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Full text of "Reflections on the Revolution in France, by the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, considered : also, observations on Mr. Paine's pamphlet, intituled The rights of men [i.e. man] : with cursory remarks on the prospect of a Russian war and the Canada Bill now pending"

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REFLECTIONS 

ON THE 

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 

BY THE 

Right Honourable EDMUND BURKE, 

CONSIDERED; 

ALSO, 

OBSERVATIONS 

ON 

Mr. PAINED PAMPHLET, INTITULED 
THE RIGHTS OF MEN; 

WITH 

CURSORY REMARKS 

O N T K E 

PROSPECT OF A RUSSIAN WAR, 

AND 

The Canada Bill now pending. 
By JAMES EDWARD HAMILTON, Efq. 

Quid verum atque utile rogo, euro, et totus in hoc fum. 

TT-— ^^— — ■Mi— HM^III— I IIMHIIIII I II IIIIIMHIIMIIWMIWiaWIIMII— HMTlir^ 

LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR: 

And fold by J. Johnson, St. Paul's Church-yard, 

and by Debrett, Piccadilly. 

1791. 

[Price 2s. 6d. ] 



nC ^^1' /"?'?/ Uc^a 



PREFACE. 



IVlY objed in obtruding thefe fheets on 
the Public will be fullj anfwered, if they 
fhould be the means of attrading the at- 
tention of our governors and refornners to 
Ariftotle's Incomparable Treatife on Politics, 
which will enable the one to proceed oa 
fleady principles of policy ; and, perhaps, 
reftrain the Democratical fanaticifm of the 
Others. 

Though the Staginte is an obje£t of uni* 
verfal praife with every writer who has 
had occafion to mention him, yet I am 
fully of opinion there are but few, who 
have perufed his works with due attention. 
However, what Mr. SeUenfays of him who was 
One of the moft learned and judicious men 
that England ever produced, is fo very re^ 

markable, 



3o3rt*-7^?i 



[ iy ] 

markable, that I (hall lay it before the rea- 
der. In his Table Talk, article Trutb, he 
affirms, tbai there never breathed that perfon 
to whom mankind ijs as more beholden. It wo uld 
be impertinent in me to add any thing 
after fuch an eulogium from fuch a charac- 
ter. Though I cannot help remarking that 
in this work, Mr. Selden feems frequently 
to sflance at the Democratical Reveries of 
Harrington, Milton, &c. 

I have avoided all metaphyficai difquiii- 
tlons as being of little utility, frequently 
impertinent, and only bewildering perfons 
xmaccuftomed to them ; it being my view to 
lay the pure utile before the reader ; con- 
vinced that in this ftate it will make its 
deepeft impreffion, 

I have inferted a few political reveries of 
my own, for which I muft claim the 
reader's indulgence. Not expeding to 
have any readers who have not perufed 
IMr. Burke's Refle^ions^ I thought it unne- 
ceffary to fwell this eflay with a repetition 
of his arguments, when coinciding in opi- 
nion with him. 



REFLECTIONS 

ON THE 

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 

C ONSI DEP. ED. 

JriAVING been engaged for fome time pail 
iti a literary enquiry concerning the faith of the 
Chrillians during the firfl ages of the Church ; 
apd thoygh naturally far more inclined to po- 
litical than ecclefiaftical fubjedls, yet I was fo 
circumftanced, that, had I paid any particular 
attention to the former, I would have loll the 
fruits of what I had colled:ed regarding the lat- 
ter.;" r^y mind unfortunately not being of that 
pliable nature, as that of fotne cdebrated Mo- 
derns, who can vary their ftudies dd libitum, and 
I prefume without any of them fuffering by it. 
In comparifon of fuch geniufes, I can be fcarcely 
deemed an ideot, being fenfible.of ^n jnimedi- 
ate. confuiion of ideas, when any j^&vv fubjed: 
forces itfelf upon^ m/ . attention. However,. 
Arif(otle reconcile? ...m^ foi^ewhat,to m.yfeif 
'■-■'-'--- ■ ■■ x "'"^ ■ ^''" ■' ' fbr 



[ ^ ] 

for this limitednefs of intellect, as he obferves 
that a man cannot eaiily pay attention to 
many things at the fame time; by jams time 
meaning days, months, or years, if the fub- 
jedfc Ihould be found to demand the entire 
attention for fuch a fpace. As this philofopher 
attained to a more folid and comprehenfive 
knowledge than ever it has fallen to the lot 
of any other man to arrive at; it may be 
prefumed, that that method vvhich he recom- 
mends to others, was the fame which he him- 
felf purfued. 

The many difagreeable feelings I was fre- 
quently confcious of, during this ftate, by find- 
ing myfelf debarred from making myfelf maf- 
ter of thofe caufes which led to the French revo- 
lution, and of the proceedings of the National 
Affembly, can only be conceived by thofe per- 
fons commonly called Democratifts, and who 
^efides can fay with Terence, 

Homo fum, humani nil a me aliemm puto» 

However I fubmitted to what I deemed my 
duty: and having at length brought the enquiry 
to a period which enabled me to difcontinue 
it for a while, I have feized the intermediate 

time^ 



[ 3 ] 

time, before I recommence my ecclefiaflical j(l:u- 
dies, to confider what has been advanced concern- 
ingthis revolution. Though it appears to be won- 
derful to others, yet I confefs it does not appear 
to be fo to me ; for, when in France about ten 
years ago, I found the middle clafs of people al* 
moft univerfally of onefentiment,namely,alienat- 
ed from the eftablifhed government in church 
and Itate, and wifhing in their ftead that of Eng- 
land. Nay, happening to be at Strafburgh when 
the news of Rodney's vidlory arrived there, I 
was prefent when a young officer, in the prefence 
of at leait twenty others, held forth upon the 
advantages of a free political conftitution, in 
comparilon of that of France, viith great ability 
for perhaps an hour. So that, upon the arrival 
of the news in July, 1789, of the oppofition to 
the King's will, manifcfted by the National Af- 
lembly, I made up my mind concerning its final 
iffue, namely, that the government of that coun- 
try would become a pure Democracy ; which 
every circumftance that has fince taken place, 
Itrongly points out will be the cataftrophe. 

While in this ftate of mind Mr. Burke's Re- 

JleEiionson the Revolution in France were announced, 

and Ihortly after a hoft of anfwerers. Before 

I proceeded to a careful perufal of either the one 

or the other, it occurred to me that a previous 

B 2 exami- 



C 4 3 

ej^amination of Ariftotle's Treatife on Politics 
might enable me to form a true judgement upon 
the queftion. For, from my knowledge of feveral 
of the Democratifts, I could entertain no doubt 
of the praife-worthinefs of their motives : and I 
ihould have made the fame conclufion in regard 
of Mr. Burke, though I had no knowledge what- 
ever of his character, except from fame, which 
has proclaimed him a perfect philanthropift, and 
as fuch muft, in the main, agree with his op- 
ponents, in having the "welfare of man for his ob- 
je(3:, though he might differ from them with re- 
gard to the means, namely, the mode of govern- 
ment upon which it in a great meafure depends. 
I therefore fufped:ed that there might be fomc- 
thing wrong in the principles upon which each 
t)f them had founded very different conclufions 
with refped; to the French revolution. 

Before I proceed farther, I donot think it irrele- 
vant toobferve here, that until within thefe two 
years, I have been among the foremofl: of the De- 
mocratifts : nor did I begin to fufpedt the political 
foundnefs of the principles of this party, till the 
bufinefs of the wool bill had been fettled about 
two years ago in Parliament, fo much again ft 
the true intereft of Great Britain : But during 
the difcullion of which, though a bill of the moft 
ferious. confeq^uences, there could fcarcely be got a 

fufficient 



I 



C J 3 

fufficient number of Members to form a Houfc 
wpon the days on which it was to be agitated ; 
for the very obvious reafon, that had they at- 
tended and voted, agreeably to their convidtion, 
againft the bill, they would have thereby endan- 
gered their being returned reprefentatives in the 
following parliament. — For, not like the fcat- 
tered country gentlemen, who never aft upon 
fyftem, or as one body, had the manufad:uring 
promoters of that bill been difappointed in their 
objeft, the manufadlurers throughout the king- 
dom, in every branch, would have entered into 
a private, nay, perhaps into a public combina- 
tion, to vote againft thofe Members, who were 
inimical to it. I am inclined to think that the 
Minifter himfelf might have got a hint, that 
if the bill did not pafs, the manufacturing 
intereft would declare itfelf againft him, for, 
from the difficulty of making up a Houfe at 
times I weakly imagined that the bill would 
fall to the ground, for this reafon only, being 
the mildeft death it could receive. — But fuch a 
hint, if there was a hint given, quickly pro- 
cured a fufficient number of Members to attend. 
This affair fatisfied me, that there was fome- 
thing wrong in the principles I had adopted. 
For I at once faw, that, were there eftablifhed 
fuch a reprefentation of the People as I had 

hitherto 



C 6 3 

Mthefto contended for, it would be impoffible^ 
without bloodlhed, ever to redify fuch devia- 
tions from univerfal benefit to the peculiar ad- 
vantage of one clafs of the people, in whofe 
power the eledling the Reprefentatives would 
neceflarily ever hereafter be. I thence con- 
cluded, that in every well ordered State all perfons 
depending on others, (as manufacturers upon the 
Mafter-manufa<fturers)/^r tkeir daily bread, ought 
tiot to be entrujled with any political privileges, either 
in regard of choojing Members of Parliaments, or 
eWing Magilirates, For, depending on their 
employers, their extreme ignorance might ren- 
der them dangerous inflruments in the hands of 
a faction. Such mechanics Ariltotle calls Haves, 
^ciAof, 1. 3. ch. 5. 

It is wirh difficulty men corredt their own 
erroneous notions : yet, by the current of my 
thoughts concerning the exclujion of thofe per- 
fons from having a Ihare in the government 
who depended upon others for their daily bread ; 
I was, I may fay, neceflarily led to difcover that 
there was another clafs of people, which, in like 
manner, in every well-ordered government, 
ought to be equally excluded from interfering 
politically in what concerned government ; 
namely, all thofe who bought to fell again, or ivho 
lived by trafick. For fuch perfons, being necef- 

farily 



[ 7 ] 

farily taken up eight or ten hours in the day 
with their buiinefs, have not time fufficiently to 
refled: upon political queftions, or regulations, 
to enable them to form a proper judgment of 
their own, with regard to the probable confe- 
qucnces of them. As this cannot be difputed, 
it neceffarily follows, that, unlefs we choofe to 
follow a very different practice in regard of 
government, from what we do in the other con- 
cerns of life, all perfons, who are fo taken up 
with their refpediive trades or bufinefs, as necef- 
farily to preclude their attending to other con- 
cerns, fhould nor, in a well-ordered ftate, be al- 
lowed any political privileges, no more than 
thofe perfons who maintain themfelves by their 
daily labour. Farther, perfons of this defcrip- 
tion in general (though I acknowledge there are 
many exceptions) are fo given up to pelf, or the 
making of money, that the profperity of the 
country is a very fecondary objeft with them. 

Having come to thefe conclufions, which ap- 
peared to me to be fo well founded, and obvious, 
that I thought no ingenuous, candid, or difpaf- 
lionate perfon could objed; to them, whatevff 
might be the fentiments of this juftly celebrated 
ancient, I took up Ariftotle's Treatife upon 
Politics, and was not a little furprifed to find 
that thefe two clafles of men are particularly ob- 

jeded 



[ 8 ] 

jeded to by him ; againft their having any po- 
litical privileges vefted in them, and for thofe 
very obvious reafons which had occurred to my- 
felf. Fortified by fuch an authority, I entertain 
no doubt ofthefolidityof them. Nay, I know that 
they are fo by my own experience : and though 
the experience of an individual will by no means 
juftify a general conclufion, I believe few per- 
fons who have canvafTed counties, cities, &c» 
but have had ample experience of it. The fa<9: 
being indifputable, it will bring Mr. Burke and 
his antagonifts much nearer to one another than 
could be expecfted, unlefs indeed that the Demo- 
cratifls,in the phrenzy of their zeal, fhould boldly 
run counter to all experience. The authority 
of this celebrated antient ihould have the more 
weight upon this queftion, as having flourllhed 
ju0 before, I may fay, the extindlion of the 
Grecian republics, it is obvious, that he muft 
have had greater advantages in perceiving and 
confidering the defedls ot this mode of govern- 
ment than what moderns can poflefs. 

Some, perhaps, may imagine that this trea- 
tife of Ariftotle's, inftead of flowing from thofe 
principles implanted by the All-wife Creator in 
the breaft of every human creature, is only a 
fyftem, or rather a fcheme adapted, after the 
event J to explain the caufes of the deftrudtion 

of 



[ 9 ] 

of thefe republics. Bui: in this they would do 
him great injuft'ce. For, fo far from his trea- 
tifc being regulated by what ought to be deemed 
only cafual events, it in fad: Uiifolds the C3ufes 
of profperity and misfortune, even of thofe 
Republics which periibed after him : what he 
has advanced on this head, concerning Carthage, 
whofe fate he pronounced a century before the 
firft Punic War, is very remarkable, and the 
more fo as he fpeaks very highly of its political 
conftitution. But his fagacious mind was not 
fo dazzled by fome of the beauties of it, as to 
make him infenlible of its peculiar defedts. His 
principles farther explain how it has happened, 
that the Swifs governments, notwithftanding 
their very defedtive political conflitutions, have 
been fo little, if at all, fubjedt to feditions : and 
why the more extenfive kingly governments 
of Europe, notwithftanding their Hill more de- 
fedive forms of government, are fo free of the 
.fame defedt. In a word, I will venture to af- 
firm, that there are more juft notions concern- 
ing government in this fingle treatife, v;hich does 
not even exift entire, than in all the books which 
have been, written on the fame fubjcdl for two 
thoufand years. I have read Mathiavel, whom 
one of our hiftoiians, I think, calls th& Frince 
of Politicians, and Harrington, Sydney, Locke, 
B &c. 



[ lO ] 

&c, yet I fcruple not to affirm, that if compared 
with Ariftotle, they merit not the appellation of 
children. 

We have an Englifh expofition of this trea- 
tifeby a Mr. Ellis, but whether judicioully ex- 
ecuted or not, 1 can fay nothing, having never 
feen it. If it be not well expounded by this 
gentleman, whoever would give a good tranfla- 
tion of it, would be entitled to the appellation 
of a BemfaBor of hh Country^ 

Every writer whom I have met with, who 
mentions Ariflotle, fpeaks of him as by far the 
firft of philofophers. I have only read his Trea- 
tife upon Politics, which, though a part is loft, 
contains every thing that is well advanced upon 
government, in all the other treatifes I have met 
with upon that fubjedl : befides its being far 
more clearly developped. It is evident from fe- 
veral pafl'ages in this treatife, that it depended 
or connefted wi^h his Treatife on Ethics or Mo- 
rals ; and of courfe was founded upon his accu- 
rate and extenfive knowledge of the human 
heart, which enabled him to forefee confe- 
quences, not only which were to come to pafs 
ihortly after his own time, but even it may be 
faid, to all eternity ; or while man preferves 
his prefent affections. 

Not- 



[ '« ] 

Notwithftanding the univerfal pra'ife which Is 
bellowed upon this eminent philofopher, yet 
that his writings are very much unknown, nay, 
perhaps even by thofe who praife him, is very 
evident, from no notice having been at all taken 
of what he had advanced concerning govern- 
ment in his Treatife on Politics, during the 
American war, or the late commotions in 
France. 

It is not my intention to offer a complete ana- 
lyfis of this treatife of Ariftotle's. My objed: is 
only to point out thofe perfons in whom this 
writer would veil: the government, which are 
precilely thofe, whom I have already mention- 
ed : namel}', thofe wko have a fufficiency to enable 
them to live idle lives ; and excluding from anyjloare 
in it thofe others who depend on their labour for their 
daily bread; as aljo all thofe zvho buy to fella^ain, 
or that live by traffic. As the determining in what 
perfons the government ought to be vefted is the 
foundation upon which the entire fabric of civil 
polity fhould be erefted, the being agreed upon 
this head is indi.fpenfably neceffary, ere any 
thing fhould be farther advanced. I Ihall there- 
fore take it as a thing proved, that perfons ne- 
ceffarily dependent, and thofe others whofe ob- 
jed: is fordid pelf, ought to be excluded from 
all concern in the government of a ftate ; which I 
B 2 think 



[ 12 ] 

think fhould not be allowed to be an extraordi- 
nary conceffion from the Democrates, till they 
are able to adduce one (ingle inftance of a go- 
vernment, in which perfons of either of thefe de- 
fcriptions were a conftituent part, which deferved 
the name of a well-arranged government, in 
which the fecurity of the perfon and property 
of the individual was chiefly, or at all confulted^ 
when fuppofed to interfere with their inter- 
efts, and in which an individual might employ 
his intelk^ual faculties, as was moft agreeable to 
him without perfonal danger. For thefe cir- 
cumftanceSj and thefe circumftances only, entitle 
a political conftitution to the' appellation of a 
happy, fafe, and equal government. 

It may perhaps be afked, who are thofe per- 
fons, which may be faid to have a fufficiency 
to enable them to live without having recourfe 
to bodily labour for their fupport. Here I pro- 
fefs that Ariftotle affords no clue to diredt me. 
Perhaps in that part of his Treatife upon Po- 
litics which is loft, this very necefTary quef- 
tion had been refolved. If fo, as the lofs is ir- 
reparable, it depends on the moderns to fill up 
the chafm. 

Having little dependance upon my own faga- 
gacity, what I lliall offer upon this head, how- 
ever conclufive and folid it may appear to my- 

felf, 



[ '3 ] 

felfj I fhall entertain great fufpidon of, when 
unfupported by, I might almcft fay, my infal- 
lible guide. 

It is obvious, that the fame annual revenue, 
or cenfus, differs in value according to the fitua- 
tion of the place where the valuation is made. 
For inftance lool, is of far lefs value at London 
than at John a Groat's Houfe, that is, it has far 
lefs power; which is what I here mean by 
value. It is evident that a man of 500/. a year 
in Middlefex is a man of little political influ- 
ence in confequence of his fortune : but in the 
north of Scotland a perfon of fuch an eitate 
would be a perfon of fome confequence : there- 
fore, if the cenfus was to be determined dire^ly as 
the income there would be great injuftice : for 
in this cafe perfons of much greater political 
confequence and independence would be ex- 
cluded all fliare in the government, in confe- 
quence of their property lying at a diftance 
from the capital, which rendered it of lefs no- 
minal value, though of more real influence, than 
another nearer the capital of a greater annual 
income. The proprietor would juftly deem this 
injuftice, which would give rife to heart-burn- 
ings, dlfl^atisfadlions, &:c. the forerunners of fe- 
ditions, &c. 

The 



C '4 ] 

The defideratum then is, to find out fome objeift 
which will for ever determine the relative confe- 
quence of the conftituent Members of the State, 
and this I apprehend may, in a great meafure, 
be efTefted by \he price of labour* For inflance, 
a labouring man in Middlefex, with his family, 
will be able to earn three times more money in a 
year, than a labouring man and family will do in 
the north of Scotland. As this cannot be dif- 
puted, it follows, that 500/. a year in the north of 
Scotland is equalin influence to 1500/. a year in 
Middlefex : becaufe it con:imands an equal por- 
tion of labour. Though little acquainted with 
the inhabitants of thofe two countries, I am in- 
clined to think, that a gentleman of 500/. a year 
in the north of Scotland, is at leaft equal in 
perfonal confequence and refpe<flability with a 
gentleman of thrice that income in Middlefex. 

Having, as I apprehend, difcovered the pro- 
per mediUfn for regulating the cenfus, it may be 
fecondly demanded, what I deem to be a pro- 
per cenfus, or annual income, to entitle its pof- 
feffor to be a citizen, or have a Ihare in the go- 
vernment, either diredtly or indiredlly ? This 
I apprehend is alfo in a great mealure anfwered. 
For, as the earnings of the labourer are in general 
held to be half of the amount of the earnings or 

income 



C '5 ] 

income of himfelf and family, it follows, that 
that perfon who enjoys a certain annuity for his 
own life of fuch amount as to double the earnings 
or income of the labourer wherever he happens 
to refide, ought to be deemed to be a perfon 
who may fupport himfelf without m.anual la- 
bour, or lead an idle life. So that if the earn- 
ings of a labouref and his family in Middlefex 
amount to 50/. a year, fo much fliould his annual 
life-income amount to who refides in Middle fex, 
to entitle him to the privilege of voting for 
Reprefentatives in Parliament. But in the north 
of Scotland, where the earnings of a labouring 
man and his family perhaps exceed not the third 
part of 50/. or i6/. 135. 4^. a cenfus or annual 
life-income of 16/. 13^. 4^. ought to be deemed 
there, as having equal power, to be equivalent 
to an annual income of 50/. in MiddJelex, and 
fufficient to entitle its polielTor to the fame pri- 
vileges as the inhabitant of Middlefex of a 
triple greater annual income. So that, as the 
labourer's wages would be throughout/the king- 
dom, fo in like manner Ihould be the income, 
throughout the feveral parts of the kingdom, 
required to entitle its policflbr to the privileges 
of citizenfhip, that is, oi voting for Reprefenta- 
tives, or of being eleded a Reprefentative, or of 
a<fting as a Juryman : or, as Ariftotle concifcly 

fays. 



[ '6 1 

fays, a perfon capable of pqfmg judgment and of 
being a Afagi/Irate* tw fji-sls^nv npigsui kcci «/>;^t)?. 
Lib. 3. c. I. 

What Ariflotle has advanced concerning go- 
vernment is fo fiaiple, fo clear, and fo con- 
vincing, when compared to the indiftinft muddy 
writings of the moderns, that it alone evinces 
that thefe in general have prefumpiuoujly written 
from their own imaginations, unfupported by 
any experience, fince they muft have known of 
the exiftcnce of this inimitable, though imper- 
fedt, treatife on government, which could not be 
locked up from them on account of their gene- 
ral proficiency in the dead languages. A trea- 
tife alfo compofed by the ableil head that ever 
exifted ; and upon a more general experience 
than will ever again perhaps offer itfelf to man. 

This incomparable philofopher obferves, that 
there are three diftind: forts of dire^y ftraight, or 
legitimate governments ; i. e. governments ia 
wYiiz^xht governors 2i\\di governed 2iXQ in unifon,each 
approving of the eftabliflied political conftitution 
of the State : namely, the Kingly, which firft of 
all takes place in infant focieties, the Members 
of which, after agreeing to fome laws and regu- 
lations concerning the general government, ap- 
point one of themfelves to be King (Bao-tArj?) 
to enforce them ; and when any thing unpro- 
vided 



C >7 ] 

v'lded for occurs, he was commiffioned to adt 
according to his judgment. The reafon why 
this power was vefted in one man, Ariftotle 
afligns to be, the difficulty of finding mmiy per- 
fons, in the firfl flages of fociety, capable of 
executing the powers of government. This ap- 
pears to me to be not only folid ; but alfo a juft 
delineation of the governments which exift 
among the North Americans and other newly 
difcovered favages. 

The fecond fort of dire^ government is, 
where the powers of government are vefled ia 
the beji of the inhabitants ; ele^led or chofen to 
their refpective offices by the other Members of 
the Community. This fort of government he 
calls an Ariftocracy. EleElion being that which 
conflituted it to be fuch : it being cjfential to it. 

The third fort of direbl government, and to 
which, in preference to every other form, he 
gives a decided preference, as being the mofl 
conducive towards promoting the temporal pro- 
fperity and the mental improvement of its Mem- 
bers, is what he calls a Politeia or Common- 
wealth. To form fuch a political conllitution 
it is necefTary, that the fupreme council of the 
nation, be it called Senate, Great Council, or 
Parliament, 773o«W be compofed of a certain number 
of citizens clewed VIVA VOCE,, who of courfe 

C would 



[ iS ] 

Tvould be chiefly the richejl and niojl powerful citizens : 
and a proportionate or equal number of other citizens 
chofen BY SUFFRAGE who of confequence would 
he the mojl virtuous part of the citizens. Were 
thefe chofen by eleBion, he obferves, that only 
fuch would in general be elefted as were agree- 
able to the rich, and therefore in this cafe might 
be difpenfed with as of no ufe. 

Thofe of our modern reformers, who infifl 
upon our Members of the Commons Houfe of Par- 
liament being viva voce eledted, would be guilty 
of an abfurdity, or a/^/o de fe, according to Ari- 
flotle : for fuch Members, inftead of being De- 
nwcrates, or defenders of the rights of the lozver 
clafTes of the citizens, would be Ariflocrates, I 
cannot help recommending to them, in their 
future exertions for the public good, to be 
guided by this great philofopher, who feems 
to have profited from his obfervations. 

How greatly muit the liberal reader of this 
treatife conceive of Philip and Alexander of 
Macedon, who countenanced and cheriflied the 
man who fo clearly, and philofophically afTerted 
the happinefs and welfare of the human fpecies, 
to be the ultimate objedt, and primum mobile of 
every lawful government. Great fouls have no 
fear. They feel their own fuperiority. Their 
object is to cheriih the fublime and virtuous 

cha- 



[ '9 3 

charafters wherever they are likely to be met 
with. 

Ariftotle, having fet forth thefe three forts of 
dire^ government, obferves, that there are cor- 
ruptions of each of them : of the firjly when the 
King, inftead of adting upon principles of gene- 
ral gooA, adts from /eljijb motives, preferring his 
own intereft to that of the citizens at large. 
This mode of governing he calls a Tyranny, 
Secondly, when the Ariftocracy, or the beft and 
richeft Members of a ftate, manage the public 
affairs with the view of benefiting themfelves^ 
regardlefs of the general intereft of the citizens : 
this he calls an Oligarchy, Thirdly, when the 
powers of government being vefted in the 
general body of the citizens, the public affairs 
are carried on in fuch a manner as to favour the 
Poor only, who are neceffarily the majority of 
every fociety, regardlefs of the rights of the 
Rich : This fort of government he calls a De- 
mocracy, According to this philofopher then 
there are three forts of direSi or lawful govern- 
ments, namely, Monarchy, Ariftocracy, and a Po- 
Uteia, or a Common wealth compofed of an Arif- 
tocracy and a Democracy combined in one Coun- 
cil: and three corruptions of thefe; Tyranny, 
Oligarchy, and Democracy, All other forms of 
C 2 govern- 



r 20 ] 

government he fhews to be deviations, more or 
lefs, from one or other of thefe. 

Ariflotle further fhews, that the natural pro- 
grefs of government is firft Monarchy — fecondly 
Ariftocracy — thirdly Oligarchy — fourthly Tyr 
ranny — fifthly a Democracy. Alio that w^ealth 
is the polar liar of Oligarchies : honour of Arif- 
tocracies : and liberty of Democracies : the 
truth of which both ancient and modern hiftory 
have evinced. Our modern reformers would 
think their caufe was loll, were they to admit 
that Kingly government was the fir ft lawful go- 
vernment, as founded upon confent : and ftill 
more, that Ariftocracy was the next in fuccef- 
fion.' But this was no ftumbling block in the 
way of Ariftotie : For he placed the foundation 
of government upon the aflfent of the citizens, 
that is, of thofe perfons who had entered upon 
their fiftieth year, and who were able to fup- 
port themfelves without labour : and who muft 
in every government be a very different fet of 
people from a bafe populace, or fordid Ihop- 
keepers, manufadurers, and tallow-chandlers, as 
they are in general : In fiiort he lays it down, 
that an equal Commonwealth can be only con-^ 
llituted among a highly improved people, in 
which the citizens Ihould receive a public edU" 

cation. 



C ^' 3 

cation, that they might hereafter be ufeful ci- 
tizens. 

We modern reformers, it feems, are always 
above or below the mark. If a public educa- 
tion is to be the adopted mode, our notions 
become fublime ; and all the people are to be 
publicly educated. The Grecian common- 
wealths are quoted as examples of its fea- 
fibility. But no Greek ever entertained fuch 
a romantic idea. The ordinary education of 
the middle clafles in life does not fecure 
them from falling victims to every fpecies of 
vice : and yet he would be a hardy adventurer, 
who would declare, that the education intended 
for the children of the poor by Sunday fchools, 
approaches, in any eflential refpetft, to that 
which the children of the decent clafles of life 
adtually do receive. 

Ariftotle, having difcriminated the above-men- 
tioned fix forts of government, obferves, that all 
the evils which havefprungup in focieties, have 
arifen from two caufes : firft, by thofe perfons, 
who being fenfible that they were equal toother 
perfons in one refpedt, thought they were equal 
to them in every refpedt : for thefe having fhewn, 
that by nature, all men are equal, they there- 
fore claimed equal rights : but he obferves, that 
this mode of arguing is fophiftical, being from 

the 



C " ] 

the particular to the unlverlal ; befides, though 
it be granted, that by nature all men are equal, 
yet fociety having had for its objedt the prefer- 
vation and fecurity of the alreaay acquired property 
in the individuals, in whom it was at that rime 
veiled ; its firft members, therefore, mufl have 
been proprietors. Hence it is evident, that if 
other individuals, without property^ joined them- 
felves to this fociety, they would :; jt be intujed 
to a portion of the properties ot ^he firft, or 
conftituent members of the fociety. It is even 
obvious, that they might think themfelves fortu- 
nate in being entertained as fervants or Haves, 

The Jecond caufe of the misfortunes which 
fpring up in focieties, is, that thofe individuals, 
who, mfome refpedts, as the advantages of for- 
tune, birth, &c. being fuperior to other men, 
conclude that they are therefore fuperior to them 
in every refpedt : this being alfo obvioufly argu- 
ing from the particular to the univerfal : for 
perfons of this difpofition, proud of their acci- 
dental advantages, by claiming the folid ones 
of governing their inferiors, gave rife to fedi- 
tions, which terminated either in vicftory or de- 
feat, in an Oligarchy or a Democracy. Few, I 
apprehend, are fo unverfed in human affairs as 
not to have been frequently fenfible of thefe fo- 

phifticai 



L 23 ] 

phiftical modes of arguing in the advocates of 
Oligarchy and Democracy. 

The great obje(ft of every leglllator, accord- 
ing to this profound philofopher, (hould be to 
difcover what mode of government would mod 
conduce to the happinefs of thofe individuals, 
who can live according to their fancies, that is, idle 
lives, without following any calling or profeflion. 
This I apprehend is contrary to every political 
idea adlually received among mankind, be them 
advocates of tyranny — of Oligarchy — of Arifto- 
cracy — or of Democracy — I truft, however, I 
Ihall evince its juftnefs. 

Such a mode of government he lays down to 
be this : the magiftrates to be ELECTED by the 
people ; for thefe Ihould always be the princi- 
pal perfons of the State. — Secondly, a Council, 
Senate, or Parliament, partly chofen by eletlion, 
and partly by [uffrage, and of courfe compofed of 
the firft and richeft citizens, and of the bell and 
moft virtuous : each thus tempering the other. — 
The ultimate judgment, or of giving verdid:s, to 
be in the citizens, that is, of thofe who had a 
wherewithal to fupportthemfelves without labour. 

Ariftotle farther obferves, that no perfon 
Ihould be capable of adling as a citizen, or as 
we would fay, of having the privilege of voting 
for a Reprefentative in Parliament, or ading as 

u Jury- 



[ M ] 

a Juryman, before he had compleated his forty" 
ninth year : neither Ihould he be capable of being 
returned as a Reprefentative for Parliameiu, 
nor of ad:ing as a Juryman after his feventieth 
year. In what light would our beardlefs legif- 
lators hold fuch a regulation. It was not ad- 
vanced upon the authority of Fandalic or Gothic 
wifdom, or rather abfurdity. It is the refult of 
the combined and matured wifdom fortified by 
experience of the wifeft people hitherto known. 

Before men have arrived at the perfeftion of 
their rational faculties, which Ariftotle fixes at 
then fiftieth year, they ought not to be entrufled 
with the management of the public concerns of 
a great nation, where an error may entail fo many 
evils upon pofterity. At the age of feventy, men 
begin to be too cautious, and have notfufficient 
enter prize to feize the fortunate incidents per- 
petually offering themfelves, which would tend 
to the benefit of the community. 

Ariftotle obferves that the feafible only jfhould 
be attempted, when a reform in government is 
an contemplation. Might not then a partial re- 
form take place immediately among ourfelves : 
but with regard to this laft particular concern- 
ing the legillative age, the evil day, *^ when 
.** children would ceafe to rule over us," might 

be, 



[ ^5 ] 

be, and perhaps with advantage too, poftponed 
for twenty or twenty-five years. 

Perhaps it may be thought, that Ariftotle 
having chiefly in view the fmall Grecian repub- 
lics, his obfervations concerning the befl form 
of government relate only to very circumfcribed 
Hates : but he will greatly deceive himfelf who 
makes fuch a conclufion. For this philofopher's 
wifh was that all Greece fliould be reduced into 
a fingle republic, in order that it might be en- 
abled thereby to conquer the world, and effec- 
tually promote the happinefs of all its inhabi- 
tants, by the eftablilhment of good govern- 
ments : and doubtlefs intended that his maxims 
ihould be applicable to a commonwealth, com- 
pofed of all the republics in Greece, which 
would have been, with regard to extent and po- 
pulation, the moft extenfive and populous hi- 
therto known : and evinces, contrary to what 
has been advanced by Lord Kaimes and others, 
that a republican form of government is not 
folely adapted to flates of fmall extent; at leaft 
that they are not fupported in their notion by the 
greateft, vvdthout comparifon, of the antients. 

Perhaps the following iketch for an improve- 
ment of our political conftitution will not be 
found very repugnant to what Ariftotle teaches 
concerning fuch modifications. The kingly 

D power 



[ ^6 ] 

power to remain as it is : one Council confifting 
of fix hundred Members, of which three hundred 
to be chofen by ele5iion, who of courfe would be 
Lords, or Commoners of great confequence from 
money or landed wealth : the other three hun- 
dred by fuffrage, who we may fuppofe would 
be the moft virtuous characters of the nation. 
The three kingdoms to be united, which ought 
to be effedled, coute qui ceute ; it might eoft a mil- 
lion of money to influence the iriih to embrace 
a meafure which would tend more to her hap- 
pinefs and prolperity than her fettered Parlia- 
ment will be able, or rather allowed, to effect 
for centuries : the three kingdoms to be divided 
into certain divifions, as nearly equal in popu- 
lation, with refped: to citizens, as might be : 
each divifion to return to the Great Coun- 
cil three Members by eledion, and three Mem- 
bers by fuffrage, to continue Members of it, 
quamdiu fe bene gejferint, or until the majo- 
rity of the citizens fignified their defire to the 
proper officer of choofing a new or other dele-» 
gates ; all the citizens to be entered in the 
Sheriff's or other returning officer's book ; who 
Ihouid appoint an annual regular meeting upon a 
certain day, for regiCtering and examining the 
preteniions of thofe, who would offer themfelves 
for that purpofe. As every perfon Ihould be 

obliged 



[ ^7 ] 

obliged to ferve his country who was eled'edj 
did it happen that any of thofe who were chofen 
by fuffrage were perfons not poffelling looo/. a 
year, freehold property ; the deficiency in this 
refpecft ought to be made up to them for their at- 
tendance out of the Treafury. Befides this great 
council, there oughtto be another of one hundred 
Members, which fhould enjoy the judicial power 
as at prefent exercifed by the Houfe of Lords : 
one to be chofen by each of the hundred divifions : 
to be perfons above fifty years of age : and each 
of them to be entitled to igoo/. a year from 
the Treafury, while they adted in this capacity. 
The auditing the public accounts, of whatever 
nature : the punifliing culprits, whom the exift- 
ing laws would not afFeft, even capitally : that is, 
when they found it neceffary they fhould apply 
to the Great Council for an adt of attainder, 
which, upon examining the cafe Ihould adt ac- 
cording to its difcretion : &c. &c. 

It flrikes me, that a judicature of this nature 
would be much more unobjedtionable than our 
Houfe of Lords. Legiilators fhould not be 
their own Expofitors. I apprehend the judi- 
cature appointed by the Houfes of Commons and 
Lords, from amongft their Members, to try 
Eaft Indian culprits, labours under this defed:. 
Ariftotle was for having the Magiftracy in the 
D 2 rich. 



C ^8 ] 

fich but eledled : and the judicature, or that 
which palTed fentence, in the citizens. However, 
as our conllitution actually exifts, perhaps the 
prefent mode is in a great meafure unexcepti- 
onable. 

I am farther to obferve, that vefting the powers 
of the community, or the right of citizenlhip, or 
of voting for Reprefentatives, or of paffing fen- 
tence as Jurors, in perfons who enjoy a f effici- 
ency to enable them to live idle lives, and the 
having only one Great Council, or Houfe of Par- 
liament, is not fo great an alteration from the 
feudal fyftem of government, as our prefent 
form. Originally there was only one Houfe of 
Parliament, ccmpofed of the tenants in capite : 
the chief of whom acquired the appellation of 
Barons, and whofe voices were generally deci- 
five concerning thebufinefs in hand : this, inde- 
pendently of the expences which necelTarily fol- 
lowed upon attending in Parliament, was the 
reafon, why the poorer tenants in capite avoided 
attending: which was thelefs neceffary, as what 
the greater tenants or Barons had determined in 
regard of themfelves proportionably took place 
with regard to them : fo that the leffer tenants in 
capite, were certain of having their rights defend- 
ed ; for, except the greater tenants in capite, o^ the 
Barons were firll oppreffed, they could not be 

oppreiTed. 



[ ^9 ] 

oppreffcd. In like manner it is declared in the 
great charter, that no man Ihould be condemned 
and punifhed except in the judgment of his peers, 
or due procefs of law. But who were peers or 
pares in thofe days ? doubtlefs neither defpifed 
ihopkeepers, mechanics, nor manufafturers : 
fhev were tenants in capite, to whom this appel- 
lation could at all apply ; therefore the vefting 
the judicial power in thofe who can pafs tdU 
lives, or live upon their income, would be not 
only adting agreeably to the judgment of Arif- 
totle, but alfo in a great meafure to that of our 
anceitors ; for tenants in capile muft be allowed 
to have enjoyed fuch a Ihare of this world's 
goods, as to have enabled them to live idle lives. 

That none but tenants in capite had originally 
a right of being prefent, or of being reprefented 
in Parliament, I apprehend, is proved by Dodtor 
Henry, in his Hiftory of England, and by Mr. 
Miller in his incomparable, one might almoft 
fay, divinely-infpired Eflay on the Britifh Con- 
ftitution. Thofe who infinuate the contrary, 
without attempting a confutation of thefe learn- 
ed and ingenious writers, are- methinks much 
to blame, as miHeading the people. 

I Ihall now proceed to confider the juftnefs of 
Mr. Burke's charge againft the National Airem- 

bly. 



L 30 ] 

bly, namely, " that the Members of it are utterly 
*' incompetent to the work upon which they have 
" engaged: to wit, of forming a nrd) political con- 
" fit ut ion jor France" This he fhews by ex- 
amining their regulations concerning the confti- 
tiiting t\iQ future National AJfemblies — concerning 
the future Magifracy — and concerning the Judi- 
cature — I fhall not repeat his invincible argu- 
ments, proving beyond doubt their abfolute 
fatuity in what they have determined concern- 
ing each of thefe fubjedls ; and in each, as has 
been feen, he is fupported by Ariftotle. Bur, 
according to Ariftotle, thefe three heads are the 
moft important of thofe which fhould engage 
the attention of the Legiflator : therefore their 
having failed upon each of them evinces their 
utter incompetency as Legiflators, 

Secondly, Mr, Burke has farther proved their 
incompetency, beyond the power of contradic- 
tion, from their regulations concerning the army 
and finance. Their abfurdities refpediing the for- 
mer are fcarcely credible. Mr. Burke's account 
on this head is not contradid:ed by Monfieur 

Depont. Their financial regulations are, 

equally exceptionable. Farther, Mr. Burke 
has evinced^ that in regard of the clergy they 
have aded unjuftly ; and towards their King un- 
generouMy : thus poifoning the fources of virtuous 

energy; 



[ 31 ] 

energy. Yet there is an anonymous publica- 
tion in which the writer, modeftly becoming his 
own judge, taxes chofe incomparable reflexions, 
doubtlefs the offspring of honeft indignation, 
which I doubt not will refled: more honour upon 
England, than any political tradl of the age, 
with being intemperate. Let him evince his 
thefis by the authority of an Ariftotle — of a Po- 
lybius — or even of a Machiavel ; and then, but 
not before, he may be liftened to. The weaknels 
and folly of this Aflembly is beyond belief. 
They expedt to be a powerful nation, and yet 
they have deftroyed all military difcipline — 
They expedt to be a powerful nation, yet have 
deprived themfelves of the fources of finance. 
In future the army will pay only what obedience 
it chufes. The citizens what taxes they think 
fit. Their Monarch is dethroned, and will 
never acquire any future authority — Their Mo- 
narch has been abafed, and will be more fo. 

It may be afked, is there no remedy for all 
this evil ? I anfwer, I believe not. No future 
authority can exift in the nation itfelf, unlefs a 
long civil, or foreign war, Ihould take place, 
either of which I think very unlikely to happen ; 
during which, a party, or an individual, might 
acquire fo much authority as to enable it, or 
him, to enforce, by means of an obedient, well- 
paid 



[ 3^ 3 

paid army, a fyflem of taxation equivalent to 
fupport the expences of a powerful (late. 

With regard to the individuals who compofe 
the National AfTembly, I entertain rio cioubt of 
their integrity and patriotifm in generd. What 
Mr. Burke objedts to them is their incompetency: 
and yet they had an outline before them fo ob- 
vious, that they are fcarcely to be excufed for 
deviating from it : I mean the Britifli Conftitu- 
tion, which ten years ago I know to have been 
the ultimate wifh of every rational Frenchman 
that I had converfed with : and furely the Bri- 
tifli Conftitution, without its obvious defefts, 
I mean our imperfed: reprefentation in the Lower 
Houfe, might fatisfy, even an ardent patriot : 
nay, it was far preferable even to a better poli- 
tical conilitution, becaufe, in cafe of any dif- 
putes ariiing between the French King and his 
fubjedts, arguments adduced from the Britifli 
Conftitution and its practice in like cafes, would 
be conclufive againfl: royalt)', fo that whilft En- 
gland preferved her freedom, a counter-revolu- 
tion would have been hopelefs in France. The 
patriots fhould farther have known, that Slaves 
are not at once capable of ading the part of 
freemen : that men in general to be fuch muft 
be educated for this ftate : therefore, till this 
took place, it was a glorious circumftance to 

fecure 



[ 33 ] 

fecure fo capital a political conftitution until 
(fubjed: fcarcely to any florm) the fucceffion of 
the next generation, which might be educated 
for a more perfect flate of freedom : though I 
profefs that I think the Englilh Conflicution, 
modified agreeably to reafon and good fenfe ; or 
being made more confonant to Ariflotle^s idea, 
might fatisfy the mofl ardent vvlfh of the moft 
violent Democrate : I mean, by making the 
Members of Parliament the Reprefentatives of 
thofe perfons who, having the wherewithal to 
fupport themfelves and families, purfued none 
of the fordid trades, and who had entered into 
their fiftieth year, to be eleded by ballot — and 
continue Reprefentatives quamdiu fe bene gejferint. 
But, as the Members of the National AfTembly 
have quitted this obvious line of conduft, it may 
be afked, what they Ihould now do. I fincerely 
confefs my incompetency to anfwer this qusftion. 
Mr. Burke, in the continuation of his Reflexions, 
will perhaps point out their proper line of con- 
du<fl:. But as perhaps he may not do it, and as 
often an ill-judged idea has given birth to better 
founded ones, I (hall not fcruple offering my 
notion, in hopes that it will induce others to do 
the fame ; and thus perhaps fomething ufeful 
on this fide the water may be produced : for 
with regard to the other fide I utterly defpair of it. 
E The 



[ 34 ] 

The fi-LLi thing I would recommend would be 
the returning upon their fteps, and eftablifhing 
the Britifh Conllitution agreeably to what has 
been juft advanced. But there is an evil which 
h overwhelming the Hate, and which, unlefs 
inflantly oppofed, will render every fcheme 
abortive for introducing happinefs into that dif- 
tra(fted and unfortunate kingdom ; namely, the 
want of employment of the poor : for the 
wealth of the entire world would not feed the 
Poor of France ; whereas induftry will at once 
efFe(fl it ; and when effected, it would then be a 
fiourifhing, happy, and powerful kingdom, 
under a proper government : but until then, 
KEVER. 

The obje(5t then is to find employment, pro- 
dudive employment, for the Poor. Coute qui 
coute, this m.uft be deemed the fine qua non. It 
can be only cffedted, even gradually, by means 
of great premiums to the manujadurers of goods of 
the fiaple of France : I fay, to the manufa^urerSy 
and not according to modern practice, to mer- 
chant-exporters : if the goods be manufactured 
exporters will always be found ; befides, that it 
is far more eligible, that premiums to the amount 
of from one to ten thoufand pounds Ihould be 
dillributed among many, than fwallowed up by 
one. /Agriculture fhould likewife be encou- 
raged : 



[ 35 ] 

raged : in a word every thing fhould be done to 
induce thofe perfons who can command a capital 
to employ it in manufactures of one fort or other. 
To bring this about with a fpeedy effecft 
would doubtlels require four or five millions 
annually. But where, it will be aiked, is fuch 
a fum to be procured ? I have already faid coute 
qui coute, be the money where it will, it muft be 
got, and for this purpofe only. For till this is 
effedled nothing can be done. Whether the fale 
of the crown lands — whether the reducing the 
fleet to twenty or thirty frigates, and other naval 
expences proportionably — whether the reducing 
the army to one hundred thoufand weil-difci- 
plined and zvell-paid men, or half that number, 
would admit of an application of fuch a fum 
from the public fervice, is more than I can de- 
termine : but if it would not, the deficiency 
fliould be made up from the fale of clerical pro- 
perty, and the needful dedudion from the pub- " 
lie annuities, or creditors. It is obvious, that 
this evil would leflen annually, for the taxes, in 
confequence of the encreafing wealth of the 
people^ whom I Ihall not decorate with the ap- 
pellation of citizens, would become daily more 
produdive. It is alfo needlefs to obferve, that 
it would be abfolutely neceflary to engage a 
certain fum for a feries of years, perhaps tv.'enty, 
E 2 from 



[ 36 1 

from the public income, towards the encourage- 
iTient of each kind of manufadiire, 'o induce 
wealthy capltalifts to rifk their property. 

Secondly, there is a preferabie fcheme, name-f 
ly, a deputation of a fele(ft number of the Na- 
tional Aflembly, with a letter to Mr. Burke 
from the K'ing of the French, requefling that he 
would take upon himfelf the new-modelling the 
French conftitution. This may be thought a 
Jeu d'efprit, but I profels I never was more 
ferious. The antient republics had recourfe to 
expedients of this nature, and that not feldom. 
Nay, even the republics in Italy, during the 
middle ages, had frequently recourfe to it, if I 
recoiled: rightly. To polTcfs magnanimity may 
be thought now-a-days a quaint idea. If the 
National AfTembly poiTefs any, it fhould furely 
adopt this meafure, unlefs a better one would 
offer itlelf. As to their own infufficiency it is 
needlefs, after what has been faid upon it, to 
dwell on it farther. Mr. Burke has approved 
himfelf the ableit politician of the age; and 
doubtlefs the magnanimity of fuch a proceed* 
ing in the National AfTembly would roufe every 
latent faculty of his foul to realize their expec- 
tations. But notwithftanding the brilliancy, 
and I may add, the policy of fuch a meafure, 
J think it would not now anfvver. The want of 

difciplino 



C 37 ] 

difcipline in the army — the inability of the peo^ 
pie to pay taxes — the Democratic principles per* 
vading every parr of this unfortunate country, 
would render abortive the eflforts of any indivi- 
dual, though inverted with the greatefl civil 
power, unaccompanied with a well-difciplined 
army to enforce obedience. I fay then, that Mr, 
Burke, forefeeing thefe obftrudtions, and the 
conlequences of them, would, in my apprehen- 
iion, refufe accepting the ofEce of legiflator. I 
would then recommend to the French nation, 
though thirdly and laftly, what would be moft 
advantageous to themfelves, and to the world at 
large, namely, of 

Becoming a Member of the Britifl: empire , as Ire- 
land is. It is needlefs to obferve, that Ihe might 
make almoft her own terms, conditionally that 
ihe engaged herfelf to have the fame friends and 
foes as Britain. In this cafe her fleet might be 
reduced with fafecy to the number of frigates I 
have mentioned. Their troops to fifty or fixty 
thoufand men. The favings to be applied to- 
wards giving energy and life to national induf- 
try. The Englilh conftitution was the wifh of 
France. Such an union would be better to hef 
than the Englifh conftitution ; for it would be 
acquiring the real power of Britain for an empty 
pame, for fuch it muft ever be with regard to the 

governed. 



[ 3§ ] 

goveraed. The intereft of the empire would in- 
fpire all its citizens and inhabitants. Abilities, 
whether French or Englilh, Scorch or Irilh, 
might diredt our councils, or lead our com- 
mon troops to victory. I proteft that the ad- 
vantages to France from fuch an union are fo 
obvious, and fo important, that her not pro- 
pofing an union of this nature, (for it fo'ely de- 
pends on her), can only be imputed to her be- 
ing made fubfervient to the views or ambitious 
deiigns of fa(flious citizens. 

The defireof the Patriots in France, of form- 
ing a perpetual league of amity with this coun- 
try, and which our Democraces fo ftrongly infifl 
upon, evinces one of two things : firft, that by 
means of fuch a league of amity, ir was the inten- 
tion of the National Aflcmbly to cultivate 2i fin- 
cere friendfhip with this country ; and by means 
of this union to impofe peace upon the diftur- 
bersof Europe : or the offer was intended with 
the wfidious intent to fupport the Democratic fac- ^ 
tion of this kingdom, and thereby enable it to 
overturn the government. If the latter was not 
their real, though concealed motive, nothing 
oue;ht to prevent them from propofing fuch an 
union. In fadt, their not doing fo, will evince 
beyond the power of cavil, that ambitious mo- 
tives influence the leaders of the French revolu- 
tion. 



[ 39 ] 

tion, and not the profperity of France. For no 
one can be (o abfurd as to affirm, thac the union 
would be more fincere and intimate, v^'vt^ eacli 
ftare govc ned by different Kings, as they would 
be under one King. 

It will be eafilv perceived from what I have 
faid, that I efleem his Moft Chriftian Mujcfty 
to be in fad; dethroned. To fuppofe the contrary, 
would beyond doubtevince idiotifm. For, though 
I fliould admit that he actually enjoys a million 
fterling annually, yet how long will he conti- 
nue fo to enjoy it ? Precifely fo long as it Ihall 
pleafe the French mob. Let us fuppofe that 
the prefent government fubiifts fome time : in 
this cafe, the preffing diltrelfes of the mechanics, 
manufadturers, and artifts, there being little or 
no demand in thefediflrefsful times for the pro- 
dudtions of their ikill and ingenuity, will nccef- 
farily compel them to extremities. Some fac- 
tious demagogue will perhaps obferve, that in 
thofe diftreffing times, when the poor are flarv- 
ing, that a fingle Family has an income fuffi- 
cient to make happy tzvo hundred thoufand fa- 
milies, or a million of individuals. Arguments 
of this nature, though in fad: ruinous to the 
lower claffes in the end, will, for the prefent, fo 
flrike upon thtir imagination, as to deprive 
them of the ability of forefeeing theconfequence. 

The 



C 40 ] 

The National Affembly being only the creatures 
of the mob, as dependant on the populace, and 
being little better than a mob itfelf, will, nay, 
muft, take the watch-word from their creators. 
The income of majefty is reduced to a tenth of 
what it was, and Ihortly after to a tenth o^z tenth, 
Islay perhaps, after voting the kingly office 
ufelefs, andburthenfome, they may take the/ro-z;/- 
dent care of enabling the Dauphin to earn his fub- 
fiftahce, by binding him an apprentice to a tay- 
lor; as the Long Tarliament, I think, afted 
with refped: to the Princefs Elizabeth, whom 
they bound to a mantua-maker, after cutting 
her father's head off. So that in fadt, 1 think 
an union of the kingdoms equally defirable by 
the King of the French, as by his fubjeds. He 
and his brothers may be very well allowed three, 
four, or five hundred thoufand pounds flerling 
a year, which will enable them to live more 
happy lives than they have ever done. 

I know there are fome who think, that France, 
in its prcfent debilitated ftate, will be attacked 
by fome of the neighbouring powers; but in my 
apprehenfion fuch an idea is very ill-founded. 
For though I Ihall admit the debilitated ftate of 
France, yet were Ihe attacked, every nerve would 
be exerted againft the common enemy. In fad: 
I make no doubt but Ihe would drive Germany 

before 



C 41 3 

before her. Politicians and great captains 
would quickly fpring np among her citizens ; be- 
fides the feditions that they would give rife to in 
their enemies' country. In a word, an attack 
on the fide of Germany, might fhake to its very 
center the Germanic body. France has nothing 
to fear but from Biitam ; whofe policy it certainly 
is not to embarrals herfelf with French politics, 
otherwife than as intimated. France will be 
weakened more in three years by her abfurd 
meafures, than Ihe would be by a twenty years 
vinfuccefsful war with Britain. 

I think it will not be imputed to prefumption, 
the giving my opinion of thefe Refli'tlions of Mr, 
Burke Sy as though I thought myfelf competent 
to the tafk : I hereby acknowledge myfelf utterly 
unequal to it : neverthelefs I cannot avoid mak- 
ing ufe of my privilege in declaring the fatif- 
fadtion which I felt in the careful perufal of this 
incomparable produdtion, after I had read Arif- 
totle's Treatife on Politics, for fuch it appeared 
to me. Nothing that I have met with in the 
Englifh language at all approaching to it, either 
in depth or folidity of thought : and with regard 
to language, leaving all other treatifes of a like 
nature, far, very far behind indeed. Some con- 
demn the language as being too flowery ; in my 
appreheniion the language varies with the na- 

F r\uQ 



[ 4=1 ] 

turc of his fubjcdt, and appears throughout na- 
tural. 

Writings I apprehend fhould be eftimated pro- 
portionally to the novelties which they contain-— 
the importance of thofc novelties — and the vehi- 
cle or language by which they are conveyed. I 
have been dire<fted by thefe views in pafling my 
judgment of this juftly celebrated work. 

Though a very incompetent judge of its per- 
fe(ftions, yet I am not fuch an enthufiaftic ad- 
mirer, as not to think that I perceive fome er- 
rors In it; beiides fome notions which experience 
has evinced to be unfounded. In what I fliall 
advance upon the former head, I trufl that Mr. 
Burke will find that I am fupported by the firft 
of all authorities, Ariftotle ; which I am con- 
fident will acquit me in his eyes of petulance, or 
an over-weaning conceit, as prefuming myfelf 
extraordinary clever in venturing to criticife the 
ableil, beyod difpute, of our modern politicians : 
the fad: is, it is Ariftotle verfus Burke. 

Page 28 7, Mr. Burke fays, " Your all-fuffi- 
" cienc leglflators, in their hurry to do every 
*•' thing at once, have forgot one thing that 
" fcems efTential, and which, I believe, never 
*' has been in the theory or the pradlice omitted 
" by any projed:or of a republic. They have 
" forgot to conflitute a Senate, or fomething of 

« that 



[ 43 3 

« that nature and character. Never before this 
<* time, was heard of a body politic compofed 
** of one legiflative--' and aftive affembly, and 
*« its executive ofEcers, without fuch a council; 
«* without fomethiog to which foreign ftatcs 
*' might connect themfelves; fomething to 
'« which, in the ordinary detail of bufinefs, the 
" people could look up; fomething which 
*' might give a bias, a fleadlnefs, and preferve 
" fomething like confiftency in the proceedings 
'« of the flate. Such a body Kings generally 
** have as a council. A monarchy may exifi: 
'* without it; but it feems to be in the very ef- 
" fence of a republican government. It holds 
" a fort of middle place between the fupieme 
*' power exercifed by the people, or imyne- 
*' diately delegated from them, and the mere 
•* executive. Of this there are no traces in 
*' your conftitution ; and, in providing nothing 
'* of this kind, your Solons and Numas have, 
*' as much as any thing elfe, difcovered a fo- 
'* vereign incapacity." This paragragh ap- 
appears to m€ to be abfolutely unfounded. In 
Ariftotle's model of a republic there was only to 
have been one aflembly. — In the Cretan republic 
there was only one alfo. — In the Carthaginian re- 
public one o\\\y^ — In the Lacedemonian one coun- 
cil only. — In the Athenian, one affembly only. — 

F 2 In 



L 44 ] 

In the Roman repubiic one afTembly onlyj where 
foreign affairs were agitated; till ^owardsthe lat- 
ter end of the repub'ic, the peop:'" ^xflembled in 
the Comitia Tr'tbuia, alio determined fuch matters ; 
which endea in the ruin of the republic. It is 
true, that in the Oligarchies ot modern Europe, 
vulgarly and erroneoufly called Ariftocratlc re- 
publics, there are 1 believe univerfally two coun- 
cils of this nature ; but the abiurdity of fuch po- 
litical conftitutions has been evinced, as ?pp.ar- 
ed to me, long fince by Rouireau, in his Letters 
from the Mountains, in which he examines the 
conftitution of the republic of Geneva : and fo 
far from fuch councils being of the very ejj'ence of 
republican gcoernnwit, he has further (hewa from 
experience, that they muft necefTarily terminate in 
Oligarchies, So that on this head the [over eign in-^ 
capacity of the National AfTembly does not appear, 
but the contrary. 

It is very evident from various pafTages in 
thefe rcfledlions, that Mr. Burke apprehends, 
that in every well-conftituted government, 
there Ihould be two deliberative councils, of 
the nature of our Houfe of Lords and Com- 
mons. [See Reflexions, page 75.] Yet Arif- 
totle feems not to have been aware of the ne- 
ceffity of two councils. I don't recoiled that 
he even hints at them, He was for defending 

wealth. 



[ 45 ] 

wealth, or the Arijlocracy, by having a portion 
of the Members of his legiflative affembly chofcn 
viva vocCf the other Members by fuffrage, who 
ofoourle would be the perfons ri'ofl efleemed 
for their abilities and virtues; a.'id being united 
in one council, each part would temper the 
other : and which, I muft infifl on, is far pre- 
ferable to dividing them into two councils. For 
without undue influence it cannot be fuppofed, 
thcit the wealthy would agree to the propofitions 
of the lefs opulent citizens, and vice verfa. It 
is farther evident, that which ever firft yielded 
to the other, would in every fubfequent trial of 
llrength, be lefs able to refill its rival. The Ro- 
man republic has evinced this to be well found- 
ed. Perhaps that of i.ngland alfo. 

Page 274, Mr. Burke fays, " It is for this 
'' very reafon, that Montefquieu obferved very 
<* juftly, that in their claffification of the citizens^ 
" the great legjjlators of antiquity made the great- 
** eft difplay of their powers, and even foared 
*' above themfeives, &c." Concerning the re- 
gulation of the leglllators of antiquity, I can- 
not fay much, having only perufed one of them; 
but, he without comparifon, the very greateft. 
This philofopher, though he has divided the 
inhabitants into, I think, ten clafles, has made no 
fuch arrangement with regard to the citizens, 

making 



[ 46 ] 

making every citizen equally eligible to every 
office. Though he was for putting the magif- 
tracy, at leaft of the higher order, in the hrnds 
of the moft opulent citizens ; yet he would not 
have this brought about by means of invidious 
lavs, as in Britain, with regard to burgeffes and 
knighis of the fliire : no ! he depended upon 
human nature in ibis re<"pe<n:, well knowing that 
the rich would be almolt always eledred to fuch 
offices, when the eledtion was fo be determined 
by votes taken viva voce: and being further fen-- 
fible that fuch diftincftions create heart-burnings, 
&c. and do more milchief than the apprehended 
evils tenfold. His fortfight in this refpedt is 
evinced by the Roman government. For the 
fcnate, by oppofing a participation of equal 
rights, enabled the Demagogues to form the 
people into a compadl wcll-difciplined body, 
and by means of Plebifci'a, or decrees of the 
people, to overthrow the paramount authority of 
thefenate, and thereby, doubtlefs, caufed all the 
difturbances at Rome which terminated in the 
lofs of its liberties. Methinks alfo that fuch claffifi- 
cations have a tendency towards introducing 0/f- 
garchical forms of government, which Ariftotle 
has ftigmatized with the epithet of illegitimate. 

Page 281, Mr. Burke fays, " What fignifies 
" the empty compliments paid to the country 

" by 



[ 47 ] 

" by giving it perhaps more than its fhare in the 
'' theory of your reprcfentation ?" I muft objedt 
to this paffage. For Ariftotle has obferved 
that farmers are the bcji citizens — that graziers 
are the next bejl — but buyers and fellers, &c. the 
very worjh Now too much power cannot be 
vefted in farmers, for, as he obferves, they are 
always for keeping things as they are. If this 
obfervation applied properly to Greece, its force 
will be encreafed ten-fold in regard of the 
French. 

Page 285, Mr. Burke fays, " No man was 
*' ever attached by a fenfe of pride, partiality, 
" or real affe(flion to a defcription of fquare 
*' admeafurement. He never will glory in be- 
" longing to the Checquer No. 71, or to any 
" other badge ticket." Has Mr. Burke for- 
gotten Cefar's tenth legion ? 

That Mr. Burke is no Tory, as fome per- 
haps may infinuate, is clearly evinced from his 
faying in the outfet of his Refleclions '•' I do 
" moft heartily wifh that France may be ani- 
*' mated by a fpirit of national liberty, and that 
*' I think you hound, in all honeji policy, to pro- 
'* vide a permament body, in which that fpirit 
*' may refde, and an effe^ual organ by which it 
** maytf^."p. I. Again, " a/jerw^z/^/z/aliembly, 

" in 



. C 48 ] 

'^ in wtiich the Commons had their Jhare of power, 
*' would Joon aboliih whatever was too invidious 
and infulting in thefe diftindtions." p. 20^. The 
vmbiafTed reader may from hence fee with what 
truth fuch imputations can be advanced. A 
permanent aiTembly would, nay, muft have made 
the government of France far more popular 
than that of England. But the objed: of mo- 
dern Democratifm is not national liberty : no, it 
is a liberty founded upon the moll extravagant 
reveries of the mod excentrical of the human 
fpecies. But that they are in general actuated 
by the pureft motives, it would be doing them 
a great injujlice even to doubt. 

Mr. Burke throughout his Reflexions makes 
ufe of the term Oligarchy with lingular pro- 
priety : not {o the term Ar'Jlocracy : I mean, he 
does not ufe it in the fame fenfe in which Arif- 
totle would apply it; and it being a Greek term 
indicative of a certain kind of government, and 
introduced into our language for the fame ufe, 
it flrikes me, that not only it, but thofe other 
Greek or Latin terms diftmguifhing the other 
kinds of governments, Ihould be uled precifely 
in the fame fenfe as by the Greeks or Latins. 
If the meanings of luch important terms be not 
accurately defined, and conilantly made ufe of 

in 



[ 49 ] 

in the fame fenfe, it will be fometlmes in vain 
to feek the author's meaning *. 

But to return to Mr. Burke ; in page 204, he 
fuppofes there are two forts of Ariftocracy ; one 
by defcent, the other the confequence of wealth* 
The firft Ariftotle would call, were it known in 
his time, an Oligarchy : eleBion being the ejfence 
of Ariftocracy ; which proves that the Englilh 
Houfe of Lords is not an Ariftocracy, as Mr. 
Burke fays, p. 242, with alnioft all other wri- 
ters, but an Oligarchy, 

Page 257 Mr. Burke fays, " a tyrannous Arif- 



* The term Ariftocracy Is in general made ufe of by our 
Englifli writers in the fenfe which the antients affixed to 
the term Oligarchy. Except Mr. Mitford, in his Hillory of 
Greece, and Sir William Young, in his Hiftory of Athens, 
I know of no other of our writers who ufes the term Arijlo- 
cracy in the fame fenfe as the antients. It furprifed me 
that fo accurate and elegant a writer as Dodor Symonds 
(See Young's Annals of Agriculture, vol. 13.) fliould call 
the political conftitutions of Venice and Genoa Arijlocraciesy 
feeing that they are obvioufly Oligarchies : for though the 
governing councils in thefe ftates are eleBive^ yet dill they 
are defied from a certain defer iption of the inhabitants^ who 
hold the other inhabitants, though fometlmes richer than 
themfelves, far beneath them : and from which clafs thefe 
are for ever debarred, unlefs admitted by Co-optation. 



G Page 



[ so ] 

*^ tocracy," It fhould be Oligarchy agreeably to 
his own ufe of this term. 

Confidering the important confequences which 
may rrfult from our not having accurate and 
juft definitions of the various terms indicative of 
the different modes of government, I hope I Ihall 
be excufed for attempting to define them agree- 
ably to what ftruck me during a careful perufal 
of Arlllotle. The terms. Monarchy or Kingly 
Government, and Tyranny or Defpotifm, X 
have already defined p. i6, 19, fo unnecef- 
fary to repeat; as alfo Ariflocracy and Oli- 
garchy, p. 17, 19. But fince the time of this 
philofopher two forts of Oligarchy have made 
their appearance ; or, if mentioned in his 
Treatife on Politics, have efcaped me. The 
firft fort is when the Members of the Arif- 
tocracy become hereditary governors, as in the 
cafe of our Peers. The fecond fort is when 
the Members of the legiflative council are not 
chofen out of all the citizens of the fame degree of 
wealth, but from among a certain clafs. Thofe 
included under the appellation of patricians in 
the Roman Commonwealth were always aiming 
at tjiis ufurpation. It has been effedted in the 
modern Hares of Venice, Genoa, and the Svvifs 
Republics, ns they are vulgarly, though impro- 
perly denominated ; they are in fad: ftri<fl Oligar- 
chies, at Icafl thofe of them of any confequence. 

Ariftotle's 



[ 5> ] 

Ariftotle's favourite form of government, 
which he calls a politeiay is with great propriety 
rendered republic, being that form of govern- 
ment whofe- objed: was to preferve and defend 
the juji rights of all Its citizens : of the rich as 
well as the poor. As this is the objed of every 
juft government, then for a man to declare him- 
felf a Republican is only faying, that he is a fa- 
vourer of that fort of government in which the 
rights and privileges of ^/7 are equally fupported 
and defended. Yet this appellation, by being 
confounded with, or rather being held to be 
fynonymous with that of Democralijl, is become 
a term of reproach. But, now that its true ge- 
nuine meaning is evinced, I hope that his Ma- 
jefty v»'ill acknowledge himfelf, as every honeft 
man fhould do, to be a Republican, according 
to its true genuine meaning. As fuch he will 
defend his own rights, the rights and privileges 
of the Peers, and alfo of the Comnions—as 
fuch the Lords will defend their ovvn rights, the 
rights and prerogatives of Majefty, and the 
tights and privileges of the people — as luch the 
virtuous Commoner fhould defend his ovvn 
rights and privileges, the rights and prcrog'^tives 
of Majefty, and the rights and privileges of the 
Peers : and for this good reafon, tnat the jub- 
Jijiing government muft be always fuppofed to 

G 2 be 



[ 5^ ] 

be the choice of the People. Neither will this 
opinion put a bar to improvements in our mode of 
government; it will only render it cautious and 
more difficult towards the reception of improve- 
ments, too often merely fpecious. In my appre- 
henfion his Majefty and the Houfe of Lords, as 
having thegreateftfhare in ourgovernment, are the 
moll interelled in bringing it to its utmofl. per- 
fedtion. For, as Ariftotle obferves, the people 
being the foundation of all legitimate govern- 
ments, if they become fenfible that obvious im- 
provements in our form of government are not 
adopted, becaufe, forfooth, of the apprehenfions, 
whether well or ill founded, of any individual 
or clafs of men, they would no doubt be juftified 
in taking the bufinefs into their own hands. 
But it can not be fuppofed, that thofe indivi- 
duals who will gall* moft by improvements in 
our political form of government will ever be 
the iliff oppofcrs of them, which might endan- 
ger their exalted flate. Neither fhould our re- 
formers be too fanguine. From what I have 
obfervtd from Ariftotle, the greateft man that 
ever exifted without comparifon, it is evident, 
that our reformers are fundamentally wrong : 
and that our prefent government with all its 
defefts, is, without comparifon, fuperior to what 
they wilh to fubftitute in its Head. 

If 



[ 53 ] 

If what I have juft obferved be admitted, it 
follows, that the proper appellation by which 
the Englilh government Ihould be defignated is 
republic; as being a form of government con- 
fiituted for the defence and fupport of the juft 
rights and privileges of all its citizens. This 
evinces the good fenfe of our antient writers, 
who always defignate it by this title : and the 
ignorance of our antiquaries and lawyers who 
deny the propriety of it : and alfo of our De- 
mocratifts, who, by this title, would gladly dif- 
tinguifti their own favourite form of govern- 
ment, which fo far from having for its objedt 
the defence of the ju/I rights of each clafs of 
citizens, has only that of the poor : for in every 
ftate the majority of the people muft be poor ; 
and in this form of government the majority 
becomes the ruling power. In fad:, a Demo- 
cracy, as Ariftotle juftly obferves, is no other 
than a [many-headedj Defpotifm, For a Defpot 
means, that the government is fo vefled in one 
perfon, as that he can manage the (late, and adl 
towards the individuals that compofe it ad libi- 
lum; in like manner, as the mailer [Defpotes] 
may adt in regard of his chattels and flaves, 
there being nothing to controul him : if then 
the fupreme power be vefled in the people, 
there can be no check to prevent them from 

ading 



[ 54 3 

adting agreeably to the preient impulfe : for a 
check in fuch cafes to be effectual muft needs 
be a paramount power ; fo that the government 
would ceafe to be a Democracy. 

That the lower clalfes of people fhor.ld ever 
attain a fufficient fhare of wifdom or philofjphy 
to entlde them to a Ihare in the government, 
either dire^ly or indiredtly, is a notion perfedly 
romantic. To acquire either wifdom or philo- 
fophy requires leifure and refledtion. But what 
will feed the poor man during his reveries ? I 
fay this independently of the prior education 
which he fhould have received to enable him to 
generalize his ideas. So that the author of Ec- 
clefiafticus was well founded in depriving the 
poor of all interference in the government, 
whether he was a Jew, or a Greek, as I believe 
him to have been. But whoev-er he was, he is 
fupported in his idea by the wifeft of the an- 
tients ; Aiiftotle. 

Ariflotle obferves, that it fhould be a chief 
objeft with government to take care that the 
eenfus fhould be always fufHciently low, fo as 
that thofe entitled to the rank and privileges of 
citizens fliould exceed in wealth thofe who 
would be excluded by it : for when they did 
not, feditions would inevitably arife in the 
ftate : for to feparate wealth and power muft 

neceffarily 



[ 55 3 

neceflarily be attended with this confequencc : 
in like manner, that the cenfus Ihould be fuffi- 
ciently high only to efFe<fl this : for were it 
much lower the Politeia or Republic would be 
changed into a Democracy : thus the perfedt 
form of government lay between an Ariftocracy 
and a Democracy, but nearer the former than 
the latter. Ariftotle obferves, that a breach in 
'the cenfus may happen by two ways : firft by an 
influx of wealth, as happened at Athens in con- 
fequence of her vid:ories over the Perfians ; in- 
fomuch that money had loft its former value : 
fecondly, during the decline of a Common- 
wealth, for in this cafe money becomes of greater 
value. This I apprehend is a leflbn for our 
Englifh rulers ; and evinces, that the difcon- 
tents which have prevailed among its moft vir- 
tuous citizens for feveral years, are not the ofF- 
fpring of faclious.principles, but necefjarily fpring 
from property not having its due weight in our 
government. For, however refpedlable the Re- 
prefentatives of what are called rotten boroughs 
may be, yet their not being the Reprefentatives 
of property has undoubtedly given rife to thefe 
difcontents. Farther, when we hear of an 
Afiatic fquad in the Houfe, to what caufc can it 
be imputed ? doubtlefs to the omnipotence of 
mooey in returning Reprefentatives for parlia- 

m'^ar. 



[ i« ] 

ment, and to the poverty or want of principle 
in the eledors. But, were each Reprefentative 
eledled in the manner pointed out, this evil, if 
it exifts, would be fpeedily reftified. For the 
conftituents, men of proper age and refledlion, 
and eafy circumflances, would quickly recal the 
traytor. In like manner an unprincipled oppo- 
iition, whofe objcdt was power, and to attain 
which fcrnpled not to throw every obftacle in 
the way of government, might perhaps, Ihould 
ever fuch a cafe arrive, be difgracefuUy recalled, 
and replaced by others who would adt more 
agreeably to the general interefts of the nation, 

I profefs I am not fufficiently clear-fighted as 
to be fenfible of the great advantages refulting 
from the unexampled publicity of our public 
tranfadtions with other nation?. It is a too 
common error in arguing to afcribe to wrong 
caufes whatever happens in the moral world as 
well as in the phyfical : thus fome impute to this 
our flourifhing fituation : as if there had never 
cxifted a flourifliing ftate in which a ftrid: fecrecy 
was obferved. Our flourifhing fituation is ob- 
vioufly the confequence of our enjoying a better 
political conftitution than our neighbours, and 
the local circumrtances of fertility of foil, and 
advantage of fituation, See. 

Mr. Burke, p. 187, fays with Lord Boling- 

broke. 



[ 57 ] 

broke, " that he prefers a Monarchy to other 
" governments; becaufe you can better ingraft 
" an\ defcription ot republic on a monarchy, 
** than any thing of monarchy upon the repub- 
** lican forms. I think him perfedlly in the 
*' right. The fa(ft is fo h'ljiorually i and it 
" agrees well with the fpeculation." I profefs 
that my knowledge of hiftory would induce me 
to make the oppofite inference : as I do not re- 
collecft a fingle inftance of the republican form 
being ingrafted upon the monarchical ; but on 
$he contrary, many of the latter upon the for- 
mer. It was fo in the Cretan — it was fo in the 
Lacedemonian — it was fo in the Carthaginian 
Commonwealths, as we are alfured by Ariftctle. 
Farther, the Athenian Archons and the Roman 
Confuls wxre in fubftance temporary kings. 
Even in the Englifhconflitucion kings were ori- 
ginally grafted or appointed bv thfc National 
AfTcmbly of the Chiefs, to enforce the general 
ordinances, or to lead the people forth in time 
of war. It is true, that fince the introdu<ftion 
of burgejfes into our Houfe of Commons with the 
privilege of determining points concerning le- 
giflation and general policy, inftead of confining 
their functions foielv to affeffing themfelves, 
as was the firft obje<fl of their introduc- 
H tion, 



[ 58 1 

tion * there has been grafting upon our old 
monarchical Government a Democracy^ which, 
unlefs guarded againft by due provifions, but 
efpecially that mofl neceffary one, the giving 
property its juft influence, will in the end over- 
turn not only the monarchical branch of it, but 
alio the oligarchical, and eflabliih in their flead 
a pure Democracy, which mode of government 
Ariftotle '|~ holds to be the next worft after a 
tyranny, and an Oligarchy. So that our refor- 
mers are aiming at a pretty fort of reform ac- 
cording to the vvifefl: of the antients. This is 
reforming backwards as my countrymen would 
fay. A bleffed reform forfooth ! by which the 
populace and their demagogues, or thofe haran- 
guerSj who by humouring the propenfities of the 
people, to their ruin, as court-flatterers do v^ith 
tyrants, would be enabled to tyrannize over, not 
the better clafs of people, as Mr. Burke renders 
the palTnge, but over the better men ffXlto^wv 
or the mofl virtuous citizens ;|;. 

I entirely agree with Mr. Burke in regard 



* See INIr. Miller's Treaiife upon the Englifli Conftitu- 
tion. 

+ L. 4. Ch. 2. 

lb. Ch. 4. llefieaioii iS5. 

of 



[ 59 ] 

of the fovereign incapucity of the "National AJfemhfy 
to conjlitute a political Conflitution for France: 
which is evinced from their regulations refpefl:- 
ing the mode adopted by them for confti- 
tuting national alTemblies in future, which lays 
the rich at the mercy of the poor — from their 
regulations refpedlingthemagiftracy — from their 
regulations refpecting the judicature — and in 
each of thefe they are likewife condemned by 
Ariftotle, as has been feen. — Alfo, the folly of 
their conduct in regard of the army — and on 
finance, are perhaps without example. That 
they adled unjuftly towards the clergy I think 
Mr. Burke has demonllrated — and that they have 
adted, and are adting infidioufly towards their 
King, Ijneanthe leaders of the Democrates, I 
entertain no doubt. That he is to be dethroned, 
or what is tantamount, reduced to a mere cy- 
pher, when the leaders of the Democrates will 
be able to take off the malk, requires little fa- 
gacity to perceive : and though I entertain no fuf- 
picion of the purity of the views of this party, 
that is, that their objed: is the happinefs and 
profperity of France ; yet, as they have fhewn 
their utter incompetency in the means, and as it 
cannot be expected, that they fhould be capable 
at once of altering their meafures, nay, perhaps, 
that the people would not now confent to it. It 

H 2 is 



[ 6° 3 

IS my opinion, that his French Majefty, together 
uith thofe of his friends, and thofe attached to 
regular government, fhould be ready and pre- 
pared to take advantage of every opportunity 
which may offer, of inducing the National af- 
fcmbly to accede to, or embrace the meafure of 
propajing to our King and Parliament the becoming a 
Membsr of the Britijh Empire. The difBcukies 
which will Ihortly prefs on rhe French parriots, 
and which the faie of the King's doiViains and 
clerical property, though it Ibould amount 
even to a fum equivalent to difcharge the 
national debt, will not diflipate, muft alarm 
a large portion of its Members, unaccufiom- 
ed to face popular dorms, and perhaps inti- 
midate them, infomuch as to prepare them to 
go half way towards embracing the meafure. 
Slaves have not that fleady perfeverance or vir- 
tue to enable them to controul or diredt the 
florm. That there may be a few of the oppofite 
charadter in this aifembly, I will not difpute, 
though I much fufpedl it. But, admitting it, a 
great majority muft undoubtedly be political 
cowards ; and thefe will fetter the others, and pre- 
vent them from taking thofe decided fteps ne- 
celTary to vidory. So that, if thefe leading 
charafters have the wifdom of the men of this ge- 
)7irattofj, they ought to prepare matters for fuch 

a won- 



[ 6' ] 

a wonderful, but beneficial revolution for man- 
Jcind. 

Mr. Burke appears to me to be materially 
wrong in limpl}' recommending the Englifh con- 
llitucion, without anv qualification, to the French 
revoldtionifts for their adoption. What ! a 
political conftitution, founded neither upon 
the folid bafis of propert; , nor the fantafti- 
cal one of population ! Though, as already ad- 
micted, had the National Alfembly done fo, 
they would have adled miOre prudently than they 
have ; nay, even that it would be their true- 
policy ; neverthelefs, to adopt a conftitution 
founded upon neither property nor population, 
without any argument to evince the policy of 
fuch a meafure, was not to be expedted from 
Frenchmen; who, as juftefcaped from flavery, 
it might be forefeen, would be endowed with lit- 
tle forefight of its neceffary confequence. As to 
the Permanent Council, of which Mr. Burke 
fpeaks, not having mentioned in what manner 
it was to be conftituted, it is difficult to offer an 
opinion concerning it. Bur, if it was to be 2i per- 
manent organ of Liberty^ it is obvious that it 
would (hortly reduce the kingly power to a 
mere cypher. 

With regard to thofe who oppofe Mr. Burke 
on the principles oj the rights of mankind^ by giv- 
ing 



C 6* ] 

ing the rights of eledion to all perfons, which, 
though no better than beggars and vagrants, 
upon thofe principles cannot be denied to them, 
however convinced they themfelves may be, I 
will take upon me to fay, they will make few 
profelytes to their faith, among Jober-thinking 
perfons. This do(ftrine fhould be particularly 
grateful to mailer- manufacturers, for were our 
Reprefentatives eledled agreeably to this notion, 
they would be MASTERS in fadl of the govern- 
ment of this kingdom and its dependencies : and 
even, as it is, their influence is immeafurably 
too great. They were the caufe of the lofs of 
America, and the fciffion of Ireland from this 
kingdom. Thofe gentlemen fhould further con- 
fider, that the authority of the greateft genius that 
ever exiftcd, has in the mofl exprefs language, 
not once, but frequently, declared himfelf againft 
their theory ; who befides had far greater expe- 
rience in matters of this nature, than whiat they 
can at all pretend to. The truth is, that all true 
patriots, and well-wilhers of mankind fliould 
unite in placing our government upon the folid 
foundation oi property, veiling far greater powers 
in his Majeily and government than what they 
adlually poiTefs; they would thereby conilitute 
a vigorous government, and by this means in-, 
duce government itfelf to give its afliflance to- 
wards 



[ 65 ] 

wards fo defirable a change in both refpefts. 
Country gentlemen, who are generally farmers, 
though inimical to manifeft injuftice, are not 
fond of changes : thefe are only the objedt of 
agitated fanatical mobs, which can only exiil in 
great cities, and be foftered by their employers, 
who fhould therefore be attended to, and depriv- 
ed of political power. Neither could they com- 
plain with any juflice; for in this cafe it might 
be anfvvered, that from the limited faculties of 
man, it was impoffible he could carefully at- 
tend to two objedts «/ the fame time; each of 
which demanded his whole attention ; and there- 
fore the complainant might right himfelf, did 
he think himfelf aggrieved, by giving up his 
trade, and commencing citizen, for that the con- 
ftitution permitted no one to be, at the fame 
time, a trader and a citizen. 

I fliall now proceed to a few obfervations 
upon Mr. Payne's pamphlet, intituled the Rights 
of Men; firft premiiing, that in my apprehen- 
iion, he has treated Mr, Burke in a manner that 
does not meet my idea of that refpedt and de- 
corum, which his almoft univerfally refpedted 
chara(fter — his private virtues — his acknowleged 
learning— and his age* demand. His being 

* Mr. Payne, p. 31, informs us that the French ujpe^ age, 
. I " eaten 



L 66 ] 

" eaten up" with prejudices, fhould excite com- 
panion, and not give rile to expreffions, no doubt 
intended, to wound his too lufceprible mind, 
fuch as " flagrant mifreprefentations," " an im- 
" pofition ;" is it feemly to begin a work by en- 
gaging che paffions before the judgment is con- 
vinced : again, ** real talfehoods," " 7/ fuits his 
'* purpofe to exhibit the confequences without 
" their caufes. It is one of the arts of the drama 
*' 10 do fo." " Where even probability is fet at 
'* defiance for the purpofe of defaming^ &c." Are 
fuch imputations decent, unlefs evinced in the 
clcareft manner ? If Mr. Payne has attempted 
to iubftantiate one of them, it has efcaped me. 
Mr. Burke's French correfpondent, who it may- 
be reafonably fuppofed, was tolerably well in- 
formed upon the bufinefs, unlefs it alfo has 
efcaped me, denies none of Mr. Burke's faints. 
Can it be fuppofed, that if fuch epithets truly 
applied to Mr. Burke's Reflexions, that Mr. De- 
pont would think of revifitinghim on his return 
to this kingdom. Were he capable of fuch 
meannefs, it would not be fafe for him to be on 
civil ce: ms, with the Libeller of his countrymen, 
upon his return to France. Perhaps it will be 
faidj that Mr. Burke was unfounded in what he 
mentions of the mob exclaiming the B'lfJ^ops to the 
Lantern on the 6th of October, Perhaps rherc 

were 



t 67 ] 

were no fuch words made ufe of; nevcrthelefs, 
I cannot help thinking but that Mr. Burke was 
fufficiently juftiiied in fuppoiing that there were, 
upon the authority of iVlonf. Lally Tolendal : in- 
deed Monf. Depont, wiliiing to draw a curtain 
over the proceedings of that day, feems to nie to 
juftify every thing that Mr. Burke has advanced 
about it : as to the bonjour of the Mayor of Paris, 
I underftood it iii its obvious fenfe, the 6th of Oc- 
tober, the day on which their Majcfties' perfons 
were fecured, and the day on which they were 
fpoken ; and I think it fhould be efleemed a 
good day by every Democratift. 

That Mr. Burke ihould pay more attention to 
Mr. Lally Tolendal's letter from Paris, than to 
Mr. Payne's, is not furpriling. We generally 
pay more regard to what thofe affirm, who think 
as we do, than to what thofe affirm who differ 
from us. For which reafon, however unim- 
peachable the veracity of Mr. Payne maybe, 
Mr. Burke's being guided in what he faid, by 
the authority of Monf. Lally Tolendall, ought 
not to offend him. 

Mr. Payne charges Mr. Burke with having 
changed his former feniiments, and it may be 
on account of this unknown penfion, which it is 
faid, Mr. Burke receives from the Iriih eftabliih- 
ment. - Is a perfon to be condemned tor a change 

I 2 of 



[ 68 ] 

of fent'iment r Is truth leis fo when advanced by 
a pensioner ? — In fadt, infinuations of this na- 
ture, when mentioned in controverfy, evince 
that he, who makes ufeof them, feels that, how- 
ever defirous, he can not confute his adverfary upon 
folid grounds. I would aifo wilh to know, whether 
it be agreeable to Mr. Payne's fyftem of Chrifti- 
anity, to caft a blot, or to repeat a malicious 
fadt, to injure an unimpeached characfter. The 
view is obvious. Is it doing by others as we 
would be done by ? 

•Mr. Payne informs his readers that the French 
guards were not 3000 ; I underftood that they 
were 4000 * — that there were only two or three 
perfons killed at Verfailles on the morning of 
the 6th of October; I underftood there were fe- 
venteen-f. He alfo informs us that William 
the Conqueror, and his defcendants, bribed with 
Charters one part of England, to hold the other 
parts of it the better in fubjedtion to his will : I did 
not know before this fa^ of William the Con- 
queror : alfo that the county Rutland contains 
not the one hundredth part of the inhabitants of 
Yorkfhire, or ten thoufand perfons : it may be 
fo, but they appear to me to be very few. If 



* Gent. Mag, vol, 59, p. 656. t lb. 

thefe 



[ 69 ] 

thefe two laft alTertions be unfounded, they 
ought not to have been introduced, as tending, 
more than the exa(S truth will juftify, to pro- 
mote the obvious tendenc)' of the Rights of Men, 
namely, of making the inhabitants of this 
country diflatisfied with their political conllitu- 
tion. In every cafe the precife truth fhould be 
told, but above all, in cafes of this nature : for 
though unfounded alTertions will have their 
^^'eight for a time, yet in the end, when the 
people have difcovered them to be fo, it detradts 
very much from what future affertors will ad- 
vance, even though they Ihould keep within 
the truth. 

What Mr. Payne has faid againft Mr. Burke 
refpedting England's being an hereditary crown 
for ever — and of governments arifing out of a 
people to be lawful governments, and not over 
a people : appears to me unanfwerable, and the 
latter ingenioufly advanced. But I muft den}'' 
the exifling government of England to be of 
that fort. The barons in agreeing to accept of 
Magna Chart a from King John had fufficieht 
authority to bind the nation at the time : and 
fuch engagements are fuppofed to continue/br 
ever : not but that the next or any future gene- 
ration have it in their power to change it : yer, 

until 



[ 70 ] 

until this is done the original fettlement is fup- 
pofed to fublift. 

Mr, Payne has made a comparifon between 
France and England with regard to wealth, and 
though, fince Mr. Smyth's celebrated work of 
the IVeaJth of Nations, I thought that this fubjedt 
could never be again mifapprehended, yet irom 
his giving to France the advantage in this re- 
fpe(ft can only be afcribed to this caufe. How^- 
ever, let us examine what he has advanced". 
He admits that there are 26 millions of hard 
cafli in England ; and alTerts that there are 90 
and a half n:il]ions fterling in France, but for 
the fake of round numbers I fhall make him a 
prefent of 8 millions and a half more : that is, 
I will allo'.v tnct there are 100 millions fterling 
in France, o'' five times as much as there is in 
England. Admitting alfo, according to my 
computation, which fome perhaps may think 
againil mv argument, that there are 16 millions 
of inhabitants in England, 20 millions flerling 
will be 255. a head, full enough in all con- 
fcience to manage our internal commerce, the 
real ufe of money. Admitting alfo the inhabi- 
tants of France to be 30 millions, 100 millions 
fterling will be 3/. 6i. 8tf. or almoft three times 
as much money per head there as in England : 

and 



C 7' ] 

and yet inftead of France being richer, I afiirm 
that (he is without comparifon poorer. 

Dodlor Smyth has informed us that moneyV 
worth or mdnufa<5turers are equivalent to inoney. 
Now, when the wonderful magazines of every 
fort of commodity ; the ufefui and fuperb fur- 
niture every where vifible, our navy, &c. &c. &c. 
&c. &c. are confidered. Surely all thefe may 
be laid down at looo millions. French articles 
in the fame line may be eflimated, and perhaps 
highly too, at a fifth of this, or 200 millions, 
which, with the former lop, makes 10/. a head: 
whereas, by including manufadlurers, &c. there 
is 68/. per head in England. 

Mr, Payne alfo alfures us that there was no 
national bankruptcy in France, but that the 
people had determined that they would not pay 
taxes. I do not chufe to doubt the word of a 
gentleman, yet I think it Angular enough that 
Monfieur Depont acknowledges, that the fale of 
clerical property was that only which could pre- 
vent it. — It feems alfo that it was a fecret to 
Mr. Neckar. — How comes it then that fince 
the French Monarch has been dethroned, and 
has been re-inftalled by the pompous title of 
the King of the French, but in whofe perfon it 
feems that this title is to commence and termi- 
nate. 



C 7^ 3 

nate *, — I fay, how comes it that the taxes arc 
even yet fo defedive, notvvithftanding all the 
reforms ? Is there a combination againft paying 
taxes under the aufpices of the National Aflem- 
bly ? Bad as our finances in England are I will 
venture to affirm, that fhe can bear taxes to the 
amount of 40 millions better than France can 
20 millions, with all the clerical fpoil and king's 
demefnes. 

To prevent heedlefs perfons being impofed 
on by founds I fhall here obferve, that wealth 
with refpeft to nations is to be confidered in 
three different refpeds : firft, as the income of 
Governmenty this may be very great, and yet the 
people and nation very poor ; thus let us fup- 
pofe that Spain received annually from America 
20 millions llerling. This vafl fum would be 
quickly difperfed over the more induftrious nations 
of Europe to purchafe what the Spaniards want, 
little remaining in Spain : fecondly, a nation may 
be rich and the inhabitants and government poor, 
as for in fiance, if therewere 1000 millions llerling 
locked up in icoo boxes in France, the nation 
would be rich but the government and people 



* See Rights of Men, page 138, 

poor. 



[ 73 ] 

poor, nor would it long continue to be other- 
wife were it even in circulation : fehirdly, the 
people may be rich and yet the nation and go- 
vernment poor; this happens when the people 
are exceeding induftrious and are well-paid for 
their labour. A nation like this is almoft om- 
nipotent ; for unlefs you cut off their heads or 
hands, they will, like the Hydra, be ever repro- 
ducing the means of power. Whereas, if you 
get pofleffion of the French boxes, or divide 
Spain from America, thefe two nations would 
fee palfied, or rendered utterly impotent. This 
evinces the neceffity and policy of giving every 
fpur to induftry, if a nation intends to be power- 
ful ; indeed as the French Democrates fay, 
they will be content with drinking their wine 
under their own fig trees, which I will affure 
them will be the cafe, whether they were ferious 
or not, it little matters what meafures they take. 
I would defpife mvfelf were I capable of fuch a 
felfiih thought. But for a nation of legiflutors, 
whofe objed: fhould be to promote univerfal 
happinefs, to harbour even for a moment fuch a 
bafe felfiih idea fhould excite univerlal contempt 
and horror, 

I would fain know from Mr. Payne whether 
he thinks it agreeable to common fenfe^ that the ] 
government of a great nation ihouid be (Ut 
K into 



L 74 ] 

into the hands of ignorant, illiterate people, 
who know nothing of the matter ? or whether 
he thinks it agreeable to the fame principle, 
that by putting the government in the hands of 
the people at large, the majority of whom are in 
fadl no better than the Haves of matter manu- 
facturers, that mafler manufafturers Ihould be 
the governors or rulers of a mighty kingdom, 
who are ever inimical to every thing gene- 
rous, and friendly only to monopolies, and what 
may ferve their own fhort-lighted views ? If 
Mr. Payne cannot anfwer thefe queftions di- 
re(ftly in the affirmative, he ought to give up 
his political creed. No argument from ana- 
logy, from America is admiffible. There the 
people are almoft all farmers or graziers ; in 
France they are manufadturers or beggars. I 
therefore abide by my paradox, that the true 
intereft of France, and I have the true interefl 
of France as much at heart as Mr, Payne, is 
to become a dependant portion of the Brttijh empire. 

As it appears that Mr. Payne is in confider- 
ablc intimacy with many of the leaders of the 
French Revolution, it may be prefumed that he is 
well founded in faying, p. 138, that " In France 
'* it [the Monarchy] has fo far declined, that 
*' the goodnefs of the man [the King of France] 
** and the refpedt for his perfonai charader are 

" the 



[ 75 ] 

" the only things that preferve the appearance 
" of its exiftence." Hence it is obvious that 
the Monarchical branch of the French conftitu- 
tion is to be annihilated. Were not this their 
intention, and now acknowledged by Mr. 
Payne, I had propofed fhewing, that when 
the National Aflembly fevered the Magijlratkal 
from the Executive or Monarchical power, and 
had refolved, that the National Aflembly fhould 
be a permanent body, that the annihilation of the 
Monarchical branch of the political conflitution 
muft neceflarily be the confequence, which 
would be a farther proof of their fovereign inca- 
pacity, by making one branch of their conflitu- 
tion deftrudlive of another. 

To recapitulate then the errors of the Na- 
tional Aflembly, according to Mr, Burke, they 
confift, 

Firft, in their mode of conflituting their fu- 
ture National Aflemblies, by which it will be 
only a mere ochlocracy, both from the fhortnefs 
of its duration, and from almoft all the people 
being conftituents. 

Secondly, in their regulations refpeding the 
eledting their magifl:rates, which will farther 
llrengthen the Ochlocracy. 

Thirdly, by fevering the judges from the 

executive branch, by whom as being only exe- 

K 2 cutive 



[ 76 ] 

cuiivf officers, they Ihould be appointed and be 
dependant upon : and in thefe three he is fup- 
ported by Ariftotle, who has laid it down, that 
they are what a wife legiilator Ihould chiefly 
attend to. 

Fourthly, in regard of their financial arrange- 
ments. 

Fifthly, in regard of their condudt towards 
the army. 

Sixthly, of injuftice towards the clergy *. 

Seventhly, of a want of generofity towards 
their virtuous and defcrving King, who in fa<3: 
proffered to them a better conflitution than that 
which they have flumbled upon -f. 

With regard to the two laft I apprehend that, 
in confequence of the Democratical principles 
univerfally prevalent throughout France, it was 
not in the power of the National AfTembly after 
the 14th of July to have ad:ed materially differ- 



* By this I would not have it underftood that I am net 
inimical to the prefect mode of provifion for the clergy : 
on the contrary nothing I can deem more abfurd, not only 
as defeating that good will and friendfliip which fliould fub- 
fift between paftors and their flocks j but alfo as diredtly 
militating againft great agricultural exertions, which flioutd 
be peculiarly favoured by every wife government. 

4- See Gent. Mag. 17S9, p. 654, 

cnt 



[ 77 ] 

ent from what it did. Powers, vefted in kings 
and bidiops, depending on opinion, when thijs is 
deftroyed, muft neceflarily fall with it. But the 
French King ofFered his conftitution of govern- 
ment the 23d of June : the National AlTembly 
is therefore inexcufable. 

From what I have heard or read it does not ap- 
pear to me that any one of Mr. Burke's anfwerers 
has attempted to repel any of the above feven 
charges : and until the^v'^ firil are entirely done 
away, and that by arguments founded on ex- 
perience, or on the alTertions or writings of thofe 
who had experience, namely, the antients, thofe 
perfons who pronounce themfelves anfwerers of 
Mr. Burke fhould be only deemed foi-difans 
anfwerers. 

I ihall here add a few obfervations upon the 
turn of the debate which took place in both 
Houfes of Parliament upon the delivery of his 
Majefty's melTage refpeifting our fituation with 
other foreign powers, which will further evince 
the neceflity of placing our conftitution upon its 
true bafis, the affediions of the people, and of 
reftoring the executive power to its conllituti- 
onal vigour. 

ThetwoSecretariesof State, after delivering the 
King's mefiage, required the fupport and confi- 
dence of their refpedive Houfes of Parliament, 

in 



[ ys ] 

in regard of thofc meafures intended to be pur- 
fued, in cafe matters fhould not be accommodated 
with the Emprefs of Ruffia : but to their mo- 
tions for this end an amendment in each Houfe 
was propofed, intimating, "that until the ho- 
" nour and interefis of his Majefl) 's crown J]:all 
" appear to be threatened, that they can only 
*^ exprefs their dutiful and lo3'al aflurances of 
" fupport." If thefe amendments had been 
carried, it is evident, that his Majefly would 
have been deprived of the executive power; for, 
till thefe two points had appeared to the fatisfac- 
tion of each Houfe, and of which each Houfe 
would have been its own judge, his Majefty 
could have taken no fteps whatever ; and thus 
we Ihould have loft the advantages which 
ought to refult from the energy of the monar- 
chical branch of the conftitution, and for which 
the nation pays a million annually. Befides, 
had the oppofition fucceeded, what foreign ftate 
would ever after venture to enter into any en- 
gagement with the executive branch, when there 
exifted even a poffibility of its not being able to 
effedtuate its engagements, did either Houfe of 
Parliament refufe its fupport «o the meafure ? 
Suppofe that Parliament was as venal as fome will 
have it, would not half a million, properly ap- 
plied in either Houfe, have fecured a majority 

againft 



L 19 Y 

agalnft the meafure ? And, though it required 
ten times the fum, who will deny, that the Czar- 
ina could have fo well applied an equal fum. 
This ftrongly evinces thedangei of giving either 
Houfe of Parliament any pretext towards inter- 
fering with the executive branch of govern- 
ment. It is moreover a novelty in our con- 
ftitutidn. The bufinefs and duty of the two 
Houfes of Parliament, are to redrefs grievances, 
and make wholefome laws for their prevention, 
and arraigning Minifters for mal-pradtices, ei- 
ther with regard to fquandering the public mo- 
ney, or cenfuring them for impolitic engage- 
ments with other Hates ; but which, when once 
entered into, muft be fupported. 

Mr. Fox is made to fay by the reporters of thefe 
debates, that, upon the Czarina's ufurpation of 
the Crimea, and the country between the Don 
and the Dnieper in the year 1782, the Minif- 
try of that time, of which he formed a part, 
were applied to by the Count de Vergennes, to 
join with France and Spain, in obliging her to 
recede from fo barefaced an ufurpation, which 
was refilled. Independently of the want of po- 
litical forelight, the firil virtue of a Statefman 
according to Ariftotle and all mankind, evinced 
by their refilling thepropofition, and which would 
certainly not have been made by the French Mi- 

niitry. 



[ So ] 

nifter, did he not think it obvioufly for the 
advantage of England ; this acknowledgement 
fhould not only exculpate the prefent Miniftry 
from any unpopularity which may refult from 
the expences of this war, but they fhould be 
placed to the account of Mr. Fox's Miniftry. 
For, had that Miniftry joined with France and 
Spain, in preventing Ruffia from enforcing her 
ambitious fchemes, (he would not have dared to 
bring down upon her our united forces : and 
thus would have been nipped in its bud the caufe 
which has produced a very bloody war, and which 
is now likely to involve us in very expenfive 
meafures. 

That it is the intereft of Europe to prevent 
Ruflian conquefts, efpecially on the fide of Tur- 
key, will be obvious to any one, who will look 
at the map of Europe. He will there fee, if 
the Emprefs fhould effeift her prefent ambitious 
defigns againft Turkey, that her territories on 
three fides would command Poland, for the 
Duchy of Courland may be faid to be her*s. 
Upon the dem.ife then of the King of Poland, 
her protege, perhaps file may appoint another 
nominal King, it may be fome very old man, 
upon whofe death fhe might take immediate pof- 
feffion of Poland. The late Emperor of Ger- 
many 



[ 81 ] 

tnany would have fupported her*, his objedt be- 
ing to poffefs hiaifelf of the vveftern part of Tur- 
key in Europe, whilftfhe conquered the eaftern; 
which effedled, what could prevent his after- 
wards fubduing the German Princes, who dare 
not interrupt his progrefs againft the Turk, well 
knowing that he would be fupported by a Ruf- 
fian army in poffeflion of Poland, of 500,000 
men. In this cafe, the northern kingdoms of 
Sweden and Denmark muft fubmit to Ruffia 
without a blow, and become provinces of that 
empire, whilft the Emperor would be conquer- 
ing the remaining part of the weft of Europe, 
not excepting England herfelf. I entertain no 
doubt, but that the meeting of thefe two ambi- 
tious potentates fome years ago at Cherfon, was 
to devife fome fcheme of this nature, which, if 
fuccefsful, muft have terminated in the fubjec- 
tion of Europe, and the management of which 
could not be cntrulted to Minifters, left happen- 
ing to be in the pay of other powers, they might 
have divulged the fecret, or imprudently en- 
trufted it to a miftrefs. Effedts muft always have 
proportionate caufes. It cannot be faid that to 



* Perhaps the prefent Emperor, if the difcontents among 
his fubjedts did not prevent him. 



L be 



C 8^ 1 

be crowned ^w^^^o/y^m^^ could have been an 
objeft of any moment with fo fenfible a woman 
as the Czarina. And the fame may be affirmed 
of the late Emperor, 

Moreover, where there are two preponderat- 
ing powers, it is the intereft of the weaker, par- 
ticularly in the naval department, to feek an al- 
liance with the ftronger; but not contrary wife : 
left that, when the weaker, by means of the al- 
liance, had been raifed to a more formidable ftate, 
Ihe Ihould turn upon her old ally, and by form- 
ing other connedtions become the principal.' 
This is precifely the iituation between Ruffia 
and England, the adual preponderating Euro- 
pean powers : and didates to us, if we will 
fuffer ourfelvcs to be inftrudted by hiftory, not 
to form any connedlion whatever with that 
power. Our avowed objedt Ihould be to keep 
Ruffia down. 

But what I would particularly call the atten- 
tion of Engliihmen to is, the famenefs of com- 
plexion, which the arguments of the oppoiition 
bear to thofe advanced by the Barchine faction 
at Carthage, whilft Hannibal was ravaging 
Italy, and which, being followed, caufed the 
ruin of that moft flouriffiing republic. Some 
of our Senators dwell upon the weight of our 
taxes— "Others wifliing, or almoft wiffiing fuc- 

cefs 



[ 83 ] 

cefs to our enemies — others depifting them as 
logs and as batteries, and whifkered ColTicks, as 
if Britons were to be terrified with fuch fluff. 
What the opinion of the King of Pruffia was, 
concerning thefe dreadful Ruffians, is ver)' clear 
from what he fays, fpeaking of their vidtories 
over the Turks, that they refembled a man with 
one eye, fighting againfl another who had none, 
Mr. Burke, who has emphatically pronounced 
France to be a Great Chafm, is for introducing 
thefe Ruffians into the Black Sea, to affift us in 
our future wars againft this chafm or vacuum and 
the Spaniards. When the abilities and expe- 
rience of the gentlemen who make ufe of fuch 
arguments are confidered, it evinces, what indeed 
is allowed by all, that an oppofition or fa<ftion 
muft always fubfift in this government, and 
therefore that government muft always be op- 
pofed with the beft arguments, no doubt, that 
the nature of the cafe will admit of, and that 
the perfedtion of our conftitution confifls in the 
oppofite interefts of the component parts. I 
have ever thought, that the more the works of 
men refembled thofe of the Deity, which are 
harmony itfelf, the more perfed: they were, 
Ariftotle would have held a government of this 
fort as a proof of the extraordinary ftupidity of 
its Members. His object was the harmoniz- 
L 2 ing 



[ «4 ] 

ing all the parts of his political conftitution, by 
connedting with the oiher the interefl. of each 
clals of the inhabitants. 

There is another feature which peculiarly diftin- 
guifhesour conftitution from every other, namely, 
that our Senators fcruplenottoftigmatize w'tb the 
foulefl epithets, meafures fupported b} govern- 
ment; nav, which have even been approved of 
by the Houfe of Commons : for inftance, the 
Indian war ; both tlie policy and juftice of which 
do not admit a doubt ; and which even a refpedt 
for government Ihould prevent every Senator, 
v^'hatever he may think, from pronouncing un- 
juft. Can it be fuppofed that the people will 
rcfpedt a government, or Houfes of Parliament, 
whofe meafures are cenfured in fo extraordinary 
a manner ? Will not fuch language neceliuiily 
introduce a Democratical contempt of govern- 
ment ? Can government fubfift without the peo- 
ple's being impreffed with a decent refped: for its 
chief Members ? But if the people are told, that 
government, his Majefty, and his Minifters, and 
the majority of both Houfes of Parliament coun- 
tenance vnjuji meafures, how long will this de- 
cent refpedl fublifl r Is not fuch language necef^ 
farily introdudtive of that French Democratical 
anarchy, v/hich fhould be the dread of every en- 
lightened mind i That Ruffia, in the prefent 

war 



[ 85 3 

war between her and the Porte, is the aggreflbr, 
is moft evident. In the year 1782 Ihe poffeflcs 
herfelf of the Cuban and the Crimea, and by the 
terror of hoftilities, in conjundlion with the Em- 
peror, obliges the Porte to cede thofe pro- 
vinces by treaty, the j^ear after. This manifefl: 
injuftice is the true caufe of the war which was 
begun by the Turk, to repoflefs himfelf of thefe 
provinces unjuftly wreftcd from him. The con- 
duct of the Porte is fully juftified by that of Car- 
thage. Being in a very debilitated ftate after the 
war againfl her revolted mercenary troops, whom 
ihe had fubdued, the Romans took poffeffion of 
the ifland of Sardinia, and obliged her to yield 
it up from the dread of hoftilities. This adl of 
injuftice, in the opinion of Mr. Hooke, juftified 
the Carthaginians in recommencing hoftilities 
againft Rome ; and of courfe equally juftifies the 
Porte in recommencing hoftilities againft Ruflia 
for the recovery of the provinces unjuftly wrefted 
from her. 

As thofe of our Senators, to whofe opinions I 
have alluded, are feveral of them very refpedta- 
ble charadters, it is obvious, that a time may 
come, when, by means of Demagogues, and 
factious and feditious principles being propa- 
gated among the people, others, without princi- 
ple, may be able to bridle the executive power, 

and 



C 86 ] 

and even force themfelves into government ; in 
which cafe they would be obliged to govern this 
powerful kingdom, agreeably to the prejudices 
of their creators, the mob: and be compelled 
to facrifice its true interefts to their fhortfighted- 
nefs and felfifhnefs. The power of the King to 
make peace or war would be wrefted from him, 
under fpecious pretexts ; and veiled in the peo- 
ple or their reprefentatives. Then our leading 
men in either Houfe, being in the pay of ambi- 
bitious foreign flates, and the p-^ople's mind 
kept in a flame by feditious paragraphs, would 
prevent, as in the cafe of Athens, with regard 
to Philip, our putting an effectual bar to their 
progrefs. The eloquence of Demofthenes was 
unequal to the flattering demagogues who were 
gained by Philip. At laft his eloquence pre- 
vailed, but it was too late. The fatal battle of 
Chaeronea determined the fate of Greece. This 
period of hiflory is an exadt prototype of the 
prefent. Athens and Philip, as England and the 
Czarina — Pitt and the oppofition, as Demoft- 
henes and the demagogues *. 

Ariflotle 



* I mean nothing difrefpeftful by this to the oppofition. 
Phocion, whofe private worth might (land a comparifon with 

any 



C «7 ] 

Ariflotlc has laid it down that when the power 
of peace and war is veftcd in a popular aflem- 
bly, it neceflarily leads to a dynafty or tyranny, 
who,, independently of his fagacity, perhaps 
from his intimacy with Philip, had that of ex- 
perience alfo, to diredt him in condemning this 
power being lodged with the people, againft 
whom it was turned by the enflaver of Greece, 
However, notwithftanding what Ariftotle has 
laid down upon this head, which hiftory alfo 
confirms, Mr. Payne, without even noticing it, 
with other Democrates, contends for veiling 
this power in the people or their creatures. 

To put an end to faction, and to reftore the 
executive branch to its conjlitutlonal energy, go- 
vernment fhould take the moft effedtual and 
fpeedy meafures, in order to veft the ele5iive 
power in the hands of thofe, whofe wifdom is 
matured — whofe ambitious projects are nearly 
extinguifhed — and who cannot be biaffed by pri- 
vate views ; that is, in thofe perfons who fup- 



any man in Britain, was a firm opponent of Demofthenes. I 
alfo confxderher, Mr. Pitt, and Demofthenes only asStatef- 
men. As an Orator no man having ever approached the 
latter. Mr. Pitt muft however be allowed to be the ableft 
and clofeft reafoner that erer fpoke in the Houfe of Com- 
mons. 

port 



L 83 ] 

port themfelves without following fordid trades 
or illiberal profcffions ; and who have arrived 
at their fiftieth year. Our Members of Par- 
liament being eledled by fuch men, and be- 
ing dependent on them, would not dare to en- 
ter into fadious confpiracies ; but on the con- 
trary our Reprefentatives would be <?bliged di- 
ligently to attend to their duty, by enadiing 
W'holefome laws, and redreffing thofe grievances 
^hich muft neceffarily fpring up in every go- 
vernment. The one half of our reprefentatives 
to be eleded viva voce, the other by Juffrage ; and 
a Cenforial Council of one hundred for the re- 
gulation of manners, but chofen by the citizens. 
This effedted, his Majefty, independently of the 
honeft fatisfaclion of being handed down to pof- 
terity with the Numas, Solons, Lycurgufes, Al- 
freds, and other benefactors of mankind, might 
almoft fay, that he left to his poflerity an everlajl- 
ing kingdom. 

Nothing can be more certain than that there 
inujl be a change in the form of our government, 
for in its original conflitution, there was no pro- 
vifion made againft thofe confequences which 
muft ever rcfuk from the alterations and changes 
of property in its conftituent branches. For in- 
flance, the revenue of the crown is fixed at a 
million annually : let ns fuppofe that of the 

Lords 



[ S9 ] 

Lords at two millions : and both thcfe to hzvt 
been fo at the revolution, when perhaps the an- 
nual income of all the citizens and people 
amounted rot to more than 50 millions: but 
whatever the amount of it might be tben, it is 
undoubtedly five times greater mzv : but as pro- 
perty follows wealth, their Reprefentatives Ihould 
have now five times more weight in the confiitu- 
tion than they had then, when compared to the 
income of the King, if this has not proportion- 
ably encreafed, and alfo the fame with regard to 
the Lords, if their income has not alfo propor- 
tionably encreafed. Now that the King's income 
and that of the Lords have not proportionably 
encreafed with that of the people, is an obvious 
and incontrovertible truth, which evinces, that 
the balance in our conftitution is deilroyed ; and 
thatthereforeitbehovesgovernm.ent, according to 
Ariftotle, and not the people, according to the 
demagogues, to reflore the original balance, 
which is impoflSble, as this would require the 
creation of five hundred Lords, which the peo- 
ple would not bear, or to devife another form of 
government; for otherwifeitisclear, that the peo- 
ple will take the bufinefs into their own hands, 
and follow the example of the French revolu- 
tionifts, than which a greater misfortune could 
not happen to the nation. As his Majelly and 

M the 



C 9° ] 

the Lords, and wealthy Commoners, would 
in this cafe be the greateft fufferers, fo they 
fhould be moft urgent in the bufinefs, as in a 
little time it will be too late. For, independently 
of the democratical principles, which have been 
propagating thefe thirty years in Britain, and 
which have taken fuch pofTeffion of the minds of 
the people, as not to admit a doubt but that the 
majority lean ftrongly to democracy, the fuc- 
cefs of the American colonies, and the late 
French revolution, mull fo increafe their num- 
bers and courage, as to preclude every doubt of 
their final fuccefs. As men of this call, from 
their inexperience, andgoodnefs of heart, are ge- 
nerally prefumptuous, and entertain no doubt of 
efcaping or avoiding thofe rocks upon which 
their prototypes have llruck. 

Arillotle's excluding from the rights of citizen- 
fhip, fo many of the inhabitants as would come 
imder the defcription of buyers znd fellers, befides 
thofe who fupport themfelves by their labour, 
will in this age of the Rights of Men, appear 
very extraordinary, unjullifiable, and impolitic. 
However, a little refledlion will Ihew the pro- 
priety of their exclufion. For, concerning the 
poorer clafs, who know nothing of government, 
nor ever can have any idea of ir, to veil in them 
the rights of citizenfliip, would be only making 

them 



C 9' ] 

them the tools of artful, defigning, felfifh men, 
either mafter-manufaclurers, other employers, or 
demagogues ; by whofe means laws would have 
only temporary objedts in view. Such govern- 
ments, belides, have ever been inimical to truly 
virtuous and good men, whom the populace, in- 
fligated by defigning individuals, and prompted 
by momentary paffions, have frequently mod mi- 
ferably put to death, which they afterwards forely 
repented of; when they had difcovcrcd that 
thofe endeavours which had made them obnoxi- 
ous, were folely direfted for their benefit, by 
expofing the arts of their matters, employers, and 
demagogues. Secondly, with regard to buyers 
and fellers, or manufacturers, befides their not 
having the neceffary leifure for refledion, and 
for confidering the effecft which may refult from 
ordinances relating to government, they would 
be ever guided by felfifh motives, eftablifhing 
monopolies, and regulating trade, the price of 
provifions, &c. &c. which have never produced 
any good to the community at large : but on 
the contrary much evil. But by veiling the 
right of citizenfhip in thofe who live upon their 
income, or follow liberal profcflions, their in- 
tereft being that their incomes fhould go as far 
as poffible, it would be always a fpur to them for 
M 2 devifing 



[ 9^ ] 

devlfing fchemes for promoting manufadures 
and the arts, in order to have them cheaper. 

Secondly, by raifing the value of the products 
of their eftates, which would be moll effectually 
done by raifing fuch a fpirit of competition 
among thofe engaged in trade, manufaftures, 
agriculture, and commerce, as to enable them 
to afford to the great body of the poor, the 
confumers, the greatefc poffible daily wages con- 
fiftent with honeff profit, and this could only 
be done by equally protefting the rights of all ; 
but efpecially by permitting every perfon to 
difpofe of the produdts of his induftry when and 
to whom he pleafed, and fupplying his wants in 
like manner. By this fimple arrangement, or 
rather doing of nothing, the value of labour 
would be encreafed, which would enable the 
poor to give greater prices for the produds of 
the foil, and each clafs would take care not 
to lofe the home marker. Thus, the intereft 
of all would be in unifon, which was doubt- 
lefs intended by our all-wife and benevolent 
CREATOR. 



F I-^ 



[ 93 ] 



FINANCE. 

Aristotle obfcrves*, that in eflimating 
the grearnefs of a State, the number of its inha- 
bitants fhould not be fo much confidered, as its 
power {hvoi-iJAi;) or wealth, which would enable 
it to annoy its enemies with effedt, by affording 
an ample revenue from taxation. As in thofe 
days the fame takes place in ours. That coun- 
try which, ceteris paribus y has the greatefl reve- 
nue, or the greatefl refources, is reckoned the 
mofl powerful. It therefore behoves every flate 
to confider thofe means by w^hich, without op- 
preffing its fubiedts, rhe greatefl revenue can be 
levied from them. Neither fhould fubje<fls re- 
pine at the greatnefs of the annual public in- 
come : for, independently of the greater protec- 
tion and fecurity which they would thereby en- 
joy, it might be fo employed as to infufe a pe- 
culiar energy and force of charad:er throughout 
the whole nation. 



* L. 7. c. 4. 

It 



[ 94 ] 

It is an obvious truth, that the farther any tax 
is hiid from the confumer, or the perfon who in 
faft pays ir, the heavier it falls upon him : for 
inftance, a tax upon malt of five fhillings a 
bulTicl, will be paid by the maltfler to the reve- 
nue ofTicer : when the brewer or diftiller buys 
this malt, he will not only pay for the malt 
the price it would be at were there no tax at all 
upon it, but alfo the five Ihillings advanced by 
the maltfter to the revenue officer ; and alfo a 
premium to the maltfler for having advanced it, 
which we may fuppofe to be ten per cent, on 
thefe fivefliillings : this adds fixpence to the five 
ihillings : the brewer in felling his beer to the 
retailer will likcwife expedt a prem/ium or in- 
tereft for the five fliillings and fixpence which 
he has advanced to the maltfler above the va- 
lue of the malr, which will make the tax fix 
Ihillings on the bufhel of malt ; in like manner 
the retailer when felling it to his cuflomers, 
the real confumers, will likewife have his 
premium of ten per cent, for having advanced 
to the brewer fix fhillings beyond the value 
of the price of the product of a bufhel of malt, 
had there been no tax on it ; thus the tax 
which, government receives, though only five 
fhillings, is fix fhillings and feven-pence half- 
penny upon the confumer, or upwards of thirty per 

cent. 



[ 95 ] 

cent, above what he would pay, did he make 
his own malt, and brew his own beer. 

There are two obvious evils attending this 
mode of taxation ; firft by making the people 
pay more than government receives, it impover- 
ifhes them, and even thus lelTcns the revenue by 
difabling the lubjedt from expending upon ex- 
cifeable commodities, that money which he now 
pays to thofe perfons who have advanced the 
taxes for him ; namely, the maltfler, brewer, 
and retailer : and fecondly, thofe perfons who 
are accuftomed to advance the taxes, are ever 
engaged in contriving means by which they may 
avoid paying the tax, in which they frequently 
fucceed, even to fuch a degree as to defraud the 
revenue to the amount of millions : neverthelefs, 
they will not^fell their beer or fplrits a farthing 
the cheaper in confequence of their fraud : fo 
that the confumer is obliged to buy his beer and 
fpirits at the fame price, that he would have 
done, had they paid the regular duty. But, 
moreover, he muft make up, by means oi other 
taxes, for the defrauded millions, which fur- 
ther difables him from purchaiing excifea- 
ble commodities ; and thus the public income 
is further confiderably lefi'ened. However, this 
mode of taxation, though in many cafe^the con- 
fumer 



[ 96 ] 

fumer pays fifty per cent, more than what go- 
vernment receives. Is perfevered in by it, as the 
people pay the taxes, feemingly without being 
fenfible that they pay any : whereas, were they 
fenfible that the fugar which they buy at eight- 
pence a pound, might be purchaled at fourpence 
were there no taxes, and feveral other articles 
in the fame proportion, it is not improbable, 
but that petitions might be laid before Parlia- 
ment from the Poor, demanding an alteration in 
the mode of taxation, by which not only them- 
felves, but even the whole community, are fo 
materially injured. 

However, as it needs mujl be, that taxes mv.ji he 
■pa'idf it perhaps may not be improper to confi- 
der, whether any new ones can be devifed, 
which may be fubftituted in the flead of fome 
of thofe adlually fubfifling; for, till this be 
done, little attention will, or Ihould be given 
_to the prayer of fuch petition. I have already 
given a fcheme for fubftituting other taxes in 
the ftead of thofe which adlually exift, and 
though I am fatisfied, that what I have al- 
ready propofed, is preferable to thofe which ac- 
tually do exifl, yet I am not one of thofe perfons 
who is fo eager with his fchemes, as to think 
that government fliould materially alter her 
fyftem of taxation, even in the fmalleft par- 
ticular. 



C 97 ] 

ticular, except upon very plaufible grounds in- 
deed. Yet this fhould not deter the patriotic ci- 
tizen from offering his fentiments upon a fub- 
jedl, which if rightly hit upon, would fo mate- 
rially contribute to the profperity and happinefs 
of his country. 

In the tradt alluded to*, I propofed grain 
and butcher's meat, as fitter objeifts for taxation 
than thofe upon which our taxes are now levied. 
In propofing a tax on grain, in preference to the 
meal produced from it, which might be more 
eafily collected at the mills, my view chiefly 
was, zWir^^/y to tax horfes : however, by farther 
reflexion on the fubjed:, I think I can lay a tax 
on the horfes dire^ly, which if properly attended 
to, will not be eafily evaded. I am far from 
thinking that taxes on grain, or the meal of 
grain, and on butcher's meat, are ineligible ; 
yet flill, as they would in fome degree em- 
barrafs trade, which, except in pernicious 
commodities o-ught to be as free as the 
winds of heaven, for this reafon I think fuch 
taxes ought, if poffible, to be avoided. In 
Holland there are taxes on both thefe commodi- 
ties, fo that there is no impoflibility in levying 

* Eirfl Letter to the Peoole of England. 

N them : 



L 98 ] 

them : and certainly government would be lefs 
liable to be defrauded by butchers and millers, 
than by fmugglers, brewers and diftillers. 

Inftead of thofe taxes I would propofe firft, 
an annual tax on horfes, to the amount of the 
medium value of two loads of hay in the city or 
town where they flood, or to the next market 
town. By this means the tax would be pretty 
nearly proportioned to the earnings of the horfe 
throughout the kindgdom ; for, as fubjed:s of 
taxation, all horfes Ihould be deemed labouring 
ones. In London fuch a tax would amount to 
about fix pounds fix Ihillings ; in the north of 
Scotland, perhaps notto more than a fourth of this 
fum, or one pound eleven fhillings and fix-pence. 
However, I think there fhould be a diflinftion 
madebetween horfes employed in hufbandry, and 
horfes kept in great cities for luxury, and thofe kept 
folely with a view to produftive labour. I would 
therefore farther propofe, that thofe perfons who 
kept five times as much land in their hands as was 
neceffary to fupport the horfes they kept, Ihould 
be only charged at the rate of one load of hay. Be- 
fides favouring the farmers by fuch a regulation, 
my objed: would alfo be to induce country gen- 
tlemen to continue fuch. For there can be no 
doubt but that this clafs of citizens are the molt 
ufeful of all others. Farther, as there are many 

poor 



[ 99 3 

poor people, who cannot do without oNe horfe, 
particularly in Ireland, for bringing home their 
fuel and other purpofes ; and as perhaps the fame is 
the cafe in Wales and Scotland, and the mountain- 
ous parts of England, I would reduce the tax 
to fuch occupiers of land, who held in their 
^offcffion five times more land than was requifite 
to fupport a horfe, to the price of half a load 
of hay. 

What would be the amount of a tax of this 
nature, were it fairly collefted, is very difficult 
to fay. England, Wales, Scotland, and their 
dependent iflands contain about feventy millions 
of acres : that there is a horfe to every thirty- 
five acres, cannot be difputed. Let the reader 
only confider the numbers of horfes which are 
kept in London, and all the great towns, nay, 
I may fay, all the little towns alfo, throughout 
England, and he may be able to form an idea of 
their number ; when he at the fame time confi- 
ders, that perhaps there is not a farm of thirty- 
five acres in England which has not one horfe on 
it ; nor a farm of feventy acres which has not 
izvo : to fay then that there are two millions of 
horfes in Great Britain and its dependent iflands, 
will mofl certainly be under the mark. I Ihall 
however take it at this. For many reafons, 
which are only founded upon probability, and 
N 2 there- 



[ loo ] 

therefore would prove nothing, I am inclined to 
think that the medium tax upon horfes would be 
about 4/. or the total amount of fuch a tax eight 
millions. 

While our prefent prejudices fubfift a tax on 
horfes ought to be popular, when it is confi- 
dered, that they are very generally objedts of 
luxury I and befides, that a middle-iized horfe 
requires as much land for his fupporr, as, if 
well cultivated, would yield not a fcanty fub- 
fiflence for one poor family ; fo that our two 
millions of horfes, if thoroughly fed, would re- 
quire as much land for their maintenance as 
would perhaps fupport ten millions of inhabi- 
tants. I fay, that all taxes laid on with a view 
of particularly bearing upon any defcription of 
men, but particularly the rich, are founded 
upon prejudice; and that thofe legillators, who 
give into notions of this nature, adl as wifely as 
the man who killed the hen which laid the gol- 
den eggs ; and unjuflly too ! For, when men 
entered into fociety, or formed the focial com- 
padi:, it was certainly underflood by all the par- 
ties, that each of them fnould be anfwerable- 
towards the expences confequent thereto, prO" 
portionably with the reft. Let us now fuppofe, 
that the focial compadt was entered into at firft 
by ten perfons, and that the expences amounted 

annually 



[ io> ] 

annually to the value of ten bullocks, or a bul- 
lock each pcrfon. Let us alfo fuppofe that in con- 
fequence of war, or a purfuit of plunderers, that 
there is an extraordinary expence incurred to 
the amount of ten bullocks, how is it to be li- 
quidated ? one of them might fay, we muft 
each of us give a bullock extraordinary. Let 
us fuppofe that this perfon was a fmoaker of 
tobacco, and that he cultivated this plant to a 
large extent, and fupported himfelf chiefly by 
the fale of the produce : ihould the other nine 
perfons fay no, to his propofal, and at the fame 
time infift upon laying a tax of ^d. a pound 
upon his tobacco, he muft needs yield ; but 
that he had been dealt unjuftly with is very ob- 
vious. The fame argument will apply when 
taxes are laid upon manufacturers, fhop-keepers, 
&c. for to fay that confumers pay the tax docs 
not do away the objeCLion, as it is obvious, that 
the cheaper any commodity can be fold at, the 
more of it will be purchafed, and of courfe the 
greater will be the boneji profits of the perfons 
who deal in it, and thus the <:r^// or calling of fuch 
perfons is indirectly and unjuftly taxed. As this is 
clear with regard to manufacturers, Ihop-keepers, 
&c. it is equally obvious, that, by laying taxes 
upon thofe who live upon their income, you lay a 
bar upon their confumption, upon which the 

^ichcs 



[ 102 ] 

riches and power of the flate are founded. But 
whatis ftillworfe, you thereby inducethem to quit 
their native land, and remove to other countries, 
where their incomes will enable them to main- 
tain themfelves genteelly. So that by this 
means not only the induftry of the community 
is leffened, but alfo the public revenue. 

That there exifts an inclination in govern- 
ment for taxing horfes pretty fmartly, cannot, 
from fome late regulations, be at all doubted ; 
but the difEculty is to difcover the means to 
prevent the proprietors of horfes evading the 
tax. To effedl this, I would propofe that every 
horfe in the kingdom (except perhaps thofe be- 
longing to the royal family) fhould, under the 
penalty of forfeiture, be marked on the hind 
quarter with a circle of a colour the mod oppo- 
iit.e to that of the horfe, to be worn from the 
firft of Augufl, 1791, to the thirty-firft of July 
of the year 1792. The owner of each horfe, 
upon its being marked fhould be obliged to 
pay the tax; and at the fame time receive 
a flamped Jheet of paper containing a re- 
ceipt for the tax ; in which paper the future 
annual taxes fhould be only entered. Farther, 
this paper fliould contain an accurate defcrip- 
tion of the horfe ; and in cafe he fhould change 
mailers, this paper fhould be given to his new 

matter. 



[ 103 1 

mafter, under the penalty of a fum equal to 
every annual tax fince the commencement of 
the aft to be levied u])on the perfon in whofe 
poffeflion he was found. Farther, that all horfes, 
&c. under the age oi four years old fhould be in 
like manner annually marked and regiftered, 
but to pay no tax, except the value of the paper 
or a fixpence, till they had entered upon their 
fifth year. A copy of the deed to be entered in 
the coUedtor's book of each diftrid:. Farther, 
any horfe appearing with a forged mark, fhould, 
upon proof, be forfeited. Though perhaps 
fome horfes might ev'ade the tax, yet in a few 
years there can be no doubt, but that the num- 
ber of thefe animals would be pretty accurately 
known ; for the breeders of them would not rilk 
their property by. not having them annually iz- 
giftered, when it would coil: them fo little. 

The fecond tax which I would propofe is a ca- 
pitation tax, to the amount of the value of twelve 
days work of a labouring man where the perfon 
taxed relided, upon every perfon, except labour- 
ers, (who Ihould not be obliged to pay this tax for 
more than three children,) under the age of fif- 
teen. This is the only tax which the poor 
would have to pay ; and though in Middlefex, 
and the parts adjacent to London, it w^ould 
amount annually to about 5/. 55. per family of 

five 



t 104 ] 

five perfons, and in the north of Scotland 
to perhaps 33^. or 34s. yet I will venture 
to affirm, that in neither place would it be 
an opprefiive tax, but on the contrary much 
lefs burdenfome than thofe complex taxes which 
they aftually pay without it feems being fenfi- 
ble of them. A poor man and his family in the 
vicinage of London earn about 50/. a year. Let 
us fuppofe that the half of this income is ex- 
pended in purchaiing articles excifed, or which 
have paid the cufloms to the" amount of 6/. 
This 6/. having been advanced for them by 
feveral becomes 9/. upon the confumer, as has 
been Ihewn, and generally a great deal more : 
but 9/. wants but little of the double the pro- 
pofed tax; independently of the confiderable 
advance of price, our excifes and cufloms muft 
caufe upon our own manufactures, which fhould 
alfo be reckoned, and which, when added to 
the former, muft undoubtedly more than dou- 
ble the propofed tax. 

Farther, it is a well-known fa<ft that mechanics 
pretty much throughout England, lofe one day 
in the week in confequence of their excefles, 
upon receiving theamount of their week's labour. 
Now if inftead of loling, In fo beaftly a manner, 
fifty-two days in a year, they applied themfelves 
to their trades, the amount of thefe fifty-two 

days 



C 10^ ] 

days labour would pay the capitation tax, both 
for themfelves and for their families, when not 
exceeding five perfons : for in every trade the 
labour of a mechanic is higher than that of a 
labourer in the fame place. 

In the north of Scotland and thofe parts of. 
the kingdom in which wages are low, and where 
the demand for labour is uncertain, and where 
of courfe the labourer might be diftrefl'ed for 
money to anfwer the tax, in fuch places the la- 
bourer fhould have his option of paying either in 
cafli or in kind. In this cafe he Ihould be bil- 
letted upon fome farmer, or other fubftantial 
perfon, who fhould be refponlible for his and 
family's capitation tax. 

From what Mr. Bufhe has laid before the 
public, who is one of the moft accurate and beft 
informed men in Ireland upon financial fubjefts, 
as I have heard, for I do not know the gentle- 
man, it appears, that there are at the kqji four 
millions and a half of inhabitants in Ireland, 
which is my own opinion and that of every 
fenfible perfon of my acquaintance, who has 
turned his thoughts upon this fubjedt and 
is at all acquainted with the kingdom. Now, 
being at leaft as well acquainted with En- 
gland, in this refpedt, as I am with Ireland ;• and 
having made many enquiries upon the fubjedr, 
O I hefi- 



[ ic6 ] 

I hefitate not to affirm, that If Mr. Bu&e is 
accurate in his itatement of the inhabitants of 
Ireland, that this illand and its dependencies, 
which are confiderably more than three times as 
large as Ireland, contains eighteen, or at the leaji 
fixteen miUions of inhabitants ; my reafons for 
which the reader may fee in the tra(ft alluded to, 
p. 97. Though I am confident, that there 
axe actually eighteen millions of inhabitants in 
this illand and its dependencies ; yet on the pre- 
fent occafion I (hall only flate them as at fixteen 
millions. If then we take the daily wages of a 
labourer at one fhliiing a day as the medium, 
the capitation tax at 11s. a head will amount 
to the fum of 9,600,000/. To thefe add 
the land tax 2,oco,ooc/. and an equal fiim 
by means of duties on fpirits and incidents, 
we have a fum toial of 19,600,000/. an- 
nually ; dedud for colledion 600,000/. there 
will remain nineteen millions, or three mil- 
lions more than our prefent multifarious fyf- 
tem of taxation produces. To prevent eva- 
fions in the capitation tas, it would be ne- 
ceflTary to enter the name and age of each perfon 
in a regiliry : and that each perfon fhould have 
a deed of his regiilr}' ready to produce, or if 
children, their parents ; and in other refpedts 

as 



C 107 ] 

ds obferved in regard of the four-legged ani- 
tnals *. 

1 would alfo propofe a tax of ten fhilHngs a 
quarter on all wheat imported into this king- 
dom, and five ihillings a quarter upon all other 
grain. This would yield, coinmunihis annis, up- 
wards of 200,000/. if we may be allowed to form 
an inference from the account of the quantity of corn 
and grain, exported from, and imported into, England 
and Scotland, for eighteen years, from the Sth of 
January, 1770, to the ^th of January, 1789, &c. 
figned John James Catherwood, Receiver-general 



* This argument concerning population can be reduced 
to a fmall compafs. Ireland, omitting fiadions, is fuppofed 
to contain nineteen millions of acres, Englifh meafure, and, 
according to Mr. Buflie, four millions and a half of in- 
habitants, or fomethirg lower than one to every four 
acres and a half. England is fuppofed to contain forty- 
one millions of acres, and if equally populous as Ireland, 
fhould of courfe contain 9,666,666 inhabitants : but that 
it is half again as populous as Ireland I have fliewn I 
think in the trad alluded to : to the 9,666,666 then we 
are to add 4,833,333 which makes the population of Eng- 
land 14,499,999; add two millions and a half for Scot- 
land and Wales, we have then feventeen millions for the 
population of Great Britain and its dependencies. But Eng- 
land is more than one half again more populous than Ire- 
land. 

O 2 . of 



[ io8 ] 

of tie corn-returns, inferted in the 13th volume 
of the Jnnals of Jgriculture. 

garters. s. £. s. d. 

Wheat imported during! 
thefe eighteen years \ ^'7^^.^93 at 10=1,358.146 10 - 

Barley — 864,8671 

Oats — 5,245,3001 

Rye - .8o,398r'9^°'^^9at 5=1,740,21415- 

Beans and Peas 570,304-* 

Bounties during that fpacc — — 597,583 6 4I 



3»695»944 n 4| 



which amounts to an annual lofs to the public, 
had fuch a tax exifled during this time of 
205,330/. And though many will think, that 
the great import during this fpace was owing 
to a failure of crops, yet I make no doubt, but 
that it was owing to the encreafing population of 
the people, and to the fuperior profits which re- 
fult from applying land to the dairy and fattening 
cattle, in a thriving country in which the people 
are daily becoming richer, and are of courfc 
better able every year to purchafe meat for their 
families confumption, which muft neceffarily 
raife the price of butcher's meat, and which will 
continue fo to do, if the nation continues in its 
prcfent flate of profperity. Farther, a tax of 
this nature would only put the Englilh farmer 

upon 



[ 109 ] 

upon a par with the French and American fat" 
mers in our own market : for the former being 
exempted from tythe, and the latter from tythe 
and rent, will othervvife be able to underfell 
Englifli farmers in their own markets : which 
muft greatly difcourage the raifing of grain in 
this kingdom, and make it too dependant for 
its fubiiftence upon foreign countries, the cli- 
mates of which are not fo much to be depended 
on for the ufual returns at harvefl as England : 
and whofe cultivators have not the ability, equal 
to that of our own farmers, of counteradting by 
their ikill the effeds of unufual feafons. Befides 
a fixed tax of this amount would keep our mar- 
kets more upon a level, than our prefent corn 
laws ; which is a circumdance always very de- 
firable, and I am inclined to think would not 
even raife them. It is needlefs to obferve that 
the bounty upon the exportation of corn fliould 
be entirely difcontinued. 



Employ- 



[ "o 3 



Employment of the Poor* 

Aristotle* obferves that the employ = 
ment of the poor ought to be a principal con- 
cern with every ftate ; and there can remain no 
doubt concerning this, if it be the objecft of the 
flate to be great and powerful : for thefe depend^ 
or rather are the confequence of the income of 
the ftate ; which depends on the income of the 
individuals which compofe it ; and if a great 
number of thefe have no employment, the pro- 
duce of their induftry being nothing, will mate- 
rially affedt the fum total of the income of the 
individuals belonging to the flate, and of courfe 
its power. This may be readily exemplified by 
confidering the adiual ftate of France, which is 
faid, and I believe, with very good reafon, to 
contain thirty millions of inhabitants : of thefe 
thirty millions, I will undertake to fay that there 
are ten millions of idlers, or two millions of fa- 
milies, Thofe perfons who have travelled 



* L. 6. c. 5. 

through 



C "» ] 

through France, muft have perceived, almoft 
every where the people employed in playing at 
bowls, or fome other amufement, without any 
apparent tie upon them for regular labour. 
Now, if the fum total of the earnings of a poor 
man and his family ought to amount to twenty 
pounds annually, it will follow that this idlenefs 
caufes a lofs to that {late of forty millions annu- 
ally ; if we place it at thirty pounds, the lofs will 
then be 60 millions. Many will think that this 
fum is impoffible, and far ahove the truth ; but 
the fad: is, that it is far below the truth. For 
independently of the univerfal idlenefs percepti- 
ble throughout France, it follows from their 
very poverty thatthey are incapable of purchafing 
the proper tools, or good tools to carry on their 
trades. ' So that if a man, in confequence of the 
badnefs of the inftruments he works with, can 
only accomplifh the ^tf//" of what he could other- 
wife do, fuch a perfon may be faid to be only 
half employed. Perhaps it may be objed:ed, 
that admitting their induftry to be as great as I 
would have it, where is the fpecie to be found, 
capable of purchafing thirty millions worth of 
manufadture ? Doubtlefs no where. But the cafe 
is this ; were the agriculture and manufactures, 
&c. of France, which are at prefent carried on 
\>Y thirty millions, equally well done by twenty 

millions. 



[ "=> ] 

millions, which is my hypothefis, ten millions 
of its inhabitants might apply thcmfelves to other 
new branches of mannfaftures, Sec. Thefe would 
exchange their manufactures with the others, 
either dire(5tly by means of barter, or indiredtly 
by means of coin. Here then would be two new 
markets, we may fay created ; one of ten mil- 
lions for the oW manufactures, the other of twenty 
millions for the new manufactures ; befides what 
would be neceffary for their own confumption. 
In this cafe it is obvious that each party would 
exert every nerve to fupply the others with what 
they wanted; this would lead to improvements 
in their modes of manufacturing, and thus ena- 
ble them to fell cheaper, and at the fame time 
to have greater profit ; hence both' parties 
would be enriched ; the confequence of this 
would be, that they would like to be fed better, 
and of better things too. The butcher inftead 
of having half a dozen cuftomers, w^ould have 
ten times as many, who would therefore raife 
the price of his meat : the farmer upon this 
would raife the price of his cattle, and at the 
fame time would be contriving fchemes to ena* 
ble him to fupport more of them ; thus agricul- 
ture would be rendered more flourifhing. The 
government .perceiving the increafing wealth 
and profperity of the people, would be deviling 

means 



C "3 ] 

means of fecuring part of the overplus to itfelf, 
in order that the people which it ruled might be 
refpeftable in the eyes of other nations. This 
overplus, either in kind, or in money, would be 
employed in paying fleets and armies, and in 
liquidating national debts. Hence it is obvious 
that the induftry of all is the benefit of all ; and 
that the firft obje<ft in every fociety, after confti- 
tuting a political conftitution, Ihould be, to 
encourage induftry, nay to enforce it, as imme- 
diately tending to the profperity of all its mem- 
bers, and in regard of its governors adding 
materially to their political confequence, with 
refpedt to other communities. 

To propofe any thing on this head, as likely 
to turn out advantageous to England, might be 
deemed prefumptuous, efpecially in a ftranger, 
who profelTes that whatever juft ideas he may 
entertain on this fubjedt are entirely owing to 
thofe obfervations which obtruded themielves 
upon him in his frequent peregrinations through 
it. And, however applicable fome of them may 
be in his opiiiion to England, he apprehends 
that this notion will be found to be grounded 
upon his imperfedl idea of it. But with regard 
to Ireland he will fpeak more pofitively. 

In the firft place he thinks, that it is evidently 
the intereft of Great Britain, that the inhabitants 

P of 



[ "4 3 

of thefe three kingdoms Ihould, with regard to 
thofe advantages which refult from a wifely con- 
flituted civil community, be put, as foon as 
poffible, upon an equal footing : that is, that 
all their inhabitants Ihould participate, as foon 
as might well be, of thofe advantages which 
fome of them now enjoy. Until this is done, 
even though the political conftitution fhould 
be founded upon property, the ftate would 
not be free from fedition, and heartburn^ 
ings. That a well-informed government could 
objedt to any meafures necelTary to facilitate 
this objcd:, which would materially tend to 
its own power, is not to be imagined. That 
fhort-fighted felfilh manufacturers might raife 
a clamour is very natural. However, the true 
intereft of the empire, firmly and pertinacioully 
adhered to by an intelligent Miniftry, would 
quickly put an end to fuch murmurings. The 
moft effed:ual means of attaining this very deiir- 
able end, I apprehend would be the fecuring, the 
home market for her manufaftures, to each of 
the appendant kingdoms, at leaft for thofe ma- 
nufactures, which it would be found advifeable 
peculiarly to encourage; either becaufe of the lla- 
ple being the natural growth of the country, or 

that 



[ "5 ] 

that they could be carried on in them at all times 
upon equal terms, as in any other countries. 
This I think might be efFeded by means of pre- 
miums, or bounties of twelve per cent, upon all 
piece manufadures fold in public market, and at 
the fame time fo marked^ that they could not be 
without deteftion, (which Ihould be attended 
Hith a forfeiture of the goods) a fecond time 
propofed, as being entitled to the premium. 
The premium of courfe would be paid to the 
manufad:urers. So confiderable a premium, and 
cnfured for a number of years (fuppofe twenty) 
would caufe many of thofe individuals, who 
poflefs one, two, or three hundred pounds, and 
who lend it at fix per cent, intereft, to fome 
neighbouring gentleman, Ihopkeeper, or attor- 
ney, to refled: and confider how much more 
their capital would produce, were it applied to 
manufadures, independently of its greater fecu- 
rity : befides that fuch application of it would 
require little of their attention, nay, might be 
almoft entirely directed by their wives and 
daughters. That fuch was the origin of the 
great increafe of the cotton manufadiures at 
Manchefter, I know from the manufacturers 
themfelves ; and that fome who began with one 
and two hundred pounds capital, carry on the 
bufinefs now with ten and twenty thoufand 
P 2 pounds 



C "6 1 

pounds capital. However, according to our 
modern legiflators, the mode fhould be to pay 
premiums to the merchants on exportation, which 
no doubt would have its effeft ; but not the tythe 
of that which would refult from premiums to 
the manufacturers themfelves. For thefe hav- 
ing only in view produdtion, are ever deviling 
modes by which the greatefl quantity of goods 
can be produced with the leaft labour, which 
when effedied in any degree, is of univerfal ad- 
vantage. But this is no objed: with the ex- 
porter. His objedt is the quantity of goods ex- 
ported, no matter to him the quantity of labour 
beftowed upon them : for his gains are the fame. 
Add to this the diffufing wealth throughout a 
country, by encouraging the manufadurer : 
whereas by encouraging the merchant, you give 
rife to fome overgrown upftart, who is incapa- 
ble of fupporting with dignity, a fituation which 
nature feemed to have denied to him. 

Agriculture, which though upon every ac- 
count, Ihould be the firft objed: of fociety to 
encourage, as producing the beft and molt ufe- 
ful citizens, yet in confequence of our ill- 
founded prejudices on the fide of manufactures 
and commerce, and a correfponding conduit, 
can only be now looked upon in a fecondary 
light, at leaft till communities recover their na- 
tural 



[ "7 ] 

tural tone^ ought, in regard of Ireland to be 
encouraged in the following manner. One ob- 
jed: Ihould only engage the attention of the 
Dublin Society at the fame time. As I Ihould 
give my vote for turnips, I fhall fuppofe that the 
one fixed on. The premium on this fpecies p^ 
produdion fhould be as follows. Firft the 
kingdom Ihould be divided into _^7y divifions, 
nearly equal as to fuperficies ; in each divifion 
there Ihould be one perfon appointed for con- 
ducting the experiment and receiving the pre- 
mium. This perfon to be appointed by the ci- 
tizens, or thofe pofTefling independent life ejlates 
within the diftrict ; the premium fhould be 200/, 
a year for ten years, upon his engaging every 
year, during that term, to have twenty-five Irilh 
plantation acres, properly hoed, according to 
the moft approved Englifti manner : two years 
premium to be advanced to him upon his ap- 
pointment, that it might not difarrange his pri- 
vate affairs ; and to enable him, without incon- 
venience, to carry it on with effedl. Perhaps 
the importing two or three Englifh hoers from 
Norfolk or Suffolk might be neceffary ; to do 
which, with the neceffary implements, would 
require money. It is needlefs to obferve, that 
ample fecurity ought to be infifted on for the 
due performance. By this means there would 

be 



[ "8 ] 

diftribu ted throughout the kingdom fifty turnip 
farms, and of courfe convenient for the infpec- 
tion of all perfons who chofe to adopt this 
fpecies of cultivation. The fum requifite would 
be 1 0,000/. for ten years, or 100,000/. Though 
this mull be allowed to be a great fum, yet, 
when it is conlidered, that an equal fum has 
been annually given in bounties, I believe for 
thirty years paft, without producing any eifed:, 
in confequence of the Dublin Society's em- 
bracing too many objefts, which from their tri- 
flingnefs could never be attended to ; a fum of 
this magnitude Ihould not be regarded, when the 
manifeft objed: of it was to increafe the quan- 
tity, and fo diminifli the price of a neceflary ar- 
ticle of life. Were it alfo obferved in the in- 
ftruftions given to each of the perfons appointed, 
that perhaps the moft certain beneficial mode of 
applying land after turnips, upon burn baiting, 
would be, fecond, potatoes; third, wheat; 
fourth, clover ; fifth, wheat ; fixth, turnips : fe- 
venth, potatoes, wheat, clover, wheat, da capo ; a 
good fyftem of hufbandry might be introduced. 
Every man in Ireland knov;s the value of an acre 
of wheat and potatoes ; and though there might 
be other rotations of crops more beneficial, per- 
haps few would be more eafily introduced. By 
this means a general opulence would take place 

among 



C "9 ] 

among the people, who would thereby be en- 
abled to purchafe, what many of them feldom 
do more than three or four times in the year, 
good beef and mutton ; thefe articles of courfe 
would proportionably rife in value, and eftates 
with them. The people being employed, and 
feeling the advantages of induflry, would change 
their character, and inftead of defacing the coun- 
try by dealing timber, would become protestors 
of that property which contributed fo much to 
the beauty and neatnefs of their little holdings. 
So that, though the taxes mightatfirftbe pretty 
high upon gentlemen, yet in the end they would 
be infinitely the greatefl gainers ; befidesthe un- 
fpeakable fatisfadion of immediately contribut- 
ing to the comfort of fo many poor wretches, 
with which the country abounds. 

To obviate many inconveniences which re- 
fult from profpeiSs of war, I would propofe that 
thirty regiments of a thoufand men each fhould 
be immediately raifed in Ireland. Thefe thirty 
thoufand men, inflead of being employed in ac- 
quiring the military difcipline, fliould on the 
contrary be employed on the public works. 
The firft of which Ihould be a general draining 
of the kingdom, by deepening the beds of rivers, 
and removing other obflrudions in them. I 
will take upon me to fay, that fuch a body of 

men 



men employed on this work for five fummers, 
or twenty months, would add to the annual 
rental of land two millions fterling, without any 
farther improvement. But when this was ef- 
feded the millions of acres which might b6 
watered, and were fo, would be encreafed ih 
value threefold ; which improvement they will 
never be fufceptible of till the firft is effed:ed. 
Neither can the firft be effected without its being 
undertaken by government, for it is not to be 
fuppofed that there is a fingle river or ftrearti 
in the kingdom which does not touch the pro- 
perty of fome foolifh, or mulifti, or felji/h fellow^ 
who would defeat the entire fcheme with regard 
to it. Perhaps it would be ncceffary to pull 
down fome eel wires, but this Ihould be little 
regarded, as the eredting them was an encroach- 
ment upon public right : and no man Ihould be 
a gainer by his wrong. The fame may be faid 
with regard to mills. Neither would the lofs 
be very confiderable in regard of thefe : for, by 
the finking of the rivers, thofe mills erefted upon 
them, by a fmall alteration in their fituation, 
with a fmall dudt of water might be changed 
from uttderfiot to (werjhot mills which would be 
a material improvement in them. But though 
the nation were to purchafe all the wares and 
mills^ fo needful a work ihould not be put a 

flop 



C 121 ] 

flop to upon that account. It is needlefstoobferve 
how much it would conduce towards the facili- 
tating the improvements of its bogs, and would 
certainly render the climate lefs humid. 

During the other eight months thefe men 
might be employed in repairing the public 
roads, particularly about the towns, upon which 
turnpikes Ihould be eredted. Superannuated 
ferjeants and old foldiers might be fet over thefe ; 
and the rates to be the fame as in England. 
The money to be paid to the account of govern- 
ment : neither would thefe receipts be trifling. 
By thofe means, independently of the favings 
thereby in the public cefTes, the roads near towns, 
inflead of being almoft impaflable by means of car- 
rutts from the continual drawing of fuel, when 
formed offmallor broken Hones, as they Ihould 
always be in moift climates, would be in excel- 
lent order, to the great fatisfadtion of their inha- 
bitants. 

Hence it is evident, that thefe 30,000 men 
are not intended to pafs idle lives. On the con- 
trary, for the feven years, for which term they 
were to be engaged, (officers, ferjeants, and cor- 
porals, as in the regulars) they Ihould be always 
employed. After cleanfing, and paying their de- 
votions every Sunday, they might be engaged in 
learning the manual exercife. Our half-pay of- 

Q^ licers, 



[ 122 ] 

ficcrs, whether of the army or navy, to be pro- 
moted to full pay in this militia, the remaining 
commiflions to be fold. Upon the profpedl of 
war, we then fhould have 30,000 flout fellows, 
inured to labour y ready to draft into either the land 
or fea fervice. Men, moreover, acquainted and 
perfonally known to their officers : a circum- 
llance always much to be defired. 

As it would be my objeft to have the beft and 
mod decent of the lower clafs of people in this 
militia, their pay Ihould be 5J. a week, ij. 6d, 
of which fhould be regularly placed in a tontine 
fcheme under government fecurity, 6^. a day 
would be fufficient for cloathing and mainte- 
nance. This I J. dd. a week, with the accumu- 
lating interefl, would, at the expiration of their 
feven years fervice, perhaps amount to 30/. For 
the payments of thofe who died, or were expel- 
led for mifbehaviour, fhould be divided among 
the others, which would be a good tie upon all 
for their good behaviour. 

Perhaps a militia of this nature of 60,000 men 
for Great Britain would not be ineligible. In 
this cafe the common men fhould be fought for 
in Ireland and Scotland, where man's labour is of 
the lefs value, and of courfe the lefs produdlive 
and beneficial to the community. This would 
alfo put a flop to emigrations to America, 

by 



[ 1^3 ] 
by raifing the value of the labour of the re- 
maining. So great a body of half civilize^ 
men, after a feven years apprenticelhip to a 
laborious, induftrious, and regular life, would 
be an invaluable acquifition to their native 
countries. Their little funds would enable 
them to take farms, marry, fettle and rear up 
their offspring, in a ftile much fuperior to what 
they can at all afpire to at prefent. In faft, in 
thirty years it would be the means of civilizing 
thofe two nations, and bringing them nearly to 
a par with England. 

How greatly would the proprietors of land in 
Ireland and Scotland be benefited by it ! inftead 
of letting their lands to poor creatures, who per- 
haps may have value to the amount of 8,/. or lo/, " 
thefe new tenants, with the advantageous mar- 
riages they would be enabled to make, might 
be well fet down as having property to the 
amount of 50/. Independently of this coniider- 
ation, I truft that making fo many of the human 
fpecies happy, would be a motive fufficiently 
powerful with Iriflimen to fupport their portion 
of the expences of fuch an eftabliihment. That 
it would tend more to the amelioration of the 
morals of the poor than 10,000 Sunday fchools, 
will be acknowleged by thofe, who form their 
opinions of mankind from experienccj and not 
0^2 the 



[ 124 1 

the cobweb fyflems of clofet-writers. To think 
ofimpreffing the Poor with juft notions of mo- 
ral re<ftitiide, founded upon metaphyfical ab- 
ilradiion, is an idea worthy of Jean Jacques Rouf- 
feati, Thofe who have not leifure for refiedlion 
cannot attain to that excellence which confifts 
in regulating the moral afFeftions from virtuous 
motives. The virtues of the Poor are tempe- 
rance, frugality and induftry. Ad:ion being 
happinefs, whether of the mind or body: if pof- 
feffed of the former virtues, their greateft poffi- 
ble happinefs in this life depends on themfelves. 
But the objedtion is the expence. Having al- 
ready, as I apprehend, provided funds for raif- 
ing an additional revenue of upwards of three 
millions flerling upon Great Britain only, which 
is a million and a half more than the expence that 
herpropottion would amountto, at the rate of 25/. 
a man, including officers, without even deducting 
any thing on account of the receipts at the turn- 
pikes, or on account of the half-pay of the offi- 
cers and ferjeants, &c. which would be faved 
by their being put upon full-pay. That the 
amount of all thefe would be very confiderable, 
cannot be doubted. Methinks alfo that thofe 
miferable wretches, immured at Greenwich, 
might be well employed as gate-keepers; and 
thus cheaply made happy by having fomething 

to 



[ 1^5 ] 

to do. The founders of hofpitals mull have 
had moft erroneous notions of human happinefs, 
to fuppofe that it was at all compatible with a 
life of idlenefs. To think of making the vete- 
ran happy, by immuring him in a cold, comfort- 
lefs palace, and placing him amongft individu- 
als, little known or attached to him, was a moft 
prepofterous idea. The foldier's happinefs con- 
lifts in relating to the youth of his native village 
his adtions and adventures ; *' I was with the 
*' gallant Rodney, when De Grafle in the Ville 
** de Paris, after a brave defence, ftruck to our 
" noble Admiral." " I fought under Mea- 
^* dows, when we repulfed D'Eftaing at St. 
« Lucie." " I faw Waihington." " I faw Tip^ 
*' po Sultaun." The grcateft happinefs which 
a veteran is capable of enjoying confifts in rela- 
tions of this nature. 

Ei hac oUm memtnijfe juvahit. 



THE 



[ iz6 3 



THE PRESS. 



J.T is a well known truth that there is no good 
■Tvithout its alloy, and this may be truly aflerted 
of the Liberty of the Prefs. The licentioufnefs 
of our prints, in regard even of individuals, who 
are of no political confequence, is frequently of 
fo very atrocious a nature, as to merit very fe- 
vere chaftifement : for private p^ace Ihould be 
as much the objed: of every well-regulated go- 
vernment as the fecurity of property. But what 
individual, howfoever obfcure, can now be cep- 
tain, that his, or fome of his family's feelings 
may not be wounded in the moft fenfible man- 
ner in the morrow's paper ? This is doubtlefs an 
evil of a very ferious and alarming nature. Its 
tendency is evidently to deprive us of the Li- 
berty of the Prefs, without which, conftituted 
as our government actually is, our liberties could 
not long fubfift. To difcover the remedy which 
vvill fecure the one without endangering the 
other is the difficulty, and it muft be acknow- 
ledged to be no fmall one. Were our conftitu- 
tion modelled agreeably to the fketch which I 

have 



( 1^7 ] 

have ventured to offer, founded upon the ideas 
of Ariftotle, an eafy and effectual remedy at 
once prefents Itfelf : namely, by lodging in the 
Council of one hundred a cenforial power. 
The Members of this Council being elected by 
the citizens, the juflgment of it, or a quorum of 
them, might be held equivalent to that of the ci- 
tizens themfelves. For, as Ariftotle has ob- 
ferved in regard of Athens, were not the judg- 
ment veiled in the citizens, its liberties would 
be quickly deftroyed by a tyrannous Ariflocracy : 
how much more furely, in a government con- 
flituted as ours. The Members of this Council 
being eleded for a certain term of years, and 
being all men o^ fifty years of age, and of inde- 
pendent circumttances, and if thought advifea- 
ble, irremoveable, and, incapable of holding any- 
other employment, muft be uninfluenced by go- 
vernment. Its power over the prefs might ex- 
tend to a fummary punilhment of the proprie- 
tor, or even fuppreffingthe paper for its breach 
of public decorum, without however debarring 
the injured perfon from feeking fatisfadion by 
procefs of law. Its power ought likewife to be 
extended to licentious publications of every 
defcription. 



PUB- 



[.1*8 ] 



PUBLIC LIBRARY. 



J\ S we know from the experience of ages, that 
that nation which excells in literary accomplifh- 
ments, poflefTes, ceteris paribus, great advanta- 
ges over other nations, when necefTary to make 
war upon them, if inferior in fuch acquirements. 
It therefore becomes the wifdom of every welJ- 
conftituted government to provide the means for 
facilitating the acquilition of knowledge among 
its people. The benefit being national, fhould 
be borne by the nation, even though it amounted 
to the expence of fome regiments : yet, inftead 
of being a burthen to the nation, it might be 
brought, I apprehend, to yield a fmall revenue : 
perhaps as much as would be neceffary to pay 
the interefl of the firft expence, and to fupport 
the inflitutioii afterwards. 

With regard to all plans for libraries, which I 
have either read or heard of, whether founded 
by the fubfcription of individuals, or at the ex- 
pence of government, I never met with any 
that hit my idea of one, which would completely 
anfwer a fcholar, who frequently wants a great 

number 



[ 129 ] 

number of volumes, and for an indefinite length 
of time. Without wafting the reader's time with 
pointing out the defedts of other plans, I Ihall 
oifer my own. 

Firft, I would have a large building ereded, 
the upper part of it difpofed in fuch a manner as 
to contain the greateft number of books poffi- 
ble. Here librarians Ihould remain during the 
ftated hours. No other perfons fhould have the 
privilege of reading or examining any books in 
the librarj', nor even to be admitted into it, un- 
lefs accompanied by a fubfcriber, and rhcn only 
with the view of feeing it. Each fubfcriber to 
pay annually 2/. 2J. Befides which, when he 
wanted a book, he was to depofit its value, to 
be returned when the book was returned : if he 
v/anted 1000 volumes, upon depofing their va- 
lue, they were to be furnifhed to him, with the 
provifo that he was anfwerable for extra-da- 
mage. Were a library founded upon this 
plan, fcholars who lived at a diftance might 
have whatever books they wanted : and had they 
learned and expenfive works in view, they would 
not be deterred from prolecuting them, from 
the neceffity of advancing 500/. or 1000/. in the 
purchafe of books ; and which, independently 
of prefent inconvenience, might be of little va- 
lue to their families at their deceafe, which 
R muft 



[ 130 ] 

mud have prevented many ingenious men 
from profecuting works of this nature. In 
fome cafes it might not be improper to give out 
books upon getting undoubted lecurity for their 
value, and the regular payment of the intereft. 

Upon the ground floor there fhould be two 
fpacious rooms, with a librarian in each, one for 
holding Encyclopedias, Lexicons, Dictionaries, 
Atlaffes, and other articles that would not be ad- 
vifeable to lend out. The other for books of 
natural hiflory, and other curious and expenlive 
works. The remaining part of the ground-floor 
to be divided into fpacious apartments for literary 
focieties : the freedom of each to be a guinea ad- 
ditional to each fubfcriber. By this means every 
perfon, who chofe to be of one of thefe focieties, 
might be certain of meeting that fort of enter- 
tainment bed fuited to his tafte or fludies. Sub- 
fcribers always to have the privilege of intro- 
ducing foreigners into the fociety or focieties of 
which they were members. 

That an eftablifhment of this fort is a deft- 
deratum in this great city, which would add to 
its attradiions, and befides tend greatly totheac- 
quiiition of found learning, particularly were our 
government taken out of the hands of boys, and 
put into the hands of men, cannot be difputed. 
For then,inileadoi thofe ephemeride whip-iillabub 

pro- 



[ '3' ] 

produdtions with which the prefs fwarms, and 
which, with fluency of ftyle, are fufficiently at- 
traftive and convincing to perfons of little ex- 
perience or knowledge, it would be found ne- 
ceflary to compofe works with that care and 
attention, as to arreft the attention of judicious 
men, our governors, if it was expedted by their 
authors that they fhould be attended to. For, let 
the tafte of the governors be what it may, hif- 
tory evinces, that the produdtions of the human 
mind take their complexion from it. 



I Ihall add a few additional obfervations. 

The editor of the Morning Chronicle has in- 
ferted in that print fome paflages from Sir John 
Dalrymple, from which it appears that this inge- 
nious writer is flrongly again il a Ruflian war. 
The argument adduced is, that it the American 
war ought not to be profecuted from the fear of 
lofing 3 milliom of cuftomers, much lefs ought a 
Ruflian war, which may occaiion the lofs of 24 
millions of cuftomers. This argument is, I ap- 
prehend infolid : for, though the Americans 
have eftabliflied their independency, yet England 
R 2 pofTeffes 



[ »3a D 

poffeflfes the greatefl part of her commerce : and 
fhould Ruffia abfolutely profcribe our com- 
merce, Ihe would thereby only lay a heavy tax 
upon her fubje(5ts without effeding it ; as her 
fubjedts, being accuilomedto them would have 
them by one means or other ; perhaps under the 
defcription of French or Dutch manufaiftures. 
Thus an axe which the Englilh merchant might 
fell for 2i. a French or Dutch merchant might 
well charge 2J. dd. for, as he muft be paid for 
his trouble and hazard, befides the double 
freight, infurance, &c. A flep of this nature 
would therefore greatly impoverifh herown fub- 
jedts, and their improvement in civilization, her 
primary obj eft. 

Secondly, the proportion between the com- 
merce of England and Ruflia is, in regard of the 
population of the two countries, by no means 
proportionably fo great as that between England 
and America, for then it ought to be eight times 
greater; which is by no means the cafe : nay, it is 
not even equal to that of America, and for this 
very fubftantial reafon, that an American, by his 
daily labour, will earn thrice as much as a Ruffian 
peafant or Have ; and a man's expences in general 
are always in proportion to his income. If then 
the income of 3 millions of Americans equals 

that 



[ '33 ] 

that of 9 millions of Ruffians, and that we had an 
abfolute command of both markets, the 3 miU 
Horn of Americans would want manufaftnres to 
an equal amount as the 9 millions of Ruffians. 
But they would even require a gieat deal more ; 
for, befideswhat was neceffaryfor the American's 
fupport, and which his lands would produce, 
equally cheap, at the leaft, as the Ruffian's, all 
the remainder of his earnings would be ex- 
pended in manufad:ures and artificial wants ; 
but with the daily earnings of a Ruffian, perhaps 
3^. a day, it would be ridiculous in him to think 
of purchafing the manufadiures of Britain. The 
Iriili labourer, with double the wages buys none 
of them. Farther, though a market, in the opi- 
nion of a manufacturer, might be deemed a fit 
fubjedl for going to war, yet it fhould be deemed 
only a fecondary motive in that of a ftatefman, 
as he muft know that that nation which is pof- 
feffed of power, may always command a market. 
But power is only relative, fo that though a coun- 
try be growing more powerful, ffie ought to 
take care that another ftate ffiould not increafe 
her power ten times fafter than herfeif : for then 
notwiihflanding her ^xomn^ pojiti'uely more pow- 
ful, yet relatively Ihe would be otherwife, and in 
procefs of time would become an infignificant 

ftate. 



[ '34 ] 

ftate. The ancient republic of Rhodes, and the 
modern ones of Genoa, Venice, and Holland, 
evince the truth of it. 

The great objection to Democratical repub- 
lics is the want of vigour, even though they 
were free of every other defect. This want of 
vigour arifes folely from the impoffibility of 
their governors being able to raife a large public 
revenue. This has never been effe^fted, nor 
ever will be efFedted under this form of govern- 
ment. Therefore fuch ftates muft become eafy 
conquefts when attacked by other flates, when 
of nearly equal force, and better conftituted for 
active exertions. Oligarchical republics, being 
timorous, felfifli, and covetous, are ftill lefs ca- 
pable of refiftance. 

This accounts for Macedon acquiring a fu- 
periority over the Grecian republics. Had not 
Athens, after the expulfion of the 30 tyrants, be- 
come a perfect democracy, it might, under ano- 
ther Pericles, have fuccefsfully refifted Philip. 
And, notwithflanding the moderns are unani- 
mous refpedting the fecurity of Switzerland, I 
fcruple not to affirm, that it would not (land a 
fingle campaign, notwithflanding its numerous 
militia, and the courage of its inhabitants, againft 
the forces of the Emperor or King of Pruflia ; 

and 



E "35 ] 

and that no country in Europe, of equal refources, 
would make lefs refiftance to an enterprifing ene- 
my : and, notwithftanding democratical boall- 
ings, that the American flates are alfo incapa- 
ble of refifling a powerful enemy, as perhaps 
they may have ihortjy an opportunity of try- 
ing : and that, if the affairs of this country be 
condudled with ability, thefe flates may once 
more become a portion of the Britilh em- 
pire, but upon liberal terms, and that with- 
out firing a gun. In this cafe however, neither 
merchants nor manufafturers fhouldbe at all at- 
tended to. 

Democratical governments are befides inimi- 
cal to true philofophy, which folely regards 
ethics. This was a fubjedt, which till after the 
humiliation of Athens by Philip, was not al- 
lowed, even there, to be freely difcufTed. The 
fate of Socrates is well known. Anaxagoras, 
though befriended by Pericles, was obliged to 
ilee his country, to avoid a fimilar fate, which 
was pronounced againft him by the Atheni- 
ans : the dread of which was alfo the caufe 
of the ableft and moft enterprifing citizen, that 
file ever produced, Alcibiades, beconiing her 
fevereft foe. Nor in fpeculations of this nature, 
do I find that modern democracies furpafs 

other 



[ 136 ] 

other European flates. The Swifs Cantons, un- 
der this form of government, with regard to re- 
ligious tenets, are Catholics : and if I may be 
permitted to form a judgment of the others, from 
one of them which I travelled through, their 
mental accomplilhments are of the very loweft 
order. There are fome learned men among the 
Swifs, but very few philofophers : for phyfiolo- 
gifts by no means merit this title*. 

I am fenfible there will be many objections, or 
prejudices againfl fome things which I have pro- 
pofed. Firft, concerning the dired: tax on the 
Poor: yet, no tax can be more judicious, where 
there is a conflant demand for Labour. The 
mechanic and manufacturer will then be obliged, 
in fome degree, to work every day, inftead of 
facrificing two or three days in the week in ex- 
cefs andidlenefs, each of which will render him 
a worfe workman, I fay this, even though the 
propofed poll-tax would be heavier on the poor 
than the prefent taxes. However, a tax of this 
fort Ihould not be attempted before the organi- 
zation of the ninety thoufand militia. 



* Philo Judjcus, p. 435. Paris. 



With 



[ ^31 ] 
With regard to the advanced age before the 
attainment of the right of citizenfliip, it will be 
objedted : What ! is the nation to lofe the fplendid 
abilities of future Foxes and Pitts for fuch a pe- 
riod ? Yes, truly. Meteors appearing in any 
ftate evince a defedt in its conftitution accord- 
ing to Ariftotle. The profperity of dates Ihould 
be gradually progreffive, and not by fits and 
ftarts. Moreover, notwithflanding the acknow- 
ledged capacity of thefe two gentlemen, and of 
which few perfons bear a ftronger tellimony, or 
more frequently than myfelf, yet as legiflators, 
they have fliewn but little. Mr. Fox's India 
bill, which would have conftituted an imperium 
in imperio, and his obfervations on the Canada 
bill, determine his prerenfions to the character 
of a legiflator. An imperium in imperio is univer- 
fally condemned by every writer on politics, as 
defeating the end of government. With refpcdt 
to Canada, Mr. Fox is for having the legifla- 
tive affembly annually or triennially eleded, 
with an univerfal right of fufFrage. Such a con- 
ftitution muft neceflarily terminate in an Ochlo- 
cracy, or a many-headed defpotifm. Mr. PitC 
is for firft fecuring the Oligarchical branch of 
the conftitution, which though hereditary, he is 
pleafed to decorate with the title of Jrijocracy, 
S which 



C '38 3 

which neceffarily infers eledlion : but an Oligar- 
chy is an illegitimate, or corrupt forai of govern- 
menr : it is the corruption of an Ariftocracy : fo . 
that Mr. Pitt's firftobjed is toeftablifh a corrupt 
principle ! The appeals in the bill will be for 
ever creating heart-burnings ; and though the 
Minifter's view is obvious, muft tend more to 
fever that colony from Britain, than to flrengthen 
the connedtion. The final appeal fhould be al- 
ways to the citizens, or thole Judges appointed 
by them*. Retaining a tcnrh pait of the foil 
for the clergy is a matter of little moment, as in 
a country, where land in fee may be had for a 
fong, no one will accept land which is to go to 
his fuccefTor, except merely for a commonage. 
And ere thefe commonages are of any account, 
the fate of the clergy, throughout the world, will 
be determined. The clergy fhould yield gra- 
dually to the temper of the times: by doing fo, 
they will be able to preferve fomething ; but 
jfhould they perfevere in an obftinate refiftancc, 
it does not require the fpirit of prophecy to fore- 
tell that they will become the vidims of the fa- 
natical excefies of the Democratifls, as in a 



* Ariflotle^ 1. 4. c. 14. 

peigh< 



C 139 ] 

neighbouring kingdom. In my apprehenfion 
we fhould not be fond of legiflating for our co- 
lonies : we are too imperfectly acquainted with 
their local circumftances, not to fall into er- 
rors, which will always give a handle to the 
enemies of government to eftrange the affe(flions 
of the colony from the parent ftate. A chief 
governor appointed by his Majefty, from whom 
all the executive omcers were to derive their 
powers, methinks is as much as England fliould 
claim. A poll-tax, regulated by the fame prin- 
ciple as laid down with regard to England, 
Ihould be the price of protedion, and of acquir- 
ing the privileges of being a member of the 
Britifh empire. Were the colonies independent, 
the neceliary taxes for this end would not be 
much lefs. But the advantages refulting from 
their being members of the empire, would alone 
outbalance this tax ; for then they would have 
the liberty of importing into Britain, or any of 
her dependencies, the natural produfts of their 
foil, and of carrying away in return the pro- 
dufts of Britain and its dependencies ; whereas 
the latter fhould be abfolutely interdided to the 
United States : and the importation of the natural 
products of other countries, and efpecially of the 
Untied States, fhould be fubjcded to very heavy du- 
S 2 ties. 



[ I40 ] 

tics. By this means a fpur would be given to the 
induftry of our own colonies, which would be 
conducive to their wealth and happinefs, and 
would always be a tie upon their loyalty : and at 
the fame time reprefs the increafing profperity of 
the United StateSf the implacable enemies of this 
government ; but it would alfo render them 
far more pliable in regard of a re-union with 
the mother country. 

Throughout thefe Iheets I have made ufe of 
the term Demagogue, according to its original 
genuine fignification, as defcriptive of a perfon, 
who, by giving into the humours and propenfi- 
ties of the people, mifleads them from their true 
intereft. Thofe who adted in this m.anner were 
by the antients always fuppofed to be governed 
by finifter views. The ignorance of nineteen in 
twenty of the moderns, concerning the true 
principles of government, exempts them in a 
great meafure from this charge. 

In the debate upon Mr. Grey's motion, it was 
laid down by Mr. Sheridan* that theconftitutioA 
of this country confifts in a wife blending and co- 
operation of the executive and legiflative branches. 



* See Diary, 

This 



C HI ] 

This pofition I affirm to be unfounc'ed, either 
in regard to theory or pradlice. No one will 
pretend that, before the acccffion of the Houfe 
of Stuart, the Lords or Commons claimed any 
conjlltutlonal right of interfering with the execu- 
tive branch, in what concerned peace or war; 
of courfe this mufl be a novel claim, and with- 
out any conflitutional foundation. It is true, 
that fince the revolution, cowardly and ignorant 
Minifters have permitted, nay, have invited the 
Lords and Commons to interfere in the execu- 
tive branch of government. But now that the 
theory of our conftitution is better underllood, 
thofe encroachments upon the King's preroga- 
tive fliould be yielded up ; and the government 
itfelf adjufted agreeably to its acknowledged the- 
ory. That fuch a blending is contrary to the theory 
of our conftitution, is evident from Ariftotle's 
veiling in fuch a political conftitution as ours, 
th£ entire executive power in the perfon of the 
King — the legijlative in the General Council — 
and the judicial in the Citizens. By this means 
the three branches are accurately dillinguiflied, 
and their feveral functions marked by a broad 
line. Whereas a wife blending could never be 
fettled, for no two would ever be able to agree 
about it. It was alfo denied, and given up by 
the friends of the Miniftrj', that implicit confi- 
dence 



[ '4^ ] 

dence ought not to be given to government in 
what regards our connettions with foreign ftates. 
This I alfo affirm to be unconftitutional. For 
the fundions of the Legiflative Councils being 
confined to the enacting and repealing of laws, 
redreffing grievances, and feeing that the public 
money was honeftly expended ; it follows, that 
the declaring war or making peace, or entering 
into treaties, not; coming under any of the 
above heads, that the power adequate to thefe 
purpofes, is corjlitutionally arwd yo/f/y vefled in the 
executive branch. Befides a limited confidence \s 
an abfurdity ; and were it not fo, is impolitic; 
for the greater 'the confidence repofed, the more 
refponfii)le the'perfon in whom it is vefted. 
Mr. Burke mutl have been doubtlefs amazed 
, at Mr. Fox's eulogium of the French conftitu- 
tion at the conclufion of the debate on Mr. Ba- 
ker's motion. It only evinces that no capacity 
will enable a perfon to be a legiflator without 
extenfive reading and deep reileftion. Men of 
bufinefs, befides, arc not capable of this office. 
They have not the leifure requifite to form the 
comprehennve mind, or true philofopher. Arif- 
tocle has obfervcd, that all the great legiflators 
of antiquity were private individuals, even Ly- 
curgus himfelf. 

Though 



[ >43 ] 

Though I think it highly improper, during a 
debate, to declare, that one fet of men would 
conduct the national bufinefs better than thofe 
in poffeffion of the reins of government; for 
this can not be known until we have had expe- 
rience of it, which, unlefs the Democratifts 
Ihould overturn the government, is not likely 
Jhortly to happen. Yet, upon this pointy I pro- 
fefs that I have entirely altered my opinion, be- 
ing firmly convinced the jrins far exceed the 
Outs in political capacity. The patriotifm and 
political capacity of the Outs may be fairly ga- 
thered from their conducfl in regard to the wool- 
bill — the Indian war — the floating balances — • 
and the Ruffian negotiation. — With refpeft to 
the firft, the wool bill was a beneficial meafure^ 
or it was not : if the former, the onpofition 
Members Ihould have attended their duty, and 
urged forward the bufinefs : if it was a hurtful 
pieafure they fliould have attended, and openly 
oppofed its paffing. And though it did pafs, 
their eloquence and abilities might have been 
the means of opening the eyes of their country- 
men ; whereas, by their blinking the queflion, 
individuals^ who take up their little knowledge 
from the reporters of the debates, think it a mea- 
lure of little or no importance. Government be- 
ing under thraldom to the manufadurers, dared 

nor. 



[ '44 ] 

not, unfuppcrted by the country gentlemen, 
and oppofed by a virulent oppofition, withhold 
its-(upport to a meafure, though clearly inimi- 
cal to the general weal. 

Mr. Pit:; founds his claim, it feems, to honeil 
fame, from the iffue of the Ruffian negotiation. 
i doubt not it will be conduced with great abi- 
lity. But Mr. Pitt's fame, in my opinion, will 
be more truly eftimated, from his condudl with 
refpedl to i\\q floating balances, lying in the hands 
of the Dired:ors of the Bank. I am fure the op- 
pofition would never,forJiich a trifle, the nation's 
right, have rifked their popularity with the mo-, 
nied intereft. Mr. Pitt's perfevering in this bu- 
finefs, fnould fatisfy every honeft man, that his 
objedt is honeft fame ; and whilfl it continues to 
be fo, that he ought to meet their firm fup- 
port. 

I truft the perfe(fting the conftitution will next 
engage his attention. The times demand it. 
Our conftitution is fo wretchedly bad, that were 
it not for the extent of the ftate, we fhould be 
in continual convulfions. But, fortunately while 
in a fever in London, the extremities are quite 
cool ; and by the time that the fever has reached 
the extremities, the head has returned to its 
cuftomary indifference; which would be quite 
^therwife, were the ftate confined to a few fquare 

leagues 



[ HS ] 

leagues as the antlent republics. This evinces 
the fuperior intelledt of the legiflators who de- 
vifcd fuch regulations as controuled the actions 
of freemen, who were the (landing army of the 
Hate. 

In a word, I deem it to be a truifm, that be- 
fore men have arrived at the ufual acme of the 
human intelled:, they Ihould have no concern with 
the government upon which the happinefs and 
profperity of fo many millions depends. 

Alfo, that all perfons engaged in illiberal em- 
ployments or profeffions, and who were not 
poflefled of an independency, ought likewife to 
be excluded from any Ihare in it. 



FINIS. 



ERRATA. 

P^S^ 58, note, read Miller's View of the Engllfh 

Conflitution. 
Page 87, 7iotei line 2, dele her. 





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