht lin'l j-rartioal application 
in Mexico in <:ue tinu*. c«'nvin«'e! the j'T-.-^i-ni writer that ( "ar- 
ranza's genius for (ii-^.•••un1inL:■ ilic futnrr t!n'»r.n-iil nui«'ii !n«»rc 
than mere military ace »tnpli>linicni. I'lday Hie v.'-rk "t* «!ie-e 
teachers in search of Anieriean idea> i^ lic:'.ring I'rui: in various 
wavs. There is no better e\i«lence that lliv* ('»!•.• til mi- -nrdist 
gc>vernment mean< to h'sicr friendly :'rl:iii"n< witii li'.e Je.Li' 
brother this siile the I\i'» * irande i'- i". ni.iki:i.j tlie \ni«'riv.i:i 
school system tlit- nioi\-l after wiiii 1: :•• p.i;:«'rn Mi -.i. •,•!•! p. pu- 
lar education. In m.iny p-riva-e -s.'li'--l> tl'.fou^liMui the l.'nile«l 
States yount.'- Mexicin^ "f ii..Ui mxcs are e-iw brint: t'ln.'att-d 
in a manner to make niori- prrnianent tlii- ii-lati-'i: -In'p :m-i\'. ..-fn 
the two nations. 

Luis Cabrera, who was a **«*h•M.bna•^ter in Tlax;al.». ]'\ IJ^''.^, 
in a speech delivered in the chamber of .kputies in Mexico City. 

Ihc t(»nn (^t a now constitu- 
/and nothing else will be 
.c-cstablishment of the Con- 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 






December 3, 1912, told how when he arrived at a certain 
'hacienda" he was instructed by the manager of the estate to 
teach only reading, writing and the Catholic catechism. He 
was absolutely forbidden to teach "arithmetic, and that use- 
less thing called civics,*' as the manager expressed himself. And 
Robert Bruce Brinsmade, the well-known mining engineer who 
lived for many years in Mexico, has written in explanation of 
this incident in the career of Mr. Cabrera that "perhaps it 
ivas the fear lest some knowledge of the real principles of 
government might spread throughout the country which moved 
the future reactionary autocrat to exile in 1878, Gabino Barreda, 
Director of the National Preparatory School of Mexico City, 
and one of the most notable educators in the Republic. Free 
preaching and reading was forbidden completely; all newspapers 
and books, even scientific works of foreign democratic reformers, 
including Henry George, could not be sold in Mexico. A 
complete Machiavellism was in existence and the Diaz system 
represented a modern edition of the criminal tyranny of Caesar 

How completely the present military leaders in the Consti- 
tutionalist ranks arc imbued with the civic-economic idea is 
shown in a typical manner by what Governor Alvarado is do- 
ing toward bringing into fruition his educational land plan 
campaign. It was at the closing session of the second pedagogic 
congress, held at Merida, Yucatan, that the governor made an 
address which established beyond contravention how much 
superior General Alvarado held the pen to be in comparison with 
the sw'ord. The gathering was notable principally because it 
brought the question of co-education squarely before the nation 
as at no previous time in its history. Let us hear what Govern- 
or Alvarado has to say on this subject. 

"Allow me to say a few words,'' the Governor remarked, "with 
reference to the three themes discussed at the congress. The 
first one is co-education. . . Since this system was implanted 
last year, I have endeavored to make frequent visits to the 
schools, and I have asked the teachers the opinions they had 
formed in reference t() the chant^c. I asked, l)ecause I wanted 
to learn even the minutest details. 1 do not know whether 
directors and teachers, believin^^ that I was a partisan to the 
system, wanted to deceive me by statinp^ that all was well. But 
practically all of them told me that the system was working 
in perfect order. * Instead of finding any danj^er in co-education 
w(* have found that it makes children more studious and respect- 
ful. We have observed nothing to justify the fears of the 
parents, who are attached to old prejudices and who say 'no' 
to anv innovation. Therefore I can onlv state what has been 
told me. I cannot as yet express my own opinion." 

Regarding the frequently criticised attitude of the revolution- 
aries toward the clergy of the country. Governor Alvarado at 
the same pedagogic congress furnished an explanation in part 
as follows : "It is my duty to explain to you, who are the edu- 


cators of the men of to-tnorrow, who will finish the task of 
reconstructing the nation which the Revolutionary Party has 
scarcely begun, it is my duty to convince you of the absolute 
inatice and necessity of attacking the clergy of our country. 
You may re-echo my words or not. That does not matter; it 
does not affect me. But what I want you to bear in mind is 
that you should judge, from what I am going to tell you, whether 
or not we have the right on our side to proceed in the manner 
we are proceeding, because acts which are supported by force 
only and not by justice and reason are not perdurable, and 
bring upon themselves curses of all; they last for a certain, 
period, but in the end, protest raises itself and overthrows 

Governor Alvarado then went on to analyze the relationship 
of the church to the school, the home and the poittical elements 
of Mexico. He spoke of Hidalgo, the priest who led his 
patriotic countrymen to victory against oppression ; about More- 
los, another priest who forsook the cloth in order to become a 
militant in an hour of great need. A panorama was unrolled 
before that gathering of teachers of the young which painted 
in strong colors the vicissitudes of the republic during periods 
when educational progress was at a very low level. It was 
no pleasant aspect that Governor Alvarado presented before his 
listeners, but he was in deadly earnest, and stated his opinion 
without fear of what others might think on the subject. 

That the women of Mcxio are i-apaliii.' nf raising the standard 
of living and education to a plane as high us that obtaining in coun- 
tries less torn with internal strife than has been the case in the 
neighboring republic, has been demonstrated on various oc- 
casions during the past few years. Mr. Rolland has stated the 
case succinctly as foUmvs: "The response nf the women to the 
new conditions has been a wondi.Tfnl thing- Under the old 
regime, the woman was a serf or worse, if there is anything 
worse. Now she is an active, helpful member of the community, 
fully alive to the things that are essential to the future of her 
children. The women of Yucatan have had already their first 
feminist congress, with an attendance of 3,000 delegates, and the 
list of the things they cnnsidered reads very much like the 
program of any meeting of public-spirited level-headed women 
in the United .States." 

Employment and rules for the proper safeguarding of workers 
are phases of everyday existence so closely connected with the 
home life of the individual and the family that it will aid in 
clarifying the still clcmiled Mexican horizon to examine what the 
progressive elenieiii in that country has been doing in the direc- 
tion of such welfare work, liricfly put, after the enactment of 
the land laws, labor legislation was framed on the best models 
obtainable in New Zealnml and other parts of the world, and 
modified to fit the conditions of Yucatan where, naturally, 
economic experiments could be made to the greater advantage. 
The new legislation has mininumi wage provisions and an 


of a iii-w constitu- tion. Xcvcnhplcss, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 

iliiiig else will be rciurm oi the division and the political organi- 

ihniciU of the Con- 


zation of the 

, ih alj 

^l>lLllL'ly n 

ecessary. ^^^^M 

K J=^^^M 

eight-hour law, compensation for injuriea of worlcmen and pro- 
visions for their old age. Children under thirteen years cannot 
be employed in factories or any other establishment. Boys under 
fifteen and girls under eighteen cannot work nights. All places 
of employment must be sanitary and protected against fire risks 
and all machinery must be protected. Compuw)ry arbitration 
of labor disputes is provided by law before workers can strike 
or employers lock them out. 

How many people in the United' States are aware that there 
is in operation a pact, signed by Mexican and American labor 
representatives in Washington, not many months since, where- 
by the labor leaders of the two republics are kept in constant 
touch on matters vitally affecting labor interests throughout 
America? The Mexican appeal for such co-operation was issued 
from Merida, Yucatan, May 29, of this year, and met a quick re- 
sponse at the hands of the American Federation of Labor. Here is 
an extract from the Mexican appeal that carries conviction to the 
effect that the masses in that republic harbor no ill-will toward 
their fellow workers north of the Rio Grande. 

"We want to say very frankly to the American toilers" it 
reads, "that the Mexican people do not hate the real American 
people, the people who still bear in their hearts the principles 
of Washington and Franklin ; we do not have any hostile senti- 
ment of any kind against you, American laborers. In the United 
States we hate only the monopolists, the great oil and railroad 
kings, all those who have utilized the riches of our land for 
their per,'*nnal benefit; inipiulently stealing from us the fruits 
of our labor; the same as they do with you in your country; 
those very same compatriots of yoiirs, whose only interests are 
their bank accounts, and who have no love of country, honor 
or high ideals of life, 

"Be on your guard, workers of the United States. The Colum- 
bus raid, all the anti-Mexican agitation, all the meetings, lectures 
and publications of our foes in the great American cities, are 
only for the purpose of lirowning in blood the desires of a 
brother people who have had the courage and the strength to 
rebel against their oppressors, of giving the workers of the 
world an example of the only Social Revolution that honestly 
deserves such a name." 

(Jn the part of the .American Federation of Labor there has 
come through President Samuel Gompers the most gracious 
acknowledgment that nolhin.i^ would suit the American workers 
better than a most complete understanding relative to both 
political and industrial issues alike important to both peoples. 
The following clanse contained in the pact speaks for itself: 
"We appeal to the workers and all of the people of the United 
States and McnIco to do everything within their power to pro- 
mote correct understanding of purposes and actions, to prevent 
friction, to encourage good will, and to promote an intelligent 
national opinion that ultimately shall direct relations between 


OUT countries snd ihall be a potent hnmanitarian force in pro- 

motii^ woild pnwress." 

The American-Sfexican commission, which subsequently met 
on the border, was a direct outcome of the pact between labor 
oi^anizatiooB in the two countries. There are on record numer- 
ous instances to prove that the cordial relations that exist gen- 
erally between the troops of either country patroling the border 
along New Mexico and Arizona have been fostered through the 
participation of the labor bodies in the movement for a better 
understanding between the governments. 

Perhaps General Carranza was not far from speaking a great 
truth when he said in a speech at San Luis Potosi : "Up to this 
date, strife has succeeded strife throughout the world, without 
anyone being able to comprehend why nations should tear each 
other to pieces upon any pretext ; it is the bi^ material interests 
which push nations into war, and so long as those interests are 
in existence, wars will continue to be a menace to humanity. 
For this reason I afHrm that laws should be universal and that 
what we establish here by conquest as a truth, should betoken 
welfare through the law of all mankind, be it in Mexico or in 
Africa. The eternal struggle of mankind has been for the im- 
provement, for the welfare, for the developments of peoples, 
and those gigantic upheavals have had nu other object than the 
welfare of separate units; humankind has mangled itself for 
these principles and in order that war may cease, it is imperative 
that the reign of justict' extend over all the earth." 


The re-election of President Wilson affirms the desires nf the 
American people to remain at pface with at! the wnrkl. Unques- 
tionably, during the next four year.s Mexican -American rela- 
tions will be afforded an opportunity to l>oei>nie strciij^litened 
through a better understanding of the intrinsic merits of the 
nations concerned. But in order to make linn whatever founda- 
tion has been laid more recently it boiomes essential to con- 
stantly reaffirm the principles without which no solid {ground- 
work can be expected. 

Toward this end a number ol aj^encies have been at work 
disseminating such information a.s will tend to correct wrong 
impressions, however obtained, assist in fumi-shinp knowledjjo 
regarding the economic and political evolution in Mexico, and 
to remove whatever apprehension may exist touching the ability 
of Mexicans to govern themselves in the newfound conditions 
ushered in with the revolution. 

No less a person than President Wilson has set an .luspicious 
example in gnaging Mexico at its true estimate. \\ lialcvt-r 
critics may adduce to the coiilrary, the policy of tlif administra- 
tion throws into strong relief that new Mexico when the edu- 
cation of the masses will make np for many niis1aki-s made 
when lack of full enlightenment was the responsible factor for 
such mistakes. Secretary ot the Interior Franklin K. l.ane is 


)t a new constitu- 
liiig else will be 
imcni of the Con- 

lion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

authority for the statement that President Wilson has clearly 
seen the end to be desired from the first and that "he has workecl 
toward it against an opposition that was cunning and intensive, 
persistent and powerful. If he succeeds in giving a new birth 
of freedom to Mexico, he most surely will receive the verdict 
of mankind." 

The sea of internationalism is seldom entirely calm, and the 
ships of state require helmsmen with an eye single to the call 
of public opinion. It is fortunate, indeed, for the future rela- 
tionship of the United States and Mexico that the occupant of the 
White House during the next few years has a vision so clear 
that it will enable him to carry to a successful issue whatever 
plans he may have conceived so far toward the ultimate solu- 
tion of the Mexican problem from the American point of view. 
That it is President Wilson's desire to see Mexico work out 
her own salvation along lines best suited to her present and 
future need, there has been ample evidence. This does not mean, 
however, that the Chief Executive will not primarily conserve 
the honor and prestige of the United States. 

A vindication of President Wilson's Mexican policies includes 
the admission that the educational institutions of this country 
very generally favor a pacific attitude in so far as it will comport 
with the honor of the nation. The presence in many of these 
institutions of young men from the Latin American republics 
has done much toward inculcating in the administrative circles 
of colleges and universities a spirit of compassion for the sister 
nations to the south. Mexico has been foremost in sending 
her young people lo the United States for purposes of educa- 
tion. In fact, if it had not been for what many of the revolu- 
tionary chiefs had learned about freedom in thought and action 
here, very likely the liberating efforts would have been con- 
siderably retarded. 

It is because some of the leading educators of this country 
have joined with the Mexican-American League, founded dur- 
in.ic the past summer, that the success of this additional force 
for co-upcTative work may be considered assured in advance of 
what the (organization hopes to see accomi)Iished. Taking a sane 
and sensi])le view uf tlie Mexican problems without bias for 
I)reconceived notions one way or another, the committee has 
set to work w-ith a w-ill. Already there has come a most ready 
rc<[>onse from many sections of the United States from those 
anxious t(.) join tliis movement which holds out such promise. 
With headquarters at 70 Fifth Avenue. New York City, the 
Mexican-American League is evidently destined to play a con- 
spicitHis role in the work of upbuilding the relations between 
tlic two nations. 

W hen the National Kducational Association met in New York 
during July of the ])rcscnt year. Dr. David Starr Jordan, Chan- 
cellor of Leland Stanfonl University, and a member of the Mexi- 
can-American League committee, delivered a notable address 
on the Mexican situation in w-hich he touched on the effect of 



the revolution on the wealthier classes. This is a subject that 
has found much wronj^ful interpretation. Dr. Jordan, however, 
explains the reason for the banishment of many of these peo- 
ple as follows: "Their supporters denounce it as unjust that a 
million intelligent, cultivated and wealthy people should be 
dominated by fifteen millions of ignorant peasants. The plea 
is old in human history. Men of culture cannot rule as a 
separate caste. They must get down and help lift up the 
mass. Because they have never done their part toward the 
training of the peon he has become a terrible menace. Caste 
divisions are themselves a menace to human welfare and the 
ultimate future of every nation is bound up with democracy.'* 

The existence of such an organization as the Mexican-Ameri- 
can League has been caused by virtue of the fact that many 
of the wealthy exiles from Mexico are carrying on a reactionary 
propoganda in this country. That such is the case has been 
established beyond peradventure. Arraying themselves in false 
robes of patriotism as regard their love of country these Mexi- 
can reactionaries have been a danger pc»int with which the 
constructive forces have had to reckon. So long as this nefarious 
element is permitted to concoct its scheme for the restoration 
in Mexico of the old order of things, so long there will he handi- 
caps in the way for gaining that stage of adjustment where 
permanent peace can prevail in the southern republic. Fc^rtun- 
ately. the Washington administration for .<?(mie time has been 
taking cognizance of this state of affairs, and there is a pos- 
sibility that mea.sures will !)e adopted to stop the reactionary 
propaganda in this country. The work of the exile group has 
been a factor in the withholdim^ of credit on anv extensive scale 
touching loans to Mexico. Representing the moneyed interests 
that surrounded the Diaz administratic^i, <^uch Mexicans as are 
now working to upset the Carranza government and defeat its 
economic plans most natin*ally cannot expect t«H) charitable a 
treatment at the hands of the Constitutionalists. 

Mexico needs nionev. There is nn doubt «ii this. And if 
money is to be obtained, where else may a i^overnnient lonk 
except to the United States? In this connect i«»n it may be 
well to add that next to the land question, the ciueslion of 
proper financing has long occupied xhc>r who under<t«»»Ml the 
real needs of Mexico. On this point, no nnc i^ better rd)l(' to 
throw light on the subject than Luis Cabrera, the minister nf 
finance in the Carranza g«)vernmeni. Mr. Cabrera has care- 
fully avoided negotiating llnancial iran"-ac!ions tliat w«'Uld place 
still heavier bunlens on the countrv. His pr»licv is in marked 
contrast to that which Mhtaineil durinir tlu' Diaz regime when 
loans were placed which imposed serious strain*^ r»n the national 

There has been a disposition in certain tlnancial quarters to 
discourage loans to Mexico r)n terms tli;it wnld be reasonable 
to both parties concerned. 'J'he result of the election has some- 
what changed this. With the admim'stration favorable to a 


■ a iitw constitu- tion. N\vcriiicU'-;s. 1 ull you, Gentlemen, the 

ins cbc will be ri'l'unn of Ihc division and the political organi- 

menl oJ the Con- zation of the states, '-i-i ateolutely ntcessary. 

peaceful adjustment of the Mexican-American iasaes the chances 
have improved considerably relative to the financial negotia- 
tions under way. It is no easy task to place a nation tried as 
Mexico has been on a sound monetary basis, but there is no 
reason to doubt that with the untold treasures bound up in the 
natural resources of the republic a solution will be found. 

The days of exploiting Mexico for selfish gain alone are over. 
With this national menace removed, legitimate enterprise will 
be allowed to assert itself. As a result the government will 
receive what is its proper due. Revenues from one source or 
another will increase proportionately as the land and the mines 
will be worked. This is the new era that will justify all the 
suffering and strife through which the nation has passed since 
Madero first raised the banner of protest against monopoly 
and autocracy, liut the idealism of Francisco Madero provm 
but a weak foil against cunning schemers who knew how to 
attack the successor to Diaz where he was most vulnerable. . 
Misplaced sympathy proved the undoing of Madero. It was 
because Venustiano Carranza refused to fall into a similar trap 
to that which caught Madero that the First Chief of the Con- 
stitutionlists had to meet craftiness with sternness. Carranza, 
perhaps, now and then makes his mistakes, but who, placed 
like he has been, could always have guessed what the next day 
might bring forth ? 

With the cleansing of the old slate Mexico is now writing a 
new chapter in its eventful history. Americans ought to wish 
the republic well ;is it enters the family of nations purified 
and strcuythenol. Let be that Moxicu reborn is but as yet a 
term requiring nuuh snlicitnde and watching before its appli- 
ralion can he fully justified to the nation across the Rio Grande. 
IJut the United Slates, iinijiiestionably, will not omit to extend 
that hand nf oo-ii|irralioii tliat is sure ti> be grasped cordially by 
Mexico herself. The manifest destiny of the country of Juarez 
is written in biild letters acfss the sky of America. The in- 
terests of the twenty-one rcpuhlics of the western hemisphere 
are closely knit in a Fabric wh"se strands are as variegated in 
texture and culiir as the characteristics of the countries differ, 
due to racial idinsyucracies and customs, liut in the main, the 
spirit of .\nicrica is singularly a matter of common property 
to all America. It is jjenius that makes democracy the victor. 
I'resident Wil.son and the United States are playing no small 
parts in the processes tuaking for the regeneration of Mexico. 
Symbolizing fraternily. the American people an<l those of Mex- 
ico are chousing the only right method whereby permanent 
peace can he established aiirl friendly relations be maintained 
for the tjoofi of America as a whole. 


f a new constitu- 
ling else will be 
imcnt of the Con- 

tion. Xcverihcless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
roforni of the division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

Does Mexico Interest You? 

Then you should read the following pamphlets: 

What the Catholic Church Has Done for Mexico, by Doctor 


The Agrarian Law of Yucat&n 

The Labor Law of Yucatto 

International Labor Forum 

Intervene in Mexico, Not to Make, but to End War, urges 

Mr. Hearst, with reply by Rolland 

The President's Mexican Policy, by F. K. Lane 

The Religious Question in Mexico 

A Reconstructive Policy in Mexico 

Manifest Destiny 

Wliat of Mexico 

Speech of General Alvarado 
Many Mexican Problems... 

Charges Against the Diaz Administration 


Stupenduous Issues 



Minister of the Catholic Cult 
Star of Hope for Mexico. . . 
Land Question in Mexico. . . 







The Economic Future of Mexico 

We also mail any of these pamphlets upon receipt of 5c each. 

Address all evnununications to 

1400 Broadway, New York City 



ALL well-known pcrsonulities who in a seri- 
, ous way are intcrcstctl in tlic painful evo- 
I lulion of the humun masses, agree that the 
apparent confusion or anarchy which pre- 
vails ut present in Mexico, ]>ros(M)ts soci- 
' olugioal prohleins as important, at IcaHt, as 
the consideration of the enormous wcaltli which has been 
destroyed during the present period of civil strife. 

To date, the interest which tlie American people have 
taken in the social plienoinena wliicli have developed south 
of the Rio Grande, is largely of an ethical-sentimental order. 
The literature published on the subject, is, in the majority 
of the cases, a campaign undertaken by political parties 
against one another, and for this reason the illustrious Dr. 
A. Reppier justly exclaims: 

"SENTIMENT; There is ciunigh of it in Ibe 
United States to fill our own orders, to slock Europe, 
to leave a surplus for .Asia and Africa. 

"Candidates, congressmen, polilieal bosses, ora- 
tors upon cvciy subject under heaven, deal with 
sentiment to the exclusion of realities, and with 
fantasies to the exclusion of facts!" 

The interventionists who desire intervention merely as a 
speculation, know vci-j' well that the curi-ent of American 
sentimcntalism, — showing at present a tendency towards 

,,f 11 nt-w conSlUu- 
ilhiiiR ciso will be 

lion. N\'vcnlK-lcss. I l.'ll ymi, Gcnilciiien, the 
reform of tlit: division and the political organi- 

ftc rvsppcl or Mt^TiicoD sovereignty, will bt succeeded, per- 
haps tu-iiiorrow, by n scDtinicnlalisin uf another kintl. one 
absolutely oppnsefl to llie former, cillier as Its nMclion, or 
cunnio({ly provuked by nit--Hiis uf »ii acUvc propuganila. 
ConsequeiiUy, llii' aspirations of audi interventionists arc, 
at the present moment, limited lo a drsire thnt the disorder 
in Mexico should persist, cv«a tboagb il be neecs^ury la 
foster il by unscrupulous melhmls: and tlicy particularly 
arc anxious to coucejil from the American people the real 
causes of the unrest which is swaying oil sodal classes iu 
the neiglibor republic. 

I am deeply convinced of Uie need to spread amongst the 
social elements which lead public opinion in the (.Iniled 
Stales, the knowledge of the real motives which ciiuse 
our present uoeasioess, as I consider this knowledge llie 
most elllcacious means to pi-event u disHslrous breach in 
the friendly relations of two countries which for innumer- 
able reasons should always fralernizc; and I am also con- 
vinced thai, in order lo spread and dt->feud a high spiritual 
ideal (an iinli-intervi^ntioiiisl ideal), it h ncecssary lo bear 
in mind what Fouillee says, that Ihc relation bettiteen the 
material interests and the niontl qualities of a people is 
merely one of the many applications of the principle of the 
equiualents of forces, which pemiils the transformation of 
these [natcrial advnntBgos into elements of the highest mor- 
ality. 1 shall, thfi-ofore. apply niy efTorls exclusively to 
demonstrate: first, that the present economic situation of 
Mexico is almost the only cause of the persistence of an 
aboorma] state wliicli al the present lime is improperly 
designated as revolutionary or anarchic; second, (hat lliis 
economic condition, "the skeleton in the closet" of nil our 
political and social institutions, is a legacy of all previous 
governments and administrations; and third, that any in- 
dependent government which may become establislied in 
the Mexican Republic, will find itself, in its effort for re- 
organization, fatully circumscribed by the hopeless "vicious 
circle" which foreign capital has cunningly built through- 
out the republic, as a result uf the concessions it has ob- 
tained, concessions which it is impossible to keep in force 
without enduring the constant threat of frequenl revolu- 
tionary periods of increased violence. 

The Mexican Revolution, like the revolutions which have 


taken place in Europe, in the United States, in Japan, and 
in other Latin-American rei)ul)lies, is characterized by the 
free manifestation of thi* harl)aric inslincts which in a poten- 
tial condition are i'xistant in all societies restrained hv the 
intUience of the mediuin, the respect to tradition and the 
fear of hiw. 

Tlic populace, as it always happens in all the cases when 
the multitudes assume ahsolute power, has fulfilled a role 
of a ferocious and unconscious actor; the jjovernmenl has 
olVered a weak opposition; and its directors, are merely the 
product of the 'Mn'slorical moment," i^ilher succund)ing un- 
der principle suppoi'led hy |)uhllc opinion as is the case 
of Villa -or meltin«{ int(» im|)ersmial elements in the f*orm 
of directiv<» forces constilulin^ thr •'Administralion/' Any 
criticism of the injustices and outrai^es eommitte<l hy the 
people durini^ its despotic exercise ol" |)ower, is, therefore, 
useless; it limits itself to alhihule res|)onsihiliiy to uny par- 
ticular ^roup or political leader. 

The Hevolulion, Iriimipiiini^ ovrr thf feud(d syst<'m es- 
tahlished in the couiili'x siinr {!ic X'xww ul" llic Spanish (huni- 
nation, found ilsdl, .is \\.-in m.-iIiii.iI. llirciirncd hv the armv 
of sociid and e('onn!i:i<- |)i uMi n... v.lijrh 1):mI Mceunuilated 
throughout our hisi(.'J\. ;jiMi v iiiili \\< ir considrnd ;is usi*- 
h-ss hv the dinVr«iil ljh\«"i i-. iifs wliirii !imv«' riilrd [1m* 
countrv and whii*h luiw : !-.;i\ , hid ;i !;n»i«' m- It ss rtvolu- 
tionary-reliijious oii.L»in. i'iirili! i'::!(.ii". ;l^ liii* |»riM«ipal 
factors of those prohli :ms \\ i : i- iiMi:nl\ !iii -. ip v\\\ rindninii* 
uneasiiu'ss and Hi*' In p.- ••' iintli'si^ ;i s liisliirlory sojuliou !l>;il ;i»!\ j.'..\ •. iMi..- I'l i.i !: ■i«i>l!i(»n sliuuld 
^ivc pr(*feren('i' to ll:« •■ i«.:-.!ri.i •'«:;i .-'• !i • . iMiijDinie haek- 
hone in accordaurr vili: Ii* \v >>- >!n •il e.-. • «!s. rN<:i Ihouiih 
employini^ llierr Ih-- (!!s}\ :.::iKfii! .•«! «'!:r (il-|i.'s;!l, .ind 
which, as I have sniel !•; 

It is easily expl;iin:il«i. !?' s! lin 

•.;• |:i<i l!«:! \\\\\ 

•: '.• I.k« inli' ;\i- I'l.iii (ill v\«'« 1 iliiiizly 

■ 'I \'^ii!ii-»': ;:5il i\n' >j. riiKJS ItMjJ'H'i 

the respect ol" pinp. v, 
the time of triuni|>i\ li 
nidicid charac!' r "i ! : 
of a new r(»voli v. i*. =': 
composed it; id. ' 
penimpl(»ry pjri.-J j=; i 
the armv i*> ni- i": 1\ • = 
and persists in .x.!! 'i- 

;■■• . ii."-". !:■ ■• W r«ii:si>l: lid Un -i.-SS. 


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(if :i mw cotistitu- tion. Xevertlielcss, 1 tc)I yii, Gentlemen, tlie 

tliinti else will be reform of the division ami the political organi- 
ihnieiit of the Crin. 

Qxe wrvices rendered. Id (his case, the responsibility which 
can be demanded of the Revolution ia similar to that which 
could be demanded of a convalescent 

Recently we have been informed that the greater part of 
the confiscated property has been returned to its owners; 
that Individual guaranties are ahnost effective, and that fh^ 
**de facto" government is taking decided steps to promote 
the development of the national wealth. Why, then, does 
the press inform us that the situation in Mexico persists 
in being anarchical, and that the American government 
finds it necessary to order new troops to the border, afraid, 
or so it seems, of new raids similar to that on Colimibus? 

Th^ persistence of the abnormal state in Mexico is due 
to the material impossibility of solving its economic situa- 
tion, in a quick or drastic manner. The call which Mr. Car^ 
ranza sent out to industrials and farmers, that they con-' 
tribute with their respective efforts towards the re-estab- 
lishment of order, has been answered by a discoura^g 
minority, as may he seen by the following estimates: 

In normal times, the yearly production in Mexico aver- 

Annual Industrial produclion $230,000,000.00 

Annual Agricullura] production 170,000,000.00 


The industrial pi-ixUiclitm, at present, is limited to min- 
erals, oil, and electric li(!hl and ninlivc power. It is pos- 
sible to esliinalc tlial the following industries are paralyzed: 

Hallways 850,000,000.00 

Wiml, yutc iuiii cotton goods and cxi>or- 
tatioii or cotton (about 50% of produc- 
tion) 16,000,000.00 

Siigiii- and nianurnctiirv of alcohol and 

alcoholic di-ink.s <5()*;'r of prodiiclionK 7,500,000.00 

I'iipor and soap iitduslry '. 1,500,000.00 

i:k-clilc liKliI and power 1.800,000.00 

Coal and loki- indiislry 6,000,000.00 

l-iflv per ciil. (50',;) of Ihc niininK in- 
dustries piualyitcd 1 1,000,000.00 

Total iliniintition in iiiduslrial pro- 
duction ?1 10,300,000.00 

With reference tp agricultural productioii, — even accept- 
ing the data furnished by the Agricultural chambers atf 
exact, which point to a diminution of forty-two per cent 
(.42%), the remaining 58%, estimated in corn at the rate 
of f50.00 (paper) the liectoliire (about 250 lbs.) representa 
ninety-eight million six hundred thousand Dollars, ($98,- 
60(MXX).00). Consequently, the annual production is as fol- 

Industrial produclloD 189,700,000.00 

Agricultural production 98,600,000.00 

Total «188.300,000.00 

that is, only about forty-seven per cent. (47% ) of the normal 

With a normal production of about $^400,000,000.00 per 
year, the Mexican government receipts from customs dues, 
taxes, railways, lottery, post office and telegraph tolls, and 
other taxes, amounted to $72,978,000.00 (year 1914-15). that 
is about 18% of the total production. Consequently, and 
supposing this percentage tu be constant, we might esti- 
mate (being unable to secure at the present time accurate 
statistical data) that the receipts anmunt only to $33,846,- 
000.00 since the entries on account of lotterj', telegraph 
and post oftice tolls, although collected in national gold, are 
not very important. 

If we do not take into account the payment of interest 
due on the national debts (consolidated and floating, which 
amounts to $45,000,000.00) the deficit in the budget, con- 
sidering the tatter similar to that of the fiscal year of 1914-15, 
amounts to $45,202,000.00. Consequently, any government 
that may establish itself in Mexico, having a revolutionary 
or a conser\'alivc ongin, or representing, generally, any of 
the numerous political and socialist parties existing in the 
countrj' will be compelled, unless it secures a foreign loan, 
to have recourse to new paper issues, a monetary eomniodily 
which will unavoidably have a redeeming power, constantly 
on the wane. 

On the other hand, the Mexican people arc fully aware that 
the probability of securing such a loan (the only apparent 
remedy to an increasingly distressing economic situation) 
is very remote, due to the causes which 1 shall expound 
later; and unable to understand fully why the barest neces- 


of a, now constitu- 
liiiig else will be 
limcm of the Con- 

lion. Nevenhfless. I Icll yni, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
a at thf Btat^.. ;.. absolutely nect-^i^arv. 

•ities of life have risen, commanding almosl prohibitive 
prices, it is evident thai, by virtue of the above meDlioQed 
principle of tlie equivalence of material and moral inleresis, 
the morality of the people must decrease fatally, In direct 
ratio to the acquisitive power of its money, and to its efiTorta, 
whether these be in the material or the intellectual (nder. 

Even accepting as facts the numerous im&giiiary out- 
rages which are being committed in Mexico, daily, accord- 
ing to the fantasy of the press interested in the future of 
the millions of acres acquired by Mr. Hearst, in Mexico, 
at a laughable price, which it would be interesting for the 
American people to learn, we must meditate seriously on 
the degree of responsibility which such outrages lay on 
a people whose working class earns from six to ten cents 
per day; the employees of the government and of private 
concerns, earn from thirteen to seventeen cents per day, 
and where transportation service is so irregular that even 
in the cities of a certain importance, no staple articles for 
the bare necessities of life were to be bad at any price, 
for weeks. The cable informs us of the disorders that are 
occurring in cities of the old world due to tlic lack of food, 
wliicli is becoming scarce dne lo the European War; the 
laboring class as well as the thinking classes, explain the 
phenomenon in a reasonable way. Well; I dare any one 
of the interventionists lo investigate (he attitude of the people 
of the City of Mexico our most populous city — during tlie 

week of Sept to 1016, during winch the city had 

no light, water or police ser\'ice. Engineer Lorenzo Her- 
nandez, — a brother to Mr. Hafael L. Hernandez who acted 
as secretary of Fonienlo and Connnunica lions during the 
Madero administration related to me, considering it as 
a socinlogicai case worthy of interest, that the capital pre- 
sented the interesting .spectacle of traniniility during which 
linu' no .serious robbery or any other outrage occurred. 

It', tiien'l'ore, a |>eople which can behave so well, and 
sihntly bears the gnawing loniieiit of hunger, in the 
pre.senee of tile threat of intervenlion. is not worthy of 
sympalliy, no synij»alhy is deserve<l, eillier, by the people 
of Belgium, Poloiiia, Serbia, etc.. nor the thousands of 
families who sullered heroieally during the Civil War of 
North against South in this country, and who never de- 

manded'that England should intervene for the settlement 
of fheir socio-political difficulties. 

Resiiming: the average morality of the poor class in 
Hezico is at present such as can reasonably be expected 
from a family composed of five members, and compelled 
to exist in a condition of hnlf-slarvation, at the rate of one 
cent gold per day for each member of the family. 


if a new constitu- 
liing else will be 
.imcnt of the Con- 

tion. Ncvcnhflcss. I idl ymi. Gentlemen, the 
refunn of the division and the political organi- 
i absolutely necessary. 

The economic history of Mexico is characlerizcd by Uie I 
tncreasing depreciation of labor, whether it be of Ihe in- ^H 
tellectua), the physical or the moral variety. Three factors ^1 
have contributed to determine this exponent of our civili- 
zation: (a), the extensive cultivation of land and'the absO' 
lute impossibility of enriching it; (h), restriction of &ee 
competition in social, political and economic matters; and 
(c), the idiosyncracies of the multiple races which con- 
stitute our social organization, 

(tt) — Intensive cultivation in Mexico demands, beddes 
the investment of an enonnous amount of capital for ir- 
rigation worit, A MODERATE RATE OF INTEREST in 
order that the settler, when acquiring land practically by 
means of his own labor, may live by the product of tiiose' 
lands, and fulfil his obligation of mortgage, mortise and 
interest, charged to the account of laboi^capital invested. 
Due to the irregularity and permeability of the subsoil in 
the regions where irrigation works are more indispensable, 
the cost of these works is very higli, and therefore it causes 
the lands (hat can be worked to command a price scarcely 
appealing to any one interested in intensive cultivation. 
The private companies which have atlcmpted to carry out 
this kind of an investment liavc failed in most cases, despite 
the selection that they made of agricultural properties 
ideally situated and endowed with lands of the best quality. 
We could cite numberless examples of this kind, where 
the dividing company has hnd the same tuck as the one 
which took charge of the division of the beautiful fertile 
"Chapingo" property, which is only a few miles distant 
from the City of Mexico. But I will cite only such com- 
panies which on aocounl of their magnitude and importance 
had gained the decided assistance of the government, by 
means of the institution eiiHed "C.aja de Prcstamos para la 
Agricultura y Fomentode la Irrigacion" (Loan association 
for the promotion of AgriciilluiT and Irrigation). The prin- 
cipal operations carried out hy this institution since its es- 
tablishment in the year 1908. to date, are: loan of three 
million jiesos to "Campania Agricola y Ganadcra de San 
Carlos;" organization of the "La Sautena" company, with 
land enihraoing 10,000 hectares; and the concession granted 




to Mr. Manuel Cuesta Gallardo for carrying out Ihe drain- 
age of a portion of Lake Chapala. These enterprises have 
been oflcred at different markets in the United States with- 
out any success, despite the advantageous conditions under 
which tiiev have been offered. Th(* above mentioned insti- 
tution, the only one existing in the Republic of Mexico, 
has been unable, to dale, to pay a single dividend. Un- 
doubtedly, there nuist be some special reason which has 
retarded the success or caused the failure of this kind of 
company in Mexico; but in a general w-ay this phenomenon 
may be interpreted as follows: 

The law of supply and demand, implies n necessity to sell, 
face to face to another necessity to purchase. In Mexico 
there exists, without doubt, the desire and the necessity to 
purchase lands in order to work them by means of extensive 
cultivation, since the popiihir instinct has expressed it even 
with violent numifestations, which have sonu»limes reached 
a lamentable exlrenu*, hut wliicli on the whole are impos- 
ing, since they have a special significance botli for the legis- 
lator and for the sociologist. Unhappily, th(»re is no (»(iuiva- 
lent necessity to sell on the part of the landholder, who, in 
the majority of cases secures, tlirough llu» extcMisive culti- 
vation of his lands, what he requires to satisfy his dues and 
the needs of his more or less modest nuxle of living. His 
attachment to the land of his forefallu^rs does nol permit 
him to understand that lh(» "hacii'uda'' on which lie lives 
is slowiv converting itself into Ihe cemeterv of In's imaginarv 
wealth. Unable to fertih'zc* the hmd, restituting to it the 
vigor which it loses year by y(^ar, wlu^i \w nolices the dimi- 
nution in the crops, lie lias recourse l«) artificial processes - 

real marvels of iuaemiitv intend(»d to level liis annual in- 

come which decreases alarmin^lv. Tlie nc^wlv inslalled 
textile industries and tlie exploitation of "gayul(»," "can- 
delilla," industrial alcohol, etc., flourishing in the middle 
of the revolution, are classic proofs of our ei'rin^ a.^rieultural 
tendencies, which seek nn outlet when baffled hy the impossi- 
bilitv of remedvinq the (Mnpoveri^lunent of the hmd which 
is always on the increase. If we add to this the puerile 
hope that in time, the natural increase in the price <jf his 
land will liherallv compensate him for anv ;innu:il losses, 
we will be in a position to understand cU^a rly wliy tlie land- 
holders in Mexico do not experience the necessity' of scll- 


.i a iK-w constitu- lion. .WvciiIkIoss. I tell you. Gentlemen, the 

\iiiig clf=e will be rclonn ui the division and tlie iMiliticM organi- 

hment o£ the Con- latioii of the states, is ahsoluwly «e«5sary. 

ing as is experienced by the manufacturer who, entertain- 
ing no ethical sentimentality for his products and depending 
essentially on their sale, is compelled to offer his goods until 
he finds a suitable demand for them. When, therefore, the 
landholder, for special reasons, finally mak^s up his mind 
to sell his property in plots of adequate size to be cultivated 
extensively, he demands a price which is extravagant for the 
intelligent colonizer, and which causes the ruin of the in- 
experienced settler. 

When there is an offer of land, but at a certain arbitraiy 
price, although the terms for payment may be ideal, the 
economic phenomenon resolves itself into a case of a sale 
at a long term, at an usurious interest, as may be seen by 
the following example: 

In the region of the Bajio, the price per hectare — two 
acres and a half, upproxiniatoly — ^varies from $150 to $300 
gold. The average production is 10 hectolitres of com 
with an approximate value of $15 gold, at the rate of $1.50 
per hectolitre. The expense of cultivation, at a low esti- 
mate of $0.20 gold, per day, is $8.50 gold; therefore, the 
profit, theoretically ainoiints to $C.50 gold per hectare, since 
it is necessary to di.scoiinl inlcrcsl on the capital invested. 
If, then, a colonist is ImhiimI Io pay for each hectare he 
acquires, within a eerlaiii Icnn, in the first year: 

Inlprest oT (i'f pep niiiiiini on SLW gold-inini- 

inum vnlue of llie liecliire iffl.flO gold at 4':? per iinniun, npitroxiinalely. . . 0.00 gold 


on an investment which piiys a profit of '^d'^O, it is evident 
(hat hK pays an inleri-sl of S2:t.l",', on Ihe real value of 
$65.00 gold, whicii theoietically, is the Inphest value that 
should hv. atli-ihiiled lo Ihc hectare of workable land. For 
even thou^ii the amount of SI.">.00 decreases within the term 
iixed until H becomes zero, llie owiur oi' the land invests 
llie amounts received in oilier enterprises wliicli, without 
elVorl. on his pari, will proihice llie initial (1% on each 
amount of .Sl.lO jjold per heelare Rold. 

No douht hy means of extensive cultivation, that is, by 
the ferlilixing of Ihe land, its produclion would he higher 
than $0.50 per heclare, but the increase will in reality be 
due to the capital invested later on, in the form of intel- 

L . 

V. l^U^t-X 

lectual and material work which the agriculturist applies to 
his modified industry! 

As the product of the land diminishes through h\ck of 
fertilizers, the owner or the companies employing intensive 
cultivation, are unavoidahly compelled to pay a constantly 
decreasing salaiy, which determines a constantly increasing 
offer of lahor to the mining and manuracturing industries 
which can pay l)etler salaries; thus hringing ahout a fatally 
increasing depreciation of lahor, painfully aggravated if we 
take into account the increasing cost of the hasis of living, 
caused hy the diminution of production of the land. 

In a countrv where the owner of the land marches towards 
ruin due to the material impossihility of fertilizing his land, 
where the poorer classes are condemned to starve, where in- 
dustries have a constantly decreasing demand, an<l where, on 
the other hand, the people observe the exlraeli«)n and disposal 
abroad, of a fabulous wealth in the form of minerals and 
oils, it is not strange that the people* become demented and 
seek the remedy of its ills, in revolt. 

(li.)- -As my object is to study the M(\\ican situation from 
the economic point exclusively, I shall merely point out an 
interesting phenomenon which ilemonstraies thi^ lack of free 
competition in socio-|)olitieal matters. In Mexico, in pub- 
lic places, one may imagine the following notic(*s, which 
would indicate the separation of classes, as in the Scmth 
of the United States is marked the division between white 
and colored pi^ople: *'Kxclusively lor the aristocracy," "For 
workingmen," "For Peons." When the transgressor of this un- 
written social law will not comply with the ri^monstrances 
of a private party, the police, rei)resenting the government 
in such cases, is rea<ly l<» punish the olVense, which is an 
offense onlv wlu-n il comes from the l(»wlv. 

The dictatorship of (ieneral Pordrio Diaz, was organized 
as all dictatorships, with Ihe support of Ihi* military party 
and the approval of Ihe [)rivile.i;r<l elassis. Dnring its era 
of apparent wellbeing and thanks h» Hie er»nslruction of 
railways an<l the installation of m w i!uluslri(*s, Hk* demand 
for labor presented a i»liiM|)se nl' luime eeonomie e<|uili- 
brium. The agricultural (iiieslion. eilher through ignorance 
or political pervc rsion, set aside Ihe ellorls of the* Public 
Finances tendered exeliisivelx to the development of in- 
dustries which was liiiiitefl by lh»- Ihiiat of a j)ro\inuite 


>f a iH'W constitu- 
hing else will be 
liment of the Con- 

tion. Xcvenhcloss. 1 loll yrai, Gentlemen, the 
reform cif ilu^ division and the political organi- 
zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

period of lack of demand. As the eighty-five per cent of 
our rural population was sentenced to starvation or to in- 
crease the ills of the working and domestic classes endanger- 
ing these, due to the increasing lowering of salaries brought 
about by the competition, the urban class in its turn, tried 
to scale the professional and bureaucratic branches, already 
too full in relation to the normal national demand. On the 
other hand, as the success of all activities in Mexico de- 
pends on the more or less active sympathy of the govern- 
ment, all compensated service became, logically, a privilege. 
This privilege was controlled, not only by the statesmen 
who were in a position to handle bureaucracy at their will* 
but due to the fact that private enterprises had to count on 
the support of the former, all activities were practically 
controlled by such men. Now, when man, either intuitively 
or by reasoning, understands that Iiis activity, in what- 
ever form it may assume, will be sterile, for lack of com- 
pensation, his ambition sickens or dies of that neurosis char- 
acteristic of Mexico, and unjustly symbolized with the 
phrase: **The country of to-morrow." I say "unjustly," 
because a surprising majority of the workingmen or profes- 
sionals who have emigrated to this country, despite tiie dif- 
ference of customs and the handicap of language, which 
constitute a serious factor toward failure, have distinguished 
themselves for their elliciency and capability. 

It is not, therefore, vices of race — as someone has stated — 
that is the cause of our economic uneasiness, but the lack 
of free competition in the economic field, which prevents 
national industry from developing, for there is no competi- 
tion possible against the foreign industries established in 
Mexico by virtue of concessions so excessive as to be anti- 
constitutional. The Revolution could not have invented 
such an economic system, laboriously prepared, but brutally 
absurd. If the Revolution is analyzed dispassionately, it 
will be seen that to date, it has restricted itself to handle 
with natural timidity our rotten skeleton, the only asset on 
wliich it can count for the national iniprovenient. 

(CJ — An attempt has been made to implant different 
educational systems among our Indian classes, which rep- 
resent the majority of our social organizjition. To date, in 
tlie majority of cases, the result has been a morality in the 
Indian in inverse ratio to the sum total of knowledge ac- 



quired. This should not be surprising: in his ignorance, 
he tries to stupify himself with alcohol in order to appease 
the hunger which torments him, more intensely than our 
**cult" theoreticians can imagine, and who do not know, 
perhaps, that the bandit-revolutionist was bred from starved 
alcoholic parents, (the national alcoholic drink, "'pulque,** 
contains a certain amount of cocaine the eflect of which 
is immediate, a fact which has given rise to the erroneous 
belief that "pulque" has nutritious properties). When our 
Indian becomes "kulturized** — borrowing the expression of 
a German pedagogue, there happens to him what happened 
to the colored hero of a popular American novel who, placed 
in the category of a free man, when he had won a respect- 
able social position, reniged of his freedom which had in- 
duced him to dream of becoming the iiusband of his young 
mistress empoverished w-hcn she granted freedom to her 

Maliciously, the Indian has been repeatedly accused of 
being abject, servile, irredeemable. The Indian has at- 
tempted to revolt, innumerai)Ie times, as a virile protest 
against his inhuman destiny. In ail cases, the law has 
punished him with i)rison for life or with death. Impotent 
in an unequal struggle of the bare arm against the fire- 
arm, and always hungiy, the Indian has sought forgetful- 
ness in alcohol, and has made use of the most disgusting 
animals as food to satisfy his hunger, thus trying to solve 
his economic problem. On a certain occasion an American 
lady, thinking of the ruin of the great Mexican family which 
has sought refuge in this countrj^ exclaimed: "Is it not 
admirable, how the Mexicans endure their ruin philosophi- 
cally?" — "yes," I replied, "thanks to the Indian blocxi that 
runs through the veins of practically all the Mexicans." 


.:' :i luvv constitu- tion. .\ovpitlnlo,is. 1 Ull you. Gentlemen, tlie 

ling else will be reiurni of the tlivision and the political organi- 

ament oi the Con- jattou of the states, is absolutely Hcce^^ary. 


We have stated that the call made to capital by the 
triumphing Revolution in order to try to improve the eco- 
nomic situation, has been answered only by a discourag- 
ing minority. Consequently, if capital peraiats in this atti- 
tude, the government uf Carranza will meet with a con- 
stantly increasing deficit which no doubt will provoke a 
new revolt unless the government finds an efficaciouB ii^ 
terior solution to the problem. This solution will be fomid 
without fail, if American public opinion opposes the armed 

That new revolt would also belong to an economic order, 
since it would he the result of an absolute lack of acquiai- 
tive power of the paper money, and in the hope that a new 
government will coin gold and silver coins, from the metal 
obtained by the gracious and spontaneous cooperation of 
the mining companies, composed, in their majorify, by 

Before all we nuist warn ali those who dream with coun- 
ter-i'cvulutions, that the taller do nut exist in the sense of 
acts of vengeance or punislimont against the disorders com- 
millcd (luring a jtreviou;; anarchical state, called "revolu- 
lion," Tin; rovolulion repi'cscnls the coadict of psycological 
forces libiTaleil by ilic rupliuT of the ties which held the 
passions, Ilic hrulal iiislinels, and the atavic influences, 
in a potential stale whiili will again start a furiotis conflict 
allhougl) apparently flic later upheaval might be apparently 
directed to punish the previous tnaible, 

K\cliidiiig the deliberately ])erverted ones, I snicercly be- 
lieve that a majority of the revoliilionai-j- chiefs lament the 
disordei's caused by the Hevnliition and are exerting them- 
selves to remedy tlieni. This is higical lor two reasons: 
fii*st. |)liysically and niuralty tired of a brutal struggle, their 
instinct of conservation ]>uslies them lowanls a slate of life 
wherein they can safe}<uar<I the iiuilerial and moral rewards 
they have secured during tlie canipaij!!!; and secondly, the 
fearsome speetaeh' of hunger, daily ajifiravated. is a present- 
ment of Ibe futuiv Mlien they woubl be the first victims. 

Supposing thai another Mexican faction became armed 
Ihi^mgh tlu' support of the Repahliean i)arty trinniphant at 
the next polls, we would see rei)eaU'il, during the fight, tlie 


same abuses, the same savage outrages, and probal)ly even the 
same "raids" which Mexicans and foreigners have witnessed, 
possessed with just indignation. The new mobs, headed by 
chieftains psycologically identical to those who warred in 
the past, would succeed at the most, in supplanting certain 
names already registered now in that kind of corpora- 
lion called government. The same vicious circle which we 
will describe presentlj-, would place them in the same 
dangerous situation in which the present c/e \aclo govern- 
ment finds itself, unless it limited itself exclusively to sell 
our national sovereignty for a handful of gold. 

In the monography pubh'shed by the "Mechanical and 
Metals Bank," called "Mexico" we read: "So many prob- 
lems confront Mexico that tliey wouhl be deeply discourag- 
ing were it not for the fad of the country's vast natural 
wealth, — riches which require peace and a properly ruled 
people for their development!" "Whatever else be said 
one thing stands out definitely: Mexico's financial and in- 
dustrial hope in the future lies with the bankers and financial 
interests of the United Slates." 

No one can foresee what the organization of the civilized 
world finances will be once the Kuropean eonflicl is ended; 
but it is probable that if the I'nited States enn preserve its 
peace, the association of the most important Anu^rican banks 
will rise to the category of a banking inslilution of world- 
wide repute. (iOnsequenlly, without entering into a com- 
plicated and profound analysis of the slntement of the 
Mechanical and Metals Bank, we will aec(»pl it as an irre- 
futable truth, or at least as an indication of tlu* wav Amer- 
ican capital feels in regard to Mexico's economic fulure. 

No great exertion is necessary to understand the attitude 
assumed by capital towanls the Revolulion nnd th(» de facto 
government. Its protest agjunsl an annrchicul slnte, is just, 
although such proti'st is similnr lo the one mtidi* by a 
faiiner against heaven beeaust* the l^ller does not send an 
opportune rain. Though the illogienl cimipnign Ihnt capi- 
tal is waging against acts of Mr. (Inrninza acts wliieh in 
a last analysis are nu^rely tlie natural process of a Hc^vo- 
lution transforming itself into a government -there is a 
large amount of perfidy, but a still larger am!)unl of inex- 
plicable ignorance. What an* the final pretensions (»f the 
Mexican people? To wilnc^ss the \vond(»rful s])ectaele of the 


S !i now constitu- tion. -Wvcrtliclcss, 1 toll ynii. Gentlemen, the 

ling else will be rofurm ol the division and tlie political organi- 

iineDt of the Con- Jatton cf the states, is ab^alulely necessary. 

extraction of its riches for the exclusive benefit of fordigii- 
ers, and to entertain the hope that at last, some day, it be 
able to relieve the condition of practical starvation which 
tortures it from its sociologic origin to date. This relief can 
be obtained only when the landholder pagt the tax Jtutly 
imposed on him; when foreign companies operating in Mex- 
ico, agree to a revision of their concessions, which for fbe 
the greater part, are anti-constitutional. 

Any government which establishes itself in Mexico will 
have to deal : on the one hand with a people whose morality 
is the psycological concomitant of the endemic state of star' 
vation that afflicts it; and on the other, with the exigendes 
of foreign capital which will not consent to the organization 
of a new loan for Mexico unless the Mexican government 
that seeks such loan guarantees to that -capital the conces- 
sions as granted hy previous governments. As these con- 
cessions even granting that they were demanded and granted 
in good faith, are notoriously anti-constitutional and tttOr 
moral, it stands to reason that the absolute future of Mex- 
ico depends on Wall Street, if the American public opinion 
does not oppose the injustice of an armed intervention. 

When foreign capilal is persuaded that the American peo- 
ple will not be pleased to have a war against Mexico merely 
hecausc it so suits the foreign eompnnies operating therein, 
SVC will witness a curious spectacle; the Mexican loan con- 
sidered at the present nionicnf as the most stupid of in- 
vestments, will be even overpaid within a period similar to 
thai needed for oovorinj^ the recent European loans. 

It is not foolish to nuikc such a prediction, for in the 
history of our national dehts is seen that we have never 
repudiated any ohligations, however contracted. In the 
"lonrnal nf American Bankei-s Association" (May 1916), 
wc read, in the article published by Mr. T. W. Osterheld, 
Iho following "Throii^'nuit the historj' of Mexico, its strug- 
gles, its civil strife and revolutions, one dominant factor has 
heconip an empiric law of that Republic, namely: never to 
repudiate its material dcht and the insistence by the central 
g<»verinnenl. thai each stale fulfill the obligations which it 
may liave contracted. T!ie great proof of this statement 
and the integrity of the Mexican Republic will be found in 
the history of its fii-st two loans, where the republic, in as- 
suming llie responsibility of the Spanish debt, received 

deren miUion didlan for a thirty million loan, paid twenty- 
nine million five hundred thousand dollars, and finally ex- 
Unguished this debt by the payment of over sixty-two mil- 
lion dollars. If it is true, as Lord Beaconsfield states, that 
character U destiny in the individual, then the past actions 
and work of the Mexican units will give to that nation a 
future destiny of prosperity and progress as great as that of 
any nation of our continent; moreover, it is unnecessary to 
feel any repudiation of debt of interest contracted by her 
past, present or future executiues." 

Simultaneously with this fact, we will sec that certain press - 
in the pay of the capital interested in Mexico, cease to pub- 
lish the insults which it has been hurling at the Mexican 
revolutionary people;, and we shall also see the definite 
cessation of "new raids" which at present are constantly 
threatening the American frontier. 

New York, October, 1916. . 



„i a n»« cons'""- tion. Xcvcitliclcss. I tell you, GQiitlemen, the 
illiing else will be reform of the division and the political organi- 
sbment of the Con- zation of the states, is absolutely necessary. 


\ I 


' » 

Mtat tfie 

Catljolit Cliurtli 

tiafii Bone to JVlextco 

By dr. a. pagan el 

^ ^ >ji 

lyPitb a replp bp 


^ >J< >J. 


1400 BROADWAY >: .•: NEW YORK. 1916. 

.i a new consStn- tion. Xwertlieless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 

ling else will be reform ot the division and the political organi- 
tion of the fitate^. i* absolutely necessary- 

* * « 

^«N.C ttfuvci, 

!>« man, to iWexico 

* * * 

What the Cathotic Ctmrch has doiu to Mextet. 

A short historical sketch of the work and influence wrou^ 1^ flie 
Catholic Church in Mexico since 1521, will not be found unmtereating 
to the Catholics, Protestants, jews and even the Monnons of ddi 
country. American Catholics daim they do not tsnqwr with politi'cs; 
that this is one of the reasons for their hi^ standins in the com- 
munity. Lately, however, there has been a change in this policy ; high 
dignitaries of the Church have come out in the press with worl(Uy 
opinions on subjects such as suffrage and Mexican affairs. They have 
attacked the representatives of the different parties in Mexico and 
members of the Wilson administration have not escaped, but this same 
Church and friends have consistently defended Huerta and his regime, 
and have initiated a campaign of agitation against the Constitutional- . 
ists in favor of American Intervention. 

If the high dignitaries of the Catholic Church want to meddle in 
politics then they surely must not claim immuni^ from counter attacks 
or hide under the cloak of religion or of their own sacred personalities. 
Besides, the American Catholic laymen want to be infonned of both 
sides of the controversy. 

« * * « * 

When Hernando Cortez had conquered Mexico in 1521, he soon 
realized that soldiers alone could not control the millions of Indians 
which had come under the rule of the Spanish king. Thousands of 
priests, nuns and friars were, therefore, imported from Spain; the 
priests soon settled in the cities and the monks in the country. Thwr 
established and built monasteries and churches from Uruguay to Cali- 
fornia. In 1524, four Bishoprics were founded, in lS/1 the Holy 
Inquisition was established by the Dominicans and two years later the 
first "auto da fe" act of faith took place. The Jesuits arrived in Mex- 
ico in 1572. It can be safely asserted that the colonization of New 
Spain was achieved by the different religious orders ; they christianized 
the Indians and made them work on churches, monasteries and on their 
farms for their own benefit. 

The Jesuits and the Franciscans did endeavor to foster learning in 
the new land, but with limited success, owing to the fact that they 
taught only the sons of Spaniards and the Indians they taught to 
memorize tiie prayers in their own language. Although they were ex- 
pelled in 1767, their work was very useful and they made themselves 
conspicuous from the other orders in the zeal with which they noticed 
(he observances of their own rules. They were the teachers of the 
Creoles and mestizos of New Spain, and dominated by their science, 
sobriety, chastity and their insinuating spirit. 

It is a strange commentary on the logic of Catholics that they 
consider the expulsion of religious orders from Mexico under the 
Laws of the Reform (1859) for meddling in politics, as an unjust 
measure and an attack on religious liberty, when as a fact, they never 
protested when that most Catholic majesty, the king of Spain, Charles 


tti, expelled the Jesuits from Spain and from New Spain because they 
were accused of playing politics. Besides, they were suspected of enter- 
taining certain doctrines on regicide ; that is to say. die right to kill 
rulers when they were tyrants. There was an attempt on the life of the 
Portuguese sovereign and as the Jesuits were accused as being re- 
sponsible for it, they were exiled from Portugal. The same measures 
were taken against them in France. Not only were the Jesuits ex- 
pelled from Spain and tlie whole of New Spain, but their property and 
real estate were confiscated. They possessed great capitals, outstand- 
ing loans, haciendas, houses and churches. 

In the three hundred years of Spanish rule in Mexico there were 
sixty-two viceroys, out of these, ten prelates, mostly of the Dominican 
order, held office as viceroys ad interim. The Dominicans had been 
the dominating power in Mexico. The influence of the religious 
orders was beneficial until the end of the sixteenth century. Their 
religious zeal went so far in the beginning, that all vestige of Aztec 
and other pre-Spanish civilization was destroyed by order of the friars. 
Thus many very valuable historical documents, such as old parch- 
ments, books, maps, Aztec statuary, teaocalHs or temples, were lost to 
the world. 

Among the most prominent representatives of the Church we must 
mention such men as Fray Vasco de Quiroga, a real saint who was 
venerated for his Christian virtues. Fray Pedro de Gante, related to 
Charles V of Spain, known as a teacher and an organizer of schools 
of industrial arts. Fray Bernardino de Sahugan, author of books on 
pre-Spanish history, as well as Fray Javier de Alegre and the famous 
Fw F- J- Clavijero. 

These names, as well as others, should be inscribed on the golden 
scroll of pre-Spanish history; nevertheless there is a seamy side to 
this silver lining. 

As soon as this rehgoius order became wealthy, the spiritual part of 
its work was neglected and a majority of the clergy became imbued 
with the idea that their power over the colonists would be increased 
with their wealth and their political importance. Many prelates con- 
sidered themselves superior to the military and civil authorities as was 
the case with the Archbishop Don Juan Perez de la Sema. 

The then viceroy. Marquis de Gelnes, incurred the enmity of this 
strong-willed prelate, who rebelled against the authority of the viceroy 
and was arrested. Thereupon De la Sema ex-communicated all his 
military guards and later even the viceroy. Things came to a point 
when the Archbishop's friends incited the people to real munity ; con- 
victs were liberated from prisons and attacked and looted the royal 
palace. The viceroy had to flee for his life, from Mexico to Spain and 
when another viceroy was sent to Mexico, Archbishop De la Sema was 
asked to appear before the King of Spain, who punished him by mak- 
ing him Bishop of Zamor in Spain. 

During Spanish rale in Mexico a discussion arose in the mother 
country by a council of theologians as to whether the Indians had a 

/soul and if they were "gcnte de razon," that is to say, reasoning beings. 
"It must be remembered that a question similar to this came up for 
discussion in Europe in A. D. 585, at the Council of Macon, as to 
whether woman possessed a soul. It was finally decided that she had 
all the possibilities of one. In the case of the Indian, they cut the 
gordian knot by saying that the Indians were men, but not quite fin- 
ished or complete, more lil^e ( minors and that, therefore, 
they should be subject to their i , protected by their king and 
the Church, It can be readily . what kind of protection the 
poor Indian received, espccia tonks as masters. When the 
Indians were told that they wcj e protection of the king and 
the Church, they answered resi( he king is in Spain and God 
is in Heaven." 

The Inquisition or , bunal of the Faith. 

The Holy Inquisition inquireu with all available means into the 
thoughts and actions of men in religious matters. Not only the 
accused but likewise the informer were forced under penalty of torture 
to reveal family secrets. The tribunal was secret; therein resided 
its power. Its authority was unlimited as it did not depend upon any 
other court. In its absolutism it disposed without scruples of the 
liberty, honor, wealth and even life of any person. It imprisoned, 
defamed, confiscated, condemned to the "garrote" (strangulation by 
means of an iron collar), and it burned at the stake. Those accused 
of heresy were not confronted bv their accuser. They were kept in 
solitary confinement, sometimes for years, until they underwent the 
torture to compel confession. 

Judgment usually ended in exile, by imprisonment to the gallows, 
public whipping or death. Not even the dead or the absent escaped 
punishment ; the bones of the former were incinerated, the latter were 
burned in effigy. There were special and general "autos da fe," In 
1596 ten heretics were burned at the stake in Mexico City, mostly 
Jews and Protestants. An "auto da fe" was considered an excuse for 
a feast day. 

During the ten years of the struggle for Independence the Inquisi- 
tion persecuted the revolutionists and the inquisitors were called the 
agents of despotism. Hidalgo and Morelos were the most conspicuous 
victims and martyrs of the Inquisition. Abad y Qiieipo, Bishop of 
Michoacan excommunicated Hidalgo in September, 1810 and in De- 
cember of the same year received him under a pall in Valladolid 
(Morelia) and celebrated his victories against the Spanish troops with 
a solemn "Te Deum" in the cathedral. A few years later the clergy 
became the alleged ally and protector of the successful revolutionists. 

After the restoration of the Constitution (of 1812) in Spain, in the 
year 1820, the Inquisition was abolished in Mexico where it had enacted 
its judgments for the space of 294 years. The building of the Inquisi- 
tion in Mexico City is now used as the Academy of Medicine. When 
the Inquisitorial oIKce was abolished in 1820, in its dungeons was dis- 
covered, according to the account of an eyewitness "the Jew Chrisantos 

Granados, called El GuatemaUeco. true descendant of the Jews, who 
had been expelled from Portugal m the eighteenth century. He had 
on tlie crown of his hat a treatise on logic, which was his heresy. 
Another dungeon was unsealed and from it was taken out, one who 
looked like a skeleton, with a long beard. His crime consisted in 
speaking in favor of the Independence. He had also some lines on 
heresy, because he defined logic as the faculty of the human mind to 
direct all action m order to discover the truth. Faint cries in another 
dungeon brought the searchers to a naked, old man, who had his hands 
and feet in iron rings attached to a wooden cross. He had been there 
thirty years. The captain left the janitor like Adam, in order to 
clothe the skeleton of this martyr. 

"There were thirty-nine prisoners and they, thinking that they were 
all going to be burned, asked: 'What is yoing to happen to us?' and the 
captain answered: 'Nothing, you are going to be free, for the Con- 
stitution of the year 1812 has been sworn by his majesty, the King of 
Spain and in virtue of that, this cursed tribunal is abolished.' The 
prisoners were taken before the viceroy, Don Juan de Apodaca, Count 
of Venadito, who gave them some money. Some had been m prison 
50 many years they knew nobody living in the world. None knew 
which way to turn from the palace of the viceroy. 

For three hundred years New Spain was surrounded by a Chinese 
wall of exclusion: exclusion of foreigners, of all education which was 
not religious and ail commercial intercourse which did not come direct- 
ly from Spain, A dozen ships which sailed twice a year from SeviJIa 
to Mexico brought all the necessities and luxuries needed for a popu- 
lation of several millions and sailed back to the old country laden with 
the gold and silver of Mexico. The Index Expurgatorius of the 
Roman See saw to it that no books except inocuous religious treaties 
reached New Spain. This encouraged smuggling, intellectual as well 
as commercial. 

A few years before the struggle for Independence the population of 
New Spain was about 5.300.000 inhabitants which were divided in this 
manner : 

European (Spanish) 60.000 

Creoles 900,000 

Mestizos 1,500,000 

Indians 2,850,000 

Total 5,310,000 

So there will be observed that in three hundred years the population 

had increased from a few million Indians and a handful of Spaniards 

to 900,000 Creoles and a million and a half mestizos. 

Decrees abolishing slavery were very numerous, but did not prevent 

this system of Oppression from continuing. 
The contempt for the mestizos was a great factor in the feeling of 

rebellion engendered against Spanish rule. So great was the contempt 

for the mestizos and even the Creoles by the born Spaniards, that one 

of the later vicerc^, after tbe question of hcmt rule had arisen, de- 
clared "that as long as a CastUi'an remained in the country, thou^ he 
were no more than a cobbler, he ought to rule in New Spain." 

Most of the Spaniards who became wealthy, returned to Spain, a. 
great many of those who remained behind did so because they were 
poor. The Church took deep roots in Mexico, over four-fifths of the 
land in Mexico was in the hands of the religious orders and the Church, 
growing richer, lost its spin^ual hold on die people. 

As a proof of the ascendancy of the clergy in political matters, the 
case of Mexican deputies to the Cortez in Cadiz in 1810, who were 
almost all canons, may be cited. 

The Dominicans alone might be said to have furnished a powerful 
cause for the overthrow of Spanish rule, at the very time tiiat they 
were laboring hardest to uphold it as it manifested signs of tottering. 
And all the orders by seizmg and holding vast amounts of property, 
1^ building churches and monasteries in times when the people were 
suffering tbe most abject poverty, and by enforcing the laws of tithes 
and gaining control of wealth which should have been applied to en- 
courage industry and relieving the needs of the people, conspired to 
stimulate the popular discontent which finally broke out into tfie open 
revolt. A creole priest raised the standard of revolt in Mexico on 
September 16th, 1810. His name was Hidalgo, or by his full name, 
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla. He was caught, sentenced to death by the 
Inquisition and his head with that of four of his lieutenants was stuck 
on pikes on the four corners of the public square, in Guanajuato in 
1811, where they remained until 1821. The greatest military genius of 
the revolution was another mestizo priest, Jose Maria Morelos ; there 
were other patriot priests, Mariano Matamoros, Dr. Cos, Navarrete, 
and Torres. 

The Church excommunicated the partisans and authors of Mexican 

It must be known that the clergy violated the secret of the confes- 
sional to denounce its enemies, which is one of the reasons for the 
burning of the confessionals during the ten years' struggle for Inde- 
pendence, in the war of the Reform and during the Constitutionalist 

There is historical proof of this. Don Manuel Iturriaga, canon of 
Valladolid, who was affiliated with the revolutionary movement, on his 
deathbed, confessed everything and the conspiracy was discovered be- 
cause the father confessor violated the secret of the confessional. 

Liberalism in Spain threatened the great interests of the Catholic 
Church in Mexico and therefore it demanded "an absolute separation 
from Spain and its radicalism." 

The clergy began to hold secret consultations with their closest 
adherents among the "Old Spaniards," and to devise means whereby 
the rights and prerogatives of the religious orders might be conserved, 
the immense revenues of the Church saved^ and the conaperation of 
the people of Mexico (whom they had previously estranged) secured 

if a new CO: 

lion. Ncvertheles.. I lell yo„. Gcnllemen the 
refarai ot Uic division and the political organi-J 
asis«. n[ .k , jailjsolutely necMsar)-- --^s 

in their interests, Augustin de Iturbide was chosen as the tool by the 
clergy to effect a union between the Mexican revolutionists and the 
native army under the orders of the viceroy. 

On the 21st of February, 1821, Iturbide succeeded in having the 
p!an of Iguala adopted by the revolutionists. The tirst Constitution 
was given the name of the "Three Guarantees," because Religion, In- 
dependence and Union were to be symbolized in the national flag, with 
the colors red, green and white. 

Iturbidc's defection broke Spanish resistance and he was appointed 
president of the five regents who represented the government ad 
interim. In a turbulent meeting of the Congress, from which the re- 
publican members were in a measure excluded, Iturbide was elected 
Emperor of Mexico. He abdicated on the 20th of March, 1823, 

Thirty-six articles were adopted in January to serve as a basis for a 
future Constitution. The third article of the Constitution read as 
follows: "The Religion of the Mexican nation is, and will perpetually 
be the Roman Catholic Apostolic. The nation will protect it by wise 
and just laws, and prohibit the exercise of any other tvltatever." 

Lucas Alaman was the intellectual leader of the clerical party and 
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was its military tool. 

In 1832, Gomez Farias. Vice-President, with Santa Anna, proposed 
the first reforms, that is to say, the abolition of the "fueros" or privi- 
leges (1) of the clergy and army, the separation of the Church and 
State, including the suppression of the monastic orders and more par- 
ticularly the abolition of the right of the ecclesiastics to interfere in 
secular affairs. 

In 1833, Gomez Farias began a system of government reforms which 
were only put into execution in 1859, after the three years' war, 

Santa Anna played the part of the traitor and tool of the Church 
until at last he was driven from the country in 1854, but not until he 
had led his country into two disastrous wars which lost Mexico as 
much territory as is contained in the whole of Mexico today. 

In 1847, when Santa Anna was in the field organizing an army to 
fight the Americans, "Gomez Farias, who was in charge of the gov- 
ernment, proposed a loan of four million dollars from the Church 
which was practically in possession of all the available wealth of the 
country. The Church refused and the clericals created dissensions 
among the troops for the defense of the country." For a month the 
streets of the capital were scenes of wild confusion and violence. 

The efforts of Gomez Farias to obtain assistance of the Church in 
the prosecution of the war was resisted by the "Polkos" (clericals and 
gilded youths). While the squadron of the United States was in the 
Gulf of Mexico, the "Polkos" were seeking to make terms of peace 
with the United States, without attempting to preserve the integrity 
of the national territory. 

It was the action of the "Polkos" that made the war, on the part of 
the army of the United States, a mere military progress through 
Mexico from the borders of the land to the capital. 

"The systematic encouragement of desertion from Scott's army was 
another device in which much reliance was placed, and the plan was 
so far successful that a certain number, prinapally Irish Catholics, did 
desert at Jalapa and Puebla." 

The war with Texas, with the United States, French Intervention, 
were all deliberately planned by the reactionary party so as to avoid 
a civil war and unite all factions under its flae. As we have said be- 
fore, Santa Anna was the tool of the Church. The master mind of the 
clerical party was Lucas Alaman. Some extracts from a I^er of 
Lucas Alaman, to the President-elect Santa Anna, follow : 

"We are absolutely opposed to the federal system in the matter of 
elections which has obtained hitherto and the elective city coundt 
(municipal home rule), and to everything which bears any relation to 
popular elections. . . . And we are persuaded that any and all of 
these things can be satisfactorily carried out without Congress. We 
desire, however, that you proceed under the counsel of a few advisers 
who will outline your executive action. . . . We have the moral 
strength of the united clergy, and likewise the land owners. . . . 
For Sit rest we do not care, no matter what your personal convictions 
may be, to see you surrounded by flatterers who will influence you 
. . . you are already possessed of our desires, of the strength and the 
support which is ours, and we presume you have the same ideas. // 
it should happen not to prove so, it will be bad for the nation — and 
you. . . .' 

Lucas Alaman. 

The advanced liberals in Mexico promulgated on the 21st of Novem- 
ber, 1855, what is known as the "Ley Juarez." The ecclesiastical 
authorities saw at once, in the passage of the "Ley Juarez" an attack 
upon the rights of the Church, — their petted fueros — and they pro- 
tested most vigorously against the passage of the law. 

The clerical opposition brought into prominence the Bishop of 
Puebla, the Rt. Rev. Pelagic Antonio de Labastida y Davalos, who 
had been but recently advanced to the Episcopate. In March, 1854, he 
anathemized from the pulpit, as heretical, the doctrines of Ocampo and 
Miguel Lerdo. His zeal in that regard was rewarded by his elevation 
to the Episcopate. "Each proposition regarding the new Constitution 
was an attack upon some abuse that had existed, perhaps for three 
centuries, and involved the wealth or the influence of some powerful 
class. It was proposed, for example, to prohibit forced labor, 
monopolies, alacabalas (or interstate custom duties), the acquisition 
of property by religious communities. These prohibitions were sug- 
gested not as mere doctrinaire theories, but as solutions of some of the 
social problems presented to the reformers of the Constitution. In 
opposition to the proceedings of Congress, the Bishops throughout the 
country issued pastoral letters denouncing the reform propositions and 
the entire Constituent Congress. They went so far as to excommuni- 
cate certain officials in the City of Mexico, who had been active in ex- 

ecuting the "Ley Lerdo" as well as al! the government officials and 
even the clerks in the offices." 

In January, 1856, the revolt broke out full force. The garrisons of 
Morelia, Michoacan, Queretaro, San Luis Potosi, Guadadajara and 
San Juan de UUoa started "cuartclazos" munities, with the war cry: 
"Religion y Fueros," religion and privileges, while in Oaxaca, the 
curates Carlos Parro, Jose Gabriel Castellanos and Jose Maria Garcia, 
together with Captain Bonifacio Blanco, headed a military uprising 
proclaiming the full establishment of the ecclesiastical and military 
privileges, and the upholding of the Catholic religion to the exclusion 
of all others. In Jalisco the friars of the monastery of El Carmen 
joined with the soldiery in a military revolt. 

As was to be expected, the clericals were defeated, Santa Anna was 
driven into exile and the Constitution of 1857 was proclaimed. 

Article V says among other things: "The law, in consequence, does 
not recognize mouasiic orders, and will not permit their establishment, 
no matter what may be the denomination or purpose for which they 
pretend to be established." 

Article XXVIII, "The State and Church are independent. Congress 
cannot make any laws establishing or forbidding any religion ..." 

The Archbishop of Mexico, Don Lazaro de la Garza .announced in 
circulars sent to the Bishops a few days after the order for the taking 
of the oath had been given, that smce the articles of this Constitution 
were inimical to the institution, doctrine and rites of the Catholic 
Church, neither the clergymen nor laymen could take this oath under 
any pretext whatever. In view of this communication the Bishops of 
all the dioceses sent circulars to their respective country vicars and the 
parish curates and to the other ecclesiastics, informing them. First: 
That it was not lawful to swear allegiance to the Constitution because 
its articles were contrary to the institution, doctrines and rites of the 
Catholic Church. Second : That the commimication must be made 
public and copies of it distributed as widely as possible. Third: That 
those who had taken this oath must retract it at the confessional and 
make this retraction as public as possible, and they must notify the 
government of their action. 

Not satisfied with this, the clericals induced Pope Pius IX to issue 
a bull or mandate to disobey utterly the commands of the impious hb- 
eral government. Part of this document is as follows: "Thus we 
make known to the faith in Mexico and to the Catholic universe, that 
we energetically condemn every decree that the Mexican government 
has enacted against the Catholic religion, against the Church and her 
sacred ministers and pastors, against her laws, rights and property and 
also against the authority of the Holy See. We raise our Pontifical 
voice with apostllic freedom before you, to condemn, reprove and de- 
clare null, void, and without any value, the said decrees and all others 
which have Ijeen acted by the civil authorities in such contempt of the 
ecclesiastical authority of this Holy See, and with such injury to the 
religion, to the sacred pastors and illustrious men." 

This remarkable document of the vicar of Christ on eartii had its 

effect; "the friars patrolled the trenches of the revolting soldiery in 
Mexico City, exdting them to <i|lit; then as in 1847, the deny paid 
the wages of the troops, and their agents were bribing the officers of 
the government that swells the ranks of the enemy." 

In spite of all the excommunications and papal bulls, the liberals 
were victorious in the end and on the 11th of June, 1861, Juarez, tlie 
pure blooded Indian was proclaimed Constitutional President of 

President Juarez expdled some foreign diplomats who had meddled 
in the politiul affairs of Mexico by favoring the reactionary elements. 
This was done to the Archbishop of Mexico, the Bishop of Michoacan 
and some high members of the dergy. As a consequence of this act, 
the French minister Saligny, the dergy and the clericals, Jos£ M. 
Gutierrez Estrada, Jose Manuel Hidalgo and General Juan N. Almonte 
asked Napoleon III to intervene in Mexico. French intervention took 
place between 1861 and 1865. This is what a French officer has to say 
about the behavior of the French soldiers in Mexico: "First of all 
they (the French) do not take any more prisoners and the wounded 
are k^led. It is a real war of savages, unworthy of the Europeans." 
(Lieutenant G, Coine.) 

The United States recognized Juarez as the Constitutional president. 
In 1867 the liberals, under Juarez, defeated and drove out the French 
and in the same year they were victorious against the clericals who sup- 
ported Maximilian. On the 19th of May, 1867, Maximilian, Miramon 
and Mejia were judged and condemned to deaUi. 

Then followed the presidency of Juarez, Lerdo de Tejada and Por- 
6rio Diaz. 

Diaz came in as a revolutionary president and ended in his old age 
as a supporter of the renascent Catholic party. During the War of 
the Reform and French Intervention, three generals were at the head 
of the clericals: Leonardo Marquez, Miramon and Mejia. The first 
one managed to escape after the fall of the Empire and he lived in 
Havana in exile until 1898. when he came back to Mexico. At this 
time Porfirio Diaz was slowly, but surely, showing tendencies of going 
back to the old regime and Leonardo Marquez, Don Francisco Elguero 
and Sanchez Santos, who was editor of a Catholic paper called El Pais, 
collaborated with Diaz in this sense, that they were the originators of 
the new Catholic party of Mexico. Helping them were Francisco de 
la Hoz, Francisco Pascual Garcia, Eduardo Tamariz and Fernando 
Somellera, Francisco Elguero controlled the clergy in Michoacan and 
represented A. and E. Noriega, Spaniards, in the question of the drain- 
age of the Cienega de Zacapu (Mich) wlien they despoiled thousands 
of Indians of their lands, including over fifty square miles. It is well 
to call attention to the fact that Inigo Noriega, cousin of A. and E. 
Noriega, was known by popular opinion to be a silent partner of Por- 
firio Diaz. Fernando Somellera was entirely under the influence of the 
Archbishop of Mexico and collaborated with him and was assisted by 

tion. Ncvcrtl,c-l.-^s, ! I'M y.,u. Gentlemen, the 
of tlie (livt^icn aiui ihe political organi- 

Carmelita Diaz, wife of Porfirio Diaz. As Porfirio Diaz was getting 
older, so the ascendancy of Carmelita Diaz increased. The efforts of 
the Protestants in creating industrial schools and churches in the north 
of Mexico, accelerated the formation of the secret Catholic party which 
laid its plans to counteract the influence of the Protestants by creating 
Catholic schools all over the country, under the tuition of priests and 
nuns, which were imported by the efforts of Mrs. Diaz, Priests, nuns 
and friars were imported from France, the same ones that had been 
expelled from their country, from Spain; some came from the United 
States. In 1904 some American nuns were brought from Mobile, 
and Atlanta, and they built a convent sixteen miles from the capital. 
Many Mexicans became suspicious of these surreptitious immigrations 
and Felix Diaz, then chief of police under Porfirio Diaz, raided the 
first convent in 1905 and sent the inmates back to France. Several 
raids by Felix Diaz followed and three shiploads of nuns were osten- 
sibly sent back to the old country, but when the ships stopped at Pro- 
greso, the nuns landed there and after a while returned to Mexico. 

The raids took place under the direction of Feliz .Diaz, and the 
round trip tickets of the peripatetic nuns were paid by Carmelita 
Diaz. It was a game of hide and seek, with the advantage on the side 
of the wife of the "Old Man." 

Carmelita Diaz was so certain that the religious orders had come to 
stay that she mformed the nuns to entertain no fear as to their safety 
as she was in a position to let them know of any action which might 
be taken against them. 

The Madero revolution was unexpected in its suddenness and vio- 
lence. It took everybody by surprise, the porfiristas, the cientificos, 
the clericals, Europe as well as America. 

By forcing the elimination of Diaz from power, the reactionary ele- 
ment saved the day for a while, especially as the clerical and reaction- 
ary F. L. de la Barra was successfully placed in the provisional presi- 
dency. De la Barra prepared the way for the overthrow of the Madero 
regime by working unceasingly in conjunction with the Catholic party 
in Mexico and in Washington, to discredit the new political order as 
represented by Madero. The new Catholic party came openly into 
being in 1911, when it put forth F. I. Madero as president and F. L. de 
la Barra as vice-president. Once the ticket was in power there would 
have been found a way of eliminating Madero; unluckily for the 
miascent Catholic party, De la Barra was defeated at the polls. In 
Congress the Cathohc party was represented by Elguero and F. de la 
Hoz and the opposition by F. Iglesias Calderon, Luis Cabrera, J. 
Urueta, Serapio Rendon and others. The Catholic party had made 
Madero its candidate, hoping to use him to its ends, but when it was 
discovered that Madero was not amenable to reason, it began opposing 
him bitterly, taking sides with every revolutionary movement which 
was initiated during the Madero regime, among which were flie 
Orozco. Reyes, Felix Diaz revolts and later the Huerta treachery. 

During the tragic ten days in Mexico City, when Madero was assas- 

«inated, the high Catholic clergy favored the assassins 

and later furnishing Huerta with forty million pesos : 

revolution. The Catholic prelates did not trust Felix Jjia 

his well known raids of convents and, therefore, they did not offer him 

the presidency, but concentrated all their efforts on Huerta, until they 

succeeded in putting him in powei 

y ways 
< suppress the 
t because of 

it he was innocent of the murder 
eless it is an open secret that 
-f Madero, Suarez and Basso, m 
her members of the cabinet de- 
rho was murdered in the citadel 

Although Huerta 's friends clain" 
of Madero by direct order, nci 
Rodolfo Reyes demanded the hea 
revenge for his father's death ; tl 
inanded the head of Gustavo Mad 
where Felix Diaz had his headqi 

Huerta's professional secret is a secret of polichinelle, as every child 
Tmows that the murderous deed was a stepping stone to his dictator- 
ship, Huerta was the tacit accessory to the crime. No matter how 
many palliatory arguments the Mexican and American clericals may 
:givc to white-wash their good friend Huerta, lie can exclaim as Lady 
Macbeth: "Here's the smell of blood still; all the perfumes of Arabia 
will not sweeten this little hand." ^ ■ 

One of Huerta's great political blunders was the naming of the 
-clerical E. Tamariz as minister of public instrnction, thus giving one 
of the most important portfolios to the Catholics. The whole Congress 
protested most vigorously and it was then thai the dictator had them 
all put in jail, except the Catholic members, and then named a Congress 
■of his own. 

Doctor Urrutia, a pupil of the Jesuit College, was the lago of the 
■clerical party, his friendship and influence over Huerta served him 
admirably, having been his political mentor and prompter since 1908, 
when Diaz was stilt in power. The great chance arrived during 
Madero's regime. As Huerta was only a soldier and not a politician, 
"the clerical party picked out Dr. Urrutia as a president molder and 
accelerator. Up to that time Dr. Urrutia was known as the most bril- 
liant and successful surgeon in Mexico. 

When Huerta achieved power Dr. Urrutia became a member of his 
-cabinet and official executioner of the most important enemies of his 
regime ; scores of well known victims disappeared mysteriously, among 
■them a senator. Belsario Dominguez and an anti-clerical deputy, the 
Lie. Serapio Rendon. Dr. Urrutia was the most powerful, dreaded, 
hated man in Mexico; he was the modern inquisitor and hangman of 
the clerical party ; but instead of cowing the Mexicans into submission, 
"he drove the best element into the arms of the new revolution. 

But the clericals soon discovered to their discomfiture that Huerta, 
with all his ruthlessness, his cunning, cruelties, and his much-vaunted 
strength, was really losing his grip on Mexico and that he had very 
little chance of being recognized by the Washington administration, 
therefore, they began casting about for another clerical presidential 
possibility. Dr. Urrutia was chosen as the only convenient and 
-obedient mstrument of the Church. Thereupon the high clergy began 

to conspire the "accidental removal" of the dictator. A letter from the- 
Archbishop of Michoacan to Dr. Urrutia revealed the intrigue. It 
says in part; "My profound sympathy and affection for you make me 
fear that these men's intrigues might put an obstacle on the path that 
our Lord and Blessed Mother have put before you to cHmb to the cul- 
minating position of Chief Executive of Ike Republic, which positioa 
will require of you the greatest sacrifice, but will at the same time lay 
before you a vast field in which to exercise your activity for the glory 
and honor of God and for the benefit of our beloved country," 

Huerta got wind of this little scheme to eliminate him, and sent 
his agents to arrest Dr, Urrutia and the conspiring prelates. Dr. 
Urrutia escaped by the skin of his teeth to Vera Cruz, where he begged' 
the protection of Gen. Funston against the infuriated Mexicans who 
were ready to lynch him. All the Mexican Bishops and Archbishops, 
involved in the plot, fled from the wrath of Huerta and placed them- 
selves under the protection of the clerical Brazilian minister who 
represented the United Slates. Later they were smuggled out of 
Mexico City. The American press gave as reason for their sudden 
escape from Mexico an alleged conspiracy to get rid of them by the 
Constitutionalists, although at that time thev controlled neither Mexico 
City nor Vera Cruz. 

Vera Cruz became the center of political intrigue under the protec- 
tion of the American flag, against Huerta. against the Constitutionalists 
and in favor of inter\-ention, that is to say, in favor of a quick march 
and occupation of Mexico City by the American troops. 

One of the reasons for the insistent demand that Vera Cruz should 
be put under American control, was that that seaport was an ideal spot 
for revolutionary intrigue, first for its nearness to the capital and 
secondly because the clericals, under the shadow of the American flag, 
could continue fermenting revolts until a clerical had been placed in 
power in Mexico City. The disappointment was great when the Amer- 
ican troops left and Carranza's soldiers entered the city of Vera Cruz. 

Nuns, friars, priests .prelates, ex-federals, ex-cabinet members, all 
the revolutionary rig raff of Mexico, which had been playing politics, 
left for Havana and the United States. The exiled Catholics were 
received by their fellow believers in the United States and soon after- 
wards all the Catholic dailies, weeklies, monthlies were filled with 
stories of alleged persecutions and rapes and robberies committed by 
the revolutionists. 

A pamphlet, relating all these atrocities, was published in Chicago, 
containmg articles with replies to a pamphlet by John Lind and another 
by Col. I. C. Enriquez, a Mexican Catholic who had fought under Gen- 
eral Obrcgon and who denied the charges made by the exiles and their 
friends in the United States, The answer in this lurid pamphlet was 
ostensibly signed by an American Catholic priest, but had really beett 
written by the Mexican editor of "El Pais" (a Catholic daily in MexicO' 
City) and translated for the benefit of the American author who never 
knew anything about Mexican history until the pamphlet was printed^ 

The fourth edition of tbis booklet ran to slmost 100,000 copies, at 
fifteen cents a copy, so you can figure out for yourself that this chris- 
tian shepherd reaped from the alleged sufferings of the political ' 
martyrs a financial bonanza. 

The strangest part of this so-called religious persecutions is a fact 
which stands out glaringly, and that is that no Protestant clergymen 
were ever molested in Mexico. 

Why should the Indians and the middle class Mexicans, who are all 
Catholics, want to persecute and drive out their own "sky pilots" unless 
tiiey had meddled in politics and taken sides with the oppressors, thus 
placing themselves outside the pale of the law? Why is it that the 
lower clergy has remained in Mexico and continues to attend to its 
spiritual duties without being molested by the Constitutionalists? 

This simple fact destroys ^1 the statements published by the Ameri- 
can Catholic press that the Constitutionalists are persecuting the Cath- 
olic religion. What the revolutionists have really been doing was to 
weed out and extirpate forever the political scum and interlopers in 

While the American troops were in possession of Vera Cruz, a list 
was made by General Jose Refugio Velasco, of all the ex-federal gen- 
erals who were in that port, this list showing that there were more 
than 450 ex-federal generals plotting more trouble under the protection 
of the American flag. 

This proves the harmful influence of unwarranted foreign occupa- 
tion. While the American troops were supposed to be doing good by 
enforcing peace and the respect of rights, they were harboring a nest 
of trouble brewers, thereby making more difficult the already difficult 
task undertaken by Don Venustiano Carranza — ^that of pacifying the 

It is also shown that Major Frank Joyce, an officer of the 14th Regi- 
ment of Artillery, which was sent to Vera Cruz, showed more than the 
usual interest in getting together stories told by the refugees, of atro- 
cities and persecutions against monks and nuns, without troubling him- 
self to find out whether those stories were true or not. They were 
stories of monks having been shot in Guadalajara, and of nuns who 
had been outraged by the soldiers. Allowing that anything of the kind 
might have happened in isolated instances, it was the exception and 
not the rule, and if Major Joyce had taken the trouble, he would have 

found that most of the stories told him were stories, told for the 

purpose of capturing the sympathies of an unsuspecting public, which 
did not know that the laws of Mexico expressly forbid the presence of 
religious orders, under any pretext whatever. 

Those stories Major Joyce carefully gathered and sent copies to 
Cardinal Farley and to the Hon. William J, Bryan in Washington. 
Father Carlos de Heredia, who, while in New York, stopped at the 
Church of St. Francis Xavier, making a trip to Washington in Decem- 
ber, 1914, where he had a conference with Secretary Bryan, He left 
immediately afterwards for Havana, to interview the monks and nuns 

This remarkable document proves two things : one t 
party in the United States is playing politics surreptit 
ondly, that it is not doing it intelligently. If the historj 
downfall of the political power of the Catholic Church 
an obvious lesson to the Catholic politicians in Amerii 
defeat of its political power ■" Me 
The religions strength, a 

Church cannot be discussed 

Europe is not 

, certainly the 

hould be a warning. 

I spirituality of the Catholic 

l>»'"nging to this argument It 

re modestly, keeping to its 

■i'-'"ires wealth, real estate, a 

nastering ambition and is 

y followed by its political 

:eated and lost the temporal 
Catholics are in a majority, 

_ the United States hope to 

atholics are in a minority? 

Han Government the Holy See 
In an interview with Italian 

the Italian Catholics should be 
ffset the publicity given by the 

is the same old story. It b * e 

spiritual duties. Slowly, bx. rel 
press of its own and then to 

templed to play politics — wl is . 

If the master minds in Rome we 
power of the Church in Italy, whcr 
how can picayune clerical politic 
control .America politically, where 

After forty years of hostility to t\ 
realized its mistake and made advs 
Catholics. Pope Benedict XV stated 
first of all Italians. This was said 

enemies of the Holy See that the inierests of the Catholic Church were 
with Austria and its political integrity, as against Italy and its govern- 
ment, which had despoiled it of its temporal power. 

This attitude of the present Pope was not only eminently Christian 
but also statesmanlike. Pope Benedict XV ought to be and he will be 
informed of the intrigues of the Mexican prelates and the Mexican 
clergy to foment revolutions and bloodshed so as to incite the Ameri- 
can Government to intervene in Mexico. 

To prove that the Mexican prelates now exiled in the United States 
are not in sympathy with Mexican aims, struggles and sufferings we 
quote the following from the "Pueblo" in Vera Cruz, March 26th, 1915. 

A protest from the Catholic priests in Mexico. 
To Don Venustiano Carranza, Chief of the Constitutionahst army and 
in charge of the Executive Power of the Union: 

"We, the undersigned Catholic priests of the Archbishopric of Mex- 
ico, take pleasure in stating that it is with regret and disapproval that 
we have seen a number of Catholic refugees in foreign countries, acting 
on the advice and under the influence of an association which with the 
pretext of protecting the Catholic cause, has long been trying to inter- 
fere in our national affairs, address a petition to a foreign government 
for the protection of the Church in Mexico. We protest to you that 
none of us have taken part in these measures which we consider anti- 
patriotic and unnecessary. It is true that we have to lament several 
injuries in persons and things pertaining to the cult and service of the 
Church, but we consider all this a sad consequence of the revolution 
which has affected our country in its very foundation, and which, on 

teanng up many harmful elements, sweeps away at the same lime, with 
irresistable force, others which are harmless; but we confess that on 
part of the most distinguished personalities of tlie revolution, we have 
received attentions for which we are thankful, and many times also, 
the guarantees to which we are entitled as Mexican citizens. We trust 
therefore, without resortmg to any foreign power, to succeed in obtain- 
ing all the guarantees and rights consistent witli the laws that govern 
us, which will permit us, far from all political action, to devote our- 
selves to the moralization of the poor and to the pacification of our 
countr}-, on the basis of the respect which is due to the constituted 
authority and fraternity of all Mexicans. Please accept this mani- 
festation of our feelings and our gratitude and respect." 

Following are the signatures of the Catholic priests: 

Dr. Antonio J. Paredes, Vicar General of the Archbishopric of 
Mexico ; Jose Cortes, rector ; Silvestre Hernandez, Clemente M. 
Cordoba, Francisco 9. Alvarez, Manuel Rodriguez F., Edoardo D. 
Paredes, Bruno Martinez, Guillermo Trischler, Gerardo Anaya, Augus- 
tin Alvarez, Dommgo Rojas, Felipe de la O, Manuel Cadenas, Alberto 

Then followed the signatures of several Spanish priests. 

This manifesto or protest of the Mexican Catholic priests should be a 
salutary lesson in ethics and Cbristianity to the militant Catholic pol- 
iticians and trouble-makers in the United States. 

The historical facts in this pamphlet are taken from the following 
authors : 

From Empire to Republic, A. H. Noll; Hi?toria del Pueblo Mex- 
icano, Carlos Pereyra; De la Dictatura a la Anarquia, Ramon Prida; 
A Short History of Mexico, A. H. Noll ; The United States and Mex- 
ico, 1821-1848, G. L. Rives; The Mexican People and their struggle 
for Freedom, L. G. de Lara and E. Pinchon; Mexico a traves de los 
siglos; Compendio de la Historia de Mexico. L. P. Verdia. 

The American Catholic papers have advertised the news that millions of 
property belonging to the Catholic Church in Mexico, had been either destroyed 
or confiscated by the Conslilutionalists, The Catholic Church in Mexico has 
not owned any property since 1859 and even the churches are government prop- 
erty which are rented out to the clergy. The fact that religious orders are for- 
bidden to stay, in other words, are outlawed in Mexico, was never tnentioned 
by the Catholic clergy. All through the revolution prominent Catholics and the 
Catholic press have attacked the Constitutionalists either in ignorance or bad 
faith. A continuation of a campaign of misstatements, hostility and hatred by 
the American Catholics, will only succeed in driving the Mexicans to do what 
the Catholics tear most: they will throw them into the arms of the Protestant 
Church, which will act as a healthy balance against the political designs of the 
Catholic Church. 

Extracts from the Laws of the Reform. 
Law of July 21st, 1859. 

Art. 3. There shall be perfect independence between the affairs of 

the State and the affairs purely ecclesiastical. The government will 

limit itself to protecting with its authority the public worship of the 

Catholic religion and any other religion, 


Art. 4. The ministers of the faith for the administration of the 
sacraments and other religious functions will be permitted to accept 
^fts and oblations offered in return for services rendered, but neither 
gifts nor indemnities shall be rendered in the form of re^ estate. 

Art. 5. The existent religious orders, irrespective of denomination 
or for what purpose created, and all archcon fraternities, confraternities 
and brotherhoods connected with the religious communities and the 
cathedrals, parishes or any churches, shall be suppressed throughout 
the entire republic 

Art. 6. The foundation and erection of new convents or religious 
orders of archconfratemities, confraternities or brotherhoods of what- 
ever form or appellation is prohibited. Likewise the wearing of the 
garb of the suppressed orders is forbidden. 

Law of December 14th. 1874. 
First Section. 

Art. 1. The State and the Church are independent of each other. — 

No one will be empowered to dictate laws establishing or prohibiting 
any religion ; but the State exercises authority over them, in relation 
to the conservation of public order and the respect of its institutions. 

Art. 2. The State in the Republic guarantees the exercise of all 

It will prosecute and punish only those practices and acts, authorized 
by some cult, which may be in violation of our penal laws. 
Second Section. 

Art. 14. No religious institution may acquire real estate or capital 
invested in real estate with the exception of the temples to be used 
solely for the public service of the cult or the buildings which may be 
strictly necessary for such service. 

Third Section. 

Art. 19, The State does not recognize any monastic order nor can 
it permit their establishment, no matter what the denomination or 
object under which they may have been created. — 

The Secret orders which have been established shall be considered 
as illegal and the authorities can dissolve them should their members 
live in Communities; and in any case, their chiefs, superiors or direc- 
tors will be judged as guilty of an infraction of individual guarantees, 
in conformity to Article 963 of the Penal Code of the district, to be 
enforced in the whole Republic. 

Art. 20. All religious societies whose individuals live under certain 
peculiar laws by virtue of promises or temporary or perpetual vows 
subject to one or more superiors, even when the individuals of the 
orders shall live in dififerent places, shall be considered monastic orders 
in conformity with the foregoing article. — 

<I) The clergy and the army were tried by their own courts. 


New York Times — 

Cardinal Farley made the following statement from his residence, 
452 Madison Avenue : 

New York, March 4, 1916. 
To the Editor of The New York Times: 

Page seven of today's issue of The New York Times has a reference 
to and long quotations from a pamphlet entitled "What the Catholic 
Church Has Done to Mexico," by Dr. A. Paganel of Mexico City. 
This document has been circulated very extensively in this country, 
and has been sent to the members of Congress. It has never been re- 
ferred to or quoted in the columns of the metropolitan press until to- 

Dr. Paganel mentions my name twice in his pamphlet, and also prints 
an affidavit sworn to by "S. A. Zubieta, a Mexican Catholic and an ex- 
federal officer," in which it is charged that the Catholic Church in the 
United States is ready to back a revolution against the Carranza Gov- 
ernment with $10,000,000. 

First of all a charge is made that "one of tlie reasons for the in- 
sistent demand that Vera Cruz should be put under American control, 
was that the seaport was an ideal spot for revolutionary intrigue, first 
for its nearness to the capital and secondly because the clericals, imder 
the shadow of the American flag, could continue formenting revolts 
until a clerical had been placed in power in Mexico City," The only 
revolts fonicnti.-d under the shadow of tho ftitg in W'ra Cruz were the 
stories of the outraged nuns and persecuted priests and Bishops, who 
sought refuge and sanctuary there, and who consequently were able 
to tell the world the real nature of the task undertaken by the great 
pacifist, Don Venustiano Carranza. 

Major Joyce's Charges. 

Major Francis Joyce, Catholic Chaplain of the Fourteenth R^mcnt 
of Artil!er>% is charged with having sent copies of the stories told him 
by the refugees in Vera Cruz to "Cardinal Farley and to the Hon. 
William J. Bryan in Washington." Any fair-minded citizen of this 
country will scarcely find fault with the Major's action. He wanted 
both the Government of the country and the representatives of the 
Catholic Church in the United States to know the real condition of 
affairs. Major Joyce's communication to me was confidential. I have 
had occasion to learn that Major Joyce told the truth, and the progress 
of events since the American occupation of Vera Cruz leads me to be- 
lieve that he must be a particularly obnoxious person to the present 
Government of Mexico, and to such an apologist as the writer of the 
pamphlet in question, because he defended truth and justice and 

I am charged also with having sent the Rev, Carlos de Heredia to 
Havana with instructions to interview the monks and nuns in that d^. 

^e only cotmecrion t have erer liail with ^e tbev. t^atlier fleredia, 
who was a Jesuit refugee fron Mexico and was in this aty during the 
latter part of 1914, is ^t I listened to his ston' on religious conditions 
in Mexico, and tried to hdp some artist friend of his, who was in dis- 
tress. Father Heredia also tried to make the truth known, and fought 
for justice and morality, and I have no doubt Uiat he is persona non 
grata wiUi the Carranzistas. 

A much more serious charge, however, is that quoted in the Times 
this morning, that "the Catholic party of Mexico had already put into 
the hands of Felix Diaz, throu^ an American prelate, a check for 
$100,000, with which Don Felix was to go to Havana to rally his itA- 
lowers and begin his preparation to start a new revolution." 
Quotes ntou Faufhlst. 
The au&ority for this statement seems to be S. Augusto Zubi'eta, who 
"declared he knew that the last effort of the Catholic party was to back 
a new revolutionary movement," etc There follows in the pamphlet 
an affidavit sworn to hy him before William J. Berow, a notary of New 
York County, on Feb. 27, 1915. This affidavit reads as follows: 
I, Salvador A. Zubieta, do hereby declare that on or about 
December, 1914, and January, 1915, I had occasion to meet Car- 
dinal 1 and, talking over the Mexican situation, we discussed 

several questions of importance, among them the alleged actions 
of Carranza against the Catholic Church, and he con^ded to me 
that the Catholics in this country were disposed to back a new 
revolution, of which Felix Diaz was to be the head. The in 
stigator of this movement is the well-known murderer, Cecilio 
Ocon, who seems to have gained the ear and the confidence of 

Cardinal , the said Cardinal having believed unquestioningly 

all the false representations made by this unscrupulous murderer. 
The Cardinal also asked if I would help in this, probably because 
be thought my family connections in Mexico and the fact of my 
being a Catholic would gain some advantage to the cause. Car- 
dinal also stated that many Catholic institutions in this coun- 
try were ready to back this movement with about $10,000,000. 
Sal. Augusto Zubieta. 
New York City, February 27, 1915. 

As I had occasion to meet Mr. Zubieta in December, 1914, (neither 
myself nor my secretary being able to recall the January meeting), I 
presume that I must thank Dr. Paganel for not mentioning my name in 
such an odious connection. Colonel Zubieta, as he represented himself, 
called at my residence and I received him and listened to his account of 
the Mexican difficulties. Just at that time I was listening to everyone 
who could give me any information about Mexico, as I had returned 
shortly before from a rather extended trip to Eurmw. I also h'stened 
to the story of the Colonel's distress, and as the Colonel himself has 
been kind enough to inform me, I sent him to Mr. Paul Fuller, who 
furnished him with a letter of introduction to a Mr. W. S. Valentine. 

with whom tie obtained emptoyment. On I>ecemt>er 31, l9t4, Cotonet 
Znbieta wrote me the following letter: 

Eminence : With tlie greatest respect I take the liberty to ad- 
dress these lines to your Eminence in order to expose my actual 
unfortunate situation, and respectfully request your kind assist- 
As directed by your Eminence, I visited Mr. Paul Fuller, who 
had the kindness to provide me with a letter of introduction to 
Mr. W. S. Valentine, who employed me in their service, but un- 
happily this position lasted only two weeks, and now I have the 
misfortune to find myself again under the same sad conditions. 
My debts are increasing daily, and my credit in the house where 
I am boarding has already reached its limit. 

Now, to add another sorrow to those already weighing upon ray 
existence I have just received the news that my mother's health 
IS so delicate that her life is seriously endangered. 

I beg to appeal to your Eminence as the sole being on whom I 
can place my only hopes for assistance, with the assurance that if 
you should have the kindness to provide me with the means to re- 
turn to my country, I shall not only return to your Eminence the 
amount received, but also be thankful to you for life. 

I pray that your Eminence may enjoy the best health, and, 
wishing for your Excellence a happy and bright New Year, I re- 
main very respectfully yours, 

Col. Salv. Aucusto Zubieta. 

Sent Aid to. Zubieta, 

In reply to this very touching appeal I sent through my secretary, 

the Rev. Thomas G. Carroll, a check for $25 with the following note: 

January 8, 1915. 
Dear Colonel: His Eminence, the Cardinal Archbishop, directs 
me to forward you the inclosed amount, ($25), in reply to your 
request of the 31st ult., and regrets that he has overlooked the ■ 
matter until now. He hopes this will not arrive too late, and is j 
sorry to learn that your mother is unwell. With best wishes, I am 
sincerely yours, 

Thomas G. Carroll, Secretary. 
Colonel Salvator A. Zubieta, 162 West Eightieth Street. 
Colonel Zubieta never acknowledged the receipt of my charity, nor 
have I ever heard from him since. I know that he indorsed the check 
to some one named Alice Gonzalez, and as I think of the matter now 
I wonder why I did not draw on the large revolutionary fund at my dis- 
posal to be of greater assistance to the Colonel. 

I think Colonel Zubieta's letter to me offers sufficient denial of the 
charges he makes, and I consider that the publication of it is another 

evidence of the mettiods employed by the present Government in Mex- 
ico to discredit its opponents. 

Because I frankly admit that I am opposed to this Government, 
which has established itself by appealing to the worst elements in the 
country and secured its power and ascendency in the early stages of its 
growth by disregarding every principle of justice and morality. And 
T am confident that the day is not far distant when the great mass of 
the Mexican people will be released from the tyrannical yoke that it 
has imposed on them. What Dr. Paganel and his friends are really 
anxious about is that the world may not learn what the present Con- 
stitutionalist Government has done to Mexico and the Catholic Church 
in Mexico. 

John Cardinal Farley. 
Archbishop of New York. 

An tmoartial reading of Cardinal Farley's letter to the Times in 
reolv to the accusations and the affidavit of Col. S, A, Zubieta brings 
forth first one glaring fact, that the Cardinal does not deny flatly the 
charees made bv Col. Zubieta, but devotes almost a column of space 
to incriminations of bad faith, ingratitude against the Colonel. 

Tt does not seem clear how the publication of the letters of S. A'. 
Zubieta makes the charge less serious. It simply proves that the 
gratitude towards the benefactor could not stand the strain of indig- 
nation and patriotism of a Mexican soldier and a Catholic, who dis- 
covered that foreign prelates were plotting to plunge Mexico into 
another civil war. 

Secondly, the name of the Cardinal was not mentioned in the affi- 
davit: there are other Cardinals in America. 

Third, the Cardinal is very generous with the words, truth, justice 
and morality. 

Is it considered tnithful, iust and moral bv the Cardinals, the Right 
Reverends and Reverends of the Catholic Church in America to speak 
of the persecutions of the nuns and friars in Mexico and never men- 
tion the fact that their verv presence there ("disguised as civilians) is 
against the laws of Mexico and has been so since 1859? To speak 
and publish broadcast about the destruction of Church property, when 
it is well known that the Catholic Church has not legally owned any 
property in Mexico since 18.'^9? Is it considered moral and just by 
Christian prelates to foment trouble, discord and finance a revolution 
in a foreign country, for the sake of revenge or for the purpose of 
acouiring temporal power? 

The war of 1847 had been represented in the Mexican papers, of 
the time, as being, on the part of the United States, a war of rapine 
and plunder, a war on "impiety" conducted by heretics, who were 

t on robbing the churches an^ dStroying trae religion. 

At present, and for over a year, the Mexican clericals in conjuncdoa 
with the American clericals have joined in a campaign of viliflcatioo 
against the Mexicans and active propaganda for American Interven- 

It seems grotesque that the American clericals do not realize the 
immorality of their demands; that the United States Government 
should invade Mexico, kill several thousand Mexicans and Americans, 
spend several millions of the tax payers money for the sake of aveng- 
ing the persecutions and death of foreign nuns and monks who were 
outlawed and the restoration of property which does not belong to 

The American clericals are befogging the issue by trying to make it 
appear a religious instead of a political question. The American 
Catholics are not such children and dunces as to be forever deceived 
by evasions and misrepresentations. Truth, justice and morality will 
out, like murder. 

One thing can be safely prophesied: the Mexicans have released 
themselves of the tyrannical yoke of the clericals and their political 
rule in Mexico and they will never ^i^iilingly and freely place themselves 
under their nile again. 

The American prelates and the American Catholic politicians had 
better keep away and not meddle in Mexican politics — or they mig^t 
bum their fingers in the attempt. 


h] Co // 




THE puBucrrr bureau 




. lb ihe P^ple of the United States: 

^ Wii ask your co-operation in preserving: 
'Ikw institutions in Mexico and in our 

own beloved land. In brief the facts are 

as follows: 

1. In Mexico the Revolution of 1910, led 
bf Francisco I. Madero was against des- 
poCiaDL Part of this despotism was 
by some of the Roman Catholic 
In proportion as the uprising by 
11m Mexican people succeeded they ex- 
peBod such of the priests as opposed them. 

Here in the United States the leading 
BMubers of the Roman Catholic clergy 
lided with the expelled priests. And this 
sunort of the expelled clergy by the 
Roman Catholic clebgy in this country, 
jCombi:^^ with two other events, has 
tgffVTEb' j;s A head-on collision in our 
\iff. In other words, our National 
lent, consisting of a Democratic 
i^t and a Democratic Congress, has 
recognized the Mexican Revolutionist Gov- 
ernment which, among various reforms, 
had expelled the Roman Catholic clergy, 
and here in our ovm country the opposition 
political party, the Republican Organiza- 
fton, IS supporting the contention of 
Roman Catholic clergy. This is com- 

Part I. 

National Headqnarten 

of the 


for the 


Masonic Hall, New York City 

October 16^ 1916. 

pelling those of us who believe in the 
justice of the People's cause in Mexico, 
and believe that the existing Democratic 
National Government here should be re- 
elected, to state our case to you, the 
voters, OR be defeated. In self-defense 
we are obliged to address you. We have 
no alternative except to permit the de- 
feat of President Wilson and many of his 
colleagues by the Roman Catholic clergy 
and Big Business. In the accompany Part 
II. we present evidence which proves con- 
clusively : 

(1) That the Roman Catholic Car- 
dinals IN OUR midst are AGAINST WILSON'S 

policy in Mexico, and, therefore, 
against his re-election; 

(2) That the Republican Organi2ia- 
tion is standing in with them and with 
THE Roman Catholic clergy who for- 
merly WERE IN Mexico, and against the 
Mexican people; and 

(3) That the Mexican people are en- 
titled TO go forward under the Car- 
ranza Government. Conquest of Mexico 
by a Republican National Government in 
this country is not the proper solution of 
the Mexican problem. This we demon- 
strate conclusively in the evidence we pre- 

, „cw constitu- tion- KeverthelesK. I tcil you, 

else wiU be «•*"? oi ^L^Y^^SiJ 

1. In the War of NatioBS botk nki in 
that a«fal coofliet have for aeaiif a ;«ar 

hwB acTced that :he onteaiix ahoald be a 
if(UBi that ghail rcaol: in pmnanott 
pMM. Aa«1 to airl in the attaicmeni of 
that ctspendo^ ideal Presidefit Wilaoo 
and hia •d ha gaw hare declared for the 
jeimag of the United StaUa with tha other 
(Teat Gorenunciiti of earth at the cIok 
of this war in the fomation of a WOKi' 
trea in ita Naval Appiopriation act has 
instructed the President that not later 
than the close of the war hz sball ixttte 


MEMS ; and our President ti aothoriied to 


The Republican orgar.iiation, however. 
eontroUed by the Reactionists in national 
convention aaaembled, rtfvatd t4 pUdgn 
Aat their namiivat if tltetii teiU ffD ini^ 
amjf ntch imasoe to Exroma fbacb. The 

7. la t 


here, hon-ever, bear is mind ti 
BoDKn Ca-^Mlic E:er&r^y is fim 
posinc hioL Bts ONLT niCAic c 
TBOit the iMsnerac 


of US car. object to that, d 

Enr-in CatholicS t 

ofHce has beer, to ciisi 
which hare bees tht 
Senators and Cor.gresEinen, and it 
wbo stiDoId be held respoaaiblB 
arc pacing into oEce mote tliaii 
share of Rar?.an Catholic appaintt 
fvtn here wt ■^•j.'i ht cartful not 
a Rrpvhlican Hc^f. A3 it wouu 
Ehonld the Rep'Jblicar.s orsanlBe ( 
House then the Reactionists would 
it, including Big B-m-ess and the 
Hierarchy. Don't CTerlook thia 
portant point '. Therefore take no « 



lally bear in mind that Hughes 
of the other Republican nominees 
B financed by Big Business and 

supported by the Roman Hier- 
vhile the progressive and inde- 
Roman Catholics are bravely go- 
rard and will vote as their con- 
directs. WILL YOU DO AS WELL? 
^in President Wilson's manly 
it to Mr. O'Leary, president of 
an Catholic '*Truth Society" who 
lim an insulting telegram: 
old feel deeply mortified to have 
nybody like you [that is, who acts 
lo] vote for me. Since you have 
\ manjr disloyal Americans and I 
b, I will ask you to convey this 

to them." 

Let all liberty-loving voters cast their 
ballots for the re-election of our Presi- 
dent, who is being fought by the Roman 
Hierarchy and all of their reactionary 
subjects, as well as by Big Business and 
the rest of the Reactionists. Our own 
liberties are at stake, as well as the liber- 
ties of the people of Mexico and the 
Philippines, and the securing of World 
Peace. Never before have so many stu- 
pendous issues been before us. 

Yours for Freedom and World Peace, 
Publicity Bureau fcmr TiiE 
KxrosuRE OK Political Ro- 

C. Bradway. Manages, 

Part II. 

Chapter L 


ston, Masifiuchusetts, on November 
.4, CAiiDiNAL O'CuNNLLi. ill an ad- 
thc Federation of iwoniun Cath- 
etics said: 

Administration in this country has 
one something; to insure tJie safety 
iuns and priosts in Mexico from 
il rapacity an<l barbari>!n of llios** 
who for mere than a year past 
clusively prove<i their absolute un- 
govern. But the >»(•*"» work is 
\ finished. 

when the truth is known then all 
d will realize iiuit for th*^ .nfCt uf 
ic honor as a nation wn mist imt 


two yearn d**iu<j'd M*.''iru with 
rained the rnuttriiil nr^ourrf:: *>f 
ntry and sf^rfad athti<m dvd an 
ver a land onct happt/ mid Ui- 

in 1915, when seven of the i'an- 
n Governments, includinji: «>ijr own 
lent, were about to r«M'oi;u-'''^* •••♦• 
a. Government, the follow ;»!•,' »';ibi.t- 
us published throughoui tli.- I i:\A-d 

s, October 9. 1915- Pun: l:r:N. ; v-r 

in private audifuro yi-N-«M''..jy 

t Rev. Francisco Orozoy .Ti:- !■'•-. 

lop of Guadalajara, Mo'< <*•. -i- 

the history of the contlir* n-'' . . r. 
Societies and the Korruifi I'a'.'.' <* 
ly, consult Politlcnl 7v''"?'!/« V'=. by 
i Bureau for the Kx ?•'>:,•..(«• of 
Romanism. C. Brarl\vay. Man- 
00 pages. 75 cents in paper cov- 
)0 in cloth. Masonic Hall, New 
\. Y. 

pother with Monsitcnor Francis C. Kelley 
of C'hicajjc*. President of the Catholic Ex- 

teii>ion Socii'ty /// thf I'nltid Statt.s, The 
V i:: itn t'fi ftft f« titt d (In imporliiTit plan in 

CffriTfrrt^nri iiHh 1 lU' ('HIRl II IN MKXICO. 

"ilio Pope snowed a thoroui;h knowl- 
edi^o of U\f'. .ituation as rej^ards the Mexi- 
can clrruy, an.j I'Kaiski) tiik cknkuosity 

or AMKKICAN CATin^I.U'.S [thk amkricam 
Till IK (•(» RKUCUfXiyTS [raLlA)W PRIESTS] 

A few tnonths later the follow^inj; si-ate- 
Tiient t»y Cardinai, GikruNS was published 
tliruu^l'.out the land: 

"They will never cease fighting in 
Mexico urid»-r C'arranza. 1 have no confi- 
dence in the vnan. The situation is a 
criTJn» ajjains*. civilization. We have tried 
in every way t.» ;;t't help to those sutfering 
from J.he warnn^: factions in Mexico, and 
even isow havt* i:^J<),uOO in hand to help 
theiru hut v..- '•:.:;:iot. ^et it to them." 
(N. Y. 7V/- •. .liM.,:iry I». ll'UI). 

7'. /'•' 

;• '■ 


rn..5.<«* .1 ci)ii:«'er revolution in 
i). c'itj !^ic*cd under General 

J:;i, I'.MO. ihe New York 
j> j-ii i'\«'<'rjiis from a Mexican 
;«•! "i v.l'.irii the Koman Catholic 
• III tljis «'(»•«:. try wnio charfjcd with 

•«0. lO 

1).*/. Th.' \\y :'";!••.•. ir.;< the puhlication 
ill' ::•«•.-.■ clui!L«'s Ml answer was made by 
(^^•.:l:^^ \!. {'mimiv. of New York City. Hia 
letU'i v.jis iJi:l)nsl.ed in full in the New 
York Tinny, H*- ^aid: 

"I frankly a«hnir that I am opposed to 
this [Carninzal Government which has 
established itself by appeahnj: to the worst 
elements in the country, and securing its 


pswtr and aaeendcney In the early RUg«K 
of its growth by disrvgitrdinE every pnn> 
dyle lU JutUc« knd raonlity. Anp i am 


The counter revolution in Mmco nnder 
General DIu was started a* Ui« pitrnpltlet 
kBd predicted, but thug far it has foiled. 
TiiK i)«u^ la vim- vv to ifou. Ha. vonat. 


Nearl/ a year ago »«v«r)Ll of the Rotaan 
Catholic paper n r^crr«d this Mexican 
tluMtion to the vot«ra. For ex&inplei. In 
New OrletnH the ofBcial orKiui «f the 
Roman CatholJe diocese. The Morning 
Stw, said: 

"Hr. Wilson's recotmltion of Carranzs> 
the avowed anemy v[ the Catholic Church, 

is an insult f^. "r~ 
It)-. It ii- , 

lrtt£ hvtr : 
k:* opi:n -. , 

Unilt4 StatM can ao pagrontfii ii. . 
lawful and rtspteifut rrqueft of 16jO{ 
/Klfoiii citistm wiTHoin pAYTNa rni 
ALTY." (Current Opinion, Jan. I!)I*,| 

TBK pacts art. THAT THE RutfAM 

ouc ?KEuiTEs IN oiTi LNtnai Stat 


7I0N, AND Tiirju:rurjt akb 
wrrn thk Jlri'tj-BLiCAS Oi 
wrTH BiQ Bt'MsrsB as 

MBNT. THVS, TH£ issue 


Chapter IL 

In the New York Wtyrldoi October l«th. 
the following (cleiiraphic letter by Louis 
Seibold, from Indianapolis, Indiana, sayx: 

"The Ite|»ublic&n plan of campsien has 
been predicated on th« thmry that with 
the uelatance of Ihu voters of Teutonic 
ariBv> AND thore Of the Catholic faith 
AMD VYMrATUlES. and with the union of 
the regular nnii ['rogressive factions of 
thalr party, ihpy are snre of victory in 

Site of the heavy handicaps impost by 
r. Hugbea and Colonel Koofievelt, 
"It IB asKumcd by the Republican lead- 
ers, teho art Ojienly eourlmg the hupken- 
au AND Catholic votoia, that tlie in- 
fluence to which voters of those classes 
ordinarily respond will lead thrm to re~ 
bvk* th* Dtmocratie Prgiridtnt for hia rt- 
/Mtal to turrendtr to ihe dietatum of 

Catholics and MexieoL 

"The only interest displayei] by voters in 
the relations of tlie Administration with 
Mexico has obviously been inspired by a 
propaganda inaugurated fay professional 
R«Rian Catholic agitators, it is the view 
of unprejudiced obsen'ura that (fce leadern 
and spokegmtn of the Cntholie Church In 
Indiana are opposing the President BK- 


THEIR DEMANDS that he compel obedience 
by the Carranza regime to the ambitions 
of tbu church leaders, even if such in- 
sistence requires 3 resort to force and in- 

"This movement, which is abbumino 
wiDEArHEAO ntoronTioNs throughout tub 
COUNTSt, particularly In the West, is be- 
ing extensively exploited by the Republi- 
can luansKers in Indiana. 

"An ol)serv<!r is informed that 'the 
church is opposed to Mr. Wilson'; that 
'every prie.'it in the country ia steretly 
coonseinng his parishioners to vote for 
Mr. ' Hughes,' and 'that Cardinals Gib- 

liudit, r«rlcy and O'Connell ara 
nwArc of the undertaking and ar« ii 
palhy with it.' .... 

"..... A'o iiorrf ha» cpvh 
uny of tSit dignitarien of the MureAr 
«fniiic« thfir diMpprinal of 0» M 
icAiciA llir profeaaienal agiiatori. wi 
«ufli« to »peak for it, ait tna)n%g i 

"Indiana ts being flooded with llta 
intended to inRucnce the mind* of Ct 
rotors. A thicl< volume distributa 
'The Catholic Church Extension ."■ 
of the United States of America' «.. 
some outrageous attacks on the Presi 
questioning both his .personal and ( 
motives in dealing with the Mt 

"It is entitled 'The Book of Red 
Yellow,' and the authorship of it is 
itcd to Francis Clement Kdley. It is 
lished in Chicago and several C«! 
clergj-men ai'e given as sponsors' fi 
The l<iochure has this sub-title r 'Bel 
Story of Blood and a Yellow Strw 

"There is little tiuestion that thia 
licution and others of a similar natun 
purpose HAVE exehci; OVER the minds o 


"Henry Lane WilwJn, former J 
ilor to' Mesico, Is the chief promott 
the Catholic propagitndu against I 
dent Wilson. He has e«itablinhed M 
here to ditvct it. Cnder his ins^ 
literature, moving pictures and < 
oratory are being provided by tbe I 
lican campaign manage m. 

"The ex-Ambaseador is confidant. 
the majority of the Catholic cleny ari 
tagonistic to the President. Ha told 
of his eullem to-dny thnl TWEKTY-T 




Chapter m. 


nder International law our United 
cs Government is in honor bound to 
ect the sovcreifjnty of the Republic of 
ico»— refrain fioni attacking her indc- 

Lso cur Go\ernnicnt is in honor bound 
i^ifi that- such of our citizens as arc 
ile.iico shall iioi be abused nor their 
lerty lights be unjustly treated. And 
much as the civil v/ar in Mexico re- 
sd in tian^or to the lives of our citizens 
were anioriix the:n, princifmUif because 
Mtjicrn:^ d^-tn'nt'd the. f/ood faith of 
Ihiiicl tylatis </or« nim* nt and of our 
lie K'kif lit i-r a.ufjii'j iht.niy our Gov- 
neiit or«Ioicd thoin to hiavo and come 
e. WhalK'Vvr /»< r.^o/^a/ riyhts and 
Wi?/ r'r.'htii h(U'>: In n infringed by 
Afr .••>•;... 1* or arc bciny infriyigid by 
>t, yL* i'!d he nportrd to our Dc.part- 
t of i:>iait\ AND Tin: Mexican state 
:kevkk a stabli: i;»;vr:p.NMENT shall 


FULL nvTY AS <;Ai'Gi:y by America:; 

ATUiNAL law. 

ur trofj?;s were onicrcil into ^loxico 
1 the nojih ^or our own Jr(!i'-i;roi.ection. 
t or more 'm' these pun!ti\o exj)cdition.s 
ged ifilo ^ii?' Ico b».v'a'.\*?e there wei'e no 
tary forces liieie could pruiect 
border. The <|UiSii(>n of wliat 
injjemeiit had brs» be made for our 
inued protoriiori alonj? the border, and 
the withdra\v-!il <»!* l-.n* ))unitrve exjje- 
*n still in ?le\ico, i< being peaceably 
led botvv«.e.i tlie two (i'.voj/lmenis by a 
t coninsis.-ion. 

his ]:e:icej''.!] soUK ri'^nt is tlie outcome 
the ap:»hra-'oji of the tloctrine of 
:hcrli*i«'S:? I?c»!vv0f':i is- :(.';«. It is the 
rre.-5sive aM.itmU-, a: romnared witii the 

:tionary a'll'u 

hitter position 

g foun'ie-l om .'lor', sighted i:elt«rhne?«; 
2h e::|;r.'.;.-.-es it sell as conques* — tlie 
)in;.f of a whole nation and in ^'o doing: 
nf: fiuch of its c'tizons a.s h.ave the 
•lO'.ism to I'fflU for t!eir God-jriven 
and 1 IIIti^ nuiny cf our own sol- 

'», ncn r--:«»'!l 

I *!ie I'l'A.' <.f il.OPO ]>ri;iri];lr:s :\rm the 


it J 

« t 


f Wo 

Yv'ih:o:i (Jovern- 

'.ri- »o.i:.iry v;i:i;'.h 

f(lU» (' r!ar;.*!;..i ly ihr. Ucpubli- 

K;j'iorvii ('or"0'i'.!i.n r.f 1I»1'» as to the 

cy i'- no! i"?«ei.s wiJi piii-ue hi Mexico 

lecL'.d to of!ioe i;e::l November: 

IP. Krprr.LTC'AN- r::^"'::AM Towaki) 

«■!•. •<> •'• 

FTV ;■/«(/./(= tnir c'tl in rc.toring or.Irr 

Con Uc^'ord, p. 11»'»M). 
lin, July 11. U"l«), ?dr. C'lniion in the 
.': res -' i o : I :•. 1 ilrv., r: i v : y s : " W'c; <* : i n / o h -■ ' 
iff-'.-iuh <>■' ,'i •'.•••••■■) .iri'I nslore law and 
^r an*'. prol'Ti the livi-< and property 
mr ciiizens. aJid wlieii a stable jrovern- 
it is or'^anized the l.'niied States can 

and maintaining peace in Mexico, We 
promise to our citizeiis on or near our 
bordir^ and to thone in Mexico, wherever 
they may be found, adequate and absolute 
protection in thvir livt's, liberty and projH 

** Absolute protection" to the life and 
property c.i our citizens in Mexico is prom- 
ise.!, which means tfiat the United States 
(lOVLnimtnt by force of arms would step 
into ?dcxico and hrcvme the sovereign 
power. The goin;? in is not to be con- 
tint^ent upon our being invited in. This 
is emphatically i^tated in the opening sen- 
tence, **TT'c plvdgc our aid in restoring 
order and maintaining peace in Mexico." 
The ACTUAL entry of the itnited states 


runxsED. In the words of former Speaker 
Joseph Cannon on the floor of the House, 
June 28, 191G: "If I had supreme power 
I would go into Mexico."* 

Anotlier way of expressing this policy 
is to say that conquest is proposed. Con- 
cjuest '*is the act of conquering," And to 
conquer is to overcome by force. Thus 
lorcv: as distinguished from consent is the 
<:jsenco of conquest, awd it w planned for 
ly thf* Hi publican organization for the 
iiolution of tht* MiJ'irtin situatio7K Tlie 
l'h( rty-lvving Mexicans arc to be shot and 
kiiUd, And this would be no easy job. In 
tliC words of Lincoln Stelrens, "In Mexico 
the people all go to war — men, women 
arid children; an^i th.ey arc not afraid to 
die. In the many instpnoos where they 
have been stood up nrrainst a wall and 
shot, they never flinched, not one. There- 
fore a war of subju^'^ation in Mexico would 
have to be a war of extermination. They 
have tasted of liberty and will die rather 
than surrender it." 

Uecausc of these qualities in the Mexi- 
cans the military experts in our Govern- 
ment reported to rre.-%ident Taft four 
years ago that the conquest of Mexico 
would require the Fcrvicos of 250,000 of 
our fellow citizens in the field with death- 
<loaling instruments for four years. And 


(j r.sT won.D r.E as ifiNonu-: as was the 
coNQi'EST OF bi:l(;ii'm. 

Pan Ameuican ri:'K;RAM towards 

On the other hand. *he idea of the Cov- 
er nirirnts of the Arnr-rtMn Kn^ublics other 
than Mexico is the* M(\'''can sovereignty 

niiil<<! a ueaty v.i:li i{ a.^ we have done 
v.ith Cuba— that if rr<'xIco does not pre- 
serve law and ordi'r the United States 
shall do so." (Pa^re lli-iOl.) The proba- 
ble cost in American lives and taxes will 
pre.<iently be stated. 

Imn-v oi a m-w cotuW 
i* rvothinB cisc will be 
^VAi..,^ nl ■te.GlllM. 

tion. Nevcrtlieless. t tell you. Gentlemen, the ' 
reform oi t)ie divisiun and ttic poltticaL orgaoi- 


«hiiU b« rtip9et§d. Thitrafun in cil£« tb» 
•xisUnc U<ixican Ooremment alisll be uu- 
ublc to natori! order and timintnin peace 
thai thn n«et»«<iry aid urilt bv aiticit by 
Iht UHittd h«lp of aU the other Ammeitn 

Much difiFussion has taken plac«, iieceu- 
unrily, lu lo ju«1 how the Pan Anirricnn 

forcM would be UMtl «faati]d A 

trben. In tha judKinrnt of « rnajuril* 
the roJi American CnivcrdnwJiU, II 

miSX. \i Ni) Itn;* Aiiivr rHEHF cu 

in trief arc thu factii in tJio «-neo> 


On Aaeust 6, 191G> the revregenUtivee 
of seven or the Pn^cesiiivi: Pan American 
BtAtu met togother in WafihinKton tu L-on* 
aider the Mexicun situiition. A few Asit» 
\a%Kt they nddressed iu^appe«l to the fac- 
tional leaden in MexiCu prupcihine that 
tbey meet in a conference with th« Van 

Tanzu refused; that plan had bwn tried 
and it bad failed. 

On September 18, tho Pan American 
rcnnsenlative^ met lii New York. After 
ddiberutins and con ferine for threw 
woeka, Hoine of the time with a repre- 
sentative of the Carntnwi GovemmMit, 
th«y unanimouBljr agreed to recommend to 
their rritpnelive governmvntti that this 
Carranza Governnit-nt be recoKitlted. The 
unanimous judgmtnt wa» that thi» tie 
/Oflto GoveTTtnwnt ■ponsesird vtort of "thu 
material and moral eapaeily iwMJWHiry to 
proteet the Uvea and prowrty of ■aalivts 
and foTcigntrt," than dia any other /ne- 
tioK. At that bme the Carraiiia Govern- 
ment occupied 7G per cent, of Mexico's 

Before, however, the Pan American rep- 
resentatives granted thie recognition they 
received from First Chief CarraJiKa a 

(!) That the lives and pbopeety of 


be protected; 

(2) That religious freedom will be 

(s) tlut the membebs of religious 
obders will be pebmittcd to return 
and be secure in life and fboperty on 
cokdmon that they will not entek 


(4) That general amnesty be crant- 
b) to mexican^. excefting the real ulad- 
bus of the opposing factions; 

(B) That the oe facto government 

Ymi Book, 1915. Utte Mexico.) 

The several Pan American Governments 
approved Uie action of their representa- 
tives. Carranza agreed to send repre- 
sentatives to each of these conntries. Then 
Nicaragna and Columbia joined with the 
oOier seven nations and the United 
States Government ordered an «nbnr|[o 

upon nil shipment of amis fnm I 
country inui Mcxmo i.-xo*pt t« U* t 
r«nio Govennar'it. 
Titis Cabbanza G<ivaNHE;vr AT OC 


larger part of two of the faeUwu quid 
narrendcred. Thr If^ticr of a third ■« 
killed. VUIa, h(>»ev<.T, r^/uced lo ji» 
but most of hie iidhrrri.t? did so, (bit 
national Year Book. ItllG, title Mcxieal 

Great Britain imd ftcvonil of the Oti 
Earopean powera reco^niMd the Cutb' 

While th«M favorable dev«lopmiinta ^ 
taking place, formnr President Hill ~ 
tum«d from Spain to tlic Unlta^ 
and wiu! pemiitti-<l to land ti 
that he would not ult«mpl to t 
ico or Cuba. Lotnr be was <U* 

New Mexico In company with » ,, 

ucticmist Mexican Geii«nil. Both wal. 
rested. The charices against them v 
that they were planning to etarl a i 
revolt. They were releaoed on bail i 
the general escaped into Mexico wh( 
afterwards was killed. Uuerta was 

Also General Diaz waa supplied 
funds from Eomc source and tie si 
a revolution. 

The thoubij: has been and is 
some of the rich pro per tv -owners, 
Mexico — residents and non-" ■ — 
and i^iesibly sosib of the roman ca1 
ouc HIERARCHY (see page 3. above), 




TIES. In the words of President Wilsi 
after the raid by Villa and his bandits 
Columbus, New Mexico, which caused L— 
sending forth of the punitive expeditil 
into Mexico; 

"there were persons alonq the boi 
des actively engaged in creatino noi 
tion between the government op ti 
United States and the vb facto OO 


Among the property owners in Hcxtcol 
the Roman Catholic Hierarchy. Th« m 
tive of those who caused the invsidon ( 
our border was to bring about interm 

Tn that ColurabuE raid 11 of our dvH 
»ns were killed and S United SMmr 



ditza; and also 27 of the invadins^ force. 
PiOTious to this time the number of 
ovr people on this side of the border who 
had been killed by Mexican bandits or 
mere thieves who had crossed over into 
omr territory, hud been 20 civilians and 
16 soldiers. In Mexico the number of our 
Mople who had been killed durinj; the 
Ihrae years preceding the Columbus raid 
iras 76, as compared with the death of 
47 of our people in Mexico during; the 
three preceding years. (Secretary Lan- 
■ins in a memorandum to the Senate.) 

Nearly all of the troubles of our people 
In Mexico have been caused by the Mexi- 
can people's distrust of us, an they hnvc 
fnnly believed tfiat we as a iiatvm arc 
fknming to capture their Government and 
mle their country — rule it in tfie intrr- 
€8t of the Few, as did President Dinz. 
'ihaX has been and is a leading; cause of ■ 
fhA enmity against our citizens in Mexico. 
Wa are looked upon as would-be robbers. 
Among the Mexican pkople thkmsi:tat:9 
ber of armed men in the field a^ the 
Garranza Government about September 
flnt, this year, was down to 12,000. in the 
thinly-settled areas. (Joseph de Courey, 
in N. Y. Times, September 10. 11)10). // 
ih€ Mexican people belirved thnt they 
could trust v^ we could go back into 
Mexico and go to work, 


SCHOOLS IN Mexico than lxistp^j undkk 


This vast ehnngc has conir about from 
tk9 restoration of Inral srlf-ffowmfm n1, 
nUmg with home rule in thr Stairs an 'I 
the establishmr nt of Progressivr Statr 
Gcvemmevts, in eo-np*ration with tin 
Carranza Satloval Govern mm t. 

In State afTnirs many n»form^ in tlu» 
land laws have boon onaclcd. Tho. Iannis 
in common whicli wvro taken fn)in tluf 
public by the I^iaz Ueaolionary (lovcrn- 
ment are beinc: restored. Tjk* iTni;i«i:>c 
agricultural ostatos ai'e beini^ broken nj), 
8fl in New Zealand. Pro;;rcss»vo labor 
laws are bein;; enacte«.l. In sonio ])arts 
of Mexico the farmers and tho wajjo- 
eamers are earh orjranizpcl to sonu» ox- 
tent and are a balance of ])ower in those 
Progressive Mexican Govoriimonts. tho 
same as in our own Unito<l State.-? Gov- 
ernment, and tho ntlioj* j)roj;;rossivo p»v- 
emments throusrhour the v.orM. 

In the State of Yuoatan, tor oxamjdo. 
where only a few fonMr;:n investors oxisO 
to complicate tho pituat'on. tho revolution- 
ary firrhtinjr wa« tin is! -el two years aiT'"^ 
and the new order is far alon.:r. Th'* 
people in place of hoMiir real slave-; iir:f 
to their i»i;ist<rs, and v. iib.oui edr-cation, 
are new free and tlure aro li,!'") i)i:Mie 
school si:, p'lrt of which are continued nt 
night for the bonetii o*" the a«hil!s. The 
lands which formerly were hoM in com- 
mon and then were taken from tho people. 
have been returned to them ancl 40/)0(i of 
I he 50,000 families have each purchased 

forty acres of land agreeing to pay goldi 
backed by the guarantee of Yucatan. 
Child labor under thirteen years is abol- 
ished; up-to-date factory regulations are 
in operation, together with compulsory 
arbitration of disputes between employers 
and employees. All of this is being ac- 
complished by the native population, prin- 
cipally, descendants of those whom the 
Spaniards conquered and who previously 
had had a wonderful civilization, as the 
ancient ruins demonstrate. (N. Y. Times, 
October 1, 11)16.) 

Laws restricting the use of intoxicating 
liquor have been enacted, with excellent 
results, the same as among us. 

The army is being reorganized and in 
such a manner as to be less readily used 
for political rivalries and tyrannies. 

First Chief Carranza is honest and he 
is not a dictator. AND HE AND His COL- 
lea(;i:es are clttino out private MONoro- 


The^:c qualities in the existing Mexican 
National Government are testified to from 
various sources. We have the following 
from Lincoln Steffens. the "true-blue" 
American of whom all of us have at least 
heard : 

Lincoln Steffen's Testimony. 

**One «ia.v in Mexico City a big Ameri- 
can conre.:sionain; wa>? damning Car- 
ranza," says Stelfrjn. **l rrmarkod," con- 
tinues SlcllVn, "that he didn't put dishon- 
esty into the catalotjue of his faults." "Oh, 
no/* ho answon il, " 'he's honest. We 
know that.' " Anil wiMi a laugh, he 
nddi'iJ: "'We km»w i-. hirause we tried 
him.' " 

"i>ut/' siys StelTen, •'there i.^ dishon- 
esty ia till' <'a:-ranza parly: lots of it. 
V»'}ii*n \ou break down, a.- this Mexican 
c.arth'juake ha-i d'^ne, th*' bitj, ordi.'rly sys- 
'x'.m (»r ri'j.;ul;tr VhorK'-C jrrai't. then a vast 
amount, of peUy j^raft lakes its place. . . . 
Mexico i.H h.ivin;: ji;s? now her Twend 

*'('arranz.i is no* a dictat(n*. Only tho 
foreigners waat anotlwr 'stronsT man.' 
The yirst (."J'i't I i.-i haHtl'inj hiA ptwrr 
ylonhf hut .;f /7o':/;'. AND HE L^ TKVI.Ni; TO 

r.riLi) it ur.Miu'KMU'vLLV. lie is jc«^!njr all 
over Mexico to p'.eet !\is peoplo. ^rcx their 
conlldeure and by a.'pl by froi their votes?. 
It*s like an AMierican political canipaifrn. 
Only ravanza nf*o^ not make many 
speeche-?, and those he dor-, make arr» 
.siiort, plain, n«»t exci-ii*.;.;. lie i.^ no doma- 
j:o«rn*\ . . . 

''The FirrJt Cr.iff and hi ^ inner ciicle 
nei'd 'he ]» of !)•..• p'^'oph* to awe and 
chf'ck tIm' power of ilio o'.i'«'r circle of sec- 
onil (hieM, and t!*.ir«i, ;in«l -'ous'.h. arnl hi< 
ener.sies and AT<*xii'«iV or:«-M:ir-J. 11<' is th** 
head mow oi* ai*. olifrarrhy ; his power is 
Miilitary; it is made up of lli" riov.ers con- 
tribntod by the uncertain Inyaltios oi" j!e!!- 
erals anrlchiefs. . . . I'.verybodv is wnn 


,1 a new constitlt- 
liiiy else will be 
.invent §f. Uie 

Nfvcnliflcss, 1 tell you, Gentlemen, the 

rcfunn uf the divisiun and the political orgam- 

1 of the states^ is absolutely necessary. 


This Military Gorenunent is dominant 
in civil HlTaira and ia expresaine its^ by 


TBBOira Maxihiluan, an austhiaI 



aRuaents and the reformed local nrrei 
mentSf and has temporarily settled the 
National issues.- For example, the State 
GoYemments have no jurisdiction over the 
public domain, the power being vested in 
the National Government. THE QfCrioit 


the meantime by acts of the State Gov- 
ernments app^ved by the National Mili- 
tary Government there is being restored 
t» the people the lands which were taken 
from them unconstitutionally, and the in- 
dustrial Bystem ia being recast. From 
time to time, however, some law is enacted 
or is proposed which our Secretary of 
State believes to be in violation of Ameri- 
can International law and he so states to 
Mexico's representative. 

The serious trouble has principally come 
from the wealthy few and the Roman 
Catholics priests. But the danger has 
be«i successfully overcome owiixg to sup- 
port for Ihf CarranM Notional C 
ment r.\ ir.E fan-amo 
AND r.Y th:: eurofean governments, as 
wo have shown. The present ttanser is 
that the voters in ottr omn United States 
may be df^eeircd bjf Big Bitftineits and the 
other Eraffioni's/M, kesultino IN THE res- 

We have yet to present President Wil- 
son's statement in his own defense. Pre- 
ceding it is an outline of Mexican politi- 
cal history. 

Mexican History, 1810-1916. 

In 1821 most of the people to the south 
of the United States, in Central and South 
America, after clevn years of warfare 
won their independence from Spain. In 
Mexico there was fir^t an Empire and then 
■ Progressive Republic. After fourteen 
years of this ntv,- order a Reactionary Dic- 
tatorship was established. This occurred 
in 1835. Later, Ihe people won back their 
freedom. Armin they lost it. Then dur- 
ing the yenrs 1S5.T to 18(51 was success- 
fully fousht Th^ War «>/ Reform. At 


European I'.ErtCTiOMHTS to come over and 
HELP TiiF.M. Taking as a pretext the fail- 
ure of the Liberal Mexican Government 
to pay the interest on the public debt, the 
govtrnmenta of France, Spain and Great 

oa or a* 
I IiiHiIiiiJK 
lighly iB 
e was nnfli 

Government notified the French L 
Catholic Government tiiat it muat 
draw Ita forces from this continent 
was emnpleted in 1867, aitd tAen t' 
trot Uexiean foreeg imdsr - Ai 
Jawea recaptured tho lUexiean i 
ment. ^ 

This Liberal Mexican fl*Mm«l 
tinned for five years until the 4L 
Jaurez, 1872. This Government 
liflhed Free Institutions. Upon t~ 
of President Jaurez his successor ' 
Liberal and the Progressive 8a ■■ 
continued in power for foni- IMUM 
overthrown bjr a Reactionist Bni 
under the leadership of General 3 
Diaz. Dial thus became PnoidHl 
at the head of the Iteactioniata he 
from 187C to 1910, a period of S4 
at which time under the leifcto"^^ 
Francisco I. Madero, a highly i 

gentleman and a patriot, he w 

Diaz fled lo Europe. 

Under the Presidency of Dial, Mm 
had been opened up to Big Busineaa. 
lirst the concGssiona granted were real 
nbly fair. lint during the yiarii /ott 
ing 1876, at a liiitti uktu all of the t 
grcasive eoinilrica of tlie world uvnt be 
ward ittlo reaetionisw, Mexico did u 
WISE. A system of peonage was gradui 
rc-int reduced. The lands held in conn 
for the use of all the people were si 
And as ^Mexico grew rich the Modi 
people erew poor, Madero raised 
stoniiard of revolt in 1910 and won. 

Airain lieaci'on pot in its work. I 
dero's own leading general, Hnei 
tricked him, and then while Huerta li 
Madero as prisoner he caused him to 
murdered. Huerta then v;ircd the T 
Government at Washington, "I have m 
thrown the Government, and hencefo 
pence and order will reign." 

President Taft refused to recogi 
Huerta, us he bnd a perfect t-ii^ht to do. 
is only armtd intcrvi'iitit^n that is pro! 
itcd by international President T 
continued his policy of lcavln;r the Ht 
can people to i=i?ttle for the^nsolvea 
question of who should become the rnl 
power. On Kebruary 2G, 1!)12, just 
fore President Aaft rptiied from office, 

P^ESlr)E.^■T TAt-r's Attitude, 
"We must avoid in evtry way wrai 


tfencb POSSiBijc, v.i'h the nrayer t! 
some power may arise there to bring nb 
peace to that troubled country. . — ^i 


a new constittt- 
lOg elsft.wft^'**^ 

tion. Nevertheless, 

I' IViff ' 


I tell you. Gentlemen, the 
oil and the putilicaJ organi- 
is alKolutcIy I 


_^ Jxico. and In reply Uie 

ivrin^ eoiLuiiai Appeared in the New 
orlt Times of January 10: 

New York Times' Editobial. 

1/ the recognition of Carranin 
OB tke defacto mler of Mexico NO OTHER 
LATION WOULD BE coNsrerENT. To depart 
Irom it could endanger our friendly rela- 
Uonfl,With the other La tin- American coun- 
trieB..end uU hope of the pacification of 
Mexico by Mexicans under Constitutional- 
iit direction, and would tend to unite all 
factions in that country against ua." 


One month later. February, 1016, at 
the New York State Republican conven- 
tion, the chairman was former Senator 
£lthu Root, and he urged armed inter- 
Mention in Mexico. 

Th« next day on the floor of Congress 
he was answered by Senator Lewis, of 
Ulinoia, who pointed out that while there 
were serious ditorders in Mexico during 
President Taft's administration, still Mr. 
Root dii not urge armed intervention; but 
that now, when he believes that his party 
can gain an advantage by urging it, he 
is preBsing the demand. Senator Lewis 

"What is the meaning of this strange 
hypocrisy of statesmanship?" (Congres- 
noiua Record, Feb. 19, 1916.) 

In the present campaign former Sena- 
tor Bevendge, of Indiana, in a widely dis- 
tributed speech, said: 

"There are only two sane courses to 
take in Mexico — to ko in and restore order 
to the anarchy- maddened creatures of that 
country, or to keep out and leave them 
to their mutual destruction." 

The truth is, that for some months the 
Carranza Government has been in un- 
moleated control of nearly the entire area 
throughout Mexico. September first, 1016, 
12,000 of the 13,000 miles of Mexican rail- 
roads were being operated under the jur- 
iidietion of the Carranza Government, 
Exports from the United States to Mexico 
for the year ending June, 1916, were al- 
most as large as the year before the 
Revolution began ; and on September first, 
this year, our imports from Mexico dur- 
ing 1916 were thirty-five per cent, greater 
than for 1906. Durini; August, 1916. the 
earnings of the Government railroads in 
Mexico were ncai-ly forty times larger 
than 18 months before. (lAtfmry DipeHt, 
Sept. 30, 191G. In the words of John 
Barrett, Direct or- General of the Pan- 
American Union, in nn addresis in New 
York City, April 10, lOlfi: "There is 
MOW NO REvoLtrriON IN Mq.xico, but an 
BVDLUTION." And he added: 


"I want you to realize that from 18G1 
to IMS we had a greater revolution than 

waa ever knoirn in Mexir«, aod that dsp- 
ing the ten years follov/iag it fwme paita 
of our country were in chaos." 

Continuing, he said,: "THE bovekkicmtt 


So without making any observations re- 
garding our Mexican policy, I invite jtn 
to remember that there are taxi itide» n 

uVtry Story. 1 BELIEVE THAT SlEXUX Wtti. 

Union. We all want to see peace in 
I peace uritA r 
■rtffittjr." "- 

Mexico, bvt i 

York 1 


Isn't it clear that the people of Mexico 
should be left free to work out their own 
reforms? The principal difficulty for somo 
time has been that Big Business has been 
using a portion of its wealth to stir op 
strife; and there, as in our own country, 
there has been strife between some of the 
Germans and the Government, and Cleri- 
calism is a live issue. But recall the 
words of Director-General Barrett of the 
Pan-American Union: "There is now no 
revolution in Mexico, but evolution." If 

3E interference It 

itlCAN Govern MZNT8 


The underlying connection __,„___ 
President Wilson and his Mexican policy 
is his sympathy for the Mexican people: 
In his own words in his recent apeech of 
acceptance: "The people of Mexico are 
striving for the rights that are funda- 
mental to life and happiness — 16,000,000 
oppressed men, overburdened women, and 
pitiful children In virtual bondage in their 
own home of fertile lands and inexhauit- 
ible treasure! Some of the leaders of the 
revolution may often have been mistaken 
and violent and selfish, but the revolu- 
tion ITSELF Was inevitable AND IB 


On the other hand there are the strong 
and selfish interests that are doing their 
utmost to terminate the Mexican Pro- 
gressive Governments. Will these Reae- 
tirmists aiieeeed? Will you aid them by 


Tremendously more is involved than the 
welfare of the Mexican people: Ths lib- 
frticn of our otrn 100,000,000 people are 
at stake.' If the Bepubliean Organixatitm 
is voted back into power in our Nati4>nal 
Government it will not only send our sol- 
dier boys into Mexico to be shot and killed 
by the thoHsandfi, but amonq Ourbelves 


iMin't viorloal: 

Uie wortb of tbc CommlMicn on 
|-_^i(l Arbitrafion of Out rrotwlunt 

- back nil U>* 
' :i tfvncruUon, 

ii— '- 111^; LutBUc* foT 

\icl\i Ci-u;U L-J! iJciiiw any con- 
wh, *?«u Wf-iix rtXD to rASTEM 


1 ■■ cjior Latln- 

< .iliw that they 
icm. All o? 

< lully with our 
I •Jiort'Bichted 

Tliit fna U that Uiii lUrpDiiUcftD Nation*] 

Citiiveatioti delilMrately plumed for a tfr 
luVn to the old-UoH ov^r-lordfihtp by tb* 
Uniled StaUtf Uuooslumt LatUv-AnMricn 
tf th« KonvtioRtsU nrr rttumoi] to power 
oil Novwulwr lUt. The plaitorin dedara- 
ttnti' concerning Latin- AJarriOft Ktprmity 

"Wc favor tha continuBBce of Rtpubtv- 
rnu puJicjtK (as di«UnKUlBbe<l froia tlw 
Nww Pan AnMrieBniwDj," 

Hlctttry- pl^iUy tvUs what the Republi- 
can policies toward LAtin-Amorka bav» 
been — pollcjcB dcwcnbed by Juum G. 
Blnine nod Mh*re, Mtting lortb how tha 
LaUn-ABiericaaa were iu«a tn f uch a dmw- 
n«r bjr Reactionist UniUd Statas Qo«ar»- 
nwnls that th«y became more aad mora 
□nfHvndly toward ua, cuIninatiBK in 
ronifiH-Dt of Porto RI«o, the PhQipr 
uni] Panama. 

Chapter IV. 





An outline of Phlllpplno htstorjr te set 
^farth ia onr Gticniajt rtatainent. The uii- 
Spnled evidtaee nkovra tfmt tb» iLoman 
olic pxelauts in the Unittid Stales ara 
dttlng aD^innt Irocdom for tbc Philip- 
I peuplc. aided by Big Buflneas and 
liopabl^D Orsiinization. Th« Re- 
I platfurm ia aa foUowa: 

nnvAL iir Conquest di Tue Philip- 

Wa mail our alUgianf.e (o l^ Pliilip- 

t amvfftv**ied bj/ SleKinlny, ap- 

i by [a Rtjnibli^n] Comgwcu, uit<I 

simlly tArried out by Rovaevtll and 

Herv ia « flat-flooted declaration for 
Oic policy of Conquest and Xha holding of 
Subjects, the exact oppoxita of Rnpubll- 
canlDin and l>emoerafy- Tin- exisUng: 
l'<!ii.wmnc Naliotuil Oovernmcnt has 
j^irr.!>r".i'i| independence to the people of 
iln- !'ilip;jviieB, utid more and more of 
\Yf\r ■■injcjia are teina placed In churne 
«r 'J t, r vwa n^vcrnmcnt. On July 7, 1916, 
tiir Ae.!Cinited Press stated that "Bome of 
the b Kg«t aliifts in the personnel of the 
Government of the Plilllppinca In recent 
jtaiB arw n^w •)■^n^rTine, (N, Y. Evening 
Post. Aiir- 5. 1?IG.) 

Thn il .Trtr"-' bc^ireen aldinc the peo- 
ple of the Pliilippinc InlundH to bccoma 
frve — Mrlf'^orernint; as rapidlv as they 
are abli'. undrrr a tiromise of ttiiu aiding 
them, ond lb" oppwsite po|ti.*y of wniquest 
— tbc Mkina puBecfiBton of a people as 
^ j atiL ic a ) slave* and eontinuinr to bold 

(liam as nich, it of tranacendcnt inipor> 
tance. Only the reaetumisU or l\t niatn- 
formed have insisted tfiat the pro'mut of 
I'etdom be withheld. Ai4D the R£tc> 


TiONAL Conventions and the Repdiu- 
CAN National GovQCNUEKTS. One op TUB 

But in 1910 tlimi) f«w lost control of th« 
National House, and two years later, 1912, 
lost control of the Senate and the WUta 
tlouac That year the People made a 
clean sweep. Some of the ebanges in Ic^ia- 
blion that have iiinee come a1x>ut are d»- 
Kcribed in tbiK pamphleL 

This year ie Lhe first Presidential elec- 
tion Kincc the RcactionieiG were turned otit 


WHICH TUT IT TORTU. One pottion of thia 
evidence is the declaration for there-estafr- 
lishment of conqueiit in tha PhUipjilDea; 
another portion of the evidence ib tba 
statement "Wo fdvor [towardj Latin 
America] a continuance of Republican 
policies"— poll ciea decidedly different fr«n 
the New Pan Americuniim : and a third 
section of the evidence is the decJaratiea 
for the conuuest of Mexico. We now | 
Aent a fonrtlt reactionary ptank in tb« 
pablkaa platfono. 

third I 

ratieo I 

vp»- i 


iiiTU'v « 1 1" ;l n^■v,• constitu- 
v\ yi^^\\-t'\ng dsc will bc 
k's\a.\jV\s\iment of the Con- 

lion. Ni'vciihdcss, I icll you, Gentlemen, the 
reform of the division and the political organi- 
I of the states, is absolutely necessary. 

■ of 1 
andabnui. Thei 
ag BoriBan wlU be aUlged t« daal mn 

uid mors Jnatljr with th« public Tbt 
nMdad nfornu will contlane to ba 
wTonifat iriiilB continnlntr to gaud the 
isfonw already achieved. ' Abroad there 
will be a contiiiiiaDce of fair dealins aad 
cooperation, tremendously profitable to all- 
ot ovr legitimate interests. There will be 
a continnanee of the New Fan American- 
lam, added to which will be the farther de- 
yelopments now under way. Th» sev- 
»nignty of Uexuso will not ba infringtd 
nor B foot of her territory he takm, BE- 


Akbicah AUBncES. Our prevention of 
bawUt nida iQon the United States will 
not, under ttu existing National Govern- 
ment, renlt in the loss of Hexlco's sor- 
erefgnty. Of transcendent importance wiH 
be tke fact that we, the people of the 
Unltad States a nation 100/>6o,000 strong. 
will aetinly take a hand in helping to es- 
tabliah World Peace. 

Theee are tiie two sUes in the ex- 
isting canvaign — the Progressive and the 
Beactionary sidee. The existing National 
Gwemntent is not the repreaentative of 
the wien who formerly were the Special 
IntereaU, therefore you, Mb. American 

you BELONG. 

Do not permit the Opposition leaders in 
this country to deceive you. They abe 


pertonal future is wrapped up in it; 
whereas you who are mere voters have no 
such self-interest. Your self-intsiest is 


tion and we ag a nation will go in the op- 
posite direction. Do you want that? Cer- 
tainly not. Then the only thing te do If 
you are a Republican is to "scratch" your 
ticket and vote to continue in office the ex- 
isting National Government. That is as 
plain as that two and two are four. Either 
wa go forward or backward. And yon do 

to pltoM Hia ) 
AlUei ' 

and tlL* Fatrictie v . 

unthinlang people; wiu. Xi[3 
Will b«tk the pro-Allies and-* 
matu, and the Boman prriatai 4 
devotMa of free InstitatiaBs bah' 
vote for the- Opposilian— tha Jl 

Alio notice tliat the fanm ttiat ■ 
tually back of the Oppo«itSaB^-th«^ 
tioniata — include all of the nil I 


mere poasibillty of BepnMicaa li 
November as indicated by tha Kalna jj 
tion h&B sent the railroad atoekai 
meaning that rate regulatiotu i 
retaxed — that THE 


ONE oTBix EVILS. Can't you realiaei 

would come about should the r 

be returned te power? One thing i 

be real militarism, coupled with a r 

to aid in the formation of the Federattcn 

of the World and the securing of Wradd 


The real self-interest of the Genaan- 
Americans and of aU other cititens la for 
the brotherhood plan — the formation ef 
the United States of the World, to friddi 
the existing Democratic Government is 
committed and which has provided for tha 
calling of the necessary Conferenae of 
Nations. That is the road to permanent 
peace and ultimate diearmament on the 
basis of equal national rights. Who in hia 
right mind can vote against it? Tht R»- 
publican leaders, however, are stoftnv 
tAeir hope of success upon eapturing tki 
Gerrnan-Atnerican Democrats, AND THB 
LiNotfLN (NEB.) Frew Presse BOASTS 
that "Out of 28 daily and 238 weekly 
German Democratic NEWBPAnaa that 


SUPPORTS Mr. Wilson's cANDmACY." 

Also the Republioan leaden are beixff 
supported by SUCH of the Roman Cath- 



And the Republican leaders are plaa^ 
ning to eeowre the vote of tJu PalrMIt 

•« •• 




Sfantflfy nmniAif It • 

4ftk$ pnhAUk$ aimong iho9€ who 

Fr9grwmh§9 in 1912; tmd at the 

Um§ koU mo9t of thoh oum BejmbUr 

who are pro^AUy. But 


lOT OITIGI THE snariNG National 


priests in Mexico, and make 
Cathdie priests a balance of power 
IgjpMr Government. The fact is that in 
p|. World Crisis a new alignment is be- 
jKaade and we shoald look to the big 
Snh-4he establishment of a World 
g|j|ii8 to Prevent Aggression; also the 

Etiance of the existing Brotherhood 
American Rtepnblics, especially for 
defense against a foreign foe; the 
Ijlflilenance of Mexican Independence — 
Hlhrinllj as it will also result in onr own 
; the going forward with Adequate 
less until competition in arma- 
is ended; the continued development 
k Ifbreign Trade and that Home Indus- 
BhifslisTl be sufficiently protected, as they 
■vr are, subject to revision from time to 
[pi by the forthcoming Non-Partisan 
Commission; the continued expan- 
of Industrial Freedom — death to the 
; and that the splendid beginnings 
I Bocial Justice shall go forward. 
Tkese constitute Progress — the Demo- 
imtie Highway. The opposition party, 
bo Republican Organization, financed by 
mid-be Monopolists and other sinister 
itnests, and aided by the Roman Cath- 
He prelates, is making frantic efforts to 
»«apture the National Government. Re- 
is being worked for. Reader, will 
GET YOUR VOTE? Forewarned is 
snarmed! Vote for your own intgr- 


Imi words of Thomas A. Edison: "The 
are too serious to talk or think in 
of Republicanism or Democracy. 
Americans must drop parties and get 
to big fundamental principles." 
r, ive invite you to a careful self- 
tamination of yourself! 

b tUa eonneetloii bear In ndnd Hiat tha 
^following iHoea are overahadowing all 

1. Shan the A|perican people permit an 
American President to be driven from 
•iRoe by a foreign element because he has- 
habbd to If aintaxn oub Amskican bights 
—dared to compel the German Govern- 
ment to live up to International law? 

2. Shan the American people permit a 
Progressive President to be driven from 


Rbactionaby Roman Cathouc Pueots? 

The answer is that our own self-respect 
and our own self-interest compel us 
Americans to support our Presh>ent. 
We cannot consent that our Government 
shaU become subordinated to the Prussian 
Kaiser and the Pope at Rome, the latter 
being an absolute monarch exercising civil 
o power* and who is opposed to human lib- 
erty.** The raising of these issues in this 
year's campaign by the Germans and the 
Political Romanists compel the rest of us 
to vote together. No other solution is 
practicable. In the words of an editorial 
in the New York Tribune of June 14th, 
1916, concerning this German issue "Many 
months ago this newspaper said: 'it would 
be better for the Republican Party to in- 
dorse Woodrow Wilson in 1916 than to 
permit the principle to be established that 
TO defend American interests is to com- 
mft political suicide.'" We as Ameri- 
cans simply cannot permit it. Nor can we 
permit the Political Romanists to triumph. 
It would restore them to power in Mexico, 
and they would again become a balance of 
power in our midst. Therefore every 
patriot — every lover of the Stars and 
Stripes and all that they stand for, will 
vote to continue in office the existing Na- 
tional Government! A change will mean 
Reaction — the triumph of Germany in this 
country, with far-rcachinjr clTccts upon the 
War of Nations; also it would be not only 
a triumph for Political Romanism, but it 
might result in victory for Reaction in 
the War of Nations! Choose ye this day 
whom ye will serve! 

♦To-day at the Pope's court there 'kre man Catholic.) In International law to- 
Bpresentatives of each of the great civil day the Pope and his representatives pos- 
emwB that are in the War except France, sess a civil status, which is not the case 
iatemational Year Book, 1915, title Ro- with the Protestant Churches. For details 


■^ < ■> i A iKw constitu- 
"v*.,>tl»ing else will be 
V>Vvs\iment i 

£the < 

tioii. \\'vcnlK.Icss. I lell y<ni, Gentlemen, the 
reform of tlie tiivision ami the political organi- 
f^the Batesis absolutely necessary. 

fMonli 1*^111 ntmmbm. dMerilwd at 
p&fo Oi ftbon* % 

**Popa- Leo ZIIL ia mi vujdital let- 
ter of Jnne 20, 1888, tm: 

"Therefore, the natiin of Honuui Ub- 
ertr, however It be conddered, whether In 
huuvldiial or in Mdetr, . . . !■ do other 
than ths enlhority of God, «MmiM»MUif 
good and forUddbw nlL . . . Tkma 
Um prnwrM MSttntK of the Ckurek haa 
evM* beM matHftiiUd a tbb conwY and 


nuuiy'' there ue who follow in the foot- 
steps of Lucifer, and adopt his rebellions 
cry: 1 will sot sem,' and omscqueiUly 
BDbstitute for liberty what is sheer and 
moBt foolish license. Sneh, for Instance, 
are the men, who belongins to thfit widely- 
spread ai^ powerful organisation, who, 
nmiping fto name of liberty, style thei^ 
MvtM LmERALB. Wlut ^^atKniJwte or 
SatSmaiiata aim at in philoeopliy, that the 

supporters of Ub^mjbh, carrying oat 

the principles laid down by NatnTalism. 

■ an atUmpting in the domain of maroKtv 

and poUtiet. . . . Once ascribe to fttt- 

wfaatjM'OTis and what is good, ap4 1 
real wttnctlon between good and erfJ Is \ 
destroyed. . . . With reference niao la t 
public aAUn: anthority is severed froai I 
the true and lafiural principle whenoi it ] 
derlvsa all its cScacy for the < 
good, and the law detenmnlng wliat j> ■ 
ri^t to do luid Mtffi- AHu m- a 

mntply a rood leodnv stroiff At to 1 
. . . .' We must now eonrider ^ 
Lifimty of Sp^oeh, and Z^jfrerfy h 
Preaa. It is hardly necessary to a 
there can be no such right. 

"Another liberty is widely i 
namely, Ltfterty of Conaeteace. If K 
meant that every one may, as_he % 
worriiip'God or not, it Is i ^" 
fated by the argnmenta already ■ 
(ib» Great Encycli^ I<«tters < 
Leo Xm, ptdilished by Beaaiger f_^ 
Piinten to the Holy Apoetahc Sea. J 
Obttat, Bemigiua Laftnt, S.TJj.; r 
Liborinm. Imprimatw, Jno. F. T 
Aichblshop. 1903.") 

For additional copies of this pamphlet write to The Pablidtr X 
New Yorit, Chicago, Denver, Spokane and San Frandsco. No t' 
copies. Do yon wish to help pay for distributing more copies? 




A Nation in 

Stupendous Issues 

Published by 


1400 Broadway, New York City 

tioii. Ncvertlielcss, I lell you, GenUt;nicn, the 
rfffirm f>f the division and the political organi- 

-".." ■" ■ i" ii" I. Ill -, is aiscJiilciy iioci:;»$Ary. 





To the Mexican the Mexican problem is not «"»ne of diplomatic 
ad judication. He says there are certain things that can- 
not to be arbitrated, and one of them is the right uf one man 
to keep ancjther man in slavery by means of contracts in 
which the slave had no hand in the making. 

To the Mexican — that is tt> almost all of the Mexicans who 
arc not hi conspiracy with American and luinipeans— the 
trouble is that by stiine ht>ok or crook everything worth owning 
in Mexico is owned by foreigners. 

The Mexicans own nothing. They get nothing. They work 
all the year round, and at the end <^>f that time they are no 
better off than they were at the beginning. 

Often they are worse (*({, for they arc in <Ubt at the company 
store. Millions and millicuis of wealth i^o aminallv from the 
country as a result of their labors but nont- of ji slays at home. 
The men who get the wealth havr for ilu- m««^t pari never set 
foot in Mexico. Many ox lliem have never invested ni<)re than 
a few thousand dr»Ilars and that has g«»ne in bribes or C'-rruption 
to high officials. 

For such an insignificant in\e^imeni ilie foreigner g«»i c<)n- 
trol of the countrv. He owned evervihing \\«»rtli ownim- -the 
railroads, mines, oil wells. g"ld an<l ^-ilver mines, jilantalions, etc. 
He even owned the governmeni itself u]) to Vf]{), which was 
thrown in for good measure. With llu- g«»vernmeni he oliiained 
control of taxation which he u^e«l l«' exempt the things he 
owned from taxation. That was ihe trick Lord (''»wdrav ]»layed 
in the oil business. Mexico I..>t all l«»cal taxes «.n .^,(m>j.<XK) 
acres of oil land and all her export duties as well. 


When the ])eon wont to the <t"re to «*])end ti'.c little that, he 
was given for his labor he .spent it at :"ie .• ■in.p.i'iy -t-To ■. »v.iie«l 
bv a hVenchman ^r a tlernmn. \\ lu n li.- w::. '■*-•[ :i '■•aii '■ r ibe 
planting or the harvcsliiig ••{ hi-^ rr-M'.- be t-.i.'.y -wmikcI ii .tr 
usurious interest. .M'-ng witl: I'-e-i. i-*- 'h ijii.- x-- :s'".'- -vs tl ai 
are n«n so c(»mplex but ib.i: evcti .■.• Il: i-ra- * .\b\i-.\'in «r;n 
under^tan•l iliem, the for^^i-iier i::iVi- r.iin a'l ..'.;••■.-. '•.«■. c-n-.j 
and murderoii> OMvernmein. Me l-.v«' irni ! 'i.'i.' : b«' i..:!'.e In'm 
Huerta ; he woiiM like t<» ^\\•,'r.^ 'ri.k a-ain. i..»r Mex!<<.^ was 
so "peaceful." *\\»ntente<r' and "*h«ipp>' tln-n. 


c ii iiuw constitu- tion. Nevertheless. 1 tell you, Gentlemen, the 

ing else will be refomi of tlie division and the political orgam- 

"" ' " BifafiL^c Males, is absolutely necessary. 

That » iwnaiTIiefofefgnerwants in Mexico to-aay. 
not diBguisc it. He honestly believes that it was good for Mexico 
to be owned by outside capital and the people to be kept in 
ignorance and poverty for their own good. 

The fact is that Mexico was jost like France prior to the 
French Revolution, only the seigneurs of Mexico did not have 
the virtue of being Mexican. . Tliey lived abroad instead of at 
Mexico City. They gambled the rents wrung from their Mexican 
< serfs, not only on the gaming table but on the stock exchange 
as well. They maintained their power by force of arms and no 
blithering sentimentality was permitted to get in the way of 
standing trouble makers up against the wall or of shooting up a 
whole village when the peons tried to assert their ancestral 
right to the common lands which had cotnc to them for genera- 
tions, but which Diaz gave away to his financial favorites who 
need cheap labor for their mines and who could secure it only 
by depriving the peasant^ of their own land so that they would 
have to accept the wages offered them or starve. 

The Mexicans want to get back their land which has been 
taken from them by bribery or machine guns. And they are 
doing it. They want to get back their oil wells, gold and silvei 
mines and the tremendously rich copper deposits of the North, 
and they are doing it. 

The Mexicans want to work for themselves rather than for 
an impersonal foreign corporation. They want to be home 
owners rather than tenants. They want to own a little piece of 
land to cultivate and pass on to their children. They want 
economic independence and all that economic independence 

And they arc doing this by ending the concessions and grants 
which they as well as all the world knows were for the most 
part obtained by graft. They are taxing the great plantations, 
the mines and the oil wells. They are requiring the two and a 
half billions of foreign-owned i)ropcrty to contribute to the sup- 
port of the state. They are taking back the common lands. 
They are giving the people homes. They are ending franchises, 
grants and privileges, and they are doing it without that diplo- 
matic finesse that financial imperialism, backed by their diplo- 
matic corps and navy, they arc accustomed to. 


Mexico has been the happy hunting ground of the adventurer 
since the days of Spanish conquest. Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, 
South Africa do not compare with it as a treasure box. Ciovern- 
ment has always meant merely an organized system oi mlibery 

• • 


-•• I* -li fe' «. • - 

and exploitation. It gave the people nothing, it took everything 
the people had. It taxed them in the most ruthless ways; it 
spent the taxes for private purposes and profit. The courts 
were merely another instrument for enforcing serfdom along 
with the army. Each government in turn played in with the 
church, the big plantation owners and the foreign adventurers 
and all of them together constituted a "system" for working the 
peons in their mines, upon their estates, at starvation wages, and 
when they were unruly the government was always at the com- 
mand of the big interests to enforce order with a hireling army 
with machine guns. 

Diaz reduced the process to a scientific system. He termed 
it "developing the country." The development meant slavery 
to the people and the giving away of everything of value in the 
country. There were friends, relatives and favorites to be seen. 
They had to be seen or nothing came through. In the end the 
Mexicans were dispossessed of one of the richest spots on the 
earth's surface, and Americans, English, French and German 
concession hunters possessed grants and privileges conservative- 
ly estimated to* be worth many billions of dollars. 

The concession seekers flocked to Mexico with the coming 
of Diaz to power in 1876. lie owed them everything for they 
made him master of Alcxico. They enjoyed 34 years of ahnost 
uninterrupted freedom until the flight of Diaz to Paris in 1910. 


During all these years the United States was unhappily the 
bulwark of the exploiting interests. The Mexican people feared 
American intervention more than anything else and this fear 
kept them from revolution. And the colossal grants and sub- 
sidies for railroads, mines, oil, gold, silver, copper and land, 
judiciously distributed, identified the United States State De- 
partment, the Senate, the press and the i)enple of the United 
States with Diaz, no matter what his outrages might be. 

Neither the financiers of luirope nor the foreign ofhoes of the 
European powers can teach the American concession seeker 
much in the game of high finance, the use of money for bribery 
and corruption or the turning of government from public to 
private ends. The years which followed the Civil War taut^ht 
railroad builders, franchise seekers, land grabbers a:i(l haiikt-rs 
all of the tricks of that trade. And tliev carried into Mexico all 
that they had learnerl in the buiMing nf the Pacific railway, in 
the corruption of our cities and states, in the distribution of 
privileges among members of Con.crress ar.d officials in high 

a new constitu- tion. .Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 

ing else will be reform of the division and the political organi- 

^f till: stales, is absolutely necessary. 

The United States during the years that followed the Civill 
War was a training school [or the exploitation of Mexico which J 
like ripe fruit waite<^nlv to .IJg-AJgkpd with the accession of 1 
Diaz to power i^^^^HHOn^BBbiial. The trans-Pacific T 
land grahs wereiHvHpHHHIHHB&as under oblig'ation to i 
the American financier for placing him in power. He paid his 
first debts by concessions for the building of two railroad lines 
from the Texas border to Mexico City. Land was given for the 
right of way together with a subsidy of $14,000 per mile ou 
level' country and $35,{XX) a mile in rough countiy. This was 
enough in itself to construct the road, especially as forced labor 
was supplied the contractors at fifty cents a day. Growing out 
of these concessions Americans now hold securities in the rail- 
roads of nearly $TO0,O0O,O0O. 

$150,000,000 PLUNDER 

Just as the financiers from the United States exploited the 
Mexican railroads so Great Britain enjoyed a monopoly of ex- 
ploitation of the country's credit. All of the devices learned 
m Egypt were repeated. There was nothing that the French 
had devised in Morocco and Tunis that was not duplicated. 
The national debt was inflated by the recognition of Spanish 
claims for reimbursement for expenditures made in the Spanish 
campaign against the insur^jents in the War of Independence 
and other claims for confiscated estates of the holy orders. 
French claims were made for some trifling damages to French 
citizens and prt>|)erty. In a short time the indebtedness of the 
country was increased from S20.000,000 to $191,000,000, of which 
approximately 51^0.000,000 represented speculation and the plun- 
der of speculators and private interests which succeeded in hav- 
ing their claims recognized. 

The concession seekers were insatiable. The oil is owned by 
.A,merican and Hritish syndicate;. In I'lOO the country produced 
no oil at all. Now it stands next to the United States and Rus- 
sia. The Waters-Fierce Company is the largest American oil 
producing company in Mexico. Their control is contested by 
the English firm of Pearson, now Lord Cowdray. Pearson had 
built a railniad in Mexico and secured the frieiulsliip of Diaz, 
He obtained concessions for <jil and pipe lines and railroads. 
The British .Xdniiralty saw in Mexic<i a snurce of (jjl for fuel 
— a source not likely lo fail in war time. Pearson was elevated 
to Lord Onvdray in H'lO, just when oil was beginning to come 
into use as fuel for war ships. The British and American oJ! 
interests have ever been hostile, and in a price-cutting war 
Cowdray gained the upper hand as Diaz fell from power. 
-Statistics show that his companie.s control ^S per cent, of the 
oil output of Mexico. American interests supplanted Cowdray 

(^.-•fA 4<yx^ 


in official circles under the Madcro i^overnmont, but when 
Huerta came into power the tables were a.gain turned and 0»w- 
dray was again recognized. According to his own statements 
he gave Iluerta support and even subscribed ti) three per cent. 
of the loan floated by him. 


Back of the revolutions that have harassed Mexico t»»r the 
past six years is the sinister hand of the American an<l Iiritish 
oil interest which have a complete tn«»n(»piily «»t the oil in that 
country. ITow colossal the >takc involved is and how cheap 
a Control of the governmeiil wonM W ai any price is <frn in 
the fact that the oil in the Tampico district al«Mie amounts to 
5,000,000 acres while the total oil land o]»erated in the United 
States amounts to but S.300,000 acres. The capacity of a single 
refinery of Lord Cowdray is ,^XW.(K)0 barrels a year. 

The mineral resources are almost cjinpletcly under foreii^n 
ownershij). Americatis dominate larjLie area-^. The capital em- 
jdoved in the indu^^lrv is abt»ut S^»47.('HX\r)()0. ''f which al)<'>ut 
$500,000,000 is American. 'I'he X-rthcrn -tales i^f Mexic arc 
crowded with American miners. The ( inii^cnheini^ n<»w operate 
a dozen mines and have a number of jL!r<*ai -nu-lle:'-. 'I lure are 
a do/en other jL^reat c<»])pcr interests, of wbi'li riie!p> I)'"ioe ;in-l 
the <.ireen Cananea are the larir^'-^t. The ca]»ital '»f the <N«pper 
mines alone runs into the hundrcrls i.f millicn^. American capital 
controls electric liirht ancl jmwer; it CMiun-l*; tlu- street railway 
lines of the cities. It has ''pened u]) ;.:«'ld and sil\«r mines. 
The Mexican rubber industry i^ lir^'lv \i:i<':ic;ip. l'\^'-ii •♦-.r 
Aldrich was greatly inl(M-c<te<l in the ( 'i-ntinental Kubl-cr ('Mm- 
pany which largrly conir«»ls tlii- in'!n>iry. (Ireat -t-et/lie- nf 
timber land are also Mwned, while piant.iti' ''.- "f litin.lrtMl-^ «.f 
thousands of acre>^ ha\e been ac<juirt«I v\ *be X-.-rtlu-'ii -*\\\k^< by 
American owners. The American ('•«n-u]. Mari-'i- Lricin-r, «»f 
Chihuahua, who has had lon.^r c\perie'i«*r in Mc-it^i :s> a r-'^'ilni: 
engineer, places the American in\ e^tnient-^ in Me\ic«. it^ VAl at 
$1,057,770,000 as again«Nt a total «\vncrsbii» 'm' pn-ncrtv by all of 
the Mexicans of but $7'.'.\lS7.0fX\ 


The capital of Mexic-i is noi Mexic. (ity. is. \< Xj '.v V.r!c. 

What would the people of America think if all of the wealth 
in America were owned by Germans and practicaliy all of oi5r 
100,000,000 people were day laborers under German foremen 

ig else wi 

iU be 

tion. Ncvertlieless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 

reform of tlie division and the political organi- 

Iftm pf the states, is absolutely necessary. 

witil no hope of anything better For their children? Germany < 
would be no more popular in America that the United States » 
inl" " 

The French have Urge interests in Mexico. According' to 
the New York "Nation," French interests amoont to more than 
a billion dollars, although this is far in excess of the estimates 
of Consul Letcher who places them at but $143,446,000.' How- 
ever, the latter estimate does not include all forms of wealth. 
The French are large owners of government bonds, banks, rail- 
road securities, as well aa mills and factories. The hanks are 
largely in French hands, as are the department stores of th< 
cities. Mexicans own more wealth than foreigners in very few 
and insignificant industries such as breweries and retail stores. 
The total of foreign investments in Mexico is placed by Consul 
Letcher at two and a half billion dollars, or three times the 
amount of wealth owned by the Mexicans of the entire country. 

Here are the invisible forces that want intervention. They 
work like sappers undergrouncL They are influential with the 
press. They have representatives of the press on the ground 
who distort news and make the public opinion of the United 
States. They have convinced a large part of the American peo- 
ple that the only way to secure peace in Mexico is to send the 
army and the navy to invade the country.' They are so influen- 
tial with the diplomatic service of the several powers that they 
may be said to almost control it and as this is the only oflicial 
source of information they mislead their respective governments. 
During the recent war scare when intervention seemed immi- 
nent, the Mexican news at Washington was so poisoned that it 
was impossible to even secure a hearing for Carranza. 


There are billions at stake. They have been largely obtained 
by fraud and corruption. The titles are tainted with bribery. 
Securities are almost all watered out of all semblance to the 
actual investment. The properties earn enormous dividends. 
Intervention would enrich a handful of Americans by hundreds 
of millions of dollars, possibly. For intervention me.ins that 
the status quo of Diaz would be confirmed. His grants would 
be validated. The country would again be made subject to the 
concessionaires and speculators, America, not Mexico, would 
own Mexico. It would become a fL'udatory nation kept in sub- 
jection by the American army which would become a private 
police force for the banking and speculating interests of Wall 

i u iKW constitu- tion. -Ncvenheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 

ing else will be reform of the division and the political organi- 
[nr ' the C ~ HjhA^^^sUtcs, is absolutely necessary. 





Ronun Catfu^ Prelates in the United States are fighdng tibe 
Admlnlttntion, aided by the Republican Oi^anization. 

At BostoA, Massachusetts, on Noveihber 15th, 1914, Cardinal 
O'Connell in an address to the Federation of Roman Catholic 
Societies said: 

"The Administration in this country has at last done some- 
things to insure the safety of our nuns and priests in Mexico from 
the brutal rapacity and barbarism of those savages who for 
more than a year past have conclusively proved their absolute 
unfitness to govern. But the good work is far from finished. 

"And when the truth is known then all the world will realize 
that for the sake of our public honor as a nation WE MUST 
has for two years deluged Mexico with blood, drained the ma- 
terial resources of that country and spread atheism and anarchy 
over a land once happy and industrious.'"*' 

Later, in 1915, when seven of the Pan-American Govern- 
ments, including; our own Government, were about to recognize 
the Carranza Government, the following cablegram was pub- 
lished throughout the United States: 

"Rome, October 9, 1915. — Pope Benedict received in private 
audience yesterday the Most Rev. Francisco Orazoy Jiniinez, 
Archbishop of Guadalajara, Mexico, together witli Monsignor 
Francis C Kelley of Chicago, President of the Catliolic Exten- 
sion Society in the United States. The visitors presented an im- 
portant plan in connection with THE CHURCH IN MEXICO. 

"The Pope showe<l a thorough knowledge of the situation as 
regards the Mexican clergy, and praised the generosity of Amer- 
ican catholics (the American Hierarchy) in the help they are 
giving their co-religionists (fellow priests) in Mexico." 

A few montlis later the following statement by Cardinal 
Gibbons was published throughout the land : 

"They will never cease fighting in Mexico under Carranza. 
I have no confidence in the man. The situation is a crime against 
civilization. We have tried in every way to get help to those 

• l-'or tlie hi'tory of Ihc roiiltii:! between Liberal Si'cietios and llic Roman 
Catholic Hierarchy, coiisiilc Poliliial kiiiiiiimsm, by Publicity Burtau for the 
ILxposure of Political Romanism, C. Bradway, ManaRcr. 400 pages. 75 cents 
in paper covers, $1.00 in cloth. Masonic Hail, New York, N. Y. 

i^. f. 


< I !■ 

suffering from the warring^ factions in Mexico, and even now 
have $220,000 in hand to help them, but we cannot gel it to 
them." (N. Y. Times, January 9, 1916). 

On March 4lh. 1916. the New York Times published excerpts 
from a Mexican pamphlet in which the Roman Caih«»lic prelates 
in this country were charged with helping to finance a counter 
revolution in Mexico, to be conducted under (ieneral Diaz. The 
day following the publication nf these charges an answer was 
made by Cardinal Farley, nf New Y<»rk City. His letter was 
published in full in the New Ymk Times, lie sai<l : 

**1 frankly admit that I am opposed to (his (Carran/.a) (iov- 
ernment which has established itself by appealing to the worst 
elements in the country, and securing its p«»\ver and ascen<lency 
in the early stages tif its growth by disregarding every principle 
of justice and morality. And I am confident that the day is not 
far distant when the great mass of the Mexican people will be 
released from the tyrannical yoke imposed upon them!'* 

The counter revolution in Mexic<» under (jeneral 1 )iaz was 
started as the i)amphlet had predicted, but thus far it l:as failed. 
The issue is now up to you, Mr. Voter. What are you going to do ? 

Nearly a year ago several of the R^nian raili^lii* ]»apers 
referred this Mexican (|ue<ti<»n t«» tin* \«»Jer>. I'«»r exainpli*. in 
New C)rleans the <'rficial «»rgan ff ilie I\«Mnan C"ath"lii' 'li-'t-tse. 
The Morning Star, said : 


'Mr. \Vil.<on*s recognjiinn «'f (."arran/a. tlic av'-we«l ctu-niy 
of the Catholic C'luircli, is an in^-uli t«» tin- C'a»]i'ii«- i:i ili:-- •/"Un- 
try. It is a direct challenge t«» tinin. and we hope that not only 
Catholics but every true lover of freedom WILL GIVE HIM 
to him that no President of the United States can so Flagrantly 
ignore the lawful and respectful request of lfi.000,000 fellow 
citizens WITHOUT PAYING THE PENALTY.'' it nrrent 
Opinion. Jan. l'M^», p. 1.^.) 

The facts are that the Roman Catholic prelates in our United 
States are opposed to President Wilson's re election, and there- 
fore are co-operating v/ith the Republican Organizr'.iion and 
with Big Business and inherently they are oi>po5;ed t** the Pro- 
gressive Movement. Thus, the issue is squarely diawn. 

(•|l.\l''irk II 

The Reactionary Republican Canipai<;n in In.'iiana. 

In the New V-tV Worl.l . \ • '••:. '■■•.■ '• 'i.. =:..• :■ '• • \-'.j '.' \k- 
graphic letter Ly i.^aii- .'^«-''»- l-Li'!'-::! h" '"l'.:!!"-!;.- ! ii.. i.i.-"i/-: 


a iK-iv constitu- tion. Sc'jcnt"^"^,^^ ^^X j f^^GcMlemen, the 
ig dse will be relorm of tiie division ^,-,^ ,j^ political organi- 


"The Republican plan of campaign has been predicatcL _.. 
the theory that with the assistance of the voters of Teutonic 
origin and those of the Catholic faith and sympathies, and with 
the lioion of the regular and Progressive factions of their party, 
they are sure of victory in spite of the heavy handicaps imposed 
by Mr. Hughes and Colonel Roosevelt. 

"It IB assumed by the Republican leaders, who an openly 
courting the hyphenate AND CATHOLIC VOTERS, that the 
influence to which voters of those classes ordinarily respond will 
Jead them to rebuke the Democratic Preiident for his nfnial to 
aiurender to the dictation of either. 

CathcdicB and Mexico, 

"The only interest displayed by voters in the relations of the 
Administration with Mexico has obviously been inspired by a 
propaganda inaugurated by professional Roman Catholic agi- 
tators. It is the view of unprejudiced observers that the leados 
and iptAesmen of the Catholic Church in Indiana are opposing 
the President because of his refusal to comply with their demanda 
that he compel obedience by the Carranza regime to the ambi- 
tions of the church leaders, even if such insistence requires a 
resort to force and intervention. 

This movement, which is assuming widespread proportiona 
throughout the country, particularly in the West, is being ex- 
tensively exploited by tiie Republican managers in Indiana. 

An observer is informed that 'the church is opposed to 
Mr. Wilson'; that 'every priest in the country is secretly coun- 
selling his parishioners to vote for Mr. Hughes,' and 'that Car- 
dinals Gibbons, Farley and O'Connell are fully aware of the 

undertaking and are in sympathy with it.' . , . 

"... No word has come from any of the dignitaries of the 
church to instance their disapproval oi the uses to which the 
professional agitators, who assume to speak for it, are making 
of its influences. 

Indiana is being flooded with literature intended to influence 
the minds of Catholic voters. A thick volume distributed by 
'The Catholic Church Extension Society of the United States 
of America' contains some outrageous attacks on the President, 
questioning both his personal and official motives in dealing with 
the Mexican problem. 

"It is entitled 'The l'.i>ok of Red and Yellow,' and the author- 
ship of it is credited to Francis Clement Kelley. It is published 
in Chicago and several Catholic clergymen are given as sponsors 
for it. The brochure has this sub-title: 'Being a Story of Blood 
and a Yellow Streak.' 


/n f 

■ *U 

5« -^•:-»ji» 

'There is little question that this publication and others of a 
similar nature and purpose have exercised considerable influence 
over the minds of a great many voters. 

"Henry Lane Wilson, former Ambassador to Mexico, is chief 
promoter of the Catholic propaganda against President Wilson. 
He has established himself here to direct it. Under his instruc- 
tion literature, moving pictures and cart-tail oratory are being 
provided by the Republican campaign managers. 

"The ex-Ambassador is confident that the majority of the 
Catholic clergy are antagonistic to the President. He told one 
of his callers to-day that TWENTY-THREE OUT OF THE 



Ronuux Catholic Prelates in the United States are fighting 

against freedom for the Philippine people, aided by 

Big Business and the Republican Organization. 

An outline of Philippine history is set forth in our opening 
statement. The undisputed evidence shows that the Roman 
Catholic prelates in the United States are fighting against free- 
dom for the Philippine people, aided by Big Business and the 
Republican Organization. The Republican platlurni is as follows: 


"We renew our allegiance to the Philippine policy inaugurated 
by McKinley, approved by (a Republican) Congress, and con- 
sistently carried out by Roosevelt and Taft." 

Here is a flat-footed declaration for the p(.)licy oi Cmiquest 
and the holding of Subjects, the exact opposite of Republicanism 
and Democracy. The existing Democratic National Government 
has promised independence to the people of the Philippines, and 
more and more of their citizens arc being placed in charge of 
their own government. On July 7, 1916, the Ass«"»ciate(l i'ress 
stated that *'sonic of the biggest shifts in the i)ersunnel of the 
Government of the Philippines in recent years are imw occur- 
ring. (N. Y. Evening Post, Aujij-. 5, V^\6.) 

The difference between aidinj;' the people ol the Philippine 
Islands to become free — self-go verniiii^ as rapidly as they are 
able, under a promise of thus aiding them, and the oi>p(»site 
policy of conquest — the taking possessi«.)n of a people as politi- 



a new consOW" tion. Xcven\»ele,ss, I tcil you. Gentlemen, the 
[g else vfiU be reionn of the division and the political organi- 
' ■ ■ 5tatC5. is aiisolutely necessary. 


cal slaves and cc»itinuing to hold them as such, is of transcen- 
dental importance. Only the reactionists or the misinformed 
have insisted that the promise of freedom be withheld. AND 

BING OUR OWN PEOPLE But ia 1910 these few lost cod- 
trol of the National House, and two years later, 1912, lost control 
of the Senate and the White House. That year the People made 
a clean sweep. Some of the changes in l^islation that have 
since come about are described in this pamphlet. 

This year ia the first Presidential election since the Reaction- 
ists were turned out of power and the subject matter of tlila 
year's Republican National Platform completely demonstrated 
the fact that these few dominated the ConTention wdiich put it 
forth. One portion of this evidence is the declaration for tfie 
establishment of conquest in the Philippines; another portion of 
the evidence is the statement "We favor (towards Latin Amer- 
ica) a continuance of Republican policies" — policies decidedly 
different from the New Pan Americanism; and a third section 
of the evidence is the declaration for the conquest of Mexico. 
We now present a fourth reactionary plank in the Republican 


• \ 

-?«.-•• V ,T • 


K* Ifc 


Does Mexico Interest You? 

Then you should read the following pamphlets: 

What the Catholic Church Has Done for Mexico, by Doctor^ 

Paganel I i^aiji 

The Agrarian Law of Yucatan ( ^^'^ 

The Labor Law of Yucatan ^ 

International Labor Forum 

Intervene in Mexico, Not to Make, but to End War, urges! ^ii; 

Mr. Hearst, with reply by Holland ( "'^^ 

The President's Mexican Policy, by F. K. Lane 

The Religious Question in Mexico ) 

A Reconstructive Policy in Mexico > 0.10 

Manifest Destiny ) 

What of Mexico j 

Speech of General Alvarado ,• 0.10 

Many Mexican Problems » 

Charges Against the Diaz Administrati(«n ) 

Carranza 0.10 

Stupcnduous Issues I 

Minister of the Catholic Cult I 

Star of Hope for Mexico 0.10 

Land Question in Mexico .) 

Open Letter to the Editor of the Chicago Tribmus Chicago, III. ) 

How We Robbed Mexico in 1848, bv Robert H. Howe 0.10 

What the Mexican Conference Really Means ) 

The Economic Future of Mexico 

We also mail any of these pamphlets upon receipt of »3c each. 

Address all communications to 

1400 Broadway, New York City 


c- a new consbtu- 
■\T\g else will be 

tion. Nevertheless, I tell you, Gentlemen, the 
reionn of the division and the political organi- 




f [I''/ o/'f 








AUGUST 12, 1915 










[ Price, SO CENTS ] 




ipfcs*. I tdi ym. Ocnticiiicn, Uie 
_n!iomi vl ihe dJviiioii ami the polfticol f»rjpim- 







Through these momentous years of history-making in 
Mexico, I have been in constant touch with many of Mex- 
ico's leading citizens; tt has been my deepest regret that I 
could not reach the ear of this Administration. Tlirough 
these years I could think of but one national policy on the 
part of this government towards Mexico, that policy being 
that the Administration recognize that facdon which by 
nature and education is equipped to control ; that the Ad- 
ministration recognize that faction without restriction as 
to Mexico's domestic affairs ; that the Administration sup- 
port that faction, and its candidate for the Presidency, by 
moral force, by financial force, by all the force in the pos- 
session of this world-powerful government; feeling as- 
sured that then, and not till then, could intelligent Men- 
cans work out for themselves and their fellow-countrymen 
Mexico's glorious destiny. 

"For I dipt into the future, far as human eye could see. 
Saw the vision of the world, and all the wonder that would be; 
Saw the heavens fill with commerce, argosies of magic sails. 
Pilots of the purple twilight, dropping down with costly bales ; 
Heard the heavens fill with shouting, and there rained a ghastly dew 
From the nation's airy navies grappling in the central blue; 
Far along the world-wide whisper of the south-wind rushing warm. 
With the standards of the peoples plunging thro' the thunder-storm ; 
Till the war-drum throb'd no longer, and the battle flags were furled 
In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world." 



between the two republics will be of interest, principally to 
the historian of the future; whether good or bad, for the 
present, "let the dead past bury its dead." 

I think you appreciate, as I do, that the successful 
Mexican Administration should have, must have, the 
moral support of the American Administration. One of 
Mexico's leading Generals reads, I think, from the " hand- 
writing on the wall" when he says: "No faction will 
ever win out without first having been recognized by the 
United States." Call it recognition, call it good offices, 
call it intervention, call it what you will, — I think I read 
the Mexican mind when I assert that Mexico cares little 
through what influence honorable peace Is obtained; cares 
less from what faction a capable President comes, and 
from what faction comes a body of intelligent legislators. 
Within the past four years I know that hundreds of great, 
benevolent Mexican minds have visited Los Angeles, New 
York and Washington to exert Influence In this govern- 
ment for intervention, Mexico wants Intervention. Mex- 
ico wants intervention, not invasion. Mexico wants the 
intervention of a friend, not a foe; the Intervention of a 
benefactor, not a destroyer; the Intervention of one who 
would have Intelligence rule, and not ignorance. What 
Mexico does not want Is intervcndon for conquest, inter- 
vention for the exploitation of her wealth in the interest 
of the foreigner. Nor would she have intervention, sim- 
ilar to that of half a century ago In our southland, that 
would take the governmental power from Intelligence and 
place it in the control of ignorance; that would subject 
three millions of highly educated Mexicans to the domi- 
nation of twelve millions of political incompetents. 




greater diplomats, no higgler culture; Ac moit deplorable 
of all Mexico's woes is die illiteracy of her masses. 

As Mexicans, would you agree mA me that some of 
Mexico's leading dtizens have not shovn the proper spirit 
of amity; have not at all times exerdsed due patience; 
have .not extended the hand of cordial fellowship in our 
intemadonal reladons, but have encouraged antagonisms 
not in accord with the spirit of lustoric friendship betwcoi 
die two sister nations? 

As an American, I nught admit that I^az would not 
have become an exile had he continued to have the moral 
support of our peoples; I might admit that the Madero 
revolution was financed on this aide of the border-line; I 
might admit that there is an ulterior motive in the conduct 
of certain of our dtizens seeming to promote and to per* 
petuate the rebellion; I might admit that no (me who 
knows dares now proclaim the secret plotting* in countries 
foreign to Mexico, plottings that have made possible Mex- 
ico's woes ; I might admit that Huerta is a patriot, a mili- 
tary genius, and as President should have been recog- 
nized; I might admit as unwise the President's insistence 
that Mexico must conform to his theory of a *' Constitu- 
tional Government"; I might admit that a national 
American policy, alternating in the interest of the various 
warring factions, has been subversive of political unity in 
Mexico; I might admit that many of our national Mexi- 
can policies have been dispiriting to Mexico's hope for 
peace and prosperity; but I cannot admit that there is any 
motive, other than a good motive, in the attitude of this 
government towards the Mexican government. The Mex- 
ican policies of Taft and Wilson in international relations 


MpuiMiijuniH"""", >- •wiTTtncit ^Dcntlitwpn. the 
niotiD ot the divisioi) and the political or^ani- 


have a common hope, a common interest and a common 

Friends, Mexicans, fF or Id-Country men: 
You and the rest of the seventy-five thousand refugees 
in California are our nation's guests. Through cruel fate 
you arc here, but you honor us by your presence. 1 speak 
not only my sentiments but the sentiments of all good 
Americans, when I extend you greetings and cordial hos- 
pitality. The sunshine and flowers of California we 
gladly share with you. As you would say to me, if I were 
in Mexico as your guest, our homes and all they hold arc 
yours. In memory you will revert to 

" The fairy haunts of long lost hours ;" 
in the present I would that you might dwell in the gardens 
of "auspicious hope." I would that you might always 
remain with us, but you will return to the country of sur- 
passing beauty, of wonderful history; to 
" Society, Friendship and Love, Divinely bestowed upon man ;" 
to the country of your birth, to the country you love as you 
love your life. 

" Such is the Patriot's boast, where e're wc roam, 
His first best country ever is at home." 

I assume that I, an American, am talking to you as 
Mexicans, and through you to your countrymen, — possibly 
to a fcwof my fellow-countrymen. As onewhose language Is 
not yours, who worships at another shrine, and pays hom- 
age to another Bag, may I speak as a friend, and speak 
plainly? The world outside of Mexico has produced no 
greater intellects than has Mexico, no greater patriots, no 




and, in the development of commerce and manufactures, 
likewise Mexico's oil, coal, rubber and iron, as never be- 
fore in history. 

In the language of Edmund Burke, "War never 
leaves where it found a nation " ; one of the results of war 
is the inevitable migration of peoples from war-centers. 
When a world peace shall have been declared, from the 
war-centers of Europe, from the United States and other 
countries there will be a migration of peoples in numbers 
such as never before known. Mexico could not, if she 
would, exist a hermit nation. "When the roaring confla- 
gration of anarchies" shall have died away; when Mex- 
ia>'s peace shall have been restored, a stable government 
formed, security to life and property guaranteed — and 
diese must and will be — Mexico will have the use and 
benefit not of five billions of foreign capital, but many 
times Ave billions of dollars. Mexico will have not twen- 
ty-five thousand foreigners, but, as now in the United 
States, Chile, Brazil and the Argentine, millions of for- 
eigners. Southward and into " Old Mexico " the course of 
empire will take its way, as westward it took its way " In 
the days of old, the days of gold, the days of forty-nine" ; 
southward, in quest of the fruits of the soil, into that 
■' Garden of Hesperides " the invading army of peace will 
take up the line of march, carrying to the war-stricken 
peoples of that tropic and semi-tropic clime wealth and 
energy and enterprise. The eagle of the north, facing the 
rainbow of promise, and the eagle of the south, facing the 
rising sun, must remain sisters in fancy and fact, world- 
recognized; in the American family of republics, they will 
continue to possess the heritage of the free, continue to 



precious metal that made real the dream of the Spanish 
voyagers and attracted to this El Dorado the peoples of 
South America, Europe and China. As was the great his- 
toric scene at Appomattox to the education of the 'Sunny 
South,' so was the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo to the 
development of the ' Golden West.' The northern shores 
of the 'Golden West' have had more than their share in 
that development, — development resulting by reason of 
sentiment, natural conditions and a combination of human 

Patriotism is to be commended; exclusivencss, deplored ; 
but, thanks to inventive genius, no longer possible. An 
unseen hand, through modern science, transmits magic 
power from one point to another, making the social, po- 
litical and commercial conduct in one nation of interest to 
every other nation. The interchange of the necessities 
and luxuries of life is no longer exclusively local; it is 
world-wide. The iron rails and the steamship lines that 
bring the peoples of the north and of the south in touch 
within hours; the copper wires and the wireless, within 
seconds, are more significant as to the unity of the two 
republics than all the words that ever fell from the lips of 
President Monroe. 

Caesar crossed the Rubicon for conquest; William of 
Normandy, the English Channel to extend the glory of his 
empire; Peter the Hermit led the Crusade against Jerusa- 
lem that he might rescue that Holy City from the wicked 
Saracen; the conquering Spaniard crossed the Atlantic to 
secure the gold, silver and copper from the Land of the 
Montezumas, where exists the world's richest storehouse 
of precious metals. The world now needs these metals, 






In any republic, dearer to the human heart should be 
the modern free school than ever to the ancients was the 
Temple of Diana at Ephesus, or the Holy Sepulchre at 
Mecca. Could we call up the dead military heroes, the 
Charlemagnes, the Alfreds the Great, and the Moham- 
mcds to ask what was the greatest work they did for their 
respective subjects, every one for himself would answer: 
" What I did for their education." More ennobling than 
Corinthian columns of architectural beauty; more endur- 
ing than the andent ruins of Mitla ; a means of greater 
defense than dynamite, and submarines and dreadnaughts, 
is the hidden power of education. The Nobles, the 
ICrupps, the Maxims and the Zeppelins manufacture the 
tremendous inanimate forces for use in the present world- 
war contest;'for a century past the Rousseaus, the Pesta- 
lozzis and the Froebels have been preparing the still more 
elective animate forces, a thousand times more eflective, 
the human mind forces of the millions now shaping the 
destinies of nations. Our republics may have their arma- 
ments, and their railroads, and their telegraphs, and their 
printing presses ; their judiciary, their legislatures and their 
elective franchise, and yet the basis of all these is in edu- 
cation; the basis of free government is in education; in a 
republic the hope of the millions is Ae free public school. 
In this cradle sleeps the science of government; in this 
cradle are rocked national destinies; in this cradle is hon- 
ored the world's Prince of Peace. 

In an address I delivered in 1885 at the world's fair in 
New Orleans, I used these words: "In the same month 
of the same year that was signed the Treaty of Guada- 
lupe-Hidalgo, on the American river was discovered the 


GenUcmcii, the 
jiolfticnl orgnnir- 


the intellectual verdure through which It creeps; ignorance 
is a Lake Avernon whose mephitic vapors impregnate 
with poison all the life that flits in Its atmosphere, bathes 
in its waters, or loiters on its shores; ignorance is a can- 
cerous ulcer that destroys the tissues and saps the life of 
the body politic. 

An old Roman author said: "While we live let us 
live" ; one of the greatest Generals of modern times said : 
"Let us have peace"; the highest sentiment in mankind, 
that of Frederick Froebel: '* Let us live in our children." 
"The fate of empires depends upon the education of 
youth," said Aristotle; "Public instruction should be the 
first object of government," said Napoleon; said Burke: 
"Education is the chief defense of nations." "Educate, 
educate, — we must educate or die by our prosperity." 
"Educate the people," was the cry of Penn, and Wash- 
ington, and Jefferson, and Garfield, to a free people. 
Egypt raised aloft her cities, her temples, and her pyra- 
mids. Phoenicia built her ships and carried on commerce 
over the Mediterranean, and farther out on the broad 
Atlantic. She did more; she invented letters and intro- 
duced the alphabetical system into Greece, thence into 
Rome. In Greece and Rome and Alexandria they had 
their painters, their sculptors and their architects, their 
authors and their statesmen, — all of whom came from 
the nobility; but in none of these had they any national 
system of free education for God's poor. Free education 
is the poor man's marble staircase that leads upward and 
into the palaces of wealth, health and happiness. 





His lands may be laid waste ; he may be driven from fer- 
tile fields to barren deserts ; the scalps of his wife and the 
children he loves may dangle at the belt of his conquerors, 
but he will not be enslaved. All that is near and dear to 
him may be sacrificed on the altar of the greed of others, 
but his liberty is his life. Long before the Emancipation 
Proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, Mexico had ceased to 
be " half slave and half free." For the millions of Indians 
and mixed-bloods of Mexico that are fitting for what 
they think is justice and freedom I have the highest re- 
gard. Their self-sacrifices on the bloody battlefields of 
the past four years presage a future for the Mexican 
Republic, as does no other trait in human character. 
Whatever may be said now of the leaders and their fol- 
lowers, they are Mexicans, men as brave as ever stood in 
the forefront of battle. In other years the historian will 
tell of their valorous deeds in prose, and the poet will 
sing of those deeds in song. As Lincoln resolved for the 
soldier-dead at Gettysburg, let us here highly resolve for 
the Mexican dead, — "that these dead shall not have died 
in vain, and that the government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people shall not perish from the 

In Mexico twelve millions of illiterates; in the United 
States and her territorial possessions, fourteen millions! 
With so great illiteracy, in each republic there is a cloud 
somewhat larger than a man's hand which o'erhangs 
awfully threatening. In each republic the image whose 
head may be of fine gold has arms of silver, thighs of brass, 
legs of iron, and feet part of iron and part of clay. Igno- 
rance is a basilisk which by its poisonous breath blights alt 



armed and unattended; I see him on the International 
Bridge, hand-clasped with another ruler, promoting 
peace; I see him with his beloved family in his home of 
sadness, preparing to bid farewell forever to the scenes of 
his triumphs; I see him in his last flight from the country 
to which he gave a new birth of freedom; I see him as an 
exile in a country across the seas; I see him there, dying 
of a broken heart, as his fellow-countrymen are being 
sacrificed to gratify the ambitions of unworthy would-be 
successors; I see Diaz, as the Napoleon of Mexico, in his- 
tory, growing greater and grander through the centuries. 

Let no man impugn the motive of the rebel. The rebel 
is the friend of the oppressed, the foe of the oppressor. 
The rebel is the protector of the timid, the terror of the 
tyrant. The rebel is the defender of the people, the de- 
stroyer of the despot. The rebel is the champion of free- 
dom; freedom, the child of rebellion. To the patriotism 
of the rebel must be accorded the credit of our free 
republics in America. The rebel of today is the patriot 
of tomorrow. 

To the discredit of America is that damning page of 
recorded history, that of the death of the North American 
Indian ; to the credit of " Old Mexico," the Indian of that 
country still lives, still has the right to life, liberty and the 
pursuit of happiness. I am not of those who think the 
only good Indian is the " dead Indian." For many years 
I have been the champion of the native Indian, crossing 
the continent four times to plead for his education before 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the committees of 
the two houses of Congress. The Indian is human and 
has his faults, but he will not sell his freedom for gold. 



Aeli>s>i. r irll you, OvuUctnen. the 
Kit Uie divisign atid the political organir 


gested as his sentiments, and for like reason, what Robert 
Emmet, the -Irish Patriot, just before his execution sug- 
gested for himself: " Let no man write my epitaph; for 
as no man who knows my motives dares now vindicate 
them, let not prejudice-nor ignorance asperse them. Let 
them and me repose in obscurity and peace, and my tomb 
remain uninscribed until other times and other men can 
do justice to my character. When my country takes her 
place among.the nations of the earth — then, and not till 
then, let my epitaph be written." 

The Mexican Hero! — 

O Sovereign of the skiesi ■ — 
" Let Sleep and Death ccHiTey, by thy command, 
The breathless body to hia native land. 
His friends and people, to his future praise, 
A marble tomb and pyramid shall raise, 
And lasting honors to bis ashes give; 
His fame ('tis all the dead can have) shall live." 

The Mexican Patriot 1 As in a moving picture, I 
see him as an obscure boy of obscure parents in "The 
dwelling place of heroes in the garden of the gods"; I 
see him there as a student of theology and a student of 
law; I see him there as the ward of Benito Juarez; I see 
him as the soldier fighting against tyranny; I see him 
bleeding and helpless on the field of battle; I see him in 
prison, suffering penalty for his patriotism; I see him, 
disguised as a sailor, returning home to light for the 
cause of his distressed people; I see him as the ruler of a 
great nation on the streets of the City of Mexico, un- 



The maligners of character are no respecters of per- 
sons, but happily those who malign character seldom live 
longer than through the echo of their evil words. I re- 
member when Grant was called "The Heartless Butcher." 
My memory also runs back to the time when In the public 
press and on the rostrum Lincoln was called a "Southern 
Sympathizer," and his adherents "Lincoln's hirelings"; 
when, thinking he had served his countrymen in the awful 
deed he had committed, John Wilkes Booth leaped from 
the stage of Ford's Theater with these words on his trea- 
sonous lips: "Sic Semper Tyrannis." And when later, 
still thinking the maligners of Lincoln would applaud the 
deed, his lips quivering in death, he whispered: "I — I 
want my mother to know that I did this for my country." 
Grant and Lincoln arc dead and revered; the names of the 
revered inscribed in the Temple of Fame; the names of 
the maligners, sunk into complete oblivion. 

Let Mexicans say what they may of Mexicans, but 
when an American citizen, whose ofEciai duty should be to 
promote harmony among warring peoples, belies himself 
and maligns a patriot In a foreign country, I blush for 
shame. Formerly having eulogized "The Man of Mex- 
ico " as Mexico's greatest benefactor, the Great American 
Peace Advocate recently said: "What! that bloody old 
butcher, that bloody old tyrant, who has done nothing but 
butcher and murder for thirty years, and would be doing 
so yet only that such patriots as Madero, Carranza and 
Villa rose to throw off the yoke of tyranny, which resulted 
in driving him from the country." Porfirio Diaz, In exile, 
just before the closing scene of his life, might have sug- 



^ /. ' ^J^ 


said; "America has two heroes, Abraham Lincoln and 
Benito Juarez; Lincoln by whom slavery has died, and 
Juarez by whom liberty has lived." Said Theodore Roose- 
velt in 1908: "President Diaz is the greatest statesman 
now living." James Creelman, of his hero of fifty battle- 
fields, in 1910 said: "There is no more heroic, no more 
picturesque, no more commanding and appealing figure in 
the world than Porfirio Diaz; Diaz created a nation." 
And Elihu Root, about the same time, said: "I look to 
Porfirio Diaz, the President of Mexico, as one of the 
great men to be held up for the hero-worship of man- 
kind." Whether in Mexico against a citizen of this coun- 
try, or in this country against a citizen of Mexico, 

" I hate when Vice can bolt her arguments 
And Virtue has no tongue to check her pride." 

As an American citizen, I protest before the world 
against the circulation through our public press of epithets 
against the Mexican leaders or their millions of followers, 
epithets manufactured by at least three of America's lead- 
ing diplomats whose sacred duty should be to encourage 
harmony in Mexico and to promote her peace. I refer to 
such epithets as "The precarious and hateful power"; 
"That Bloody Old Butcher"; "The Dreamer of Coa- 
huila"; "The Dummy Opera Bouffe President"; "His 
contribution to the cause of Constitutionalism, the Mas- 
sacre of Victoria"; "Responsible for the desolation and 
spoliation of the states of Morelos and Guerrero"; 
"Against an-j government"; "The bandit of twenty-five 
years"; "Professional bandits who loot to live and live 
to loot." 



that there are in Mexico twelve millions of illiterate 
Indians and mixed-bloods, twelve millions who do not 
know what "Constitutional Government" is; who would 
not take part in and, to the extent of the use of the ballot, 
could not intelligently take part in such " Constitutional 
Government," Nevertheless, President Wilson seems to 
dictate a "Constitutional Government" to, and to force 
his interpretation of a "Constitutional Government" on, 
the republic of Mexico, applying a political principle of 
popular sovereignty that ex-Governor Taft did not apply, 
and President Wilson does not apply, to the Philippines. 
A similar attitude on the part of the then Administration 
existed in "Reconstruction Days" toward our Southern 
states, and the "Carpet Bagger" made use of to enforce 
such "Constitutional Government" in the alleged inter- 
ests of four millions of illiterate negroes. As much as I 
approve a democracy, it is that democracy, and only that 
democracy, of which the people of themselves, by them- 
selves and for themselves, are capable. If illiterate ne- 
groes or illiterate Indians, where in the majority, are to 
control intelligence, supported by force, governmental or 
moral; if ignorance is to rule and reign supreme, the 
inevitable end of a republic must be rule and ruin. 

In more recent times, as in the far-distant past, we 
read the history of a nation in the lives of her illustrious 
men; in the two republics we have such luminaries, as 
stars in the firmament. In our country we have had a 
Washington, a Hamilton, a Franklin, a Marshall, a Lin- 
coln, a Grant, and hundreds of others; In Mexico every 
city testifies in mute marble statues to the greatness of 
Mexico's heroes and statesmen. In 1867 Victor Hugo 





from special agents whose headquarters have been in the 
war centers. As consistent is the President, in shaping his 
Mexican policy by relying on his special agents, who ob- 
tain their information from the respective leaders of the 
Mexican rebellion, as he would be in shaping his Euro- 
pean policies by relying on the statements of the war 
leaders of Europe. Without the proof I cannot assume, 
as have the jingoists, that the oil interests, the agricultural 
interests and the smelting interests influence this govern- 
ment in its attitude towards Mexico. From my knowledge 
acquired by personal contact with those who frequent the 
Castle of Chapultepec and the National Palace, and the 
thousands of peons I met along the mountain sides of 
the Sierra Madres on the west and in the valleys along the 
Gulf of Mexico on the east, I must conclude that the Ad- 
ministration has not been rightly informed as to the 
character and conditions of the Mexican people. 

"Constitutional Government!" Did the Fathers of 
the American Republic, — did Washington, did Hamilton, 
did Jefferson, did Adams, — did any statesman in "the 
days of 76" even so much as dream that on the elective 
franchise by the American Indian could rest the founda- 
tion of free republican institutions? Lincoln in his debates 
with Douglas on slavery would not concede, under our 
" Constitutional Government," that ignorance should have 
the use of the ballot. And Taft, referring to the Philip- 
pines, says: "The principle that applies to citizenship is 
that the citizen have intelligence, education and self- 
restraint enough to know what is his best interest, to un- 
derstand what civil liberty 15 and what his rights in a 
government securing civil liberties are." It is estimated 


if-H yoa, Gcatlancn. the 
ui the polidcal orjpioi- 



by reason of the consequences attending, the landlord is 
in exile from his own country. In the United States are 
the secret whisperings of the protest of the millions, and 
these whisperings as to land monopoly portend a fate for 
this country even worse than that which has befallen un- 
happy Mexico. 

"Wealth is crime enough for him that's poor," but 
land is the basis of the means of existence, and " You take 
my life when you do take the means whereby I live," The 
land problem must be solved in Mexico, and must be 
solved by the Mexican people themselves, not by foreign 
dictation. Through any interpretation of the Monroe 
Doctrine by any American statesman since Monroe wrote 
his world-famed message to Congress, through any writ- 
ten or unwritten law or precedent, I question the authority 
of the President to assume to withhold his recognition of 
a foreign government, "which did not undertake a thor- 
ough land reform." Had it not been for the attitude of 
the President, — Insisting on a "thorough land reform"; 
insisting on Mexico accepting his model of a "Constitu- 
tional Government " ; Insisting on the elimination of 
Huerta with the threat to lift the embargo on arms from 
the north, there would have been a final adjudication of 
the Mexican troubles at the Peace Conference, which orig- 
inated at Los Angeles and concluded at Niagara. 

Ignorance of the conditions existing in Mexico on the 
part of our American people, and this includes many In 
high official positions, is as marked as is the Ignorance of 
the conditions existing in Egypt or in Patagonia. Refus- 
ing the counsels of the American residents in Mexico, the 
information on which even the government acts comes 




D. C. Murphy, 4,000,000 acres; Frederick Weyerhaeu- 
ser, 30,000,000 acres ; Mrs. Virginia Anne King of Texas 
owned a stretch of country extending fifty miles from 
the front porch of her home to the front gate of her door 
yard; the United States Leather Company owned 500,000 
acres of hemlock timber land; the Standard Oil Company, 
1,000,000 acres of valuable oil land; and that previous 
to that time, covering a period of twenty-five and a half 
years, one of the stockholders of said company had 
received in dividends from said, and other, holdings the 
enormous amount of $929,000,000. 

" III fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, 
Where wealdi accumulates, and men decay." 

Greece and Rome flourished only when their farming 
communities flourished. Then not millions of acres were 
the titled possessions of one man but six acres was 
enough land for the average Roman. Where the land 
wealth is the monopoly of the few, there " Laws grind the 
poor and the rich man rules the law." In feudal days 
throughout Europe, where land titles were not secure to 
the peasantry, personal property for security was buried, 
and treasure-trove became a source of wealth to the ava- 
ricious rulers. At the present time similar is the condition 
in unprogressive Hindostan and Turkey. Under the pro- 
gressive methods of Ireland, Australia and New Zealand 
public opinion has compelled the landlord to subdivide 
his holdings !n the interest of the peasantry, and the re- 
sults are marvelous prosperity. In Mexico land monopoly 
is the complaint of the millions of the landless and, 
through public opinion, throu^ open bloody revolt and 



divine the future you must study the past. He who would 
be the fortune teller of the Americas must study the 
history of Northern Africa, Greece, Rome, Spain, North- 
ern Europe and the British Isles. In the amalgamation 
of the races, the history of the nations of all Europe for 
two thousand years will repeat itself in the history of all 
America. Here, as has been there, physical prowess will 
assert itself and in the end dominate. I can see with a 
prophetic eye for this continent an amalgamation of the 
millions of our peoples with the millions of the Orientals, 
the virile Orientals in the ascendency, a new and inter- 
mixed-degraded civilization, — how distant that day will 
be must depend upon the joint policy of these two repub- 
lics and the other countries of this western hemisphere. 

As residents of one great commonwealth, under two 
Bags but having a common interest in the highest degree, 
let us concede that the greatest economic problem in the 
two republics Is that pertaining to the landed estates, and 
to which President Wilson referred in his instructions 
given to our American delegates at the Niagara Peace 
Conference. The landed estates are a menace to the free 
institutions in Mexico, but possibly no greater menace 
than are the landed estates a menace to this country. Pub- 
lished in the Technical World of January, 1909, were, 
among other similar facts, the following: that the United 
States Congress had given to corporations 266,000,000 
acres of land; that the Arkansas Land Company owned 
1,200,000 acres; the Perry Land Company, 1,200,000 
acres; Miller and Lux, 14,400,000 acres; one hundred 
men in the Sacramento Valley, 17,000,000 acres; Colonel 


/n B 


element ts so small a factor in our educaHng influences 
that I shall pass it over without special comment. There 
are at least one hundred and Bfty thousand Chinese on 
the Pacific Coast. The best that can be said of the 
Chinese is that they are industrious, but so is the weavel 
that destroys our wheat and the army worm that cuts 
down our oatfields. I can conceive that some day in the 
centuries to come the other races may become homogen- 
ous, assimilated, not necessarily through inter-marrying 
but may grow to have like tastes, like interests, a common 
aim and a common political destiny; but I can conceive 
of no such future for the Chinese in America. To this 
land of the free they come as serfs; in serfdom they 
remain. Into this Christian civilization they make en- 
trance; with all their heaAenish rites they make exit, 
returning to their idols in the land of their birth; — theirs 
is a crusade solely to glean golden shekels, yet the soil on 
which they glean, although made sacred by the tears and 
blood of our fathers, is polution even to the bones of 
their dead." 

Instead of one hundred and fifty thousand Orientals 
as in the United States in 1885, there are now on the 
Western Coast seven hundred thousand Orientals, prin- 
cipally Japanese. Human nature of whatsoever races, 
through the centuries, does not change. The end to be 
obtained in the incorporation of millions of peoples into 
one nation is not only the happiness of its own peoples 
but it is also to dominate other peoples. Like conditions 
produce like results; history must repeat itself. Confu- 
cius, the great Chinese philosopher, said that if you would 



The colonization on this continent of the Orientals is a 
serious national and inter-national question. The Ori- 
entals comprise a population of five hundred millions of 
peoples, a population three times that of both North 
America and South America. These peoples are more 
virile than the American or Mexican; and now in some 
villages, towns, and cities on the West Coast of Mexico 
monopolize certain occupations, degrade the Mexicans to 
the low standard of Oriental living and a still lower 
standard of morals. At various periods in history Egypt, 
Greece, Rome, England, Ireland and other nations respec- 
tively, highly advanced in the arts and sciences, have been 
over-run, and the identity of the race then and there 
existing practically lost in the commingling of the races 
which followed. If England, Japan and Mexico should 
go together, and in consequence there be an end to the 
United States, there must follow such Oriental coloniza- 
tion, wide-spread conditions such as now exist on the 
West Coast, and a new and inferior civilization through- 
out Mexico. As suggested by Sefior Calderon of Peru, 
who seems not in accord with General Huerta, in case of 
an invasion from the Orient it may happen that the 
United States under the new doctrine of Pan-American- 
ism will be called on to assist in solving the problem of 
life for all our Southern Republics. ^ 

In an address on " Co-education of Races " that I 
delivered nearly thirty years ago at Washington before 
a National Association, consisting of the world's most 
renowned educators, I said: "In the United States of 
the Mongolian race there are but few Japanese. This 



/o/. ^^jji 


Would Mexico' court the friendship of Japan? Of 
England? Of Germany? Of France? Of Russia? Or 
would she retain the friendship of the United States 
whom Gamboa calls " Mexico's nearest friend " ? In case 
of a European world-supremacy, if not America's near- 
est and most valued friend, what would Mexico be? A 
Poland? Or a Belgium? Or would she wish to be a 
Korea? A Tripoli? A Morocco? Or an Algiers? In 
the changes certain to occur on the map of the world 
what position would Mexico assume, in the galaxy of 
nations? Would she wish to come to pass the prophecy, 
not long ago made by General Huerta that "England, 
Japan and Mexico will go together, and after that there 
will be an end to the United States" ? Whatever may be 
in the minds of the statesmen of England and Japan I 
know not, but I cannot think the Huerta sentiment pre- 
vails in Mexico. I would rather think that in Mexico 
there exists that other sentiment which a few weeks ago 
stirred the Pan-American Conference to a burst of patri- 
otic frenzy, the sentiment of Doctor Santiago P. Triana 
of Colombia who announced the new Pan-American shib- 
oleth to be "America for Americans." The two repub- 
lics having made tremendous sacrifices of human life 
for freedom and justice, and now held together by the 
"golden yoke of amity," humanity cries out that, in the 
present and in the future, there can be no sacrifices too 
great that should not be made by both Americans and 
Mexicans to perpetuate the Mexican republic as 

" One flag, one land, one heart, one hand, 
One nation evermore." 



tions existing, there are menaces to the perpetuity of 
peace in this republic. 

Does Mexico forget that the United States has been 
her friend? Does Mexico forget that the United States 
was first among the nations of the world to recognize 
her independence; that the United States refused to 
accept Yucatan as one of her provinces when in 1848 
she knocked at the door asking for admission into the 
Union? Does Mexico forget the famous letter of 1865 
on Mexican affairs by Secretary of State Seward, sent 
through our Minister Dayton, to Napoleon? Does Mex- 
ico forget that in 1866 General Sheridan marshalled the 
American army of fifty thousand soldiers in Texas to 
drive the French army from Mexican territory? Docs 
Mexico forget the policy of President Diaz who said he 
had no need of a standing army other than to preserve 
internal peace, no need of a navy, because the navy of 
the United States under the Monroe Doctrine was bound 
to protect Mexico from foreign invasion? Does Mexico 
forget that the American navy has been her defense these 
many years, as it has been our defense? Does Mexico 
forget that within the past four years of internecine 
strife, without expense to Mexico, she had the benefit of 
the American navy in the harbor of Vera Cruz; that in 
all these years, under a protest by the European nations 
of her attitude, the United States has not invaded Mexi- 
can territory? In the use of navies, and the "far-flung- 
battle-line" between the United States and Mexico, 

" Judge of the nations, spare us yet, 
Lest we forget — lest we forget! " 




The United States has the Philippine possessions in 
the Orient, the Hawaiian Islands in the central part of 
the Padfic Ocean, Alaska bordering on the Arctic Ocean, 
possessions in the West Indies and a strip of land on 
either side of the canal. The Panama Canal is the 
world's highway between the seas. It lies within the 
republic of Panama. On the north are Costa Rica and 
Nicaragua; on the south and east Colombia and Vene- 
zuela. Jamaica, England's island province, menacingly 
guards the eastern terminus of the canal. Having such 
vast territory disconnected on this continent, with terri- 
torial possessions across the sea, what would the United 
States be? Friendless in America? Without American 
support in defense of the Panama Canal? Without 
American allies in case of an invasion of the armed mil- 
lions from the Orient or the Occident? England is mis- 
tress of the seas. Japan, with her great prestige as a 
military and maritime power, lies to the west, having 
an alliance offensive and defensive with England. Gen- 
eral Bernhardi in his "Germany and the Next War" 
predicts, should Germany be crushed in the present world 
contest, that England will undertake to control the canal. 
In the air, on the earth and under the sea, there rages the 
fiercest contest in all history for supremacy; not the 
supremacy of Europe, not the supremacy of America, nor 
both, but the supremacy of the human race. In view of 
the present position of the United States as a world 
power menacing such European supremacy, in view of 
the ownership of the canal by the United States, in view 
of the world's richest possessions inviting the conquest 
of the western hemisphere, — in view of all the condi- 


I ell you, CcDtlemcn', 

%fqrin cl the divisinti uid the ijolHical organi- 


bordering on, or within, what was then known as "The 
Great American Desert," As a desert region, there was 
over it then a dismal cloud and around it a rayless bor- 
der; in fertility now, it teems with millions, millions 
realizing golden visions and romantic dreams; — a civ- 
ilization whose sky is sunshine and whose every prospect 
is tinged with the golden hues of hope. Through the 
portals to this civilization have come the curious eyes of 
all nations, — there having arisen the stranger-than-fiction 
city, whose Tower of Jewels twinkles in the azure blue, 
a City of Science-and-Art-Craft unequaled, unequaled 
since the stars first bejeweled the firmament of heaven. 

Heedless of the admonition of the Founders of this 
republic, the United States has become a world-power. 
When in 1898 the American soldiers for the first time 
returned from invading a foreign over-seas country, and 
landed in San Francisco, there were more than four hun- 
dred thousand citizens on either side of Market Street 
to do them honor. No greater triumph was ever accorded 
the victorious army of Cssar, returning to Rome from a 
foreign land, than was accorded the American army on 
its triumphal home-ward tour from San Francisco to 
New York. 

The United States is not only a northern state but 
one of its provinces is of the Central American states. 
After more than forty failures the United States has 
constructed the Panama Canal, of its kind the world's 
greatest enterprise. It was constructed at an expense of 
four hundred millions of dollars and is of commercial 
value to every American republic. 





and statesman — Daniel Webster in the United States 
Senate — of this western coast said: "What do we want 
with this worthless area? This region of savages and 
wild beasts, of deserts, of shifting sands and whirlwinds 
of dust, of cactus and prairie dogs ? To what use could 
we ever hope to put these great deserts, or those endless 
mountain ranges, impenetrable and covered to their very 
base with eternal snow? What can we ever hope to do 
with the western coast, a coast of three thousand miles, 
rock-bound, cheerless, uninviting and not a harbor on it? 
Mr. President, I will never vote one cent from the public 
treasury to place the Pacific Coast one inch nearer to 
Boston than it now is." 

General William T. Sherman, then Captain Sherman, 
soon after the Mexican war of which he was a veteran, 
was commissioned by General Taylor, then President, to 
inspect the newly acquired territory. In about a year 
Captain Sherman returned to Washington to make his 
report. "Well, Captain, of what value are our new pos- 
sessions? Are they worth in blood and wealth what they 
have cost this country? I wish your private opinion." 
"You know, General," said the Captain, "they cost us 
one hundred millions of dollars and ten thousand men." 
" Yes, but we have New Mexico and California." " Well, 
General, I have been all over that country, made careful 
investigation, but between you and me we will have to go 
to war again. Yes, we must have another war," "What 
for ?" asked the General in surprise. "Why to make 
the Mexicans take their damned country back." 

Since that conference at the White House what mar- 
velous changes! The newly acquired territory was either 


I tell y«m. centlcmeii, ihc 
dtviiion utd ihe irolitical orgaoi- 



apparent fact that the people do not want the territory 
of Mexico. Convinced are the people that this country 
has more so-called " foreign territory" now than It should 
have; convinced arc the people that Mexico in her national 
entity is worth more to this country as a friend than she 
would be as an enemy in the sisterhood of states; con- 
vinced are the people that to govern Mexico, if that were 
possible, without the consent of the governed and con- 
trary to the spirit of our institutions, as indicated in other 
days by the great statesman John C. Calhoun might be 
the fatal and final step in America's downfall. 

In the presence of Mexicans, speaking to a Mexican 
audience, and on territory formerly Mexican, the tragic 
past throngs my memory. But I would not indulge in 
visions of frightful fancy, nor call up the dead of a past 
generation to ask the reasons why; I would rather look 
into the canopied sky for the rainbow of promise, or over 
the hills of coming time for the rising sun. "What is 
done cannot be undone." 

If human life be reckoned at its true value, the Mexi- 
can possessions cost this country many times more than 
all our other territorial possessions; and the Mexican 
invasion placed a blot on the otherwise fair pages of 
American history that forever will remain repulsive alike 
to American and Mexican. As to the value of gold dis- 
covered on the American river in 1848 there was at that 
time no question; as to the results of the Mexican war 
whose closing scene occurred about that time at Guada> 
lupe-Hidalgo there was in the United States a wide diverg- 
ence of opinion. That most renowned American orator 





deeply conscious of being in the wrong; that he feels the 
blood of this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to 
Heaven against him; — that to involve the two countries 
iq a war, and trusting to escape scrutiny by fixing the 
'public gaze upon the exceeding brightness of military 
glory — that attractive rainbow that rises in showers of 
blood — that serpent's eye that charms to destroy — he 
plunged into it, and has swept on and on till, disappointed 
in his calculation of the case with which Mexico might be 
subdued, he now finds himself he knows not where." I 
do assume that Ulysses S. Grant, the hero of Appomat- 
tox, is no less the patriot-hero because in 1885 — a veteran 
of the Mexican War — he penned for history a warning 
to succeeding generations in the following impeachment 
of his own country: "We were sent to provoke a fight; — 
the war was one of conquest; — It was an instance of a 
republic following the bad example of European mon- 
archies, in their desire to acquire additional territory; — 
to this day I regard the Mexican War as one of the most 
unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." 
I do assume that the world-honored militarist, who loved 
his country and is beloved by his countrymen, is none the 
less beloved because — forecasting possibly the future — 
in referring to our Civil War he further penned: 
"Nations, like individuals, are punished for their trans- 
gressions. We got our punishment in the most sanguinary 
and expensive war of modern times." 

More potent to convince than the world theory of 
the " right of conquest," more conclusive to my mind than 
the expressed opinion of a thousand statesmen Is the 



I do not assume that truth at all times hangs on the 
lips of the diplomat; I do not assume that virtue at all 
times resides at the seat of government; I do not assume 
that war-history in other countries might not repeat itself 
on this continent; and yet I must assume, as apparent to 
all the world, that the relations between the two republics 
exist now as they existed in 1845. But I cannot assume 
that W. H, Taft speaks in the interest of either republic 
when he says: " Intervention in Mexico seems necessary; 
the United States can no longer tolerate the confusion and 
disorder In our neighboring republic." I do assume 
rather, as Charles Sumner assumed in 1845, that now "A 
war with Mexico would be mean and cowardly;" I do 
assume, as Joshua R. Giddings In 1846 assumed, when 
he said: "In imitation of William Pitt, I was ready to 
swear that If I were a Mexican, as I am an American, I 
would not sheathe my sword while an enemy remained on 
my native soil;" I do assume that in my present attitude 
I am no less an American patriot than was William L. 
Dayton, when in 1847 he said; "The President has 
made this war, made it without right and against right; 
that the Mexican war has been pursued with a boldness, a 
shamelessness without parallel; that Mexico has suffered 
less by her defeats than we have by our victories;" I do 
assume now, as Tom Corwin in 1847 assumed, that It 
would be a policy infernal under existing conditions 
between the two republics that could give occasion to 
Mexicans to say to Americans : " We will greet you with 
bloody hands, and welcome you to hospitable graves." 
I do assume, as Abraham Lincoln in 1848 assumed, when 
referring to President Polk he intimated: "That he is 





Says Senor Allejandro Alvarez, of Chile : " It is the 
political gospel of the new world." 

Says Seiior Luis M. Drago, of the Argentine Repub- 
lic: "It is the formula of foreign policy of the new 
world; It imposes no dominion and no superiority." 

Says ex-Govemor MacCorkle : " I believe, if it had 
not been for the promulgation and enforcement of the 
Monroe Doctrine by this republic, there would not be 
today on the continent of South America or Central 
America a government independent of European control." 

" Abandon the Monroe Doctrine," says Speaker 
Champ Clark of the House of Representatives, " By no 
manner of means. It is the life preserver of the New 

Two Americans who at the present time are in a post- 
don to represent the sentiments of the millions of the 
masses on this question are ex-President Roosevelt and 
President Wilson. Roosevelt says : " It is not true that 
the United States feels any land hunger; the Monroe 
Doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations 
of any American power." President Wilson at Mobile 
two years ago '* Bespoke the spirit of America in denying 
the desire of the United States to attain by conquest a 
fraction of land on this continent other than what it now 
possesses." Unofficially and somewhat jocularly, but prob- 
ably coming from the heart, the great Secretary of State 
John Hay said : " The Monroe Doctrine is anything that 
the American people choose to make of it at any partic- 
ular time to fit any particular occasion." 



in Central America and South America, if Spain again 
came into her American possessions. England was envious 
of her Spanish rival in Spanish-America. England held 
supremacy on the seas. England protested yet danger 
threatened. It was at this time that France entered into 
an alliance with Spain to assist her to regain her American 
colonies. In 1823 Mr. Canning, Minister of Foreign 
Relations in England, proposed to Mr. Rush, the United 
States Minister to the Court of St. James, that the two 
governments publish "A joint resolution before Europe, 
protesting further acquisition of territory on the conti- 
nent." Declining to approve the "joint resolution," and 
referring to the allied powers of Europe, President Mon- 
roe in his message to Congress said: "We should con- 
sider any attempt on their part to extend their system to 
any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace 
and safety." The Monroe Doctrine is not an interna- 
tional law; it is not a national law; it is a sentiment 
expressed nearly a hundred years ago, — expressed by one 
man, then tacitly concurred in by two powerful nations. 
At that time it seemed to involve national self-preserva- 
tion. It has since been generally approved as such by the 
republics of the whole western hemisphere, and religiously 
respected these hundred years by every other nation in the 
world. " To copper the words known as plain truth," it is 
the oldest, the biggest and the best bluff ever played in a 
national game of politics. It is of great moment to the 
hundred millions of people of this republic and of greater 
moment to the seventy millions In the republics to the 
south of us. 







ico her life He also gave her woes; and on through the 
centuries has turned the fateful wheel of destiny. 
" The stroke of fate the strongest cannot shun." 

The revolutionary war was a reminiscence; the war of 
1812 had passed into history; the United States was 
groTnng in prestige ; had demonstrated as a republic that 
the dtadel of her liberties was immune from the attack 
of a foreign foe; was at that time leading the nations of 
the world on the highway of progress. Not so Imperial 
Spain. There was a time when the sun never set on the 
Spanish Dominions; when the Spanish Armada was con- 
sidered invincible; when die flag of Imperial Spain floated 
over three-fourths of the globe. But the halcyon days of 
Spain lingered then only in memory. The Lion and 
Tower had become the emblem of smouldering national 
ruins. The Spanish navy had been swept from the seas; 
the distant provinces of the Spanish peoples disclaimed 
further allegiance to the Fatherland, — In America the 
Spanish dependencies were in open revolt; the once world- 
empire, like Admiral Cevera going out of the Bay of San- 
tiago, was going to her doom. 

But backed by the Holy Alliance, Spain hoped to 
regain her prestige; hoped to re-subjugate her Spanish- 
American colonies. The Holy Alliance, although sup- 
posed to be antagonistic to popular rights and to the free 
conduct within itself of a nation's internal affairs, hesi- 
tated to support Spain in her ambitious projects. Eng- 
land and Russia had territorial possessions in the north, 
over which there were arising complications with the 
United States. England would lose her over-seas trade 



years of history, Mexico has had her Invasions by foreign 
foes from across the seas, her Spain and her France; the 
United States, her France and her England. Save the one 
break in friendship's golden chain, that of 1846, a break 
regretted by our illustrious Grant and our immortal Lin- 
coln, there has existed between "Historic Old Mexico" 
and the "Great Mother of Free Nations" continuous 
peace, peace covering one hundred and thirty-eight years, 
years the most momentous in the world's history. Between 
these two republics there Is now peace; in the interests of 
the two republics I now speak for continued peace; God 
grant that between these two republics there may always 
be peace. 

" Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." 

No one can enter into sympathy with the Mexican 
people who docs not know Mexican history, Mexico has 
had her long centuries of struggle for freedom; her lib- 
erty bell is her emblem of freedom, but her struggle for 
freedom still goes on. She has had a Father of her coun- 
try, her Emancipator and her hundreds of heroes. The 
thrilling stories of her battle-fields have been handed down 
from father to son. She has her lakes, her valleys and 
her mountains; she has her historic dwellings, her edi- 
fices of centuries ago and her ancient ruins, — held sacred 
through the changing years. In all the history of Mexico 
the Mexican armies have at no time, as the aggressor, 
crossed the border to acquire new territory; to exact trib- 
ute from another nation or to enslave other peoples. It 
has been her rich possessions which have brought Mexico 
fiercest foes; when God created conditions and gave Mex- 





tng the horizon. Twelve nations which at the second 
Hague Peace Conference solemnly declared for peace 
have since recklessly declared for war. The greatest 
champions for peace then were Czar Nicholas of Russia' 
and Emperor William of Germany; as fiercest-^rim-vis- 
aged-demons of war, these rulers now cry: 
" Ann warriors, Ann for ti^X " 
among the millions in the empires they represent. You 
may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace ; over all ill- 
fated Europe man is arrayed against man for mutual 
slaughter. Nations formerly enemies are now allied in 
war as friends; nations formerly friends are now in war- 
fare bitterest enemies. With the flag of patriotism waving 
from the mast-head, millions have gone to their doom in 
war's maelstrom of destruction. Torpedoed is the civili- 
zation of two thousand years; — our dvilization, list- 
ing, — sinking with hundreds of millions of victims; — the 
only explanation, servile allegiance to country. 
" Be true to your country and your God " 
is a sentiment grand; but grander the sentiment, 

" The world is my country, to do good is my religion." 
From 1519 when, under the reign of Charles die First 
of Spain, Cortez landed at Vera Cruz; and from 1620 
when, under the reign of James the First of England, the 
Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth Rock the history of 
Mexico and the United States respectively has been one of 
poetry and song, of romance and tragedy, each history 
unique in itself as the millions of men and women come 
on and pass off the stage of human action. In all these 



Mr. President and Members of the AnahuAC Club : 

ON the western hemisphere are two republics of 
, like aims, of like interests. 
In the republic to the north, under the azure 
blue and balancing on her pinions over sintllng 
fields, I see an eagle with an olive branch in her talons, — 
looking towards a rainbow of promise. Above the eagle, 
above the azure blue, — in the skies there sits enthroned 
the Prince of Peace, the Friend of all mankind. 

In the republic to the south, under the clouds on a 
promontory projecting out over a sea of misery, I see a 
sister eagle with a serpent in her talons, — looking towards 
the rising sun. Above the eagle, above the clouds, — in 
the mountains there sits enthroned Ancient Mars, the 
relentless God of War. 
Ancient Mars I 

" Of all the gods who tread the spangled skies 
Thou most unjust, most odious in our eyes! " 

We are in a world>war atmosphere charged and sur- 
charged with human greed. Menaces with lightning speed 
now and then zig-zag through the war clouds o'er hang- 





the interest of Mexico? Yes. In the interest of the 
United States? Yes. In the interest of humanity? Yes; — in 
the hope that self-evident truths may have some influence 
on two historic friends to withhold the impending step 
which must humiliate Mexico, and might be " the fatal 
and final step in America's downfall." In nominating 
Woodrow Wilson to the Presidency John W. Wescott 
sounded the keynote of warning to campaigning miUtant- 
patriots, who would troop under the blue flag with the 
American eagle: "Help Mexico, lest over her bloody 
grave are sown the dragons' teeth of our own destruc- 
tion." . 

" So the struck eagle stretched upon the plain 
No more through rolling clouds to soar again, 
Viewed his own feather on the fatal dart 
And winged the shaft that quivered in his heart." 

Charles Sumner Young. 

luly Fourth, 




can soil? Yes. Perpetuate the spirit of '76, of 1812, of 
American honor at alt times and at whatever cost? Yes. 
" What we conquer let us conserve for the advantage and 
advancement of all mankind? No. The Orient? No. 
The Ocrident? No. The United States? No. The 
few Americans, unmindful that "the profit of the earth 
is for all " ; — who exploit the United States and would ex- 
ploit Mexico? A thousand noes III " For the advantage 
and advancement of all mankind " has been the slogan of 
the murderous cohorts of invaders since the lirst recorded 
batdes of biblical times, four thousand years ago. 

Never country existed incapable of self-government I 
Mexico has existed a thousand years, without American 
rule; and a thousand years hence Mexico would continue 
to exist, without American rule. Paraphrasing Lincoln's 
great speech at Peoria, IHinois, in 1854: When the 
American governs himself that, I acknowledge, is self- 
government ; when the American governs himself and the 
Mexican besides, that I call despotism. 

" The Two Republics " was delivered several months 
ago. In the address there was an eSort made to review 
the relations between the two republics. I had not consid- 
ered the results of the effort of sufficient importance to 
merit publication. But of late having been importuned by 
prominent citizens in the east, and in California, I have 
reluctantly consented to have the address published. In 



When written, "The Two Republics" seemed an 
inspiration. Time passes. The scene changes. The rain- 
bow of promise now shows dimly. Through the vista is 
seen the same smiling fields; over the fields, the same eagle 
balancing on her pinions. But the olive branch is missing; 
instead, are the arrows of death; — the American eagle is 
facing southward. 

The ci\'ilization in ^!cxico is not the civilization In the 
United States; and yet the former ri\Hlization, possibly, is 
no less valuable than the latter. One is the counterpart of 
the other and each should be preserved. Those who 
would destroy the Mexican civilization, and the peoples 
who comprise that certain civilization, arc unworthy to 
subsist from the soil of a common heritage, or in common 
with mortals to breathe the free air of heaven. Dean 
David P. Barrows, of the University of California, appre- 
ciative of the high art of Mexican civilization, in a recent 
address said: "The United States needs that certain civ- 
ilization of Mexico quite as much as Mexico needs the 
civilization of the United States." 

Under present conditions, — protect our border? Yes. 
Punish murdering Mexican bandits who desecrate Ameri- 


k/c N. 



Mr. Luis Cabrera 

PuUitheJ by 


1400 Broadway, New York City 

Address of Mr. Luis Cabrera 


Whatever I might say in token of gratitude, for the honor 
conferred upon us by The American Academy of Political and 
Social Science and The Pennsylvania Arbitration and Peace 
Society, would be little, in view of the great importance of the 
special invitation extended to us to attend this extra session of 
the Academy. 

We consider this session a high honor for our country more 
so than for ourselves, and we are glad of the opportunity to 
make ourselves heard before a scientific and scholarly audience, 
free from prejudice and interest towards the Mexican situation. 
Owing to their special nature, The American Academy of Politi- 
cal and Social Science, as well as the Pennsylvania Arbitration 
and Peace Society is an institution of si'ientific and humanitarian 
character, having at heart only the sole U'gical invL-stigation and 
the good of humanity, and in that spirit proceeds td study the 
Mexican situation. 

The literature on Mexico which I have found In the United 
States is of an entirely superficial character, such as is contained 
in reports or interviews of a newspaper. Consequently, it is 
tinged with shallowness, based on rumors, and intended for 
telagraphic transmission. In many cases ihimv rcpurts have poll- 


lical tendency and ihcu the facu arc not only inaccurah-. Imt 
lirouglil fi'flh with the intcnHon ^f mouMing public opinion, ur 
that of the Unitcci States Gownuncot, df that of snnic pfDfttica] 

In ntany other cascj> tho literature of Mexico known in the 
(JnitevI SlalK*. is tiimply tmAginative. ranking from the m;vel 
(Idwn to the mnwing piclure cjJiiliition. 

1 dd lu't know of Any book, {>ani))h1«>t or pablicatidti on the 
B4cx)cui Mtuntion which haii been mitdc with a !>cfcntific pur- 

The sources nf infLinnaHon have been mtbcr newspaper ccir- 
r«ifKindeni» whu dii^card VO'/l of impnttant facu liecause they 
cannot exiracl thcrcfrum a scniiational headline for their paper, 
or foreigners having interests in Mexico, and who view the coun- 
iry'n fliluation merely from llie viewpoint nf their own business. 
Other founts of information come either from Mexican* wh" 
reside abroad, and whose views are afiected by partisan bias, or 
^y politicians representing some special faction or chieflain. 

AH surh founts must necessarily be unreliable. Not ooc of 
them springs from the purpose of ascertaining what arc the true 
conditions of Mexico, and the puUic who reads them desire<t 
to find therein the corroboration of its own opinions rathtr than 
precise data. 

Tlie mission which has brought us to the United States being 
of a. diplomatic nature, prevents us from speaking with absolute 
liberty, and our connection with the Constitutionalist dovern- 
mcnt migth cause our opinions to be viewed as decidedly partial. 
As regards myself, without losing sight of the fact thai I belong 
to the Government of Mr. Carranza and I am taking part in a 
diplomatic commission, I would like to say some words on the 
Mexican situation, appraising it from a purely scientific view- 

Therefore I shall not speak either as an ofBcial or a politician 
or a diplomat, but only as a member of The American Academy 
of Political and Social Science who desires to present the gen- 
eral features of a scientific interpretation of the facts which have 
been agitating Mexico during the past six years. 


The general impression regarding the Mexican situation, not 
only abroad but in Mexico, is that it is but chaos. 


The causes put forth by each Government, each chief, each 
conspirator, each politician or each writer, as motives of the 
Mexican RevoUition, are so numer<»us and conflicting^ that it is 
ahnost im])ossihIe to understand them. Some are general, others 
concrete, <»thers immedi.'ite, and others renn>te. 

The simplest conclusion which indolent intellij^^cnces (»r im- 
])atient characters have extracted from thi«^ j^alaxy (»f motives, 
is that the Mexican people have an inc«.»rrij4il)le tendency towards 
disorder and war. and is consequently the **sick man," whose 
cure is h'»peless. 

The number t^i i)residents that Mexic<» has had in a century, 
is nearly as larf^e as the number of leaders, j^enerals or chief- 
tains whn in the past six years have assumed the title of legiti- 
mate (iovernments of Mexico. 

.Ml possible forms of administration have tried to rule Mexico, 
rankiui; fr<»ni brutally military governments, without organiza- 
tion of any kind, such as th<»se of the Zai»ata or X'illa. ufi tt» a 
CJovernment of Democratic ai>pearance, but headless, as that pro- 
ceeding from the AguaM-alientes (^)nventit»n. 

Foreign conntries only know of Mexic<i what they see in the 
press headlines, anrl tho>e are a tissue of bloody deeds, battles, 
assaults, blowing ui) of trains, ma>sacres. sln»«'tini;s. imprison- 
ments, exiles, etc. 

Judging from this kind of in format i«»n. the >iluatiiin of .Mex- 
ico is a Cfimplete cha«»s. Neither the American ])e'»pl(\ nor the 
men who might be >u]>]»osed Im a]»]>raise tlie situation, ran do <n 
through lack of general lines of inteqjretatioii of those facts. 

'I'he student or the scientist who w«»itld like to nn<lerstand and 
follow step by step the ])hcnomena ]»rodnced in the rliemi^^t's 
glass, or in the receptacle of bacteriological cultures, or in the 
crucible of the metallurgist: "r tin- b«'ianist wIim w«»uM like to 
frtllow the <levelopnient of the srnl nr of tlic ijra^s nnnutrly. 
would tuid hini<ilf gnidelrss t** »!•• s. •. N'titlM-r «'lirniical. 
biological, nor >i»ci«»l«'i^i«*al ]»b.e'io!nena can br <«'d ibnurjh 
direct "iKfrvation c.f the i-lenifiils at tin- lime in \vhi'-|i jiP'«''--es 
of transf«irmatioti are taking place. It brcnini-^ !u-i'(--;s:y t" 
know th«- nature of tli«'**r <-lenM-nt>. t" ••b<er\e ilir prr\ jin- r* -n 
dition I if the -amr, and -ubx-^juently the ]>henonicti:{ mat* riali/nl 

'!'f» understand S"cii»l«'gic:il phetiMnicna. wr nci-rl ab'»ve nP .1 
general interpretation t,\ a wh"'le >rrie.s ni' facts develope'l and 


T a lU'w con 

i.iT r]<r will be 

lion. Ncvcrihcloss, I irll you, Gcnllcnien, llic 
roforni oi llio division and tlic political organi- 

of the evolvinji: process; not a concrete explanation of each one 
of the facts as they take place. 

I shall endeavor to make a scientific interpretation of the Mexi- 
can situation. 


(.ieoj»:raphically. Mt-xico is a hip^h triangular plateau, having its 
vertex towards the South and its base towards the North, com- 
])rised between two mountain chains, of which one runs parallel 
to the CtuU and the other lo the Pacific Ocean. 

This high i>Iateau is dry and bare in its Northern part, and 
has been chiefly devoted to cattle raisings. In the Southern 
part it is less dry and niMiv fertile, and this Stnithern portion, 
properly called central ]»lateau, is the cereal region. 

The Gulf sloi)e. dami» and hot. is rich for tropical agriculture 
and gifted with extensive oil fields. The l^acific slope, dry and 
hot, but well irrigated by our mountains, will become an im- 
portant agricidtnral region. 

"S'uo.'ilnn. ;i st'>ny df-tM't. wliirh has 'Mily been al)!*.* lo ])n»dui'o 
l:rnip. i*^ \hi' m.i'*i Im-Iv «>!* Mc\i»'.', likf 1."w<t ( ";uih»rnia. 

I'lu- nl«•1i•«^•^'l^ < li:*:-- JiiMnin^ iiaral'rl t-^ tlu- <ln]f and !•» tli<- 

l'»ck in ci-ilcr !•• fi»rni the high Central 

•rn:-. I;ii1 rt'inpri^int;- \ ast regit >ns. cn- 

e ]'-\ '.i:'i.ii:i :•• •rii' •:! ■•!" Me\ie«'. an«l arc the 

IV. 'il:-*. an 

a f.'i 

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■ • •• •• • •• .".'I! :*vy. '! !:r irnth i< that M<-.\i'/«> 

;••!:. ;'"• \- •• • •: •!. :«-''i lisedi'ii; lari^-e in\e«;t 

": c \. • ■ '•'•■.; . .•:••."% .\';i] -^kil! t" devel"]) it. 


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v. t " •'•■ ::'«-'l c-em". nt. 
I'-i .1" .\ er.a'V'iniJ dnr 


• •J^-il — 

ing the past four hundred years, and is still in way of forma- 
tion. Before the Spanish conquest, hundreds of indigenous races 
existed, of such distinct and opposite characteristics, that it would 
be difficult to find another country in the world possessing such 
a number of different races. 

It is for facility's sake that we speak of the "Mexican Indian," 
instead of speaking of the hundred of indigenous races of 

After the Spanish conquest the indigenous pc^pulation became 
enslaved. Later through the efforts of the Spanish friars to 
protect the aborigene races of Mexico, the Indians ceased being 
slaves, to fall into a c<»ndition of legal incapacity. 

Subsequent to the Conquest, a mixed or mestizos population 
began to be, and it is still cimtinuing and modifying its develop- 
ment day by day. 

In Mexico there is not a mixed population, properly speaking, 
with characteristics different from those of the Indian, or dif- 
ferent from thr>se of the white. We have a varying mixed popu- 
lation, which in certain strata are very near to the Indian, and 
in others cannot be discerned fnmi the white. 

For the rest, the case with which whites mix with mestizos, 
and the latter with Indians, produces the fact that in Mexico 
the race question properly sjjcaking docs not exist. There is 
merely a question of education, for as snon as the Indian has 
been educated, he actuallv takes his rank bv the side of the 

The population j)rnbk'm consists in unifying the mixed race 
by means of education and intercrossing with the Indian race, 
stiiving to secure the constant dissolving of the immigrant 
white races into the mixed race. 

This problem doc? not ])resent difficulties as regards the in- 
tercrossing of the Indian race with the mixed race, but it is 
very serious as regards dissolving the white immigrants. The 
white immigration of Mexico as regards numbers, can be clas- 
sified in the following order: .Spanish, North American, French. 
Italians, English and Cicrmans. 

Of the white immigrant^ to Mexic(» the .^])aniard nearly al- 
ways blends with the native, so that after a generation it may 
be said that all the Spaniards become Mexicans. We may say 
the .same thing of the Italian and immigrants of Semitic origin: 

system of concession of Governinent lands adopted during' the 
second half of ihe nineleenth century, created and continued z 
Slate of landlordism which has been the chief cause of the unrest 
in Mexico during the nineteenth century. 

As a consequence of this landlordism, there has been [jroduced 
a constant condition of serfdom among the rural classes of Mex- 
ico, known as peonage. The Agrarian Problem of Mexico con- 
sists in the destruction of landlordism to facilitate the forma- 
tion of small farms, as also to effect the granting of "commons" 
to the villages. The Agrarian Problem includes the division 
or iiarcelling of large estates, and a system of taxes upon rural 
property to prevent the reconstruction of large estates. Up-to-date 
it may be said that large rural estates have practically never 
paid taxes. 


The lack of Mexican capital has been the reason that mining 
and other Mexican industries have not been developed save 
through foreign capital. 

The Spanish Government believed that the economical devel- 
opment of Mexico should be based on land monopoly, and also 
on commercial privileges granted to Spaniards born in the 
mother country. 

In the exploitation of the natural wealth of Mexico, the sys- 
tem followed by the past administration, and especially by that 
of General Diaz, was of granting concessions so intrenched in 
privilege, that further competition become impossible. This sys- 
tem of privileges and monopoly, comprised not only the min- 
ing, petroleum and water power industries, but all kinds of in- 
dustries and manufactures, commerce and banking. It may be 
said that in general the economic development of Mexico during 
the administration of General Diaz, was the development of big 
business based on privilege. 

The general ten<lency of the Revolutionary Government of 
Mexico, is to obtain an economic development based on un- 
shackled competition, and of such a nature that the develop- 
ment of existing business may not prevent future commerce 
^'\(i industry. 

From this point of view, foreign capital, invested in Mexico 
upon the system of privilege, considers itself attacked by the 




^ present revolution. However, if we understand the general 
tendency of the Mexican Revolution, we find that it opens a 
field of action for the investment of foreign capital much wider 
than that existing heretofore. 


The lack of fluvial navigation and the great height of the 
Central Plateau abc>ve the sea level, the uneven topography, 
have compelled Mexico to rely upon a scant system of railways. 
Due to this, Mexico's commerce has been effected on false bases. 
It has been simply importation and exportation with foreign 
countries, without developing domestic interchange of products. 
Commerce itself has been to a great extent, the only fount of 
fiscal revenue, principally, the commerce of importation. For a 
long time exports and even raw materials have been free from 

The tendency of the Revolutionary Government consists in 
controlling the railways, these being the only ways of com- 
munication that the country has. It purposes also to develop 
other ways by utilizing the forces which He latent in Mexico: 
«.)il and water power. 


The industrial development of Mexico dates from the last 
twenty years. Its basis has been artificial. It has consisted 
of an excessive protection to infant industry, rendering them 
uncertain and precarious, owing to lack of mercantile bases, 
and they have prevented the establishment of competing in- 

The tendency of the Revolutionary Government is to place the 
industrial development of the country ujhui a business basis, 
leaving aside the system of protection, concession, privileges, 
and monopoly, which has been until now the bases of what 
little development has been effected. 


The diversitv of tvpe of civilization of the Indian, the mestizo 
and the white, constitutes in Mexico a serious social and politi- 
cal problem which may be set forth by saying that it is neces- 


19. I lell Jfoo, Ccntlinnen. 

mi of the division and the political organi- 

id a formula of Government which may serve at the , 
c for a type of medieval civilization as is the inesiixo,- j 
and for a type of modern civilization, as is the foreign immigrant 
or the educated creole. If this is not possible, it would be neces- 
sary to find various goveriiiiienlal formulas and various regimes ( 
for each one of the elements forming Mexico's population. 

Up to the time of General Diaz, the political laws of Mexico , 
I have been based on advanced theories, but these have never ' 
■teen rendered effective. This produced inequality, juridic and 
feconomical. The political problem of Mexico consists in ren- , 
r dering- effective the political and civil law. In order to do this 
it is necessary above all to find the legal and political formulas, ■ 
) that after these laws have been promulgated, it may be pos- 
^ sible to apply them efficaciously, thus securing equality of rights 1 
I among all men. 


I deserve special atten*^ 

The international problems of Me: 

The main political international problem of Mexico consists 
in her relations with the United States. 

After the 1&47 war. which cosf Mexico half of her territory, 
Mexicans have not been able to regain confidence in regard 
to the imperialistic tendency that the I in -.American countries 
attribute to the United States. During "the Mexican revolu- 
tion, after the occupation uf Vera Cruz and the Columbus ex- 
pedition, the fears of Mexicans of a conflict with the United 
States have increased considerably, chiefly since it is known 
that i>nc of the political parties of the United State.s frankly 
advocates intervention. 

The repeated and public statements of no intervention made 
by the FJemocratic Government of the United States, have not 
been sufticient to allay the fears of Mexicans. 

As a neighbor of the United States, Mexico will also have as 
an international problem the danger of a conflict between the 
United States and simie other F.uropean or Asiatic power. The 
foes of the United States, who are always foes of the whole 
American Ccmtinent, will certainly assume to be friends of Mex- 
ico, and will try to take advantage of any sort of resentment, 


% -r-J*l 

feeling or distrust that Mexico may have against United 

Mexico, nevertheless, understands that in case ol a conflict 
between the United States and anv other nation outside of 
America, her attitude must he one of complete Continental 

From this viewp(.>int, the Revohitionary ("lovcrnment has fol- 
lowed a poh'cy of frankness and consistency in her relations with 
the United States, always imttint; her deeds in accordance with 
her words, and sincerely tryinj:,^ to reach an understanding^ with 
the people and the f lovcrnment (if the United States. 

Within Mexico, the real international problem means the pro- 
tection of foreijT^n life and pn>])erty and the condition of for- 
eigners in regard to natives. On account of the non-enforce- 
ment of the political an<l civil laws in fav^r of Mexicans, and on 
account of the always watchful diplomatic protection that for- 
eigners have enjoyed, a sort ^^i ])rivile^e<l con<liii«»n has arisen 
little by little in fav(»r of foreigners. Mexic«» has the problem 
of equalizing the condition of Mexicans and foreigners, not by 
lowering foreigners, but by raising the condition of natives. 

The privileged condition of foreigners that has existed in Mex- 
ico for a long time, has ]>roduced a certain jealousy and di.strust 
with which Mexicans look up(»n the increase of immigration 
and foreign investments in Mexico, since such increase would 
be considered as the strengthening of a ])rivileged class. 

The ])r<)blem for Mexico is to tind the way in which f<M*eign 
monev ami immigrants can freelv come to Mexico and ct»ntribute 
to her progress without becoming a ]»rivileged class, that is to 
say, that instead of becr>ming a growing menace to the sover- 
eignty of Mexico, they will c<.»ntribnte i«» the consolidation of 
her -sovereignty and indejK-ndence as a nation. 

All the problems herelofuri' staled lia\e aUvay< bei*n complex 
and greatly misunderstood. 

The (»ld regime had created sinh interest-; and th"sc interests 
were so strongly bound with the < lovernment. that during the 
last years of the (lovernnient of ( leneral I )ia/. il was '|uile eb^ar 
that no peaceful solution was atiainablc. The transformation 
of the whole svsteni bv eunt'ri^-'iMiia] acti"n irvinci t«» change 
the laws and the (lovernnient at large, as w**]] n- \\\r eroni»niical 
conditions of the country. w«'uld lia\e ref|uired ]»r«»bably a wb'de 

a luw cons 
«•• rlsi» will be 

tion. \cvenliole«^s, I wW ynu, Genllcmcn. tlic 
roloriii (»f the tlivisK)n and the political organi- 

ccnturv of eft"«»rts. and still it is not sure that such solution would 
he reached df that in the meantime civil war would not have 
broken »»ut. 

After the election ff (u-neral Diaz in 1010. it was well under- 
sti't'd that the pnqHise of -;uch electitm was t«» perpetuate the 
<:iv.\r fi»rni "f (Mvernmeiit and the same <y>tem as harl been 
f«»ll«»wed. riif j)e«>plr saw that it was imix^ssible to transform 
anythinj^- by peaceful methods. 

Thf Mexican pcple then had to nsort to f«irce in tirder to 
de^^mv a re^^ime which was contrary to it-» liberty. devel«.jp- 
meni and wi-lfare. 

The last <i\ year< "f intrrnal upheaval «»f a cha«>tic ap])ear- 
ance, mean f«'r Mrxic«» a j»n»cess «»f soeiolouical transfi»rmatif»:i 
t»f her pcple. 

The scientitic interpretation of the Mexican Kevolutif»n is not 
p. issible. nnle>*- facis are taken as a wln»le and a con>;<l(M-able 
period i-f time is ap.alyzed. All of u< know that matters t>f ut- 
most in^.p'-rtaiice are analyzed antl studie»l and. conclusions are 
»lra\\:: -'v- 'in i'lCi-mpKte facts in e\rry day reailinii nrw-^jjajH-r^ 
.;* ;Ih- I'niti- ! Stai--^. which i> tlie only way in which it i> impii>- 


I '. 

1 * « , • 

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til.- I'-iit'". Siaic- :i.« '!.-•• «•!" -aii!''- c\\v[ 
■ •.. ,-..1! •'! '':• w 1''! »\':i«vr' \.f '"i:- *i'' 

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\\ ' • • - * : • ! - ' : : • - ••'. ' * u 
'.:::'■ •'.• \\\- ■!«' -wi'iu: i-- c« mi'liir 

'. •:'•: . .. ••.•'•;-:•'!}> • :" a:') "i* iht- 
s\ :j: : i..i..- an\ i""nunt t»f the 

•* ■ .••...••• ':i:« ti"*" i'.'i wiiich the 
i ' . . ..':riii-'' ']\ ' \ that stud'^'*^ 

;••.;•;:••:-. rvAi'V i> ch: 

\- ;•! !\s • ' illll' '!l i> not 

; •! . • • '.v.: lit'*- at peac 


"g* **'«*'^-«»^"*8^^ .^ — ^ . -^^^^^^^^^^ . . •_.^.... — la.^ 

dangerous and intolerable. Nevertheless, if we can demon- 
strate with facts that the Mexican Revolution has followed exr 
actly the natural course of any other revolution, and if it can 
be demonstrated that even at the present time the Revolution- 
ary Government of Mexico is pursuing a well defined program 
of reconstruction, nne must necessarily reach the conclusion 
that the Mexican ])eoplc arc not acting madly, nor blindly 
destroying her wealth and Iut men, but j»erforming a task of 
transfi>rmation beneficial and indispensable, from which results 
are expected that will reward the sacrifices that are now being 

It will ap]»ear indeed as strange and bold, and it will per- 
haps shock to a certain extent, esj)ecially the members of the 
American Academy of Political and Social Science and of the 
Pennsylvania Arbitration and Peace Society, that in a scientific 
and pacifist audience like this, some one comes to make the 
apology of force and insurrection as a means of securing the 
liberty and welfare of her peo])le. 

I am nut tryinji^^ to im])r)se my views, but simply aj)i)lying 
sociological criterion to fact*^ that have occurred in Mexico. 

When a system of work is right, but we fail to o])tain results 
irom our efforts for lack «>f efficiency, the task of the reformer 
cr^nsists in imi)rovin"' that svstem. lUit when a svstem is radi- 
cally wrong, we must abandr^n that system and find a better 

The gradual and slow reform of a system to make it suit the 
requirements of a man, of a business enterjirise, of an institution 
or of a countrv. is called evolution. The abandonment of a svs- 
tem to be rej)lace(l by another,- is called a revolution. 

The use of force i-^ not essential to a revolution; but the revo- 
lution in the jiersonal conduct (»f men, in business or in com- 
munities, imjdies alway< a considerable etTort and a great 
amount of sacrifice. 

Historically, we can assert that with very few exce])tions, the 
greatest con(]ne>ts ttf human lii>erty and human welfare have 
not been made with«»ut large sacrifices i^i men and ])r(»perty. 

In Sociology, the re\«»lution i*- the rebellion of a peo]de again>l 
a social svstem that has been hanid wronir. l»ut as everv social 
.system is embodied in certain law> and in a certain political 
organization, revolution ai^pears always as a violation of ex- 


lawi and as an insurrection a^ifost the GovenudAOt. J 

Hence all revolutions appear aa anarchical attempts to destroy 
society ami this is also why most insurrections are called revo- 

A revolution means the use of force to destroy an unsatis* 
'factory system and the employment of force and intelligence to 
build the new system. ' 

A revolution has consequently two clearly defined stages, the 
destructive, nearly always a period of war, and rebellion against 
the ao-called established Government, and the stage of disa- 
vowal of most of the existing laws, which means the use of 
force against the social, economic and legal system. 

When the old regime has been destroyed, the mere re-estab- 
lishment of legal order without any change, would be tantamount 
to the simple reconstruction of the same structure already de- 
stroyed. This is what sometimes makes revolutions fail. To 
avoid this, any revolution has a second stage, that is always 
known as the period of revolutionary government. During this 
second period, force is also employed in the form of a dictatorial 
Government, to establish the required reforms, that is to say, 
to lay the foundations of the new social economic and political 
structure. After every revolution, a period of dictatorial in- 
terregnum has always followed, because revolutionary dictator- 
ship means the use of force for reconstruction. 

When the foundations of reconstructions have been laid down, 
then it is possible to return to a legal regime no longer based 
upon the old legislation nor upon the obsolete system but upon 
new principles that become the new legal system, that is to say, 
the new regime. 

The French Rcvulution has been the most complete example 
of a revolution, with its frankly destructive period, its anarchic 
state, its revolutionary government and its new regime upon 
which France afterwards developed, and we also can say upon 
which the rest of Europe has subsequently developed. 

The Mexican Revolution was nothing more than the insur- 
rection of the Mexican people against a very repressive and 
wealthy regime represented by the Government of General Diaz, 
and against a social, political and economic system supporting 
such a Government. 

Said revolution had as its prodromes the political insurrection 
of Madcro. But Madero saw no more than the political side of 


the Mexican situation. He professed that a chanp^e of Govern- 
ment was sufficient to bring about a change in the general con- 
ditions of the country. Madero compromised with the Diaz 
regime and acquiesced in taking charge of his (lOvernment, and 
ruled the country with the same hiws, same ])roceedings and 
even with the same men with whom (leneral Diaz had ruled. 
The logical consequence was that Madero had tu fail because 
he had not destroyed the old nor attempted to rebuild a new 

The assassination of Madero and the dictatorship of Huerta 
were mere attempts at reaction made by the ohl regime with its 
same men. its same money and its same proceedings, and at- 
tempting to re-establish exactly the same old conditions that 
existed under General Diaz. 

The Constitutionalist Revolution set forth its line of con- 
duct from the very beginning. The Plan of Guadalupe issued 
by Mr. Carranza in March 1*^13, immediately after the assassina- 
tion of Madero. is the straightest revolutionary proclamation 
that could be imagined tr.) destroy an old regime. Said j)lan 
meant the abs«.)lute disavowal of the Executive. Legislative and 
Judicial Powers that had existed up to that time, and authorized 
the use of force for the destruction k^i Huerta's Government, 
which was being supported by (i(Mieral Diaz' army, by the 
power of the land owner and by tlie moral influence of the 
Catholic clergy. 

A period of blofKl folic »we(l, and when Huerta was finally de- 
feated and the Chief of the (.'(Mistitutionalist Revolution reached 
the City of Mexico, it was believed that the destructive period 
of the* Mexican Revolution was at an end. lUit a period of an 
extremelv chaotic and anarchic character iiecessarilv followed. 

At the end of 1*M4 the Mexican situation \\ri< nn'st ]»uzzling 
and bewildering, and still it was ai that very mi'tncnt and in the 
middle of such an extreme cnfusiMii. that h«»n \'euu>tiatii» Car- 
ranza. as the Chief of the Const itniiMualist Ive\«>luti«'n. <cl forth 
the general outlines uj)oii which the recon-^trucli«»n «»f Mrxico 
was to be carried out. 

Said outlines are enibodird in the decrei- ^^\ 1 )e»*cniber litli, 
1^M4, which 1 will rpioie here a*> tlir best intcrnretation m\ the 
basic lines U])on which the new regime :ind tlu- new M»cial sys- 
tem were to be found. 


,f a nt'W cons 
a'wvj ol>o will be 

tion. Ncvcrihclc>s, 1 loll y«ni, C.cnllenien, the 
ivforni uf the di^'ision and the ixjlitical organi- 

Said decree in substance indicates that whereas the use of 
force had been required tn f«vcrthniw the lluerta (lovernnicnt 
and in view nf the chaotic ci>nditi«'ns tif the country, ii was 
ncces-ary tn use the same force t** c«»nlinue the sirugg"le until 
l»eace should he attained, and ti' reci^UNiruct the new regime. 

The main |»n»\i'^ions nf said ilecree read as follows: 

"Art. 1. The Plan ..f (;uad:du]»e .>f the 2(nh oi March, 1913 
>hall remain in f«-rce uniii the e«'ni])lete triinnjOi "^f the Revo- 
lution. O'tisecjUi'Titly. C'itizen \'enusiiant» Carranza will con- 
tinue as I-'irst Chief of the (.'«'n<tijuti«»nali-it Revriluiion and in 
(.'harge i-f the l{xeculi\e r«»wer .if the Xati<»n, until such time 
as the enemv i> vaminished and i>eat'i' is rc-^t^red. 

"Art. 2. The l'*irst (*hief i.f the Re\c»hitiun. in ('harge of the 
Kxecuti\c i'ow<-r. will i.-'-iie ;i:id pni in f-nve fluring the strui::i»le 
all such laws, re"ul.iti«'n^ and niea-m-es thai niav salisfv the 
ec«)n«»mic. social and ]»• 'liiii-.i] re'inirenirnts "-f the cc»untry, carry- 
ing out such reforms a- ;.'nlj]'*«- •:]'iF;iMn may ri-quire t«» establish 
a regime t" guarantt-e \\n- i(|uality .-nniing all Mexicans, to wit: 
Ai^rarian 1:!\\^ that nirix f;i'.\'"*aTc !!ie .Tcat'-.'!! «'f ^niall j»r«';»oriy, 
parcelling tie lar^e ••-la'«- .lud rf-l- »rinL: 1" tlie villages the 

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"Art. 4. At the triumph of the Revolution, when the Su- 
preme Power be reinstated in the City of Mexico and after 
municipal elections take place in most of the States of the 
Republic, the First Chief of the Revolution, in Charfje of the 
Executive Power, will call electi<.)ns ft>r the Federal Congress 
fixing the proclamation, the dates and conditions in which said 
elections must take place. 

"Art. 5. When the natitmal Congress assembles, the First 
Chief of the Revolution will re])ort tn it concerning his steward- 
ship of the ]»ower vested upon him by this decree, and he will 
especially submit the reforms issued and put in f(»rce during the 
struggle, so that Congress may ratify, amend or supplement them, 
and raise to the rank of constitutional provisions such laws as 
may have to take that character: all before the establishment 
of constitutional order." 

The reading of this decree i^ of utmost importance to all 
who set^m lo be confu-^ed by events developing in Mexico since 
the overthrow of Huerta. and to tlit»se who ouW see in Mexico) 
an incom]>rehensible cr)ndition (»f anarchy. 

It will be i^\ still greater im]K)rtance to know that this de- 
cree has been the rule un.der which the construction of Mexico 
is being made ])y the Kev«»luiionary ( i(»vernment. 

Students »)f the Revolution of Mexico from a disinterested 
and scientilic ]»oint of view. sh«»uld keep in mind, as lines of 
interpretation of events occurred during the last six years, the 
following i)oints, which might be at the same lime a sort i»f in- 
dex tti the chapters for a mo<t extended study of the Mexican 
situation: I. Causes of the Mexican Revolution as deriving 
from the political and ec«'n«)mic deve]o|>nu*nt of the country 
up to the end of the nineteenth century: 11. Pn^dromes of 
the .Mexican Rexcikitirm until the rjeath of Madero: IH . De- 
struction of the ]»olitical and nn'lilary powers of the rdrl regime, 
until .August. l'M4: 1\'. Destruction I'f the ec()nomic power of 
the old regime dn.'ing tlie jirecon'^titutional jKTiod ( p)15-PMr») : 
\'. Beginninir of the rec 'n^trnctiiMi. 

Such has been thr devel«']»nient of the .Mexican Revolution, 
and such is the inter{»retati"n df past, ju'esent ancj future oc- 
currences in re.uanl to ilii< Ri'v«»lution. 

Such has to be the interpretation, rej^arrjlcss of who .-ire the 
men in the (lovernment. 


If Carrniiza ntid thr men nround him nre perMnally trn^ * 
powered li^ the ntw uilartrhic pcriutl, ami if tlify have to die or 
Rcl out, tliQt wciuli] ivit lupati that mv cniicIusionB were wrong. 
Il would only mean that a man t« not always a Jipan between 
twtt rrgimcs. There have been cases in which a re\'o)otion hu 
been completed during the life of a man. be he Cromwell or 
WashtiiKioti. Some other times a long Itet of heroes and 
martyrs in required to complete a transformation of the peoplFi 
from Mirabcau to Napoleon. 

In Mexico we have had three revolotloiw. Our rcvolotion of 
Independence in 1810. was not carried nul hy A flitigle man. 
HidaiKO initiated it and died without seeing the end. Morelo* 
continued and also passed away before onr country was free. 
fiiierrero was the only une who s«w Ihe consummation of our , 

In 1857 it only took Juarez to see ihe beginning and the end 
of the Reform Revolution. 

The present Revolution has already consumed Madero. If 
Carranza docs not sec the end of this movement, that will not 
change the development of the revolution. It will only mean 
that [.'arranza himself and the men around him arc no more than 
a link in the chain of mi-n whu will .sacrifice their liveii for the 
liberty and the welfare of the Mexican people. 

To close my remarks T wish to reiterate my apologies to the 
audience, and especially to the members of the American Acad- 
emy of Political and Social Science and of the Pennsylvania 
Arbitration and Peace Society, for the theme I have chosen for 
this conference. 

I sincerely believe that the people of this country need to 
study the Mexican Revolution, not only for the sake of their 
interest toward Mexico, nor for their own interest alone as our 
tieiglibors, but also as an example of an economic and social 
revolution that is taking place in the twentieth century. 

1 wish a great prosperity and a long peace to this country, 
and that the solution of all its problems be made by peaceful 
methods. Nations nevertheless, when they make mistakes in 
their development, have to make a revolution. Tf such a revo- 
lution can be made without alteration of peace, the unnecessary 
evil.'* of a revolution can be avoided and all the benefit that a 
revolution necessarily brings about will be reaped. 

ot • 

••r %»VJ 

feernard Shaw says that revolution is a national institution in 
England, because the luiglish people, through dcnit>cratic pro- 
ceedings, can make a revolution every seven years, if they 
choose to do so. The Anglo-Sax(»n referen(Uim is no more than 
a right to peaceful revolution. 

The Mexican people do not enjoy that blessing, and have 
been obliged to engage in a bloody and costly revolution to 
attain their libertv and welfare. There is a reason. 

A revolution is not only a source <»f evil and tears, just as fire 
does not always produce devastatii.»n. Unexplored wildernesses 
of the Temperate Zone can be ripen to agriculture by exj)loiting 
the forest wealth and at the same lime j)rei)aring the soil for 
future cultivation. 

In tropical countries, however, the connnon way of opening 
fields to cultivation is to clear them with a jL^^reat lire that con- 
"sumes much natural wealth indeed, but which at the same time 
rapidly devours the junji^le and by purifying and fertilizing the 
S(nl, saves a great am«.»unt of work. 





Does Mexico Interest You? 

Then you should read the following pamphlets: 

What the Catholic Church Has Done for Mexico, by Doctor. 

Paganel ( «a m 

The Agrarian Law of Yucatan i ^"•*" 

The Labor Law of Yucatan ^ 

International Labor Forum 

Intervene in Mexico, Not to Make, but to End War, urges I /v-^ 

Mr. Hearst, with reply by Holland | "'^^ 

The President's Mexican Folic v, bv F. K. Lane 

The Religious Question in Mexico i 

A Reconstructive Policy in Mexico ;■ 0.10 

Manifest Destiny I 

What of Mexico ) 

Speech of General Alvarado > 0.10 

Many Mexican Problems ) 

Charges Against the Diaz Administration \ 

Carranza > 0.10 

Stupenduous Issues ; 

Minister of the Catholic Cult ) 

Star of Hope for Mexico > 0.10 

Land Question in Mexico } 

Open Letter to the Editor of the Chicago Tribune, Chicago, 111.) 

How We Robbed Mexico in 1848, bv Robert H. Howe > 0.10 

What the Mexican Conference Realfy Means ; 

The Economic Future of Mexico 

We also mail any of these pamphlets upon receipt of 5c each. 

sAddreas all communications to 

1400 Broadway, New York City 

«it a new con! 
itliiiu' else will be 

tion. N'evcnlicloss. I ti-ll you, Ccntloincii, the 
roiurni <»t the divisicm and the political organi- 







(Reprinted from the Brooklyn Eagle of July 6.) 
IVilliam Randolph Hearst, who is now a patient in the Presbyterian Hospi- 
tal, recovering from a slight operation, has written the following letter to Regis- 
tcr O'Lou^hlin of Brooklyn, setting forth his position in regard to our relations 
with Mexico \ 

Presbyterian Hospital, 

Seventieth Street and Madison Avenue. 

New York, July 5, 1916. 

Mr. E. T. O'Loughlin, Register of Kings County, 

Brooklyn, N. Y. 

My Dear Mr. O'Loughlin: 

I have noticed the attacks of the small Americans and the statement that the 
attitude of the Hearst newspapers on the Mexican situation is due to the fact 
that there are Hearst property interests in Mexico. 

I have always noticed that it is those who are weak in argument who resort 
to abuse, and that it is those who fail with facts who resort to misrepresentation. 

I do not object to attacks, even unfair ones, upon the position of the Hearst 
papers. I welcome them, for the more attention is given to the attitude of the 
Hearst papers at this time, the more glory there will be to the Hearst papers 
when their attitude is finally shown to be the correct one, as it surely will be. 

Moreover, I know of no surer indication that a big, broad proposition is 
right, than is to be found in the angry opposition of little minds. 

Now, by way of analysis, what is the attitude of the Hearst papers on the 
Mexican situation? It 's merely that the United States Government exercise the 
fundamental function of all governments and protect its citizens ; that it prevent 
Mexicans from murdering any more of our citizens, and that it punish Mexico 
for the murders and outrages already committed upon our citizens and our 

This is not an extreme attitude or an extraordinary attitude. It is not an 
unprecedented or unpatriotic attitude. 

On the contrary, it is the usually accepted conception of the duty of any 
government under similar circumstances. 

It is even more than that. It is a literal expression and an exjict reproduc- 
tion of the guarantee of the Democratic platform of 1912, under which the 
present Government at Washington was put into office by the American people. 

A platform is a party's word of honor. It is not unreasonable, therefore, to 
expect and to demand that a party shall live up to its word of honor. 

Second, the attitude which is maintained by the Hearst publications in refer- 
ence to the Mexican situation is not unusual with them. It is the exact attitude 
which the Hearst publications maintained with reference to the Cuban situation, 
and there were no Hearst interests in Cuba. 

I Irll ywu, Genllciucn, 
divbion nnd die piilitical organi- 

pni- .^^^H 

II is the exact attitude which the Hearst pubh'calions urged npon tfic 
Government preceding the war with Spain. It is the exact attitude which the 
Ooverament adopled with respect to Spain at that lime. 

The Hearst papers in 1898 urged the United States Government to stop. K 
force if need be, the years of anarchy and outrage in Cuba, to resent the insults 
to the United States, and lo avenge the murder of American sailors and the 
defiant insult to the American flag in the blowing up of the Maine. 

The United States Government adopted the attitude of the Hearst papers, 
we all know with what honor to itself, and with how great an advancement of 
peace and justice throughout the Western World. 

Cuba was relieved from persecution and made free, and peace and happiness 
were established at our doors where formerly had existed everlasting disorder 
and destruction, suffering and sorrow. 

Let those who would criticise the attitude of the Hearst papers in this 
Mexican situation begin by criticising the action of the United States in the 
Cuban situation. 

Finally, in what way am I being guided by mercenary motives in my altitude 
on the Mexican situation? In what way am I being benefited in regard to the 
Hearst properties in Mexico by urging the United Slates to take summary action 
against the Govertiment of Mexico for its crimes and outrages upon the citizens 
of the United Slates? 

It would seem to me that anyone who was not an incurable idiot would see 
at a glance that I was incurring the greatest possible risk to any properties I or 
my famfly might have in Mexico by taking this stand, so objectionable to the 
powers in Mexico; and thai nothing but a strong sense of patriotic duty would 
impel a man to take a stand so offensive to a vicious and vindictive Mexican 
Government when there were properties in which he was directly or indirectly 
interested at the mercy of that government, 

TTiere is not one man of my acquaintance who has property in Mexico who 
)s not walking around on tiptoe and holding his breath in fear lest he should say 
something which would arouse the dangerous resentment at this time of the 
Mexican associated bandits. 

I have said what I thought, freely and fearlessly, and have blaioned my opin- 
ions in the columns of my newspapers. 

I have urged the United States Government to protect its weaker citizens in 

I have urged it to defend its own honor and dignity and to avenge the un- 
warranted insults to our flag and unprovoked murder of our soldiers. 

In doing this I believe 1 have shown a more honorable, American independ- 
ence, and a more courageous disregard of possible consequences than any of my 
small American critics would have dared to do. 

Now, on the other hand, let us analyse the smugly selfish attitude of the 
typical small American. 

He is for peace ! Yes, for himself, without regard to the murders and out- 
rages that are being committed nnd have been committed tipon bis brothers in 

As far as I can see, his sentiments do not differ greatly from those of the 
cytucal Western gambler who said thai be did not care what happened as long 
as it did not happen to him. 

Of course, everybody is in favor of peace. The only question is how to 

I am for peace, actual peace, honorable peace ; but, as I have said a hundred 
times, anarchy is not peace. Bloody murder and bestial outrage is not brother- 
ly love and Chrii^tian goodwill. 

The conditions existing in Mexico for four years have been not peace, but 
war, and worse than war. 

Intervention in Mexico is not far the purpose of making war. It is for the 
purpose of ending war. 

Indifference to the awful conditions prevailing in Mexico has not ended 
them. It has aggravated them. 

I have no patience with the superior attitude of the small American who 
prides himself on his Christian resignation to the sufferings of other people, and 


who congratulates himself ob Us Christian endurance of the afflicdons of his 

You know Christ did not uy. "If a man smite thy brother on one cheek, 
turn thou thy brother's other dieeic to be smitten." Nor did Christ sav, "If a 
nian take away thy brother's coat give him thy brother's cloak also." Nor yet 
did he say, "If a man murder and maltreat thy brother give him also thy sister 
to be maltreated and murdered." 

Yet, your small American takes vast Christian credit to himself for being 
willing to allow destruction, devastation, disaster and death to proceed peace- 
fully without any warlike interference from him. 

Ima^e a man lying larily on his back on the beach expectantly watching 
his brother drown, although fully able to save him, and then coming home and 
hiring a page in a newspaper to confess his indolence and indifference and 
proudly to proclaim his lack of human sympathy and manly equality. 

Imagine a policeman, a guardian of the peace with a public duty to perform, 
watching men being murdered and women and children being brutally debased 
and abused by ruffians, and then nving a dinner and reading a little wntten piece 
to exalt his flagrant neglect of duty as Christian forbearance and to extol his 
skulking cowardice as a noble effort to preserve the peace. 

Naturally^ to such policies I prefer, and will continue to prosecut^ my own 
policy of urgins Uncle Sam courageously to do his full duty to his citiiens, to 
fits soldiers and to himself, and to arrest Mexico for high crimes against human- 
ity and civili^tion. 

For four years we hare tried b^ a pohcy of neglect of duty to secure p^ce 
in Mexico, and the situation there is worse today than it has been at any time 

B worse today than it has been at any time 
in the past 

Since the policy of neglect of duty has sq utterly failed to secure peace s 
justice, let us try the policy of active performance of duty which has so f 
quently and so signally succeeded in the glorious history of this Republic. 
Faithfully yonrs, 



Deai Sir: 

So far you have never been refuted by a Mexican. 

I think this is the first time, and in justice to the sinceri 

appeal to you, and for the good of the public, I trust you w._. ^ 

in your newspapers, even as 1 purpose to give it publicity through other charmcs. 

You have, Mr. Hearst, cruelly attacked Mexico; you have roused great 
hatred and distributed so much venom, piling up such a mass of falsehood con- 
cerning our people, that even the most isolated Indian of our country is aware 
of the existence of a Mr. Hearst who owns many newspapers : knows that he is 
constantly maligned by that gentleman; and that the major part of that person's 
statements is false — which, when said even by a humble Indian, is a very delicate 
matter for a self-respecting journalist. 

Well, Mr. Hearst, we Mexicans, after observing your conduct, and studying 
yoar policy of constant intervention and continued threats against our liberties, 
and taking into consideration your respectable station in life, cannot help thinking 
that you have acted consistently on information disgracefully incomplete and 
many times misleading. 

We cannot believe it otherwise, as it would seem impossible that you would 
in good faith wish to crush us when we have never harmed you, and when we 
have every right to live and develop in the same manner as other nations of the 
worid have done. 

You have always been misinformed. You were in the wrong when you 
encouraged Porfirio Diaz" policy, because you were told that his govemmpnt wns 
an ideal one; and subsequently, I am sure, you found out that such dictatorship 

was nothing biit the crassest manifestation of feudalism, rooted in slavery of the 
peons, the yoke of the landowner, and the political power of the Caiholic Clergy. 

You were later informed that Huerta was 3 great man, and you were against 
the Revolution, whose avowed programme was the revindication of all ooiraged 
human rights. 

You were afterwards told that Villa also was a great man, and in 1914, above 
your own signature, you began a campaign to raise this bandit to the Presidency 
of Mexico. 

You must be fully aware now that you were misinformed, for Villa was only 
the instrument of the sinister interests which the Revolution was combating. 

You have continued to fight the Revolution, gruided constantly no doubt by 
false bformation, and in the last letter which ^u wrote after your illness (which 
we regret very much), you explained that if you have attacked Mexico it is 
because it should be castigated, and that you were doing it through motives o( 
patriotism, since nobody is ignorant of the fact that in the event of war, your 
properties in Mexico would be endangered. 

It seems that in this last letter ol yours you try to give to the public a vin- 
dication of your whole course of action; and for this reason I take great pleas- 
ure in improving this opportunity to point out to you that even in this final argu- 
ment which you set up as a defense, you are mistaken, because the information 
which you have unfortunately received is completely erroneous. 

The properties which you own arc mainly stationary, which do not suffer 
greatly in case of war. Your large estates in Chihuahua and Tabasco would lose 
absolutely nothing through the ravages of war. On the other hand, with the 
triumph of the Revolution, you are certainly going to see yourself in diBiculties 
in order to keep up tliese great estates which you have acquired very cheaply, 
and which (this you certainly must know) you have maintained without paying 
taxes, as all other great landowners of Mexico have had to do. thus allowing the 
responsibility of looking after the said properties to fall upon the nation, and the 
burden of all administrative expenditures upon the few small landowners who 
may sfill exist. 

Furthermore, should the United States annex the State of Chihuahua, for 
example (which we Mexicans would look upon in tlie same light as you would 
the invasion of New England by the (^rmans) automatically your ranch would 
cost from four to five times more, it would be more easily negotiable because it 
would have the guaranty of millions of your compatriots who have made this 
country rich and prosperous, and in such case you would pay a less amount in 
taxes than what the Revolution would have to impose on you in all justice. 

This is the simple truth. However, as your work is so violent, so blind, and 
so utterly without quarter against a people which is after all only lighting to 
establish its well-being — a phenomenon which you, as a cultured man, cannot 
deny is entirely legitimate — we cannot, I repeat, reach any other conclusion than 
that you are ill-informed. Hence, we may trust that once you come to recognize 
the truth, the justice, of our cause, and the wave of hatred which your conduct 
has roused in us against the whole American people — who, in point of fact, do 
not demand wliat you yourself arc clamoring for — then, you will place yourself 
on the side of justice, and finally admit that your properties in Mexico must be 
subject to the laws of the country. By so doing, you will finally furnish that 
genuine proof of disinterestedness which you now claim to be ready to give, and 
you will put an end to the rise of baser passions and false mouthings of patriot- 
ism with which the public in general has reason to believe you are trying to lead 
your fellow-citiiens astray. 

I am. Sir, very sincerely, 


New York, July 1916. 




by Modesto C. Holland 

La Paz, Lower California - ^ 

L a Mexican citizen, and no less a citizen of the world of ideas, appeal to you 
as the leader of American thought and the interpreter of the true American spirit 
— that spirit which pulses in all your works, and by virtue of which the inhabi- 
tants of this land, the rightful heirs of the ideals of Washington, have raised you 
to the eminent station you occupy. 

We are not ignorant, Mr. President, of the fact that the enormous pressure 
urging you to lead in the conquest of Mexico is primarily due to the combined 
efforts of aliens resident in Mexico who have too easily acquired lands, oil fields, 
and concessions of various kinds, and who have extensive financial investments 
at stake. 

You are not ignorant either, Mr. President, of the fact that similar steps 

\ were taken preliminary to the occupation of Morocco, of Eg>'pt, of Persia, etc.. 

^ etc. Nevertheless, you have not supported the theory that "the flag follows the 

investor** in China. You arc well aware that when a weak people has to deal 

I with that exploiting capitalism which knows no nationality, the latter seeks to 

employ as its agents the army and the navy, and condemns to death thousands 

of human beings deceived by false phrases of patriotism. The exploiters alone 

i derive profit from the final catastrophe. 

Further, you know well. Mr. President, that the ammunition makers and the 
bankers induced the government of France to disgrace that country's history 
once more by the occupation of Morocco, sending to the coast of Africa an army 
of press men who devoted themselves to the task of disguising the facts, de- 
claring that in the interior of Morocco foreigners were tortured and the people 
were starving. This precipitated the movement "for the sake of the poor 

You know that these same tactics are now being applied to Nfexico, and that 
this policy of nefarious activity has ff)r its centres the city of El Paso and 
•'somewhere in Mexico.'* 

You know better than any one else, Mr. President, that the octopus of com- 
mcrciaHsm has captured us Mexicans, and that it tries to utilize the superior 
might of the American people in order to make futile our resistance, and after- 
wards more easily to suck our blood. 

We are told that it is necessary to save us from ourselves because we are 
incapable of regeneration. 

I ask the whole world if the struggle our people has maintained against 
feudal oppression and militarism in combination with the entrenched privilege of 
the clerical party, is a symptom of incapacity? 

For more than one hundred years this struggle has gone on, culminating in a 
final upheaval which has shown sharply and clearly tlic need of a new social 
order founded on the economic liberation of the people. 

The great landowners systematically oppressed the people and kept them in 
ignorance. The church, contrary to law, possessed enormous estates which she 
rented to the poorer class who could possess no land. 

They taught the people that it was their duty to obey anrl to be humble. 

Exploitation and lack of humanitarian principle was carried so far that the 
rich Catholic reclined on silk within the church, while outsifle he felt no responsi- 
bility for the misery of human beings treated solely as beasts of burden. 

Is not a people which has fought such formidable advers.tries capable of 
regeneration ? 

People who speak of the darkness of Mexico and of the necessity of pushing 
American civilization do not understand that in Mexico there has been develop- 
ing a social phenomenon such as has taken place in all parts of the world and 
that our people really deserve admiration for their resistance and capacity to 
live through the most disheartening conditions. 



Americans in general ought to be enlightened as to our situation, Mr. Presi- 
dent, in like degree with yourself, so that they might understand our situation, 
since they came to this continent in search of the very same ideals we are now 

The Mexican people has known how to use force of arms and now is 
showing its aptitude to accomplish its national reconstruction. 

The revolution has released unimaginable forces. Whet ever we have been 
able to secure peace there has been disclosed an intense desire for reconstruction 
under a new system. We are establishing the township system as the basis of 
self-government. We are resolving the agrarian problem by wise re-distribu- 
tion of land among the people. This land is expropriated wherever necessary 
at its intrinsic value. We are re-valuing the whole republic in the interest of 
just taxation. 

The great landowners did not pay into the treasury this proper share of 
taxes, in consequence of which the burden of the administration fell on the few 
who held small properties. 

The labor problem is receiving especial attention. In various parts of the 
Republic the workers have advantages far greater than in the United States. 
The system of public instruction is so intensive now th:it we have ten times 
more schools than under Porfirio Diaz. 

Finally the revolutionary government is engaged in immense efforts to or- 
ganize little by little the finances of the nation, taking especial care not to fall 
into the clutches of pawnbroking bankers, eager to absorb the resources of weak 

All these are facts in the light of day, but the press, controlled by great 
interests, has left the public in ignorance of them and under the impression that 
the revolution has ended in chaos. 

When the revolution tried to impose some measure of restraint upon the 
unmeasured exploitation of oil fields, the Mexican people were held up to view 
as outlaws, factions were accused of an intention to destroy property, and appeal 
for redress was made to the Government at Washington, with the result that a 
battleship was sent to Tampico for the protection of American i)roperties. They 
will not be bound in Tampico by the regulations that they are obliged to abide 
by in the United States. 

We know that you, Mr. President, are aware of all this, and we cannot 
believe you desire war with Mexico, which could only result in devastation and 
misery, for which the blame would rest on you and disgrace and shame on a 
country so powerful and civilized as this, that would permit such a horror. 

We abominate with all the force of conviction in us, such illegal and brigand 
acts as have been committed, and these we have been the first to regret and dis- 
avow. Every sincere Mexican revolutionist has been filled with indignation at 
their occurrence. 

War would be a cruel parody of justice. Thousands of thousands of Ameri- 
cans would be destroyed. We Mexicans would disappear, and then the traders 
in war and the international pawnbrokers would plant their banners of triumph 
over a field of desolation. , 

Undoubtedly in the end they would defeat the Mexicans, but before that 
they would crush the spirit of democracy and equity which now inform this 

Mr. President, for the sake of the American people, of mankind itself, it is 
for you to find a way to avoid war. The presence of American soldiers in Mexi- 
can territory, and the military pressure in general, whatever its immediate advan- 
tages or justification, is eminently dangerous. Through some unforseen accident 
it might inflame men's passions as to put an international clash beyond human 

In view of all the facts and con«?iderations I have here advanced, however 
tentatively and incompletely, 1 respectfully beg you and all Americans sincerely 
desirous of the true welfare of humankind, to give the most earnest and unpre- 
judiced thought to the complex problem of Mexico and its future. 

New York, July 1916. 

' 1/ 



/ '^^^^'Z^^^y^ San Francisco, California, 

^^^^^^ July 4^^ 1915 

Woodrow Wilson, President of tire XT. S. A., 
Washington, D. C. 

Dear Sir: — 

I am addressing you on this Patriotic Day especially in* the 
interests of the Patriots of Mexico. I am very greatly encouraged 
because you saw enough merit in the Interest Tax Plan of 
financing Post Roads, to refer it to the Post Office Department, with a 
view to improving the public roads of the Country; and because the 
Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads recommended that the 
Federal Government should guarantee State Notes for a Billion Dollars, 
for that purpose, and because the plan has met with commendation 
from various sources, and a lively interest from Mr. Robert L. Owen, 
Chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency, Mr. 
Rainey, of the Ways and Means Committee; the Secretary of the U. S. 
Treasury, etc., Mr. John B. Raker; John W. Weeks, and other congress- 
men of California; Mr. Lewis L. Dennett, Chairman of the Committee 
on Irrigation; B. L. Sisson, Chairman of the Committee on Drainage, 
Overflowed and Swamp Land, and many others in the Legislature of 

House Bill No. 536 of the State of Oklahoma, embodies as much 
of the Interest Tax Plan as is practicable without such guarantee by 
the Federal Government. Through the courtesy of Mr. G. B. Wilson of 
the Committee on Ways and Means, of Oklahoma, I have the Bill before 
me. It provides for a Central State owned Bank to be in the State 
Capital, which is to make loans to a County Bank in each County Seat, 
and a Municipal Bank with branches in incorporated towns and cities. 

The Federal endorsement of State Notes, suitable for monetary 
purposes, could have provided them with a Capital Stock, but lacking 
this, the Bill provides for a Tax levy upon lands, etc., together with such 
funds as may be on hand or may be deposited in the regular order of 

If the Federal Government would guarantee State Notes for 
reclamation of State Lands (Mr. Dennett, whom I mention above, 
thinks the plan financially sound for financing such a project), and other 
publicly owned enterprises, all the States of the United States could be 
provided such Capital Stock. Mr. Rudolph Spreckels, President of the 
First National Bank of this City, and whom you have met personally, 
states that the Interest Tax Plan could and perhaps should be utilized. 
The trouble encountered in arranging for the State to take over the 
Western Pacific R. R.; to market bonds to finance the Hetch Hetchy 
Water project; and all other ventures at this time, makes the Interest 
Tax Plan or some other aid almost imperative. 

Professor Henry Morse Stephens of the University of California, 
said he hoped the United States would use its economic strength to 
stop the strife in Mexico and especially the terrible war raging in Burope. 
This may be an opportune time to lend financial and economic aid to 
Mexico. No doubt, Messrs. Carranza (to whom I suggested the plan 
sometime ago). Villa, and other leaders, who are trying by armed conflict 
to get even less than this aid from the United States would guarantee 
them, would be glad to avail themselves of this friendly aid, if at the 
sam e time they should be guaranteed their autonomy among the Nations 
and Home Rule in internal affairs. 



Mr. WiUlam Jcnnlnss Bryan, at the Pui'Americau Conference 
in Waahingtoo, D. C, recommended the first step In tlie Interest 
Tkx Plan, in connection with fiouicinf the South American countries 
in their trade relations with the United States. The Monroe Doctrine 
could be extended to include every small country needing the endorse* 
ment of the United States, to give their credit a wider field. Mexico 
could at once, by an armistice of its warring factions, enter into an 
agreement with the United States and with each other, to adopt the 
IntWMt Tax Plan of financing a permanent peace. 

If the United States would propose to guarantee Notes at one 
per cent (1%) for a reconstructed Mexico to make a Capital Stock for 
State owned Banks, I have no doubt peace could be thus immediately 
secured. The one per cent (1%) per annum accruing to the United 
States for soch guarantee would more than reimburse the United States 
for printing and delivering said Notes to their Treasury. Mexico might 
at once adopt the entire Interest Tax Plan without doing violence to 
any interest. The United States might make it a part of the agreement, 
that in consideration of the United States' endorsement, Mexico would 
erect such a Banking System as outlined. Mexico with a population 
of about Fifteen Millions to be guaranteed a circulation of One Hundred 
Dollars ($100.00) per capita, would have a Capital Stock of One and a 
Half Billion Dollars. Her Central Bank could allot to any of her States 
with the population of California, Three Hundred Million Dollars. Such 
State Bank could allot to any County with the population of Sacramento 
County, California, Ten Million Dollars. A City or incorporated town 
the size of San Francisco, about Fifty Million Dollars. 

AU Bonds issued for publicly owned enterprises should be pur- 
chased with these Notes and the interest paid would go into these pub- 
licly owned Banks or public treasuries. 

Any South American country, or other country, could do likewise, 
and thus secure an enlarged credit; reciprocity in trade; absence of 
exploitation, and a permanent peace among each other; without fear 
of losing their autonomy among the Nations of the earth, or their Home 
Rule in internal affairs. Each of these Countries would, by virtue of 
this financial arrangement, be upon an equal footing with the State 
of California; or any other State of the Union having a like guarantee 
for its Note circulation. If, at any time, the United States should join 
a Confederation of Nadoni, including these thus Mothered by the 
United States, these Nations could jointly guarantee the Notes for each 
in order to secure a Uniform currency among all of them, and eventually 
for the whole world; and a uniform banking system in all Countries. 

The fund accruing by the receipt of one per cent (1%) per annum 
from all Notes thus guaranteed, would be ample to maintain the small 
armament necessary for policing; for an international court of last 
resort; and such other purposes as could not better be left to the coun- 
tries concerned. 

Fire per cent (5%) bonds, issued to finance any publicly owned 
enterprise, would yield one per cent per annum to the Municipality; 
the County; the State; the Nation; and the World Federation. 

In due time a World Language; a World School System, etc., 
could be a dream come true. "Peace on Earth, and good will toward 
men" would become an established fact. la It not worth an effort 
at thla time? 

Yours fraternally. 

vNtMik.Mi.*/, »*•' f,, ( . ,, flu ir». .» «., J,.., , 

fa* >(>«i'*l >^<t ■* Af 



-^jo'.-.t ■VK^+vt- .-^jr-i--^" ■ \- 


N«w Varh-70 FHUi Av»-I9l« 

The Joint Mexican-American Peace Conference called by the 
American Union Against Militarism held its first full executive session 
at the Hotel Willard in Washington on Thursday, July 6, 1916, at 
ten o'clock. 

Present : Dr. David Starr Jordan, Mr. Moorefieid Storey. Mr. 
Paul U. Kellogg, Mr. Modesto C. Holland, Mr. Luis Manuel Rojas, 
and Dr. Atl. 

Voted that the Conference organize permanently as the Mexican- 
American Peace Committee. 

Voted that the Committee should have power to fill vacancies tera- 
f)orarily or permanently in its membership as ocasion requires. 

Voted that when the Committee adjourns it should adjourn to 
meet at the call of the chairman. 

Voted that Mr. Moorefieid Storey should act as chairman, Mr. 
Modesto C. Rolland as vice-chairman, Miss Crystal Eastman as secre- 
tary, and Mr. Manuel Carpio as assistant secretary. 

Voted that the headquarters of the Committee for the present 
should be the Munsey Building, Washington, D. C. 

Voted that the following statement should be given to the press, as 
agreed upon by the six members : 

We believe that the American people should understand the 
sources of the Mexican revolution, the purposes which have guided it, 
the nature and causes of the disorders and crimes which have been inci- 
dentally associated with it, and the efforts of the de facto government 
to reduce disorder and to prevent atrocities. 

We believe that the American people should also learn that the 
Mexican people are not an aggregation of irresponsible bands, but 
rather that Mexico has within herself all the elements of regeneration : 
that new institutions, free schools, land adjustments, cooperative 
municipalities, temperance legislation, encouragement to industry and 
thrift are springing up like fresh grass after a prairie fire. In more 
than half of the States and in more than half the territory of the re- 
maining States, law and order reign, notably in the States of Yucatan, 
Jalisco, Michoacan, Vera Cruz. Sonora. Colima. Queretaro. Aguas 
Cahentcs, Tabasco, and the territories of Baja California and Tepic. 
The new land statutes of Yucatan have been thought out very thor- 
oughly and the number of schools in that State is about 2,400 today, 
as against 200 two years ago. 

It is to be borne in mind that the Mexican Revolution is in many 
respects parallel with the French Revolution, and that it was originally 
directed against similar social and political abuses: a proletariat with- 
out hope, practically confined to the soil, which was held in enormous 
estates obtained by various forms of privilege; a Church numbering 
many faithful priests, no doubt, but as a whole keeping the people in 
ignorance and wielding great political and financial power — ^in a word, 
the evils which necessarily follow tyrannical and corrupt government. 
Besides alt this, Mexico, one of the richest lards in the world in 


natural resources, has been burdened by concessions of all kinds ; oil- 
fields, mining, fisheries, railways, obtained by means which wiU not 
bear the light of day, so that its wealth, its opportunities have largely 
been sold to foreigners whose only interest in Mexico is that of ex- 

In this connection the American people should be reminded that 
there is no warrant in International Law or in morals for the idea that 
it is the duty of any nation to assert by force of arms the privileges of 
its citizens domiciled in a foreign country. Our treaties guarantee 
them equal treatment with the actual citizen of the country in which 
they dwell or carry on business, but they do not involve the making of 
war for the benefit of individuals witiiout regard to the conditions 
under which they may find themselves in trouble. The idea that mili- 
tary force must he at the service of exploiters is one which has borne 
the most serious consequences. 

In short, we must remember that revolutions never move back- 
ward, and that the regime of Porfirio Diaz is henceforth as impossible 
for Mexico as that of Louis XV. would be for the France of to-day. 
(Signed by the six members present.) 

A meeting of the Mexican-American Peace Committee was held at 
the New Willard Hotel, Washington, D. C, on Saturday, July 8, 1916, 
at 10 a. m. 

Presettt- Dr. Jordan Mr. Kellogg Mr. Rolland 

Mr. Rojas Dr. Atl 

(Of the Committee). 
Miss Eastman Miss Wambaugh Mr. Carpio 
Mr, Steffens Mr. Murray Dr. Slaughter 

The following statement, prepared by the American delegates as 
an introduction to the Mexican statement, was read, approved, and 
referred to the Mexican delegates to use as they should see fit. 

"The American members of the 'unofficial' peace conference have 
asked their three Mexican confrires to prepare a statement interpret- 
ing the revolutionary cause. Without attempting to pass upon its de- 
tails, we feel that the people of the United States will recognize that 
the statement is permeated with the earnestness, the sincerity, and the 
constructive idealism which those leading citizens of Mexico, who 
dropped their personal affairs in response to the call of emergency, 
have revealed throughout these conferences. We believe that these 
gentlemen, our friends and colleagues on this committee, are thor- 
oughly representative of the leadership and purpose of the Revolu- 
tionary movement which has endured the strain of civil war and is 
slowly but surely building a new order of democracy and justice in our 
sister republic." 

The following statement was unanimously adopted as expressing 
in general terms the purposes of the Committee : 

1. To help bring about a new and constructive era of friendliness 
between the people of Mexico and the United States. 

2. To stand ready to be of common service in the event of any 
further crises between our two governments. 

3. To interpret, follow, and promote joint negotiations between 
the two governments with respect to border control and all other ques- 
tions of public policy. 

4. To promote a common understanding between the people of 
the two coimtries by means of exchange fellowships in universities and 
agricultural colleges; to encourage traveling exhibits; to spread in- 
formation; and to exchange knowledge of the arts and inventions. 

5. To promote cooperation between the corresponding economic. 
civic, and other professional bodies in Mexico and the United States, 
so that governmental regulation and cooperation will be parallelled by 
unofficial cooperation and mutual encouragement. 

6. To conceive of our purpose in no narrow sense, but to wel- 
come the expansion of this common work, as occasion offers, through- 
out the two countries. 

The following statement, prepared by the Mexican delegates, was 
read, approved, and referred to the American delegates to use as they 
should see fit: 

"Honest men, misled by much that has appeared in the press, have 
doubted the ability of the Mexican people to reorganize itself. Here 
are some concrete cases that demonstrate the potent virility of our 
people which is today proceeding resolutely to the conquest of a well- 
being to which it has an absolute right. 

The Real Mexico. 

When the First Chief had time, in Vera Cruz, to begin the reor- 
ganization of bis government, even in the midst of battles, his first 
decree was one returning to the Indians the communal lands of which 
they had been dispossessed, in the various States agrarian laws are 
now establishing small land owners. Wherever necessary, land is con- 
demned and purchased at its just value. Properties are being revalued 
and equitable taxes levied which will, in the future, prevent the forma 
tion of great holdings. Laws of this character are already in operation 
in the States of Yucatan, Guanajuato, Sonora, Vera Cruz, Jalisco, 
Michoacan, Colima, Zacatccas, Sinaloa, Queretaro, Puebla, Hidalgo, 
and the territory of Tepic. 

Municipal administration had been abolished by the dictators so 
that most of the communities had lost all political and economic im- 
portance. One of the first steps of the Revolution was the restoration 
of the free municipalitv. In nearly all the States, laws have now been 
passed re-establishing the local communities, and a general election for 
the councils has been called for the first Sunday of next September. 

Laborers have acquired many social and economic gains; the 
larger proportion of the States have passed laws establishing a week of 


forty-four hours and a day of eight hours, as well as laws regardit^ 
accidents, minimum wage, courts of conciliation and of arbitration, by 
means of which the woricers may solve their difficulties. It has been 
enacted that children shall not work in factories before the age of 
sixteen; that women with child may have six weeks' leave with full 
salary, with reinstatement of their position. The right of free associa- 
tion is recognized as inalienable. 

The law of divorce has been put in operation, and has produced a 
revolution in the public consciousness ; in two years it has transformed 
the social condition of thousands of women who suffered from the 
Moorish slavery established by the Spaniards. In the very first month 
that the Revolution occupied the Capitol, more than 500 petitions for 
divorce were presented. 

The Revoivtionary Government has suppressed in many Slates the 
sale of alcoholic drinks. In a very short time the good results of this 
measure have become evident. 

In the whole of the Republic, bull-fights and cock-fights have been 
supplanted by popular games, such as baseball, pelota, etc. 

In each State there has developed an intense rivalry among the 
revolutionary chiefs to see who can organize the greatest number of 
schools. Those chiefs who are intelligent and instructed press on the 
schools through conviction, and those less instructed do it because the 
idea has been popularized that the school will save the country. The 
First Chief has sent to this country about 500 teachers to study modem 
pedagogy and school administration. Today there are in Mexico 
twenty times as many schools as in the last term of General Diaz. 
These schools were established during the worst periods of the armed 

The economic condition of the teachers has been notably im- 
proved. The world does not know about all this, because periodicals 
say nothing when a thousand schools are inaugurated, but if a bandit 
assaults a train the press declares that the country is in anarchy. 

The Revolution is giving new force to the laws of 1874 estab- 
lishing the separation of Church and State and depriving the Catholic 
Church of its political character, and of its power to acquire land and 
property, leaving however, to individuals, their inalienable right to 
teach freely any religious creed. 

Now that the pacification of the country is almost concluded, the 
army is being reorganized in order to make its functions compatible 
with democratic institutions, and to avoid the possibility that it may 
serve as the instrument of political groups, as the federal army served 
every dictatorship in turn, 80% of the public upheavals in Mexico 
during the past century having been due to military coups. Moreover, 
there actually exists in Mexico among civilians, and among a large pro- 
portion of even the military elements, a strong anti-militarist spirit; 
it is worthy of notice that the principal chiefs of the Revolution con- 
sider it a matter of personal gratification to be entitled armed citizens 
and not professional soldiers. 

The Background oP the EEvotuTion and the SouScEe ov Present 

In order to explain the historical crisis through which Mexico 
is passing, the incidents which created it ought to be analyzed, for they 
show that the causes which jeopardized the harmony between Mexico 
and the United States still exist. 

The Mexican nation has been a vast, rich field exploited by inter- 
national capital in combination with the governments of Diaz and 
Huerta and the Clerical party, taking advantage of popular ignorance. 
International capital, often by the use of illegal methods, has got con- 
trol of 70 per cent, of our national tvealth. All popular efforts to create 
a just social organization therefore, have always come in conflict with 
the great international interests backed by armed forces. 

The great American interests have obtained possession of 30 per 
cent, of the wealth of Mexico, and they are the most active propa- 
gandists of intervention to prevent the hopes and plans of the Mexican 
revolution ending in triumph. 

This conflict between the ambitions of international capital and 
the rights of the Mexican people constitutes the most powerful cause 
of disagreement between the two countries. 

Lands: Before the reform law, nine-tenths of the real estate in 
the republic were in the hands of the Catholic Clergy. 

The reform laws of President Juarez in 1859 endeavored to divide 
the land by prohJb'ting to the clergy and every kind of corporation the 
collective possession of the land ; but later, by the help of the dictator- 
ship of Porfirio Diaz, the land was again monopolized and more than 
two-thirds of the national territory was seized by a small group of 
privileged persons, native and foreign, and by individuals acting as 
agents of the Catholic Clergy, thus evading the intent of the law. 
These privileged persons obtained their lands at absurd prices in most 
of the States of the Republic, paying for them between two and seven- 
teen centavos (one-half cent American gold) per hectare (two and a 
half acres), or by despoiling the rural population by means of military 
force imposed by the old Jefes Politicos, or by having recourse to judi- 
cial hugger-mugger. 

During fifty years, every sentence pronounced by the courts in 
disputes regarding lands was given in favor of the monopolist and 
never in favor of the small proprietor. 

T!ie Revolution is endeavoring to rectify all these acts of injustice. 

The monopoly of great estates left the most fertile lands unpro- 
ductive. The great owners paid no taxes and the public expense fell 
upon the small holders. 

Petroleum : This great resource has been exploited exclusively 
by English and American companies, especially by the Pierson Com- 
pany of London, and by the Waters- Pierce Oil Company of New York. 

The concessions granted by the administration of Diaz to the 
Pierson Company paralyzed completely the free development of oil 


lands, even of those that might have been worked by their native pos- 
sessors. The most important of these concessions consisted in accord- 
ing the Pierson Company the right that no other company should be 
allowed to exploit the land within three kilometers of the place where 
they had sunk a well. The Pierson Company obtained in addition the 
exclusive right to use the federal zones of all the east of the Republic, 
with the promise to deliver to the Government ten per cent, of the 
product they obtained. The Pierson Company took advantage of this 
to survey and ascertain the oil-bearing zones, and secretly to buy the 
land for a bagatelle from the Indians, thus evading the agreement 
which it had with the Government. At present no petroleum lands 
belong to Mexico. Foreign capitalists have acquired all the oil-bearing 
lands by deceiving the Indians or by taking advantage of the venality 
of local authorities. This national wealth flows silently to other 
countries without leaving any advantage to the Mexican people. It 
does not matter that it pays insignificant customs duties. The people 
are not able to obtain cheap petroleum to provide power for their own 
industries. Irrigation still awaits the coming of a cheap combustible. 
It is absurd that this should occur in the country which is par excel- 
lence the producer of the appropriate fuel. 

Mines : The great foreign countries control immense mining re- 
gions, and exploit them under an absolutely exclusive regime para- 
lyzing all other works that do not suit them, but which might be of 
public utility. Wages have always been so miserable that the laborers 
have only been able to vegetate. 

Under the capitalistic policy that reigned during the dictator- 
ship of Diaz, the old law that permitted the small miner to work his 
reduced holdings at his pleasure was replaced by the present law that 
favors only the great enterprises. 

Waters: Foreigners have obtained for their exclusive benefit 
falls and sources of water necessary for irrigation and the production 
of energy, and in many cases these have not been used in spite of their 
necessity to the rural population. 

Finance: The bankers have carried on operations proper to 
usurers. They have speculated in lands, timber, and every kind of 
privilege. The health of Porfirio Diaz had a profound influence on 
the markets. Mexican finances functioned on a basis of spoliation, 
and threatened to collapse with the fall of the dictator. 

Railroads : All the construction of railroads in the Republic has 
been covered by concessions for a term of 99 years and by heavy sub- 
ventions. The Mexican nation has expended more than two hundred 
millions of pesos in these constructions, and afterwards, thanks to the 
skillful combinations carried out to consolidate the railways, the in- 
vestment was overcapitalized, and the government was compelled to 
guarantee the security of an enormous debt, which places Mexico today 
in a position to lose its whole investment and to leave the railroads in 
the hands of capitalists who impose surh tariflFs as please them. 

CJ..CJI. 'J'/ 

ilitical nrgam- 


In this great reconstructive movement, Carranza represents 1 
largest effort toward the realization of popular ideals and toward Ihft 
practical solution of the problem of Mexico. 

The action of Carranza against the dictatorship of General Huerta; 
was legal, in accordance with the provision of Article 29 of the McL- 
ean Constitution of 1857. 

Carranza has succeeded, during the revolutionary period, in solidi-i 
fying popular confidence in his personality and has slowly beconrir 
the effective centre of national efforts. 

The American people naturally desire that Mexican social recon-? 
stniction shall complete itself rapidly. But it should not escape thdr- 
comprehension that the solution of the complicated problem of Mexico 
cannot be attained through simple desire, nor from the outside. The 
phenomena manifested in Mexico are in obedience to social laws whose> 
action cannot be hurried. 

Voted: That the Chair should appoint a committee consisting o( 
one Mexican delegate and one American delegate to investigate the 
possibility of financing the work of tlie Committee. Dr. Jordan, Art-- 
ing Chairman, appointed Dr. Atl and Mr. Storey to act on this com- 

The Secretary brought up the fact that if the Committee should', 
undertake active work it would be impossible for her to serve aS 
executive secretary of an active organization — The American Union 
Against Militarism — ^and also act efficiently as secretary of the Mexi- 
can-American Peace Committee. She suggested that a Secretary be 
appointed. The name of Miss Sarah Wambaugh was discussed as a 
possible secretary. 

Voted: The Secretary should have power to appoint her suc- 
cessor, in consultation with the Chairman. 

Voted: That the Mexican-American Peace Committee should hold 
its next session at 70 Fifth Avenue, New York, on Friday, July 14th, 
at four o'clock. 

Voted: That Mr. Rolland and Mr. Kellogg should constitute an 
Executive Committee with power to act during the time between meet- 
ings of the full committee. 

There being no further business, the Committee adjourned. 
Respectfully submitted, 



What the Mexican 
i Conference 
i Really Means 

It Represents Desire of the People, Deprived 
of Human Rights, to Re-establish Them- 
sdves in the Scheme of Social Evolution 

Author of 


Published by 

1400 Broadway, New York City 




"The Land of Utde Rain/' "A Woman of Genius," Etc. I 



IN 1522 Corlt'z iiinncti llic proviiu'c of Mexico to Spiiiii with 
a swiird. In 1S21 Mi'xico Imik llic swoni in licr own 
Iiiind .iii([ cut (iiil or 1110 ori^jiiiiil fiiliric of iiiilionni sovcr- 
I'iflnly. wliicii wns all S|i;iin iuul left Iut of hur llin-c 
hundred years' scrvilinle. Ilu^ unironn of a repnrseiilalive 
govcrniuont. In ScptoiiiI»r. t !*!.">, Mcxit-o. willxnil niiy 
aulhorizod ('xtciilivr, nlDioiil any |)rri|Hrly consliliilctl Icfi- 
isiiilivc body, will) no iiinn- lliaii 1.'> prr i-iiil. of lur po])uIa- 
tiui) cdiicalioiially (|un]ili('<l. )>ti( wilii Ih.-il uiiiforiii, a little 
tattered, ju-rliaps, liiil slill liiittntii'il hniveJy alxuit licr breast, 
is silling in eniifVniier willi llic }{r(atrsl of tlie Americas. 

Of all the im-ideiils Dint fell in Ixiwein those two dotes 
none is of sueli hislmie sii^nilieanee as those whieh lend 
up to tiie eonfereiiee al New London, in New Kn^land, the 
orifjinal rradle of re|iresenlalive iJovernnu'nt in the XeW 
Worhl. It has be.ii eall.d ( t.. eonsirler one of 
tlie breaks in lite fidiries <if .Mexican sovereij{nly impartially 
n-ferred to by l-iisl Chief ("an-anza as "llie Colinnbns in- 
cident." but Ilie ineideiit ilsetf Is nininsl overlaid by cnn- 
siderfltions which ina> resnil from it. eonsidrnilions of the 
utmost importance nol mdy to the two ivpnbiics. Iml to all 
Latin America. "Il cujihl." snid Secreliuy Lane, the Chair- 
nian of the .\nniii-nn C.oimnissiun. "lo indicate Ihe line of 
politieal rhrcchun iu flie New Wnrld loi- Ihe next thousand 

I..ane is a slrorij>, iiisy niiin, mIh) nevi r nuifl's an<I never 
makes the niislake of re/idiii!^ his own psyeiioloHy into an 


nlitui situatloD. Or. John Matt, the second member, is mudi 
ilic ftamc sort of ninn Lane is, wiUi uiurc velvet. He is 
probably the first man ever appointed to a commission of 
tttis kind whose approach to public ({uestJons is frankly ethi- 
cal rutlier Ihflu polilic«l. If Judge- George Gray, the Ibird 
tuemher of the triad, givv!) the imprcssjou uf being less of 
u personality, il is only because he has lucked his personality 
nut of the way lo give freer play lo his remarkable gifl for 
adininislrutivc arbitrHtion, in Ihe cxerciiie of wluch he has 
a lung and successful record. 

But neitlier of these gentlemen nor the thi-ee Mexican 
Conmiissioncrs who will be mentioned pnaently have the 
ease tnliKly in their hands. The real pu^tagooisls at New 
London' are Uie 15 per cent, of Mexico gathered lo a head 
under VenusUano (^nrranza, the 15,000,(Xio they are allcmpl- 
JDg lo bring into line with modem national reciuirements, 
the present Administration and Ihe temper of the Americaa 

So far as the altitude of the Administration hos revealed 
itself, it has been for a policy of constructive conciliatina. 
II has all been In keeping with the soundest Americanism, 
in recognizing the right of n people to manage their own 
affairs, even when fhcy aren't doing it ns well as we think 
we could do it for them, Il has clearly seen the obligation 
of our pre-eminence among American nations, and measured 
the cost of maintaining it against tlic relatively greater price 
of a traditional "satisfaction." Very liltlc study of the Mexi- 
can situation is necessary to realize that no mistake in the 
approach could compare with the irreparably greater mis- 
take of violating the democratic principle of international 

Secretary' Lane found the touchstone of sanity in his wel- 
coming address when he said that this conference must 
be begun not only in the nnilization that we two countries 
are neighbors, but tliat we are always going to be neighbors. 
We must learn to be good neighbors, not only because it 
will be much more comfortable hut because we can neither 
of us afford to have anybody lake more interest in Mexi- 
co than \\-e take. And Ihe Administration is in a better posi- 
tion than any of us to know what interest is being taken 
and what it will mean to us. 

: • ■ • 

The attitude of the American people toward Mexico is 
characterized by a conniiendable absence of animus and a 
general ignorance of things Mexican which would be appal- 
ling if it were not kept company by equal ignorance of so 
many things lliat we really ought to know about. It fails 
most in not taking account of the Mexicans as a dislocated 

When Spain estahlislied herself in the countiy the respec- 
tive tribes occupied a dciinite place in social evolution. They 
had a native religion, a fruitful relation to the land, and a 
Government of their own adoption. These are three indis- 
pensable items of normal development, and these three the 
Spaniard wholly disrupted. No doubt Spain hoped to make 
over tlie free military democracy of Anahuac on the model 
of the European feu<Ial system a system fitted neither to 
the temperament nor the capacity of the aboriginal Mexi- 
can. What she did was to leave them a people dislocated 
from all their natural habits, without anv incentive to con- 
form to the new system, and kept from any sort of knowl- 
edge or freedom to accjuire any sense of their social direc- 
tion. Under these circumstances it is not possible that the 
manners and morals of the peon class, as they present them- 
selves to the American observer, can be a reliable index of 
peon character. 

To take but one item, so (iflen (|uoted to the discredit of 
the peon, the reaction of this dislocation on the problem of 
marriage. Under Aztec rul(! marriage was strictly regulated 
and the standard of sex inoralitv was hii^lier than that 
of the Con(|uistadores. ('oiunion rc»porl is probably right in 
putting the present standard very low among the work- 
ing classes, but when the young peon wishes to marrj'' now 
he is confronted with two allernalives. Hi* can have a 
civil marriage, which his elnireh has taught him to regard 
as no marriage at all, or a eluireh wedding for which the 
fee is practically prohihilive. If scruple is slronger in him 
than impulse, h(» borrows nionc^y j'roni his employer, pays 
the priest, and enters n|)nn ;i conclilion ol* <lebt which 
amounts to slaverv. How m.inv ol* our own vonni* work- 
ing people, obliged lo h\i»ilirn;ilizc []u\r nmrriiigi's i\[ such a 
price, would decide to (lis])ense with iiny ceremony what- 
ever? Yet by just such (ruslrjilions of his naturnl im- 
pulse toward thrift and <!• -renc y has the character of the 

a working mnn been debased. Without knowli 
e disinltfgraling saciul factor&, no judgm<;nt of 
ri as a neighbor and possible ally has any vali 
;ver. Baek of everj' prolslem of the revolution, back' 
oi tne revolution itself, lies this problem of dislocation 

Historically, the Mexicans are a hard working, land loY^ 
ing, peaceable people. Current impression that (hey ant 
given to revolt as tlie sparks fly upward fails to realize what 
a large part hunger, homeless iicss. low wages, and lack of 
confidence play in men's willingness or unwillingness to 
light. Personally, Ihc feai- of those to whom the republic i*-' 
dear is that they will stop fighting loo soon: as soon as Ihc^. 
are eased of their intolerable discomfort. When Gcner^ 
Blanco, after the earlier victories, began parceling out the 
land, most of those who were fortunate lo got a piece of it 

i ^ „ 

^^^^B ^ple warlike. It only makes it possible when they do flj 
^^^V to go on fighting longer. But when any people has actui 
^^^K more lo hope for from war — more things to eat, 

^^^^m look forward to and live for— then revolution may 
a habit. For a long time Mexico has been in that coi 
Her short, sporadic revolts are simply the indent of the 
desperation of the people and the short shift of their sup- 
plies. Because they are fighting for relief, they snatch up 
any leader that comes handy, Zapata, Madero, Villa, just as 
the French peasants caughl up bill hooks and scythes when 
no belter weapons were to be had. The extent to which 
they will support the Carranzisla program depends on the 
edge it has to cut a path for them back to their normal re- 
lation to the land and to one another. 

It is diflicult to say just how conscious the revolt is among 
the 15,000,000. The working population is in a slate of 
stampede. They have been herded away from their natural 
human rights and instincts as long as they can stand it, and 
now they must got baek to whore they .started from or die. 
The success Ihal any provisional government can have in 
Mexico will depend on its ability to understand and satisfy 
this struggle of a vast population to re-establish itself in 
the scheme of social evolution. On our ability to sympa- 
thize and assist at such a reinstatement depends our pre- 
eminence among American republics^and, incidentally, 
much of our commercial prestige and our chance to reform 

international law alon^j mow democratic lines. No matter 
to what frame the (iovenimeiil of Mexico is attached, tlie 
warpof itnuist he like the l)hii)ket the native woman weaves, 
tied at tlic other end to her I)odv. As she swavs to her work, 
it is tiglilened or rehixed and the pattern of representative 
government appears. 

The Administration knows this. The If) |)er cent, knows 
it, the (Commissioners know it. If the American |>eople fail 
to know it they will miss llieir cue more completely than 
thev have ever missed it in the course of their historv, 

livery South American re|)uhlic is made u|) of (elements 
similar to those Nvhich tjive so much trouble in Mexico, a 
small, hi{{hly intelliifent. I«:i(ini/ed class in whose hands are 
the balance of |)ro|)erly ii\u\ power, and a numerically larger 
group of tribesmen. They iwv nW more or less successfully 
engaged in the same problem of building u|> out of these 
i»Iements a sdf-gove ruing, self-sustaining middle class. 
South American dislrust of llie l'uil(»d Slates has been verv 
largely allayed by our refusal of the obvious o|)|)ortun]ty 
for territory an<l politic.-il c(»U(|ursl wbieli the Mexican situa- 
tion lays o|)en to us. 

There remain slill IIm' <|ni'slinus <if Iradt* and military 
alliances which il will b*- imp(»rliiul for all Ihe Americas 
to make to meet Ihr nor^nni/.ation (»!' world-lrade at the* 
close of Ihe luircipciu \\:\\\ It is not Ion mucli to say that 
the general linrs of lliosi- nlii.inces, the spirit in which they 
will be approached by L.itin Americi. are being determined 
in the* commission now uieeljng at New Lon<lon. 

The (piestious \\lii«h rniMi.illy eome bil'ore the (jimmis- 
sioners an* five in nundM r: 

The withdraNMiJ of our Irotips from Mexico. 

Th(r future policin.u <»!" Ilu bni-drr. 

The Amei'ican el.iiiM loi* iinuM.ue iiri<! i .nilise;itinii. 

The return of .\mi ri»;in iM\*N|ni> lo llnlr properties. 

The terms upon wh'eh Nmeiliins e;m e<»nlinui' to go into 

Mexico for the de\"ln;:ir:i jii I'i" ]): . n;il::l*:!l reSOU5C<'S. 

Hut the del'. riJiii!.-'i' h *■-' H ■' • ■■ p««iui'. r|r pi-nds (in the 
abilitv of the Ciivy m/i-i !• '•• r-^ir. ni:! Mir. •):;!*•! jJseuN w bi/'h 
niav be made, rin \ .is* win S. -.m^ (!■•:.!. r :;i. r»iiuill;i-., niid 

Pani — Commisftloncn of a legally elected Govcrameiit Witt 
«n 83 per cent, illitepocy it is unlikely tliat anylhinft in« 
representative suffrage can be expected from Mexico Foif' 
nnallier Ilfty years. But to say Ihul a country has not rcp- 
rcsenlnlive govcniment is not necessiarily to say that it hn* 
not that form of government whicli is, nt the present, hcsl 
foril. With tlie bias of llie present Adminislralion toward 
wli&l is human and comnion-scnsiblc, it is in order to in-^ 
quire bow far the Carrnnristns represent the iutimale nee< 
and deep-rooted lendencies of the Mexican people. I^or the^ 
proper handling of the border problem there must be much 
more arrived at than Ihe order of the incidiuits that led 
up lu it. It is not to any game of bluiT and bluster that the 
Joint Commission has sat down, but to search the soul of 
a nation. 

To be in entire sympatliy with Uie purpose* of the conw 
mission it is neccssniy lo feel perfectly certain that the nation 
has a soul, and that the fcrtnent in which we find it is gen- 
eric, rt^ctifying lo tbc national spiriL It has worked for 
years; it may spume and work again. It would be pleasant 
to think that it is even now lieginning to clarify, and that 
Ihe country is so soon and so cheaply pacified. But with; 
no disrespect lo the First Chief of the present revolution it 
is still possible that Ihe national ideal may take some other 
form at anolher time. New wine always needs new bottles. 
We roust deal, we must learn lo think of ourselves as deal- 
ing, in Mexico with a spirit rather than a party. If we 
would be saved future fundalings and embarrassment we 
must commit ourselves not to a man. but to the tlung wtiiclt 
for the hour he represents, the destiny of the Mexican 

It is significant lo note tJiaf Ihe three men to whom have 
been intrusted the conduct of the Mexican interest are all 
very much of the type we would have chosen ourselves. 
They are all "business men" rather than politicians — two 
of them engineers and one a railroad man. Seiior Luis 
Cabrera, Secretary of the Treasury, distingm'shed for his 
handling of the disorganized fiscal system of Mexico, might 
easily have acquired that intent, far-djrcelcd look some- 
where below Twenty-third Street in New York, Seiior Ig- 
nacio Bonillas. holding ttie portfolio of Communications 
and Public Works, did acquire not only his engineering 

education, but his wife and his accent in Boston, U. S. A. 
Seiior Alberto J. Pani is tlie President of the National Rail- 
way Lines of Mexico, and looks it, done into Spanish, of 
course, and young enough to excuse* liis not yet having at- 
tained the girth with which American newspaper cartoons 
invariablv credit a railway magnate. Reallv a verv prettv 
man whose bright, rellective eyes hint without revealing 
his extraordinary accpiaintance with the physical phases of 
every plan of national betterment. These are the nu^n who 
not only believe in the ability of Mexico to maintain her 
place among the sovereign nations of the world, but ex- 
pect to have a hand in the process. 

They ofler as the credtMitials of their i)artv some reallv 
amazing achievements in practical rehabilitation; so numy 
miles of railroad rebuilt, such and such harbors cleared, 
lighthouse and coast protection nil in working ord(»r, a 
more eflective postal system. Tlu^sc are the sort of things 
we expect from the* ir> per cent. They are testimonials to 
the quality and elliciency of the (iHrranza ("-abini^t. No one 
who talks with the Mexicnn Commissioners can doubt that 
they have conn* to their work in a spirit of high intelli- 
gence temjx^red by the sobriety of |)nietice. Rut it is not 
in these we must look for tin* i^u.-irnnlee of their ability to 
prevent violations of our border, protect the lives of our 
citizens and advjniet* liic interesis of American investors 
in Mexico. The n-nl louehslone of Ihe (Inrnmzistas is, as 
it is with all (lovernmenls. llir-ir luiiulling of the 1 r),(K)0,0()0. 
The body of Mexienn cili/enry must be replnnted in its na- 
tive environnu*nt, its roots must strike and s|)ren<l. It must 
be made to branch and grow. 

We have to look lo the Innd piilicy of Ihe Ciirrnnzislas 
to fhid corrobonition of Mnir elriim rinlly to represent the* 
majority. We have to look for something in their prac- 
tice of reform that eonnre|^ i! with the n.ilivr !( ndrnev of 
the Mexicans as a people. VW- liud it in ilitir i'eco«;ii!i.»n 
of the tribal (»lemenl. in th< toLMMiuu.d isr «tf j)ublic lifili- 

The peon class of M* \iiV) I,;»s tii. ^ '^*^»' n! [iriviir i)rn])ertv 
in land. It is dilliejili !<•:' :.:■•. •■:..? i:^:j«'5-it [r\^ i.r lirii-en 
centuries of Innd-ow niivi* hjihis. I. vejili/ • i^':! tiny never 
had any. No such {\\\:\fs jis ..v. in rsliiii i\\ '.-iud ]\\ fee v/.js 
ever heard of in anu'i-nl .\»..s!u.Me, whie'i is n<;l sc uuioh 

livUion and ihe pi^iitu-al nrgani- 


li on li 


iiuirc niicioiil timii Plynioutli Colotiv. No nOicfi 
owned tiny land, litli- to it did no( i-ven pass by coiiqu< 
It was ns fitc as iiir: like air, y«u UBcd as miicli or rts lil 
or it bs answered your nccussily. 

There was a kind uf relnUonsliip between the tribe and 
(he particular land in wliicit it was bred, like the rclalioil 
of wild animals to tlieir habitat and plants to their cliinal™ 
zone. It wus as uulurul as lliul and us dimcuU to cradicnl 
Descendnnls of generations of dispossessed races, as we 
wtf have failed to underslaad that not the peon's house is 
his home, but the inuuiilniii. the valley. When (hey want 
a (teeing criminnt in Mexico, if he is of the peon class, they 
do not spund mueb time luuking for him. They go and sit 
duwu in his tribal home and wail. Sooner or later, as 
swallows return In Uie eave^ he must come back to if. 

It iS plain from Ibis llinl just a piece of laud anywhere 
bn't going to solve the unrest of (he peon. He must be re- 
turned to his tierra. And because he hasn't any property* sense 
of land, when he gels his allotnienl il must be made in- 
alienable. Othenvise somebody will lake i( away from him. 
as easily ns Spain did. 

That the new land policy of the Carrauxistas lakes ai 
count of all these things is the best indication it gives 
achieving permanence. Nor is tlie cnminiinal element neg- 
lecled. Wherever possible communal lands are being rc- 
where they have legally passed fo private owners they are 
stored to the pueblos, where these have been stolen, and 
repurchased by the State and restored. Mexico is never 
going to he pacified by the swortl. Spain tried it and failed. 
Diaz tried to do it with a political despotism. History and 
social science are both on the side of Mr. Carranza*s at- 
tempt to substitute a plowshare and a spade. 

The Carranzistas hope for a great many reforms beside 
the land reform^ — they hope to acenmplish a good many of 
them by virtue of an element in Mexico which they under- 
stand because they were, bom to it. But only a very big 
American, like Franklin K. Lane, can understand it. Almost 
anybody can know a lot of facts about Villa and Carranza- 
and the Columbus incJtient. but it takes a statesman 
grasp a simple principle of human society, such as thai 
man is an animal who, in his natural state, does better ft " 






himself living and working in groups. In normal human 
society group activities are higher than any individual 
achievement. Tliis is not true of us, who are made up of 
the remnants of other Old World groups. Our public poli- 
cies are more hesitant, our public business less elTicicnt, our 
public art, our public sanitation arc all on a lower level 
than the individual effort of great numbers of our citizens. 
But in Mexico on her own this was not so. Every public 
building was nobler than any private house. Communal 
activity reached a plane higher in several points than the 
Europe of that day. 

This is one of the things Spain disrupted. But you can't 
really eradicate a genuine racial tendency like that, any 
more than you can get the kinks out of an African's wool. 
You can absolutely bank on Mexico united and functioning 
as a people doing things that no Mexican would ever think 
of doing for himself. That is why people who know Mex- 
ico feel more hopeful of the situation than those who only 
know Mexicans. 

I do not mean to suggest that all the work of the com- 
mission will be carried on in high C like that. The Car- 
ranzistas have a well-delined program which has a definite 
relation to the i)roblems of the border and the 
settlement of American claims. Thev are also 
fully alive to the international bearing of any entente 
which may be reached by them in conjunction with the 
American Commissioners. Foreign investors have suffered 
the same damage and inconvenience during the revolution. 
European nations have served notice that as soon as they 
have disposed of more ])ressing matters at home they will 
attend to their Mexican interests. It will be everv wav to 
the advantage of Mexico to have established a world pre- 
cedent with tile rnil(»d States which Europe will think 
twice about overriding. And on the other hand, the noblesse 
oblige of nations to some extent compels the United States 
to take a world view; not to press the personal instance too 

The policing of tlie border is, in fact, almost the only 
intimate concern of the Tnitt^d States, and even that has to 
be conducted with one eye on the other border of Mexico, 
where Ouatenuda is feeling out the limit of forbearance. 
We don't hear much of Guatemala in the newspapers, but 


ision antl the \" 

il ii no secret in Mexico that First Chief Corrnnza is 
merely holding Uiul mailer in ahcyance as being a IttlU 
more in the faiiuly and susceptible of less public hiIJum 

UlCJll. j 

The Carranzislas have uodcrlHkcn many rcfonjis in which 
we have almost no inleresl. certainly no right to meddle, 
such as the reform of marrisge and the guarantee of ns 
ligioiis freedom. They even eontemplale the — -for Ihi 
wUd nidiculism of inviting all religions into Mexico so Ihl 
every citizen may choose the one which pleases him. 
have attempted many things which should work di- 
rectly to the advantage of foreign Investors, such us a refono 
of the civil, penal and commercial codes more in line wil 
modem methods, and a reorganization of the judicial pi 
cetiure to Hd it of Uic delays aud indirection of whii 
Americans in Mexico so frequenlly complain. They propi 
(o abolish the obnoxious jcfe politico which lied local 
fairs to the central political powers. 

Now, anybody can see that a regime which favors a fi 
reasonably paid, land-owning population Is not only goii 
lo be more comfortable for Americans working there, hi 
it is also going to react immeasurably in favor of Americans" 
who lt\i'. at home producing bathtubs, electric heaters, mil- 
linery, phonographs,, cullivalors and moving pictures to sell 
to anybody who will buy. Honesty compels nie to admit' 
that Ihere isn't any wild rush yet on the part of the peonsi 
for bathtubs, but they are strong for phonographs and' 
cinemas and farming implements. 

The items of the Constitutionalists' program _at which 
vested interests lake alarm are, of course, the reform of 
mining and land laws, and the land tax system. Mexico 
in the past has been not only the land of poco tiempo, but 
the paradise of special privilege. And the man who has 
looked upon Mexico as a place lo make 25 per cent, on his 
investment is the one wiio thinks that the only thing we 
can do is lo go in there and run things ourselves. 

Such people are always in a hurry. They don't know 
that a reconstructed Mexico will be any the worse for tliefr 
business, but they don't want to take lime to readjust them- 
selves, lo learn to operate under a new system. In their 
hurry these absentee investors are supported by the Ameri- 




' • .* 

cans who live in Mexico and work their properties them- 
selves, who, without having any particular quarrel with the 
revolutionists are impatient of the delays and vexations 
which keep them from tlieir means of making a living. 
These people differ in their ideas of how the pacification of 
Mexico can be best accomplished, but they all agree in one 
thing, they want it done quickly, and if that is the quickest 
way they are willing it should be done with a sandbag. 
Their chief objection to the Carranza way is that it will, 
take time. And to the prevailing American cult of right 
now this appears a reasonable objection. 

We hear a great deal of the disqualification of the Mexi- 
can temperament for dealing with national values, its incon- 
tinence, its quick shifts of enthusiasm. But there is a much 
greater menace to the situation in the American tempera- 
ment, with its impatience of delay, its refusal to deal with 
conditions a little less than obvious. 

It is true that the terms on which mines and plantations 
call be worked in Mexico are not going lo be quite the same 
under the Carranzistas. The whole tenor of the new laws, 
too complex to go into in detail, is to make it unprofitable 
to hold unworked mining claims and uncultivated lands. 
This is true not only for foreign investors, but for their 
own capitalists also. Wages and taxes are both going to 
be higher. Wages and taxes always go up with the pro- 
cess of nationalization. And whether or not the present 
regime maintains itself, it is highly desiral)le that the pro- 
cess of nationalization should go on in Mexico. 

It must ahvavs be borne in mind that what has been 
going on there is an economic revolution. The Constitu- 
tionalists are men who have learned bv heart the lesson 
that national wealth doesn't necessarily imply national wel- 
fare. That was the mistake Diaz made. That he made it 
with a degree of sincerity did not keep him from the un- 
pleasant consequences of his people finding out that it was 
a mistake. There are not wanting signs that even America 
is not as satisfied witli her apportionment of wealth and 
welfare as she used to be. It will come as a shock in some 
quarters, but it has to be admitted that First Chief Car- 
ranza and his compadres don't want our system foisted 
upon Mexico, because they jollv well don't approve of 


Ne^rieless, I tell you, Gcntlcincn. the 

pm of llie division and the political organi- 


That is the situation before the commission at Ni 

don. Of other elements that enter, Mexican Jcaloin^ 
Iheir national sovereignty as affected by the presence of 
large body of troops within their border, American resent 
ment of the occasion which sent them there, the pressuM 
of private interests, the tendency to play poUUcs. — for aQ 
these things do enter to some degree— we can only hope Ihal 
they will not rise high enough to confuse the main issue 
It is too early to predict an outcome. Any day some new 
phases of the border problem may bring about that coali-, 
tion of forces which will put an entirely new complexion 
on inteniational feeling. In the meantime the best thing 
tliat the country at large can do is to entertain toward llie 
six Commissioners and their undertaking a serious and 
informed attention. 




Does Mexico Interest You? 

Then you should read the following pamphlets: 

What the Catholic Church Has Done for Mexico, bv Doctor^ 

Paganel ". ( 

The Agrarian Law of Yucatan ^ ( "'^O 

The Labor Law of Yucatan ^ 

International Labor Forum 

Intervene in Mexico, Not to Make, but to End War, urges) ^v^- 

Mr. Hearst, with reply by Holland ( "-^^ 

The President's Mexican Volley, by F. K. Lane ^ 

The Religious Question in Mexico | 

A Reconstructive Policy in Mexico V 0.10 

Manifest Destiny T .• ) 

What of Mexico i 

Speech of General Alvarado ;• 0.10 

Many Mexican Problems ; 

Charges Against the Diaz Administration i 

Carranza 0.10 

Stupenduous Issues ; 

Minister of the Catholic Cult ) 

Star of Hope for Mexico > 0.10 

Land Questicm in Mexico ) 

Open Letter to the lldilor of the Chicago Tribune, Chicago, 111. ) 

How We Robbed Mexico in 1848, by Robert H. Howe • 0.10 

What the Mexican Conference Really Means ; 

The Economic Future of Mexico 

We also mail any of these pamphlets upon receipt of 0,05 each. 

Atitlrvss all conununivations to 

1400 Broadway, New York City 

(p. '^■A.^xJUUi^ 

The Land Question 

in Mexico 

The Newark News, speaking editorially before war broke out 
with Mexico, said : 

— Out of it rise all other questions, including international diplo- 
CLASS and the vast foreign concessionaries. THE PEON CAN 
NOT GET IT. Mexico has but a very small middle class. That 
class forms the nucleus of the revolution. ITS OBJECT IS 
LAND. The landholders and concessionaries form the Huerta 
government. Its object is to hold the land they have. 

"Nothing we can do, or nothing any other outsider can do 
i^'ill solve this question. The Mexicans must solve it themselves. 

"The problem will remain, and Mexico alone can solve it. 
IT IS LAND, and land is the wealth of Mexico. 

"Men like Benton represent in person and property precisely 
the cause of the Mexican ui)hcavel. They typify the oppressors. 
Under the conditions as existing they must conduct themselves 
with extreme discretion. RevoluticMis are not child's play, the 
uprising of a j)eople held d^^wn is a scant respecter of legal claims 
and legal titles, and" it need not be expected to be otherwise. 

"Until the legal ways are open l)y which the great mass of 
the Mexican people can t>wn a share in Mexican property and 
wealth, it will be idle to expect (;f them the stability that comes 
from having a stake to lose. They will be like propertyless and 
landless revolutionists any place else." 


The New York Times, speaking- editorially on April 3, said: 

"The chief trouble in Mexico is agrarian. MILLIONS OF 
ACRES of land which might he made arable ARE HELD BY 
CULTIVATE THEM and pay little or nothing for the support 
of the Federal Government. 

"A just TAX ON LANDS would inevitably compel these 
heieditary lords of the soil to part with much of their hold- 
ings." * * * 

"In spite of the Constitution of 1857 and the efforts of many 
liberators the masses have been living under a modified feudal 

peace and good feeling in Me: 

The New York World, also speaking editorially, says : 

LONGS TO THE PEON and is protected in his ownership. 

"The Mexican problem is an agrarian problem. The great 
mass of people are living under feudalism. THEY OWN NO- 
great States in which practically all the land is in the hands of 
A DOZEN PROPRIETORS, and the peasant population lives 
in semi-slavery. 

"Mexicans dictators have been generous with foreign conces- 
sionaries. They have sold mines and oil rights and franchises 
with little restraint. THERE ARE MILLION-ACRE ES- 
THE PEON. He is systematically robbed of the fruits of his 
labor, and only his rags can he call his own. * * ♦ 

"What is going on in Mexico is a REVOLUTION OF THE 

COMMON People against despotic privilege. 

about a mediation that will restore peace and establish a really 
representative Government that will do justice to the peon, the 
President is still standing with the common people. THAT IS 
and it will be a Sorry day for this country when its Government 
deliberately takes the other side in such a quarrel." 

/yn_-'0(^. A.''W-<_ 


t£>.^'> .'* 

The Mexican 

And Their Detractors 

We da aot Mtmnd tor occupation. 
We do not stmnd for material In- 
terest. We do not stand ior any 
narrow conception, even oi polit- 
ical InstltntlouB, tut we do stand 
ior this: that we are banded to- 
gether In America, to see to It 
that no man shall serve any 
master who Is not oi his own 
choosing. — Woodrow Wilson, at 
Milwaukee, January 31, 1916. 


Professor of Public LasrIEt the University of Mexico 

Former Professor of Commercial Lsw st the Free Law School 

of Mexico City 

Assisunt Secretary of the Interior under President Madero 

Author of "El Problema Ferrocarrilero," "Informe sobre 
la Ley Agraria/' "El Problema Rural de Mexico." etc 





In Defenee of the Mexican People . 

> Chapter 


: The Land Question in Mexico. . 

Rural Slavery in Mexico 

Great Estates as a Business in Mexico 

Defective Land Ttdei 

Politics and Unclaimed Government Land.. 



Chapter VII: 
Chapter VIII: 
Chapter IX: 
Chapter X ; 
Chapter XI; 
Chapter XII: 
Chapter XIII: 
Chapter XIV: 
Chapter XV: 
Chapter XVI: 

Lack of Legislation on Poresta 26 

Mexican Industry , 2? 

The Protective Tariff 40 

Taxes , 4Z 

Banking Organizations 45 


Railways .... 

Concession System . . . . 

Other Manifestations of the Capitalistic Organiza 
Defective Political Qruanization 






ing Errors of Mr. Bulnes' Work) 



Final Con 

: Topographic and Climatic Drawbacks,, 

Irrigation as (he only Remedy. . , 

The Inferiority of the Indigenous Race 

Social Reform by the Privileged Classes 

Socialism and Bureaucracy . , 

Creation of the Catholic Party as 



In Defense of the Mexican People 

1HAVE observed with sorrow that a great portion of the North 
American people does not understand the causes of the Mexican 
Revolution, and the reasons for our suffering. It is the first time that 
many earnest and serious persons in United States lack trustworthy 
information regarding the motives of Mexico's tribulations, and the 
paucity of results secured in its pursuit of happiness. 

At the time of our struggle for Independence under the leadership of 
Hidalgo, the United States understood our motives in taking arms against 
the Mother Country, and when Hidalgo found himself in a difficult situation, 
his thought spontaneously turned towards the American people. At the time 
of the French intervention, the Government and people of tlie United States 
understood the causes of our conflict, and then we had the very great benefit 
of their fruitful sympathy. 

Unfortunately to-day a very large portion of the people of the United 
States cares little or nothing for our struggles, even though the upheaval 
which has so shaken Mexican society, is the direct consequence of the prin- 
ciples of the two great revolutions of Independence, and Reform. Now as 
yesterday, the purpose is to lift up to the benefits of civilization the great 
oppressed masses of the Mexican people, in behalf of whom Hidalgo raised 
the glorious standard to protect under its folds the masses ground down by 

The reason for this lack of interest and understanding is simple enough. 
The social question to-day seeking a solution in Mexico has no resemblance 
to any which has affected the United States, and then there is a question of 
international law involved, and on this subject the great mass of the in- 
habitants of the United States has not a firm and invariable criterion. The 
independence of Mexico and the defense of the national territory against a 
foreign imperial power backed by French bayonets were matters perfectly 
easy to understand and interest the American people. Most Americans arc 
well acquainted with domestic questions, but foreign affairs remain for them 
something rather vague and disconcerting, leading up to many mistakes on 
the part of both Republicans and Democrats. 

North Americans who do not understand our situation, believe that the 
internal shaking up from which Mexico is suffering, is due to purely indi- 
vidual causes. Others say, that as far as the United States is concerned 
all that is needed is a Government which shall protect North American 
interests regardless of the fact that it may crush down the people under the 
heel of an intolerable tyranny. And others, who see nothing save the huge 
superiority of force on the part of the United States, clamor for armed inter- 
vention, and annexation. We would show that all these considerations are 

The revolutionary communication is due to causes of a social character, 
and individual remedies may aggravate but not heal. 

An administration such as Huerta's, contrived in order to oppress the people, 
bacEed by the privileged classes, and the moral assistance of the American 


Union, though it misht be fraught with substanlial benefit for the maMrial 
interests of some North Americans, would really be an unpardonable crime 
for a nation like the United Stales which has ever politically struggled for 
civiliiation. personal liberty, and the greatest good of the greatest number. 
In brief for Lincoln's Common People. 

Armed intervention would present to the United Stales, a Mexican 
people decided to die for the defense of their liberty, and. after the patriots 
would have been crushed, a very serious problem of reor^nization and assimi- 
lation. New problems of great gravity and complexity would arise, and 
neither the organization nor the purpose of the United States as a Nation, 
woiUd be found adequate to cope with them, even supposing that the United 
Slates should take possession of the Mexican Nation without meeting 
armed resistance. 

We would show that the Mexican people are nol malefactors, but rather a 
people suffering from "growing pains," as evil-starred President Madero 
said. The American people, chiefly composed of honest persons, really 
have a profound sympathy for the oppressed and for principles of social 
reform. The great war of secession was fought because of such sentiments, 
and from all parts of tlie Union we hear fervent appeals for Belgium. 
Poland, and all suffering peoples. Mexico is the only sufferer outside the 
pale. In fact, some Americans, moved by the precarious situation of man*- 
of the guilty and of those who bled the country in the days of blind op- 
pression which caused our present trouble, believe such to be the victims 
and that it is necessary to compensate them by placing the country back under 
its former regime. 

I would nol have dared to write these lines a few days after my arrival 
to United Slates, had I not been told by many well meaning American 
gentlemen that the great mass of misinformation regarding Mexico which 
lliey possessed had been sullied to them by Mexicans, Therefore, the 
cause of all the misinformation regarding Mexico, is to be traced to our 
own compatriots. 

Shortly after my arrival the work of Mr. Francisco Bulnes C. EL "The 
Whole Truth About Mexico" made iis appearance. This book occupies the 
same position in anti- revolution literature, as Don Lucas Alaman's History as 
regards the movement to free Mexico from the Spanish yoke. This book of 
Mr. Bulnes is so specious, so teeming w^ith misinformation, that 1 have not 
hesitated to take up the pen to refute that part of his book which deals with 
the social evolution of Mexico. 

In the part of my work dealing with the agrarian problem I have backed my 
statements with data taken from a book entitled "The Rural Problem in 
Mexico" which is to he printed shortly, and which I had the honor of writ- 
ing in collaboration with Jose Covarrubias C. E., Assistant Secretary of 
State in the Administration of Mr. Madero. There are many portions of 
Mr. Buhics' book dcaUng with the Government of Mr. Madero which it 
would be easy to refute, as I was Assistant Secretary of the Interior when 
Mr. Madero was President, but 1 shall refrain from so doing, as 1 under- 
stand the matter bears little interest for the pubhc of the United States, 

I wish to present tlie causes of the Revolution in Mexico "sine ira el 
studio," as Tacitus recommends, I regret the lack of complete data to write 
in a foreign country a study worthy of the name, and the lack of capacity 
to compete with so many writers who have lately been writing about Mexico, 
As the knights of old who made use of their best weapons and armor to 
defend a great cause, so would I in this occasion lay hold of the proper 
qualities to defend my country. I would give anything to be able to say to 
the intelligent men who are attacking my country the bold words of the first 
defender of the rights of man, Saint Paul : "If you are wiscmcn so am 1." 
To get a hearing I can only present the title of being a man who loves his 
country, and I suppose that for a good North -American this is title sufficient. 


I York City, October .11, 1916, 


Address: Capuchinas 48, Mexico, D. R 





The Land Question in Mexico 

She economic distress that afflicts us, notwith- 
standing the fertility of the soil and the mildness of 

] the climate of Mexico, and the revolutionary con- 
vulsions, in spite of the liberality of the laws and the 

' brightness of disposition and average intelligence of 
the population, reveal the profound deficiencies of our social 
organization. History explains all this to us, showing so 
many examples of social convulsions due to the vicious 
distribution of land. The distribution of land in Mexico 
could hardly be worse. We must not be surprised that 
land was the cornerstone of revolution. Roscher, the 
German economist, proves that the defective organization of 
landed property caused the French Revolution of 1789 and in 
Prussia the catastrophe of 1806. Land was the cause of the up- 
heavals of 1830 in the smaller states of Germany, and of the un- 
towardness in Austria of 1848. The Mexican capitalist Don 
Francisco Pimentel tells us. "The French Revolution was so 
frightful in its bloody excesses because thirty to one of the popu- 
lation lacked property of any kind, and to-day on the contrary 
two thirds of the French population are landowners, and any 
attempt at disturbing the peace is suppressed by the majority. 
When the laborer derives no profit from the land which he cul- 
tivates and sees others reap the harvest of his toil, whereas he 
sweats for a pittance which cannot provide, he cannot be ex- 
pected to respect the right of property, and he is disposed to en- 
list in armed movements to better his intolerable condition." 
Though Benjamin Disraeli belonged to the Conservative party, 
yet was he compelled to own that the agrarian organization of 
Ireland was undoubtedly the cause of unrest and revolution. 


Now in Mexico land monopoly is such that foreign experts 
such as Jannet aver that no such thing has been seen anywhere 
else in the world. Elisee Reclus, in his Geography referring to 
Mexico, tells us: "The landed estates cannot in truth be styled 
such, for they are territorial divisions with the area of a whole 
, district, and frequently much more. As an areal measure an 
hacienda has an extension oC 88 square kilometers, but in North 
of Mexico there are haciendas one hundred times larger, or that is, 
there arc landed estates having a surface as large as that of any- 
one of the larger Departments of France. From Saltillo to Zaca- 
fecas, a distance of three hundred kilometers, the land belongs to 
three individuals only, according to an author. Out of such 
enormous domains but infinitesimal portions are cultivated, the 
rest lying fallow. The centre of the estate serves for the erection 
of a fortified building around which are the dwellings of the 
servants and laborers, and the fortification serves as citadel or 
military centre during civil strife. All the highways lead up to 
the residence of the Setior and the markets take place there." 

It is indeed safe to calculate that the average extension of the 
haciendas themselves is eighty kilometers square. The landed 
^states of the Terrazas in Chihuahua have been as large prac- 
tically as the whole of Costa Rica, and the State of Hidalgo the 
Central Railway for thirty leagues keeps crossing lands belong- 
ing to Jose Escandon. In Lower California, certain companies 
own 78% of the whole area, or that is an extension of land larger 
than all of Ireland. According to Mess. Pombo and Diaz Dufoo, 
the estate of La Honda and Santa Catarina, in the State of Zaca- 
fecas, when they wrote, had an area of 419,000 acres or, that is, 92 
square leagues. They add "there are manv nlher landed estates 
throughout the Republic as those described above," 

The Census of 1^10 compiled under General Diaz gives us a 
truly ominous result, for the number of "hacendados" in the 
whole Republic is calculated to be 834 individuals. It is found that 
more than 40';i of the tnial area of the country, or that is 880,000 
square kilom., are divided into about six thousand properties, 
smaller haciendas and large ranches. Morelos State belongs to 32 
land owners, and one of them is of the family of Francisco Pi- 
mcntel who deemed inevitable the French Revolution because of 
the relation of 1 to 30 in the number of owners. Said member is 
the owner of nearly a whole district in the same State, and his 
land overlaps into the State of Puebla for a considerable extent. 
The proportion between the rich and the destitute is less than 
one in one thousand. We cannot therefore wonder at the state- 
ment of Mr. Rivapalacio in the monumental historical work 
"Mexico through the Centuries," that the disproportion of owner- 
ship has been "the weak link in the chain in the formation of 
society anil has caused awful economical and political disruptions 
in the body politic." 

During the whole of .Mexico's independent life, land monopoly 

far from diminishing has been steadily increasing, and this in- 
crease has been accentuated during the General Diaz' Adminis- 
tration. The well known writer Manuel Abad y Queipo stated 
shortly before the war of independence, that the rustic estates 
belonging to families of New Spain (Mexico) were about 25,000. 
The ex-Minister of Fomento of Mr. Madero's Government, 
Manuel Bonilla, reckoned at 11,000 the number of large rustic do- 
mains, so that in a century the number had been reduced to less 
than half out of a much smaller inhabited area. The data of the 
Census of 1910 show a still greater concentration of rustic proper- 
ty. Abad y Queipo foretold the revolution of Independence, and 
proposed as indispensable for the kingdom's security that the 
people be promised the distribution of uncultivated lands belong- 
ing to the large landowners, and that the aborigenes should re- 
ceive the King's lands, the same which were distributed by Gen- 
eral Diaz to the denouncers of waste lands of unacknowledged 
ownership. He stated that "Spaniards make up less than ten per 
cent of the total population, and they alone are owners of almost 
all property and wealth of the kingdom. Consequently, between 
laborers and owners there is that opposition of interests and 
affections always to be found between those having nothing and 
those who have it all, between dependents and masters. Envy, 
robbery, poor service on the one hand, and contempt and ruth- 
lessness on the other, such are relatively common everywhere 
else, but in Mexico are carried to unheard of excess, because 
there is no middle class ; they are all rich or poverty stricken, 
nobles or proletariat." 

The Spanish Conquerors destroyed the organization of indigen- 
ous property which permitted a quiet mode of life for a dense 
population. After the Conquest there were established the huge 
landed Estates, such as those of Counts del Valle, de Santiago, 
de Miguel de Aguayo, of the Marshall of Castilla, and of the 
powerful Monteleone family. The Clergy became owners of 
enormous extensions of land to such an extent that Baron 
Alexander von Humboldt estimated that the Clergy owned three 
fourths of all the land of Mexico. The Spanish GoverTiment did 
what it could to combat land monopoly, and proceeded to di- 
minish the fabulous holdings of the Clergy. Thus Charles HI in 
1767 expelled the Jesuits and confiscated their properties. Carlos 
IV through the Royal Edict (cedula) of September 19th, 1798 
confiscated the properties of the Houses of Mercy, Religious 
Infirmaries, Houses of Reclusion, convents, maternities, brother 
and sisterhoods, convents, etc. Towards the end of the Spanish 
Government's rule, on the 22nd of February 1813, the property 
of the Inquisition was nationalized. The Roman Church did 
not fight these measures, striving at times to save very large 
estates, as is shown in the Brief of Paul III in 1537, and another 
executed by Cardinal Tavera imposing excommunion IPSO 
FACTO INCURRENDA with absolution reserved to the Holy 
See, for such as would deprive Indians of their property. Later, 

Clement VIII addressed another Apostolic Brief of the same 
tenor to the provinces of Peru. 

The Spanish Government devised a stil] more effective measure 
to restrain land monopoly. It established a sort of ap-arian 
socialism creating communial property and granting "commons" 
to the villages. 

Spanish authorities returned to the despoiled towns and vil- 
lages such lands as had heen taken from them by the Clergy and 
the large landowners, doing this without the aid of tribunals and 
through administrative procedure. It was then a principle of 
jurisprudence universally accepted, the right of reversion of 
property in favor of the nation. Whenever a village had the 
number of inhabitants prescribed in the legislation, it was styled 
"pueblo" and it received an extension of "commons" taken from 
the neighboring haciendas. Thus Francisco Bulnes thinks that 
landed property was going to be destroyed by socialistic 
agrarianism upon the gradual conversion of haciendas (estates) 
into hamlets, and this was one of the causes of discontent among 
the privileged classes towards the end of Spanish domination. 

Land monopoly received a severe blow during the wars of 
"Reforma" which deprived the Clergy of the political and econom- 
ical power represented in landed property. It was the purpose of 
the extraordinary reformers of those times, to convert the 
Clergy's tenants into land holders to thus create a middle class 
which might become the bone and sinew of the democratic 
organization of the country. Unfortunately the "Reforma" in 
its second phase did not answer tn the patriotic foresight of the 
creators, A small group of foreign adventures made themselves 
masters of nearly the whole of the clerical holdings, becoming 
in turn the great land;, apathetic even as the Clergy, 
hut nf much greater pride and arrocance. However, many of thc- 
large ranches of to-day come from that time. 

Let us see now how the Government of General Diaz proceeded 
in this matter. Right from the start he made large grants of 
land to surveying commissions, and to denouncers of lands of 
unacknowledged ownership. The said denouncers availing them- 
selves of an iniquitous system of jurisprudence, took over the 
private property of those who did not possess primordial titles 
to defend themselves with. Towns and villages with titles 
granted from the days of the Aitecs, even before the Conquest, 
titles which I have seen, found themselves despoiled of their 
lands. According to the Statistical Bulletin of the Department 
nf National Development (Fomento) of 1899, there were survey- 
ed and measured up to July ,10th of the same year, 3S,249,375 
hectares, and the sjrants up to the last days of Genera! Diaz' dic- 
tatorship reached the enormous figures of 72.335,'.'07 hectares, 
that is to say nearly one third of the whole of the available land 
of the Republic. The greater part of the concessionaires were 
foreigners, and according to the accounts of the Federal Treasury 


of 1881 and 1906, the total proceeds of the grants of land was less 
than 7,000,000 pesos in bonds of the Public Debt. 

The land grabbers governed the country for their own interest, 
enjoying bank credits which were denied to the small farmer. 
Under such conditions a social upheaval was bound to come. The 
Mexican people suffered from land monopoly in its most asphyxi- 
ating form, infinitely worse than that which brought down the 
Roman Oligarchy. F. Hitze notes that "Whenever property has 
run counter to the moral obligations due society ; whenever it has 
taken antisocial forms, evading the duties which brotherhood 
imposes, it has eventually had to reckon with the communism of 
revolted force, and the masses have crushed to arms with the 
battlecry of 'Capital means spoilation.' " 

The one sided material prosperity of the General Diaz* Govern- 
ment availed little, because only the close contact of the people 
with the soil can produce freedom, and this is the highest boon 
to which we may aspire in life. The Owner who enslaves, and 
thrives through the blood and suffering of his fellows, may erect 
pyramids to perpetuate his memory, but he runs in vain after 
happiness which he can never find in despoiling his neighbors. 
To seek for happiness without ever finding it, kings and emperors 
disappear miserably from the face of the earth. Their palaces 
sink into dust, their wealth vanishes, and the peoples return to 
barbarous conditions, after having caused the unspeakable misery 
of countless innocents, who yet were born with the right to live. 
Thus have whole civilizations disappeared, through corruption 
brought about by land monopoly. Not until nations can free 
themselves from such unjust carrying of burdens will there be 
teeming, creative prosperity. Then can nations develop in amity 
and organic peace, only prevented by their internal and external 
enemies, the land monopolists, ever hostile to a civilization which 
tends to promote the prosperity and advance of the average 

Mexico must therefore devote its best thought and energy to 
solve this transcendant problem, in order to secure equality, 
tranquility, and dignity for its citizens, and to free itself from 
inner eruptions, and foreign conflicts. Otherwise some of its 
wayward sons, restless to get into power at whatever costs, and 
through any means, even sacrificing the nation's freedom, will 
leave no stone unturned to pull down any Government that is 
trying to bring up the general level of comfort, progress, and 
happiness. They will stop at nothing to secure foreign interven- 
tion, finding but too often that the ravenous appetites of cos- 
mopolitan capitalists dovetail precisely with their own. 




Rural Slavery in Mexico 

LAND monopoly exists in three ways: either as caste privi- 
lege of a landholding aristocracy, which works the land 
through peons who are subjected to direct tutelage ruling 
even the acts of their private lite; or (here is a caste or 
group content to receive a high rent stretched to the limit of 
expediency, granting leases for long terms, practically indefinite, 
which in truth ensure to the tenant the usufruct of the lot rented ; 
or finally, we have mere speculators in new countries opened to 
intensive colonization, and who monopolize lands in order to 
parcel it out at highest prices obtainable. 

Land monopoly is of course most noxious in all its manifesta- 
tions. However, the first phase enunciated above is the most 
pernicious. The landholding aristocracy which exploits its serfs 
IS the most opposed to all progress. It is the form characterizing 
Rural Mexico. 

The second form, large landholders exploiting their properties 
through free tenants, constitute indeed a pernicious and unjust 
form of rural exploitation, relics of by-gone days of privilege and 
antiquated organi?atioiis ; but it does leave the laborer at liberty, 
and it can coalesce with tlie existence uf societies advanced 
politically and socially. At present it is only to be found in some 
of the older nations of Europe, such as Great Britain, Germany, 
and Russia, and some Republics of South America, such as Chili, 
and in all these countries earnest efTorts arc being made to ex- 
tirpate the system. The third form, that of large unproductive 
tracts in hands of speculators who are holding for great enhance- 
ment in value, is to be found in new countries of vigorous pros- 
perity such as the United States, Argentine Republic, and 
Australia, and tliougli it is unjust and oppressive as all mono- 
polies must perforce be, still it is the form of land monopoly 
which least harms the laborer, since it despoils him but once, at 
the time of acquisition of his lot. whereas the second form strips 
him of his money systematically throughout his life. The first 
form is imt satisfied with this but also degrades him. and de- 
prives him of the motive power of all initiative, pcr.-;onaI liberty. 
Under such conditions, revolutions become inevitalde. When 
the nation only had four and a half millions of inhabitants, Don 
Manuel Abad y Queipo addressed a petition to the First Regency 
of Spain, describing the state of unrest of the Colony, three 
months before the movement of independence broke out. "This 



great mass o^ inhabitants/* he said, "has practically no property, 
and the great majority are homeless ; truly they are in an abject 
and miserable condition, and destitute of morality and rules of 
life. What can be the result of a revolution, given this hetero- 
geneousness of classes, this clash of interests and passions? 
Naturally, nothing but reciprocal destruction, the laying waste of 
the whole country." 

" The Spanish. Europeans, and Spanish Americans make 

up two tenths of the whole population. They are the rulers and 
the property owners throughout thqse dominions. If in these 
countries, so constituted, public order should be disturbed, then 
a frightful state of anarchy must necessarily follow." 

Now, according to the Census of 1910, in the land estates, 
there work as peons, three millions one hundred and thirty 
thousand four hundred individuals, who, together with the 
women and children dependent on them, make up a population at 
present of certainly not less than ten millions of human beings 
reduced to the sad condition of serfdom. These figures mean a 
most deplorable state of things. They show a nation utterly 
dominated by a privileged caste, a most selfish aristocracy, ignor- 
ant and perverse, who must needs grind down the population, 
following Cardinal Richelieu's precept of treating the laborer 
even as a beast of burden, controlling his very thoughts to pre- 
vent his development, and consequent protest. 

It is unfortunately but too easy to prove with some data 
worthy oi credence the awful condition of the Mexican prole- 
tariat. The hacendados, and rancheros, hold nearly all the in- 
habitants in subjection. The hoi polloi receive from their 
Masters, the dwelling, clothing, and sustenance as if they were 
minors. Their homes do not differ from the sheds and styles 
which house common animals. Their clothing makes a poor 
attempt to cover their nakedness, but assuredly does not protect 
them from exposure. The food barely keeps body and soul to- 
gether, to keep him going as one of many elements of exploita- 
tion. Let us quote again the dispassionate Reclus : "The mass 
of the population is made up of people employed by mining con- 
cessionaires, or the large land owners. The workers in mines 
are the most independent, owing to their proximity to the cities 
which have been built near the great mines. The field laborers, 
however, most wretchedly paid, and depending on the hacen- 
dados through force of the fell clutch of circumstance are slaves, 
in all but the official name. Lacking the most elemental means, 
they cannot receive money advances save from the Sefior or 
Mayordomo (Superintendent), and these cash advances made to 
them at most usurious rates, they can only obtain by mortgaging 
their future work for years ahead. As the years go by the hope 
of liberation grows fainter, and the onerous debt is handed down 
from father to son. 

"Of course, according to the Mexican Constitution, every 
Mexican is born free ; no proprietor is supposed to have the right 


" V 



to enslave a laborer through debt, nor to sell him to another 
through payment of the whole or part of his debt, real or ficti- 
tious. Legally, the son no longer inherits the father's debts, and 
the Law forbids the hypothecating of the future of minors by 
means of loans. In very many parts, however, and especially in 
ihe Southeastern States, this Law is a dead letter— absolutely. 
The trading in human flesh was even carried to the point of sell- 
ing to Cuban planters, natives for their plantations, though this 
was done so covertly that concrete proof was difficult to secure. 
Rut one thing is certain, and easily proved, and that is that 
slavery does exist, as in the bloody days of the Conquest, and as 
a direct consequence of the land monopoly. "To die as a slave in 
a country of so much beauty ! How lovely is the World, and Oh 
the pity of it that I should thus drag on to Death I" This is the 
mournful song so often heard on the estates of Tabasco." 

Morelet tells us that "the traveller through Mexico can never 
forget the mournful, poetic plaint of these accents ever wafted 
in the breeze around rustic dwellings." 

Numberless quotations as above from men of learning, and 
men of the world of all countries who hold up our Fatherland 
to universal obloquy, proving that it is among the remaining 
strongholds of injustice and powerfully intrenched privilege, 
could he quoted ad infinitum. 

ZoUa, in his work on modern agriculture, says: "The study of 
the past proves that the rise in price of agricultural produce is 
always followed by an increase in salary." Salaries have been 
enormously increased in all parts of the world. In England, they 
have risen 133% in fifty years : in France &)% from 1853 to 1883 ; 
in Austria 70''; from 1850 tu I88S; in Russia 70% in the same 
[jcriod; and in Spain 28% during the same time. On the other 
hand commodities have gone down in price. In France wheat fell 
from 1873 to 1S85 about A9%, and it fell from $68 per ton in 
1871 to $46 in iy05. In ("icrniany, in 1892 it fell from $40 to $3-1 
in 1894, before the heavy importing tax on wheat. In England 
the value of the ton fell from $60 in 1871 to $34 the average price. 
Here in United States the value of the ton, Farm Price, was $40 
in 1891, and went as low as $16 in 1894, when it began 
to again. If we take up Indian corn or maize, the great 
.stajde ill Mexico, we shall see the same phenomenon. In England 
from tlic price of $38 per ton in 1871, we have seen it fall to $26. 
Here in United Stales it has dropped to $10. Industrial articles, 
sold at a low price, have enabled all the lower classes to secure 
clothing and enjoy the comforts of life, which before were the 
privilege of but a few. 

Now in Mexico, the very reverse of all this has taken place. 
Wages, which according to Don Matias Romero, in 1892 were 
fifty centavos as maximum, 23 centavos as minimum, and 36 cen- 
tavos as average, have remained the same. In truth, they have 
rather gone down, for the purchasing jjower has signally de- 
creased. The fall in the price of silver alone has reduced them 


/ V -\„y^^/[j< 



fifty per cent. On the other hand prices have risen enormously. 
The quintal (about SO kilos) of peppers (chile) has gone up in 
price from 1876 to 1909 from $3.75 to $34. And the "carga" of 
beans from $13.50 to $21. Peppers are truly a staple in the diet of 
the Mexicans. In his article upon the depreciation in the price of 
silver, Mr. Bulnes assures us that in the Villa of San Pedro, 
Coahuila, wheat was sold for three pesos the load, and in Moro- 
leon, Guanajuato State, for four pesos the load of 16 arrobas. In 
Tepic, the price of maize was $1.50 the load (carga of two bags) 
and in Jalisco the maize of the coast was sold for the same price. 
The statistics which we have seen at the Department of Fomento 
(National Development) tell us that wheat, which cost in 1887 
$34 per ton, went up to $62 in 1889, and to $110 in 1910, during 
the best days of General Diaz' Government. Barley which was 
worth $16 in 1889, reached the price of $64 in 1910. Maize which 
was worth $22 per ton in 1887, reached the price of $60 in 1910. 
Clothing is sold at prices almost beyond the reach of the needy, 
who can barely purchase a few yards of cotton sheeting. 

We can therefore say that the population is steadily dying of 
inanition. According to data published by Mr. Pani, in his work 
"Hygiene in Mexico," a Mexican laborer who receives 75 centa- 
vos per day to support a family of three persons, feeds so scantily, 
that he develops in calorics an energy which barely "coincides 
with that consumed by an individual in an absolute condition of 
repose," and he adds that "it would be necessary to increase the 
ration by at least 70^ , to simply return to the organism the loss- 
es occasioned by the muscular effort expended." Therefore, we 
can assert that the application of the famous bronze law of the 
salaries, according to which European socialists state that wages 
descend up to the limit of the gratification of the most indis- 
pensable requirements, because the enterpreneur takes possession 
of all the surplus, would be an unheard-of boon in Mexico. 

In view of the foregoing it will be seen that the peons of 
Mexico live the life of serfs, and as happens with slaves, lack of 
ambition and interest in collective matters. His only pleasures 
are those enjoyed by animals in captivity, and the low status 
of his physical stamina makes him a victim of alcohol. It may be 
said in passing that the Aztec Laws prohibited drunkenness, 
much energy being expended in fiighting the vice. The Spanish 
Kings restricted the consumption of "pulque." Very severe edicts 
were issued by the Mexican Council upon the motion of Arch- 
bishop Pedro Moya de Contreras. During the Government of 
General Diaz, however, the owners of pulque haciendas organ- 
ized a most powerful trust, and secured fabulous profits from the 
degeneration and intoxication of the poor people of the Capital, 
who were on the one hand denied the wherewithal to buy suffi- 
cient food, and on the other hand were sold an abominable 
alcoholic concoction "to recuperate their strength." 

The hacendados invariably dominate the proletariat, giving and 
withholding maize, and mortgaging them for future work 


th Icohol and cotton sheeting. The masses are dominated 

ih he priest who preaches to these unfortunates resigna- 

li: is life in order to secure rewards in the life to come, 

vv limself sups his fiti at the groaning table of the haccn- 

da< le masses have been ground down through the direct 

ag^nc\ the iniquitous Jefes Politicos, who fine, inflict corporal 
punis "* ^nd impound fr ♦'"' *Tmy for every alleged short- 
corn Y nose to the grindstone by 
mea. i .. ile bits of land, and one may 
be ="™ It ,1 „. eives a short shrift therein. 
It "Oi sei ■() XIII had us Mexicans in 
minu 1>^ ( Circular on the condition of 
I-abor . ig: u Jer of the mighty had been 

enabled lo wei r i>, „i.iiig masses, with a yoke hardiy 

better than do.%...ignt ery." 

It will readily be seen that a people reduced to such a condition 
becomes a fruitful field to raise the logical produce of insult, con- 
tumely, privation, humiliation, and harshness beyond expression. 
The time comes when an apparently insignificant spark produces 
a most formidable explosion and conflagration; when the great 
mass of the people appeal to arms and violence as the only means 
of wringing justice from their oppressors. Around this great 
problem of the Mexican proletariat, gravitate all which have 
moved and shaken us. When the rural reforms shall have been 
established, it will mean the reinstatement of personal freedom 
throughout the Republic, and it will be logically followed by all 
thr steps of political and social progress as we have seen in the 
case of all other nations, who have gone through the same tra- 
vail. The impatient, wish to see these presto changes made 
among us even with stage-like celerity. It cannot be. When 
rrien shall be free, they will know how to claim, defend, and work 
out their rights, and there will be nn privileged few. nor tyrants 
to make revolutions necessary. Whereas if man be but a slave, 
and reduced to such, having neither voice nor redress, he is 
forced to appeal to violence and risk the loss of a life which has 
lost its savor, since nothing else can make it tolerable. 




Great Estates as a Business in Mexico 

THE economical progress of a society made up of land own- 
ers, capitalists and workmen tends to the progressive en- 
richment of the land owning class, we are told by John 
Stuart Mill. The application of this principle to Mexico, 
has been the reason of the creation of such economical 
conditions which have rendered agriculture on a large scale one 
of the most paying businesses in the world, and which has pre- 
vented the development of fractional property or small farms 
of more intensive culture. 

The history of the land rent increment in Mexico is extreme- 
ly interesting. It shows up to what degree the Mexican land 
monopolists managed to accumulate riches in the midst of eco- 
nomic prostration, as well as social, of the vast majority of the 
population. Mr. Abad y Queipo shows the miserable condition 
of rural owners during the time of the Spanish domination, 
when the country was at peace, when the proletariat felt a pro- 
found respect for the authorities, when communal property was 
not destroyed, when the clergy supplied capital at a low price, 
and when the land monopolists made up the governing classes. 
Our illustrious compatriot Doctor Mora tells us that the writ- 
ings of the aforesaid Bishop are the best proof of the languid 
state of bankruptcy of land owners under the Spanish dominion. 
The richest landowners could not get a decent rent out of their 
possessions so as to permit them to live according to their sta- 
tion. Farmers owning an estate of $20,000 value could not even 
bring up their children in one of the professions. When the 
Spanish Crown tried to cash the credits in favor of the Clergy 
in order to come into funds, there was a wild panic throughout 
the Colony, and the very same Abad y Queipo, then elected 
Bishop of Michoacan, sent a petition to the Sovereign stating 
that 25,000 families who made up the most distinguished portion 
of the realm, would be thrown into the most shameful poverty, 
from which prostitution, robberies, deaths, hunger, pest, and in- 
calculable horrors would inevitably ensue. The first Governor 
of Guanajuato, Don Carlos Montes de Oca, in his first annual 
message, depicts most clearly the extreme decadence of rustic 
property. The real estate of Guanajuato which was worth little 
more than 17,000,000 pesos (in 1910 it might have been worth 
800 millions) was in the possession of agriculturists who sold 
their crops at a low figure while still in the seeding. 



Property continued in a bankrupt condition due to the 
revolutionary movements of independence, and other subsequent 
disturbances. When the Clergy's enormous estates were thrown 
on the market due to the Laws of Reform the price of property 
fell even more. Ocampo tells us that owing to the mere fact 
of transferring to the tenant the properties of the Clergy, the 
latter remained richer and the '"-""t more heavily in debt. Don 
Francisco Pir" do, gives us a very good idea 

of the value during the time of the Em- 

peror Maximuiiin, ri Ve have here ample grounds 

to detest territorial o» in lexico; to prevent that any 

one should care to pti nda, and to show that the con- 

dition of the agricultu ily awful, with the natural con- 

sequence that every one watus lo sell his land and no one wants 
(o buy." According to the same writer: "Near the Capital." 
in the District of Morelos, a 'sitio' of land is worth one thousand 
pesos: in the centre of the country, in Zacatecas, it is worth the 
same ; in the North may be found excellent lands for one hun- 
dred pesos the square league, and to tell it all at once, along 
the coast one can purchase lands for less than the cost of the 
tax; recently, sales of enormous extensions of four hundred 
square leagues have been effected for the sum of two thousand 
pesos-" In brief, during all the course of history up to the 
novernnient of General Diaz, rustic and urban property had 
very little value in Mexico. The income of the land was in- 

During the Government nf General Diaz, that is to say, 
during the period in which a plutocratic oligarchy was estab- 
lished on a firm fnunilatinn. the price of property went up enor- 
mously lo the great benefit of the land owners. The Director 
General of Agriculture in a report submitted to the Secretary of 
Fomento (National Dovclopmcntl show? that the value of the 
lands in ATcxicn up to the Revolution of IHin was hifiher than 
that shown by statistics for any country in the world. "The 
average price of lands .^pprop^iate for the cultivation of cereals 
in United States, in regions where irrigation is unnecessary. i= 
one hundred and seventy Mexican pesos per hectare, (the sil- 
ver peso is equivalent of half a dollar) including buildings and 
improvements and yieldiui; avemge returns of 25 hectoliters of 
maize and one thousand kilos of wheat. In the same zone of the 
corn belt, which 1 have already mentioned, where the average 
return of maize is thirty hectoliters per hectare, the price is 
$50 (fifty dollars) per acre, and the land with irrigation and 
proper improvements for the cultivation of cereals in the States 
of the dry region, is considered to be worth $320 silver. On the 
other hand I have never heard of the irrigated lands of the Bajio, 
yielding less than the lands mentioned, being sold for less than 
$300 silver per hectare, and lately, I have heard that lands of the 
Hacienda (estate) of San Cristobal near Acamharo. Guanajuato, 
reputed to be good wheat lands, and capable of yielding not less 




' ' ^ 

than six hundred kilos of wheat per hectare, were sold for $500 
silver per hectare. In Morelos it is quite common to sell the 
hectare for $900 silver, and many have been sold for $1500 — 
fifteen hundred pesos silver per hectare. In our "Golconda" 
lands, that is the Laguna, the great cotton region, I know that 
the "lote" has been sold for $140,000 silver, or that is at the rate 
of $1400 per hectare." 

According to the official statistics of the Department of Agri- 
culture of the Argentine Republic, the average price of the cul- 
tivated lands in that country, including buildings, agricultural 
machinery, and beasts of burden, represents a vaiue of $27.70 
U. S. cy. or that is $55.40 silver per hectare, whereas it is $59.25 
U. S. cy. or $118.50 silver, for the same area and conditions in 
the Dominion of Canada. Selecting hap-hazardly the rental of 
twelve lots among sixty five in the Department of Aisne, France, 
we find that it is 104 francs per hectare, on the average in 1880, 
and that in 1896 it had fallen to francs 69 or that is that there 
had been a decrease of 33%. Zolla tells us that the price in 
France, of the best land, is 1373 francs, that is a little more than 
the price of the hectare of the parcelling of the Hacienda de San 
Cristobal at Acambaro. 

Any one might think that Mexican lands, in order to reach 
so high a value, must produce enormously and that they are 
worked according to most advanced methods. Nothing could be 
further from the truth. Among sixteen nations, Mexico has the 
smallest production per hectare. While Argentine, for instance, 
has a pppulation of one inhabitant for each two cultivated hec- 
tares, in Mexico, with three inhabitants for each cultivated 
hectare, we obtain a production but one fourth of that of Argen- 

Why does the Mexican hacendado, an inveterate absentee 
landlord, who lives in Mexico City or in Europe, pleasure seek- 
ing, or who resides at the State Capital in an austere and con- 
temptuous aloofness from the country, obtain such large profits? 
The reason is very simple. In the distribution of the earth's 
products, the hacendado takes to himself a very much larger 
part than that which he should receive. In the case of the 
Bajio region which I know well as it belongs to my native 
State, wherein I have occupied positions of some importance, 
I will state that the land owner who sows maize in irrigated 
lands, secures according to figures of the Agriculture Direction, 
58% to pay the tax, which is less than 1% per thousand annually, 
and to apply the balance as rent of the land and profit of the 
entrepreneur, when the North American cultivator, collects 
26.5% having to pay taxes which according to Lord Bryce are 
apt to reach 30% of the net value of production. Needless to 
speak of the land sowed with wheat or sugar cane. 

In Mexico we have seen the very contrary of what happens 
in other countries. Among us the advantages of the increase in 
value of production have benefited the hacendados and not the 



country. "In 1790," Zolla tells us, "the gross proceeds of French 
agriculture reached francs 2,700,000,000, and the rent of the owners 
did not exceed francs 1,100,000,000. The rent represented there- 
fore 40% of the gross proceeds. Now, in a production of francs 
12,000,000,000 the net rent does not exceed francs 2,000.000,000 
and the portion allotted to the owners has been reduced to 24%. 
Thus, as the agricultural wealth increases, the portion of the 
rent which goes to the owners diminishes gradually." In Mexico 
while the value of production has gone on increasing,. wages have 
been decreasing in the sense that they continually buy less, and 
commodities have increased in price so that the estate. owner or 
hacendado has been gradually collecting a larger share in the 

The consequences of this uneven development have been de- 
plorable. The first result has been that as agriculture on a large 
scale gave such excellent returns with so little effort, capital has 
set its grip upon it, and has striven to constantly increase its vast 
land holdings worked by serfs. All economic organization has 
been devised so as to favor agriculture on a vast scale and land 
monopoly. The banking system, the Department of Justice, the 
whole political mechanism have been developed with a view to 
consolidate land monopoly, and do away with the effort and ini- 
tiative of the small farmer. The second result has been that as 
the landowners have an easy monopoly, most fruitful in its re- 
sults, they have little or no iiitorcst in the progress of agronomy, 
and they restrict their ciTnrts to the cultivation of a small frac- 
tion of their vast estates, and in doing so employ the most rudi- 
mentary processes. \\'i!h lands yielding a minimum pruduction, 
as the estate owner docs not wish a high production which 
lowers prices, that landowner has a surplus each year, which in 
many cases exceeds half a milHnii silver pesus. If the hacendado 
belongs In the new generation he will proceed to spend this sur- 
plus in orgies, and if he hclnugs to the oliler generation he will 
turn it over to the clerf;y th'iit the latter may strengthen its 
dominion over the common pcniilc. 

While this organi^^ation cmuimu's. it will be useless to enact 
any measure tending to dn away wttli the land mniiopoly. Eco- 
nomic conditions will render it again necessary, and the allotted 
lots will again return to the intrenched and privileged classes. 

It becomes imperative therefore, tn gradually but firmly change 
the general conditions which are choking farming on a smaller 
and more intensive scale, so that with ihc free play of economic 
forces, farming on a small and intensive scale may develop and 
give tn the greatest number a stake in ihc country. W'e beh'eve 
that tlie Mexican penple will rise tn the nrrasion. and the great 
mass nf the nation may take a share in it« prosperity, and cn- 
operate to maintain order. 



Defective Land Titles 

BENTHAM, Stuart-Mill, and Carey have proved that the 
best system of property, is that through which the land 
becomes more easily a matter of commerce, for everything 
which frees it from fetters, red tape, and formality, makes 
it proper, and subdivides it. 

Unfortunately we have in Mexico a cumbersome system of 
transferrance and succession, which involves great expenditure, 
and complicated formalities in purchase and sale. The titles to 
property which were issued by the former authorities were most 
imperfect, and the continual change in the stipulation of bound- 
aries, the heavy expenses to clear titles, and the complications of 
the legal technicism, have converted the question of property into 
one of pure cabalistic. The United States have had experience 
with this, for when by virtue of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 
they acquired a large portion of our territory, they found the ut- 
most confusion in the Mexican titles, and the Federal Congress 
organized commissions to investigate the nature of titles in Cali- 
fornia and New Mexico, and the Nation was compelled to bring 
order out of chaos in the whole system of titles to property. 

The consequences of this defective system of titles have 
rendered almost impossible the method of rural hypothecating 
credits among nearly all the small landowners, with the result 
that these inevitably fall into the claws of usurers, generally 
Spaniards, whose presence in agricultural regions always prov^ 
that there is a prey to be devoured. In the State of Guanajpato 
where property is fairly parcelled, there are whole communities, 
true villages of poor families, who live upon properties trans- 
mitted from time immemorial from father to son, without hav- 
ing a title which may free them from spoilation, and which may 
permit them to enjoy the advantage of rural credits which can- 
not be secured save with the most perfect titles. 

With this complicated and archaic legislation we find also a 
mortgage legislation which exacts for the granting of a deed, a 
full study of titles, certificates of all mortgages, payments of 
taxes, and registry of the property. All these costly operations 
mean a substantial increase in the rate of interest. 

In Guanajuato, where cultivated property represents more or 
less one third of the total area of 29,458 square kilometers, we 
can affirm that two thirds of the landowners have not their titles 





in proper shape, and they occupy their lands merely through 

On the other hand, the land monopolists who can pay lawyers, 
secure declarations from the Department of Fomento, follow the 
whole complicated proceedings relative to inheritances, and 
perfect their titles, are able to get their properties perfectly 
covered by the Law. Precisely in case of spoliation of small 
piece of property, all legal fo ' been covered to the utmost 

This deplorable defect of our organization has had a still worse 
effect. On the one hand it has been desired to surround large 
properties with a respect only to be found among the ancient 
quiritary dominion of the Romans. The land monopolists of 
Mexico, who as a rule have not been landowners for more than 
one or two generations, many of them being adventurers or sons 
of adventurers who were set almost naked on Mexican shores, 
to-day proclaim their sacred "right" to the land with the same 
austere majesty as might be affected by a lineal descendent of the 
crusaders speaking of his forefathers' ancient manor. On the 
other hand, small land owners only inspire contempt, and it is 
considered quite natural to deprive the helpless laborer of his 
father's patrimony by means of some leonine contract or through 
some legal trick. 




PoUtics and Unclaimed Government 


THE Diaz regime was marked with frenzied speculation in 
Government lands. The Belgian writer and observer 
Vanderbelde has called attention to the enormity of the 
maladministration in Latin-American countries. Not only 
were whole regions adjudicated in Mexico, truly royal kingdoms, 
but under the shadow of adjudications of unclaimed Govern- 
ment lands, very many were despoiled. The authorities had 
a proceeding to correct abuses, and this was administrative inter- 
vention as justice of simple equity to recuperate lands unlaw- 
fully taken. It suffices to cast a glance at the Laws of the Indies 
and the provisions of the Supreme authorities, of which I have 
seen many at the Nation's General Archives, nearly three thous- 
and volumes on lands, in order to find full confirmation of what 
precedes. This policy was followed under the protection of two 
principles: the first, the imprescriptibility of the property of the 
Spanish Colonies among which were the unclaimed, waste 
Government lands (baldios), and the second, derived from this 
principle, the right of reversion, that is, that the rights to lands 
granted, returned with the lands to the Spanish Colony, in cases 
when the reasons for the grant had ceased to exist. This right 
of reversion, mentioned by Solorzano Pereira, backed by many 
texts of authors in Volume II, Chapter 25 of the Indian Policy, 
seems to have been derived from the ancient Roman legislation, 
for it is worthy of note that in the colonies of the ancient Romans 
the absolute right of ownership to land was not conceded to 
private parties, and the Spanish Crown, as has been observed by 
serious authorities, followed invariably the policy developed by 
the Romans. For some time after the independence from the 
Crown of Spain the system of the colonial laws was followed as 
regards unclaimed lands. But all this did not suit the land grab- 
bers. The Dictatorship then declared that the rights conceded 
to land speculators were inviolate, and that the Federal Govern- 
ment could not recuperate the same through administrative pro- 
ceedings nor in case of error or fraud, and in such emergencies 
recourse should be had to the Law Courts. Unclaimed Govern- 
ment lands were declared prescriptible, without limitation as to 
their extent, and finally what is worst, enormous extensions as 
large as Ireland, or a German Principality, which were sur- 



rendered to foretg^n speculators to be coIonJzea, were declared 
. withdrawn from the Nation's dominion for a miseraWc pittance, 
and those who acquired them were relieved from the obJig^alions 
incumbent upon contracts. The waste unclaimed Government 
lands then passed into the iiands of foreij^n conipanies- 

\Ve have already stated that the Government lands thus ad- 
judicated reached the enormoii-; total of more than 72,000.000 

hectares, th; 
out of which 

hectares. W,, ..ouia cue 
limit ourselves for the prese 
in Lower California. '^'' 
Cotonizacion (Mexican 
transferred its rights tt 
transferred to the Mcxic: 
Hartford, Connecticut, sur 
the 29th atid 32nd degree= 
with United States, c< 
5.387,158 hecf'ei 

By means < 
and appropriai 
Concession to tne t 
cessor of Flores Haie «. ,o...^. 
land along the Occidental Coast, 

the whole area of the Nation. 

;d his friends with 58.000,000 

less examples, but we shall 

: ruinous concessions of lands 

ipania Mexicana de Terrenes y 

i Colonization Company) which 

'uller and Company, who in turn 

■-national Colonization Company, 

md appropriated lands between 

"de North of the boundary line 

the enormous extension of 

■ mcession there was surveyed 
,404 hectares. Through the 
ny of Lower California, suc- 
.y, there was granted a belt of 
vith a width of 25.140 meters. 

from the high tides to the interior of the peninsula, and com- 
prised between the parallels 23" 30' and 29° North Latitude 
there were set aside 1.406,057 hectares. This adjudication, which 
produced less than $100,000 in bonds of the Public Debt, was 
niort^yaged for two millions of dollars to the American Trust 
Company. The California Land Company Limited, owner of 
the concession granted to Mr. Pablo Macedo has rights of owner- 
ship on 2.488.315 hectares. This cfjucession comprises the land 
sold tn the Boleo Mining Company, 20.000 hectares. This same 
Company, with the jireicxt of establishing a mining colony, 
secured from the ("idveniiiient that in return for a most ridicul- 
ous sum, it should be iiermittcd to enjoy all the franchises and 
privileges granted by the Cnlunizatiim Law, and to be relieved 
of the obligation of paying the mining tax on its enormous cop- 
per properties, among the world's great copjier producers, the 
mined area being 8,800 pertenencias or claims. Moreover, among 
the properties of the Bolco Mining Company llicre was included 
the lc!.;al city area of I'ucrto de S;inta Rosalia, and for this reason 
this Company has been making contracts of a feudal nature re- 
garding the dwelling.'^ depriving the inhabitants even of the 
hospitality i.>f the land on wliicli tbey were born. The Boleo 
Company went so far as to legally apply the Napoleonic Code, 
and the Dictatorsliiii even overlooked the expulsion of the 
Mexican Ofticials from Puerto de Santa Rosalia and tolerated 
that the French Tricolor should wave over the town of Puerto 
de Santa Rosalia instead of the Mexican flag. 




It IS true that a large portion of the lands granted were sterile, 
but very bountiful lands were also adjudicated, large areas of 
which had been cultivated from time immemorial. I had oc- 
casion to impede as attorney at law the adjudgment as Govern- 
ment land of one of the richest and most prosperous haciendas 
(estates) of the State of Guanajuato, perfectly irrigated by dykes 
and ditches for centuries. 




Fortunately, the distribution of "eeidos" were not very im- 
portant during the Governments wno succeeded the Reform. 
During the Dictatorship of General Diaz there arose a fever in 
land speculation, and then there was a violent disruption of 
"egidos" and communal ownership. The latter was completely 
crushed by the Concessionaire Companies, and by the adjudg- 
ments of unclaimed Government lands. The first according to 
the Spanish Laws did not belong to the towns but ta the com- 
munities as land to be held in common, were reduced to the 
system of private property, and empowering the rich estate 
owner or hacendado to acquire the same for a song. From 1877 
to 1906 there were issued 19,983 titles covering "egidos" of an 
area of 582,237 hectares. 

When the aborigines were thus stripped of the faintest stake 
in the country, they naturally lost their love for the soil, and 
populations lost their, stability and permanence. In many places 
the inhabitants were unable to possess a donkey or a horse be- 
cause the boundaries of the estates encompassed the streets 

This has been one of the chief causes of the perturbation of 
public peace. 

It would have been very easy to preserve the "egidos" to the 
agricultural populations of Mexico. According to statistics there 
are in the Mexican Republic 5,878 towns and hamlets, of which 
196 are towns of some importance. If out of this total we ex- 
clude the villages of more than three thousand inhabitants which 
practically never need "egidos," those which have enough with 
the area of the town, those wherein property is divided as in 
Xochimilco, and about 937 towns and villages in Oaxaca, and 
in Mexico, Puebla, Hidalgo, and Guanajuato, which pre- 
serve their lands, then we shall have enough with one thousand 
five hundred square leagues, or that is 2,635,000 hectares to sup- 
ply with "egidos" or commons all the towns and villages of the 

The enemies of communal property have always pointed out 
the deplorable consequences of a system which kills private 
initiative, as happened under the exaggerated paternalism of the 
Spanish kings. It is easy to answer such an objection, for it may 
be sought in the Homestead Regime which prevents waste and 
permits the free play of individual aspirations. In any way the 
failure of the small property system, consequent to the War of 
Reform, proves to us that the land must not be surrendered 
save to those who are capable of keeping and improving it, and 
that it is well to establish the communal property as a pro- 
visional solution for backward towns and villages. In places 
where the population is backward it is better to establish 
ranches, because in such it is very rare to find peonage. 



in on Forests 

IN all the countries of the world there are considerable limita- 
tations to property as regards the conservation of woods and 
forests. All Governments have understood the need of pro- 
tecting woods and forests. The famous Minister Colbert went 
50 far as to aver that "the kingdom would perish for lack of 
forests," The Spanish Authorities themselves gave much thought 
to this matter, and we recollect having read some Ordinances 
issued by the Royal Intendent Riano at Guanajuato, relative to 
the cutting of woods in private properties. Unfortunately, the 
great number of "hacendados," the Indians' lack of foresight, the 
covetousness of contractors, have caused the destruction of huge 
forests. The cutting down has reached such proportions that 
we may say that the pluvial and hydrographic regimes of many 
regions have been profoundly affected since the railroads, and the 
rising industries found a ready market for the lumber. 

The great floods which occured in the Bajio region from time 
to time, are to-day normal happenings every two or thrw years, 
because the lands, to-day denuded, become heavily saturated and 
are converted into waterproof layers which do not retain the 
water. We know full well that the development of vegetation 
is an obstacle to the abnormal swcllinif of rivers. Trees must be 
conserved especially along the flanks and crests of mountains, 
because their cutting down in such jilaccs produces torrential 
flows when the natural obstacles arc removed. So important is 
this question of the maintenance of forests in woody countries, 
that Federal Intervention therein has become a precept of the 
.'-^wiss Constitution. Nowhere is it permitted fo destroy trees 
without the innncdiate rcjdantin.L; nf substitute trees, as may be 
seen from the coniplicntcd legislations of I'rance. Germany. 
-Austria, and other countries, Piiit in Mexico, where the brief 
rainy season, the scarcity of trees in the great central plateau 
and in the Northern regitm, ;ind tliu woody nature of the countrj- 
made indispensable an energetic and resolute intervention of 
Government, the authorities icmained supine before the pro- 
gressive destruction of the forests. 



Mexican Industry 

Up to the middle of the XVIII century, Europe was not con- 
cerned with the economical problems which gave rise to 
modern socialism. The big capitalists devoted themselves 
to agriculture or invested their money in real estate enter- 
prises, while the poor sought their living independently through 
small trades. Though these were clubbed in guilds of more or 
less exclusive character for the mutual protection of members, 
they gave the worker greater liberty and opportunity to develop 
his individuality than was enjoyed by the laborer of the field who 
was ground down by his service to the landlord. The England 
of that day looked askance at machinery and the people had 
suffered a great deception because its efforts up to that time to 
weave cotton by machinery had been fruitless. Meanwhile the 
French and Dutch brought from the Orient cloths and calicots 
from Calcutta and other places to supply European markets, 
waging a competitive warfare against woolen fabrics which the 
inhabitants of Western Europe had been manufacturing for ages, 
and considered a secular and respectable occupation, the emblem 
of the domestic virtues. Suddenly two interesting events came 
to upset the even tenor of Occidental organization. On the one 
hand the English became lords of the sea, completely overcom- 
ing Holland in 1780, and chasing the few French ships scattered 
over the ocean. France was at that time completely convulsed 
by her great Revolution. On the other hand Watt had been suc- 
cessful with his steam engine, and Arkwright with his cotton gin. 
The English therefore found themselves in an admirable position 
to manufacture and sell their manufactures throughout the 
world. They seized their opportunity with masterly capability. 
With their characteristic calm practicality they prohibited ex- 
ports of textile fabrics from India ; they imported vast quantities 
of raw cotton from North America, and proceeded to manufac- 
ture cotton cloth with singular perfection. Then, other coun- 
tries of Europe proceeded to imitate the English. Machinery 
was applied to all kinds of manufactures, and the Germans, 
thanks to their machinery and the application of scientific pro- 
cesses, especially in chemistry, were able to create a great Na- 
tion on the bleak and sandy stretches of Pomerania. Industry 
on a vast scale became a fact. 

What were the consequences of this transformation on human 
, society? They could hardly have been more transcendental. 




"liTiep 1 lanual industries disappeared, and those who had 
1 ■" herein, together with large numbers of field laborers, 

*"■! jan to form the great city agglomerations. Not only a 
proportion of poor people changed occupation, but people 
fans forsook their former tasks, and sold part or the whole of 
their vast landed estates. The wealthy no longer invested their 
funds in buying tax rollectine privileges, in securing office and 
benefits, and in id feudal rights. They in- 

vested their moi.^j ... ._ , mercial and manufacturing 

concerns at home and aoroad, in American Trusts, Brazilian and 
Chinese railways, great credit institutions, transatlantic com- 
panies, irrigation projects in the W -stern States of the United 
■States, in India, Egypt, etc. Formerly there existed land 
barons in Occidental Europe whose holdings were enormous. 
Cardinal Richelieu possessed a land income of 940.000 francs. 
the Due de Tremeille 800,000. and a member of Louis XIV family 
1,700.000 francs. To-day in France, the Viscount d' Avenel tells 
us "in our country where the land is so rich, there is hardly any 
one who is rich from the land. Practically no one possesses 
much land. Centuries ago. when land was worth half or one 
third of what it is worth to-day. there were landed incomes much 
higher than those prevailing to-day. We have not four land 
owners who may be enjoying .SOO.OOO francs income, as was the 
case in the days of Louis XTII and Louis XTV." 

The rich forsook agriculture, because industry offered much 
greater returns, due to the boundless possibilities of the first 
great markets, and the scant returns of European agriculture. 
The noteworthy cheapening of freights permitted the importa- 
- tion of commodities, and the produce from the colonies, so that 
France in order to preserve its cattle, was compelled to prohibit 
meat importations from Argentine. The third consequence of 
the establishment of industry on a great scale, was the decrease 
in the price of many articles, and many in Europe began to enjoy 
many things hitherto the exclusive privilege of the wealthy. 
Even in the days of I.ouis XI\' few used forks and in hotels and 
inns knives were never set for guests as everyone was supposed 
to carry his own knife with him. Table service was used only 
by the very rich. Of silver at first, then of tin. and then of por- 
ous pottery of Nevers or Marseille, it was in truth exceedingly 
costiv. Porcelain was so exyiensive, that ihe St, Cloud factorv 
in the times of T.onis XT\' would sell a tea service for 1.400 
francs, Snbscc|uent develi>i>nictit in chcnn'stry. physics, and 
eiiginoering. have cau,=ed that white |)nrcelain or china plates be 
sold for three sons, or the same sum brought by the filthy greasy 
wooden bowls in former days. Class bottles, unknown up to the 
end of the XTV Century because the rich used thorn of silver or 
ivory, were articles of luxury. About the nn'ddle of the X\ 
century they cost about three francs, and at jirescnt their cost 
is insignificant. \\'c could say the same of footwear, clothing, 
and hats. Once dear, they have hccnnic so cheap, that even those 



who earn little in United States and Europe are able to pur- 
chase them of a quality very similar to that used by the well to 
do classes. If we take up the subject of foodstuffs we shall see 
the same thing, due principally to the very great improvement in 

White bread has taken the place of black. Many articles 
formerly of luxury, came within reach of the poor. Pepper 
which the rich so relished and sought to the point of making 
it a feudal tribute against the Jews, is to-day sold in France for 
four francs the kilo at retail, in spite of the heavy import tax, 
whereas in the XIV Century it cost from thirty to fifty francs 
Cinnamon and cloves cost ten times more than at present. Not 
long ago few could afford oil with their salad. Sugar which was 
sold as a precious drug, was only to be found on the tables of the 
opulent. Brillat Savarin quotes the words of a friend of his 
who stated that if sugar would only cost about three francs a 
kilo, he would only drink sweetened water. At present due to the 
cheapening of processes and the beet sugar industry, sugar is so 
cheap that the consumption per capita for instance in England 
is about forty kilos per year. 

The benefits of machinery for the great civilized nations are 
most important doubtless. Yet are all the countrieis of the world 
in a condition to become industrial countries in order to fully 
enjoy the benefits of civilization? Let us see as regards Mexico. 
To substitute a system adjusted to our conditions, for another 
more perfect in theory, but inadequate to our economic situation 
must be the cause of great and perhaps irreparable disorders. 

Industry on a large scale requires three things: capital, raw 
materials, and a market. In Europe and the United States these 
conditions exist. Regarding capital, some nations have such 
a superabundance of it, that the European nations at war have 
not been surprised that Governments should have contracted 
loans for thousands upon thousands of millions of pounds ster- 
ling. As regards markets, the English have gigantic colonial 
possessions, and the French follow close behind, and as regards 
the Germans, though it is true that their colonies are relatively 
insignificant, still their industrial perfection, especially in syn- 
thetic products gives them a great advantage in. the industrial 
world. The present struggle means for Germany, the possession 
of extensive markets, or the positive crushing of its industry, as 
its factories are the backbone of its wealth and power. The 
United States have not boundless capital of their own, being a 
new country, but they have enormous extensions to be ex- 
ploited, a vast domestic market, and splendid transportation 
facilities. As the latter improve and develop, the number of 
consumers increases proportionately. Finally, as regards raw 
materials, Europeans and North Americans have enormous coal 
and iron deposits. Europeans import free of duty, many raw 
materials which they ship from their colonies. Thus, England 
feeds its factories with cotton from Egypt and India, and with 


^^ \,t 


vu Australia, importing from other countries the balance 

Ir .ico unfortunately such wise measures have not prc- 

vai Therefore, our industry far from favoring our prole- 

tariai, has further complicated the solution of the problem of 
the people's well being. Regarding our capital, it is really so 
small, that we have to apply Ir foreign countries, and money 
does not come out so far and to su nstable a country, save under 
the promise of inordinate gains, id under customs protection 
which imposed a duty of fifteen vi.nts silver per kilo, on sugar, 
forty to fifty-five cents per litre on alcohol, beer with eight to 
twenty cents per kilo, according to its quality, and so forth, not 
to speak of paper and dynamite, on which articles most prohibit- 
ive duties were imposed. The result of this policy has been 
that large sales and reasonable profits the policy followed in 
Europe and the United States is not seen in Mexico, but only the 
attempt to sell as high as possible. If we take for instance the 
case of flour, this is not a complicated industry, and some 
Spanish capitalists secure great profits transforming wheat, 
which in good times is worth less than seven and a half cents 
silver per kilo, into flour sold in such times for about thirteen 
cents silver per kilo. The electric industry is not satisfied with 
obtaining a fair return, but in its efforts to sell the horse power 
as dearly as possible, hardly leaves profit to the agriculturist 
who employs the energy to pump the water for agricultural pur- 
poses as happens in Silao ; or making combinations which are 
prejudicial to the public, the electrical companies combine into 
monopolies which are as harmful as that of the Nixtamal mills. 
Regarding the cotton factories, it will suHice to quote the words 
of Mr. Huliies before the Chamber of Deputies; "We have eighty 
factories which have cost much, indeed, for the simple satisfaction 
of saying that cotton cloth is made here at a cost four times 
greater than in London. In England it costs three cents and 
here we have to pay twelve. This depression of the poor man's 
work, in order to make iiim pay four times more and bear the 
load of eighteen millions, is the positive and immediate result 
of the unrestricted protection granted to the cotton manufact- 
urers." In short, the object pursued by foreign capital invested 
in industry, is not to sell us the greatest quantity of goods pos- 
sible, but to sell to us as dearly as possible. This has reached 
such a point, that the Diaz Ciovernmcnt bound itself with the 
Torrcon Dynamite Company, to impose such consumption tax 
as would make competition impossible; to permit free exporta- 
tion nf dynamilc, and to pay as indemnity the sum which Govern- 
ment might subtract from the tax per ton. All this was effected 
to completely shut od competition. What has been done, has not 
been with the purpose of developing our industry, but to favor " 
foreign capital which comes to oppress. What shall we say of 
petroleum? We do not obtain any appreciable advantage from 
the ninety or more millions of barrels that are being exported. 



After the United States and Russia we are the largest producers, 
and still no one is to be found in Mexico to establish an industry 
having petrol or gasoline as motive power. The Diaz Govern- 
ment gave concessions for fifty years; surrendered the use of 
the maritime zone and of properties of common use which do not 
belong to the Federal Government but to the inhabitants of the 
Nation; it restricted the right of private parties by unconstitu- 
tionally forbidding perforation at the distance of three kilome- 
ters from such wells as may have been "brought in" by the Com- 
panies ; permitted expropriation for private profit, and upon lands 
remaining unimproved ; granted tax exemption, and allowed free 
exportation of machinery sometimes sold to a third party. And 
of the things which happen in the mining industry we shall men- 
tion a Company in the State of Hidalgo which possesses a mine 
of enormous wealth deeded in trust to some English capitalists. 
The latter have managed to become continually richer, while the 
owners become poorer daily, because the English capital in- 
vested in smelting works operating under a most onerous con- 
tract, makes in smelting much more than it loses as miner. Few 
therefore are the advantages which the country has reaped from 
such investments of foreign capital, which at times have taken 
the form of truly immoral speculations, which through the in- 
vestment of a few dollars have enriched without effort foreign 
speculators and their Mexican accomplices. These facts and 
considerations induced Olegario Molina, Secretary of Fomento 
(national development) to draw up the famous article 144 of 
the Mining Law which forbad foreigners from acquiring mines 
in the country. The mercenary clamor of Mexican organizers 
of anonymous mining companies prevented the enactment of the 
said clause. 

In industry as in agriculture the Diaz policy was to surrender 
to capitalists the larger share of production. It mattered little if 
the Mexican people remained plunged in utter abjection and 
misery. The members of that official family were guilty of truly 
terrible excesses. Let us hear a witness notoriously addicted to 
the Diaz Government, Mr. Bulnes : "Iturbide, who was shot as a 
tyrant put a tax of 25% on wheat; we the friends of the people 
have imposed a tax of 250% ; the money lender charged 5% 
per year; the Banco Nacional, creation of a liberal Government 
charges 12% and is the only one empowered to sign a cheque." 
"To protect agriculture, enormous duties have been imposed ; by 
dint of oppressive legislation the central plateau, in spite of its 
questionable fertility, has been made to feed the whole popula- 
tion ; in order to favor cotton mills we are obliged to pay eighteen 
millions per year; to protect paper mills, the printing and en- 
graving industries are tied hand and foot, public instruction finds 
itself paralyzed, and the press falls under the heel of the paper 
manufacturer. To protect a manufacturer of acids, our industrial 
future is surrendered to a speculator and four peons. We see 
cotton cloth with 230% ; ordinary wines 80% ; but champagne 


oay Sfr; costly laces free of all duty; trufTIes lO'/i ; jewelry 
9% ; the whole burden of the tariS placed on the shoulders of 
the poor. The powerful simply give a pourboire or tip to the 
National Treasury." With reference to the preceding words, not 
long ago some reproductions were forwarded to the Geological 
Institute which were considered and appraised as precious 
stones. The Director of the College, remembering the tremend- 
ous tarifi of the United States on such articles, thought of apply- 
ing to the Finance Department when he was informed that in 
Mexico the tariff duties on precious stones are but a few cents 
silver per kilo. 

After what Mr. Bulnes has stated, and what we have shown, 
we believe it will be granted that we have suffered much from 
lack of capital, and from the oppressive form of foreign invest- 
ments. In Europe it has been calculated that the part of capital 
in production is 407' and that of labor 60'a - In Mexico the 
exactions of capitalists render impossible a human organization 
of industry, for in order to favor the workman, the capitalist 
exacts indemnity and burdens the rural proletariat which forms 
the great majority of the nation. Thus out of the $3,200,000 of 
the duty which enhanced the value of the cotton cloth in order to 
favor the factory workmen, about $700,000 went to the cotton 
factories according to the aforesaid Mr. Bulnes. 

Reg;arding the Market, Mexican industry can only live from 
domestic commerce, because of freights among other reasons. 
It is preposterous to suppose that we compete with Europe and 
the United States, selling paper to the North American papers, 
and cloth to the Argentine. The Diaz Government pretended 
having the intention of doing the latter. 

Respecting home consumption, for the prt-sent this must be 
much restricted. The people of Mexico arc exceedingly poor. 
The greater part only have a zarape or mantle-sbawl, some yards 
of cotton cloth, a mat, and a straw hat, and consequently a most 
scant purchasing jiower out of their daily pittance. In Europe 
the great landowners left the land to devote themselves to indus- 
try, the former having become unprofitable, and the latter very 
profitable. In our country, unfortunately this has not been 
done, and the people which have no lands, possess no patrimony 
whatever. In the United States and Argentine land produces 
more, and yet is worth less than in Mexico, because in spite of 
the small production of Mexican lands, great are the profits of 
the Mexican land owner. The hacendado who sows maize in the 
Bajio, collects 58'/' to pay the tax {I-^:'[ per thousand) according 
to the Deiiartnient of Agriculture, and he pockets the balance 
which rejiresents the entrepreneur profit and the interest on the 
capital invested. 

In order to make money, therefore, the Mexican Hacen- 
dado docs not need to forsake agricuUnre which is exceedingly 
profitable for him, and has allowed him to speculate inordinately, 
awaiting the great rise in value of the lands without effecting any 




improvements whatsoever. The consequence of all this is that 
industry has done nothing to better the condition of the people, 
as the most necessary articles are usually proportionately very 
expensive. It is true that industry in the form in which it is ex- 
ploited is truly a good business with activity and intelligence. 
However the Mexican Hacendado, lazy and fond of "absentee- 
ism," does not need to forsake a lucrative business for another 
requiring more work. Therefore we have had to open the way 
to foreign capital which has been merciless, and in many cases 
most pitiless and hard. Statistics show that the number of 
textile factories and employees is ever almost the same. There 
is only one industry ever in the ascendancy and that is the manu- 
facture of alcohol. The value of this article was about $6,000,000 
six millions in 1892 and jumped to 48,446,082 in 1906. The value 
of the maize alcohol increased from $430,000 to $2,584,923 in the 
brief space of five years. Unfortunately the greater the wretched- 
ness and hopelessness, the greater is the alcohol consumption. 
Our paternal governments have granted tax exemptions to the 
pernicious industry of making alcohol from maize under the pre- 
text that it is well to help new industries, even if they poison the 
population and lower its efficiency still more. It is shameful to 
remember that one of the first provisions of the Spanish Kings 
was to forbid the manufacture and sale of alcohol, as may be 
seen from the Royal Edicts of August 24th, 1529, and January 
24th, 1545, which stated "that it was well not to make wines and 
liquors out of the roots of the country, and that they should not 
be sold in public nor private, because they caused a very great 
evil to the Indians, as it robs them of their senses." 

As regards the abundance of raw materials, it is very true 
that we possess the same, but unfortunately the capitalistic 
industry which strives for high prices rather than for an 
abundant production, does not transform our inexhaustible re- 
sources into manufactured articles, but permits their exportation 
wholesale. Everything goes abroad, hemp, petrol, lechuguilla, 
guayule shrub, and other products, and from abroad also comes 
the raw rmLtevM when we need it. We give here some para- 
graphs from the work which General Diaz ordered written in 
praise of his administration for Prince Roland Bonaparte and 
other French scientists. 

"The development of the cotton manufacturing industry has 
been so rapid, that the plantations are not sufficient to feed the 
factories, and manufacturers are compelled to buy abroad, pay- 
ing in gold, the half of their raw material." 

"As a result of experiments which proved satisfactory, the 
manufacturers decided to import from England and Spain 
foreign wools in order to blend them with those of the country." 

"Through an anomaly, at first inexplicable, the owners of 
these furniture factories do not make use of the abundant raw 
material of the country, and buy in the United States, in spite 
of the additional taxes and charges. The reason for this lies 



In the ilifficulties and costs of domestic transportation, and the 
lime required to dry the woods, thus paralyzing considerable 


"Up iri now the makers of jute cloth import the raw material 
from British India." 

So that we have established a protective tariff to enhance 
prices on articles of wide consumption, in order to develop 
exotic industries for the benefit of a few foreign speculators. 

it is customary to look down upon the Chinese, yet they 
answered Consul Simon when he praised to them the European 
steam industry. "We do not wish that industry should transform 
more raw materials t'rian arc produced in our territory. 
Within its boundaries all our population is agricultural and loves 
the soil from which it lives. Any industry which would go to 
foreigners to ask for raw materials in order to make the tfans- 
mutation, would cease being national because it would uproot 
our people. The interests of our people would be where their 
markets are. All perturbations would be felt among us and we 
would be helpless to remedy them." The lesson which wc are 
receiving proves the sense of these words. 

The result of the establishment of industry on a large scale, 
has been the almost total elimination of manual industry. The 
old small factory owner has been converted into a salaried em- 
ployee, and life has become so hard that he has to appeal to the 
money lender in order to continue to live, as the skillful worker 
nf Leon. The old makers nf ^arajics ..r sbawl-mantlcs of .Sal- 
lillo and San Miguel de Alleiide. those -.f Santa .Maria del Kiu 
nnd .Salvatierra whose superb [nufflcrs were proverbial have 
]jractically disappeared. "iiackcd by considerable capital, 
industry on a large scale is gradually eliminating the small 
nianufacturer," says Mr. Picard, colIab{irator nf I'rince Hona- 
parte. in his work on Mfxii-u. Only a few Indians jirc.scrve the 
art of making mantles of which Friar Rartiilome dc las 
C'asas tells ns. an an which was taught the ycjung from child- 
hood, as we sec in old engravings of the Mendocinn manuscript. 
Niibody knows now how to melt any thing in ?opper; very few 
know linw to make soap, and even tht- valuable manufacture of 
silver knir-kTUtcke has disappeared fn-m (Inanajuatri. 

rilhcr countries which have entered the field of manufacturer^ 
have tried In build ^\y a natiinird imhi^try. Thus New Zealand 
h.Ti thirteen millions nf jjounds sterling invested in the iiidu.'ilrv 
nf refrigerated meats and canned meal'^; in the wnn] industrv: iii 
saw mills. (Inur mills; butler and i-lu-r^.- mnkini;; and sometbinc 
in ihe irnii mid ^\ff\ industries. 

Russia U]! In ihc last third of ilip last century had not done 
much in the industrial line, Ouisidc of gnld placer mining in 
Siberia; snme factories near the Caiiil^il. and some metallurgical 
*vnrk- in ibc Ural, ihiTC was firacticallv nothing. 

IN indn-lrv tieg;oi s.rinuslv :\< sooi, as ihe petnd fields nf the 
v' s-n ;nid nn^snv wrre fnimd. Sini'i' the ' 




industry has taken a great impetus; the manufacture of textile 
fabrics from Russian cotton, or from Turkestan and Trans- 
caucasia. When the Russians were able to create factories to 
supply domestic needs, and when they had a network of railways 
with reasonable transportation rates in a country of tremendous 
distances, then Russian industry was assured. Then land parcel- 
ling has increased the well-being and purchasing power of the 
people. Therefore the reasonable protective policy of Count 
Witte is most wise. 

Since General Diaz was determined to make* of Mexico a great 
industrial nation, he should have at least created national indus- 
tries. But in spite of the discovery of our enormous petrol 
fields, we yet believe that the lack of capital renders preferable 
the protection of small industries in Mexico which prevent our 
being slaves of foreigners to whom we have to pay onerously in 

Industry may satisfy our needs and even reach high perfection 
in the hands of small manufacturers, and as a proof thereof, we 
can show the shoe making industry in Ciudad de Leon. Consul 
Simon tells us "In spite of the generally accepted idea in Europe, 
not only agriculture but also industry and commerce have be- 
come intensely developed in China. This does not seem really 
clear to us as there are no large factories with tall chimneys, as 
may be found among us ; there are no great crowds of working- 
men, nor steam whistles, nor great hammer blows. Every 
Chinaman may have five or six callings, and be at will agricul- 
turist, shoemaker, blacksmith, weaver, etc. When you wish it 
they will make cannon and shells, and statues sixty feet high, 
for which you would scarcely give a few francs." We do not 
need modern industry in order to cast in twenty minutes the 
statute of Charles IV, in Reforma Square. 

The policy of the Diaz Government to surrender everything to 
foreign capital that we may depend from the rich classes in 
foreign lands has been disastrous. Foreigners have tried to ex- 
tract from the country the largest possible sums of gold. They 
are accustomed to pay off capital indebtedness with the profits 
of a few years, and we have to continue making payments which 
impoverish the people, diminish the economic receptivity of the 
proletariat and compel us to surrender more and more for little 
or nothing. The worst of it all is that Mexican money takes on 
a foreign character just as soon as it is invested in anonymous 
societies, organized outside the country, frequently with the 
purpose of carrying out unworthy machinations contrived by un- 
crupulous promoters, and Mexican lawyers still less scrupulous. 
While agriculture on a large scale may be a good business it is 
useless to expect that Mexicsfn capitalists will devote themselves 
honestly to business and industry. The small capitalists will 
not be able to create large factories except through anonymous 
societies, and through sad experience we know it is better that 
such be not organized, at least while the present laws are in force. 


IcJumi o( Ihc divisi™ 



The Chinese give us here another lesson. Consul Simon, who 
had a profound knowledge of things Chinese teHs us that in 
order to prevent the organization of very large I'nduslnes they 
reasoned; "There are other tonsideralions; your machines are 
very costly. One of your factories represents an investment oi 
three hundred thousand francs or more. No one among us is 
rich enough to establish one. It would be necessary to form com- 
panies. Now we dislike large associations, for in such many are 
ruled, and the few that rule are irresponsible. We do not like 
this, either in industry or in politics. We prefer small groups." 

We cannot calculate how many evils our rulers could have 
saved us if they had favored small industries. I,arge sums have 
been invested in the factories, and the capital has been greatly 
"watered." It has been necessary to grind down the Mexican 
people by charging exhorbitant prices in order to pay the interest 
on such capital. Naturally it is not possible to extend markets 
in a country where the factories themselves have contributed to 
render the people daily more miserable. 

In order to develop our small industry we have most abundant 
raw materials. In our country are to be found all different raw 
products more or less imperfectly distributed. As far as the 
price of labor is concerned, it is extraordinarily cheap. It will 
sufifice to study the comparative table of our salaries and compare 
them with those prevailing in foreign lands, to understand that 
our workmen should receive a reasonable share of the profit. 
As regards the ability of the handiwork, it must be said that Mexi- 
cans have always distinguished themselves as skillful artisans. 
Baron von Humboldt tells us that it is truly admirable what they 
are able to do by means of a knife and the hardest woods. 

Francisco Javier Clavijero says; "Mexicans can truly boast 
of their many inventions which can immortalize them. Besides 
their famous molded works, they have their remarkable mosaics 
of shells and feathers, their dyeing paper, their weavings with 
the finest rabbit and hare skins; the itzli cutlery, the creation of 
cochinilla colors; paving mortar; and many other ingenious in- 
ventions." It is true that all historians speak of the ingenuity 
and skill of the silversmiths, the weavers, stone engravers, and 
artists in feather fancy work. Hernan Cortez says in his second 
i-j>istle li; Charles V that no artisan of Europe couUl possibly 
work mure skillfully with gold and silver and feathers than the 
native Mcxic.ins, and that it is not conceivable how they can work 
■ill cleverly in jewelry work. Our natives have preserved all the 
small industries which were left them by the Spaniards, ami 
Baron von 1 1 umboldt states that it is remarkable that they should 
execute statues which equal the statues which the Spaniards 
brought over. Vasco de Quiroga, the first bishop of Michoacan 
was transferred from Judgeship to the bi.shopric. the same as 
St. Ambrose, taught the inhabitants of certain places in Michoa- 
can. many small industries which still enable them to earn their 
livelihood. In the towns and villages where the illustrious pre- 




•, ■ ■ 

[I I 

late established some small industry we find no vices nor va- 
grancy. The Indians of Paracho who are excellent musicians 
and carpenters, make guitars, violins, chairs, and toys ; those from 
Tiricuaro make millstones ; those from Arantepacua make cloaks 
of a fiber not unlike the weave of Panama hats. At Nahuatzen 
the Indians of that tribe make a specialty of tanning hides and 
skins ; those of Patambaro and Comanja green and red ceramics ; 
those of Uruapan, gourds and hand painted furniture; those 
of Terecuato work up hemp into all kinds of manufactured arti- 
cles ; those of San Jose Ocumicho make china moulds ; those of 
Pamatacuaro make spoons and mills for coffee, etc. The Indians 
of Jaracuaro, on an island of Patzcuaro lake, weave hats ; those 
of Charapam weave artistically in looms; those of Santa Clara 
make pans and copperware ; those of San Felipe spurs, hatchets, 
railings, pickaxes, etc. As regards the market for our small in- 
dustries we have all that is required, and should such small in- 
dustries be encouraged, then the greater part of the profits accru- 
ing thereof would go to the workman and not practically the 
whole of it to foreign shareholders as happens at present. 

By far, the greater portion of the Mexican population is devoted 
to agriculture, and for this reason and because the greatest 
wealth of Mexico is in agriculture we should encourage the agri- 
cultural small industries. The populations which dwell in the 
rural districts have much time to dedicate to all the industries 
connected with lumber and woods which are very profitable for 
the inhabitants of the selva negra, or Black Forest. The making 
of hats and rattan chairs and straw articles offer a vast field, as 
the making of "zacaton" brushes which are manufactured on- a 
large scale in France with raw material shipped to them from 
Puebla. Also the weaving of canamo or hemp and other fibres 
which are exported from Norway ; the manufacture of dairy pro- 
ducts, such as cheeses, the preserves which have made the reputa- 
tion of the town of Celaya, and butter for export. Denmark ex- 
ports fnany hundreds of millions of francs yearly in butter alone. 
The bee industry, which is primitively exploited among us, pro- 
duces excellent honey and wax which are exported to Germany. 
We will mention the industry of preserved fruits which has made 
the fortune of California, the education of singing birds which 
has enriched whole communities in Germany, etc., all of this 
without counting the small cultivations such as strawberries, 
greens and vegetables for export. In Paris, twelve trains leave 
the station to go to England and exporting nothing but vege- 
tables. The walnut export industry is also susceptible of great 
development, and is most extensively used in Germany delicates- 
sen. We will also mention the breeding of rabbits and hares, 
especially the silver hares and those of Angora which yield the 
excellent fur that is sold hatters; chicken raising, silk worm 
industry, etc. * ' ' i 

The advantages of the small industry would be enormous. 
Our poor classes would secure therewith a great improvement 


Incral condition, economic and social. The Mexican 
iccially would find the way of her social redemption 
'Establishment of the small industry. According to 
i. the Mexican country woman "sticking to her corn 
i six hours daily or half a day's work, grinding six 
ize, work which is equivalent to that of a horse power 
1...I and with an expenditure of combustible of 

I. lur, or that is in the six minutes, five tenths 

is the value of the work of our indian 
in wheat and compared to the value of 
ui inp n woman is one hundred and twenty five 

timco jcss. . . 1 ne work of four millions of indian women by 
their grinding stones is equalled by the work and salary of thirty 
two thousand women in the fields of the United States." 

We should really open the field of industry to the Mexican 
woman, and in this manner a great part of the Mexican proleta- 
riat would find economic independence and instead of being de- 
pendent upon foreigners, we would he exporting manufacturpil 
articles, the product of our indigenous industries. 

It will suffice to cite an example of what rural industry can 
do for the benefit of the rural classes. Take the silk industry. 
It is very old in Mexico, since the Conquest. It was started by 
Delgadilto near Mexico City who used worms from seed given 
him hv Frniici^i-n dc Santa Cruir. Soon this industry grew apace 
in Midioacati. n^s-.m:,. and Puebhi. A tr>wn of this last men- 
tioned State is still ciIUmI Tepeji de la seda (of the silk). I.ncas 
.Manian tells ns lliat nt Jiutcpco. Tetecala. and 'I'amascalazingn 
hundreds of persons work in the mulberry bushes and breed silk 
worms. .Accord ins; to the accnnnts of the Cortez family in 1629, 
the mizlcca and taffeta of the region were common articles 
of connncrcc. .\fter some time llic Sp;niish Gnvernmcnls ordered 
this industry ilcstroyed and the uproutini.; nf the mulberries to 
prevent comiicliiioii with oriental business. 

When Governments sidisequcntlv have tried to establish this 
small and valuable indn.stry tliey have not been able to do so 
from the date of the second Count of Rcvillaiiigedo to this day. 
.And yet this little industry which is worked by those in bumble 
circum.stances in all silk producing countries, could of itself re- 
deem the rural classes. .A family possc-ising twenty fuur mul- 
berrv bushes and breeding the silk worm, can produce more or 
less $1.^0 silver, with about fortv davs of btful work, involving 
little fatigue. Now our comitrv is six times larger than Italv 
which pn"liiees the sixth pari of the silk i)rodnction of the globe, 
wliich amounts to 1.178,240.000 francs per year. Moreover we 
have our coasts where it ran be carried on cNlcnsivoly employing 
the raeps called jinlyvnlis which produce several generations in 
a vrnr. Our northern neighbor is a gigantic eonsnmcr of silk, 
and imports from the Orient fabulous quantities. With a few 
<lavs w.irk in the spring, that can be carried on bv women ami 
children, we eonid ea=ily '^rU to the United Slates the 8,^,000.000 



dollars worth of raw silk that it takes yearly, besides the thirty 
millions of manufactured silk, some of which we should be able 
to manufacture. Now, any such quantity or sum distributed 
among three millions of rural families, would simply produce the 
total emancipation of our proletariat. This is one of many in- 
dustries which could be advantageously established in Mexico. 

We applaud the efforts of the Department of Fomento (Na- 
tional Development) which makes a constant propaganda for the 
agricultural industries and strives to encourage the rural popula- 
tions to engage therein and supplies them with most valuable 
information. Unfortunately the most difficult thing is not to 
overcome the ignorance and apathy of the rural population ; there 
are more serious obstacles which the present Revolution must 
surmount. It is curious that after the Conquest the silk industry 
should have developed so amazingly as to frighten oriental com- 
petition, and that to-day in spite of Governmental action, nothing 
practical should have been accomplished. The reasons are two. 
The first is that large land barons are bitter enemies of the small 
industries in rural communities, as they view with malevolence 
that the down trodden rural classes can proceed to acquire social 
and economic independence. This would mean the disappearance 
of peonage. The landlords in Mexico consider the laborer as a 
beast of burden. In the great conflict which is taking place in 
Europe and the United States between capital and labor, the 
former has in its favor the possession of the instruments of pro- 
duction, and therefore as the Socialists aver, it is their purpose 
to reduce the necessities and independence of the workman in 
order to cede him as little as possible of the value of production. 
What would they say of Mexico ? 

The other obstacle which is entirely connected with the first, is 
the lack of small landholdings, the way to render the laborer truly 
independent. These causes work in countries blessed with an 
old civilization so that we cannot assert that the obstacles to the 
propagation of rural industries be invincible and peculiar to our- 
selves. Brunhes quotes the following paragraph from Mr. Gref- 
fier's pen : "M. de Gasparin observes that in the south of France 
the silk worm is not wanted in the regions where the vast estates 
prevail, and the industry is developed in the places where olive 
groves and small vines are cultivated. The lands which are ex- 
ploited by large landowners are not propitious for the breeding 
of silk worms, because the said large landlords view the industry 
with dissatisfaction. In the places where landed property is 
pretty well parcelled up there is much interest and energy de- 
voted to the silk culture. Then the bombix culture cannot subsist 
with great exploitation which requires much work in the spring. 
In brief, large landholdings are not propitious to the industry of 
the silk worm. Among the small land owners on the other hand 
it thrives, and goes in hand beautifully with all manner of culti- 
vations, and becomes a steady source of profit." 




THE Customs c 
upon the exists. 
tation of foreign 
the Count acne 
ly protective ta T^- 

consuining class 
the same time 
raw materials i ,.,cd 
the duty was iimuitesii] 
produce and buy article 
des, in view of the pro 
States until lately, coi 


ive Tariff 

n in the country rested generally 
;h customs duties upon the impor- 
._ndise. so that articles produced in 
li prices under the wing of a strong- 
.o say. that generally f^peaking, the 
es for the necessaries of life. At 
iry paid light import duties, and 
pi parts paid no duty, or if it did 
other words, the rich could sell. 
xury at low prices, and these arti- 
laritf which prevailed in the United 
ue bought cheaper in Mexico than in 

the United States, the country of production. This anomaly was 
so glaring, that one nf the first revolutionary measures was to 
lower import duties on commodities. They reduced the duty on 
cotton cloth to one-fourth, and cereals were admitted free from 
all duty. On the other hand. Gnvernmcnt greatly increased 
ditties on articles of luxury, and imposed proportimiatc taxes nn 
exportatinns such as sesame, guayule. rubl)er shrubl). hemp, and 
petrol which are extensively .sold in foreign parts. 

In the preceding cha])tcr we have dealt with the effects of the 
protective tariff in the ore;anization of Mexican industry. We shall 
here limit ourselves to show the influence of said defective legis- 
lation UjKin Mexican agriculture in general. 

It is well known that in Europe agriculture on a large scale 
became a Inisiness of little profit because of foreign jirnduce which 
flooded the market. Among us the high protective tariff impetieii 
that the Country in general should reap the benefits of competi- 
tion, and Mexico liecame commercially isolated. Therefore, we 
entered the lists of the world's commerce with every disadvantage 
and no advantage. Due to the customs duties •'» corn, the bmilV 
rent in the Bajio region went uj) eigiity pesos jicr hectare, and in 
other words, maize was artificially endeared for the hciulit of 
the landlords. The tariff taxed the importation of this cereal at 
the rate of eighty three centavos more or loss i>cr one hundred 
kilns of gross weight. Our measure of a load of maize means 
one hundred and thirtv five kilos on the average. 

W^e are able to gre'atly profit by our neighborhood with the 
United States in i>rder to improve the conditions ••] the proleta- 
riat. It is well known that maize is the greal sta]>le of the new 





worlds and it constitutes the regulator of all Mexican prices. 
When maize goes up in price, then all articles without ex- 
ception shall rise also as the said cereal is the basis of our people's 
food. The United States produce an enormous quantity, for in 
1909 out of a total crop of 944,000,000 quintals, the United States 
produced 704,000,000. And what becomes of this enormous corn 
production in the United States? Before the European war, the 
United States had studied this question and had sought to solve 
it. In the United States maize is used in large quantities only 
by the colored population inhabiting the warm and damp zones. 
But the cereal is mixed with potatoes to fatten pigs and in a lesser 
degree to feed cattle, horses and mules. Still overproduction 
compelled Americans to develop the industry of corn oil, and 
even to make paper therewith. 

We could say of wheat, almost the same that we have said of 
com or maize. It bears also a heavy import tax. The enormous 
grain elevators of Chicago are a sign of the phenomenal produc- 
tion of the United States, which is the fifth of the whole world's 
production. In 1909 the huge total of 194,000,000,000 quintals 
were harvested in the United States. 

It is curious that while a great portion of our production was 
exported abroad, we barely received from the same country to 
which we exported, such cereals as were needed for our susten- 
ance. Moreover, as we export foodstuffs under the protection 
of this iniquitous custom legislation, we find materialized what 
Mr. Bulnes said on some occasion: That the Mexican laborers 
cultivate the wheat, but do not eat the bread. 




IF there has i.-ver been Sfiniethinf; radically wrong in Mexico, 
it is certainly the system q£ taxation. Volumes could be 
written abont it. It consists of high indirect taxes, and very 
low taxes on real property. It was purposely devised so as 
to leave unscathed the upper classes, so that the richer a citizen 
became the smaller proportionate taxes did he pay. We shall 
speak of the land tax since in Mexico land is the greatest wealth. 

This land tax has had two great inherent defects. In the first 
place it has been exceedingly lo-w. In the second place it has 
been so unevenly distributed that it has become a monstrous in- 
iquity. In Guanajuato, by virtue of law promulgated under the 
administration of Mr. Madero, when I resided in the said State, 
there was imposed a tax, in lieu of that existing hitherto, taxing 
property about 1% per thousand of the value of rustic property. 
The landowners then alleged that with such a tax the whole 
agriculture of the State would be ruined, and they appealed to 
the I'>(1eral Covcrnnicnt to intervene, in order to [irevent thai 
the law be jiut in force. Of course their efforts were fruitless, 
and after a series of discussions with the Guanajuato State 
Government, they agreed to pay the tax. and the Government 
reduced the same tax fur the lands of alternate crops. It w.iived 
llie tax in lands which naturally cuuld i.r(i<lucc little or nntbing, 
or were producing nnthinj;. alon;^ the Northern portioTi of the 
State where trees arc a< scarce as in the denuded plains of Cas- 
tillc. Still the tax was v.-ry light. Here, in United States th<- 
tax reaches thirty per cent oi the liquid or net proceeds: in 
France about 24'.' net, or about 2.1 francs per hectare, and in 
Spain there is paid even one hundred jiesetas ]ier hectare. 

.\s the land tax is the priiu-i|>al source of revenue of the Stale, 
the budgets of different States are very scant and the Govern- 
ment emjiioyecs earn or ratlier receive such meagre salaries, that 
a luilgc at Guanajuato received one hundred and twenty pesos 
silver per month, and an employee in cbarf;e of the public clock 
received ten cents per day silver, Dn a certain occasion, a school 
teacher was unable to come to the Cajiita! because iie lacked a 
])air of cloth trousers. .\ik1 yet the State of ( iuanajuatn is one of 
the richest of the Mexican Federation. 

1 the disastr.ius results of such un- 
. The great landlords, taking ad- 




-^ \i'!Liif, 

vantage of their influence and social position, and also that it 
is much easier to appraise small properties than large estates, 
had been able to shove off onto the small landowners nearly the 
whole tax. A truck farmer with a capital of one hundred and 
fifty pesos, frequently paid a larger tax than the richest land 
baron of the region. The tax upon sellers in public places, or 
small retail stores, produced more in one of the richest Districts 
of the State of Guanajuato than the whole land tax of the District. 
I cannot recall save with sadness, that some retail dealers per- 
sonally carried on their persons their little stock of wares, in 
order not to pay a higher tax were they to deposit their little 
stock upon the floor. When I was a public Official of the Guana- 
juato Government, I endeavored to reform this deplorable legis- 
lation, doing my utmost to have it distributed as equitably as 
possible, and having a fixed charge made per hectare. For this 
purpose the State was divided in four zones, and the lands were 
classified. We did not dare to establish a progressive tax for fear 
that it might be declared anticonstitutional by the Supreme Court 
of the Nation. The land barons requested that all the land taxes 
be doubled instead of having a law which would distribute the 
tax equitably. Government did not accept this, as its purpose 
was to utilize the tax to favor the small farmer, and not fill the 
public treasury, regardless of Leroy Beaulieu's dictum that the 
State cares nothing for the sufferings of the oppressed. This 
Guanajuato legislation was a welcome relief to the small farmers. 
It taxed proportionately the land owners, and also shifted onto 
the selfish land barons (who let their lands He fallow, speculating 
for a rise), a goodly share of the burden of taxation. This legis- 
lation of Guanajuato and that of Paraguay have been quoted as 
being two important efforts in the direction of single tax. 

Throughout the Republic, conditions are and have been the 
same. Everywhere uncultivated land paid no tax, and the tax 
distribution has been woefully unjust. Mr. Molina Enriquez 
gives many interesting examples. One of the chief reactionary 
writers, Mr. Bulnes himself tells us : "Our agriculturists, on the 
contrary look at the sky in order to appraise their crops, and 
await everything from the tariff wall which is intended to keep 
out any competitor who may pretend to better our condition. 
Protection has won throughout our economics; the majority of 
our agriculturists become daily weaker due to the terribly hard 
unrewarded life of the fields under present conditions. But the 
ideal has been secured. Everything is dear, and the labor of the 
poor becomes unproductive for them." These were the words 
of Mr. Bulnes, the mouthpiece of the reactionaries themselves, 
while discussing the monetary question. 

So defective have been the land taxes, that in Mexico City 
some men of influence secured that urban property which had 
been planted with trees should be free from the tax. Thus, hand- 
some residences with parks situated in the Federal District, paid 


as if they were rustic properties. Enormous city lots in the very 
heart of Mexico City remain unproductive and unimproved as 
the owner, paying ridiculouslv small taxes, is quietly awaiting the 
great enhancement of values wi. h is to come with time, un- 
earned increment if ever there was. 




Banking Organizations 

ONE of the plainest manifestations of the capitalistic 
organization of Mexican society under General Diaz, is 
the banking system, which, until lately, has been enforced 
in Mexico. The banks of issue and a few mortgage banks 
have been highly privileged institutions, to favor the interests 
of the wealthy class. As monopolistic institutions they naturally 
enjoyed tangible prerogatives. The banks were established 
under the system of so-called "plural monopolies" through con- 
cessions, and, among other privileges, were to be found the fol- 

I. Exclusive right of currency issue. 

II. Right to issue to an amount twice larger than the metal- 
lic reserve for all the institutions. The Banco Nacional, the 
Banco de Londres y Mexico, and the Banco de Nuevo Leon had 
the right to issue three times the amount of their metallic 

III. Exemption from federal, State, and Municipal taxes. 

IV. Right to foreclose their mortgage credits, without judi- 
cial procedure, and through adjudication made in the offices of 
the bank, and through officials of the same bank. 

Unquestionably much privileges were anticonstitutional, since 
the right to issue currency cannot exist against the State. Article 
28 of the Constitution forbids the creation of monopolies. 

It is of the exclusive incumbency of the law courts to ad- 
minister justice, and the federation cannot invade the sovereignty 
of the States by exempting from local taxes any corporation or 

It is worthy of note that such important privileges have been 
granted, but a cursory investigation will explain. To all the 
many monopolies granted to the rich, naturally the credit mono- 
poly had to be added. The clergy were the great land bankers 
of the Mexican land owners before the Reform. As a rule they 
were a benevolent creditor, and their rate of interest was reason- 
able. Mr. Bulnes tells us that the covetous banking clergy 
charged 5% per annum and yet the Banco Nacional, a liberal 
creation, charges 12% per annum, and is the only institution em- 
powered to sign the check. After the Independence the clergy 
proceeded to lend money only to the landlords of extensive pos- 


lions, as this class was intimately connected with the same 

aving the same interests. The war of Reform preventing 
•f from owning real estate and the well being brought 
auuui. ^j the rise in land income, prevented the clergy from ac- 
quiring extensive pos.sessions. Then the banks stepped in. They 
placed at the disposal of the landlords of considerable holdings. 
large sums of money which they denied to the small land owners, 
and they aggravated the land question in Mexico, by opening the 
field to the speculator. It became evident that investment in 
lands enormously increased the outlay. The movement of land 
parcelling which our Reform laws had tried to bring about was 
annulled, when Mexican capitalists were able to invest in lands 
with such excellent results. The small land owners and the 
towns and villages found themselves daily in an increasing con- 
dition of economic inferiority. The field lay open for the new 
credit institution. The banks of issue no longer operated as they 
do abroad. Their purposes were to favor capitalists in their 
speculation, and the land owners in the acquisition of lands. All 
of this explains the fjreat increase in mortgages, in spite of the 
profits of the landlords, who in spite of the latter did not con- 
sider them sufficient to cover the extent nf their new acquisitions. 
We also find here the reason for the paralyzation of the bank 
assets, and the lack of flexibility of the said institutions. The 
promisory notes at six months and for mercantile operations ac- 
cording to the reading of the notes, were really made to obtain 
in money for land speculalioii. 

The l>a"ks onlrnllcd by a <m-.x\\ gnmi> of capitalists and poli- 
ticiaii-^. -.(Tvcd lo back llicir i-mcr|)riscs ;ind those nf their friends. 
On the i.lhci- hand the -mall land owner was left hclple.-^s before 
■ iif the Spanish numey lenders, and when 
irc mnnev from the Banks, his property 
was a-l,indged t.> the or.-ditor in ;i few days, and he had no legal 
recuiirse to ]ircvent i(. On the other hand, credit was opened to 
the capitalists. The nmrtgage Bank (C.-ija dc Prestamosl, about 
which wr shall speak sulisefpicnfly, advanced fifty three millions 
"f silver pesos to iiinely one persons. Moreover, this same insti- 
tution lent nut tliirly niillions of silver pcs"S tti twelve debtors. 
in loan.- "f from one million tn five millions of silver pesos. 

We must therefore not be surprised at seeing that Banks were 
the uKisl fiirniidable agents to strengthen the Mexican capital- 
istic organi/atioii. Kven in the gctiernl wretchedness afTlicting 
our couiUrv at present, thev have lurn able !■' greativ increase 
their weall'li, and to pay off in the deiireciated oaper'eurreiK-y. 






THE Spanish Government gave much thought to the mining 
industry. On the one hand it established a very wise legis- 
lation through the royal ordinance on mines. Then it 
secured the necessary mining substances to assist the 
mining industry, bringing mercury from Almaden and Germany, 
Then mining Banks were established to help the industry. The 
miners then formed an association which was highly respected. 
They created the school of mines, erecting a splendid building 
worthy of ancient Rome. Nearly all the miners were Mexican 
nativQ3, and upon the ending of the Colonial Government, a 
noble rebel, the Marquis of Rayas became the most distinguished 
member of the corporation. Hidalgo was able to bring under 
his revolutionary banner many miners of Guanajuato, as for 
instance Chowell, a well known man of science of that time. The 
best Mexican lawyer of the Colonial period was Francisco Xavier 
de Ganiboa. and he attained fame in Spain through his comment- 
ary of the ordinances of the Nuevo Cuaderno. In brief, the 
great national industry was mining. 

If we look at present conditions, we are saddened at the con- 
trast presented by to-day's conditions. The Mexican year book 
of 1914 states that the capital employed in mining in Mexico 
amounts to $647,200,000.00 of which $449,000,000 are American, 
$87,200,000 English, $10,000,000 French and $29,400,000 Mexican. 
The small mining properties have nearly disappeared ; they have 
been substituted by enormous mining companies, such as EI 
Boleo, owning eight thousand eight hundred pertenencias. 

The cause of this transformation of the mining industry was 
due to the capitalistic organization. The mining industry, the 
greatest of the country, since out of one hundred millions of 
dollars which we export to the United States it represents 70%, 
had to adjust itself to the country's general conditions. The 
legislation had to be modified, and the old exaction that work 
had to be continued under penalty of forfeiture, was eliminated. 
The mining tax rendered possible that the rich could own enor- 
mous extensions, so as to remove the fear of possible competition. 
The legislation which established a contract Jto assist the miners 
called avio, was modified, so as to cause the elimination of the 
said contract. The state no longer tried to help the miners by 
enabling them to secure means for exploitation, and in this way 
only the rich were able to go in for mining. Lack of capital com- 


pelled the prospector and denouncer to sell the mine for a song 
or fall in the grip of foreign organizers of anonymous societies. 
The latter assisted by unscrupulous Mexican lawyers, chiefly en- 
gaged in heavy speculation, became rich at the expense of the 
people and of the foreigners interested in overcapitalized enter- 
prises. On the other hand the mining laborer continued to re- 
ceive the same pittance which barely enabled htm to keep body 
and soul together. The number of workers in the smelting and 
refining plants and in the mines diminished considerably, owing 
to the new mining organizations. The mining ores were fre- 
quently sent abroad to be smelted, and many workers were 
thrown out of employment. 

Aside from the laborer's pay. and some .small proportion of the 
money expended which was paid to the Mexican administrative 
personnel and to an occasional mine owner, the net proceeds of 
the industry went to foreigners. Thus a Mexican writer, para- 
phrasing a latin poet, said that the mines were ours, but not for 
us. The new mining industry therefore, was so organized that 
the owners completely lost sight of the public utility character 
of the mining property, and considered that their rights even 
permitted them to suspend all exploitation, depriving a people of 
their sustenance, as the Emperor Napoleon said, in a Council of 







IN a society where capitalists have absolute ascendancy, 
material development and civilization's advantages only 
serve to increase the economic superiority of the rich. Even 
here in the United States, the prosperity due to the European 
War has made the rich richer, and the poor poorer. The price of 
cereals has increased, and this has probably caused more than 
one strike. Doubtless this country has better means to feed its 
population than the European nations, and yet, as Guillermo 
Ferrero remarks, life is harded here for the middle classes than 
in the old World. The scientific investigation of the North 
American Government reached the conclusion that seven 
hundred and twenty dollars per year should be the minimum 
salary, and yet numberless crowds receive only something like 
five hundred dollars per year, while a minority accumulate riches 
to an extent never before seen in the History of the World. How- 
ever, in this country the people can make themselves heard, and 
President Wilson has been a great obstacle to monopolies, which 
are the economic processes for domination employed by capital- 
ists. Now, if this happens in the United States, it is natural 
to expect that in a country so deficiently organized as Mexico, the 
economic development which should serve for the betterment of 
the whole population, should only be of service to a few. No 
clearer demonstration may be seen of the above than in the case 
of the railroads. 

The Mexican railway lines were constructed on the same 
system as those obtaining in United States. Mr. Lerdo de 
Tejada proposed building railroads with the chief aim of in- 
creasing exports abroad. He also wished that vast regions which 
had been withdrawn from intercourse with the world, should be 
able to bring their produce to the populous centers of Mexico, 
and thus lower the prices of commodities. All this may be sum- 
marized from the dictamen of the Industrial Commission of 1876. 

The Minister of Fomento (National Development), of General 
Diaz' Government, Mr. Carlos Pacheco, threw himself with heart 
and soul into the building of railways, and did his utmost to 
favor their construction. However, the produce of many regions 
was not tapped by the railway system, and consequently the 
railways did not reduce the price of commodities. Refer- 




oceanic lines ; we would be united to Lower California ; we would 
have an ample intercontinental system ; we would no longer have 
been subject to the monopoly of one undertaking, and we would 
have opened to production such wonderfully fertile regions as 
that of Balsas and Papaloapam. But General Diaz' Government 
preferred to concentrate upon the organization of a great system 
which would have under its dominion the two long lines to the 
United States frontier and one Interoceanic, without counting 
other railways of lesser importance. In brief, General Diaz' 
Government preferred monopoly to unshackled opportunity. 
This is the second important flaw in the railway organization of 

Before railways had been built in Mexico, the great crops of 
the cereal producing zone lowered the price of many commodi- 
ties, so that, as we have said, prices were cheap. One ^^'g was 
worth one cent silver. Chickens brought eighteen cents silver 
apiece, a hectoliter of maize fifty cents silver and an arroba or 
about twenty five pounds of flour, brought a dollar silver. True, 
agriculture suflFered at times from droughts. The Colonial 
Government strove to safeguard against these by storing up 
cereals. Then the railways solved the difficult problem of 
periodical famines by eflFecting importations. However, as new 
centers of production were not opened up, the eflFect of the 
railways was the removal of the population to places which were 
distant from the productive regions, and the distribution 
throughout the country of the stocks which hitherto had fed 
restricted areas. Therefore, as productions continued scarce, 
prices throughout the country went up until they equaled the 
highest in places most remote from the productive zone, which 
before had been supplied from abroad. This was of great 
benefit to the land owner who suddenly saw land incomes rise in 
extraordinary proportions. It is no exaggeration to say that 
Haciendas or estates went up in value twentyfold. As the rise 
in prices was not followed by a rise in salaries, railway con- 
struction became a new element of distress for the poor classes 
of the population. And it is to be remembered that these lower 
classes of population contributed to the national credit through 
the taxes the large sums with which the railway subsidies were 
paid. This is the third flaw in the Mexican railway system. 

It is no secret for anyone that the railways collect their 
freights in a manner similar to that employed for tax raising. 
When they overtax a certain portion of any given community, 
they leave it helpless before the privileged class. Now in Mexico, 
the railway tariffs were drawn up for the benefit of the privi- 
leged class. The freights, for instance, the freight rdte on maize 
or corn was at the rate of three cents silver per ton per kilo- 
metre, in carload, to prevent that North American production 
should lower prices in Mexico. Moreover, there was established 
a certain system for domestic transportation, which was called 
of special tariff. The sole purpose of this system was to favor 



Htm. N 

riillcmcti, Ihe 
liiical organi- 

thc great landlords who shipped only by carload. In other 
words the land baron was given such privileges as reduced to 
impotence the cultivator on a small scale. The inevitable hap- 
pened; small land owners found themselves helpless before the 
monopolists. This is the fourth flaw in the Mexican railway 

We do not deny that the railways have been of great benefit 
to the country. But we wish to emphasize that the policj' of the 
Mexican Government, when it was in the hands of the in- 
trenched and powerful classes, had as a result the impoverish- 
ment of the population. Nor is this strange. India, for instance, 
is a country organized for the benefit of the privileged class, the 
English, and there e.xactly the same occurred as a result of rail- 
way construction. Farmers have died of hunger in spite of the 
improvement in transportation industry, because the latter has 
served to extract and not to carry. Mr. William Jennings Bryan 
proves this in a pamphlet which he has written regarding British 
rule in India. 



Concession System 

GOVERNMENT founded upon capitalism, must neces- 
sarily grant extraordinary protection to capital, and when 
in a given nation such capital does not exist or will only 
be invested in agricultural business, then the protection 
must be conceded to foreign capital. Foreign capital will not 
emigrate to countries such as ours unless attracted by great 
gains. The general poverty of the population and the deficien- 
cies of the social organization are the reasons that capitalists 
consider themselves as privileged beings, and will not submit 
to the ordinary laws. If to this we add the rapacity of certain 
politicians to amass wealth, even though the Nation be sold out 
for a mass of lentils, then it will be understood why the system 
of concessions was established in Mexico. According to this 
system, motive power, water flows and streams, public utilities 
and industries were adjudicated to foreigners, frequently under 
the form of monopolies and under special legislation which in 
every case placed the concessionaire outside the common law. 
The evil was greatly exaggerated because of General Diaz' muni- 
ficence towards his friends. I remember to have read in a public 
sentence in a Mexican newspaper, that General Diaz did not 
hesitate to declare that he had given a concession to a Mr. 
Prieto for mere friendship's sake. According to Lord Macaulay, 
any ruler who grants his friends all that they ask is not fit to 

Concessions were granted about so many things that it is not 
possible to refer to them in detail. We shall limit ourselves to 
mention a few examples. 

Petroleum is one of Mexico's great industries. The lack of data 
at hand here, prevents us from going into the matter thoroughly, 
but we can say that calculating the production from 1913 to 1914 
as having increased 380%, we are not far from preciseness if we 
estimate it as fast approaching 200 millions of barrels per year. 
The Corona oil well, the largest in the world, is said to have a 
producing capacity of 280,000 barrels daily. The famous Dos 
Bocas well which was destroyed through conflagration, pro- 
duced during its ignition 200,000 barrels per day. The wells of 
Juan Casiano, El Alazan, Tanguijo, and Furbero produce also 
enormous quantities. The Alamo sends up a column of oil to 
fifty meters in height. The National Railways up to June 1914, 
had consumed more than $29,500,000 dollars silver in hydro- 



<Iuw, all of this vast wealth has protitied the country 
R, The Diaz Government granted concessions which 
> fifty years. Owing to such concessions there were 
Q concessionaires not tmly Government lands, but also 
of common use, which is required for the needs of all 
ts. For instance, there was granted the right to import 
macnincry without paying customs duties; companies were ex- 
empted from all taxes, save the stamp tax; the right to expropri- 
ate private ]>roperty was granted; and last the right to drill oil- 
wells was restricted. No well could be perforated at a distance of 
less than three kilometres from the wells already brought in, 
although petroleum was subject to common law. The result of 
Ihis monopoly system has been that in Mexico we often con- 
sume petroleum imported from the United States, because the 
Mexican oil is sold at prices prohibitive for the country's indus- 

As a typical monopoly example 1 will cite the case of the 
Mexico City slaughter houses. The privilege was granted to 
a foreign Company to manage this slaughter house, charging a 
certain sum per animal killed. The Consessionaire Corporation 
which had less than two millions of pesos silver invested, over- 
capitalized itself to such an extent that the Company's capital 
was given out at thirty seven millions of pesos silver. Naturally, 
it was compelled to resort to every expedient to pay interest on 
such an enormous quantity of "water." It surreptitiously brought 
"i'trimfiU uf buti'hrr 



(if r 




It nionri|.nli7crl the blood, hair aii'l 
rendered impossible iho consumpti'Mi oi 
restricliii;4 Ibc sale of hogs and tlu-ir 
.f the flcbl. it began to sell as lard a 
.as dclriniontal to the iligestive organs. 
(he concessiiins for the refuse and waste 
making nf dynamite, etc.. but we would 
■ iieculiar i-onilitiiins prevailing in Lower 
iicral Dia^. ICvcrylhing was "conces- 
vv.'is distributed to a few. I 'earl fisheries 
nc<] to a Cnmiianv which forbad the 

lard in Mf- 
slaughter, and mastei 
noxious grease which 
We could sav much 
of Mexico City. f..r ih 
never end. Ni>t even t 
California .leterrc.i ( 
sinned" there. The lai 
exclusive rights weri' 
use nf divers' apparatus In others, and sent to prison whoever 
searched the ocean's bottom for i>earls. Therefore, those wlm 
bitbcrtii had nia<lc their livin- by pearl diving were exposed to 
losini; their life in (living anil prolonged sub-acjucnus immersicm. 
' granted 

nf the <nbs 
Company for 

,-ial > 

ed r 



■ the 

I nntohl f;dmlMi 


uf. Mm 



cessinned ; the air semed lo be the -.nly thing left nut. 

The result of all this was (hnt Mexico was considorcd as a 
Colony inhabited by very inferior jieople, and subject to the 
exigencies and cajirlce of capitalism, h'oreign capital considered 
us fre'inenlly as if we were in Congo, where large quantities of 






ivory are required even if the shoulders of slaves should reek 
with blood. Everything was permissible against Mexicans, and 
their wealth could be exchanged for a few glass beads. It was 
the capitalists who applied the moral code, one for themselves in 
foreign parts, and one for us in our own country. I had to take 
cognizance in the case of one of the great mines of the country. 
An English Company absolutely trampled on the rights of the 
Mexican owners, and made much of its proceedings at the 
General Shareholders' Meeting in London. The Directors 
would never have treated the matter with such signal nonchal- 
ance had they been speaking of a deal with other Englishmen. 
We do not wish to be understood as inimical to foreign capital. 
Very far from it. But we would like it to come to our country 
humanely and justly, as it goes out to other countries. We do 
not like to be held in utter subjection by powerful foreign coun- 
tries, whose Governments back their capitalists with such rigor 
and injustice to us. We do not like to pay the penalty of such 
direful overcapitalizations. We do not think it reasonable that 
foreign capital should insist in extracting more than thirty or 
forty per cent per annum from their investments in Mexico. 


Other Manifestations of the 
Capitalistic Organization 

THE whole uf the Nation's life revolved around the capital- 
istic organization for the profit of the privileged classes. 
Public Instruction was devised to erect costly edifices 
in some of the principal cities, while the problem of the 
illiterate became worse daily. Higher education was completely 
perverted as soon as the influence of the great educator Gabino 
liarreda disappeared. A mercantile spirit became evident 
throughout the schools. Many youths devoted their time to 
securing influential patrons in order to obtain advantages from 
public officials. Others dedicated themselves to studies which 
were utterly extraneous to things Mexican, living in an intellec- 
tual atmosphere which was absolutely exotic, impregnated with 
liter;irv -Jiiuliliishness. The greater portion of the sii-called edu- 
cater! chtss Innkcd upmi th.- people with iTidiiTcrence and even 
undisguised cunlempt. lltiring the l:ist days nf the Di.i/. Govern- 
ment many students or^anij^ed rlubs to ujihold the Dii'tator, and 
with few I'xceptii.ins they were avowed enemies uf Mr. Madem 
and his liberal ideas. 

Justice was but a courtesan ;it the service nf the Dictator and 
his friends. Through a letter of reconimendatinn from Diax ad- 
dressed to the Sdpreme Court, persons who were not lawyers, en- 
gaged in what was suppused to be legal procedure, (Jrders from 
"higher up" were the sole rule of conduct. General Diaz on 
occasion was requested to eject a tlmnnighly unscrupulous 
judge, but he answered that the hitter shi.nlit s 

I the hai 


^ thei 

ly ,.b 

The old doL-triiiair 

c jouniaHsm, overwhelmed by a heavily 

suhsifii;^(-d pres-i, liec; 

me a ])owerful factor at the service of the 

privileged class. It i 

mproviscd and destroyed reputations as it 

saw fit. When the ( 

iivernment of Mr, Madem came upon the 

scene, the idi^ination 

and attacks of the Diaz Press knew no 

bounds. Not only did it attack the new (iovenimeiit by means 
of insulting articles, but through mendaciou-^ and sensational 
"news" proceeded to alarm society at hirge to the point of hys- 
teria, with the sole purpose of overthrowiuit a ( rovcrnnient which 
was not |>le:ising to the Capitalists, 

The army, which was engrossed by "inijn luiidini:;" iir levies, 
became an instrument of iip]>ression a^ninst the proletariat. The 



workmen's strikes at Veracruz State for instance were drowned 
in blood. In the States, landowners would enlist the service of 
public forces against such peons as did not work to their satis- 
faction. In the Southern States there were organized regular 
manhunts in order to apprehend fugitives. 

Anonymous societies became a useful instrument for capitalists 
to engage in formidable speculations. Corporations were organ- 
ized and under cover of such, the rights of shareholders and of the 
State were most cynically annulled. 

In order to guarantee the interests of capitalists, it became 
necessary to fix or permanently "peg" the rate of exchange. The 
Secretary of Finance carried out the monetary reform through 
which the aim was secured. However, he never gave a thought to 
the requirements of the needy who became poorer thereby. This 
monetary reform looks like the system adopted in British India, 
and here, as is shown by Mr. Bryan, precisely the same thing 

On the other hand, in the Capital and in some of the cities 
sumptuous palaces were erected. The privileged class gave 
themselves up to all the refinements of civilization, and a new 
aristocracy arose, more exclusive, selfish, and arrogant than the 
one which placed the Imperial mantle on the shoulders of 
Maximilian and Iturbide. This privileged caste rode rough shod 
over the nation despirited and miserable, which contented itself 
with watching from afar the regal feasts of the Dictatorship. 
However, this social organization was inwardly rotten, and fell 
like a house of cards before the onslaught of Madero's revolu- 



Defective Political Organization 


HILE giving due credit to the work of the legislators 
who framed the Constitution of 1857. and towards whom 
we feel the profound respect owing to the great servants 
of the Nation, still we must confess that their glorious 
labors were not exactly in keeping with the country's require- 
ments. Preoccupied with many doctrinaire ideas of French and 
American authors, they drew up a Magna Charta which was 
largely theoretical. 

At first sight we see the great flaws of the Mexican Constitu- 
tion. Congress has a terrific power against the Executive. It 
can deny him the requisite sums in order to carry on his adminis- 
tration by simply not voting on the estimates or budgets. The 
House of Representatives can depose the President through a 
majority vote. The Supreme Cmirt, resuscitating the old theory 
of incompetence of origin which caused the antagonism between 
Mr. Lerdo and Mr. Iglesias, can refuse to recognize the President 
of the Republic, Congress, and the State Governments. The 
President nf the Republic niav be questioned alternately by 
the Court nf [uslice and by Congress in case of conflict, without 
having legal criterion to decide. 

The Basic Chart of the United .'States was created under the 
influence of the well In do of the old Entllish Colony, but it 
turned out to be such a flexible organization, that it served Jeffer- 
son as well as Jackson. Within the same law it has been pos- 
sible to bannoni^ie the different processes of govcrntncnt which 
the country's progress has required. Among us, unfortunately, 
our Constitution which from the firsi was but an ideal very far 
removed from practicality, has remained rigid in the face of 
society's evolution. 

To this defective legislation was added tin- viciously bad 
social organization. 

The raw material of a democracy docs not consist in the law. 
hut in tlic citizen. Now Mr, Bulnes states that the democratic 
regime cannot co-exist with unbounded land itilieritances, mostly 
unc.Nploited, because aristocratic agriculture is not proper to 
republics. It is very difilcnlt to a democratic govcrn- 
n mcnt. when men are divided into a very few rich beyond the 

■,1 proverliial dreams of avarice, and the rest in sqnalor. f^sjiecially 

" is this the case if the former avail themselves of the supreme 

medium to dominate the latter: land monopoly or Landlordism, 



The English Nation was the first to have citizens, because in 
England the right of ownership of land did not comprise the 
laborer in the same dependent manner as prevailed on the con- 
tinent. Roman Law, with its principles of absolute ownership 
of the soil, never became acclimated in England. Hence the 
English people preserved sufficient spirit of dignity and inde- 
pendence to be the first to claim their rights after the long 
reign of absolute monarchy in the Occidental World. The North 
American people, a vigorous off-shoot of that trunk, in view of 
its legacy, was able to not only establish, but to organize demo- 
cracy, and this has led it on a march of power and prosperity 
never before attained in the history of the world. In Europe, 
France the most direct inheritor of Latin genius, was the first 
to be moved by the example of England and United States. 
However, as it was under the crushing yoke of the great land 
barons who made up the nobility, the people were compelled 
to engage into one of the bloodiest and most terrible struggles 
known to human unfoldment to destroy the caste, and the land 
monopoly its instrument of domination. When the regime of 
small owners was established in France, the success of political 
liberty and democratic practices was assured, and reactionaries 
have never been able to reestablish their system of domination 
and privilege. But in Mexico, where there is but a very small 
industrial population, less than 60,000 persons, all the popula- 
tion so to speak is to be found in the fields, and this is subjected 
to a serfdom of an even lower form than that prevailing in 
Europe's old feudalism. Hence we have the most liberal and 
advanced laws, and the social organizations most backward and 
miserable, side by side. This is a patent proof that it is useless 
to promulgate wise laws if instead of citizens claiming their 
rights, we have a caste or privileged class which subjects the 
others to a slavery not far removed from the life of the beasts of 
the field. Civil and political equality means for the privileged 
class giving up its special advantages, and the definite incorpora- 
tion of the masses of the Mexican people into Occidental civili- 
zation. The presence of a middle class of workers would cer- 
tainly do away definitely with the special privileges, and as this 
is not wanted by the wealthy and exclusive class, it is natural 
that they should oppose the emancipation of the rural prole- 

What precedes will explain in a simple manner many import- 
ant events of our history. The defective legislative organization 
renders very difficult the task of the President of the Republic 
whatever be the way that he may elect to pursue. If he ad- 
heres to the present law, he lacks the requisite means to prevent 
hostile acts on the part of his enemies, as happened with President 
Madero who was cognizant of the evildoings of his opponents 
vet desired to strictly obey the mandates of the Constitution. 
Now if the President violates the law, he becomes a dictator, and 
establishes a pernicious example that all public servants may in 


•^ \%\ 


ttirn violate the law for their own self seeking- and not at all for 
the benefit of the community and collective interests. 

Our deficient social organization explains why in the course of 
our history we have had so frequently a plutocratic oligarchy, 
alternating with demagogism. 

Respect for law would of course consolidate society, but we 
must own that the well to do who have been educated with all 
the refinements of civilization, and who are accustomed to life 
abroad, are the worst offenders in this regard. They overthrew 
President Madero. and caused his martyrdom. 

However, since the people have not been trained to respect 
the law spontaneously, then the country must have a strong 
Government, yet not the iron hand of Diaz who placed public 
force at the service of a few. Don Lucas Alanian states that the 
high minded rebel Don Manuel de Mier y Teran considered that 
the Colonial Government had rendered a great service to the 
country by repressing anarchy, and that when he believed that 
the strong Government had disappeared from Mexico, he lost 
his reason and committed suicide. It is necessary to have a 
Government which may be removable to prevent its corruption. 
and which may be endowed with the means required in order 
to govern, and to contain the disordered ambitions of the un- 
ruly. The Diaz Government was bad because it placed the dic- 
tatorship at the service of a backward and extremely selfish 
caste which endeavored to paralyze society into archaic forms. 

From the time of Father Talamantes who was immortalized 
by martyrdom, to this day. many Mexican writers have called 
attention to the absurdity of a Constitution wholly inadequate 
to public needs. However painful it may be. we must do with- 
out many liberties which only exist on paper, in exchange for our 
enjoyment of those remaining. We must see things as they 
arc. Not long ago we saw in China the utter failure of the Con- 
stitution framed by the reformers. There, the ideas of Kuhang- 
Ilsiu. the Chinese Turgot, could not be implanted because the 
culture of foreign Universities had taken from legislators the 
notion of reality, as had hapjicncd to the ideali.sts of the French 
Revolution and to the Mexican Constitutionalists, under the 
influence of Metaphysics. 

If we are successful in establishing constitutionally a strong 
Government with all the necessary means to impose its authority 
within tlie Law, but at the same time a thoroughly progressive 
Government earnestly interested in furthering the welfare of the 
majority in order that the nation may not decline along the 
highway of economic and social reform, then we shall have 
solved our iiolitical problem at our i)rescnt stage of development. 
Under the iirntection of this new organization, it will be possible 
to create a midille class of citizens with the emanciiiation of the 
proletariat. The kingdom of iiHvilcge will be iio mure, and the 
other blessings of a free Gfjvcrnment will gradually be added 
unto us. 



Most Glaring Errors of Mr. Bulnes' Work 


Topographic and Climatic Drawbacks 

IR. FRANCISCO BULNES believes that the cause of 
I the sickly social organization of Mexico depends 
principally from Nature's disfavor. In his mind, the 
climate and the topo^aphy are unsurmountable bar- 
' j-Jers to progress and civilization in Mexigj. He 
states: "Unfortunately, physical conditions in Mexico are such 
as to present grave obstacles to the progress of civilization and 
the improvement of the people's condition, along lines possible in 

other countries " "The chief cause of its misery (of the 

eighty five per cent of the Mexican population) however, is not 
to be found in its lack of universal suffrage, nor in the Cientificos, 
dictatorships, landowners, plutocrats, individuals or corpora- 
tions, but in its climate " "In Mexico, the most unfavor- 
able of all conditions prevail, (one rainy season a year, short and 

irregular, and embracing the entire Mexican Territory " 

"Moreover, nature has not only heavily handicapped Mexico in 
the matter of rainfall and wind currents, but it has imposed still 

another stupendous handicap " "But it occurred to 

Mother Nature to place still another handicap upon the Mexicans 
— abominable geological configuration " "It is unreason- 
able to attribute the misery of the indigenous race to a determi- 
nate social class, which in no sense ever constituted a govern- 
ment ; to a group of educated men such as the so-called Cienti- 
ficos; to a handful of autocrats, more or less piratical financiers; 
to a dictator of genuine merit such as General Porfirio Diaz, or 
to a detestable dictator such as General Victoriano Huerta, 
Mexico's greatest drawback is to be found in the unfortunate 
physical conditions which have created the vices, the weakness, 
and the dejection of its people." 


We ari; iicjvv in a position to answer Mr. Bulnes. Being de- 

ous of observing the climate of United States, we broiighi 

im Mexicij some notes relative to the climate of our country, 

...lich had been compiled by Mr. Jose Covarmbias C. E. Director 

the National Meteorological Observatory, and one of the 

)st distinguished intellectual personalities of Mexico, and with 
w.iosc co-operation I have had the honor of writing an unpub- 
lished work upon the rural p— ablems of Mexico. We shall take 
advantage of these notes to r^^fute Mr. Bulnes' sweeping asser- 

The principal factor of the climate is the rainfall, and the 
regime of the latter presents the following forms: the equatorial 
regime which comprises one rainy season which covers the 
whole year with two maxima corresponding to the sun's passage 
over the equator or in other words the equinoxes; the subtropical 
regime which comprises two uneven periods of rains, with 
maxima corresponding to the passage of the sun over the zenith 
and whose distribution varies upon withdrawing from the 
equator up to the tropics where the two mentioned periods blend 
into one. whose maximum is produced in the respective solstice; 
the desert regime of very scant rainfall which diminishes from 
-South to North beyond the tropics ; the mediterranean regime 
which establishes transition with that of high altitudes, which 
as the equatorial, comprises the whole year with maxima which 
present themselves either in summer nr in winter, according to 
the distribution of lands and seas, and finally the monsoon 
regime, which tloes not dejiend a-; the nilirrs from geographic 
latitude hut of the relative dislributinn of l.Tnd and sea, and act- 
as perturbing cause of ihc other regimes, which il modifies aiu] 
generally prevails upon. 

Our country is halved by ihc 'riupic .if Lancer. Its pluvu- 
nietric regime, which sIkhiIiI be the snbtrnjiical for the .foniiieiii 
half, nr the ilesert of ihc Steppes for the northern half, is pro- 
f.iuiully and faxoralily affected for two reasons; the presence of 
an e.xtcnsivf table land which in its Southern extremity rise? 
nmrc than two thousand metres above sea level, and the mon- 
soon winds which blow rcjjnlarly upon its eastern and western 

Climate proceeds fri.mi tli<' cnnd)inatiiin of temjieratnre and 
luimidity. this last being a consequence of the precipitations, of 
the reigning winds and the height above sea level. 

'I'aking in consideration the preceding pliennmi-na so briefly 
enunciated, and fojlowin'^ the climate classification of Ko])]icn 
and Flahaidt, we can syntheti/c as follows the climate of thr 
different regions of onr coniilry. The tropical portion of our 
littoral zone presents the iwn varieties of nieffaihcrmal climate^, 
or that is hot and dam]) ; the most southerly purfion which along 
the (iidf shed com])rises the State of Tabasco, and a jiortion of 
those of \'eracruz. Oaxaca, and Chiapas: along the I'acific slojif. 
the .^^'iinh of Oaxaca. Cnerrcro. Michoacm. and Colinia : and in 


f \i^-\y^^y[/^ 


the Caribbean sea, the Territory of Quintana Roo corresponds to 
the climate of entangling virgin vegetation which characterizes 
the tropical forest which is impenetrable covered with reeds and 
epiphitic plants with rainfall that is apt to occur during the whole 
year, and principally during the summer; which nearly always 
exceeds 2000 mm. and never goes under 1500 mm.; and the 
average temperature, which during no month is less than 20° C. 
This region which has a population of from one to five inhabit- 
ants per square kilometre, hardly requires any human effort to 
produce rich export tropical products, and could feed an extreme- 
ly dense population. Land could there be subdivided and 
parcelled without obstacle, but its lack of population is due to 
the climate which is neither salubrious nor pleasant. 

The rest of the tropical zone along the shores and a portion of 
the southern table land formed by the basin of the Balsas River 
corresponds to the climate of the tropical plains and have more 
or less dense woods or rather groups of trees to be seen from 
time to time in the midst of plains covered with tall grass. In 
this region there are at times others belonging to the dry and hot, 
due to local influences which modify the regime of the winds or 
that of the rains ; but as a general rule they have a precipitation 
of 750 mm. up to 1500 mm. which diminishes from north to 
south and does not require artificial irrigation. The regions 
which along the littoral zone are removed from the tropics have 
as a general rule the dry and hot climate shown by the plains 
being covered with cacti and other thorny plants, with a scant 
rainfall, between 500 mm. and 750 mm. and in some parts, such 
as the extreme NW is less than 250 mm. In these places 
where to a scarce rainfall must be added a high temperature and 
heavy evaporation, only a small portion thereof is cultivated 
forming oasis generally created by artificial irrigation. In our 
country this region has no agricultural importance, and is practi- 
cally deserted. If it should ever be peopled, it will only be when 
the rest of the country will have attained a high degree of devel- 
opment, and then it being impossible to have the rural capitalistic 
regime with a free rural population, it would be necessary to 
have the properties split up and syndicated for the- use of the 
water. This is the only solution found in the other desert zones 
of the globe where it has been required to establish cultivations 
such as Valencia, Northern Africa, Northern China, etc. Such 
zones are neither agricultural nor densely peopled in any -part 
of the world. 

In the same manner that as we go from the South to the 
North the megatherm climate is j^radually converted into xero- 
phic, so when we rise above sea level, from the coasts to the in- 
terior plateaus, we pass gradually from the megatherm to the 
mesotherm. We have thus a region which passes gradually from 
the aspect of an equatorial forest of Congo to the landscape of 
meadows and woods of Jalapa and Orizaba, very much like 
southern Brazil, and then we come to the valleys of the Central 


, [^» -•« 

//.V Jill 

ri. which remind one of the botanic aspect nf Atlantic 
terranean Eurupe. The rainfall along the whole nf the 
'able land ranges between 600 mm. and 1500 mm. and 
advantage over the greater portion of Kurope and other 
IS agricultural zones of Chile, Southern Africa and 
. that in Mexico they have rains during the agricultural 
scdst ft is true that towards the end of September and begpn- 
ni 'ctober, or during the Spr !ig, we arc apt to have frosts 

w nage or destroy tender fr lit. However, with a proper 

se "' =eeds it is possible to shorten the period of vegeta- 

t" and wheat, specially of the latter so as to secure 

1 jciore the first frosts. In this region artificial irrigation 

is n lispensable, and notwithstanding the imperfections of 

our iiiciiiods of cultivation, the natural rainfall is nearly always 
sufficient. Of course irrigation offers advantages, permitting 
early seeding and thus -ensuring the crops, and allowing for 
intensive culture; but with some care in the seeding and culti- 
vation it is not necessary. Therefore in all of this region of the 
high central table land, which contains three fourths of the rural 
population of the Republic, it is possible to parcel out the landed 
estates without need of artificial irrigation, as has been done in 
other countries by means of special cultures and organizations. 
From the shores subject to xerophic climates, one goes as one 
rises above sea level, to a climate not unlike that of the Steppes 
and the high plains, and the general characteristics vary as we 
go from South to the North a.s the rainfall diminishes and the 
tcni])crature becomes colder. This region, which in Mexico com- 
prises all that is called the Northern Table land, from the States 
of Duraiigo and Zacatecas and the North of San Luis Potosi up to 
the American border and is prolonged thence so as to comprise 
the whole of the arid /one of that country, has a rainfall which 
varies from thi' South to the North, from 630 mm. to even less 
than 100 mm. near the border at the North American States of 
.■\rizona and Utah, to then increase up to 630 mm. towards the 
boundary liiif between the United Stiites and Canada. All this 
extensive hifih land is deserted not only in Mexico but also in 
the United- States, with a density of jjopulation of less than one 
inhabitant per stjuare kilnmetre aloii^' the central nionnlaiii 
ranges and mwanls the \"al!cy of the Cnlorado River, in the 
direction of the (iulf of California, and fnmi one to ten inhabit- 
,'ints per square kilometre along the zones of transition towards 
the Kast and West. All ibis arid an<l senii-nrid region which 
covers something less than the half <>i the total area of Mexicn 
and aliont tw" fifths of that r.f the United States, offers about 
ihc same characteristics in both countries, except that towards 
the Snulli it seems more like the deserts of the zones and 
toward-i the Xonh like those .if the ctibl. The apjiearaiice is the 
same ihrnughout; great plains criss-crossed by arid mountain 
ranges. The plains are loams and clays of ihc tertiary and 
quarterly periods, and argillaceous strata glacial and fluvial 


f \i^'\^y'<yKf< 

glacial, and covered by underbrush and mezquite, organ cactus 
and nopals. In the United States the corresponding region 
began to be peopled about the middle of the last century by the 
Mormons, who established themselves along the Great Salt 
Lake, one of the most arid parts of the whole region, and which 
was rendered forthwith. In 1847 they built there the first irri- 
gation canal which is said to have been the very first ever con- 
structed in the United States, and since then the prosperity of 
the region has been wonderful. The population is large, in town 
and country, and property very much subdivided, many farms 
having but 16 hectares, and a large number only two to four 
hectares. However, as^has happened in other arid regions where 
irrigation has been imperative, the limit of irrigation available 
was soon reached, and it became necessary to have recourse to 
other means in order to increase the areage. The total area of 
the Mormon community is 213,472 square kilometres and out of 
all that region it has only been possible to irrigate 2,546 square 
kilometres, or very little more than one per cent of the land 
available. Professor Elwood Mead states that if it were possible 
to utilize the very last drop of water falling on the mountain 
tops, it would still not be possible to water more than ten per 
cent of the arid West, and that it is certain that because of the 
physical obstacles it will not be possible to secure "even that 
small percentage." Probably as at Salt Lake it will only be 
possible to irrigate about one per cent of the whole. Before 
such a condition, those energetic colonizers noticed that many 
sowings which it was not possible to water, yet did produce from 
spot to spot certain crops, and thereupon they decided to strive 
to cultivate wheat without having resort to irrigation. 

A small group of Scandinavian immigrants, after having 
failed repeatedly in their attempts to irrigate with the nitrous 
waters at their disposal, decided to proceed with their plows 
towards the lands covered with sage and underbrush, and there 
sowed and cultivated their wheat and waited while uprooting 
weeds and praying to the Lord for the success of their venture. 
The seed sprouted ; the tender plants resisted the desert's scorch- 
ing sun, and finally gave forth a most abundant crop. This was 
the starting point for most interesting observations and deduc- 
tions proving that the rainfall may be stored up within the earth 
itself which is to be fecundated, and that if there be a sufficient 
layer of earth, at least 1 m. 85 so that the long roots of the dry 
weather plants may reach down, then it is possible to there 
store up the rainfall of two years and therewith obtain a most 
abundant wheat crop of prime quality. To achieve this it is 
necessary to rake up during the whole year, a layer of loose 
earth, about fifteen centimetres in depth destined to prevent the 
rising to the surface of the aqueous deposits through capillarity, 
and the consequent evaporation. For the same purpose it is 
essential to uproot all weeds and noxious herbs, and sow 
sparsely. In this manner no plant can rob the seed producers of 


!«.*; will 

TBS^BSKthdTS*. 1 nil ym. dciuk-nien. the 

rol-mii oi the divwioii and iho ixilitical oi-gam^ 

their humidity. After each rain the cultivators proceed n g^^^ 
to break up with mechanical rakes such lumps as may otformK 
to destroy the capillary canals and reconstruct the protecting 
layer of loose earth -which prevents evaporation. The speca! 
plowings and rakings do not exceed 20 to 25 cms, in depth. 
With a rainfall of from 300 to 500 mm. it will suffice to have the 
land fallow for one year after two consecutive years of cultiva- 

The wheat obtained through this dry farming process gener- 
ally belongs to one of the varieties of hard wheat which come 
from Russia or Egypt, and usually from the lower valley of the 
Volga where the climate is of the desert 'kind. This wheat not 
only resists droughts successfully, but also the chahuixtle plague 
and is much richer in gluten than the wheat of the damp regions. 
In certain regions such as along the Coast of California, where 
because of the excessive humidity the wheat becomes soft and 
starchy, the mills make it a practice to blend the wheat of the 
region with the hard kinds in order to strengthen their flour. 

Maize, which needs more heat and more humidity than wheat, 
may yet be cultivated by means of the dry farming process, and 
as a matter of fact is cultivated in this manner in the State of 
Kansas, on an extensive scale. The Illinois Experimental Station 
has applied itself to secure through crossing and selection, cer- 
tain varieties of maize which may resist drought and which pros- 
per under the dry farming process. 

According to Mr. Buflum one man provided with the required 
tools can sow and cultivate through the dry farming process 
.sixty four and one half hectares, which is usually what the 
American Law concedes to every head of a family. Recently 
the Mondcl! law has doubled this extension, granting up to 129 
hectares of the arid lands of Colorado, Montana, Nevada. 
Uregon, Utah. Washington. Wyoming. Arizona and New 
Mexico, and in so doing has kept in mind the requirement of 
alternating between cultivation and fallowness, one year of each. 
We must note, however, that these figures represent ex- 
tremes, for according to Brunhes, out of the total production of 
the United States, the world's greatest producers (258 millions 
nf hectolitres in UW) at least the fifth nf its output comes 
from properties of less than 40 hectares in extension, and the 
rest almost wholly from farms ranging from 40 to 70 hectares. 

Therefore we see that the region, of which our central North 
table land forms a part, which is the one most requiring irriga- 
tion, is being cultivated in United States with signal success by 
means of the dry farming process applied by small free farmers. 
The same region, on the United States side, shows us that it is 
possible to have irrigation together with small farms, if the irri- 
gation is organized in such a manner that it does not serve to 
monopolize the land, and to place farmers in a position to be 
unduly exploited. 




Our land is therefore divided into the two most unfavorable 
zones for man's life, the equatorial hot and damp, and the trop- 
ical zone with scant rain and arid lands. Still, having an ex- 
tensive table land which rises up two thousand metres between 
two oceans, saves us, as it gives us in that plateau a climate 
having the dampness of the equatorial zone without its fiery 
temperature and its fevers, and while having the dry and healthy 
climate of the tropical region, yet has more water than the rest. 
Owing to our large table land, the desert deviates in North 
America from the tropics, in the same manner that in Asia 
another high table land produces there the same eflfect. The 
elevation of our soil is therefore a great advantage. If it be true 
that as a consequence thereof the rainfall takes the form of 
violent downpours, and that owing to the slope the washes are 
torrential, it is also true that with a little eflfort it is quite feasi- 
ble to protect the land from such washes and slides, by consoli- 
dating and strengthening the canals. This can also be obviated 
by cultivating in terrace form as is done for rice cultivation in 
otherwise most backward countries, wherever the soil slopes un- 
duly. In every part of the world, water sometimes falls with ex- 
treme violence, but the energetic races take care to provide 
against slides and washes. 

The mountainous nature of our soil also is the reason why 
in Mexico we have no rivers of great length and much body of 
water, owing to which there is poor transportation between the 
coast and the interior of the country. But these conditions which 
may in general be the cause of much backwardness, could never 
justify land monopoly, nor the snatching away of man's personal 
liberty. Switzerland is a fine example of an extremely mountain- 
ous topography, and yet possessing a people highly cultured 
and free. 


Irrigation as the Only Remedy 

Mk. BUI,N!-:S ill his work on tlie future of the Spanish 
American countries, states that "Mexico without irriga- 
tion will step down from the rank of being a third rate 
nation, to that of fourth rank, and the consequent loss of 
its nationality will be inevitable." And he proceeds to compare 
Mexico with Chile, although we have an extension of productive 
land much larger than Chile's. Then as opposed to what happens 
in the latter country, in Mexico the rainy season coincides with 
the period of cultivation, whereas in Chile it corresponds to Iht- 
winter months. Mr. Bulnes in his latest work insists in telling 
us that irrigation is the only rural problem of Mexico. We quote 
herewith from his work: "Agriculture will not flourish where 
water is not available, and nations which do not command large 
capital for the construction of the necessary irrigation plants in 
the arid regions, are driven to depend for their agricultural work 
upon the more or less uncertain rainfall. In Mexico this factor 
plays an important part, and may be considered the key to the 

nation's problem of poverty and misery" "The problem of 

feeding the people in Mexico and of neutralizing the terrible 
ravages of hunger had up to 1910, only one rational solution^ 

irrigation" "I have previously slated, with absolute 

candor, that Sennr l.imantour made the fatal mistake of not 

taking up the queslinn of irrigation until I'X)8." "The 

problem of liuii,i,'cr causcii by exhaustitm of the lands of the cold 
and leniperate zone, given over almost exclusively I" corn dry 
farminji. ha."; one solution only, the sub.'stitution of the intensive 
i'-r the exK-nsive melliod of ciiltivatinn. The former has to be 
(lone entirely by irrigation." 

It would be foolish to deny that art 
advantages for agricullure. but in 
showed that irrigatimi did not co 
economic r(-organi?atiii]i of I lie en 
or carried on bv it.'^elf a^ pmpnscd 
really render mo'rc dilbcult the soluti 
The great works <<\ irri^'ation pcrfuni 


irted tw 



rigation offers great 
I ine preceding chapter we 
oiistituti- the basis for the 
nuntry. Isolated irrigation 
<l by Mr. Bulncs. it would 
til in uf the agrarian problem. 
med by llie English Govern- 
ed hunger in that countrv. 



illions of hundred 
;itv lo thirty millio 
:; produce 1.W7 niilli 

veights of wheat per 
s nf hundred weights 
ns of pounds of cereals. 
■ local needs, and still 

they export enormous quantities. In the France of the old 
regime, enormous quantities of wheat were exported, and the 
country people went hungry. In Mexico recently, because of the 
fall of the value of the paper money, the landlords have tried 
to export the whole of their crops, and would assuredly have 
done so if the authorities had not prevented it. It serves nothing 
to have a great production, when the country is made up of 
wretched people, without economic retentiveness. 

The solution of Mexico's agrarian problem by means of irriga- 
tion has been a favorite theme of the conservative classes. The 
liberal idea has been to parcel out in small and medium sized 
farms, and to eliminate capitalistic agriculture as the chief means 
of land exploitation. As irrigation is an incidental element of 
agricultural production, while land, even though unimproved, is 
the basis of that production, it must be said that the first process 
must necessarily be incomplete. Besides, owing to the great 
cost of the works of irrigation the tendency is to grant the waters 
to the capitalists, which after all merely consolidates landlordism. 
The landlord havingHands subject to irrigation proceeds to con- 
struct his works in proportion to the extension of his farm and 
tries to make the exploitation a cold business proposition, ex- 
tirpating all shareholding or community of interest from his 
dominions, since such is only practiced in Mexico in cultivations 
which are not subject to artificial irrigation, in order to keep up 
partnership agreements in lands subject to artificial irrigation. 
It would be necessary to have the collective co-operation of the 
lessees, who. united, would become a menace for the landlord, as 
such would fail for lack of co-ordination. On the other hand 
when the great landlords fear to lose the monopoly of the lands 
it is natural that they should hope to retain the monopoly of the 
waters, in order to keep up their privileged position which per- 
mits them to take possession of the lion's share of the proceeds 
of agriculture, leaving to those who cultivate the earth only just 
what is sufficient to keep the body and soul together, so that 
they may continue to labor for the landlord. 

The Roman landlords thought exactly the same way, but 
they were more liberal than our present day landlords, since 
they permitted the free entry into Italy of foreign wheat, which 
was received principally from Spain and Africa. The Roman 
aristocrats who established agriculture on a large scale, and 
also exchange business, did not think of making prices 
higher by means of excessive custom duties, but strove to keep 
landed dominion, and cultivation by means of irrigation. They 
did not even try to have dominions of vast extent, but as 
Mommsen tells us — "whenever any one of them wished to invest 
in agriculture, he did not enlarge his estate, but bought several 
as the Roman farms were alwavs of moderate size." Cato, who* 
has left us remarkably accurate word pictures of society of those 
days, tells us that the average size of a large estate was 200 
yugadas for ordinary cultivation, and 100 yugadas for vineyards 


seums, ai 
bonna, ana ^....i in ine 
tian became famous ow 
As was done by Gene 
to the construction oi 
gil and others show t 
and irrigation of the n 
tells us "How deceived o"- 
magnificence, one deducte 
exceedingly rich. The wc 
from the riches accumulate 

I a measured something more than 32 bectaresj ^^^ 

1, canding this favorable condition of the Roman t.fUpifc_ 

V ,. ,/ould be so desirable for us. Rome was the theatre of one 
oi HI' .vest social upheavals of history. 

Ti mans were tremendous builders, as we may see by the 
ruins oi heir theatres, bridges, baths, aqueducts, cana/s, colos- 
" ''""■ at Espoletto, Segovia. Nar- 
yb\n. Vespatian and Dyocle- 
. incessant building activities. 
lit:; joined their political system 
tal ,\'orks. The writings of Vir- 
care devoted to the cultivation 
yet the historian Cesar Cantu 
1 be if in the presence of such 
Liie population of those days was 
of a nation cannot be estimated 
the hands of a few, but rather 
from the equitable distribution among all of all things needed 

for the pleasures When the large estates are kept up by 

a large capital, they tend to expansion and daily absorb modest 
patrimonies, and things among the Romans reached such a pass, 
that the territory might well have been called a confederation of 
small kingdoms. Meanwhile the fields were not tilled: the 
Government agents would get control of them, or the wealthy 
would pounce upon such prey and formed vast dominions with 
the spoils wrenched from the weak. The niiniher of the poor in- 
creased as the unfortunate were being dispossessed, and the free 
laborers were vanquished in the struggle by the vast exploita- 
tions manned by slaves, and usury devoured the small farmer. 
The poor who fell with the Grachi. had their revenge during the 
proscriptions when landed estates were taken from the old 
owners, not to bo distributed equitably, but in order to com- 
pensate those who had helped to ensure the triumph of the 
triumvirs. Knornioiis estates were transformed into entirely 
unproductive fjardens and parks." 

Tn spite of the foregoing:, irrigation made progress, Mommsen 
tells us: "For watering ,-ind draining every care and available 
contrivance was cm|>loyc(l: from the very beginning they used 
covered drainage, and the meadows were frequently and most 
carefully irrigated." Tn those rlays the vine and the olive were 
the most pri^cil cuttivntinns. The Romans loved fruits, and in- 
deed at their banquets meals were seldom eaten, but rather 
vegetables and fruits, and they devoted exceeding care to the 
cultivation of figs, apples, and pears. This allowed \'itelius to 
use at his table Tuillinns .>f such fruits every y^ar, while the 
peasants were dispossessed of their small farms, liy the cove- 
tousness of the lanillfirds. even as the soldiers of the Dictator- 
ship of Dia/ evicted the cultivators of Morelos from their small 
farms. Fven their -iniall temples and sepulchres were taken from 
them, and the peasants were compelled to flock to Rnme in the 


most abject misery to beg for some of the wheat distributed 

from the cargoes imported for the purpose. Moreover the great 

care given to the cultivations and their productiveness through 
irrigation had greatly fortified the landlord class. Ferrero has 
given a most interesting address upon the part taken by grape 
cultivation in Roman history, going to say that the vineyards 
were among the principal foundations of Imperial Authority at 
Rome. He establishes a parallel between the invasion of Han- 
nibal which lasted seventeen years, and the uprising of Spar- 
tacus, which though of lesser importance, yet produced greater 
consternation. He explains this as a result of the transforma- 
tions of the fields and gardens. In the days of Hannibal there 
were only cereals and meadows, whereas in the time of Spar- 
tacus there were vines and olives, cultivations requiring care and 
patience, which as was the case in the State of Morelos. could 
only be reconstructed after arduous efforts. Mommsen confirms 
in a manner Ferrero's opinion. Hannibal left agriculture com- 
pletely ruined. It was in Sicily that the Chief of the Cartha- 
ginian's cavalry, Mutines, who moved his troops with the swift- 
ness of modern Arabs, carried horror and desolation .every- 
where, and yet the Romans tolerated all these outrages with pa- 
tience; whereas the Spartacus upheaval drove them frantic. 
Spartacus, as Ferrero tells us, was for them a sort of phylloxera 
or olive pest. By degrees the Emperor became a sort of tutelar 
God of the vines and olives, or in other words of the fortune of 
the rich of Italy. The owners of the olive and vineyards who 
loved their properties much more than they did the great tradi- 
tions of the Republic, placed the Emperor's image in the midst of 
their tutelar gods and revered it as they had before venerated the 
Senate. We see here the consequence of perfecting the system of 
cultivation and irrigation when it is not followed by an equitable 
distribution of the land. In Mexico, where the land owners are 
averse to varying their cultivations, and where agriculture is 
kept down in a state of great backwardness, where all diminu- 
tion in tariff rates is vehemently opposed, it is to be noted that 
the State where agriculture has made most progress, Morelos, 
landlordism has not thrived of late, and has produced the most 
intense revolutionary protest. In Mexico, likewise the landlords 
who despised General Diaz because of his humble origin, but 
who loved their property more than their aristocratic tastes, 
revered his image, and surrounded Don Porfirio Diaz with all 
the imperial pomp, considering his as the true representative of 
the Capitalistic Regime. The Clergy itself, whose high dignitar- 
ies manage an institution which has become essentially capital- 
istic, forgot that General Diaz was a liberal and a mason, and 
ranked him among its benefactors. Mr. Madero, owing to cir- 
cumstances was able to do very little for the people, but as his 
Government meant a constant aspiration towards the improve- 
ment of the humble, the landlords, though they were well treated 
by him, truly hated him because his government was hostile to 


/ -.V 

Ni-Wlhcktt, I icll you, GcnU«ncn, the 
(,! lUe (iiviwnn ainl the p otitiml o fEani- 


the capitalistic rural regime. He was an enemy of the great 
estates idea, and making use nf the simile of Ferrero, we may 
say that Madero was to the land barons something like the cha- 
huixtle pest for wheat, and the "picudo" nuisance for cotton. 

Mr. Bulnes tells us that the administration of General Diaz 
took a great interest in irrigation, and established a Loaning 
Bank for Agriculture and Irrigation, in 1908. 

Let us see how General Diaz tried to improve agriculture, lo 
increase its production, and improve the condition of the lowly. 
as it was'lhe custom to say. His system consisted in giving the 
waters to the ])rivileged and favoring irrigation without parcell- 
ing out the soil. Lejeune tells us that "in the United States the 
Government collects the waters for the benefit of the small culti- 
vator. In the country of Spanish tradition it is granted to the 
rich. The region of the Laguna. which has been so richly sub- 
sidized, belongs to a group of landbarons. We would be happy if 
the millions from the Treasury would not be exclusively devoted 
to further the interests of the rich and of the feudal lords. The 
development of the system of irrigation might be called a reac- 
tionary manoeuvre, since the countries where it prevails have been 
subjected to aristocratic landlords, or to the conqueror's satraps. 
Without referring to the ancient Assyrians, Romans. Cartha- 
ginians, who employed millions of slaves in digging the irriga- 
tion canals and buildings the dykes of Mesopotamia, and Northern 
Africa, let us see what was done by the Spaniards in America, 
by the English in India, the Dutch in Java, the Mormons in the 
Far West, those Mormons for whom the Church is a hypothe- 
cating hank, and rvlisjion a iinutiiiif mccln 
due European coolies. All the organizers 
in dry regions have directly exiiloitcd the ( 
fellah or peon. If great care be not taken, 
npmcnt of the traditional regime of cultivat 
the influence of the landlords or c[icic|nes."' 

.'\iidres Molina Fiiriqtiez tells us "Unless we wish to incur in 
a grievou'^ error on the part of the Federal Gnvernment. we 
must see to it that al! favoring of irrigation must he preceded 
by a parcelling out of the great estates, because otherwise anv 
cfiort and outlay will simply redound to the benefit of the 
land lords, who will Licqnire so niiich more ju'wer. We see clearly, 
]]iircclling (Hit the great estates, even without 
irrigation wiirks, are much more substantial 
of irrigation, without ]>arcelling out the big 

As rci;arils the loaning bank (Caja <le I'restanKisI wc 
couM reply t<' Mr. Rubies that the organi;^alion of that Hank 
was devised in order to |icrniit the Credit institutions to get rid 
of all their bad credits and transfer them to the lirnad shoulders 
of the Government. The object was to "relieve the Banks" as 
the financiers of those davs called it. .^nd then the loaning 
na?ik bad the further i) ..f placing al the ilisp..sal of a 

n,J su!)- 
water distribution 
of the people, the 
Mexico the devel- 
will onlv increase 

that the 


ults ( 

the be I 


if th 

than tl 

e b 




few capitalists, large sums of money to speculate with at the 
cost of those not so well favored. Being counsellor of the Loan- 
ing Bank (Caja de Prestamos) I was well able to see for myself 
the sad condition of that Bank under the tutelage of the Banks 
which it was destined to relieve. It has been finally extricated 
from so onerous a pressure through the unceasing efforts of the 
present Manager Mr. Basave, a man of exceeding ability, energy 
and courage. The Bank's Report submitted at the last Meeting 
of the shareholders, shows how deplorable is the Bank's con- 
dition. It could not well be otherwise. This Bank has loaned 
out on mortgage $52,855,182.00. And what has been the result 
of the distribution of this vast sum! Only 98 landlords have 
been benefitted out of all the Mexican cultivators. The vast 
sum of $31,393,000.00 was granted to only twelve persons in loans 
of from one to five millions of pesos, so that 59.40% of the 
capital, was distributed in fractions of more than one million of 
dollars. Only 0.60% was loaned out in fractions of less than 
$50.00 and $10,405,141.00 were distributed in fractions of less 
than half a million silver pesos. Eleven per cent of the bor- 
rowers have carried off nearly 60% of the Bank's capital. More- 
over, as the landlords are capitalists before being agriculturists, 
the capital of the Bank has served much more to further exten- 
sive speculations and to back the privileged class, then to pro- 
mote legitimate irrigation enterprise. For instance, the enor- 
mous sum of $3,900,000.00 was loaned to the Monterrey Iron and 
Steel Works, which engages in everything, save agriculture. No 
serious irrigation work has been undertaken. And now, after this 
disastrous manifestation of the capitalistic system, are we still 
going to pretend that we can remedy the vicious distribution of 
wealth by means of vast works of irrigation for the exclusive 
benefit of the land lords? The Revolution was the answer given to 
the Diaz manner of settling the land question in Mexico. 

On the other hand the equitable distribution of land, even 
without works of irrigation, produces everywhere peace and well 
being. We have explained this in another work. Not wishing 
to assert on our responsibility the superiority of the liberal sys- 
tem of subdividing property, we shall let a conservative, F. le 
Play do so for us ; "The fount of social peace, which was charac- 
teristic of the times (the Middle ages in Western Europe) was 
the vastness of the soil available, and the free enjoyment of 
numerous simultaneous productions. While available land has 
been plentiful in any community, men have lived there in perfect 
peace, even though destitute of the highest virtues. But when- 
ever the land has been completely taken up, such as could not 
secure their share have been compelled to emigrate from their 
native soil, or without real wickedness in their hearts, have fin- 
ally convulsed society through revolutions." 

In view of the foregoing, we think that irrigation, as the sole 
or the principal method of solving the agrarian problem, would 
be bound to fail with most disastrous consequences. 


The Inferiority of the Indigenous Race 

MR. BULNES attributes a ^eat share of Mexico's mis- 
fortunes t(i the basic inferiority of the indigenous race. 
From his point of view, the Indian and mixed, mestizo 
races are hardly better than so many animals. He tells 
us; "The Mexican Indians were not able to do this because they 
belong, according to the decrees of natural history, ethnology. 
general history, and sociology, to an inferior race, slow to devel- 
op and progress along; the lines of civilization. In fine, the 
Mexican indigenous race owes its abject condition to itself, and. 
consequently its future is dark, inasmuch as it has blindly 
plunged into the abyss, tricked by false and unenlightened 

leaders " "It is possible that Don Venustiano Carranza 

represents the ideal of this inferior race — very inferior since it 
borders on irrationality — as the successor of the venerable Fray 
Bartolome de las Casas." 

This is no new doctrine. The privileged classes of Mexico 
have always used this argument. The Spanish "encomenderos" 
lieiiicd to ihc Indians, the status of being men, until the memor- 
able dc-ci^iun <.i i'ope Paul III. They alleged that the Indiaii.s 
were satyrs and big monkeys, and when encomendero Gregoriu 
Lopez saw them reading the masterpieces of Greek and Latin 
literature in their original tongues, he proceeded to write to the 
King of Spjiin beseeching him to forbid the education ol the 
Indians mi the plea that the latter were possessed of the devil. 
Some of the first Luropeans who settled in Mexico, eager to in- 
crea'ii' their wealth at the cost of the Indians, obliged them to 
work ifinstaiitly, and used them as slaves. Clavijero, who tells us 
this, wrote his Ancient History of Mexico to do some justice to 
the di'wntroddcn Indian. These settlers told every one that the 
sole ini-;sioii in life of the Indian was to be the slave of the white 
man, luul that they were incapable of learning might. They used 
ai;j;uiiu'nts in order to jiarry the admonitions of the bishops and 
inissimi:irir-; who wcrt constantly asking them to treat the 
Indians wiih greater consideration, and more elementary 
Inimanity. The chronicler Herrera gives us most interesting 
data oil these points. 

Later, the conservative classes, with Don Lucas .Manian at 
their head have been repeating the same, and in the days of D\az. 
the most intelligent men of his administration ever asserted that 
the great mass of the Mexicans were the greatest stumbling 



/ y-K.^^.yy^^ '^v 

block to civilization, and that only a harsh serfdom could reduce 
them to some condition of usefulness. I believe that these 
sophisms dictated by the narrowest self interest can easily be 

The majority of the Indians do not belong to an inferior race. 
All historians agree that the most intelligent and progressive 
races which peopled the American continent upon the arrival of 
the Spanish conquerors, were the indians of Peru and the Aztecs 
of the Mexican plateau. Brinton quotes Horatio Hale and Amede 
Moure as follows: "Impartial investigation and comparison will 
probably show that while some of the aboriginal communities of 
the American continent are low in the scale of intellect, others 
are equal in natural capacity, and possibly superior, to the 

highest of the Indo-European race " "With reference to 

his mental powers, the Indian of South America should be 
classed immediately after the white race, decidedly ahead of the 
yellow race, and especially beyond the African." 

The same Brinton, who does not feel favorably towards the 
idea of the superiority of the indigenous race, as he does not con- 
sider it very receptive to a foreign civilization, tells us : "A review 
of the evidence bears out this opinion. Take the central social 
fact of the government. In ancient America there are examples 
of firm and stable states, extending their widely and directed by 
definite policy. 

"The league of the Iroquois was a thoroughly statesman-like 
creation, and the realms of Peru had a long and successful 
existence. That this mental quality is real, is shown by the 
recent history of some of the Spanish American republics. Two 
of them, Guatemala and Mexico, count among their ablest presi- 
dents in the present generation pure-blood American Indians. 
Or, we may take up the arts. In architecture nothing ever ac- 
complished by the Africans or Polynesians approaches the pre- 
Columbian edifices of the American continent. In the devel- 
opment of artistic form, whether in stone, clay, or wood, the 
American stands next to the white race. I know of no product 
of Japanese, Chinese, or Dravidian sculpture, for example, which 
exhibits the human face in greater dignity than the head in 
basalt figured by Humboldt as an Aztec priestess. The invention 
of a phonetic system for recording ideas was reached in Mexico, 
and is striking testimony to the ability of the natives. In religi- 
ous philosophy there is ample ftdence that the notion of a 
single incorporeal Ruler of the Ui. se had become familiar 
both to Tezcucans and Kechuas previo. \o the conquest." 

Xenopol himself reaches the conclusion that the indigenous 
race is an average one. 

What after all does constitute racial superiority? A favorite 
author of Mr. Bulnes, M. Gustave Le Bon, tells us that superior- 
ity in races is shown by the capacity to lessen reflex impulses. 
Indians, usually taciturn, seldom get excited. Their ceremonies 
are most dignified. They can sufljpr martyrdom like Cuauhte- 


n uud tho polilica l P'^e'W 

nioc, and cover their face in order to die. as Juarez did. It has 
been said that the superior races are to be distinguished by their 
character. Now, the indigenous race defends the communal 
possessions with extraordinary tenacity, it exercises a most re- 
markable and persistent diligence in the cultivation of its 
garden-lakes, and in its defense of the Capital against the 
Spanish Conquerors it showed heroism of a higher order. Clavi- 
jero grows eloquent when he speaks of the morality of the 
Indians of his day. We well know how eulogistic Friar 
Juan Zumarraga, Bartolome de las Casas, Julian Garces, the 
Bishop of Tlaxcala, and Friar Jacob Daciano became when they 
wrote of the Mexican indigenous races, and the latter came all 
the way from Denmark to see for himself that the Indians were 
worthy of being ordained as priests. In profuse writings and 
works innumerable, they all praise the good disposition of the 
Indians, their lofty qualities and clear intelligence, in certain 
ways superior to that of their Spanish conquerors. The Govern- 
ment of the Island of Reunion has been delighted with the Indian 
immigration which ivent ttn that Island and to others, from the 
West Indies belonging to France, a total of 68.000 Indian 
workers. We have been told that in certain regions of the 
United States the Mexican workmen are preferred to those from 
other parts, and General Grant who knew Mexico well has left 
us an eloquent encomium of the Indian soldier. 

The privileged classes of Mexico did not spend a dollar to 
honor the memory of General Dia? to whom they owed their 
great prosperity, but the Tarascos. who, according to Father 
Najera speak a language as jicrfcct as ancient Greek, have not 
yel forgotten the memory of \'asco de Qiiiroga who contracted 
leprosy in the discharge of bis duties. 

It has also been said that the superior races are those who give 
forth a certain immber of su|ierinr men. Now the indigenou-; 
race has produced some of the very highest, most eminent 
personalities of Uie country, men such as licnito Juarez, Netza- 
hualcovotl, Igiiacin Rami rex and Ignacio Altamirano, all of 
whom were pure Indians. 

Mr. Bulne.'i attributes the lack of irrigation works to the lack of 
capacity of the Indian race. If the Indian race had managed 
public affair.* during the l^ng colonial pt-riod under the Spaniarils, 
such an accusation might have basis in fact, but Mr. Hulnes 
relies upon the investigation.^ of a writer who made a special 
practical study "f the Oniestuco Indian at .Apam to prove from 
physical characteristics lli.'it the indigenous race was decidedly 
inferior. Such cniisidcrali.ins were dis]>elled by Clavijero. We 
also remember the most favorable conclusions submitted to the 
Congress of .Americanists, as a result of minute observations 
made at Puebla by a Mexican doctor of the craniums of differeni 
Mexican races. To isolated observations upon the physical 
characteristics, and above all cranial ones, we can answer that 
according to Briiiton the sbgpe and dimensions of the cranium 


are not fixed elements of human anatomy, and that sons of the 
same parents differ in such respects. Doctor Hensell found that 
the craniums of the coroades of Brazil were similar in every 
respect with those of normal Germans. Brinton himself tells us 
that some of the Indian heads have the enormous capacity of 
1920 c. c. which has never been excelled by any other race. 

Mr. Bulnes quotes a writer to prove that the Indians are ad- 
dicted to drunkenness. This failing may be seen among many 
races, and especially if such be downtrodden and depressed. Taine 
has made pregnant observations about the tendency of the Eng- 
lish proletariat to become inveterate drunkards when surrounded 
by hopeless conditions. The same may be said of the Irish. We 
must not overlook the fact that drunkenness in Mexico dates 
from the Conquest, and is a social evil which has become wide- 
spread as elsewhere due to social inequalities and injustice. 

La Bruyere has depicted in his vivacious manner the condition 
of the French peasants before the Revolution, saying: "We see 
certain wild beasts, male and female, going about the fields, 
black, livid, or sun burnt, clinging to the soil which they dig and 
overturn with unconquerable obstinacy. They seem to have an 
articulate organ, and when they stand on their hind legs they 
would almost seem to be human. At night they withdraw to huts 
and caverns where they eat of black bread, roots, and water." 
Lord Macaulay describes the condition of the Irish when King 
James II landed in the Emerald Isle. This Monarch found a 
most filthy rabble, and was horrified when the' unfortunate 
women drew near to him. Discipline of any kind was entirely 
lacking, as also honesty. IMiere was nothing but an eagerness to 
destroy, coupled with the most astounding improvidence. It 
was not in vain that the wretched Irish had been subjected to the 
hard voke of the British Land lords. 

We do not deny the present despondency of the indigenous 
race, but such can surely be removed since the race is capable of 
enjoying the benefits of civilization. Gustave Le Bon, the 
mental boon companion of Mr. Bulnes, asserts that France would 
surely degenerate markedly if it were suddenly deprived of its 
fifty most illustrious men at the height of their powers. Here is 
indeed the reason of the decadence of the indigenous race. 
Baron von Humboldt tells us that the great families disappeared 
forthwith after the Si)anish Conquest, either because they died 
out naturally, or because they merged into the conquering race, 
so that the only ones to survive were the lowly, ignorant of all 
science and traditions of the race, of all that constituted the 
very essence of the civilization of a people. However, eyen 
among such proletariat, Humboldt found among the Indians 
much natural dignity, and even haughtiness among the Indians 
of Tlaxcala, notwithstanding the assertions to the contrary of 
Mr. Martin Luis Guzman. 

We also deny that the mestizos or those of mixed race should 
be incapable of attaining civilization. Taylor has found the 


nest women of the world in the Is/and o[ Tristan da 
nearly all of the purest European type, though descended 
L. lions of whites with blacks. Some of the most remark- 

al amples of longevity are to be found among the mestizos 

ot zil. And finally Gustave Le Bon cites Brazil as a striking 
example of the degeneracy of mixed races, but Larousse quotes 
I."" vop ~ „h 11 ' * some slaveowners in Brazil 

" t the mub better workers than the real 

J he" '^"refr d the production of mulattoes. 

^mg tr- i of Venezuela have produced 

tnc Dcst on ets. Bougie tells us that in 

Brazil, nearl le iicians. and doctors are mesti- 

zos. It has bee ro. lustrious Alexander Hamilton 

had black blooi i alav^ nartyr of American independ- 

ence. The case ( the E ^...ler and son, is too well known 

to need comment. 

But, however, even granting that the Indians belong to an in- 
ferior race, surely that is no reason for refusing to concede to 
them the blessings of civilization. All races re-act and rise, 
upon improving their economic condition. Leroy Beaulieu, who 
upholds social privilege, tells us: "Whether we deal with the 
black man, the yellow or the white, provided we establish a just 
proportion between remuneration and the effort performed, we 
then secure most important results." The same writer mentions 
the capacity of the negroes of the interior of Africa who come to 
Tunis to work in the vineyards ; the kaflirs who go to work in 
?outh Africa, and the merchants of Singapore who struggle with 
success against the able'^t European competitors. Mr. Bulne-^ 
cites the Chinese as a distinctively inferior race, and yet in 
China the family becomes a social and political unit, gifted with 
judicial, administrative, and religious organs; a small State, 
organized npon the basis nf benevolence and mutual aid, per- 
petuated throughout the tinturies. honoring the virtues of the 
ancestors, and trying to live up to them through the perform- 
ance of work and duty, with the resultant virtues, courtesy, 
gentleness, cleanliness, and M that dignifies the race. In China, in 
the family workshi^'p were first made, with a perfection and 
cheapness never surjiasseii to this day, wonderful porcelain, cot- 
ton cloth, and silks of marvellous designs, varnishes, lacquer, and 
paper. The Chinese bronzes and steels have a great reputation 
from the remotest generations. In China were carried out the 
most siupcndnns works of irrigation ever known, and the most 
noteworthy hydraulic works. Mr. Bulnes recognizes that the in- 
dustrious Chinese have forced their soil to produce enough to 
support the greatest grouping of human beings to be found any- 
where on the globe. 

In Mexico we have no class question, because among ihe privi- 
leged class are to be found men of every race. 

The ruling classes in the United States have said that the 
negroes must not be reduced to slavery. To free them they en- 


/ \l ^\^y\.y{/< 



//. ^^^-^ 

gaged into one of the bloodiest wars in all history. They now 
strive in every possible way to better the condition of the negro, 
morally and socially. Facing this great question, Senator 
Williams has said : "It is desirable that sensible men should think 
more ; that the good should pray more ; and that all should speak 
more temperately." When shall we hear the conservative classes 
of Mexico speak in this strain? 



i Privileged Classes 

MR. BULNES upholds in hh book that movements of social 
reform and emancipation of tlie masses arise from the 
privileged classes and not from the proletariat. He as- 
sures us that in Mexico the privileged classes were well 
disposed to make reforms of an economic and social nature, and 
that for this reason the revolution was utterly unnecessary. We 
quote him herewith : 

"The Great French Revolution, initiated in 1789 is perhaps the 
most convincing example of the failure of the masses, not only 
to create the ideal liberal slate, but adequately to understand and 
practice true liberty " 

"If President Wilson will examine the nature of liberty as 
exemplified by its evolution in different countries, he will find 
that the truly protective regime has always been built up by the 
aristocracy, supported by the doctrine of divine right, the right 
of arms and the right of Ihe landowner; that the liberty which 
has been the outgrowth of what is commonly termed the "rights 
of man" has sjirun.L,' fmrn llii' ituhistrial world, directed by the 
brains of capital, comljined with tiic old aristocr.itic forces which 
prefer to yield rather than to be annihilated " 

"Apparently the Mexican Nation jiosscssed the necessary 
ek'nicnts U-> cstrihlish a regime of liberty emanating not from the 
civilizing iovcc^ that work from below, which have so captivated 
Mr. Wilson's imagination, but from the antagonism existing be- 
tween two forces, the aristocratic-agrarian and the industrial, 
conln.lled l.y capitalist sovereignty." 

"Never has the conscrxative [irc-^s, or any |>lantcr. as repre- 
sentative or senator, or in any ca|)acity wliatsnever, ever 
(|Uestioned in any public sjieech nr wrilinf;, that the formation 
of small laiidholding was not of public utility, even if to accom- 
plish ibis it were nccessarv to lay hands on the larj;e holdings, 
lirovided alwavs that it we're d..iie acconling to terms prescribed 

,- the Federal fonstitntion, which are those that hold good in all 

ed nal 



similar cases,' 
Wilson give> the .American 
the rest of the world a proof nr 
xican lanilowners were the ene 
ve the conditions of the jicoplc b 
ildings. lie has no right, based ii] 


■lie, the 
n half a 

. of the 
■ forma- 


science or upon the most elementary notions of civilization, to 
state before so eminently worldwide respected an assemblage as 
the Congress of the United States that the tremendous san- 
guinary Mexican revolution, fairly wading in anarchy, was neces- 

We beg to differ from Mr. Bulnes. It is well known that 
Taine considered the French Revolution to have been a failure. 
The Positivists, however, had the honor of clearing up the concept 
and to prove how beneficial was the formidable commotion to 
France and to the whole civilized world in spite of the excesses 
which were committed. Pope Leo XIII himself acknowledged 
the principles of the French Revolution. Historians consider that 
the Terror period caused an insignificant amount of bloodshed in 
comparison with the aristocratic repressions in French History. 
Napoleon said in St. Helena that democracies were capable of 
generosity in the midst of their very upheavals, whereas aristo- 
cracies were coldly unforgiving, and in fact never did so. In any 
case we can assure Mr. Bulnes that the people rarely fight for 
public liberty, but that their efforts when concentrated in violent 
commotions are effected in order to improve their economic con- 
dition. This will explain why the Roman people were better 
satisfied under the Caesars, as Gaston Boisier shows us, than 
during the mgst brilliant period of the Republic when the Pro- 
consuls mercilessly exploited the provinces. 

But leaving aside this general point of view, we shall refer only 
to our country in order to ascertain if the privileged class of 
Mexico was in a position to make the needed reforms of a social 
and economic nature, and if it had any intention of so doing. 

The Mexican aristocracy under the Government of General 
Diaz was radically dissimilar to that of other countries. The 
English high society may be said to be devoted to the public 
service, even as the old Roman aristocracy. An English noble- 
man who would look upon public affairs with the utmost in- 
difference, would be most harshly criticised, as the Romans 
censured Atticus, Cicero's friend, for remaining aloof from affairs 
of State. In the Boer war, whole squadrons of individuals be- 
longing to the nobility perished on the field of battle. German 
aristocracy is enlisted as a body in the ranks of the army, and 
the great progress of aviation is mostly due to the French nobles. 
Here in the United States, the great potentates devote a large 
portion of their vast wealth to educational and philanthropical 
institutions. They consider themselves as public functionaries 
or trustees, always observed by the people and under the watch- 
ful eye of public opinion they are compelled to spend enormous 
sums for the benefit of the community, as the wealthy Romans 
of old gave for the Circus, and for the distribution of wheat. Now 
it is interesting to ascertain what is the life of the Mexican high 
society. Many of the land barons have their families always 
living in Europe in contemptuous aloofness from the mother 
country, whose language they hardly know. Those who reside 


in ' travel frequently to Europe, whence they come to 

SCI 1 old age overtakes them, and they spend their per- 

pCi t ire in finding- fault with their native land, making- mnst 

inv, L^ comparisons, and if they are young they exhaust their 

gildea -^uth propagating exotic vices. They do not give a cent 

for w * of philanthrophy, antl the destinies of the Mexican 
proiefartat whom they exploit are considered as unfit subjects of 

conversation in politf 
their attention. If th 
purpose of preventing; 
which may cause then m •- ^ 

on the Revolution for n 

sentence from the pr '^ 

notorious conservative, !■ 
the Mexican privileged ci. - 
advantages which the pHv 
ploitation of the country, 
social civilization whatevi 
so it might work to the H. it- 
The cause of the Frei ;v 

were antagonistic to the 
the king in order to oveii 
affected, the sovereign wa. n' 

aristocracy remained as i, a 
other hand, the nobility join^ hmi. 
take from the sovereign by fon 

ethine beneath and belo 

ic affairs, it is only for the 
Tiinistration may do nughl 

nconvenience. In his work 
Mr. Rulnes himself quotes a 
1, Bishop of Michnacan, a 
the apathy and selfishness of 
-xchange for the very great 

xicans derive from the ex- 
not undertake anv work of 

they think that if they did 

their profitable monopolies, 
on was that as the nobility 
.atter made an alliance with 
itucracy, and when this was 
I oppress the people, and the 

class. In England on the , 
s with the people in order to 
such public liberties as they 

led should belong to the public. The aristocracy of France 
was stripped of all social functions, and it was destroyed in spite 
nf its glorious historical record. It is difficult to understand how 
the .\ic\ican privileged class, whicli did not fulfill the faintest 
public duly and which had but lately emer^'ed from the people, 
could possihly have cx])ectcd that the wliolc nation would al- 
ways lie at their feet in supine snbmi.-ision. The condemnation of 
that Mexican privileged class is not to lie fonnd only in the 
mouth of the Jacobins, but from the lips of the most revered 
author of the aristocrats, the Reverend l-'ather Jaime Balmcs 
who savF : "Every civilizing class hecoines a higher class, and 
every his/her class is subject to the performance of duty, to 
prove its value or he overturned, Tf it should fall it will be in 
obedience with the natural l.iw. and must he considered as a pro- 
vidential punishment." 

The reason for the actions of the Mexican privilei^cd class can 
easily he found in its organi^^ation. During the Spanish do- 
minion many were the fine specimens of the race, of the best 
race of Spain which came over lo settle. It may truly be said 
that the mother country drained itself of its best blood, of its 
most energetic ':ons. in order to colonize the .\mericas. The 
greater part of the imniisryanls were fine types of Goths. Their 
restless spirit, their pride, iheir seclusion, were distinguished 
characteristics of their official and social relations. At that titT\f 

there came also, and their numbers increased as time went ort, 
numerous inferior types of the Iberian race, who devoted them- 
selves to money lending and petty trading. Mr. Bulnes has de- 
picted such in his Work upon the Future of the Spanish 
American Peoples. But in any case the members of the superior 
race were those who managed the affairs of the community. In 
places such as the Mexican Border and the adjacent States, and 
Chile which were not overrun by the mass of Spanish merchants, 
inheritors of the venal spirit of the Carthaginians, are those 
regions which to-day are peopled by the most virile and energetic 
races. However, Bulnes tells us that the misfortunes of the 
nations of America, are due to the incapacity of the colonial aris- 
tocracies in matters of Government. He assures us that when the 
Nations of America threw off the European yoke, not one family 
was really properly prepared to assure the functions of Govern- 
ment. Well, in that case, the inferiority is much greater to-day, 
because it is exceedingly rare to have now cases of members of 
the aristocracy or of the superior races of Europe come over to 
form part of the governing classes. 

In the United States and in the Argentine when the immi- 
grants arrive they begin to work at the very lowest rung of 
social ladder and mix with the proletariat in the factories and in 
the fields, laboring with their hands. In Mexico they never de- 
cide to go down as low as the Indian. If they arrive without 
any capital, as the Spaniards do, then with the help of their 
compatriots, they secure minor positions as clerks or as adminis- 
trators in ranches, and after trials and privations they sometimes 
make their way through their own efforts, or through contract- 
ing marriage with the daughter of their chief, and then form 
part of the aristocracy of Mexico. If they bring some small 
capital, then they easily take their place among the directing 
classes, and soon they are seen among the directors of the vari- 
ous banks, and of the large businesses, forming also part of the 
reigning plutocracy. This crowned proletariat, which lacks any 
preparation whatsoever for the science of Government, proceeds 
to try to rule society along the trend of the rankest reaction, with 
the most absurd notions of social prerogative. By instinct and 
natural inclination, such directors must perforce constitute a 
society organized along the most primitive forms and moulds 
and as the ambient is already prepared, everything is admirably 
prepared to promote that ferocious resistence to any thing savor- 
ing of progress and innovation, and democratic practices. The 
middle classes cannot overcome this powerful influence of the 
ruling plcbs, and themselves are sometimes corrupted, and the 
advantages which should have been derived from their prepara- 
tion to intervene for the betterment of society are necessarily lost. 

The directing class therefore, tends to be made up of an un- 
compromising and clerical aristocracy, mixed with foreigners of 
low extraction and scant education, who have made money 
through more or less questionable means, and but very few 

. 83 

of the middle class, who soon become servile instni- 
the former groups. The lack of mental discipline vf 
5ses is very evident. They have not received a sys- 
education, in accordance with modern progress, and 
-e the appearance of refinement, whereas the religious 
m is unfortunately but too real. With such elements 
I easy to organize a progressive and democratic com- 

rancid and higotted ideas of 
ly, and their whole tendency 
work as rather degrading to 
. as animals of a very inferior 
share the life of the 

u^h an aristocracy the m 
iperinrity flourish amj 
,. backward. They consn 

tuc ank, and view workingme.. 
sto^.^., It is as impossible for 
peons, as to do without them. Such a concept of life is of course 
incompatible with the economic and social liberty of the people 
and with democratic practices. 

It will suffice to compare two crcole families, one of them a 
descendant of the colonial aristocracy, and the other of recent 
creation, in order to observe at once a most marked difference. 
The first, organized upon principles of a most strict morality and 
honesty, considers a great appaJling disaster the lapse into cor- 
ruption of any one of its members. The latter given up to the 
enjoyment of a most luxurious mode of life, goes from one pleas- 
ure to another, and frequently lacks the very appearance of 
mora! sense. Corruption has increased in the country owing to 
the degeneration of this aristocracy, which daily takes in new 
families into its circle. The weapon of corruption of General 
Dia^, always made to operate upon the upper classes, found a 
fruitful field, and thence contaminated the oilier ■^<'cial classe-^. 
The privileged caste had no desire outsi<lc of acf|niring wealth a^ 
f(uicklv as pussible. and come well under these words of Gustavc 
I,e Ron : "Wlicn it is desired t'l make money at any cost and real 
capacity he laekiiiQ-, recour.'ie is had lo any means to the end: 
honesty stimds aside, and demoralizatinn becomes general. This 
has hajiiieiud in the greater jiart of the Latin conntries. We uii- 

at daily liie nioralitv of the direct- 
Ihat of the poi-nlar mass."' 
itions it wonlil have been |)repnsterous to have 
nie and smial regeneralion of the [)ri\ileged 
Rather must we say that we proved the asser- 
, that the iienple are satisfied with nnythini;, 
never know satiety. 

forlnnatelv ol.s 
ing clas-^es falls hch 

Under snel 
expected an 
classes .d Me 
tion of Maeh 
whereas the jtrivilegod class 

The whole hislorv of Mexico i.rovos cnelusivelv that it was 
idle to ex|.cct social. eo..n..inie. and p..litioal re.ueiieration from the 
aiistocratie elas-es. When the first movement-; towards liberty 
made thonisehcs felt, ihey proceeded to deimse by violence the 
\'iccrny Itnrrtigarav. They fought the movement I'nr national 
independenee with' a flLTce relentless cner!,;y. and «!n-n the 
mother couiiitv jjianted certain liberties |o the Colony they 




i, ie • I I / . 

They bitterly opposed the Reform movement for the separation 
of Church from State, and called to their assistance the foreign 
usurper Maximilian of Austria. During the whole Government 
of General Diaz they were constantly plotting against the laws 
of the Reform, and they left no stone unturned to increase their 
power of repression. 

It is quite possible that the land barons may have expressed 
their approval of the creation of small farms and of the subdivi- 
sion of the large estates, but in this as in so many other things, 
they said one thing and did another. We have already shown 
in what manner the Diaz Government desired to solve the 
agrarian question, and its irrigation platform was but a means 
of engaging in vast land speculations. In the City of Mexico I 
have a copy of a file to be found in the Department of Fomento or 
National Development, regarding the attitude of the large land 
owners of Morelos, and I had personal reason for ascertaining 
their real viewpoint and modus operandi, when I formed part of 
the Government oi Mr. Madero. When the administration sum- 
moned them to co-operate in the pacification of the State of 
Morelos, the land owners all asserted that no agrarian question 
existed in Morelos, that the peons were receiving munificent 
salaries, and that the only way of remedying existing evils, was 
to follow an inflexible policy of repression against peons of re- 
bellious tendencies. Later on, when the Government spoke of 
splitting up the vast domains, they offered their estates or 
haciendas for sale at prices three and more times the value, in 
order to thus contribute to solve the agrarian question. If we 
could go into details we could give facts regarding the case of 
the sale of the estate of Temixco, Morelos, showing the shameful 
money lust of the landowning class. One of the most distin- 
guished, intellectual, and in every way worthy citizens of Mexico 
was spoken of as Governor of the State of Morelos. A group of 
land owners called upon him to ascertain what would be his 
policy in regard to social reform, and the candidate, who is a 
prominent positivist, shocked them beyond expression by reading 
to them several of F^ope Leo XIIFs circulars upon labor organi- 
zation. These Catholic land barons must have thought the 
Pope a most rabid anarchist. 

Truly, of all the fantastic assertions of Mr. Bulnes, none is 
more extraordinary than his statement, that the privileged 
classes of Mexico, who governed the country strictly for their 
own profit, for more than twenty years, and who overthrew the 
Government of Mr. Madero through foul and most criminal 
machinations, was really about to effect the social and economic 
transformation of Landlord ridden Mexico. 


,,^,„^. _, I (ell you, Oaitlcmcn, 

i.f tJic divlsimi awl Ihc pollticil organi- 



Mexico h_ , 
burcaucr^ ,. 

burraucratic uuu c 
has bc«n the abstm 
people, the octopus 
labor, of foreign anu 
victims who carriei] 
re9er\-edly over to I 
revolution has a thrv^ 
social drama : o( a we 

rihle sociaKstic experic ' . . . 

and over w ro u ght clenKBt obtaraed a complete victorjr over the 
rejw**entative element in Augnst 191-*." 

TVhm^ we are speaking of most obrioss tratte fcr all that 

:ssions emitted by Mr. Bulae5. 
and exploited by an insatiable 
ution which we have undergone 
He states: "Since 1867 the 
led by the educated proletariat. 
dexico, the real oppressor of the 
ced the vital jaice of the popular 
>pital. and of the patience of the 
ol this race of vipers, given un- 
: caonibaltsm." "The Mexican 
ect at present: that of a great 
rnatioaal piroblem. and of a ter- 
e stanred. iohinatcd 

: U;.-s 

,.^a^ " ' f\l~^^A^{J^ '^^' 


• .' ■>■-«. 

viduals of slender means, entitled to annuities, all parsimonious 
and possessed of savings, and keenly interested in the preser- 
vation of the existing order of things, because they are holders of 
the State's Bonds, and of Obligations of National and Foreign 
Corporations. In Mexico the very opposite exists. The Govern- 
ment employs as a rule forms part of the proletariat. His exist- 
ence is perhaps more wretched than that of the peon of the fields, 
because he depends exclusively on his meagre salary, never 
saves, and as there is no civil service in Mexico, he lives in a 
condition of suppressed terror at the ever-present fear of losing 
his "job." He is unable to save anything, as his salary is entirely 
disproportionate to the excessive cost of the necessaries of life. 
He can be included in the middle class only through his neces- 
sities and his social position, because as regards economic situ- 
ation he belongs exclusively to the proletariat. 

It sometimes happens that some of these employees through 
proper or improper means become wealthy. Then, forthwith he 
discards all semblance of belonging to the middle class, and 
enters the aristocratic ranks with all the evidence of wealth at his 
disposal. He is well received, and he becomes one of the privi- 
leged. He sheds his former acquaintances without more ado; 
his wife proceeds to entertain, and he takes his place naturally 
among the seats of the mighty. He is no longer a member of the 
bureaucratic middle class. 

Socialism was not the motive of the Revolution. It is true 
that the workingmen have naturally made themselves heard, 
and have obtained advantages with the triumph of the Revolu- 
tion; but the movement was in no sense socialistic. It could 
not be when we see that the Census of 1910 shows us that the 
workingmen in the industrial establishments of Mexico were only 
58,800 in well organized trade unions. The small artisans 
throughout the cities may have been altogether about 200,000. 

In Europe, upon the disappearance of agrarian feudalism, 
came industrialism, and as a consequence thereof a large mass of 
people came under the thumb of the capitalists, as these were the 
owners of the instruments of production. The workingmen 
were able to organize themselves into Unions, as they lived to- 
gether and worked collectively. The rural workers were scat- 
tered over vast reaches of land, and cultivated the small parcels 
alloted to them by the land barons. The principal aim of social- 
ism consists in taking the instruments of production out of the 
hands of the capitalists, and placing them in the hands of 
society. But it has refrained from doing so as regards the land, 
as the inhabitants of the fields would not see with gratification 
that the soil which they have cultivated should be taken from 
them. The socialists are glad to accept under their banners all 
the small farmers and rural workers, but they are still loath to 
preach to them the advisability of their turning over their small 
lots in favor of the community at large. On the other hand, as 
the rural workers of small or medium sized capital are not 


ccsiflPP "on NcvenlielMs, 1 wtt vou. Geutlcnicn. Uic 
-will he rrfonn of tli.^ divl-icm and the imli lical ofgani- 

geuerally aii oppressive class, as happens with the powerhil 
capitalists, therefore the need ol reacting against rural property 
has not been t'elt in many nations. All the countries which are 
industrially far ahead of Mexico, are confronted with the serious 
problems which highly organized industry brings in its wake. 

Among ourselves in Mexico, the social question is very differ- 
ent. We are in the same situation as the French peasants before 
the Revolution. In the France of those days, the popular writer.'; 
were forever harping upon the parcelling out of the great estates, 
and it is for this that we have been fighting ever since 1910. 

We are very desirous of calling attention to this phase of the 
Mexican problem, because if it were considered merely as a 
socialistic crisis we would be most apt to fall into serious errors. 
It has sometimes been the strategy of the privileged class to 
ratify the wishes of the workmen of the cities at the expense of 
those in the country. Former President Francisco Leon de la 
Barra who has denied that there existed any agrarian crisis in 
Mexico, as soon as he became the Chief Executive preceded to 
establish the Department of Labor. Mr. Bulnes himself criti- 
cized that through the tariff, cotton cloth should have been made 
dearer to the prejudice of ten millions of inhabitants, and in 
order to raise the wages of the workingmen. 

The present revolution has been effected by the men of the 
country because the spirit of desperate rebellion only existed 
among them. If there be any form of work in Mexico that really 
needs to be most radically reformed, it is indeed the work of the 
fields. The existence of enormous landed estates is but the best 
manntr of better maintaining rural serfdom. If the rural serf- 
dom disappears, the country could tolerate landlordism, and this 
is the real difference between conditions in Cuba and those pre- 
vailing in Mexico. In many parts of the world there are vast 
estates, but they are not cultivated as is done in Mexico. It would 
truly be extraordinary if the privileged class which controls the 
land, did not also control the great mass of the population, but 
that a few individuals of the middle class should exercise over the 
magnates as well as over the proletariat an insufferable tyranny. 
The men of the middle class have led the various revolutions of 
Mi-xifo, and we hope that this movement of which most of the 
li';idi'rs lielont; Ui the middle class, may organize society in such 
a way that further social convulsions may no longer be re- 




• . , . 

^i^ Jul 


Creation of the Catholic Party as a 

Political Solution 

MR. BULNES tells us in his work that in the month of 
October 1911, he told President Madero that if he really 
desired to establish in Mexico a Democratic Government, 
he should favor the creation of the Catholic Party, as 
otherwise success would be impossible. "This attempt is impos- 
sible, without taking the Catholic into account to form a Catholic 
Party, deficient, but still a party." 

We quite agree that, generally speaking, political parties are 
expedient and even indispensable for the proper evolution of 
democratic institutions. However, after a revolution it is not 
wise to reestablish the political parties which have been swept 
away. The United States took into consideration this important 
truth after the war of secession. The reestablishment of a 
political party that is radically opposed to a Government which 
has just triumphed through a revolution, constitutes a serious 
menace to the new social organization. Madero fell because he 
did not pursue a definite policy, but endeavored to establish a 
Government of co-operation of all the classes, after the violent 
upheaval of the Revolution. He tried to do as William HI of 
England who strove to rule with men of his own party, and also 
with partisans of the exiled James II, who knew the mechanism 
of the body politic, but Madero failed. Madero's fall had the 
same cause as overthrew Caesar and Napoleon. He found a 
society disgusted with the political organization, but whose 
highest strata was unwilling to accept any other than that which 
preceded. He did his utmost to conciliate all, in order to estab- 
lish an unstable equilibrium in the midst of a turbulent society, 
and died in the