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4TANPOWD Un iVEftStTV LlHkAHIf.S 




THE EEFORMATION 



BT 



GEORGE PARK FJSHER, D-D,, LL.D. 
KMBKimt paoFBMOB or ■ocLiaiABTiaAL mmnr 

JV TALK DKlTBXUn 



HEW Ain> REVISED EDITIOn 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

1920 



DEDICATION OF THE FIRST EDITION: 

TO 

THROnORE DWICIHT WOOT^F-T 

A rensD apiu kiahplb or ^ll aaoo Ltixa.niv^ 

TRllB WOftX IS l«KAlB>ti 
XB A TOKBK OF mBSnOT AlfD ATPECTtON 

ar TffK AUTHOR 



IJJ THIS NEW EDITION 

TUB AllTbDK TUULU 1:U1;1'L1l ITJTK tIJh ^AXb UF' l^'LlOLSBT 

THAT OF itKUrBER BIPB BDHOL&K «»□ DHAI rsl^HD 

TUB LATS 

KPHIIAIM WHITMAN GURNEY 
ruiFHwrna op iii»it<>ht iv iearvaru uNivEESirr 

VtHf LBZIT Hia A.iV IK TJI£ HKVJAAL Of 

THB PDODF aFlBKTB OF TUB 

FlHIT KUITIOM 





Tma work had ite ongjn in a course of lectures which were 

^v^ &t tlie laowell Inatitute early in the apring of 1S71. When 

1 en^&g^d to prepare those lectures, the eubjoet was not new 

lo me-, a&d the interval prior to the issue of them was devoted 

to fttUiities in the same field, the results of wliit^h were iiicor> 

panted id the volume. It has appeared to me practicable to 

IMeni to intelligent and educated readers, within the compaaa 

of the preeent volume, the means of acquainting themselves with 

the wi^ aud nature, the principal facts and characters, of the 

Brfonnatjon; while at the same time, through notes and refer- 

tnen, the historical student should be guided to furtlier re- 

Kvobes on the various topics wluch are brought imder his 

aotioe* There are two features iu the plan of the present work 

to vrbidi it may not be unseemly to call attention. With tlie 

mfi^its &nd Uieological side of the hisl^^ry of the period^ I have 

ftide&vored to iuttrweave and to set in their true relation the 

politick, secular, and more grnoral elements, which had so pow- 

*riul an influence \n determining the couree of events. The e^t- ^ 

lonpt bjis also been made to elucidate briefly, but suQicientt^,^! 

|<xnl0 pertaining to the history of theological doctrine, an^^ 

VDdaBt&udiiig of which is peculiarly essential in the study of 

thiB period of history. ■ 

The authorities on which I have chiefly depended are in-^ 

{Seated in the marginal references. The first place belongs to 

Ae writings, and especially to the correspondence, of the Re- 

(onnera themselves. The letters of Luther, Mel&ncthon, ZwingU, 

Calrin; the correspondence of the English with the Helvetic 

R<fonners during the reigns of Henry VTII., Edward VI., and 

EEubeth; the correspondence of Reformers in the French-* 

tpcakiii^ luids, in the collection of M. Herminjard, afTord 

tiif most vivid as wet! as correct impression of the transactions 

ID which their authors bore a ]ea<^g part. Worits hke the 

vii 



ce me j 



PREFAeS 




TBm work had its origin in ft coax of 
preiftt the Lowell Institute earij in Ife 
1 M^igiMl to prepare thooe lectmc^ 
lotne; &nd the interval prior lolfaeiMDicf 
to Btoifies in the same 6^d^ the renhi <4 
pvated in the volume. It haa afifKaied l» 
prae&t to mtelligent and educated mdo^ 
c/ the iH'eeent volume, the means of a«|Qi' 
the ori^ and nature, the priodpal faeti 
Btfoncation; while at the s&me dme, draq^ __ 

mtemt the hlstoncal student diould be landed to Affttv n- 
twrebes on the Tarious to|uca whkfa ve bvQ^ n^ Jm 
ntke. There are two features in the pha d fte fMM wivt 
to Thicb it may not be uneeemly to all tSOatiuL Wi l»> 
fdig>owAnd U^ieolopeal ode of the Urtcrj of ttr indj ^ w 
aKkkTond to inurwpaTe and to «rt in div frv irittu tie 
poHtJcal, ■ecular, and more generaJ doDflUf, w^i*^** jp yo»- 
Jan inHuence in detfrminiuglhccdvftrfflfllt, Thfmi- 
has also been made to 
.pertaudng to the history 
idSng of which is pecnfar' 
of histciTT, 

tjip f-. which 1 

P' refav 

By t 




>ttr 






^ijija flT 






: c 



^ 



▼iu 



PREFACE 



J 



" Correepondeaco of Philip TI.," which M. Gachard — amo 
his other valuable contributions — has published from the 
chives of SimajiL'as, h&ve cast much new light on aikother side 
of the history of this em. Of the more recent lustoriaiia, there 
are two of whom I atii prompted to make special mention 
in this place, T\n* lirst is Kanke, whose admirable aeries of 
worka on tht^ sixteenth and ^evente^th centuriea tmve been 
constantly in my hands. ITie mingling of general views with 
appofflte and characteristic facts^ lent to the histnrical pro- 
ductions of thb truly ilhifitrious writer a peculiar charm. The 
other htstori&a is Gieaeler, who posaeaaed in an eminent degree 
the genius for ftGcurai.'y, which Gibbon ascribed to Tillemont, 
and whose investigations, though eKtensive and profound upon 
every period of Church History, are nuwliere more instructive 
than upon the period of the Reformation, It must be a matter 
of sincere regret to all echolarB that Neander tiid not live to 
carry forward his ^eat work, tiie counterpart of Gieseler^ into 
this period. His posthumous History of Doctrine is quit« 
brief in its treatment of the Protestant movement, but is not 
wanting in striking suggealions. Perhaps I should add to thia 
short caffllogue, the '^Hiatoire de Prance" of Henri Martin, 
whdch appears to me to be one of the most ealisfactory of the 
comprehendve works on the history of that country. 

The advantages received by a hi&lorieal student from the 
writings of others^ he may be so fairly conscious of as to be 
able to enumerate them. But one's obligation to the quick- 
ening inRuence and the seholarly talents of the associates with 
whom he is personally conversant are not subject to so facile 
a reckoning. In such a relation one may be aware, in some 
cases, of an unpayable indebtedness. It is the privilege of the 
present writer to acknowledge the debt which he owes to 
friends of this class whose intimacy he has been permitted 
to prize. 

l^ere is one ejcpbmation further which T am anxinuH to make 
I'especting the design of this book. It ia intended in no sense 
as a polemical work. It has not entered into my thoughts to 
inculcate the creed of Protestantism, or to propagate any type 
of ChrisUan dootrine; much leas to kindle animosity againat 
the Church of Rome. Very serious &^ fhc points of difference 
are which separate the body of Protestants from the body of 



PREFACE 

RofBui Catholics, the points on which they agree outweigh in 
iiTiportaJice the poinla oa which they differ. Whoever sup- 
poses that the Reformera were exempt from grave faults and 
mfimuties, must pither be ignorant of (heir history, or have 
itti^ed U under the influence of a partisan biae. Impartiality^ 
bowe^'er, is not indifference; and a frigid and carping spirit, 
that diiUfi the natural oulflow of a jusL admiratiuii, may, equally 
with the fipirit of hpro-worahip, hinder one from arriving at tlie 
nd truth, as well as the beat les30Es of history. 

Should this volume be used in the class-room, it may be 
mgpeted to teachers that frequent reference should be made 
the Chronolo^ea) Thble in the Appendix, wht-n* eontempo- 
eventfi in the different countries are gronperi together. 
DttiCB are frequently set down in the text, but are given more 
tilSy in the Table of Contents. In the List of Works, which 
foUowe the Chronological Table, some of the books to which 
ihv more advanced student would naturally resort are briefly 
tharartirrized. 

In two or three places only, in this volume, the term "con- 
aifaslAotJation " m applied to the Lutheran doctrine of the 
Eoeharvt; but the term is defined (p, 129) as the co-presence of 
substanceSf — a sense in which it Is allowed by the best 
theoki^ns. The attcntivi" n^ad^r of the last chapU^ 
obenre that the effects which are there ascribed to the 
RKormation, arc not ascribetl to the dogmatic system of Prot- 
mantiEni exciuaivcly, but to the Protestant religion, taken 
fon^^r^en^vely. It is the genius and spirit of Protestantism, 
u seen in the long processes of history, which are there re- 
hnrd to. The plac^^ and the importance of the Renaissance 
■» Uluatrated in varioua parts of the volume, especially in the 
lUrd chapter. The influence of the Renaissance on modcxa 
" i ' if Bot undervalued in this work ; nor is the Renaissance 
Jided with the rrligious Reform. There is one other ^j 
|ooL which may deserve a word of remark. The Church of ^M 
ICddJe Agfa is not considered "s. mitigated evil/' but an ^ 

le benefit to society- ^Tiat is said of the Papacy 
d not be understood of the Church, — the organised, 
mBwrive ioOuence of Christianity. But even the Papacy, as 
a Aown, was. in the metiiteval period, in many particulars, 
ibeoftfi««nt iastitutioiL 



4 



d 



CONTENTS 



CEAPTER I 

'UCnOM : m OVNBlLAlf COABACTSB OW TOM lUBFOUIATIOK 

PaI eventa of raudcra bletoiy ...... 1 

rteal prcparaiLon of these events ..... 1 

individuAla do! Ut be undervalual ..... 2 

I t««peei to the Reformatfon 2 

peal bypothcaid 3 

It if wtt* ft qu&rrd of monofltiB orders .... 3 

ift aa mcftdemical dispute ...>... 4 

« ft Dcw phase of tha old conflict of Popes and E^pcroia . 4 

ift fts insmrrectioD agiUnat authority : (advanced b; Ouizot), 4 

m ft trft[L>dLiuiia] &l€p towftrda Ratluaoliam .... 5 

tiftiD fttlPGf^ m foHt^r [nlidpljty ...... 6 

nmtft] chfimctpristlc ..._.,.. 7 

■nuiron primarily h rcligiciiH event . , . . , 7 

ehmfftctcr ol medLevftl ChnatlftDf ty ; coostant rcBCtioti of 

piritusl cJemeQt 7 

turn positive aa wdl kb negative ...... 8 

objerlivc factor h . - 8 

■Jly aaflprt«d the right oi private judgment .... 3 

mit of the geDCTBl pru§;reaa of society ..... fi 

bftBctisriBtJcfl oJ tiie eat jre period .9 

aeprnf of the Reforumtion ^ n^iuud, and poUtlcftI or 

IT 10 

pcftl UmiCfl of Uie en ....... .10 



\ 



CHAPTER n 

PAPAL BIERAftfTHT AND ITB DECLINE TSBOUflH TUB CEH- 
TftALlEAtlOK OP MAtlOP^B 



dsis i^«ct«d pTJeetly ftuthotity . . . . . .11 

ion of Bftcerdoift] Authority to Fapal supteiDBcj ... 11 
DiijmdiiiTiriii spirituut, in i^iitrafit with the oJd . 12 

tf ft mediatorift] priesthood ....,., 12 

Itbe primitive OiuiTh - 13 

I of ft prif«thood graduiilly asfiociated with the mlnutry . 13 
ffthirrorchy .11 

tlertulUfta make the Church the door nT AoceaB to Chrivt 
- • • ■ 




CiiUtM or tti^ pT«e«deDce or the See of Rome . . . • . 

AoknonJeidged In the Eofit, bocaiuo Romo ia the cbpit&l; dalmod in 

the West on account of Peter ....... 

AcccAsioD of CoQstuituje (311); Church aol merged Id the State, 

fiiL<i why .....*• 1 •• • 

FuwT^r of the Emperors over Lhe Church 

DticHiie of the EmpEre Inc^rea^e^ thR authority of the Romnn bjabop 

Leo, the Great (44*-46!) 

The Papacy oxalted, i^et endangered, by the f^l of tha Westerr^ 

EjTipirp (476) 

Spread of Arianiaui and Mohomiaedanlsm . . . . , . 

KortUJiflte *!|iarn?c of the Papacy with tho Franks (750) . , , 

Uestuo of the Papuoj by Popin and GbarJeiDQ^c . • • • 

Signilicance of the eoronution of Charkmugnc (SOO) . * . . 
I^ffc^t of the fall of hi^ Emptrc on tho Papacy • . • • < 
The Poeudo'IaJdoriEUi Decretals (circa fi50). . ■ . . < 

Enforced by Nii:lwJafi 1. (858-807) 

Anariby Id Italy: Lhe period of poruocrac-y : hiterveatiou of Henry 

m, (10401 

HGdebrand (1073-I0S5) and his wforming plan t theory of ttio Papacy 

and the Empires theEr inevitabie coDflict , 
Advaotogea of the Papaey in this conflict . . . _ 
Victoryof the Popes- Unary IV., the WormflCoueordat (1122); Ale. 

andcr III. (1177) .,..•... 
Cuhnination of Papal power; limoceDt III, Cll9&-lZia) , 
Hia theory of the Papal office .>.*.. 

HJH p?(erdse of authority 

Ride of the spirit of ualioiiallHiu ; Iia various m&ELEfefltatloua 
Btnrlil^ of the Papai^y in tlie Middic Ages; approach of Knottier era 
NatioDHl lan^iAgea and literatures ....... 

Anti.hUTarchicul spirit of thp vernacular nritera . > , - 

The aatme spirit in the Legifita . ...,.,. 

K«aetion against the Papaoy; Boniface Vlll. (1204-1303) 

Conflict of Uoiiiracu with Philip tho Fair ..,,,, 

Dechning prestige of the Papacy; the Babylonian captivity 

(1309-1377) 

Character of the Papacy at Avignon; Petrarch 'a tea tiuumy 
OppOHitiuu from Germany and England ...... 

The Mouarchi^lA agomst the Papiata ....... 

Attacks upon Papal UdurpationH by writers; Har^iu^ of Padua and 

WUHain of Oceam ,.,.,.,.. 

The Gallican or eoostitutionaJ theory; the Reforming (^unoil* 

(1409-1443) 

Incrp-aeing away of national and vecular, in the rooui of eccleaiafltlaaJ 

feelinga, in the fifteenth L'cntury 

Consolidation of monarchies; Enfrland, FVancc, Spain . . 
Secular and worldly character of the Popea . h . , < 

SixtuB IV. (Un-84); Innocent Vlll. (14S4-02); Alefuidcr VI, 

(U92-1503); Juliua 11. {1503-13) 

Character of Lhi X. (IA13-2I); judfaient of Sorpl, PaUavidnli 

Muralori, Ouicciardini - 

The Importance of lhe Popea, chiefly political - . . , . 

The conceasions to them from Princes mor<? apparent than real . 



^ 




CONTENTa 




tn ttte repea] of the Ptagmatic 8&natioD (1519) . , 4ft 
An of secular and politicial uitereslAt wcti la the rcotfiHU 

itflM V. and Franrw 1 41 i 

It of nationatlitm and Ihf* n^c^ulAriEing of the Pa^ucj, ' 

od the alMteemth wntufy 41 

CHAPTER m 

CAIM^ AND OKVWB OV AN tCCT.ESlUTIClL BKrOLOTlOK 
PRIOR TO TBI BraTmNrH CINTtTHt 

Ety cbaracterized by Leicnliam . , . , 43 

f KBcUon agftioat it: dtutct frum dngman; attacks od the 
rpsUoDs and abun^ of tha rliirRy; oppoBition to the excMaiTA 

OD of mvmonfes And &usteritifrs 44 

taiCM of a poicibl? Cni^rvaH of inteltigeito* . , . .44 

■aa c4 forenmaen of th« HelormatioD 44 

«nlotal •act« 46 

ttanota (AlbigoDSBs} .■....«. 45 

; their oHffin (1170) 46 

Spintuala; the FratHcetli 47 

WMa and Bcftbards . . , . < . • ■ 47 

indiratcd by tbe riee of theee pccIa 48 

KTvative or Qalliran Refonoera . . . - . 4fi 

RfrformNv: Jckhn IVicliUffc (I324-1384J and his opipiona 40 

vaa |>TotPct«d 50 

tanfti 50 

■i (1373-1415); bL« prode^HSors; Hatthiasof Janow . £D 

— cinr aad prijooipiflt of Hum . , . , . . £1 

d WbcklJffe on the authority of prd&tcs and magifltratCA . £] 

CMdO^<^-6&); Luthcr'aopbiouorhlm .... 52 

^ala (1462-06) £3 

Itka; dtaravh^r of MysLicbm , ...... 54 

m anioag lti& dchooJmeQ; Bcroard. Booavenlura • . , 64 

a*r(129l>-1301): tba"G«rmiui Theology" «... 64 

Bitaltoa of QiHflt" 65 

I of Com 66 

rtv«l d L«anui;g; begiiu in luly, Du)t« (1255-1321); Fa- 

Pefa(IXH-7l); fioocaccLo (1313-75) 57 

irf tlv Utctary ^lint ; coaec<iueixc«« to the Chitreh ... 50 
\ and Unit* of SchoEoettcUm ; caiu«e o( its dcwnfAll , .69' 

0<4 ltd vitality; effect of Nomm&lism > . . . . OO 

d atudy of the Fathers imd of the Scriptum .... 61 
tl epirit cf Hmaaaiam in Italy; iafluence of ths lUaesfc school 

tfac Church of Italy 61 

pa toneof poUtfraandethJrJi; M&p4ihlavelli <I460-1627) 63 

VUm of HumaDlMin [n Oenfiaiiy: Reudilin (I4.'i&*1523) 63 

lOfTttvar the Monkfi 64 

Lan and the Umx-eraitr€s ; WitT*iiberg (ISOa) . , . . 64 

iam in England; Col«t, Eraamu^, More . . * « ■ 64 

topia " : Itfl liberal idooa on Rcli^on 65 

■ (1467-1536) the ]ftad«r of Hvmanum 66 

|Md Mqpinau&M 66 



ZiT 



CONTENTS 



Hia "Praise of FoUr" 

Hia choatiAcmeat of ecclesiaatlc&l follies and frbdwa . • 
Hia fidititjitfl of the Futhem ax;d of bho New TeatAment 
DtlTuaion of his writings .....,, 
What xnay be inferred from thi^lr churarter and popularity 
Hec^LtulBtion; symptcma of the nae of a new order of thingA 



CHAPTER IV 



lifn-HBR Am THB ttBHllAN RBFORUXTIOM TO THB DIST OF 
ADQSBUKa, 1530 

ProteatanbiaiD cocgenial to the GenniLii mmd 

LtlthRr the hem of llie RefonnAtion , . , . . 

Hi» birth (1483) fmd parentege 

Sttidi&snt Erfurt <I50l-5); eaters a t^onvent (1505} , 
Uade a Professor at Witteoberg (150SJ . - . , 
Uifl Ijtorary Hod theologioul attotamenla .... 
His religious e?cperieoce ....,., 

Seca thfrt juBtificatJon ia by faith 

Origia nf Lndulgencea; the Scholastic dootrine , . > 
Luthor opposes the saJe of indulficiicea by Tetid OSlfl) 
Luther |Kibitji hiH niuety-Qve TheNea (IflIT); their Ciinterits. 
Their effpct in Germany ....,-- 
AtrATka and replies; he meets Cajetan at Augsburg (J51S) 
Arocdes to the trufle offered by MiltiEi (1519) 
The LeipBJc Disputation (15t9J; Philip MeJ an cth on , 
Melanothon's chcractor; Lulhcr'a geniality and humor 
Ho asserts that tha pHtoacy of the Pope is jure h-Lmano ■ 
Effect of the Lcipdc Dij^putatton upon his ctudiea and opimoos 
He apppftla to the laity; Addrrsa to thc^ Nobtea (1520) * 
-WriteH"LheBabylomBn Captivity of the Church" (1520) . 
- Writes on the "Freedom of a Chrifliian Man" [1520j . 
Is extommiiiilcated; burnd the Papal bull (]iI20) 
Commoiinn pmdurpd in Germany; ho fiiuU palitic&l, relfgloiu. 

literary aHies ,-.,,.,, 

Ulrich von Button (14SS-1523) 

Political coridition of Gormany; vealcneM of the central government 
Abortive efforts under Miuninilian (1403-1510) to organieo the Empiro 
Diecontant and disorder^ compl&inta by tho lEoighbo, tho citioa, the 

peasantry ...,.,...,, 
The oloction of Charles V- (1519) : consequent alarm In Europe 
Rivalship of Charlea V. and FranciH I- (1515-15473; ita grounda, the 

strength nf tho rivals rcBpectively .,.-.. 

Character cf Charles V. t his eonduf t in the a^ftlr ol the Eefnrraation 
Luther summoned to the Diet of Womu (1521); his journey 

Appears before the Diet; refueefi to reeaJit 

Placed under the ban of the Empire ,..,,,, 
Alliance of the Emperor with Leo X.; the fcenna of it 

Luther at the Wartburg (1521^23) 

Hlf^ oocupationa ; labors on the translation of the New Teetanunt 
Radical movemoatof OorbtAdt: Lutber retuma to Wittenberg (1S22) 



and 



OONTEKTB 



»▼ 



vir 



tnm order; hit vut UJ^ora ' . * • • 
lool «i R^^ency decUoM to auppresa Luthoraniam . 
XMTter of Popo Adfiaa Vh (1522-23) lUid Pop? Cleraaat 

33-ft4) 

i« M Nuremberi; (1^34); lemftada the subject of the Womu 
ne to tbe Bcver^l priacee . . , . , 
i GbUioUc princ€3 juid bbli^pg; divjaioa of the Nation 

int LttgoeaeTorg&u <1^3fi) 

4 Pftvla (152Sj; confederacy agAlnat Ch^len . 
!« o( 9p&na (152aj refua« to enforee tho Worms Edict 
BODW uid triumph oF the Emp«ror (1527J 
in aetioD of the Diet of fipiraa (1520); tha Prot«et 
km of Luthor to armod rooiBtaDOQ .... 
!i 4jf Ao^burg (1530); situation And Bpirit of Cliarlea 
gabnrs Gocfcaajoo and Apoto^ .... 
■drcne to the Prateatanta . . . . 

rags ami fidelity of the Elector Joba • , • 
mt Cbburs (Id3()): hu oirrespoDilimce . 
rrl^^ to Cathjinne von Bora (lfi25) 
Uvn; cffwt of his 0X9.mple . . . , , 
tt^verty with King Henry Vlll. (1622) - 
Bmper&ooe of Luther's E&aguBgo, faov explaioed 
k^^c Jettcr to Heary Vlll. (1523) 

ition of Ertisinua in relation to tho Lutheran movcmcat 
doal cstranseinent from Luthor and his cause 

if tixe coatrovetay 

f of HumuuBin to ett^i a Eeform .... 
Mfittf* war (1525); how far uwlu^ to ProteatonUaiQ 
mpports the prinoea . . . . , 



101 

101 

101 

102 
103 
103 
103 
103 
103 
104 
104 
104 
105 
105 
105 
106 
106 
108 
100 
100 
111 
112 
113 

lis 

115 

110 
117 



* CHAPTER V 



rAN »sin>BifATiON TO THv pB^cp or AVQ^huno; nriHiau 
AMD m SVIAB (gBKM&N) BE FO aidATlOK 

mclcT of the Swiffl; they sBrva as mercenariefi in Uih artaiBs 

Pnnce and of the Pope 119 

t Zvtngli (1484); hie nntlv? chamKer; his education , . 120 
riM 1150&-ld) he opposes the ^ynt^m of pensions and of hired 

riet mder the French 120 

aadahi (1516-18) preachea eaJration by the grftc« of Christ 

mc 131 

th« pHneapte of the exeluAivQ authority of the Bible • . 133 

pr igiiffnf* fndulgeaces; le r^tablUhed at ZuHrh (1510) . . 133 

iBliui aa a man and a preacher ...... 1S3 

dbfuitatlan (1523) ; the couquI of the city austaJna bim . • 123 

Orinas; a Keened diBptjtatlon ....... 1Z4 

favomaa a aeparalA Proti^sUnt (Thurrh (1.124) .... 124 

Fto "Commeniary on True &nd Fa]ib> R>i[gjoTi " (1525) . . 124 

V tevpo^Cing the utvatinn of the he&then , , . . 124 

if4>rmaCioQ ifi BaMi (1529); Berae (152S); St, OftU (153S); 

(1530) 12* 



ZTi 



CONTBNTB 



The eccLeaiaeblcal revolutfon ia also ft politluJ one . . . , 1 

ContraAt or Luitipr and Zxdngll ; thdr rdigioiia ^xperreacQ , . I 

CompamtLve conecrvatLsm of Luther ....... I 

Mingling of patriotlanv aod religion in Zwin^i , , . . t 

Luthar Jod the roKJetancro to thc^ Church of Homo , . . , ] 

The Euoharidtio controvopBy bolween tho Lutherftaa and the Swiai | 

History o{ tho doctrine of the Eudiaridt ...... 1 



Three opinions; Lulhtu-^ Zwiogli, CcJvin .,..., 
Grouud ifl Luth<;r'^ vehijjneiLco sgaiuBt the ZwtagliaD docbriae ^ 

The Coareraiii:!! ai Mnrburg (1529) 

The rpsull; flubseqiipnt rpvival of the coutroveraj (1543) . 
Catutrophe of tho Swiaa Reform&tion; war between the Catholic uid 

ProtestB-Dt Cuntooa . >..*..,. 

Death of ZwingLi (1531) 

The Treaty of Peace; Protostontiflm chocked , , . . , 

FortnDtion of the Lea^c of Smalcatd (1631) ... 

The Emperor disabled for ten years (1^32-42) from curyixig out tho 

Auggburj^ Decree ,..,.....• 

Catholic League (1538) 

Coafereucca of Lhe oppofling partips (1537-^); Gonlarini ■ 

The T^ea^i; of SniAli^ald, how weakened ...... 

Hfturic^ of Saxony joina the Emperor (1546) ..... 

La*t days of Luther 

Tho relationfl of Luther aad Meloncthon to each other • « . 
McIoncthou'H fimoral addreaa L>n Luther (1540) • . . • • 
Luther's power and ioflurrioe; rcmarkfl of Dollinger . . . . 

The Smalcnldic war (1546-47); defeat of the Probcatanta at Mohl- 

bern (1547) 

The Au^buri^ InlfiriJn (154S); Charles's plan of pacification 

He is disappointed; action of the CouucU of Trent . . , . 

TJnion of Paul IlL and Francis I. ngaln^t hirn (IS47)- 

Regi^ctance to the Augsburg Interim in North QErmany; the LeJpila 

Inlerim (154S) 

Bottcr prospecte of Protestant jem .....<. 
Uaurlce turns a^iitDst Charloa; drlvea h^m out of Innsbruck (1552) 

Treaty of Padsau (1552) 

Peace of Augsburg (1555); iho jua ftjormandi: the EccleaiaBtical 

Reservation ...,.«.,,. 

Abdic^abion of Obarlw (155G) ..,.,,., 



CHAPTER VI 



TBB BBrORMiLTION IH TOO BC AN DDT A VI^H EmOOOVa, IH THB ^ 
ALAVOriJC HATIOHS, AND KN BUNOAnT fl 

Spread of the Heformation; agency of Qermana; influence of 

Wittenborg 1 

The ScandEuavian kingdoms: the Union of Calmar (139T) . . 1 

ChrielJan IL of Denmark (151^23) tai'on Prot^atantifltn, then draw 

bacli \ 

He ie depoaed and sueeoeded by Frederic I. (1523-33) . , « 1 

Spread of Lutheronism in Denmark in hie reign . , . , , 1 




CONTENTS 



xvil 



r rhrirtitn III, the R«fonnAtiQa ja kgailud .... 160 

ftvtvn of the Dttoisb ProteGlADt Church 160 

icntir nKiveiDeQto ia Ltibeck and other cities, in Gormectioa 

rith the Rcii>niiAtiQa >>>...... 161 

j4iahmcAt of ProtcetADtiam in ti^rtrrkj (1537) . > - . 162 

lAd Lfturencfl Pctereeo preaoh ProtectAntijiJi] ■□ Sweden (1519] . 163 

LTiia Voaa (1523-60) TarorB it 16.1 

■dopSfid al Uii! Dielof W*»sfpnvs(1527j 163 

t w&d done with ^ccJeaiAslJcnl property . . . , , 153 

re of wjbsequpnt pfforls t*i reetorc Cutholitiam . . . . 154 
ttof the enefution of Hu^ in Dohemm <U15> . > ,154 

lie ibOvemoDt was both re]i|:ioua and miLioral .... 155 
dcmaod of Xte cup for the liJty; hialory of the pmoUco of witb- 

bol(lio« it ... : 155 

h«SU« tJoivemiCy dedarca for the UtTAqnlvt* • ■ ■ . 155 

Ara of thr Utraquu^: tlie Tabontes 155 

1(1300-1424) Uielrleuier I5R 

AjUcIm of Prague, Ihe plallnrtn at the Utnvqubta (1*21) . . 15» 

e CmnadFs fail to !3ubdii& Ui^m 157 

r «foh«Ard at the Council GfBBBel (I433I J57 

CompactatA 15^ 

|iel«f CalixtliioBandTahont«i 16B 

weof the Brethren in Unily (circB U50> I5ft 

mbl* r»«n>tioQ of Lutherumm by the Huaidt«a .... 1h5A 

UtrwquiBid sciujK to juiti Pcrdiciiuicj in the SmiUoaldic war . 150 

ec|iimt peraeculioD nf Bohemian Prot^ntantA . , • • 159 

tiUM ttimlitlon of Poland al the limr of the Refcrmation , . 159 

' ProlAflUntlMD wju inlrnduct^d tOO 

iimdol th« tif^w doPtrinf> in Poljnh PruisJa and in Livonia (I524j I5il 

nwkd If- {lS^S--72) fHVorabJ^ to it 101 

|totta diMMiaioii arnocg Prot«etant9: spread of Unitariojuflin . llil 

IILmoo (1409-15^0) IS2 

m of LtttlicrBiiB, Galvinists, aod Brethren, in the 87nod of Sen- 

dwnir (15T0> lAJ 

■HIT ol ti^l^ Itrant^d to all thi^ Churches . • > ■ . IA2 

RcfnnBaLion introducrd into Hungary . . . • . ]f}3 

n of Uw dvil war U520) upon il« pragnu ]fl3 

■ IwlWCu rhi: rwf i rniilu mnl r nrhi niiin , . , * . 164 




^ CHAPTER VII 



JOSK CALTIN affP TBB QftNlVAN BDrOIUlATIOlf 



1b bfllorv? Lo Ihp Hcond generation rif Rfformers . . 106 

Mnh (15001, fanuly, nnd i^u^atitin 106 

lea at Parts; Etiidie« Ikw nt OrEmn^ and Bniirgca 1A7 

■Milai pow«r and habitfl or «ludy ...... I6T 

Mtm Btaeca'a treatlae on *' Qemeni^y " (1532) ; hia motive , , 16S 

eMT*nAon(t532} 169 

I^ LF Vg and fovc of rgtiremgnt IW 

Bed lo fly fromr&rid (1533); at Aiignul^mf;; at B^am; retuni* 

loPitfta . m 




CX)NTENTB 



Obliged e^Ain Ut fly, on Aci^ount or pliu^&rds ogalnftt the mttm (1535) . 
His first thtolojical work; the "Pejchopannyehid" (1S34J 
At Baeel (1535); Hludi«s Hebrew; wriica tbe *' liutitutca" 

His motivfi in composing this work 

BtB chDrsctorielicfi ob b init<!r and a man ■>-.,> 
Hia adoption of the BibLc> as the £oIe Gtaudard of doDirioD . ■ 
HiB mnception of the Oiurch aoid reTcreoce for it . • . 
^His doctrine of prcdcatinntion ........ 

' li attAohed to the doctrine oa pr&ctical grouDda .... 

~TJiR opEnion comp&red with th&t of AugubtJufl > . . , . 

His ability aa a comm^ni&l^r 

Mot ftn exf.remlflt in rpflpept to forms »nd rit« . , . , , 
The acerbity oF his tetnper .-,.,,,_, 

His piety tinged nith th« Old TeetBiD«Dt apirit 

His homage lo law acd pense of tho cialtatioti of God ■ . . 

^LcoB broad is his sympathies than Luther , 

Hia greatDCSB of mind and of character , , , • > , 
Visits the ciJUrt of the I>uchf:^ of Fcrrara (1535) .... 

Stopfl at Geneva on hla return (153G) . 

Gf!TiFVH Nubject to S^voy ; achleveH lis Independence (liiS^I) 
Protefllant infltienrea from Berne --..,,- 
Expulsion of the Bishop from Geneva and eAtablishment of Prot^stAnt' 

ism (1535) 

FbtoI (1489-1565); hia Mstory aad character; hia preaching at 

Geneva , 

Diseanlenl there with the new ecclcaiafitical Qyi^tem . . . , 
8tate of morolH ....,.,..,. 
Fare] mivvca Calvin to remain and aaalai him (1536) . . • , 
Strict regulationfl of Church diacipUae ...... 

Gppoalliou to them , . . 

The preachiTB refiuv to administer the Sacrament .... 

They are baniphed by the fitizenH {1-S.18) ^ 

CaJvLn resides at Strabburg; attends the German religloiu CoofSN 

entJOB (1539-1541) 

^^ Hie opinion of Luther; hid rclationA to Melancthoo . . . . 
His marriage ..>....!«,, 

b recalled to Geneva (1541), and why 

Hia letter to 8adolet 

Hia reluctance to return ..... i., . 
The Oenevnn civil and ecdeaiosticsl syHlem . . . . . 

Thp Little Cnimcil: the Conrffllory 

Vigtlnnt supTvision of the people by preaehrrs and elders . 

The Venerable Company ......... 

Calvin take4 part in fnunmg the eivfl laws. . , . , . 
How the preachers were chosen . -*...,. 

Disaffection arlece; the Liberlinea ....... 

(Jorabination of different classes of Calvin's opponents 

8ovcrity of the G':ncvan laws ,.....,, 

RehgiiJLia intolerance; its hiatory «.■>.■. 
Practiced in the Middle Ages ........ 

Ttie RrformeTH did net advoeate toleration , . • . . 

Conflictfl'Of Calvin and effortJi to intimidate him , . . . 

Bolsee batilnlicd (1551) for a&KalLlng the doctrine of predestiuatioD 



CONTENTS kix 

run 

C7f Cftfltenir? fU44) • » , lOQ 

id Serv«tuf j hifi hutory And chAractrr 197 

ook on Uie"Error9of the Trinity" (1530 197 

■eoful bMik ' — the "ReatoratioD of CtuiHtianity" . . , I9B 

for b«fT«7 b«forv a Roman CuLhoIic Court at Vienne . . lOS 

fi>niiih«d from Geni?\'a - L9S 

ap«a ADd romca to Geneva [1553} IQ^ 

Medand iriMi , . 199 

iwietcd nnd bumed at the st&ke 200 

C7 cf C^vin in the tranBoction; vprdict of Gxitsol . , , 200 

secnttoD of Scrv^tus fEPneriUly approved . . > . . 202 

hO' vlToirtB of the Lib^rlmpfl ; fcii final overthrow (1555) , - 202 

n'a Qiiilliplinl labore Biid vobl kidu^nce . . . . . 203 

mtjvArs; the variety of hifs Frnplc^ments; his irHnnitieaof body 204 

Ht jllafsfi (1564); hb iotcrvlew with the Council , . . 20ft 

otervww with thi> pr^fiohera ....... 205 

M^ of bis i:haraft«T , . 206 

Dum lay» emphasta on the Bovereignly of God - . . . 207 

faTorftblp to civil hb«rty ... h ... - 207 
wfl not mirmidpr the government of the Church to the civil 

mtboritr 207 

lurch organir-AtioD h republican ...•-.. 203 

wis cArt-hiy povetdgnly by eaaltinft the divine . . < . 208 

^U with Rom&niam in ita view of the civil Authority , • 206 



CHAPTER Vra 



BodMma^ and ParSiamtnt oppo^^ doctrinal Innovationa . . 200 

A of the vcp^aJ of the Pra^^atio Sanction (1516) . • . 200 

rm eooAnAtCfl from Uumnni^m - . * • . < • 209 

timl. (\M^-47)i the patron i^r learoinK and art. . . . 200 
CTB (1450-1536), the Father of the Itefoimation i hift studies 

tiui writing 210 

n^iiical turn; his pupil, Brl^rnet 211 

Citity of th» ^Tbonne and of PorliATnent to LffAvre and hit* flrhool 211 

■y njpprvHWd in Meaux (i5?M ,...,.. 211 
^nt, Qu?«n of Navarre (1492-1549); her sympathy with the 

Myvtie*! r^hool 212 

wntinga; ahe favors the PToteBt.an1fl without joining them . . 212 

to* I- oppoeea the Sorbonnr ; Eiipporta hie frister , • , • 213 

Bfca his course; cn^tigea in persecution > ■ p ■ * 214 

btful position of France rc-specting tht Reformatjoa . . . 214 

ka. Rm^vanre, the Hefoi-uiutioti; the three rivals , . . 215 

rCalrfnisin wlh dirdikpc] 215 

K tf Loyola and the Catholic Reaction 216 

dan (i4S3-l55S) 216 

UlaCian of Fruieia J, and its eoTiB«quene«a 217 

p«flMieut<s the Pr>t«'tfuita (1534); eourta the al]iaao« of the 

Era& princes 217 



an CONTENTS ^^H 

ti]flii«DC« of G«D4va uid or Calvin ...>•*.' 

Henry U. (1547-59); hia hostiJity to the RoTormAtiaa < , • : 
iL; progri^sa ,.-.-.,..<.' 

The Calviniffto hold a BcnoTftl Synod (I5S9) S 

PersecutjoD after the trei^ty of Cateau-Combresis; de&lh of Henry II. 

(1559) 3 

Heroinin at tlic atifTemra ....,.,.. 2 

How thft Huguenots bfirjinie n poUtiral party • . . , . 3 
CAtharlne d« M^dfoJ; her relations to Henry and his mistresB; and 

h(ir character .......... 3 

Fratiria 11, 41559-60) is ccntroUcd by Uie Guises; theiv history and 

character - • - , S 

Diacontetit of the Boiirbona and CbatilEone . . . . . ti 

CoDncotioQ oF the great nnblce with the Calviniata . ... Si 

Calvin preochea to ttiem aubtiUBfiion; tlieir patJencc > • . . S 

Thfj cunapiratj of Amboiflc (1560) .,.,*.. S 

It« conacijueiices ; the Edict dT RomoraBiin f15Q0) , . . , S 

Cotigny Huppurta the petition of the ProLeetants for liberty of worship 3 

The StiiteK Gvnerul ciULed together at Otl^iia (1560) . . . . S 

Arrest nf CnndA; N^avarre pLJu^pd under Rurveiltaaee . . . . S 

Plot for the ejctirpfttijjn of Protestantism ...... 5 

Frustrated by the death of FrAJicJ§ II. (1500) S 

Catharine de Mfldici; her virtual guarduuiehip of Charles IX. (1560- 

74), and regetury , . , . S 

Influence of L^Ho^pitoJ S 

Strenii^tb of thf Protestaatd ■ . . . i . < , 2 

Gui*?, Montniorerk<^i, aad 9t. Ajidr* form tbe Triumvlrftte . » . :2 

TlieCotluquy lit PuisBy (1581); Beia a 

The Eiiirt of 3t. Gt^rmaln (1562J granta a meaaure of toleratlciii . 2 
The Mhssflpre of Vas^y (ia&2j begins the fivjl wan* ... .2 

The Huguenots fought in aelf-doferrfie ...... 3 

Siege of Rouen; battle of Dreui (1562J; araasBination of Guise 

(1563) a 

The Edict of AmboUe (1563); the character of it . . . .3 

The Hu^onotfl tako up iLnnB; Peace of Loogjumeot^ (ISSS) . . 3 

G>nferenT:e at Dayonne (1535) S 

Reneira] of the war undor Sp&niah tnfluenoe; battlm of Jaroac and 

Moncontour (1560) 2 

Treaty of 9t. GerniHin fl570); reasons that influenced the Court to 

make pearo; fortifl^l towns placed In the h&nda of the HufiuenDtB 3 

PnhticaJ criAJr^ m Europe; will France make war on Spain? . . S 

Proposal ttiat Henry of Navarre shall tiiarrr Margaret of Va[ois , 3 

Coligny ponies to Court ; bis character ...... 3 

The origin of the Maa^acre of St- Bartholomew (1573) . - ,3 

Had it been planned earlier? ........ S 

Joy at Madrid and at Homo S 

Effect of the massacre on the aurviiTng HuguenotB , . ■ ■ 3 
The party of the Politique^ or Liberal Catholics ia formed . * .3 

OreoniiatioD of the Leai;ue ........ 3 

Podltioa of Henry III. (1574-89) 3 

TvismmmnnLratlon of Niivarre and Cond* by flixtus V, (1585) - 3 

Warof the "Thrw Henrtea" (1,S86) 3 

AMsaABinatloa QI the Guises h^ order of Henr^ 111. (165SJ - . .3 




C0nTENT9 



nl 



J«i» Um «n»jr of HcoTT of >Iavmire 249' 

lli^ nL is nwnarinaUd (1589) 240 

SbitIV.: his w viUilheLfague; the battle of Ivrj (1590) , 240 

llbamtaflt with Alexiuidn of Forma (I5fi2) 341 

of HpnrjIV.; lU motivBB (1*93) ; lU effact . , . 241 

of Uiis art 241 

'fnltfortunes of lh« HuguenoU ....,,, 343 

idnteiatr&Uort of Hf^nry IV,; th? Edict of NukteB (15B8J . . 343' 

lHv BflSttCfaots become on idoUt«d and cbfeoiiive parly . , 24i 



CHAPTER IX 



TBS ItftFOlCBlJkTIOTr IN THI nilTHUU.AHIia 

1ta|Krtt7 aad ialclljgeii<.'e of the people of the NvLhertaudH , , 245 

IriMloa ta the Nethtvlundfl tu the Opj-moji Empire . ^ . . 24d 

faAKBcn favomblp to Frott^tantitim ...... 240 

ltaBartli^edi(?UDrChar!f» V. (1521 s^.) 246 

HmjiJmim at BniagalB (1533); Luther'a hynm . . . ,347 

f^l JB ^fcnl persMUtiob by CharLes V,; uumbcr of nL^rtj^rfl . , 347 

IbdIe&tiAD ol Charles V. (1555) 24S 

fftiiatiul oAd dt^potio character of Philip II. (1555-0S) ... 248 

Bb uapopulflritj ia the XclberlEiDda ••••.•• 340 

1^ Breat noblc«; Or&ag?, E^'iuont ,..*.,. 249 

Ifar^rvC of Pmniuic mfttle Reseiit <]5^fi); her charaotci . . . 250 

Qkuiirclbe; his diaracter 250 

Oawlvet of the govprumeiit b* jilnccd \n hid lianila .... 250 

tlOBp kcvpa at th* N"ether!flnda Spanish regiments .... 2S0 

^«TCftt«> fi*v biRhoprio« . , . ..,.., 351 

Vh^M of these measures 25 L 

Q«MC«r of the noblce; WlUi&m of Oruge 251 

'Kflto rabcvB tbo pOTHecuting edictd . ...... 3o2 

Tbv lOiquiHtioa oad Ite cntr.llics ....... 233 

OrM^f! oitd E^rmoDt complain of GronvelJe lo the KIdc . . . 253 

Ba« far Grutvellc woa reeponfiible ..,..,. 253 

Hel«tvr« thr counOy (L^i) 254 

fcctititi of WiUiaid uf OraDgc against the pulley of the govemmErit . 254 

^MM gpm to Spain to enlighT^n Uie King ..... 354 

li to dvped by the t^nruiees of Philip 255 

Vavt of the oontiaued cruelties. ....... 255 

1bi'*(\iaipn>mise'^ (1566} 255 

IW Ri^eat allows Protpetotit preaching outi3Jd« of the cltiu . . 2S6 

lUppiQaiisn to mitigate his pohcy; the proof of hu pc-rftdy . , 25^ 

Jwiprlaifp {15W) 25ii 

lb Recent mahea a truce with the Coufedcfnury of Koble^ . . 250 

Ihai^r leaves the couotry 257 

Ihnseanoe of PhlUp; tnbnion of Lhe Duke of Alva (1567) . . . 253 

IbajTenaEpnoDt and Horn; the "Council of Bltjod" . 259 

Aha difeats Louis otKkttau; Egmotit ODd Horn are beheadaj (1568) 2fiO 

jUv«^a plAn of taiatioa 0^^) ...*■-•• MO 

Tbv wpktit itt mfotaaee is awmkeoed , ...... S40 

1W3ea-tH«arB'; thi^yeapture Brie] (1572} 260 




UoUAEid acid Ze&Und adopt % frfift coostitutioa; Oraugfl made StadU 

holder ^1573) 3 

Alra dctcaled by the people; he ka n-called (l{i73) ... . S 

RGftUGsens aucceeds Hm (1573) .3 

Growth of a Protoalant alatc under Orange 2 

Flanders lUid Brabjiat invoke hu help- the PauiGcation of Gheat 

(IflTfi) 2 

Don John surrpedp Requesena (1576) ....... 3 

Division bplween the Snuthpro and Northern Provhices . . ,3 

AlexflndflF rif Parifiii suci^Pde Don John tl57Sj . , . . 3 

The Utrwht L'nion formed in the North (1579) , , , , 2 

Outlawry of William of Orange (1680); bis"Apology" , , » S 
His eharactcr .--•>k«..ti9 

His a.!3dii^nalion (1t'>31) ...,.,,., 2 

The Catholic Provinfied submit to Fanna . . . . . S 

Philip^a inteiJtion Un remove him; deuth of Paj-ms (1592) , . * S 

R\^ of the Dutch Republic; diaaal^rs vf Philip aud of Spain . . 2 

The AndbnptlHla. ... ^ ...... 2 

Prevalenre of CalvlniKin ......... 7 

Thft Cftlviniflta do not Adopt thp principle of toleTHIion . . . 1 
Differenco between PVoteBtanls and Catholice in reapeet to intoler' 

ance .....,.,..,. S 

William of Orange advocates religious liberty . , , .2 

Oontrovcray on the rclalioTi of the Church to the civil authority . 3 

Germs of tha Armitiian Gonlroveray S 

CHAPTER X I 



TSB RTPORUATION IN BNOIrANP AND nCOTLANt> 

LollordH tiumomiH at the begltinlng of the sixteenth centuiy S 

Influence of the Revival of learning ..,..,. 2 

Cardinal Wobey a friend of learning ....... 3 

Tyndale (d. 1536] and frith (d. 1533] 3 

The peculiarity of the English Reformation , , > , > S 

No prominent leaders aa on the Continent 3 

Htory VIII. aeelca a divorce from Clement VII. (1527) . , ,3 

Heiiry redut-ed the power of the Pope and the olergy ia EngFand 2 

Revives the etatuUr of "prfflinunire" (IfiSI) 2 

AddresHPd by the clergy as Head of the English Church . . .2 

Is divorra^ and nnaTHes Anne Boleyn (1532J ..... 2 

Theact of Suprpmaoy (1*34] a 

Abolishing of the monasteriea ( 1536) 2 

A Cathohc and a Protefltant party in the Council and In the Chureh 2 

Cranmor leads the Protestant party; hia character .... 2 

Thomaa Cromwell; Gardiner ........ 2 

The English Bible b^ucd by tho King's authority .... 2 

The Ten Artiulea (1535) 3 

The Rebellion of IMft 2 

The Catholic party in the ddecndeaey ; the 3ix Artieles (1539) . . 2 

The Fall of Cramwell (1540) 2 

AnLagonifliTJ of the two parties after Henry's death (1M7) . . .3 

Pro Install lisro prevails uodfir Edrard VL ...... 3 




CONTENTS 

nfnloTced by theob^fituu from the Oontineut . . . 279 ^ 
1W Book of OmuiiQa Pray«r <1£4S, 1552) j the Articles of Reiigloii 

(ia52) 278. 

tte prDcms* **yo r&piil for thv popular feeling 2791 

Vblotf Um Prot^rlor Sninfirvei.n<^AU 379' 

loiwl nf iht n I li ^TiiTiriil itnlTitr i . 279) 

BiarHmiirj- movemenl under Maty (1553-58) 279* 

iaiConUoD of the Coiholic «jAt€m: hprniHmagevith Philip 11. (1554) 279 

lbrt|TdoiQ or CraJimer, Kidl^y^ and UitJixier (1555-56] . . 23Q 

IheekAr»ct^ of Cratmicr 2S(I, 

Ol^opulAnty of Mfiry and \^n causes ...,,., 2S1 

dcDUuKb of Pope Paul IV 231 

of ElUAbeth <]55S); Ler coiuwrviitive ProtCfltontiam . . 2B2-^ 

of ibe Artkkv (I5ti3j 2SZ^ 

Jfll cf Supremacy and Acta of Uniformitj (l£fi93; Court or Higli 

CEtfnmi^isioa (IA83) 291 

TtMUneiil of the CAthollra 2»31 

fitflm liiiii betv(«D the Anglican Church and the ProteMtant Church^ 

oa the Contin«Dt 29»— 

Unto cooitro^Brsf on Epiacopory in th^ timt a^ of the EtefurmatkuQ '2K3 

Fte<nal reUtion of (ho English and the Contineiital Churchca . 2S1 

baBBKr Awcrti^ the parity of the doif^ ,,..., 2B4 

S^tflmafiT of l^rd Bacon; position of Hooker (1553-1600) . . 295^ 

Afrvemeat of the Anglicao and Continental Churchea on predleotinatioa 383^ 

The Au^iiHtmiiU] aud CiJvL[iii<tic do<!tnue otiuipured .... 297^^ 

taiiwocc of C^Ivin and of W\fi writings in EngEand .... 2SS v 

Jkigl^can divines not rigid prf'dt-^tlnjiriAng ...,,. 2SB — 

JttgUeaa doetrine C&lvJnijiTic on thp EuchaH^it ..... 2B9 ^ 

Tin docCfine expressed in the Articles ...... 291'' 

Ibfr Puntao obJectioDFi to tho vestments ,..,.. 291 

Virvs of J«wcl nnd other Elisabcthsn biehopA 202 

The Queea's opposition to r^hongGS ia the ntiial . . . . • 2&9' 

BtreCkforccEiieai of uaiformity . 294' 

CWtwriEht an advocate of PrcebytorianiAin (1572) , , . , 294 

Iheivuiias of 1j^ principled un the Qtreen's Supremacy . . . 295' 

cf the Indepvndpale; their priiuiplea. ..... 29S 

on Churrh gov^nimenl mh\ un the relation of Church and State 290 

of Ihe controversy of the Anglicans and Furitana . . 2y7 

lord BamQ's review of it 297 

Xo lawudajnD in Englsjid 298' 

OoaaeatioD of the Seotti^h Reformation with Elizabeth , . .299 

ttMet«r of the Scottish nobility; of iho commonB .... 209 

The rkrsx ignorant and vicious; their vrcallh ..... 300 

Treslmeat of Froteslantiam under the RcRcot Maiy (t551-60) . . 300 

Irtnm «f KnoK from the Continent {l£59) 3Ul 

IbeeducaLic^n of Knox; beeina to [jreach; adaptive tii France (1547) 301 
Be resjdrfl al Geneva (15410-59); his "MonatroiiB Regimen of 

Women'' 303 

Thfr Covenant of Ihe Lorda of the Congregation tl557j . 303 

TV pTvaehing of Knox; iconocluni 303 

Cmlwth aendi troops to aid the lorda 11560) 303' 

hathof UieQuem-R^t-Dt (15«U); legal edUbUshment of Proteatanl- 

te» ilSOO) 303j 



Kdv 



CONTENTS 




The cocledaitioftl prc>pe«7, ho* used 303 

Betum of Mftf}'^ Qu^ec of Scole, irvm Fr&ncQ (1561); her ohva«t«r 301 

Stic dnca not rcaiat ProtcetantiBm ; j^rounds of her policy > . • 305 

Khux'b oppUAiliou to Ihc maae io her Ctmpel (15fll> .... 300 

ConrerecicQ of Kno^ and Ihe Queen . 30fi 

Their dL'bate un the "regimca of women" ..,•,. 307 

On ttL« right f>r fiubj^ytj to rMJat their sovereign , . , . 308 

Knox's opinion of Mary , . -.-.., 309 

Re preflohtH Agaioflt the dancing At Holyrood ; another oocfereafie with 

Hiiry 310 

Tha pooplB supprc£^ tho masti Jn the western diatrictfl (1563) . 310 

Knox dofendA their conduct in a coni'onfttjrin with the Que«n - . 310 

JCoox amugncd fur convening her lic^oa ...,,• 312 

He dotcrilKA his i.'XauiijjjkLiuLj befuri; hiT &tid the Privy CJouncil . . 812 

Knox** public prajtT foF th? Queen and Uie rpalm . , . > 313 

He tOHHidera tijIeiBtioti of Cattiulie woraliip a sin . . . 313 

Hary'R marrijLge «-lth Damley (li'tfiS) ....... 314 

It dli^jL'-aHH Elii&brtlt; Alary's hopen n<o1«' En Spain and the Quiaes 314 

Mtirder of HJziio by DafnJey and (he jealoUH nohlps (1506) , 315 

Hary'e repujfnnnoe lo Darafey and atlAfhrnent io BothweEl , 316 

Circumstances pri!i:oding tho murder of Damloy 317 

Abduction of tlieQuei^n by Bolhwell (1567) 318 

He is divorced from his wiFc and mamee Mtiry (1567) . . . 3IQ 

8hc BurrendcTB to the lorda fit Carberry Hill ( 15fl7) . , , . 319 

The problecn of the "tasket letters" 319 

M&ry abdicates ui favor of her ^ei; makea Murmy Ri-geni (Ip'307) . 321 

Contftftulion of the Kirk; the a*!rond &H)k of Diwiptlne (^177-31) 322 

Fnll estflhlLnlitnent of the Prertiyterinn iiys^lpm (lf«a) , . , . 323 

Mary <?£CUpeB from Lorhl^^ven (15ari) ; i^ tlvleat^ at Lutgeide (1568); 

A prieoner in England .-..,.... 333 

Hostility of tho Catholic Heoction to ELisabeth 324 

She nenda help to the Nctberianda (1585) 324 

Execution of Mary (1587) 335 

Defeat of tlic Spanish Armada (1538) 325 

ProteHtantifiiij in freland ......... 32fi 

EfToct of the Catholic Reneliun on thf Iriah 326 

Lurd Bacon on the way tu tnut Iraland .,«•.. 325 

CHAPTER XI 

tHB HUrORUATION IS ITALY AVD BFAIN ; THE COTTNTVl^ 
REVORUATIOM IN THE ROHAN CATHOLIC rHUttCH 

ReoiBtance to Protcfltantfam or^aniised in Italy and Spain . . . I 

Political condition of Italy in it*^ bearing on Prot^aUuituuii , . £ 

The corruption of the Churcli uiidt-rsUjoU by Itotiana • . > , £ 

Arnold of Brescia (d. 1155) 3 

Dante (I2a5-I321j atttbcka the temporal power, but not the Catholie 

dogmas .3 

His ideal of the restored Empire ,,.,...; 

How tioorncdo (iaK{'7ft3 li^ata the Church and the el^rgy , . I 

Ttitf spirit vf the KenHJdKam.'^: ; Laun-ntJua Valla (d. 1465) ^ . > £ 

The Borviee of Huinaubm mid ltd limits; the frcadcmica . , .2 




C0NTEKT8 



nOUviuii of Lutheran vritingi [a Itidy 331 

AolertVltUtn in Italy a. Ihiug of degreea 333 

The OnbUry of LHvme hovt- ConUrmi 333 

Thit reformed opiniooa in Fcrrua; the Duchefia Reuie (IS27) • . 333 

PiQtcBtaiitiam m other ciiks 334 

In Naolrs; Jiuu Vddte (circa 1G30) 334 

Oduuo and Peter Martyr 33A 

Trealiae on the" Bpdefila of Christ" - . , . , . 833 

Th« $&r rami? n tar Laii cfi^put^ ...,..,> 335 

Paul 111. (15i4-4tf) favors Iho Calholic rRforming p^rty (153T) , . 335 

CcnUrini lit Hatii^hoa 11541) 336 

Ckrafia leads the ri^dly orthodox party of refornn , . « • 333 

New orders; the TheAlincd (1524} 337 

Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556) founds the order of the Juuita (1540) 337 

Hiabookof '^Spiritual ExerHsQA" .338 

'Hke coc^LlutioQ of the Jesuit order . . a • < • < 339 

The Couudl of Trent (1545-1503) 340 

Itji df^nitioii.-« are an ti- Protestant ....... 341 

lu practical w<:rk In thf way of reform ...... 341 

The Council B«rv^ to tonsohdatf the Catholii- C'hurph , . , 341 

Tli« Inqui^tian; itjfbiatory; the Spanuh laquisition . . . 341 

The Inquisition In Italy (1.^42), how organized 343 

Fli^bt of Ochino (1542], Peter Martyr (1512), Vorgcrio (1648) . . 343 

PeOBCUtioii of Prutoitacta --.,.,,.> 343 

Suppmotou <jf Dookn; the Index Prohibitonua (15G7) * « 343 

The IndfJi Cxpurgftt<irlu4 .....<•< 344 

PierwcutioiL or Evangelical Calholios . ...... 344 

ExLlrpa^u'i ^^ PrT>tj!3liuiliHtD in Itnly ....,, 344 

Introduction cjf Proteataiitinm into Spain , 345 

Converts to Prv^leHtantisnk at StvJIle and Vallodolid , . , . 345 

Reception of the dnjctrinp of Juiitification by Faith . . . , 34ft 

AtdM daji (I^^tf^O) . . . . , 346 

au«oaaa of ttiQ loqui»ition .,...,,.. 347 

Perwcution of the EvangeEicnJ Catholic^; Carmniui (1553-1576) . 347 
Attitude of t^ Popcj* In respect to the Cjitholic Reaction; Paul IV. 

<tW5-59>; Piua IV, (ISOtt-O.^^): Piua V. (1560-72) . - . 348 
Bixtus V. cicomuiuDiL-aLra Henry IV. (1585j. aud iiupporlfi ttw 

Lao^pie 349 

Chan^ In the Intellwtual spirit or Italy; Tn»u> (1A44-9A] : the new 

schools of p^ntin^ ......... 34Q 

Ckrio BorrorvL^'a private virtuea and Chriatian vork (1538-^4) . , 3A0 

The JasUJls aa educators 350 

They ertend Ihdr influence in Eurojw 3S0 

Ommtriea recovered to the Cliurch of Rome , . . . . 35t 

Cbuaea of the check of Proleit^intianQ ; Macaulay'a diocuMion , , 351 
The cry«ta1U£i£if[ of parties . .,.,•>.. 

PoliUfikl arrange T[ie]itfl ......... 3AS 

The removal of nhiiaes in the Church of Rome ..... 353 

Prot^t&ntA waste their streiL,brth En ront^sut tvlth one another . , 353 

Tho better organlzQtJon of the Roman Cathitllve ... - 354 

"n»y u»* Uie varietiwi of (nlcntu and charaeler ..... 354 

lAon nMt«d attachment in !:^uthem EvtTufie to the Church of Rome 354 
lytecnl afiaea jl the Homau Catholic PcLtty; ita effect 



I 





ixvl COMTENTS 



CHAPTER Xn 



'rmn ITXIKIGLX Cr PBOTCBTANTTBH in the HEYHnTIIINTH CB5TURT 

FA 

'Revfijves eTpericnced by the C&tholic Reaction ,....& 

Friacipal topics to be eouEidered ....... 9 

FuUurc of Charles V, to HUbjugatc the Frntcataatfi . . . - 3J 
Effect of the Peace of Augflbiirg (1555); PhiJip IE- Dot oupported by 

Ferdioiuid 1. and Maximiliait II. > . , * . - 3J 
Their auccedaora under the Hwuy of the Jeftulta and the Catholic 

Reactioa ....... 1 >•■ 3i 

Ori^n of the Thirty Years' War (IClS-td^S) 3J 

The EvjLagKlifZLl L'ilIdu (160ft) ; ihe Catholic Uugue led by MAXJmilian 

of BftvnrlH (1609; 3J 

The BohomUiii9 revolt a^aitiHt Ferdinand TI.; give their crown to 

Frederie V,, the Elector Palatine (ItJl^^) * 

Bigotry of Ferdinund IL, and oE the Elector .....& 

Ufifeat of the UohcmiiuiBj conquest of the Palatine (1632) , , 3i 

Triple Eklliaaoo For the restoration of tho Elerlor (1635) , . . 3< 

Fulure of the Duiiah iatenentiDH (1626-1629} 3l 

Wallenstein delivers FerdiQJLnd froin AubjccLiun to tha Leo^Q - .9 
The euuatltution vt the aruiie&; the uiiseriea of the war . . .A 

ViuLorira of Wollenfiteiii and of Tilly (Ifl20'lft29} . . - . Si 

The Edict of Restitution (1329); th(» reraoval of Wallpnatcin (J630) ft 

Intervention rtl Guata-viiJi Adolphm (IQ30); hit ^hnrai^ter and motivaa 3l 
Victories of GubLliais; WaJleimtela j-«a.ppoiikted (1633); the battle 

of Lutzen (I632J » 

Indueneo of KichelLeu (1624-1642); ground of Froach intcrvontLOik . 3< 

The death of Walleofltein (1634) 9 

ProdominaacG of RichcLicu in the conduct of the war (1634) ■ . 3^ 

The struggle protrflfited, and why ,,,,... 3< 

The Peace of Weatphalio (1048) * 

Position of EnglELud under the Stuurts ...... Si 

Wliieniiig gulf between AiiglinmK ofid PuHLansf . - . . 3 
Hostility iif Jimes I. [1603-10'25J lo the Puritans; the Hamplnti Court 

Conference (1604) » 

Charlea L (1625-1648); hia arbitrary ayatem of govenunent . . 3 

Archbishop Laud (1633) 3 

The League ojid Coveaanl of tho Scots (1638^ 3 

The war between Kin^ and Parliament (1642) 3 

The WestrnJnater Afifiemblj ; parUea in it (1642) . . . . 3 

Cstabliflhinenl of rredbylerianisin, huw^ limited. . ... 3 

Cromwell (1653-1058) and the liidependenta 3 

The ftettlere ol N'ev: England (1620) 3 

Their ecclealflsticfl-L ^yslpm ..,..-... 3 

DiRtlnctlnn between th^ Mussaohosetla and Plymouth settlam . . 3' 
Prolestantisra in Europe protected by Crociftell - ^ , .3 

Restoration of CharlM 11. (1660); how effeetMl 3 

The Prcabyterianft are det*eived by the King . • > ■ . 3 

The Savoy Conference (Iflfll) 3 

Ejection of the Puritan rainialcrs (1662) 3 

Demorallsaiion of the English Court ......> 3 

Alliance of Cborlea 11. aud LuuLi XIV. (1670) 3 





BeU dcaign^ of Ch&rleo betrayed 374 

IL (l^A^LfidSl; the Court of HiithCommiflBioii (leeO) . » 375 

~'' -^dcwTprra. to win ttic support o( the Purit«i;a (IdS?) . . . 375 

Rc^lutkia of 168S 37S 

\ct of Toleralioa 373 

. i^iire of Lhe ComprebeiiHioa BtU ....... 37S 

"i\»rwnl pfilabluhDient of Prpsbylenanfem in SeoUand (1690) . 379 

-^^:uti<>n of the CovetiEUHere UDder JameH II. . , . . , 377 

_j=:', of Ueory fV/s death (ISStf} on the French policy , . - 377 

BevQlt of the UugueDOtd (16:^1); it^ cauaee and oEfcct - , , 37B 

UumXIIL <16]0-1643J; the aims of Rirhclicu (1924-1612) . . 373 

ffii domestic policy; hia dcatructJon ot the IliiguFnot power {1023) 378 
Jmv XIV. (1651-1715); hia deaisne ia respect lu FraiKv mid lo 

foidcn powers 379 

Ha AHcroblT of I6SZ; the Four Propoaitloikfe of GaltLi:aji liberty 380 

Mjil riiilliT il 7TT (Ifni iTtlflj, the work or Bosj^ui^i . hISO 

fcwinm Am 

fcdining rgputatioo of the Jwuita; Pnscat [J623-ll5a2) . . 3HI 

fcypmiiitm of Port Royal 1710; p?rGeeu(ioa o( tbe Jansenists . 381 
hrivntUciD of the Hogucnota; Revocation of the Ediut or Na&tca 

Ct«65> 382 

bidfa:! on Prvioc 383 

Wvi kiadlcd by the ambitioQ of Louis XIV 383 

WKuacif Oracse (165D-1702J, biBonLagoQlAb 384 

TWnMdl 384 

PimrmiJOEi of thtt Cnlholic Reactioii 3S5 

ftato\9ntm of th^ Papacy 3B5 

Bbrt 0/ the persMQUoiL of the JaoBetdsttf oa the CKtholie Churvh 3H5 

llffOiLJi of the «r& of revolutiocB 335 



«^ CHAPTER Xin 

TBB PBDraSTANT THBOLOaT 

TttofimdanieritAt prlcciploti ar Prote^taatlsJii ..... 3ST 
XBeo<itn>v«rey between the two pHrtie*i on the Trinity and Atone- 
ment 387 

thiir difference on the doptnae of sin .,*-.. 387 

Tbe ProteetAnt doctrine of juslihcalion ...... 388 

Ttt« rclatioa of ethic« to rcJi^ioo ........ 339 

Pyutest&ikt doctrine of the <:AdLt3ive authority of tbe Scdplures 389 

Asmment of tho Prot^atiuit Cburchea on thin point . . , . 390 

Tk£ tvo Prot«9t&nt prindplee iitiit« In one , . , . , . 390 

ft™***- Catholic doetrine of ju^tifii^ALjQc ...... 390 

the ProtFstant dnrtHae reftpectmg the Church ..... 391 

The Rotxun CaThoIfc doctrine respecting the Church .... 392 

lipffting tradition 391 

Bfliperlin^ tht surranieDtQ 393 

ftnii of the phrase, ex operc oporato 39) 

llBdiflMtiucu of the Roman CatUolJo view 394 

KMaaa Catbi>Ue doclnnc oF thtr priesthood 394 

^lotauta maintaixi a uoWcTBal prieathood of believers • > 39S 



zzrifi 



C0NTBKT8 




Rvteflt&Dt view of the Dumber and design of tbo Bacnments 30 

Effecft of tho Protcettuit viov of jusUficatioQ upon vaHouA iJogmaB 

and practiccfl ....>,..., 30 

^Protest&at contro^eraies OQ predefllinatioEl . , , » , . 30 

ArminiiijjiHm and j(d teudi^s (IdlO) ....... 30 

PV^ticaJ dUlBicn betwi-(^[i Ariiimitins and CalviiuBtd m Qcllaad . . 39 

The Synod of Dort (laiBl 38 

ArminlBJi vl^w inf oHginftI aln and of the AtonemeoL . , . . 39 

GeDera) choraoter of the ArfoinLau theologiaoB , . . . . 4C 

Tlie Arabaplialfl 4(1 

The ADtitrinitarifme cf the age of the Keformation , , , . 40 

Rbo of UnitjLHoDiam in ItEkly ,..,,,., 4Q 

Fauotus SocmuD (1630-1604) 40 

The Socinian theology .....•■>. 40 

^EfTort» to ktnite Lutherans and Calvioiatfi ..,,•• 40 

EBuitn to uiUte FmtfiiUDta nnd Raman Catholics ■ ■ . ■ 40 

TheendeavoraofOrotJua (1C42) 4C 

Hiri duotdnal piMiLiun . , , .40 

X«ibnEtai and BosHuet til 

Knd of the efforts at reunjon ,,,,,... 40 

CHAPTER XrV ^ 



THB CONBTITUTION OP TQB PBOTSBTAHT CHCTRCHIB AND TnaiB I 
aCLATtOK to -mV CIVIL ADTQOmTT ^B 

OrKanisation of ProtcKtantL^^m not uniforTn in the different countries 4t 

Protiwtaiit^ united ilk uppcsiug Cburcli ij:DVerjiuieut by a priesLhoi^d 41 

The printtptee uf Luther respecting Church polity .... 41 

\i>t reulized arid wlky . .....,.,. 41 

Luther and Melanctthon no the authority of civil njlBra io the CburGh 41 

Two charapteriatio fflaturea of the Lutheran polity , , - 41 

Ongitt of f-onautorieH 41 

The Synod of Homberg in B«ese 41 

Lutber'fl oplnioD of ita plan of Church govcrnmeat . . •41 

EccLesiadtica] government by prince in Lutheran statea < . . 4J 

ThooHcfi on which it wos founded ...,..« 41 

Church government In the Reformed Churcbc^e > .... 41 

Zwicglj's ayabem . .41 

Calvin's Iheiiry of Church govenunent ..■•■. 41 

Thp [Tjvtl authority bound to ^lUppreHs error 41 

The PresbTtJtriaii ronnUtutlon in FrantM* and in Seotland . . .41 

'Thp AngHcan establinbment ........ 43 

"Varioud theorioB; Era^tiamsm ; Hooker ...... 43 

Warburton 'a theory; Coleridge's theoiy 4S 

Gladstoae; Chaloners; Macraulay ..>■.■> 4S 

Convocation In the EngLieb Church ....,-. 43 
Dellarmine on the indirect authority of tho Popo In relation to tbn 

temporal power . . , , 42 

Tht Jeauila advoiiite popular sovereignty ...... 4S 

Piuleataiile Lnaintain the diviue right of klnga ... . . ti 

Tlic aystem uf the T^en England nilonlata ...... 4j 



CONTENTS 



Z3dZ 



Fwtkm betwMTi Plymouth t.ad MftttaehitnCta 

r WilluuTifl Advocates reLigiaus libcrtj (cir«A 1635) 
CAtholio Cburcb la the United Sut« 



piqm 

427 
427 
428 



CHAPTER XV 



^m BBi^nopi or FEOTBaTAHrtsu to cubruiu and ciTtusATioia 

^Ky to comidM ractA in cannpctioa with principles » 4rHl 

>tf oomparnan nf CKthoJIi* and Protvat&nt natiooa . . , 430 

1^ IroiQ MAcaulay 430 

i^e (ni}iii Csri/le 431 

mace at Protest&Eitism upon liberty ...... 432 

Ual tdecto of the Reformation 433 

t Protevluibiam did fur iibcrty in Europe , , . . . 433 

iet'EiittHd SUtca 434 

aiCAiiId !i&ve been guiltj of persecution 4^5 

adnkitxed la be iucoDidatcDt with their ptinciplM • . 43ft 

IBB Caihi>ticB> bow r&r re«poiiaib1e iiuw fur persH:utioD . . . 436 

■!DFr nt ibe Reformstiort on literature and science . . < 43H 

FDtnplunts of Erasmus ........ 43R 

H or Uw extinction of Prote«taDtl»n in Sptln , . . . *^ 

i of intelloctvial Ir^^om and activity .•«,.. 43U 

et of the extinction of Prot4?tittLDtl0n) in Italy .... 4:19 

in* of litcntOTG &nd jirt ...,,,. . 440 

■oution of Gklileo 440 

pauDiLi of hlo cxjudenuiation .•■••>. 441 

tmturc in France ..,.,.... 442 

Pmhfbii.4>rr &nd ExpurEntoiy ladenes 443 

ciflf the ceoaDtahip of books, on llaly ...... 443 

ntitfiip of bOOlts la ProtMtJUit iN>vuit.rl« ..... 444 

in Ihe Puritan perind; Mtllon 444 

after the Rcstorstion ....,.>. 445 

Mtioft by fho Jesuits ami thcjr sfholArehip ..... 44.'i 

wdinj of the Bibte^ policy o( the Church of Rome . . . 446 

pIfcelAily first neglected the Bible 44fi 

flacfml eff^l tpf the reodiof; of thr Bibli^ in Protf^fitant couctrira 447 

Mn» of the Reformation on English LiLerature . . . , 44S 

^bnis tone of EliEabethan AnCen . ..«•■■ 444 

Ctof the Reformntjcin nn iht! frprmaJi int^Uf^ct .... 449 

hOfdlf^injjal cfTfTt In Hollnnd and Smi.Uni 450 

■Mlfv of Ihe RefonOAftt^n on PhJlDHiTpFiy ..... 4/il 

FWomipr?' npioion of Amtot[p ...,,>. 451 

lOTwtlon of philosophy by Bacon und Dcs Carles .... 452 

M'« lAndnDcy ooogeniaL with Protectant i^m ..... 452 

flMtrrtiin method m coctrant vith tho Mediffivel .... 453 

hi^l-^ry andrflfttJonaof DaaCojiea (15flfr-1650) , . .453 

oondtnined by the Borbonne ...... 453 

tVie Reformation OD other scicncM ■ . • • . 454 

mad the Piije AHe 454 

nf tbc German &nd the Latin nalione . . > • 454 




fe 



OOKTENTS 



Art in the FC^therlandi --,-•.,,_ 
Effect a( the R^forrnatioa □□ Heligloa . • ^ * ^ . 

R«]jgiaD easentia] to <!iviLiKatioD . , 

Origio of mfidelity ia Europe *.■••*«■ 
Proteetaikt duii^iktiem pTOvoJcM a revolt >...., 
Thia is carried ti^ on extreme ->.,,,,. 
ni»& aad apreod of Deism -..,....,< 

Trenstion to Fantheiam 

Skeptidiam En R^inian CaLliolio couDtries •.....» 

Gcrmjui RatianiiJiaTD^ it« Lwo f nrnu! . > 

Rise of the Critirnl SrhonI J 

D«istii? uid PAnth&iHtic RationaLlBn:! , , . , . , f 

Sohleiermacher --_.,,,,,,,' 
Neander on the origin and typea of RfttionaJiflm • , . • ■ 

Multiplying of Probi^taat sects < 

Ita cITct'ts t 

Saiirce of these divifiiona <...■..,. ^ 
Tendency to unity '-.-•■.-..- 
Priacripli' of proErrsn in PrnteHtantifini , ■ , . . ^ * 

Probrntant and Cathnlir Mlwnone ....... < 

Chmtinnity nnt hostile Id culture . M 

Error cf the Middle Ages ........ .1 

Prote«tantian[i ftvoida it . ■«•!•.• ■'■ 

AP?Ein)lX ■ 
n. A LiBT or Hooks oh t&k HmTOUi4TV0H ' 



THE REFORMATTOS: 



OHAPTER I 



•'/;, 



UnCHJUCrnON : the GEX&RAL character of THD REFORMATIOft 



The four moet prominent ppochs of modern history are the 

ovmBion of the barbarians, which bTended the Gprman and 

Raman eleincnlJ* of civilization, and subjected the new nations 

to ihe influence of Christianity: the crusades, which broke up 

Hw et&gnation of European socioty, and by inflicting a blow 

ttfym the feudal system opened a path for the centralization of 

Ue nations and govenunents of Europe; the Reformation, in 

iridch religion was purified and the hiiiran mind emancipated 

from aacerdofal control; and the French Revolution, a tre- 

iKfirlonB struggle for political cquaUty. The Rcfonnation, 

^ ihes^ other great social eonunotions, was long in preps-ra- 

bxL Of the French Revolution, the last upon the list of hi&- 

krical epochs of capital importance, De Tocqueville oliaerves: 

'It vu least of all a fortuitous event. It is true that it took 

Uif wnrld by surprise; and yet it was only the completion of 

tr^v^l raoet prolonged, the sudden and violent termination of 

[■•ork on which ten generations had been laboring,'*' The 

iMhod of Providence in history ia never magical- Tn propor- 

taito the magnitude of the catastrophe are the length of time 

ttd Uic variety of agencies which are concerned in producing 

^ Kventd, because they are unexpected and startling, are not 

to be ascribed merely to some proximate antecedent. The 

I, like the consequences, are apt to be protracted. The 

Lt movement i? often looked upon as hardly less pre- 

&nd ftstonishing than would be the naing of the sun 

^midnight. But the more it is examined, the less does it wear 

^ A»fin Bi^ftu iri Ui ntvaititvm (7bh td.. 1860), p. 31, 
1 



S THE REFORMATION 

tKis marvelous aspcetn In.-tridih, never was a tiisfcoricAl crisis 
more elaborately prepareip.ftiid this through a train of causes 
which reach back into.^ie-jemol^ past. Nor ia it the fact that 
such events are whliHytout of the reach of huiTiHii foresight; 
they cast their ^l^aows before; they arc the object of preaenti 
ments more or.iWa distinct, .lomc times of definite prediction,' 

But hx avtjuling one extreiiu' we are not to fall into the oppo- 
site. ,We "Tjiuat take into aeeoimt the personal qualities an 
lh^-JwD*nc agency of individimls not less than the operation of' 
^eharal causes- Especially if a revolution in long-est^bli^ed| 
•\ opinions and habits of feelinp ia to take place, there must 
'Vindividimlfl to rally upon; men of power who are able to create 
and sustain in others a new moral life which they have 
I realiBed in themselvefi. 

Notwithstanding that three centuriee have aince elnpsenl, 
the real origin and significance of the Reformation remain a 
subject of controversy. The rapid spread of Luther's opinioni 
was attributed by at least one of hie contemporaries "to ft 
certain uncommon and malignR.nt position of the stars, which 
scattered the spirit of giddiness and innovation over the world," ^ 
Although the astrological solution has no advocates left, it \rm 
not wholly implausible in that age when the ancient art of 
foretelling the future by an inspection of the stars counted amoi^ 
its believers so accomj)liRhfyl a wholar as Melancthon, a states- 
man as sagacious as Burleigh, and a far-sighted ecclesiastic 
htce Pope Paul HI., "who appointed no important sitting of 
the consistory, undertook no journey, without observing ths 
constellations and choosing the day which appeared to hini 
recommended by their aspect."' ^| 

* Twrnty ynun hpfniT llip nrr^f^nn of T-niil** XVT,, l^ord Chpst^rfi^d wnta 
"In vEiijrl, ilII tlm Bj^niptumK wHdi T liave btw met wilh in bint^ry. prcvii>iu V 
great cluui^tn and rpvoldtiDna in gDvcnunent, iu>w eji\!tt anti dtJIy incrtbie U 
FruiDP.'* rh«tcr€dd^s Ifttarf (D«. 25, 1763}; quDtcd by Carlylo, liiAtrs m, 
Ih^ Frrnch RevnltttMn, oh. \i. In tha Fiftcicmth cvntiu^^, ih^^rc ncrt Hblo man whi 
Ictolced fcnvAi^l to nn e?vLniflslic&l revolutioQ, Cnrditial Julian Ci^SAririi, whi 
a> papal lifBtf prEvidnl at the Caunfil of HonLe, m ik ]#ttpr to Pope Eugeiu IV, 
in 1431, pi-pilictprl a girat Uprinn^ aF the laity for the ovprthrnw of a QOTnM 
^^ISy' ■■■■■I ^ hi^nqy more formldabte than that of ihe. RnhiTiLanK EpuL J 
Jblwft, Card., In the Opera /Bnea Sylvii. p, G6^ It b given Ja purl by Rayiuldii 
1431, No- 22 -. Mtraclo in niewlpr, Period, Jii, v- c- 1, f 132, o. 0. 

' Jo-nuB, HCttftria, Lut, Ifi53, p, 134; quotoJ by Rob«i«n, Ri^Utry of CAvft 
r., book ii. ■ 

' Rsnlct, fiittoty of tk* Pe-p*E [Mrs. AubIjd'b triiiMd,)^ i. 240, 3«3- On Q 
SnfliitfURfl of aatrology in Italy, from the Uiirtwnlh flentury, hm Burokfaorltt O 




TIOV 



THE BKFORMATION 



I 



the Iteformfttion a new phase of the old conflict which the P 
had waged with the Hohenstaufen Emperors; or the etrug^a 
between civU and ecdesiflstical authority. But the RefortnatiOTr 
was not confined to Germany ; it was a European niov^ementi 
that involved a religious revolution in the Teutonic nations, andi 
powerfully affected the character and destiny of the Romanic d 
peoples among which it failed to triumph. Moreover, whilt] 
the political side of the Reformation is of great importanofti i 
both in the investigation of the causes and effects of Protea-'^ 
tantiam, this is far from being the exclusive or even predominant 
element in the problom. Political agencies were rather an 
efficient auxiliary than a direct and principal cause. 

Guiaot has presented his views respecting the nature of th€ 
Reforrrjation, in a lecture devoted to this topic' TTie Refill 
mation, in hi?' judgment, waa an effort to deliver human reason 
from the bonds of authority; "it wae an insurrection of the, 
human mind against the absolute power of the spiritual order."' 
It watj not an accident, the result of some casual circumstance ;i 
it was not simply an effort to purify the Church. The com* 
preheoBive and most powerful cause waa the desire of the human 
mind for freedom. Free thouglit and inquiry arc the legitimate 
productj the real intent of the movement. Such is Guisol'e 
interpretation. But he is careful tJ3 add that his definition does 
rot <iescribe the conscious purpose of the actors who achieved 
the revolution. The Reformation, he says, "in this respect 
performed more than it undertook. — more, probably, than it 
desired." *'ln point of factj it produced the prevalence of free 
inquiry; in point of principle, it believpd that it was substi- 
tuting a legitimntp for an illegitimate [Xiwen" Tlie dlRtinctios 
between the conscious alma of the leaders in a revolution, &nd 
the real drift and ultimate effect of their work; between the 
direct end which they endeavor to secure, and the deeper, hidden 
impulse, the undercurrent by which they are really impelled, 
is one that is proper to be made. It would appear evident^ 
also, that the overthrow of the authority of the Church must 
affect the principle of authority in general; so far, at least, 
&5 eventually to lead to a scrutiny of the foundations of author- 
ity wherever it is assumed to exist. Yet we venture to consider 
the interpretation of Guizot defective as confining the impoH 

' (Jmeral Hitdary ttf CivHuati^n in ffumjM, feat. xU- 




THEORIES RESPECTING THE KEFORMATION 5 

tnti effect of tVtc lUfomfiitioTi within too narrow limitfl. The 
HeforiD&tion claimed to be a reform of religion; it waa certamly 
religiouB revolution; and religion is so great a concern of 
DUO and so deep and pervasive in its influence, that this dis- 
tinctive feature of the Refnrmalion must be held to belong to 
to eseeoitial character. In other wortls, tiie ultimate motive 
lod final effect is not liberty alone, but the improvement of 
religion likewiee,' 

Th^re is a class of writers who would make the Reformation 
trajiffltional era paving the way for free-thinking ur imbelief. 
Wp. might say that there are two disparah? nlaswes wJio advo- 
cate this ^iew. On the one hand, Roman Catholic writers have 
frequently declared Proteatantism the natural parent of Ration- 
aliFia; and on the other hs^nd, Rationalists themeelveR^ who 
reject Christianity as revt-aled, an aulhoritativc system, have 
ipplauded the Reformalion as a step toward their position. 
Botfi classes of critics proceed on the assumption, that the Chria- 
rcU^on is so far coinrirlent with the medieval system, that 
be Ul of the latter logically carries with it the doiATifall of the 
, Time was required for these latent tendencies of Prot- 
itUitiRm to develop iheniselves; they were hidden from the 
of the Reformers themseives; but, it ifi alleged, they have 
bceome apparent- This character waa imputed to Protea- 
lisin» on it« first appearance, by its enemies, and ie often 
A*rgpd upon it by its theological adversaries at the present 
Uy.' Thus, Balmes, the author of an extended work on the 
porative efT^cts of Catholicism and Protestantism upon 
Mmtion. maintains that the system which he opposes leads 
to atheis^n.' Another recent Roman Catholic writer affirms, 
thit "Iho principle of Rationalism is inherent in the very nature 
d Prol«tantism/' * For the opinions of the free-thinking school 



■ Bi*vlicm OuibdI himself ahya llut tht R^fonnAtinn wu pmpntiftlly aad 
■ xh* wty Srtt ■ Fvligioufl rpform: »Qd Ihnt, hh Ta prlitiu, "Oie^r ners iU 

tnmm but nol it^i chirf fcim."— St. fyjuiJi and Calvin, p. 150. 

- tH^iur Btmia fhmt hit iatbf^r brgiin to Lustnict blA family Ip nfttuml 
" IhiB (km ■ppeATBDCP of Pri]L«i»nt^Q]ii. froiD ihv beiitf that it would 

-T gttid Cn/kiiiiiij/n e^ittipared in Ihcir Effpfit on tMr CivQitfJlfm 

tf»(MUtir>n, Bikhiniore, ISSIV p, 60, and Ihff rote, p. 428. 

" &q., in thi? Lifo cf Dr. J. A. Itfohl^r, prafined lo th* Kn^ 

Lkler^ SvmMUm. p. xXKiiE. Kiit Mnhlpr hImsHf app^rv 

ni«| rTHrbaho rvprFivntAfioTi nn rl^in point. Hod to T^ftkid 

poitt* of primifjvR rrDlAlAntum. Pari IL \ tiv. l& 



6 



THE REFOUMATION 



I 



on this point, wo may rpfrr to the srries of historical works 
U. Laurent, wlilrh rniitam iiiuch vnliiiililc inrnrniatinti, i\sp& 
dally upon the MiJtlJe Ages/ This writer holds that Christian^ 
ity itself is to give place to a rcligioii of the future, the prcciee 
charBcter of which he <ioce not pretend to deseribe. He declaree 
that revealed religion stands or falls with the Papacy, and thad 
Prctpstantisni " lead'^ to the denial oF the fundamental dogmM 
of historical Chrustianity."' He haila the Reformation as AH 
iiitcrmc<liate stag*- in the progfosa of mankind to that higher 
plane where Christianity is to be superseded. AVhether Prot- 
CTtantism fosters infidelity or not is a question which can be 
more intehigentJy considered hereafter. It iTiay be obKerveffl 
here^ however, that the Rt-fomiei's theniflelves considered that 
their work arreeted the progrc?& of unbelief and saved the re- 
lieion of Europe. Luther eays that puch were the eedepiastical 
abuses in Germany that frightful dL^orders would infallibly have 
arisen, that all religion would have perished, and Christian 
have beeome I'^pieiu-ean?*.* The infidrhty that had taken root 
and sprung up in the strongholds of the Church, in connection 
with the revival of clnspical learning, threatened to spread over 
Europe, Melancthon, in a familiar letter to a friend, affirmJ 
that far more s^tIous ili.^turhancps — 'Monge graviores tuinul- 
tus" — would have broken out, if Luther had not appeared and 
turned the etudica of men in another direction/ The Reforma- 
tion brought a revival of religious feeling, and resulted, by a 
reactionary influenee, in a great quickening of religious zeal 
within the Catholic body, La*jrent him>^elf plsewherp afTinna 
that in the sixteenth century religion was in a state of decadenca 
and threatened with ruin;* that Luther effected a religious re vch 
lution in the niind of an age that was inehned to infidelity and 
moving toward it at a rapid pace;* that he was a reformer for 
Catholicism as well a^ for Protestantism: that the Reformation 



■nothnr pUi«, havpvcr, ho finds 3d pvitlicliiDi n Ic^oa! rcmiJt of ProUfltont vism 
or pTYdrfltinatron. § 27. 

* The title of ihv sprips ia Etudf-t mr I'Hiitnin dt t'ffunnnittt ptr F- Lmt 
not. PmfwsPiir A lUmvcr^iM dp Gs.nd. 

* "Lt prur^--tanlt9iur ctincJiLit k Ea n^RBlion 6fs duEUkfa fondniQeulAiix dd 
chrutJuiBme hi&toriqur^." — La Papau££ c* l'Empir£ (Pojis, 1860), p. 41, 

* De Watlp. LxUher-'A Bn^!^, i\i. 430. 

* Ad rnmfirat-mm {IfiOT), Corjmm H^f., i, 1083. &« (he mniu-ka of Ni 
Wiutii9cMn;iJiff\f\ A^<handi., p 62. 

' Zd Riformf, p. 447. > Ibid., p. 4M. 




THE REFORMATION PRIMAKILV RELIGIOUS 



tifl the Toe of intidelilj and n^ved th<^ CtiriBtlaii world Trom it. 
But we cannot pursue the topic in this place. Let it suffice 
krc Ut Interpol a warning against incautious generalization. 

The Rd'ormatioEl, whatever may have been its latent ten- 
icoHes and ulterior consequeEjCes^ was an event within the 
iuiiun of religiun. Frum ihia poinf. of view it luust first, and 
poor Ui ttll fipeculiLtion upon its indirect or collaterEJ or remote 
malts, \)e conteiDplateti. 

What was the fuiulanjental characteristic of this revolution? 

hitwtj a vast iDstitution had been interposed between the indi- 

iivkal Vid the object?! of I'eligiuus faith antl liojje. The Refor- 

Bilku changed all this; it opertcd to the individual a direct 

MOB to the heavenJy goo<i proffered him in the Cloapel. 

I The German nalionB whieh e^tahli.^heti (hemselvee on the 

nJuof the Roman Empire, reeeived ChristiamLy with doeility, 

' hit it was a Christianity, which, ihougli it retaineil vital ele- 

iiMtA of the primitive doctrine, had become tranafornied into 

!tt external theocracy with its priesthood and ceremonies. It 

, Vts under this mixed system, thi^ eombinatioD of the Ga'^pel 

filth cfaara^^teristic fcalurea of the Judaic cUspensation, that the 

MV nations wi?re trained. Such a type of ChnNtianity had 

Hkui aiivantages in relation to their uiicivilized condition. 

Rvtxtemahty, the legal character stampcfl on its theology aa 

IvtUv its organJEittion, to^^r-ther with its goi^eous ritual, gave 

[kapfCuUar power over them. But all through the Middle 

[Agm, vhihft the outward, theocr? ■'■■ fli.nkut that had been 

pift«d i*n Christianity developed itself more and more in the 

potty aud worship of the Church, the reactionary operation of 

(be primitive, spirittial idea cf the kingdom of God, charac- 

Mnttic of the Gospel, was likewise more and more manifest. 

Witliin th** st^tf'iy and imjKising fabric of the eeclesiastieal 

I ^ftiftn, (hen- was a force iriiprisone<l, as it were, struggling for 

fncdom, and gradually acquiring strength sufHcient to break 

fcwD Uie wall that c^onfined it. *"Fhe Reformation, viewed in 

lb uosi ^^eneral character, was the reaction of Christianity as 

Fjiiijirl against Christianity as law," ' It must also be remem- 

I ^md that with the tnwlitiunal forn» of Chri^tjanity "there was 

I bftded down, in the sacred text itself, a source of divine knowl- 

I ^ Dot <;xpoeed 10 like manner to corruption, from which the 

I * UDhvi, Itttanmli/rtn wr dtr titlvrmtiiiorif i. p- uii. 



V THE REFORMATION 

Church might learn how to distingiiisli primitive ChristianitJ 
froni all aub&equcDt additiona, and so carry forward the work of 
purif>'ing the Christian consciouaneas to its entire completion." ■ 

Protf^stantism, therefore, had a positive as well as a negative 
gide. It had something to assert as well as something to deny. 
If It discarded one interpretalion of Christianity, it espoused 
another. Old beUefs were subverted, not as an effect of a mere 
paaaion-for revolt, but through the expulsive power of docpo" 
convictions, a purer apprehension of truth. ITie liberlj- which 
the Reforiiif-rs prized first and chiefly was not the abstract ri^t 
to choose one's creed without constraint, but a liberty that flows 
from the unforced appropriation, by the soul, of truth in harmony 
with its inmost nature and its conscious necessities. 

It is evident, also, from the foregoing Blatotnent, that in 
Proteatautisiu thorp was an objective as well as a subjective 
factor. The new tj-pe of religion, ileeply rooted though it wM 
in subjective impulses* and con\ictions, owed its being to 
direct contact of the njind with the t^criptures. In them 
found ohkc itt* source and it3 regulative norm. This disti 
guiahes Protestantism, hietorieally eon&idered, from all mo 
merits on the plane of natural reli^on, and stamps upon it i' 
distinctively dirii^tiai] character- Tlte new ^piritual life had 
consciously its fountain-head in the writings of the Propheti 
liTid Apostles, There was no pretense of devising a new religion, 
btJt only of refonning the old, aceordii^ to its own authority 
Uvc stand ards< 

Yet the ProteRtant Keforniers, in transferring their alle^ 
from the Church to the Word of God, practically aaacr 
right of private judgment. Their proceeding was founded 
a subjective, personal conviction- Deny to the indivi<:hial 
ultimale prerogative of deciiling where authority in matters 
in IH righlfully placed, anil then what the acknowled, 
'xith mejuia, and their whole movement becomes i 
'rnLtional. Hence intellectual liberty, freedom 
inquiry, was a consequence of the RefonwalJ 
il to be eventually realized. 
RefonnatioD in its distinctive character Is 



vlwyt lak«Q ill tlip parvfrmph kbave mbilutliftll} 



THE REFORMATION NOT AN ISOLATED EVENT 



i^ous event, it is not tm isolated phenom^oa. It ib a pari 
9 fniit oF that general progress of society which marks the 
jMHth c^ulury and the opening of the axteenth as the period 
kranstiDD from the Middle Agea to mcxiern civilisation.' This 
p the period of inventions and discoveriea j when the aaagnetic 
Bpafls coming into general use enabled adventurous niarinerB 
Wer their vessels into remote seas; when gunpowder revolu- 
kiBaed the art of war by lifting the peasant to the level cf the 
li^t: when printing by movable types furnished a new and 
■rrvlou? means of diffusing knowledge. It was the era ot 
FCftt iiautical discoveriee; when Columbus added another hemi- 
Eilwre to ibe w^ortd as known to Europeans, and Vasco da Gauia, 
liSog to India round the Cape of Guod Hope, opened a new 
f^iTfty for commerce. It was likewise the era when the 
^irens were explored, and Capernicus discovered the true 
loniic systera of the universe. Then, also, the master- 
of ancient sculpture and the literary treasures of antiquity 
bro\ight forth from their tombs. It. was the period of a 
life in art, the age of Raphael and Michael Angelo, of Leo- 
^li> da \'iiici and Albert Diirer. The revived study of Greek 
pdLaLiu UU'rature was directing intellectual activity into new 
jriiamels. Equally momentous was the change in the political 
iCe *rf Europe. Monarchy iiaving gaioeil the victory over feu- 
ril&Di, each of the priDCJpal kingdoms, especially France, Spain, 
bdEn^and, was becondng consolidated. The invasion of Italy 
Pf Qurlofi V^III-, in 14^4, commenced the wars of which Italy 
teat once the theater and the prize, and the confliets of the 
OTopwui States for the acquisition of territory or of ascend^ 
tDC7 over one another. To the mtercourse of nations by means 
H commerce, which had spread from Venice, Genoa, and the 
mnis of the Hanseatic League, through the rest of Western 
Europe, wae added the Intercourse of diplomacy. A state- 
MoD was gromiig up, in which the several peoples were more 
ndy connected by political relations. In the varioufi changes 
br which the transitional era is characterized, the Romanic 
OD the whole took the lead. But the Reformation in 
was not their work. 




Wehcr, Wdt^tMMehfe, is. 307. Dumy, flirt. d4W Twmpt Modttnta (HfiS- 
]^\. p. 1 v^. J, I. Hlller, KirchmgrKKichtt, p. 142 «eq. Humboidl. CmHiw* 
«cL). in- OQl, 673, nS3. 



M^«L). 



THE REFORMATION 



As Protestantlant in its ori^n was not aa iBolated event, 
it drew after it poliUcal and »ucial changes of the highest mo-I 
ment. Hence it presents a twofold aspect. On the one haod^ 
it i3 a tranaformation in the Church, in which are involved con-; 
t^bs of theologians, mocliCi cations of creed and ritual, new syfr- 
tema of polity, an altered type of Christian life. On the other 
hand, it is a great transaction, in which sovereigns and natiooH 
bear a part; the occasion of wars and treaties; the close of 
old and the introduction of a new period in the hiatory cf cult 
and civilization. 



uq 



The era of the Reformation, If we give to the term this com- 
prehenave meaning, embraces llit* interval hetween the postingj 
of Luther's Theses, in 1517^ and the coudusiuii of the Peace 

Westphalia, in 1648, 



(fflAPTEB n 



USB OT THE PAPAL KIERARrHY AND TTS DECUNB THBOUGH 
THE CENTHAUZATIUN OF NATIONS 



Oke eaaential past of Protestantism was the abolition of the 

ity of the hierarcJucal order. Bossuct bae remarked that 

it b only abus^ in the Church that separate Protestan ts from 

these abuses can be remedied, and thus the ground 

P«Eiatence of the scbism is taken away.' Out to say that 

Reformation beg&n in a protest againi^t abuses of adminis- 
tntion is simply to say that Protrtitantism was not fuIJ-grown 
II the gtart. In its niature fonu, as all the world knowe^ the 
iWbnnalioa was a rejection of papal and priestly authorjty- 
« rtudying the movement, this is ont? of the mfdii points to 
^uck attendoD must be directed. In inquiring into the causes 
rflht Reformation, therefore, we shall first review the rific and 
pD^rtes of the hierarchical system, and show how it had been 
Itikened in the period inmiediately antecedent to the sixteenth 
WRury. We shall then contemplate a variety of facts whicli 
htokmcd a reli^oua revolution and contribjted to produce it. 

The idea of the authority of the sacerdotal order ia separable 
^ the idea of piipal fiupreEimcy witliin it. Yet, as a matter 
i^fwl. many of the causes that tended to the overllirow of faith 
ft tht l^turr doctrine^ ojjerated likewise to undermine the former. 
IWltyslone of the arch rouhi not be loosened without affecting 
ku^lity of the whole structure, In the present chaptex, the 

'IliECxtrntof UifQo obuKV before iJie HcformatioD la ftdmittpd by the hiEbnl 
™k(4ic •iilhcmti«a, Bell&nuDe i&va : '^Aamt »liqui>t. uttcqukin LullivrouK 
■ l^vfBjfltica bierna orirtlur, nulla hnac rrat, ut ii iFBtantiLr. qui c-tiurn tuEig 
iRfaat. ball* fiB(|Uun) prope efftl in judiciU i'cc1«0ia4licie m^'cntBi, nullm in 
^bm disflpliriA. noIlK lb aaFTu Ijl^ris erudilio. nulla in r«buB diviiu» rev^n-n- 
k Vtli pfopaDOdUm jam w%.t ivligic." Oprm, v\. 296; or UenLflouf, HiM- 
•< fMdmfi, L 25, Pope Adrian VI. confnsed lo the Did of Nuremberg 
^^tt Lkftt Llie <Uxpsl rarruptian h>d infoctHi Lhe Holy 5w utd BpreiLd (Leuce 

''fciiM, I, kv. e», aIh, niHdiJct, VarKiiianM da Prvl , livr, i, (^H*rf«, v, AlltJ. 
**t*U^> til Etbbuiub abound iii corruborutivv tntiuiQUJiv. 




11 



i 




rise and decline of the papal dominiou will be the main 
of atlention; anil in treatiug uf Llie secoml branch of the to 
the decline of the Papacy, we shall direct attention in partic 
to the influence of a certain cause which may be denomina 
the spirit of nationalism. 

The religion of the old dispensation is declared in the 
Testament itself, l>y the propliets, to be rudimrjntal and int 
ductory to a more spiritual system. This character of "mwaj 
ness belongs to the religion of Christ, which, for this reason, 
fitted to be universal. Worship is set free from lega) refit 
tions of a formal cast, arid from the external and sensuo 
eharacti^ristic& of the Jewish HtuaL In one grand feature, 
cially, is the religion of the New Testament di^^tinguished fr 
the preparatory system — the absence of a nicdiatorial pri 
hood. Ttie disciples were to form a eommunlty of bret 
who should be associated on a fooling of equality, all of 
being illuminated and directed, as well as nniteil, b>' the 
fl]5irit- The persevering efforts of the jULlnizing party to p 
serve the distinctive features of the Jewish system and fi 
them upon the Church, f^led. The true, catholic inlerpreti 
tion of the Gospel, as giving liberty to the soul and direct acwa 
to God through tlie one liigh-piiest who supprsedes all othfll 
prieetly mediation — that interpretation to which all of th 
Apostles assented in principle, but of which Paul was bo clctf 
and steadfast an expounder — prevailed in the Christian 9> 
cleti^H that were oarly scattered over the Roman Empire, 
orgarnzation wha s]ni|>le. The idea of one body in which, w 
all the nteinbers serve each other, they are still adapted to 
ferent functions, for which they arc severally designated by thi 
ruling principle — which, in the ease of the Church, is the Diviu 
Spirit ^ lay at the root. As was natural, all of the ChristJaiu 
in a town were united in orie society, or eeclesia, the old Gred 
term for an assembly legally called and summoned. Tn ead 
society there was a board of paatora, called indifferently eldem 
prcsbytera — a name taken From the synagogue — or bishops 
overseerSj a name given by the Greeks to persons charged 
a guiiliag oversight in civil administration. In the election 
them, the boiiy of diseiplea had a controlling voice, although, 
long as the Apostles hved, their suggestions or appomtniea' 
would naturally be accepted. These ofhcers did not give up, 



PHlurnVQ CiiURCU ORQAxNlZAIlON 



first, thw aeculftr DOcupations; they were Dot even, at the out* 
act, intruflted as a peculiar function with the business of teach- 
tDgt which Wfi£ free to alt and dpccialJy devolved on a class of 
p09oiks who seemed designated by their gifts for this work. 
TTie elders, with the deacons whose bujiiiiess it was to look after 
Ifae poor and to perform kmdreti tluties, were the ofRcere, to 
^rtiom each Uttle coimnmiity committed the lead in the manage- 
ED«ni of it^ uffaira. The change that took place, either during 
or aoon after the age of the Apostlee, by u'hich precedence was 
^ren in each hoard of pa^torH to one of their number to whom 
the tiUe of bishop was exclusively appropriated, did not of itself 
involve any fundamental alteration in the spirit or polity of tte 
churches.' But as we approach the close of the second century 
we find marked changes, some of them of a portentous char- 
acter, such as indicate that the process of externalizing the Chria- 
tian reli^on and the idea of the Church has fairly ^^^et in. The 
enlargement of the jurisdiction of bi^ops by extending it over 
ciependent churches in the neighborhood of the towns, and the 
DQultipl^'iiig of church offieeSi are changes of le^^ moment. But 
the officers of the Church are more and more assuming the poa- 
lioD of a distinct oriTer, wliich is placed above the laity and is 
ihe appointed medium of conveying to them grace, Tlie con- 
ception of a priesthood, after the Old Testament system, is at- 
taching iteelf to the Christian miiustry. Along with this gradu^ 
change there is an imperceptible yet growing departure from 
the fiindamental doctrine of salvation, as It had been set forth 
by Paul, and an adoption of a more legal view, in which faith is 
idoitiiicd with doctrinal belief, and hen '' i? coupled with works, 
instead of being their fruitful source, Ihis doctrinal change and 
this attributii^ of a priestly function and prerogative to the 



I 

4 



^ Thr poLly of thr. Chnrrh in tlip Aposlolic Hge m admirably (]p«ribHl by 

Rothp. Dif Anfanoed. ChriM. Kirchn u. ihrrr VfrfotBung {1837^ aUhouEti Rollir's 

fmrlifulv hv|M)thpfl[A mpHtiniE the ortflin of lltr Episcopbte liOfl fuiuiiJ UttJt, 

itmy favor. Tht Ronun Cdthulk ami a j^revjUrn* Anglican \iirw. tbftl Uie EpiBco- 

yalic, u 4 difrtJECt uOirc, mh urdainrcL by the AptH^tlrp for l^t nhfJc Chu/cfa, u 

«aUi1alrwd bf WaJltr. Kirehmrfchl <l3th od., J6&I). Tho countefpflrt, on lti# 

FivtatUot Mde, of Walttr'a i-ofk i« lUt of RichtPr. Kirehenrethl (7lh *d , 1872], 

Ibtf* b an able htAtorical IXaHerrAricn on ttia '*CY^T^Bin^n Uiniftlry" by Prof. 

UgblfoM, St. Penil'm Ejriallt to l\r fhd^J\pian9 (2d hI , IHO^l- The more luiual 

«fav «t PffllntaiLtfl ia advoHtnl hy N>ander antl nifH^kr m thtir Cburcli hLito- 

aaa, ako, Jacob, The Ecd. Polily W iht ,V*t* TalamrrU <1S72)- UmUh. Thm 

m tmtnrt* OSSSK Let^X- X- tnftutna; tij (Gre^) Mj/HitHra vh tht CAnifi«a 

db- Th» oodlrovorBial lil*T»tur« on ibc nubjccl ia very eopiua. 



1 




14 THE REFORUATION 

clergy, were not in any considerable degree the result of efTortfi 
on the part of Jewish Chrietians and of judaizing parties, which g 
had been early overcome and cast as heretical sects beyond the '^ 
pale of the Church, Th^y were rather the product of t^nden* ' 
cies in human nature, which are liable to manifest themselvei - 
at any tiniP, and which serve to account in gr^at part for the 
tcnacioua adherence of the Jewish scctarica to their ritual. But 
theae tendenciefl were materially aided by the peculiar circum- 
stances in which the early Church was placed, of which the abuse 
of the Pauline doctrine by Gnostic and by Antinomlan specula- 
tions was doubtless one. There were causes which gave rLse iX 
once to the hierarchical idea or doctrine and to the hierarchical 
polity. The perHOCUtions to which the Church was subjoct at tlie 
handa of tlitf RomHJi government, aud still more the great condicl 
with a swarm of heretical teachers who sought to amalg^imale , 
Chrifltianity with varioas forms of Greek and Ortent-al >philos(H 
phy» suggested the nci^d of a more compact organization. Tbff 
pohty of the Church naturally took a form eorreaponding to 
political models then existing. Confederated government was 
something familiar to the Greek mind. The Church in the capi- 
tal of a province, with its bishop, was easily accorded a preced- 
ence over the other churches and bishops in the same district^ 
A&d tlius the metJX>politan Kystcm grew up. A higher graiie of 
eminence was accorded to the bishops and churches of the priD-| 
cipal cities, such as Rome, Alexandria, and Ephesus; and thuBj 
we have the germs of a more extended hiprarehical sway- 
Even as eai'ly as the latter part of the second centurj', the 
Church has passed into the condition of a visible organized cod>- 
iDonwealthp We find Ireu^uB uttering the famous dictum that! 
where the Church is — meaning the visible body with its clergj' 
and sa<;rajuen(a — there is the Spirit of God, and where tfia. 
Sfxrit of God is, there is the Church.' To be cut off from titfj 
Church 13 to be separated from Christ. 'Hie Church is the iJoor 
of access to Hira. Wc can alao readily account for the i^lpo^ 
tance that began to be attached to tradition; for the defendeit, 
of Christianity against Gnoatical corruptions naturally fell back 
on the historical e^idence afforded by the presence and testi- 
mony of the leading churches which the Apostles themselves hai 
planted, Iremeus and Tertnllian direct the inquirer to go to 

' Adih Httra., ui. iii, | 1. lieOKUa wbi Biabup nf Ljoiu fruv 177 to 20a ' 



GROWTH OF A HIERARCHY 



15 



imth, Ephesus, Rome, to the places whexe the Apostles had 
D|^t, and ascertain whether the novel speculations of the time 
dU justly clium the sanction of the first <lisciplr?ei of Christ, 
hftd been transmitted from them.* It is the preeminent of 
BJ* thp cufiUxJian of trtt4iition8, thjit Ireiiipus means to 
in a not/nl paw^o in which he exalts ihat Church.' But 
<K>rL of procmineucc might conlribiite to prepare the way for 
or and a far different conception, which would connect' 
trilh ii. The unity of the Church, this great visible aociety 
Chruft-iaiiri, was rcalizeii in the imity of the nacerJatA! body, 
nfBA natural to 5eek and to find a liead for this body. And 
^ouJd it be sought except at Rome, the capital of the 
Ihti aeal of the principal Church, whc^c^ as it was gener- 
and perhaps truly believed, Pef^r bs well as Paul had per- 
i a» n marlyr? After Prter rame to be considered the chief 
Ihr Api.ifilles. and when, near the clnse of the seeond century, 
ickA wa*i suggested and became current that Peter had been 
of ihe Roman Church, a atrorg foundation was laid in 
ainde of men for the recognition of the primacy of that 
h and of itj* chief pastor* Tlie habit, of thus regarding 
* of Romr-, so far pains ground that ir the fniildle of the 
Gputury we find a Cyprian whoso zeal for episco))al imlc^ 
noo would not tolerate the subjection of one bi&hop t^^ 
, ctill speaking of that see as the source of sacerdotal 
' The influence'* that gradually built up the primacy of 
man hiahnp, mid ha<l a s[»pcirtl force of operalion in the 
n Church, were multiform. Rome had a preeminence 
a snvndeur in the estimation of men, such as no modem 
however splendid, have ever rivaled. To that capital 
nations had been accustomed to look with awe. ^ome- 
of this reverence was ea.'uly transferred to the Church 
had its 9eat in the EterTial City. The custom of regard- 
tlw Roman Empire as a divinely constituted theater for the 
eli^on, which Goil ha<l molded for this end by a long 
il history, ted men to consider the capital of the 



' Ififtjij*> Adii- Hm . Kit. iii- Tanulli»n, D* Prfmmft. Hant., a. zxzvi, 

ft Pnahylo- &(. C^rthB^ff, divd beLvwri 22ti &nil 240. 
> lib Ql, 10 2 

* tiM llnrt oienioti of FeUr u Blahop of R«nift U Id the Clenrntiw J/cnn^tu, 
cTKzip«Bij In Uia Uttef iriLTt of tho Himod «atiir7a 



1ft 



THE REFORMATION 



Empire the predcstinf>d metropolis of Chrietla-mty. Tn timS^ 
persecution, the first intelligence of the gathering storm 
often comnnmicatal from the Roman Church, whose bish* 
wpre Ukfily to lie the earliest victims. The Roman Church 
revered as the only apoatolic see in the West. Many of 
churches of the Weat were planted by it3 ageooyj many reeeii 
from it pecuniary aid. There were fewer cities than in (he 
and lifrice frwer competitors to dispute the pretensions of 
Roman biahop, and less rtj<jm for the development of the 
ropolitan system, wiiich in the East operated to a certain exi 
as a check upon the ambition of any single prelate. From t^ 
be^nning, the Latin Church partook of the practical spirit <^ 
the race among whom it was planted; it kept on its path mora 
ate-adily, while the East, swayed by the speculative spiiit of thfl 
Greckf was convulsed by the great controversies in theolofjj 
which mark especially the fourth and fifth centuries. Through 
all the period of the Arian and Nestorian conflicts, the RomB(( 
bishop stood sLiffieiently apart from the contending parties 
acquire great iuiportan:^e in their eyes and to makp his suppoi 
coveted by each of them. He was tbe powerful neutral wlw 
it was for the interest of all factions to conciUabe, The d( 
to gain the strength which the adhesion of so influential a pi 
ate must give, would induce partisans to resort to him as 
umpire, and to exalt his prerogative in flattering langujige, & 
as under different circumstancee they would ne^'er have 
ployed- At critical moraentg the Roman bishop actually inl 
posed with doctrinal formula.^ which met with general aeceptant 
the most memorable instance being that of the CEcumenic 
Council of Chalc^don (451), when the statement of the 
respecting the person of Christ was substantially drawn fi 
the letter of Leo L But how far the Eastern prelates were fi 
acknowledging the pretensions of the Roman bishop was h 
cated at this very council, where a titular and honorary pn 
ence was granted him, at the same time that e^nality in ol 
respects was claimed for the Bishop of Constantinople, on aecounl 
of his being bishop of "New Rome/' Leo was cut to the quiflj 
by this proceeding of the council, which placed his authority cK 
so preeariou^j a foundation by making it dependent solely « 
the political imjmrtance of the city where it was exerted. Hi 
repels the declaration of tbe council with great warmth, art 




PRECEDENCE OF THE ROMAN CHUECH 



17 



ipprt* fhal the authority of spiritual Rome is founded on the 
Vi that It is the see of Peter. Yet Leo doos not renouccr the 
»'Jviniair^ to be derived from the commanding poiiticaJ posi- 
of liome, but skillfully intenvpavii'fl this witli Uie man? vital 
ieratioD just imnipd. He claiuus tliat the RomaM Empire 
buUt up wiih reference to CliriMianity, and that Rome, for 
ireaaoti. was chosen for the bishopric of the chief of the Apoa- 
This idea as to the design of the Roman Empire passed 
to later times. It is implied in the lines of Dante, where, 
of Rome and the Empire, he says: — 

''Fur sUbiUtl |tof lt> loco mate 
U^Bede il auccenHir del Loafcgjcr Pieru-"^ 

If we watch the uourse of history far several centuries after 

secoml, we observe that the attempts of the Roman bishops 

tiCTcise judicial or le^latJve functions In relation to the rest 

Church, now succeed and a^flin are repulsed: but on the 

omier all these fluctuations, their power is increasing- 

The aceesaon of Conslantine (311) found the Church so 

ly orgamEti) under its hierar(^hy t.hat it couM not lie nbso- 

merged in the state, as might have been the result had 

eoofftitution been tliffercnt. But under him and his eueccs- 

Oi'' supremacy of the state and a large measure of control 

viT orr'lc.<ias ileal afTairs were iiiaintaiiied by the emperors. 

•raJ rouneils, for example, were convoked hy them and pre- 

ovrr hy their represents lives, and conciliar decrees pub- 

af^ laws of the Empire, The Roman bishops Felt it to be 

lOr lo be jddgf^fl only liy thp Emperor.' In the closing 

of imperial Ijisloi'y, Th"' KmpenKs favornl l.lin eeclpiiias- 

prinmcy o( the Roman See, as a bond of unity in the Empire. 

disorderf» tended to elevate the position of the Roman 

specially when he was a person of remarkable talents 

In Buch a case the office took on new pierogatives. 

Oreat f440-4fil), the firstn perhaps, wlio is rntitled (o 

Pope, with the more modern associations of the title, 

hiniself a pillar of strength in the midst of tumult and 

ly. His conspicuous Bervices^ as in shielding Rome from 

* ^Wen fBtabllahed u the holy pW'^p tvlierau 
Bito Hit mcctmoF of fhe grrAtrat Frf«r-" 

If^fcmt, a. 33-34. 




16 



THE REFORMATION 



4 



Empire the predestined metropolis of Chrbtiamty. In tir 
pcTsecutioHf the first intelligence of the gathering atom 
often communicated from the Roman Churchj whose bi 
were likely to be the earliest viclJnis. The Roman Churd 
reverefi as the only apostolic see in the West. Mony'G 
churches of the West were planted by its agency ; many re< 
from it pecuniary aid. There were fewer cities than in the 
and hence fewer competitors to dispute the preteoflions < 
Roman bishop, and less room for the development of the 
ropolitan wyytfTn, which in the East operated to a certain * 
AS a check upon the ambition of any single prelate. Froi 
beginning, the Latin Church partook of the practical 8^ 
the race among whom it wa.s planted; it kept on ite path 
steadily, widle the Eaat^ swayed by the speculative spirit 
Greek, was convulsed by the great controversies in the 
which mark especially the fmirth and fifth centuries- Th 
all the period of the Arian and Nestorian conflicts, the, 
bishop stood sufficiently apart from the contendii^ 
acquire great importance in their e}'es and to make hij 
coveted by each of them. He was the powerful neui 
it was for the interest of all factions to conciliate- 
to gain the strength which the adhesion of so intluen! 
ate muflt give, would imluce partisans to resort to 
umpire, and to exalt his prerogative in Hatterin^ lan^itj 
as under different cireumstaneps they would never hal 
ployed. At rritical moments the Roman Wfthop iwtii 
posed with doctrinal formulas which met with c : 
the most memorable in-stonce being tlial of ,.,.. 
Council of Chalcedon (451). when ibe stafHnviitl 
r<'_spiv;ting the person of T' ' 
the lettn' f»r Leu 1, l^ii Ii.. 
acknowleitgiiig the pn 
catcfi at this ■ 
enee was (ra^n . . l 

reiiipeeh was elji||nttL|M|lB I 







^,..lii(J of 

Bft£t &nd 

hkI lo ihc 

avp ncigb- 

.;64-65), Bnd 

^ bad nuik 
— I^*: id» o( U» 
%{igt from the ndodf 

f:K*> Roman people, 
- iie. CliBfte- 




20 



THE REFOHMATIOK 



of llie Cliurcli, demeaned himBelf dR & master in referen 
to hiirij as in rfilalion to his own bifthopa. But while the fount! 
tion was laid for Uie papal kingdom in Italy by the granta 
Pepin and Ch&rleniagneT a plausible ground was also furnifsb 
for the subsequent claim that the Pope, by his own authoril 
had transferred the Empire from the E^t to the West, m 
selected the individual to fill the throne.' In later times t 
coronation of Charles lent color to the pretended right of t 
pontiffs to esert a governing influence in civil not Ices thaa 
eeclesiastieal affairs. 

As the divisions ard conflicts of Cliarlemagne's empire all 
his death tended to exalt the bishops who were called in to a 
as umpires among rivaJ aspirants or courted for the relive 
sanction which they could give to successful ambition, so c 
thia era of disorder tend to magnify the power of the recogniz 
head of the whole episcopate. In this period appeared t 
False or Pseudo-ladorian Decretals, wliich formulized, to 
sure, tendencie.s already rife, but still imparted to those tendf 
cies an authoritative basis and an augmented strength. T 
False Decrctala brought forward prineipleB of eccleeia&ti 
law wtdeh made the Church independent of the State a 
elevated the Roman See to a position unknown to precedi 
ages. The injmunity and high prerogatives of bi^ops, t 
exaltation of primates, as the direct inatruments of the pop 
above metropoUtaUB who were closely dependent on the eccul 
rulers^ and the ascription of the highest legislative and judio 
functions to the Roman PontifT, were among the leading featu 
of thb spurious collection, which foimd its way into the coc 
of canon law and radically modified the ancient eccle^aslji 
system.' There was only needed a pope of sufficient tala 
and energy to give practical effect to these new principles; a 
such a person appeared in Nicholas I, (858-S67), AvaiH 
himself of a favorable juncture, he exercised the dLseipline 
the Church upon Lotliair II., the King of Lorraine, whom 
forced to submit to the papal judgment in a matrimonial can 
while he deposed the archbishops who had endeavored to baJ 

' Fgr th« history of the pupal luDf^dom in Ttalyp see the nork or SugDDhl 
Otachiehie der EnUt^ung u. Auj:bildans d^t Kirchcnataitti^ fLtipaie, lSJH]il 
ft T«vi^ir of Uiii veotk in the Ncis Englatder, vol. vkvI. Man. ISS7). 

■ On thfldiilf of th« FBALido-lBid. Dt^creta]*. »* E. 9Hk«], inHHUck'n Haalm 
hlopadit. rvl. 26^ aeq. They fint ^ppeu-ed iibout the nuddla o1 the muth B«Btt 




THE PAPACY AND THE EMPIRE 



21 



iporpow. At the same lime^ NichoW himihled Hincmar, tJip 
nrfrful Archbishop of Rhciina, who hful disregarded the appeal 
lirfi one of his bishops, Uothad of Soiaaons^ had made to 
DiE>e. Sueh exertions of power^ for whieh the False Deexetals 
nuabed a warrant, seem to anticipate the HUdehrandian age. 

Anxious to tlelivpr thE-mselveB from the contml which Charlp- 
•£De h&d eslabiiahed over them, the popes even fomented the 
atord among the Frankish prmces; but the anarchical con- 
tion into which the Empire ultimately fell, left the Papacy, 
r » century and a half, the prey of Italian faelions, by the 
Bory of which the papal ofHce was reduced to a lower point 

moral degradation than it ever reached before nr since.' 

ii fa» — during a considerable portion of which harlots dis- 
ved of ihe papal office, and their paramours wore the tinra — 
IS intprnjpted by tlie intervention of the German sovercipps 
tho I. and Otho 111.; with the first of whom thL- l\o\y Homan 

mite, ID liic sense in which the name is used In subspf|iieTit 
^l^f^^sreuTar counterpart of the Papacy, takes lii^ ori^n.' 
Hff^ preferred the fsway of the? Empprors to that ol the 
viese TudiaG barons* This ciark period was terminated by 
pnry Til., who appeared in Italy at the head of an army, and, 

1CM6, at the Synoil of Sutri, which he had convoked, de- 
roci^d three ri%"oI popes, and raised to the vacant office one of 
ovm biehop**. 

Th*- imperial office bad passed into the hands of the German 

ijKl they, likf^ their C'arlovingiaii predecessorg, rescued 

Papacj- from destruction. We have reached the period 

hoi inidcbrand {1073-1085) appeared wilh his vast rcform- 

plftD. ^\"hilc he aimed at a thorough reformation of morals 
m) i rftitoration of ecclemastieal oriler and discipline, he coupled 
ilh Uiis laudable project the fixed design to subordinate the 
to the Churi'Ii. and to subject (he Churrh to the al»5olute 
Itlkority of Uie Pope/ Tlie prosecution of this enterprise, in 
hodi good and evil were almost inseparably blended, by Hilde- 

' Tbr dr^nHlalioo uf the Pjip&cy ia thfa period la d«pbtfd Ln tte dfttlk^t 
MM ^ Ki» ftciiULii CaIIidIjc Biuialist, BanmiuH, Anrtaleji. X- 050 wq- He cvro 
» ■ ■pKK&l itivLDc pttAtrvBtJon or tht (Thurrh mid of the Holy Bcfi 

■ ir>w, UiJ^ ffnmrtn Empire, p. 80. Thin hdmirftble work dtKrvoH l4 bo 

' >'[■& RftUflvf. Ir'9fhir/tff tfer UnhmMtatafm. \ Sfk. 

• i>f«nrxA aimum tn wrll flt«rrihfvl Sv VnigT, Uitiffhnnd sU PojUi Gftga 
t*r 5M«n^r, u. trin Zfiiattrr ^Wcnnnr. ^S40), p. If] Bcq. 



n 



THE REFORMATION 



* 



br&nii himself, and by a seriea of able and aspiring pontiiTs who 
trod in liia footsteps, occusioncd the conflict between the Papacy 
and the Empire. 

This conflict, with which meditevaJ history for several cen* 
times resoundj^, w&8 an inevitable eonHe(|Upriee nf the feudal 
eyAtem, The dependence of ecclcaiastical prircea upoa thar 
aovereign, and hence his right to invest them with the badges 
of their office, must be maintained; othenviee the kingdom 
wnuld be divided against ifself. On the contrary, euch & re- 
lation on the part of luahops, iiulependently of simony and kia- 
dred corruptions which were connected with the contrnl of 
flccular rulers over the appointment of ecclcaaslics. was natu- 
rally deemed fatal to the unity of the sacerdotal body. To 
fix the bounds of authority between the two powers, the Papacy 
aod the Empire, to whom the government of the world wm 
euppoacd to lie committed by the ordinance of heaven. wa» 
impracticable without a contest. That the Emperor wa^ coro- 
miawoned to preside over the temporal affairs of men, whilo 
the Pope was to guide and govern them in things spiritual, was 
too vague a criterion for defining the limits of jurisdiclioD. Z 
The connliration, the equililDrium of the two powers, waa ^' 
ation with wliich, on the -supposition that it were practicable, 

dther party wi>iild bfi content. It was a struggle on boUl' 
fiides for universal monarchy. Consequently our sympathiea 
can be pven without reserve to neither party, or rather they; 

"«t l>e gjven to each j^o far as each labored to curb the rncr 
md prevent the undue predominance of the other. 
' at tlie de-'^truction, but each at the fiubjugation, 
"t wae a battle where -gocioty would have enuall; 
the complete and permanent triumph of ei 




w! great (ulvantages for prosecuting the warfi 
Tt, even apart from the feoce of the reU^fj 
the head of the Church could more ea 
'or. There was an incongruity between 
to the Emperor and the fact that his 
r from being coextensive with Christen* 
•wlhing more than a shadowy, theorel 
other kinedoms of Western Europe, 
Y, wHfs everywhere the acknowledged 



THE PAPACY AJUD THE EMPIRE 



» 



Latin Christianity. If a jealousy for tbeir own rights might 

ipt other kings to make commoD cause with Uie Emperor 

papal aggreaaons, this feeling would be neutralized by 

^tbr danger to other piovereigna that would follow from the 

tnttmph and undisputed exaltation of tbe Empim. Few kings 

of the magnanimity of St. Louis (Louia IX.) of 

who exerted all the powers of peaceful remonstrance 

[to |irDt«ct Frederic IL from the implacable vindictiveness of 

IX. Moreover, the relation of the Gen nan Emperors 

ito tbe likrarchy of their kitigdoni was cjuite different from that 

bcM by Charlemagne, who aeted the part of an eccleaiostica] as 

[^tB ts & civil ruler. An indispensable and effective support the 

ifop«a found in the German princes themselves, the great vaesals 

of the Empire, and in their dLspotdtion to put checks upon the 

of their sovereigns. The same caune whieh impeded the 

in acting upon Italy aided the popes in aclmg upon 

GcTTnany. Ihe strength of the popes lay in the intestine divi- 

which they could create there. The attempt of Gregory 

to dethrone Henry IV. would have been utterly hopeless 

jbot for the diaaffeetiun which the arbitrary conduct of Henry 

|h>d provoked among his o^ii subjects. On the contrary, the 

ikipd Epirit of liberty in the Italian dties, and their dcter- 

nioed str^^le for independence, provided the popes with potent 

[lIKw agunat the imperial authority. The pootiiTs were able 

itofvnmt tliemwlvefl in the attractive light of champions of 

po^>ular freedom in its battle with despotism. The crusades 

pyv the popes the opportunity to come forward as the Icatlcrs 

of Chrwl«ndoni, and turn to their own account the relipous 

Itnlhusiasni which spread ae a fire over Europe. The immediate 

of this great movement was seen in the augmented 

of the pcffltiffs, and the diminished strength of the im- 

The Papacy waa victorious in the protracted struggle mth 
iW Empire. TTie humiliation of Henry TV,, whom Hildebrand 
kfit waiting for three winter days, in the garb of a penitent, 
[tt the yard of the c-astle at Canossa, whatever might be the dio- 
[pm which it inflicted upon the imperial cause, was but the 
'poihic art of a pasfdonate youn^ ruk^r, who eaw no other way of 
npiotn^ the allegiance of his subjects (1077). Wiien the lift- 

»6c« Oivder, tit. lil. I> $49. 



24 



THE REFORMATION 



ing of the excommunication was found not to include the f 
restoration of his righta as a sovereign, he took up arms with 
an energy aud success that showed how little his spirit was 
broken by the indignities to which he bail subniitt<NJ. Tlie 
Wonna Concor^iat which Calixtus II. concliiiled with Henry V. 
in 1122, and which provided both for a secular and a spiritual 
investiture, was a markedj though not a fully decisive, triuniph 
o/ tlie Papacy. It was a long step towartis coinplete emanci- 
pation from im|jenal sway.* But the acknowledgment which 
FreJcric Barbarossa made of his sin and error to Alexander III. 
at Venice, in 1177. after a contest for imperial prerogativca 
which that monarch liad kept up for ne-arly a generation, waa 
an impressive Indieatlon of the side on wbieh the victory wbs 
tii rest. The triumph of the Papacy apijeareil complete when 
Gregory X- (1271-1276) directed the electoral princes to choose 
an emperor within a ^vcn intcrv'al, and threatened, in case 
they refngeii to comply ^nth the mandate, to appoint, in con- 
junction with his cardinals, an emperor for them; and when 
Rmlolpli of Hapsburg, whom they proceedetl to eJioose, ac- 
knowledged in the most unreserved and submissive manner the^ 
Pope's supremacy, | 

It was during the progress of the struggle with the Emfwr^ | 
that the papal power may be said to have culminated- In th* 
eighteen years (1198-1216) in which Innocent TIL reigneii, Ihe.^ 
papal instJLution shone forth in full splendor.' The enforce*'' 
mcnt of celibacy had placed the entire body of the clergy in i' 
closer relation to the sovereign pontiff. The Vicar of Peter had 
assumed the rank of Vicar of God and of Christ. The idea of i 
theoorjti^y on earth, in which the Pope should rule in this char- 
acter, fully pofiseaserl the mind of Innocent, who united to the' 
courage, pertinacity, and lofty conceptions of Gregory VIL, A 
broader range of statesmanlike capacity. In his view the two 
swords of temporal and ecelesiastieal power bad both been 
given to Peter and to his suecessorSj so that the earthly scve^ 
eign tlcrived his prerogative from the head of the Church. TTit 
king waa to the Pope as the moon to the sun — a lower tumiDary 
shining with borrowed hght^ Acting on this theory, he assumed 
the post of arbiter in the contentions of naUons, and claimed 

' Qi«ebr«h(, i. fil7. 

■ HkJTtor, GeKttieKm Pap4t Innaant d. DritUnt 3 roU. (1341). 





HEIGHT OF THE PAPAL POWER 2S 

iri^t to dethrone kings at his pleasure. Thus he interposed 
decide llie disputed iniperial election in Germany; and when 
dko IV., ihe emperor whom he had placed in power, proved 

lo his pledges respecting the papal ace, he excommnnicated 
kI deposed him, and brought /orAard Fredeiic II. in his stead. 
his coofiict with John, King of England, Innocent laid hJ£ 
Bgdcun under an inltirdictj excommunicated him, and finally 
ire his dominions to the sovereign of France ; and John, after 

most abject hunuhation, rec^dved them back in fee from the 
ipe. la the Church be assumed the character of universal 
daop, under the theory that all episcopal power w&h originally 
ppoaletl in Peter and his suece^ors, and ecnmiunicated through 

aource to bishopSj who were thus only the vicars of the Pope, 
ad mi^it be deposed at will. To him belongeiJ all legislative 
Uhority, councils having merely a dehbL-rative power, while 

figlil lo convoiie them and to ratify or annul their proceed- 

I belonged exeliifiively to hini. He alrne was not hound by 

laws, and nnght dispense with them in the case of others, 
ivtfi the doctrine of papal infallibility began to spread, and 
imphed, if not explicitly avowed, in the teaching of the 
euunent theologian of the agCj Thomas Aquinas. The 
priwmtical revolution by which the powers that of old had 
(Ustributeti Ihrough the Church were now absorl>ed and 
VMff&trated in the Pope, was analogous to the political change 
b which thf? feudal system gradually gave place to monarchy, 
IV ri^U lo confirm the appointment of all biehops, even the 
ci^l to nominate bishops and to dispose of all benefices, the 
adnAve right of ahsolution^ canonization, anrl dispensation, 

h^t to tax the churches — such were some of the enor- 
prcro^tivca, for the enforcement of which papal legate, 
with ample powers, were sent into all the countries of 
Ipe, lo override the authority of bishops and of local eccle- 
iHtjcal tribunals. Hie e^tabliahment of the famous mendi^ 
Kt orders of St, Francis and St. Dominic raised up a swarm of 
Iboiiit preachers who were closely attached to the Pope, and 
mif lo defend papal prerogatives and papal extortions againet 
rfcaiever opposition might arise from the stK^ular clergy. Gain- 
i^ a foothold in the universities, they defined and defended in 
Ktura attd acholastic systems that coneeption of the papal insti- 
sUon in which all these usurpations and abuses were comprised. 





26 



THE REFORMATION 



But at tbe same time that the Papacy was achieving ib 
victory over the Empire, a power was at work m the bosom of 
goeiety^ which was deetined to render that victory a barren, 
one, and to wreat tlie scepter from the land of tlie conqueror.. 
This powej may be tlcscribed aa nationaliam, or the tendency 
to centralization, which involved an expanalon of intelligena 
and an end of the exclumvc domination of religious and eccld- 
sjastical interests,' The B^cularizing and centralizing teodenqy^j 
a necessary step in the progress of civilization, was a force aitj 
verse to the papal absttrption of aathority. The eofranchisfr*! 
ment oF the towns, which dates from the eleventh century, aiul| 
the growth of their power; the rise of commerce; the cnisadea^ 
which in various ways lent a powerful impulse to the new crys-^ 
tallization of European society; the coneeption of monarchy 
in its European form, which entered the minds of men aa early 
as the twelfth century — these are some of the principal sigufti 
of the advent of a new order of things. Before the end oi thft' 
thirteenth century, the last Sj-rian town in the hands of the' 
ChrisUans was yielded to Lhe JSaracens, and the peculiar en- 
thusiasm which had driven multitudes by an irr&slstjble forOA 
to the conquest of the holy places had vanished. TTie struggb 
of the Papacy with the Empire had been really itself a contcat 
between the eccledaeLical and the lay elenienty of society. Tb^ 
triumph of the Papacy had been owing to the peculiar constitiJ' 
tion and inLrin^uc weakne.ss of the German munarehy. It bad 
been effected by the aid of the German princes; bul they, ID 
their tumj were found icfuly to resist papal encroachments. 
From the time of the barbarian iuva^ons, Europe had formed^ 
so to ap^ak, one family, united by the bond of reli^on, undcf 
the tutelage of the Papacy. All other influences tended to 
(livision and isolation. TTie empire of Oharlemagne formed but 
a temporary breakwater in opposition to these tendencies. TTm 
German spirit of independcneo was unfavorable to politidl 
unity. The feudal system was an atomic condition of poUtinl 

' "The ^radunl but alon reacUoQ of Uiv n&tiDoal fecliuK (dea BUAtliolict 
G«flt«) AgBJnat eoalenutical Eovennatnl io l^urope (cLtntpajirhF KircUeiuFC^^ 
k, in Bftiunl^ tha moat weighty dpraeiit in Uie Lintary of the Middle Age; if 
Kppfl*fi in every poricxi imdor diffarcnt Tornu and nfrmtv, pDrticiiLorLy m ll" 
stT\igg\t mbaiit inveatilunH i-nd the cDttfliDt of |h« llohenataLifeii, la ponlinUHl A 
the RffnrEnalinn, in the Freni-h Revolution, and ia mill viuiblv in Uib tdq*! b 
cviit CuncuritnU ihQd in llie iinlarrfmLfmri of our awn time." — Greguroviu. A 
tcJ^iciUe der SiuiU ^n jiii ^f itlelriUfr^ v. ^01, 




DEVELOPMENT OF THE LAY SPIRIT 27 

y. In this slate of thingSi the Church, tbrough ita hier- 
orgam7&doD under one chief, did a bene^ceat work 

vilUation by fuaiiig the peoples, as far as its influence w^nt, 

A AiDgle conmiimity, and subjecting them to a uniform 
The medieval Papacy, whatever evils may have 

connected with it, saved Europe from anarchy and law- 
*'ProvideQce might have otherwise ordainedj but it 
k impafial>3e for maa to inia^ie by w^ial other organizing or 
CDAsobdAting force, the commonweaJth of the Western natioiiM 
>Didd b&Te grown up to a discordant, indeed, and conflicting 
to^tS l>ul still to a league, with that unity and conformity of 
mumers, usages, laws, reli^oti, which have made their rivalries, 
I|iptigiumcie5p an<t even tlieir loiig, ceaseless wars, on the whole 
iDimie in the noblest^ hjghef^t, most intellectual forai of civili- 
m/ioa known to inann"^ But the time must come for the 
^vemfyiDg of Ihia unity, for the developing of the nations in 
Mr separate in[li\lduality. This waa a change equally india- 

Til** development of the national languages which follows 
Ibe chaotic period of the ninth and tenth centuries, is an inter- 
Cttiog sign of thai new stage in the advancement of civilization, 
OpoD «1uch Europe was preparing to enter. It is worthy of 
loCice lliat the earliest v(*rnacular literature in Italy, Germany, 
PrvKe, and England involved to so great an extent satires and 
brrclnf* against ecclesiastics. Many of the writers in the 
Inag tongues were laynien. A class of lay readers sprang up, 
It Ihat it was no longer the case that "clerk*' was a synonym 
hr ocie who is able to read and write. "The greater part of 
F'^-^t'irp in the Midrlle Ages," says Ilallam, "at least from the 
century, may be considered as artillery leveled ag^nst 
\hr clei^','" In Hpain, the contest with the Moora infused 
[■(4> the earliest literary productions tiie mingled sentiments of 
brtlty and religion.' But in Germany the minnesingers abound 
kbostile allusions to the wealth anil tyranny of ecclesiastics, 
Tilter von der Vogelweide, the greatest of the lyric poets of 
h> time, a warm champion of the hnperial side against the popes, 
il«DauQce0 freely the riches and usurpations of the Church.* 



I 



I 



Himorv of lalin ChriMianily. '± 43- 3n kIbu '\iL 300- 

'Th^DOJ.i/utttry »f tiponinh Liieraiitrt, L 103. 

*Kai«a. 04cJktM*c der <|fHJ«eA«A LttefMur, i. 4S ooq., when puia^H kn fivvn. 



S8 



THE REFORMATION 



It Is true Ll»at the hriiLe epic, of whit^h Reynard ihe Fox may 
be eonaidered the blosaom, which figures largely in the efirly 
literature of Germany and the Dcighboring countriee, was not 
didactic or Gatirical in its design.' But lat^r it was converted 
into this use and turned into a vehicle for ebaetlslng the faults 
of priests and monks. ' Tlie Pmven^;al bards were bold and 
unsparing io their treatment of the hierarchy until they vert 
^lenced by the AJbigt^naian crusade. In Italy Dante and 
Petrarch signalized the beginning of a national literature by 
their denunciation of the vicee and usurpations of the Papacy; 
while in the prose of Roccaecu) the |K)pular religious tearhers 
are a mark for unbounded ritlicule. English poetry be^ns 
with couteniptuotie and imlignant censure of the monke and 
higher clergy, with the Ixjldcat manifestations of the anti- 
hierarchical tendency. "Teulonifim/' eaya Milman, ''ie novr 
holding its first initiatory struggle with Latin Christianity/'" 
"Tlie Vision of Piers* Plrjughtnan/' by William Langland, 
which bears the datx? of 1362^ i^ from the pen of an earnest r^ 
former who valuca reason and conf^cienco as the guides of the 
Boul, and attributes the jsorrows and calamities of the world to 
tlie wealth and worldly temper of the clergy, and especially 
of the merulieant ordenii.' The poem ends wilh an assertion of 
the small value of popes' partlons and the superiority of a 
righteous life over trust in indulgences. "Herce the Plough- 
man's crede," is a poem from another hand, and suppoeed t^ 
have been written in 1394. The poet introduces a pl^ 
who IS ac(|UAinted with the rudiments of Christian knowledge 
^vanth t<j leAni hh creed. He apjilies successively to tJift 
t"ra of menrlicant friars, who give him no satisfaction. 
Gftoh other, and art' absorbed in riches and sensual 
Leftving them, he tinds an honest ploughman, 
against the monastic orders and gives bim 
tcb he desires.* The author is an avowed Wi( 




J ^Jf^ L<f- p. 7a& •eq. 



Chn^\nT^^rf,. v\i\. 372. In ilia uid In the «lirw 
^ tit BP*"-*^ ••' ''^^^ BaUricfU Lntin poeniB thai Hpmn| up, 



THE VERNACULAR LITERATURE 



S9 



3filr. Ch&uoer, in the picture oi social llfi' which hp hm drawn 
m the "Canterbury Tales," shows himself in full accord with 
ftlekbile in the hostility to the mendicant friars. Chaucer 
iwffves his admiration for the simple and faithful parish priest, 
"nch in holy ihougSit and work"; the higher clergy he handles 
in & gemuine aJiti -sacerdotal spirit. Id the "Pardoner/' laden 
wilh his relics, aiid with his wallet 

"Bricnlul of |riiniDQ9, oojdc from Romp jJl tot," 

U dfpicts It character who even then excited Gocrn and repro- 

It ia curious to observe in many of the early writ^^ra who 
tTc been referred to^ how reverence for religion an<l for the 
iwrch ifi blended with bitter eeiiaure of the arrogance and 
Ith of eccledastics ; how the spiritual office of the Pope ia 
led fron» his t^-mporal power. In the one fliaraeter 
is revered, in the other he is denounced. The fiction of 
tine's donation of his western dominions to Pope Sil- 
\ which waa current in the Middle Ages, accounted for all 
evils of the Church, in the ju^lgment of the enemies of llie 
iporal power. There was the source of the pride and wealth 
the popes, Dant^ a^Iverts to it in the hnes: — 

"Afa, CoDfllanLine of Wiv much ill t>iiA cnotber^ 
Not thy coDVcniton, but that m&Tnagc-iiaifrerj 
WUcii the ftnt woaltUy filher took from T.ht*-"» 

id ID another place, he refers to Constantine, wha 

"Becuidfl ft Oivdt by cedinE to tbe PsiHlcr/' 

sayB of him in Paradise, 

"So» knoveth hv how bil the Hi deduced 

Ptdiu hiB good Bf rioQ » DOT horn^fiil to him. 
Although the ncrtd ibereby cuy be Jpalroysd,"* 

iWc End a like lament respecting the fatal gift to Silvester, in 

WakJen^an poem, *'The Noble Lesson/' Walter von der 

ide makes the angels, when Constantine endowed Sil- 

wiUi worldly power, cry out with grief; and justly^ he 

'. *i»- IIS, '* Ahi. CMtAntin. di quuita ra>J fu maFrp, 
Nan Ia lua cnnvenion, niH <jii(I1a dole 
Chp dft te pKAF kl ^ma hccn pftlr«1" 

md. u 08. "Ormccncsofl camp 1 eiidI, dedutlo 

DfeJ ttuo bene opcru, nou ^i c Docivo, 
Avrego* cbc jiia 1 ando indi diitrubta-" 



80 



THE REFORMATION 



&ddfl, aince the popes were to use that power to ruin Ihe eat 
perors and to stir up the princes agsiiuHl theoi.' These bit!;6l 
lamentations continue to be heard from advocates of refoim 
unti] the tale of the alleged donatiot^ wa^ discovered to be deft 
titute of truth? 

The anti -hierarchical apirit was powerfully reinforced by the 
legists^ From tlie middle of the thirteenth cejitury the Uni- 
versity of Bologna rose in im|xjrtance as the great seat of the 
revived study of Roman jurispruiience. As Paris was tht 
seminary of theology, Bologna was the nursery of law, Lai 
was cultivated^ however, at other universities.' That a cUa 
of laymen should ariee who were clevotetj to the study and ex- 
portion of the ancient law was in itself a significant event. TTu 
leasts were tlie natural defenders of the State, the powerfu 
auxiliaries of the kings.' Their influence waa in oppoaitiijn ta 
feudalism and on the side of monarchy, and placetl bulwark 
round the civi) authority in its contest against the encroadir 
ments of the Church. The hierarchy were confronted by i 
body <jr learned men, the guardians of a venerable code^ whe 
cMmed for the kings the rights of Giesar, and could bring fo^ 
ward in opposition to the canons of the Church canons of aa 
earlier date.' 

The effectual reaction against the Papacy dates from thi 
reign of Boniface VIII., who cherislied to the full extent th 
theories of Hildebrand and Innocent 111., but was destitute c 
their sagacity and practical wisdom,* ITic resistance that he 
provoked sprang from the spirit wliich we have termed national- 
iflin. Hie contest in which the Hohenstaufen had perished^ 
was taken up by the King of France, tiie ctjuntry which thn>u^ 
out the Middle Ages had been the moat faithful protector of thfl 
Papacy, and whose royal house had been established by the 

■ Kuril, OMch. d. deiitst^. Li/., i. 50. The ■ooncl — " D^r PrHSen vahl*'^ 
Li ^vfb by Kitru, p 5d. 

' The tntt public and fonrml Exposure of the fictlou was made by L&urenUtl 
Valli in the fifteenth century. 

■ S»vEf(uy» Oeschichie d^s rum. Rccht^ ili. 1^3 aeq. 

* Lfearvnt, FfodalM tt i'^gtiac, p. 63U. 
■MiliaAQH vi. 241, 

• l>uEnKnn, GkK. Birttifaci\it df* AehiPTi {\%^2). An opologelic biogrk^ 
or Konifiic-t u Tofili, Staria d\ Boni/aeia Vllt. « dr' tuoi tftttjA (ISIS). In 
name vrtin 1a thi? ftrlicle of Wini^mn {\i\ renew uf Sinmofidi), Unayt an Vt 
SidffHta. iiL lOl aeq. Schwab, in tbe fRcnuui Catholic) QuartalKhrift (] 
Nq, L). conaidera Ihal Twti s-iid WLifinHa ui uoduly biased In favor of 
r»H. Uii Tfiga was fnup 1204 to 13C3. 




CONFLICT OF PHILIP VL AND BONIFACE VUL 



31 



on ftn Itatiaii throne as a bulwark agaiost the Empire. 

was ordained that tbeir protf^ctors should bec<jine their 

,' The c^nfiict of Boniface with Philip the Fair ie of 

tWe interest /or many reasons. One eource of Boniface's 

was the levying by Philip of extraordinarj' taxes on the 

and his prohibiting of the exportation of gold and tdlver 

his kingdoni. Another point, in the highest degree 

;, 15 the manner in which the rights of the Ifuty in 

U) the clergy come up for diacusaion. One defining char- 

ic of the Protestant Reformation was the releafie of tlic 

ky from subserviency to clerical control. There is something 

linniiA in tJip oiwning words which give ita title to oni? of Ihe 

nous bulls of thin pontiff: CZ-erim lairos. It begins with 

linding Philip that long tradition exhibit's laymen as hostile 

il mifichi^^vous to clergymen. Not less signifiouit, in the 

it of subsequent history, is one of the responses of Philip to 

Pope's indignant complaints, in which the king afhrms 

A "Holy Mother Churchy the Spouse of Christ, is composed 

only of clergymen, but also of la5Tncn;" tJial clergymen 

guilty of an abuse when they try to appropriate exclusively 

th«nje]ves the ecclesiastical liberty with which the grace of 

has made ue free; that Christ hiinwelf commanded to 

drr to Casar the things that are CiesarV. More remarkfll;»I<^ 

la Uie fact that Philip twice tainimoncd to his support the 

Lies of his reahn, and that the nation stood firmly by it» 

imuiueated sovereign. The pontifical assertions in regard 

ibe two swor^Li, the supremacy of the ecclesiastical over 

temporal power, and tfie flubjertion of every creature to 

i^Pope, who judges all and is judged by none, were met by 

irmined resie^tance on the part of the French ration. When 

nfaoe munmoned the French clergy to Home to sit in judg- 

it on the Icing, the act roused a tempest of indignation. The 

BuQ, anatched from the hand of the Legate, was publicly 

in Notre Dame, on the Uth of February, 1302, The 

of France addressed to the incensed pontiff a denial of 

propoeition that in secular matters the Pope stands above 

King. Finally sU France united in an appeal to a general 

Jt was by two laymen, William of Nogaret, keeper of 

kin^a seal, and Sciarra Colonna, that the personal attack 

OnfDTcviui. GneKu/Ut dr^ SladI Horn un MiUeiolttr, v. 560^ 



S8 



THE REFORMATION 



was made on Bonlfar* at Anagni, which resulted shortly afte> 
wards in his deatli (1303). 

We have now reached the point when the prestige of ths 
Papacy bef^an to wane as rapidly as, in the preceding centuriee, 
it had grown. Thin fall was due to the expansion of inleili- 
gence, to the general change in society t^j wliich referenee has 
been made. But it was accelerated by influences which were 
subject, to a considerable cxtentj to the control of the popes 
thenaaelves. It ia the period of the Babylonian captivity, or 
the long residence of the popes at Avignon, and of the great 
schism. During a great parb of thia period the Papacy wfl4 
enslaved t-o France, and administered in the intere^st of the 
French courtn This situation impelled the popca to imjuat 
and aggreeaive measures relating to Gennany, England, and 
other Catholic countries, measures wliich could not fail to pro- 
voke earnest resentment. France was willing, as long as the 
Papacy remained her tool, to indulge the popes in extravagant 
assertions of autliority, which could only have the effect to aggra- 
vate the opposition on the part of other nations. The revciiuee 
of the court at Avignon were supplied by means of extortioia 
and usurpationa which had been hitherto without eJtarapleH 
TTie niultiplietl Te-'^ervaHurui of eccltwiastical ofTices, even of 
bishoprics and parishes, which were bestowed by the popea 
upon unworthy persons, or given in commendam to persooB 
already possessed of lucrative places; the claim of the Sret 
fruits or ajinates — a tribute from new holders of benefiees — 
and the levying of hurdeasome taxea upon all ranks of the 
clergy, especially those of the lower grades, were among the 
methodfl resorted to for replenishing the papal treasury, Th* 
effect of these various forma of eccle^astical oppreaeion upon 
public opinion was the greater, when it was known thai the 
wealth thus gained went to support at Avignon an extreaiely 
luxurious and profligate court, the boundleea immorality o( 
which has been vividly depicted by Petrarch, an eye-witness, 

The attempt of John XXIL to maintain the absolute su- 
premacy of the Pope over the Empire and to deprive Louis of 
Bavaria of his crown, that he might place it on the head of tiw 
King of France, had an effect in Germany analogous to t}iat 
produced in France by the conflict of Boniface and Philip. TTie 
imperial rights found the boldest defender^- At leo^hj lq 





LOSS OP PRE8T1GE 



33 



Ihe elfctoral princes soletnnly declared thai the RoniRii 
eceivea liis appointnient and authority solely from the 
aJ college, 
Ecglandr from thi? Constitutions of Clarendon under 
n.^ iQ 1164, tiiere had been niaDirt^t a di^^pcttiitlon to 
he jurisdiction and set houmis to thp encroachments of 
urch, and especially to curtail foreign ecclesiastical inter- 
f in the affairs of the kingciom.' Now that the Papacy 
Mome the instrument of France, this spirit of rcfiietanee 
Lturally quickened. Two important statutes of Edward 
Pre the consequence: the statute of proviBore, which 
ed on the King the right to fill the Church ofhcee that had 
cserved to the Pope; and the statute of praemunire, 
forbftde subjects to bring, by direct prosecution or appeal, 
ftny forei^ tribunal, a cause that feU under the King's 
EtioQ. 

Ihia contest of the fourteenth century, "monarchy" vaa 
Idiword of the adversaries of the Papac}% the eymbol of 
IT gmeration that was breaking loo»c from the dominant 
if the Middle Ag«s. "The monarchists rose against the 
l'* ' In Francp it was the rights of the throne and its 
Ddmre of the Oturch which were maintainetl by the 
and by the schoolmen, as John of Pans and Occam, 
to Iheir help. In Germany it was the old imperial 
defined in the civil law, and &? preceding even the 
of the Churchy that were defended. In opposition 
id»a of his master in theology, Thomas Aquinas, 
his noted treatise on monardiy, in advocacy of 
[piiDciples. agsia'^t the claims of the popes to Um- 
Apart from the gr«at influence of thi» book, atul 
ItaJy. the question of the crigln of the Empire and the 
monarchy in genenl, kd to earnest investi^tioa. 
espnuDy, le^jsts and tbeolo^na immeTBed them- 
l aato i ci l aod cntia] inquincs upon the foundatioii 
p and the groiiDd <m which papal inUrferences 
f^ovenunent profa a c d to repoee. These writers 
flop with eonfuting tte notion that the Einptre was 






84 



THE REFORMATION 



transferred by papal authority from the East to the West. 
The celebrated work of Marslllus of Padua, the "Defensor 
Pacis/' went Iwyond the ideas cf the age, and assailed even ihfl 
spiritual authoritj' of Ihe Roman bishop. It denied that Peter 
was supreme over the other Apostlea, and even denied thai 
he can be proved to have ever visited Rome, Thta work maiih 
tained the supreme authority of a general council. The Minor- 
ites, or achiamatical Franciscans, who insisted on the rule of 
poverty as binding on the clergy, and acf^used John XXII, of 
heresy for rejecting ihe'ir principle, contended on the same 
side. William of Occam seconded Marsilius in a treatise entitled, 
'* Eight Questions on the Power of the Pope." Occam, like 
Dante, rested his denial of the validity of the alleged donation 
of Constantine on the ground that an emperor had no right to 
renounce the indienal'ile rights of the Empire. He placed the 
Emperor and the Gencml Council above the Pope, aa his judgea. 
Coronation, he said, was a human ceremony, which any bishop 
could perform. " These bold wrilinfis attacked the collective 
hierarchy in all its fundamental principles; they inquired, with 
a sharpnesH of criticism Wore unknown, into the nature of the 
priestly office; they reatncted the notion of heresy, to which 
the Chiu'ch had given so wide an extension; they appealed, 
finally, to Holy Scripture, as the only valid authority in matter 
of faith. As fervent inonarchistw, thejse theologians subjectftl 
the Church to the S\At^. Their heretical tendencies announced 
a new process in the minds of men, in which the unity of 
the Catholic Church went down," It is to be observed that 
among the principal literary champions of Louis of Bavarift 
there was found n representative of each of the cultivated 
nations of the We>t.' 

During the schism which ensued upon the election of Urbaa 
VT,, in 1378, there wafl presented before Christendom the spec- 
tacle of rival popea imprecating curses upon e-ach other; each 
with his court to be maintained by taxes and contributiona, 
which had to l?e largely iijcreased on account of the division. 
When raen were compelled to choose between rival claimants 
of the office, it wag inevitable that there should arise a still 

^ OrvKDiTiviiv, V]. 129, 130^ Coplniifl ciiti»ct« rrom th*? Defenjmr fttJh 
wl^ich W&0 Uir joint productiori r>r Uarsiljim uf Pwiufe ftnd John ol Jnnduii. ^ 
Eraporor LduIa'a phyacDiAnj are ^tvd by Gmelcr, III- iv^ c- 1, § M, b. 15. 





THE MONARCHISTS AND THE PAPISTS 



35 



deeper Invoatigation 111(0 the origin and grounds of pupal au- 
fhcrity. Infiuirers reverted to the earlier ages of the Church, in 
order to find both the causea and the eure or the dreadful evils 
under which Christian society wa,s suffering. More than one 
jurist and theologian called atkntion to the ambition of the 
popes for secular rule and to their oppressive domination over 
ihe Qiureh, as the prime fountain of this frightful disorder. 

We have now to glance at the vigorous and prolonged ec- 
dnvont, which proved for the most part abortive, to reform the 
Qiiirch "io head and members," Princes intervened to make 
peace between popes, as popes had before intervened to make 
pcftoe between princes/ It is the era of the Reforming Coun- 
cils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel, when, largely under the lead 
of the Paris LheologianB, a reformation in the morals and ad- 
njinUtratinn of the Church was sought through the agency of 
li)p*e great assemblies.' The theory on which D'Ailiy, Gerson, 
lod the other leaiiera who cooperated with them, proceeded, 
WW thai of episcopal, as contrasted with papa!, supremacy. 
The Pope was prinmle of the Church, but bishops derived their 
authority and grace for the discharge of their office, not from 
iam, but from the same source as that from which he derived 
his powers. The Church, when gathered together by its repre- 
mtariv^ in a general council, is the supreme tribunal, to 
which the Pope himself is stibordinate and amenable. Their 
tim was to reduce him to the rank of a constitutional insleAd 
of an absolute monarch. The Galilean theologians held to an 
iDfallibility reeiding somewhere in the Church; most of them, 
uiA ultimately all of them, placing this infallibility in f:ecu- 
Pip^cal coimcils- TTie flattering hopes under which the Council 
<i Pisa opened it-s proceeditig.s were doomeii to diMappointment, 
ia consrqueQce of the reluctance of the reformers to push 
Ihrmigh their measures without a pope, and the failure of 
Alpxander V. to redeem the pledges which he had given them 
[vior to his election. Moreover, the schism continued, with 
|ta» popes in the room of two. The Council of Constance 
^^D under the fairest auspices. The resolve to vote by nations 
*ifl a dgnificatt sign of a new order of things, and crushed the de- 
Bgn of the flagitious Pope, John XXIIL, to control the assembly 
by the preponderance of Italian votes. Solemn dcclarationa of 



86 



THE REFORMATION 



kot^.nl 



llie Biipremapy and miHiority of the Council were a*lopt*^, 
were carried out m the actual deposition of the iofamoua Pope 
But the plane of reform were mostly %STecked on the eame tod 
on which they had broken at Pisa, A pope must be f^Ieet«d 
and Martin V,, onne chosen, by wkillful management and hi 
separate arrangement** with different princes, was able to undo 
to a great extent^ the salutAry work of the Uouncil, and eva 
trefore its adjournment to reassert the very doctrine of papa 
superiority which '.he Council had repudiated. The sul>staiitia 
failure of tliis Council, the most angust ecclesiastical assemblagi 
of the Middle Ages, to achieve reforms which thoughtful ar< 
good men everywhere deemed indispensable, wafi a proof tha' 
some more radical means of reformation would have to U 
adopted. But another grand effort in the same direction wai 
put forth; and the Council of Basel, notw'th standing that l 
adopted numerouR measures of a beneficent character, whid 
were acceptable to the Catholic nations, had at ia«t no betid 
i^ue; for mopt of the advantBges that were grant<Ki to then 
and the concessions that were made by the pope^, especiallj 
to Germany, they contrived afU^rward, by ailroit diplomacy 
to recall. 

If we look at the condition of Europe in the fifteenth ccn* 
tury, after the time of the schism and the reformiiip councils, 
we observe that political eonflderations preponderate in the 
room of distinctly eecleaiaatical motives and feelings,' Nfr 
tional rivalries and the ambition of princes are everywhere 
prominent. The sovereigns of Europe are endeavoring tc 
augment their power at the expense of the Church, cspecidlj 
by taking into their hands eeelesiastical appointments, ft vm 
during the fifteentph century that the European monarchic 
were acquiring a firm organization, Tn England the wars d 
the Roses ended with the accession of Henry VIL, and in hia 
son and successor the rights of both lines wore united. IQ 
France the century of strife with En^and had been followed 
by the redaction of the great feudatories to subjection to tbfl 
crown. In Spiuoj Castile and Aiagon were united by the mv 



i 



* Thn ooDtrovenj', during tbift period, b«t4#eti (he AdTotalq of (he ftrirts' 
entjo or Gallic&n and of the pflpal 0yfii«iiu, ii dcnr^rilvd, with uipiaiH 4?iiftiiaiii| 
from (lie poleminl writcn wlia parUcfpafed In Lt. by Giowin-, CAurvA Hi^sif 




MORAL PALL OF THE PAPACY 



37 



of their sov9reigns, and their bingdora was consolidated 
the conquest of Granadu. 

At lliis rritifal epoch, whtn It would have hvfju in the highest 
difficult for pontiiTs devoted to the inlfreste of religion 
brx^asl the domiuant spirit of nationaliem, it appeared to be 
sole ambition of a series of popes to aggrandize their familiee 
r to slietjgtiii'n Lhe states of thf riiurrlu' No longer absorbed 
I any grand public objeet, like the cru^dps, Ihey plcjtt^ and 
U^t lo binld up principalities in Italy for their rrlativce. To 
e furtbcrance of such workily achmiee, they often applied the 
assures which they had procured by taxing the Church and 
(uu the sale of church offices. Tlie vicious character of several 
[Ujt'Ui augmented the^can[bl Ahich tlii>^ rDrruptpf>licy errat^d, 
txtua IV., aiming to found a principality for his nephew, — 
', a<X!ording to Machiavclli, hie illegitimate eon Girolamo 
iario, — favored the conspiracy against the lives of Julian and 
DfpDto de Mediei, which rei^iilte'l In the aaEa^dnalion of Jhe 
rfn^r on the steps of the aUar, during Mie celebration of higli 
iu». lie then joined Naples in making war on Florence- In 
rdcr to gain Fcrrara for his nephew, he first incited Venice to 
u; Init when his nephew went ever lo the aide of Naplee, the 
^vpe forsook his Venetian allies and excommunicated them. 
atl.le regard wa-^ paid Ui this act, aiid his consefpent chagrin 
ed his death. Innocent VIIL, besides advancing the 
of seven ille^tiniate children, and waging two wars 
ith Naples, re^'cived an annual tribute from the 8ultan for 
tuning his brother and rival in prison, instead of sending him 
D kad a foree against, the Turks, the enemies of Christendom. 
Xlnandcr VI.. whose wickednrsfi brings to mind the dark days 
Bf the Papacy in the tenth century, occupied himself in building 



' No •ricqiiaTf ifripnwon or fbr BPCuUriiSBtioD of Ihc PnpAPj cftc be ((UDrd 

tflicul thp iffr'Trnrv Id the hiatctivrt} dciaWn. Oar of ihc spccifllly viiliuble 

■ « thv ffubj^i't IV "Thp Tamlrndi^o Modcro Rislcry, The RmauKtnfr*," 

I. p^ ttJQ r^. rhr tix., "The K\v ot iht R-'lcuniiflticin," by Hsnry C. Lm. 

liAfldr inatnintivfl work in Tbp lut^ Rinliop Crpighton'E Hifiory flf tti* 

' Ihf FfTiiwi of Ihr fff}ftrmali//n. S vtyXn. [lfih2^l&Q4). In parlJciirmr 

pwteil tnmn 1420 in 1630 nbould bp px&minHl. Tlk? Aork of chief %a]up rrom 

m» CkUiciki TDUifln u that of Furor, Grwthichlr der Piij'iitt f^ tSm J-u*gang 

M0Hl^trm ^. 3 roU. iXSSG leq); in tht Ei^Alidh tranqlalioD, 6 vole- It 

a< llw J»lli o( PofiF Jullaa 11. (IS13). The nulbor had tcf^pu ta th« 

^HfB^ It hjkc thr Eii^t or reLaCin^ ffsoklv much of th^ evil to the hvM 

Vt^^ durtnc the ppnod ravmrAl. S»e, for ejt&aiple, the pontificalfl of 

IT. 



^^^ 



I 



88 



THE REFORMATIOK 



up a principality for hia favorite son, that monskr of depra^ityj 
Cspsar Borgia, ami in amassing trE^asurce, by base End crurf 
means, for llie support of th^ lieentioua Roman Court. He li 
said to have dird of the poison which he had caused to be prpi 
pared finr a rirfi cartlina!, who bribed the head-cook to set ii 
before the Poj^e himself. If Julius II, satisfied the ambition 
of hia faoiily in a more peaceable way, he still found hie enjoys 
ment in war and conquest, and made it his sole task to exten 
the States of the Church. He organized alliancea and defea 
one enemy after another, forcing Venice to succumb, 
not he^tating, old man as he was, to take the field himself, 
in winter. Having brought in the French, and joined th^ 
league of Cambray for the sake of subduing Venice, he call 
to his side the Venetians For the expulsion of the Fren 
(1510).' 

This absorption of the popes in selfish and secular sehem 
was not in an age of ignorance, but just at the period wh 
learning had revived and when Europe had entered upon 
era of inventions and discoveries which were destined to put 
new face upon civilization. The demoralized condition of 
Church was a fact that could not fail Ut draw to itaelf gen 
attention. 

Leo X., made a cardinal at the age of thirteen and pope at 
thirty-sevenr whose pontificate was to be signalized by the be- 
ginning of the Reformationj was free froni the revolting vice 
which had degraded several of his near predecessors, and frcan 
the wlcnt and belligerent temper of Julias IL, who immediatd? 
preceded him.' Yet the influence of his character and poliq; 
wa-s calculated to strengthen the disaffection toward Ihc Papacy. 
Sajpi, in his ''History of the Council of TVent/* after pr&idnj 
the learning, taste, and liberality of T^eo, remarks with fine wit 
that "he would have been a perfect Pope, if he had combin 
with these qualities i^ome knowledge of the affaire of relip 
and a greater inclination to piety, for neither of which he 

* QtmiAiiv dabodicd it/t campliunta ftguiut tlie corrupt uid BxtorlioDftle 
minifltntinn of Jitliiid. as rrlMcd to (hat counlryf in Crovamitn- A ttvoll 
Pcr1f»]HfllL?«» or a Rrual defpctioa from Iho Rom&n Cliurch( like th»l of ibo B*-' 
hemim, were d«lan>d lo be imimnrnt, if ttiocfi ovil» whpb not conwlefl — 
GlMFlpr. III. V. I, f ]3S. Q ^. 

' There is no ground for b«Lievlng tb# «««nili]oui ph&rt« of LramortlTty 
hnvB boBQ EQBide ii(i(iin4l liiin. They an bniught uigvt^iir trom tk9 
aottxcvB La Ba.yle's DictiooArf. 



CHARACTER OF LEO X. 80 

much concern/'* Even Pallft^-icini, tlie oppocent of 
laments that Leo called about hioi those who were mther 
liar with Ihe fables oJ Greece and the delights of the poeU 
with ihe hifilory of the Church &nd the doctrine of the 
Ihlbers. He deplores t]ie devotion of Leo to profane studies, 
to huntiiLgp Jesling, and pageants; to employments ill suited 
ItohJs exalted office. If he had been surrounded by theologians, 
iPaliavidiii thinks thai he would have been mote cautious in 
Kfistributing indulgencee and that the heresies of Luther might, 
Ipcrhaps. h&ve been quickly suppressed by the writings of leajned 
The Italian historians Muratori and Guiceiardini, m 
^tioa with their prai^^e of Leo, state the mi^^vingn that 
felt by wise men at the costly pomp which he displayed 
his coronation, and censure liis laxity in the administration 
his office/ The chief pa@tor of the Church was seen to give 
>If up to the faficinationK of lileraturr, artj aiu! iTiuyic. In 
^y and luxurious courts religion was a matter of subor- 
concem. Vast sums of money which were gathered from 
people were lavished upon his relatives/ Leo's in- 
fostered what Ranktj has well called "a sort of intel- 
Benmmlity/' 
It IS true that occaaonally the interests of sovereigns moved 
tacitly to admit pretensions on the aides of the popes, that 
fwt becoming obsolete. In 1452 Nicholas V. granted to 
, King of Portugal, the privilege of subduing and 
to perpetual servitude, Saracens, Pagans, and other 
'Is and eneudes cif Christ, an[| of appropriating to himself 
of tiieir kingdoms, territories, and property of whatever sort, 
or private; and two years afterwards, by the same 



11 ilcilp «He deilB rrliiciaDF, «] oIlijUaqUi p^u d lat^liUBAionti &lla piclA, 

"uiB e dell' mlti* deUe qu&Jj uau mottfava kvci grui ciirfe-" tataria Jel C<m- 

Tr*4 , lib. L (Lom- L h)- Sot tpi-v diffr^rcnt le tba f«tiinnlo of B modvTn 

wrMa : "Er !>«■*■« berrlicho Ei^ciiai^hftften dn GeiitH Hod Her»iu 

SitduDg, KmnlniH und Ln^tte liir KuTiflt und WkungchafT ; mhfT Eur 

Piprt iMr K virf ni vf rgTi iiff 11 ngrtirhtig, t-enu:lnveiidPri«i und lindi^ 

Mt" J. T. RirUr. KirT^f7^^tnch^chlc. IL 143. 

' tMtrit dt Ctmr^iif di TrrrUif. torn- L lib. i. d- u* 

' ICuftteiri. An-nati d' Italia^ loni, xiv- ISQ, GuicciAidim, Ittoria d' f(aji4» 

'11 p. §1 . 8ee. aUd, tDm, viL pp, 108, 109. 

lu^, i>ntf»dU 0*»thichte. i. 2BS^ Roscoe (Lift of Lh T., Iv, cb, odvj 

^ bin «fa.LEu1 Uiff uDpiiLatioa of uiu^hutity, but tiava not cdcoT tht 

jm bft icck in buflocnety, and mtldty rvflivrA bit doubl^-dptlmg m bift ml«t- 



'.-----— i«r r -_^rra. -■J^MTi'H*' Tl^, ai Tirtoe o 
-ti- - -^ - ^ :i, >--^^ . 1^ ^vis^ii:*; ?fff; fnmni to gm 
" * -■ -: "_-"*-- Ji*:^n»ir- ; "-^ — -m^- m^- "^m^llfc, tl 

*- -"-■' --■" "-"■-. ""CT-rj V _— >-'-i^ft^ m2 ^ IiDt smtcfaiDi 

■"— -". —--"^7- 2^-':^^ t ct iiimir*:^ tfacTiefl to tb 
'-■' ' - -- >.,; ^- r^*.cru2^ c :at ^^'pcs in thi 

'"^ *-^ .^-- r-»-:.,:tc: - ^"tj: ;^z^<.c3l p:'veT in Itatf 

- ■ .T--:_ ■'- \'jj-'- r-^ -r^Lti- "^T" »¥** able tl 
•'-"V" ■> - - i..-f5i*.ci T^:-^ ^►tt ■ rsTf^: frrfln prince 

-■' ..'■■ ■-■ -^._ :^i.jr: j,_ ,KSj»r: .75 T^fonninj 

- ■ .-• — "! .^^-" . -'. _- --^z- : ?"ic« in t 

r- -r- * i:- -1 --^r^ >-:oi*. thi 

.-■"',. ^r V *•' ,. ^l^ : 7rince, - 

.^ .^ -^- .-. : -^_ : :- ^iTTcT 01 G«I 

-■' -■ '_. ■ : - ^ ^ . -^- .-:.::_::* TO bene 

■-.: * .. _>-^"*s > : «\i:''V on tb 

■'.J . " -iS -ir i:: ; wirh tb 

'-: - .— ' M- - :i:: "i* -hurcha 

„- 1. ■ " iTL-il. a par 

- - . -;. T: iechrci 

.;■ ■ ■ .r.ui-.i*!! ": S^nefice 

. -j-v-'* ■fv»*';ially « 

■ :■' iT-'^st caaM 

\: - ^^.: :: v-tj i^e JenUD 

. ^ :> -.- - Thtf -^orts c 

■ " "!_ i ^^'' Pra^mati 

"isij..: -^r- Jt Parii 

■ . ' "- -r: Fr^nctsI 

- i nr -■ -.y.'JL^r.l of tfc 

f " V fivie of tfc 



8BCULAR SPIRIT OF THE PAPACY 



a 



»15 robbed of its liberties, the Pope gained only the annates, 
wbile the power of nominating to the great beneficee fell k^ the 
kmg. Moreover, the coercion that was required lo bring the 
ParUament to renter the new Coneordatj and the indignalion 
which it awakened throughout France, proved that it resulted 
from no change in the sentiments of the nation. 

The long struggle of Francb 1. and Charlea V,, and the way 
in which it affected the fortunes of Protestantism, afford a eon- 
slant illustration of ttte predominanct? which had been ^^ained 
by aectilar and political^ over purely ecclepiasLie-ai interesU- 
Ibf^re were critical moraentfi when not only the King and the 
Emperor, but the Pope also, were led from motived of policy lo 
D«rome the virtual alhes of the Protestant cause. 

It is a striking incident, and yet ilhisLrativc of the epirit of 
I the age, that the Emperor Maximilian aent word to the Elector 
Frederic of Saxony to take good care of Luther^ "we mighty 
i |ttb&ps, h&ve need of him some time or other." ' Foi" fear that 
iCkartes V, would b*- too much strengthened by the destruction 
|4 the Protestant League of SnialcAld, Pope Paul ITT. recalled 
Kb troops which he had lent to the Emperor, and encouraged 
BiDc-iti I. to prosecute his design of aiding the ProtcslanU, 
rlhe Pope Bent a message to the French king, ^'to help tboee 
L »ho were not yet l>eaten/' At the moment when the Protestant 
I ciuflp might fleem to be on the verge of extinction, tljc Pope and 
[the King of France appear a^ it« defenders. Francis even 
■Hght to make the Turks his alhes in his struggle against 
He Emperor. What a ehange wafl thie from the days when 
rSe prineefi and nations of Europe were banded together, at the 
[flill of Ihe Chureh, Lo wrest the holy places from the infidels 1' 
[ Thua, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, there are 
I hro facte which arrest attention : — 

I TiTst, the development and conpolidatton of the nations, in 
fttnr separate individuiility, each with its own language, culture, 
Lbn, and institutions, and animate^] by a oatinnal spirit that 
f Aafvd under foreign ecclcTiiastical control. 
[ Secondly, the secularizing of the Papacy. The popes had 
I ifrtOAlly renounced the lofty |.>o6ition which they still assumed 
klo bold, and which, lo a certain extent, they had once really 

I ■ Ruks. DhIkJL <7«A,, L 31$, tlutor^ tf Ihe Popn, L Sfl. 



42 



THE REFORMATION 



held, of moral and religtouH guaRlians of society. As temp 
miera, they were iniinerfifd in political contents and achetnes of 
ambition. To further thesCi they prostituted the opportunitiee 
afforded by their spiritual function, and by the traditional 
reverence of men, which, though weakened, was stiU powerful, 
for their episcopal authority. It was unavoidable that they 
and their office with them, should sink In public esleem, "Dur- 
ing the Middle Ages/' eays Coleridge, the Papacy was another 
name *' for a confederation of learned men in the west of Europe 
against the barbariani and ignorance of the times. The Pope 
was the chief of this confederacy; and, so long as he retained 
that character, his power was just ami irresistible- It was the 
principal means of preser\'ing for u& and for all posterity all that 
we now have of the illimiination of past ages. But as soon oB 
the Pope made a separation between his character as premier 
olerk in Christendom and as a secular prince^— as soon as he 
began to squabble for towns and castles — then he at once broke 
the charm, and gave birth to a revolution." "Everywhere, 
but especially throughout the North of Europe, the breadi of 
feeling and eymi)athy went on widening; so that all Germany, 
England, Scotland, and other counlrieg, started, like giants 
out of their sleep, at the first blast of Luther's trumpet."' 

1 TahU Talk (July 24, 1S30), Almoat tho ludif Htaleraml kb to tbo nwnl 
ftdL of the F&pacy la mailo by a fair-mLcdcd Catholiri historian, Ho ttaec* EM 
decline (rom iho nabyloiuan captivity, tbraugh thi> pvriiHL of the HeFoRBiDf 
CViiUK-ib, and (ht mign of Jiiliua It and the pop^e of the huus? of Mediei. '*!!■ 
datkin hatten die Papstp durcb Ihr VermitUftramt bber den Furslcii gfciljuidat; 
jetit abfT ALrUten 8it sich dfiiJ^cLben icltndL irnd tTw^^kten. ilurch il'jrti l^iki* 
uod IfiiFg^UBf, Nfid und llami ^i^eh akli. So wai dii? iiarize mura^ieche Snf^ 
TTodurch Rom Dcil vicr JahdiumlcrtGn die Welt bvhtmadit bnttc, untcrpKba^ 
und oe bcd[irfta nur i^iilm lirafligi?a Si4e9D«, Um i» ilber d«D BauCpa lu werfMkf 
J. L Kilter, KintMigiuJiichU, ii 143, 



CHAPTER m 

FECIAL CAUBES AKD OHESa OF AN ECCLESlAeTlCAl. llEVOtS-" 
TION PRIOR TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 



The mediffiVfll (ype of religion, in contraat with primitive 
LTirislianity, \s pervaded by a certain legalism. Everything 
Bprcficribed, reduced to rule, subjected to authority, Mediieval 
C^olicisEn may be eonlemplateil under the three c!epartmentfl 
of dogma, of polity, and of Christian life^ under whieh modes of 
WLjTship are included,' Under this last comprehensive rubric, 
tnciDasticUm, for example, which BpringA out of a certain con- 
(xptioQ of the Christian life, belongs. The dogmatic system, 
88 elaborated by the schoolmen from the materials furnished 
by ciaditioD and sanctioned by the Church, constituted a vast 
body of doctrine, which every Christian was bound to accept 
in all its particulars. The polity of the Church Uxiged all gov- 
cnunent in the hands of a superior dof^, the priesthood, who 
were the commisaioned, indispensable almoners of divine grace. 
The worship centered in the sacrifice of the nmae, a constantly 
repeated miracle wrought by the hands of the priest. In the 
idea of the Christian life^ the visible act was made to count for 
00 much^ ceremonies were so multiplied and so highly valued, 
that a character of externality was stamped upon the method 
rf nJvation. Salvation, instead of being a purely gratuitous 
*ct, flowing from the mercy of God, wafi connected with human 
Borit. TTie quantitative, a^ opposeil to the qualitative standard 
ticelience, the disposition to lay Btreas on perfonnances and 
tences. instead of the spirit or principle at the foundation 
the whole life, lay at the root of celibacy and the monastic 
itutiona. The masses^ pilpimagei^, fastings, flagellations, 
lyers to ^Irtts, homage to their relics and images, and similar 
teaturea so prominent in mediaeval piety, illustrate its essential 



» (nimaaa. B^^malartn nor dtr Rtjatynriiiion, L p. 13 uq. 
43 



I 



44 



THE REFORMATION 



character. Christianity was convErted into an extemBl ordl 

nance, into a. round of observances.' 

TTic reaction which manifested itaelf from time to time 
within the Church, anterior to the Reformation, might have a 
special relation to either of the constituent elements of the 
medieval system, or it might be directed againbt them a!I 
together. It might appear in the form of dissent from the pre- 
vailing dogmad, especially from the doctrine of human merit 
in salvation; it mi^t be leveled against the priesthood as usurp- 
ing a function not given them in the Gospel, and as departing 
in various ways from the primitive idea of the Christian ministry, 
it might take the form of an explicit or indirect reflistfl-nce to 
the exaggerated esteem of rites and ctremonica and aualeritiea. 
In either of these directions the spiritual element of Christianity, 
which bad become overlaid and cramped by traditions, might 
appe-ar as an antagonistic or silently renovating force. A 
general progress of intelligence, especially if it should le&d 
to the study of eariy Christianity, would tend to the same 
result. 

The forerunnera of the Reformation have been properly 
divided into two classes,' Tlie iirst of them consists of the 
men who, in the quiet path of theological reae-arch and teaching, 
or by practical exertions in behalf of a contemplative, apiritual 
tone of piety, were undermining the traditional system. TTie 
second embraces the names of men who are better known, for 
the reason that they attempted to carry out their ideas prac- 
tically in the way of effecting ecclesiaatical changes. The firat 
class are more obscure, but were not less influential in preparing 
the ground for the Reformation, Protestantism wa^ a return to 
the Scripturee ae the authentic source of Christian knowledge 
and to the principle that salvation, that that inward peace, is 
not from tlie Cliurch or from human works ethical or ceremonial, 
but through Christ alone^ received by the soul in an act of 
trust. Whoever, whether in the chair of theology, in the pulpit, 
through the devotional treatise, or by fostering the study of 
languages and of history, or in perilous combat with eccle^- 
aatical abuses, attracted the minds of men to the Scriptures 



^ Thb fH( is well rpprfHaatod by Ullmmn, lUfvr mU imm n t«r 
I p. Kiii. leq., p. S aeq. 
■ LUlmaou, L p. 15 aeq. 




ANTl-3ACEfl DOTAL SECTa 



4fi 



uul to a more spiritual conception of religion, waS; in a greater 
or less measure, a reformer before the Refomiation. 

In the preceding chapter we have reviewed tlie rise of tlie 
hierarchical order, and have noticed one of the nrnin causes, the 
tendency to centralization, the spirit of naticnaliem, which had 
ire&kened the authority of the clergy, and especially, at the 
be^nning of the sixteenth century, had materially reduced the 
of the Papacy. 

We have now to direct attention to various special caueea 
uid omen^, earlier and later, of an approtiching revolution, 
trhieh would affect not only the polity but the entire religious 
nysletn of th<* iiiediipval Church, 

L Amor^ these phenomena \s to be mentioned the rise of 
ioti-aacerdotaJ sects which sprang up as early as the eleventh 
ttOtury, but flourished chiefly in the twelfth and thirteenth, 
Hiese indicated a widespread dissatisfaction with the worldli- 
nen of the clergy, and with prelatlcal government in the Church, 
Hiere were infli'\'iduals, like Peter of Bruys, himself a priest^ and 
Henry the Deacon, a monk of Clugny, who, in the earlier part 
of the twelfth century, made a great disturbance in Southern 
France by vehement inveetives against the immoralities of 
iKe priesthood and their usurped dominion. The simultaneous 
^^xorance of perrsoas of this character, whowe irn[«wwioiied ha- 
lU^cB woD for them numerous adherents^ jshowB that the popu- 
lar reverence for the clergy was ehalten. Conspicuous among 
ite sectaries of this period are the Cathariets, who wore found in 
vrernl countrie?*, but were njost numerous in (he cities of North 
Italy and of tlte south of France. 'Hie dualism of the ancient 
Uanicheans and of the later Paulicians — the theory that the 
ttDiure of the world is divided t>etween two antagonistic prin- 
ttpies — U^ether with the asceticism that grows out of it, re- 
t|^)ear8 in a group of sects, which wear different names in the 
Tuious r^ons where they are found. ^ Tliey are characterized 



" Upon ihf ongiTi ■.od mudiAl rflHtlon of IhoK ante, Uiplr tPiu>u, *ad their 
n^Biia v> Ukv fsrlier diulLatir? bflnsiffi. see Newider, CAun-A ffaUiri/. iv- 662 
M^: Qliilpr. Kir<hn^»cfiiiJ*u. ui. ill. 7, 4ST; Hilmmn, /iutory ttf iMtm 
OMtfwqlTi. T. Ififl (Kq.; Bhuj, Kirrfieniiriichit/ile, Ui. 489 wq,; ScKmidV Hi^. 
4tltcfriM^ la3€cteiinCittJiarttiPBr\f, ISID^ "^ article ''Kiktban^r" in Henog'i 

^ DwmmIj ffltuiTflftV ^^t fA* H-i^i^ry. tie., of Iht ASbiy^<ft ard tte tVnltSmm-t 
ttttS}- aIk, Bi^ ftrnmii,* FLond. )S5^)- IWIliriE^rH Beitragt nr SfkrmseMcAichu 



i 



r46 



THE REFORMATION 




in conimoo by a renunciation of the authority of the prieeth* 
In Southern Fraiicej where they acquired the name of Albi( 
sea, they were well organized, and were protected by jjowerful 
laymen. The poems of the troubadourfi show to what extent 
the clergy had fallco into disrepute in this wealthy and ftouriah- 
ing dietrictp* In Ihe cxtendve> opulent, ajid most civilized 
portion of France, which formed the dominion of the Count of 
Tciilouflej the old rE'llgion was virtually sujiplanled by the new 
fleet. The Albigensiaa preachers, who mingled with their het-* 
crodox tenets n sincere zeal for purity of life, were heard with 
favor by all classes. The extirpation of this numerous and 
formidable aeet was accomplished only through a bloody cru- 
Bflde, that was set on foot under the auspices of Innuceiit IlL, 
and was followed by the efforts of the Inquisitioni which here 
its beginning.' The AlbigenscSf in their opposition to the 
"authority of ecGlesiaslieal tradition and of the hierarchy, and 
in their rejection of pilgrimages and of certain practices, like 
the worship of yaiuLs htkI images, anticipated the ProtefiUmt 
doctrine; although in other respects their creed is even more 
at variance with the spirit of Protestantism than is that of their 
opponents* It is interesting lo observe that at the moment 
when the Papacy appeared to be at the zenith of its power, a 
relielUon broke out, which could only be put down by a great 
exertion of military force, and by brutalities which have left 
a.a indeUble stain upon those who instigated them.' 

The Waldenses, a party not tainted^ith Manichean doctrine, 
and distinct from the Catharistq, arose In 1170, under the lead 
of Peter Waldo, iif Lyons. Finding themselves forbidden to 
preach in a simple manner, after the example of the Apostles. 
the "Poor Men of Lyons," aa they were styled, made a stand 
against the exclusive right of the clergy to teach the Gospel 
Although the Waldenses are not of so high antiquity as was 
often supposed, since they do not reach further back than Waldo, > 



■ Milmnn. Ltitin Chnatianily, v. IM- R«>, mlnn, p. 137. 

1 '*It wu >■ war," BAya Qulict, "betAivn frud&l Franca Vid Diiinif^pil 
Fnnce." Hiatvry of CiviSitaHon. Itut. k. 

' Th« dJBtinjcuuibFd Cnlhulic tLnwlDsiaQi Hcfele, m tUv Kircfvm-Ltxikim, Vt, 
" ALbigeiuG), " eiiicAvvm to \aittD tl>t rcspoudibiliiy of the Popo lud tiit ec- 
clcfli&riical ■ufhoriEipi lor the AltH^eiiBi&n mfUB&cns. But this la pOHiblp onlj 
lo ft vary Umitfd «]r1aTit- It wu nol until Frightfu] slrDcitiH had tmea cou- 
DUtt^H tii^L ■I' attempt waa mSjda lo CLirb the ferocity whii^h hul bt«ii eroilid 
bj' tbi mart LirgBDt uppcftli. 





ANTI-SACERDOTAL SECTS 



47 



id ftllhougb they were far less enlightened as to doctrine than 
yey became after they had bef^n brouglil in conlact with Prot- 
tuittsm, yet their altachment to the Scriptures, anrl their 
(position to clerical usurpation and profligacy, entitle them 
I a place among the precursors of the Kefornmtion.' Wher- 
rer they went, they kicdle*! among the people the desire to 
raJ the Bible. The prindpid ihejiter of tlit*ir Inbors was Milan, 
ad other places in the north of Italy and the south or France, 
^^tt the hierarchy had a weaker hold on the people, and where 
H^ who were disgusted wilh the priesthood were Ukewiee 
pf^Ued by tbe obnoxious theology of the Catharists. 

Tbe depnrlore of the Franeiscana from the rule of poverty 
1 the fitricter party in that order to break off; and all efTorte 
D t*al the schism proved incffectuaL The Spirituals, as the 
tricter Beet were called, in their zeal against ecclesiaetical cor- 
uplion did not spare the Roman Church: and they^ especially 
lay brethren among them^ the Fratricelli, were delivered 
Ter to the Inquisition. 

At the end of the twelfth century there were formed in the 
etherlfuids societies of praying women, calling thcmsclvee 
^ine8, who led a life of devotion wlthqui monastic vows, 
imilar societies of nien, who were called Beghartls, were after- 
yirds ffirmed. Many of both classes, for the sake of protection, 
l«d themselves with the Tertiarics of the monastic orders, 
followini; the rule of poverty, became mendicants along 
perhaps, through the influence of the pieet of 
— a Pantheistic fleet — adopted heretical opin- 
BO that the names Be-guine and BeghartI, outride of the 
■!'ls, became f^ynonymous with heretic, A swarm 
i-iaftta and fanatics, known by those api.>ellationfl, 
erifthed a sincere hostility to the corrupt administration of 
ir Church. 

The existence and the number of this species of sectaries, 
horn the Inquisition could not extirpate, and who, it should 

■ Thm pfifiCipBl worka sIulTi havr iFrvpd to uptUf djaputtil poiuia rpflpecHnf 
■ WbU^b uc DicckhofT, Die Waidrjurr im Mitidoitrr {l^l) : Hcraog. Dit 
umia^A^t Waldfftfr (IS-ia)^ Hcrtog hte broiaght lomaTd new infannatian 
!■* wtirlf on Uit WnldeEUFd in his Rr^'ETtcyclopadif- Sft, aliyo, Combftt 
^rjf tf ihf Waldrrrw/t ff/ /M/y OSSQ) Tho diefovery of the nxmuBcript of 
I JI'«M4 f^yffnfi rftniiprw] it higMy pmhahFp Itial Thin popm wa rampiViHl 
IW ftitM^ib tmTiity. Th*i Uir Waldpn*™ had i\n oiuiieQcc pnor to W^ldo. 
ccBcvEkd fti pnK&t by «Diupet«at BoholBTBi 




48 THE REFOHMATION 

be observed, were ninst!y plain and unlearned people, prove 
that a profound dissatWactioo with the existing order of tLings, 
and a deep craving, mingled though it was with ignorance and 
superstition, for the restoration of a more simple and apostolio 
type of Christianity, had penelrateii the lower orders of society. 
Formerly they wlio were ufTended by the wealth and worldljF 
temper of the clergj', had found relief by retreating to the aus- 
terities of monastic iife within the Church- But the monastic 
aocictiee, each in its turn, as they grew older, fell into the luxu- 
rious ways from which Ihelr founders had been anxious to escape. 
Now, aa we approach the epoch of the Reformation, we observe 
the tendency of this sort of dLsafTection to embody itself in eecb 
which assume a questionable or openly inimical attitude towarda 
the Church, Yet it is well that the ecclesiastical revolution wb( 
not left for them to accomplish, but was reser\'ed for enlightened 
and sober-minded men, who would know how to build up af 
well as to destroy. 

IL The Conservative Reformers, the champions of the lib- 
eral, epiecopalT or GalUcan, as contrasted with the papal, con- 
ception of the hierarchy; the leaders in the reforming councils, 
both by what these eminent men acliieved and by what they 
failed to adiieve, prepared the way for the great change from 
which they themselves would have recoiled in dismay. In cany- 
ing forward their battle they were led to expose with imaparing 
severity the errors and crimes^ as well as the enormous usurpa- 
tions of authority, with whitrh the popes were chargeal^lgj TTiii 
could not but essentially lower the respect of men for the papfd 
office ilficlf. At the same time the discomfiture of these reform' 
ers, as far as their principal attenipt is conccrncdj to reform the 
Church '*in head and members/' a discomfiture effected by the 
persistency and dexterity of the popes and their active adherents, 
could not fail to leave the impression on many minds that s 
more stringent remedy would have to he sought for the unbear- 
able grievances under which the Church labored, Tl" roust not 
be forgotten, however, that Gerson, D'Ailly, and their compe^ 
were as firmly wedded to the doctrine of a priesthood in ihfl 
Church, and to the traditional dogmatic system, as were theu 
Opponents, At Constance, the Paris theologi&na almost oub 
Btripped theJr papal ant^oniets in the violent treatment 
Suss during the sessions of the Council, and in the alacrity wi 




RADICAL REFORUERS 



49 



idi they condemned him and Jfrome of Prague to the Rtake, 
vaa a reformation of morals, not of doctrinr, at which they 
Kkfd; the disthbutioDT but not the deatructioD, of priestly 
Ltbonty, 
1 111. Bui there were individuals before, and long before the 
of Luther, who are appropriately called radical rrformerK; 
who, ID essential points, anticipated the Protestant njove- 
t, Tliere were conspicuoua cEforte whieh, if they proved to 
considerable ext^Dt abortive at the mom^nti left seed to ripen 
ards, and were the harbinger of more effectual measures 
all this class of reformers before the Reiormation, John Wick- 
e is the most remarkable.' Living in the midat of the four- 
th century, nearly a hundred and fifty years before Luther; 
i &a obecure or illiterate man, but a trained thoolc^ian, a. 
enor at Oxford; not hiding his upioious, but proclaiming 
with boldness ; he, neveitheles?*^ took the position not only 
s Protestant, but, in many iniportant particulars, of a Puii- 
In hi? principal work he affinns that no writing, not even 
p«psl KivcT^i*^, bis any validity further than it h founded on 
Holy Seripturea] he denies transubstantiation, and attrib- 
thr- origin uf this df^iii^ to tJie ^uliistitutiiit^ of a belief in 
declarations for belief in the Bible; he asserts that in the 
itivc Church ihere were but two sorts of clergy; doubts 
Scriptural warrant for the rites of confirmation and extreme 
tJoo; would have &U interference with civil affairs and tem- 
aiitltority interdicted to the clergy: speaks 7Lgainsi the 
ity of fturimlar confession; avers that the exerciee of the 
to bind and looac is of no cFfect, save when it is conformed 
tbe judgme-nf nf Christ; is opposed to the multiplied ranks of 
ckigy — popes, cardinals, patriarchs, monks, canons, aod 
real; repudiates the doctrine of indulgences and snper- 
lory merits, the doctrine of the excellence of poverty, as 
wad held and as it lay at the foundation of the mendicant 
and he sets him^lf against artificial church music, 
in worship, consecration with the use of oil and salt, 

' Uh «f^ Sufjerittoa ttf John WidUif, by J, LcwEs f Oxford. IS^O) ; Lift of 

'" t^ hy CK»rl™ Wrbb he Bh (18401 ; John dt Wj/difje. o Manogroph, br 

Vftvctnn. DD. fLoafJf>a, 1863)^ Wtbcr, GfachUhit der akaiholinch^ 

B. ^idctfm pen Gro^^-Briitanim, i. 62 Mq. ; Hardwiflk, FltMtory tf tha 

CImmJk: Middle Age, p. 403 Kq. G.h*vM^M,JohanHwiWulif {1^3)-, 

*W,Oi»w. rWn^uA Chufdk m Urn F-rrutirttftfi end FifirmOv C^nt%witt. p X^n 



60 



THE REFORMATION 



canonlaation, |>ilgnriiages, church asyluma for crinirnals, celibacy 
of the clergy.' -\liiiost every distinguishing feature of the 
mediwval and papal church, as contrasted with the Protectant, ia 
directly liieowncd and combated by Wickliffe, How wae il 
possible that he could tlo ihia so long, In that age, with compara- 
tive impunity, and die at last in hia bed, when so many whom 
he immeasuffLbly uutslripped in his reformatory ideas paid for 
their dissent with their livee? The reason ie found partly in 
the fact that he identifted himself with the University of Oxford, 
and with the secular or pariah clergy in their struggle against 
the aspiring mendicant orders, and still more in the fact that 
he stood forth in the character of a champion of civil and kingly 
authority, against ecclesia-stical encroachmente. He was pro- 
tected by Edward III., whose cause against papal tyranny he 
had supported; and after Edward's dcathj by powerful nobles. 
He was strong enouf^ to withstand the opposition to his worli 
of translating the Bible^ and publicly to defend the right of tb 
jjeople to have the Scriptures in Iheir own tongue. Not nnti 
the reign of Henry V., when the relation of the kings to the clejgy 
was changed, was the persecution of the Wickliffitcs, or Ld- 
lards, as they were called, vigorously undertaken. They were 
not exterminated; but the principles of WicklifTe continued to 
have adherents in the poor and obscure classes in England, 
down to the oiilbreakliig of the Protestant rnovpnipnh. It is re- 
markable that Wickliffe predicted that among the monks them- 
selves there would arise persons who would abandon their falM 
interpretations of Christianity, and, returning to the original reli- 
gion of Christ, would build up the Church in the spirit of Paul.' 
In the same rank with WickUfTe stands the name of John 
Hues' Before him in Bohemia there had appeared MilitE and 

' Lar^ extrikcr^ fmru th? THnlofffa arv in Gineler, til, iv. 8 f 12a. a. 1. Aa 
■HAlysiB of it \s nivriL in TurDer, IfiMory n/ t^ngiand, v, 

' The foUotvinfc paaDa«c m riDin tVic Trialoffue r "Suppono milem quod fttii|ri 
fntrefl, quoa Dtua doocre iligOAtur, ad rrJigiotaetn primffVAin Chrtati derolial 
fouvcriflntur, ot reLietk tun porfidia, oivo obtoata siv* pe^lA Antichriati licfqrtl^ 
redjhunl libera td n'tigianem Chriati pniowuii, et tunc vdiljcjibunt 
ni?u( Pautiu " Sm» Nj^nder. v- 172. 

* Hurforld ft Mnnumenln Jo. Htta ft HifTcrt. frapmrit (171.^3: PkW 
Dot^mmla Ma'jiXri J. Htm. and the GrAthis^hlt B^hmtn* hy iIt* namr - 
Ntfandef, Churdv lliatory, v. 235 wq,; Qillea, Lijf ond Tiwirtfl/ JMn Hv» 
the norkA of Van dor tludt liRd L^nr&nt upon the Couuci] of r 
Krummd, Omcki^hlf -*, fl^AmtrfA Pcfarmat. im XV. JoArh. f\8^ 

wrnka, Gieh- dfr Eeanif. Kirche in Bohfnm. 2 voli. L^p 



WICKUFFE AND HUaS fil 

Conrftd of Waldhauscn, preachers animaied with tlie fiery leal 
of propheI«T *W'<I li/liiig up their voices, in the face of persecu- 
tion. agaiiisL the corruption of rcli^oti.' Still more was Husft 
indebted Ic Matthias of Janow^ whose ideaa respecting the 
Church and the relatione of clergy to laity involved the genua 
of changes mare radical than he hiniBelf perceived. Hu&s w^as 
riroDgly influenced, likt^wise, l\v ihe writings of Wickliffo, and 
WM active in disaeniinating them. The Bohemian reformer 
h&ii less theological acumen than the English, ^nth whom he 
agreed in hi^ advocacy of philosophical rcaliem and prcdcstina- 
&yn; nor did he go bo far on the road of doctrinal innovation; 
rinc« Huss, to the la-^t, was a believer in transubstantiation. 
But in hift conception of the functions and duties of the clergy, 
ID his Eeal for practical holiness, and in hif exaltation of the 
ScriptujTs above the dogmae and ordinances of the Church, in 
moral excellence and heroism of character, Huse was outdone 
by Done of the reformers before or since. Luther, when hf* was 
a monk, accidentally fell upon a volume of the ^^erinons of Hubs, 
ID the convejit library of Erfurt, and was struck with woniler 
tb&t the author of such scntimcDta as Ihcy contained should 
have been put to death for heresy. In the attitude which Husb 
UBumed before the Council of Constance, there was involved 
the assertion of one of the distinctive principles of Protestant- 
isni — that of the right nf private judgment. He wa8 com- 
manded to retract his avowals of opinion, and this he refused 
lo do until he could bo convinced by argument and by citations 
from Scripture that his opinions were erroneous. That is, he 
went behind the authority of the Coimcil. This itself, in their 
rvps, anioiinte<i to flagrant heresy, and wap puffirient to con- 
demn him. It was a repudiation, on his side, of the principle 
.<! Church autl^ority. which was a vital part of the ecclemastical 
f^'H(cni, The cruel execution of Huss (1415} and of Jerome, 
•specially as the former had rested on the Emperor's safe^?on- 
dnct, exdled a storm of wrath aniong their cnimtrymen and 
•dhoYDts.' Bohemia waa long the theater of violent agitation 

■ HtmSvr. V. 173 aeq-; JonUn. Vorlau/er da HiiwtoniAunu in Bohrrwn 
Ml- IMain 

t lliere mt no finUlion of the fltfc-condutl la Bwtiiii«] by P^iu:ky, 

uid ID mainipunrrf I'V Hefflr, C<'nfUirngr'vhi^Slr, vii, For » 

•"^ • ^vcunion nf thiB piJnl, *ee A^ap ^uglaniltr, April, 1S70. 

wv ot Una, in ihr ^h r' the Council ft&d < 



i 



6S 



THE EEFORMATiON 



and of civil war. R^^psat^d onisadps wpr<> undprUken agajnst 
the Hussitra, but rc&ultrd in the defeat of the apsailanls. More 
pacific meaauree, coupled with inkrnal conflicts in their ovn 
body, finally reduced their strength and Jeft them a prey to 
their perserutore; hut the Bohemian brethren, an offshoot 
from the more radical of the UuBGit^ parties, continued Jo 
exist in separation from the Church ; and in their conf^fl- 
aioTia, drawn up at the beginning of the sixteenth cejitury, 
they reject traneubstantiation, purgatory, and the worship of 
saints. 

Ottier names exist, less renowneil than thoee of Wickliffe 
and Huss, but equally deserving i<f be inscribed among the 
heralds of the Reformation, Among them is John WeescI, who 
was connected at different times with the Univer^ties of Co- 
logne, Louvaiu» Paris, and Heidt'lberg, as a teacher of theology, 
and diet! in 14S9/ lie wot forth in explicit and emphatic lan- 
guage the doctrine of justification by faith aIone> Against the 
alleged infalUbility of In^ops and ixjnliffn, he avers that many 
of the greatest j-Kipe*! have fallen into pestilent errors both of 
doctrine and practice; giving bs examples, Benedict XIH., 
Boniface TX., John XXTIL, Piua IT., and Sisti« IV. It hu 
been said that there is scarcely a fundamental tenet of tlic 
reformers which Wesael did not avow. Luther, in his preface 
to a collection of eeveral of Wesael's treatisoa, declares him W 
have boon a man of admirable geniuf:, a rare and gre-at sodt 
and so far in accord with him as to doctrine, that if he had 
read eooner the words of Wessel, it might have been plaiL'dbly r^ 
said by his enemies that he had borrowed everything from i 
them. 

A man whose doctrinal portion was far less diverse from k 

vniloni nofc, wu the dactrino^ impub^ to him. that prplntn? atid mogistraUi * 
HpHratvd from Christ by martaJ fiin, really ?c<te? to be ia^^ratcd with ihtir office 
ThJB »HA thought ta Htrikp at Ihs fnundatiDnn ai all n^] tnd ec?le«i*iitic;al auEJlO^ 
liy. Bui Huffli explained to thfl Council thitt, In his vipw. ini<:h persona ije atil 
to be recogniicd quoad oSieiutn. though nat gwmd jneHtam^ Th^ are datilnlf 
of the FihiciJ cburaottfr that fomifl tbs moniJ eaa^uce of the ofHce, thou^b fiU 
«x«rciaiiig itn functions. Qw, oa ih'ia imporFaul qucHLlou, Prilacky^ ill. i. 3A3; 
Knimmcl, p, 519; Weaocaburgn ii. 171; also, Brfdc, Conciiicngftchxchle. va. 
i. 163. To Wickli?« v^rro imputed eimilar opiDioni. Only (hoac in B tla^fl o' 
(raee^ he hfild» «n poneera property; oLh^ra may ceetiptf but Eiot have.^ GinvAtr. 
m. iv. fl. viii. f 12S. n. 1«; t^hrorlfh, Kirch fngfi»chiehtf. Kixiv. £36, 

' ThB cKTwr of Wp?flfll and hifl principlwi are fully d«crtbed by UUmimL 
vul. u, pp. Za7-n42. Fur- ihfi rnfDrmBtDry opJuEouH of John of Gocb vnd Jolu 
af Weasel* b« Ulknaau, luid GieselEr, ill. v. G, S 153, 





RADICAL REFOHMERS 



53 



roiTPnt ByBtPin, but who must he miikKJ among the noted 
ursors of the Refomation, is Sftvonarola,' From ]48y to 
leath in 1498, he lived at Florence, and for a while, hy the 
of his int^^Ilcctuol and moral charactJ>r, and by his com- 
(ting eloquence, exerted a ruling; influence in the affairs 
be city. He was largely instrumentu] in the expulsion 
he hous^e of Medici from Florence. Against thpir tyranny 
the immoralitir,^ which thf^y fostered he directed from the 
lit his sharp inveclivep. On the invasion of the French 
1^ Charles VIII., which Savonarola had predicted, he was 
through the personal respect, aniounting to awe, with 
ich he inspiretl the king, to render important servicps (o 
rence. His position there resembled that which Cah-in 
maintained at Geneva. A Dominican, Btimulated to 
ter afioeticism by the demoralized eondition of Lhe Chiirch 
I of societj', he poured out his rehukes without stint, until 
political and reli^ous elencnts thaf were combined against 
, pffectwl his destruction.' He had pronounced the escom- 
ration, which was issued against him by the flagitious 
ncander VJ., vdd^ had declared that it was from the de^iI, 
. be ha^ continued to preach against the papal prohibition, 
prison he composed a tract upon the fifty-firflt pKalm, in 
ih be oomes »o near the Protestant views of justification 
Luthef pubUehcd it with a laudatory preface. SavonaroJa 

Tbe two pnticip&l Qntnan bliiflrBphlra of SAvniiaruIn aiv hy ftTiddherh 

laaSJ itui Mcirp ( Bcil;ii, lR3fll, tUo formrr pf which ttrots prin- 

^f 9kvwitm1>'« dorfrinp, llic lalTcr of Uid «v<>ntB o( hia cvccT^ ''"tooi 

w b*vc J^fvmf SaivFnafoia, *a Vit, tea PrMieatwu, MtM &Br-iit. pAt 

■u (P*nrin, |Pi!»a)- An e*lr<*mply vnliublp Hf<* nl SuvoiuirolB in *hmt 

Villui '— t-o SliTin df tJtrnlfi'Ji'* .'iait'nnriilo p dr' luni Irmpi, luirro/n lia Pnn- 

fdtarV <vn t'aihio di rtuovt dommrnii f Fin-riw, IHj^fll, VUlftri, in hit Prrf- 

, ^flticwv thv pn^i'iouTi bini^r&plirrT^, inctiitlinK the E^i|£Il^!i work by Mad'ltn. 

Ibftl Rudclbncli am] ulhrro li^v^:; r.^acKcmW fJie PratmEBnT Im- 

of th* C^AL Douviiui^cn , rhftt hi: drlTtr-rrnl pii]iFi.tiuitiAL]y to iLc dogiuAtio 

ml Uw Qiuirh, thouch hostile to pupal abpolutiBm, Villnri v-indlmtev hiai 

llw rocoAiciD impuUiiittn of a if^mngngifiU Tctnppr nnri pThihira him u ■ 

palaiof- B« ktso shown that Kiivonftroti^'fl TuriirnMnil under tnrliirp wvi 

MffrvffiFv to Ibp nnrcp of bin prop^f^^fv, vhetlipr lUiturnl nr fiuppmatura] ; 

a oa frhicii h« hftjl FheriH^icJ QQ unifafui convictJun^ An iriAtructlvi^ &Dd 

■j-tirlp by Miliuan (kiiUl-h prior lo ihr pubUi:HtLun u( Villiiri'B h\ti) 

lb Ihe Qv^rirrtff tfti-ieiu nt^SO). See, m\no. E, AmiHtroiig, in Ca/nbriJi/e 

fti^er^. i- lU »cq- Ifoniula, by Cvorg* ElEot (Mrs. Lrwer^, rmtr of the 

U# Daval> cf thv mi-nt tiuwa, pnaoote k BthkLng ptiitUffi oE S^vona- 

^td of Itormtine life in hia tinv. 

* Far KB nimplr of hi* drnuii'-iBtion of Ihe venality »rid othrr *\na o( th« 

[T. kv V&llan, Ei- 80: "Vcndopo i (•encfiEt. vetidaQo 1 ufuirtmbptj, vvudoiio l« 

V d^ malrimaDll, veodDDo o^ni cdob. ^' elp, 




L 




THE REFORMATJOX 



did not despair of the cause for which he laid down his life» b 
predicted ft coming Reformation. 

IV. We turn now lo another class of men who powerfiiUyj, 
though iiniirectly, paved the way for the Protestant Revolu^ 
lion — the Mystics.' 

Mysticism Eiad developed itself alJ through the scholastid 
period, in indi%idualfi of profound religious fi^eHng, to whom ihoi 
exclusively dialectical tendency was repugnant Such men were 
St- Bernard, Bonaventiira, and the school of St. Viclor. Ao- 
fielni biin^plf, tlip father of the schonlmen, mingled with fan 
logical habit a mystical vein, and this combination waa in fact 
characteristic of the boat of the scholastic theologians. But 
with the decline of scholasticism, partly as a cause and partly 
as an effect, mysticism assumed a more distinct shape. The 
characteristic of the Mystics is the life of feeling; the preference 
of intuition to logic, the cjuest for knowledge through light im- 
parted to feeling rather than by processes of the intellect; tiw 
indwelling of God in the aoul, elevated to a holy calm by tlie 
consciousness of His presence ; absolute self-renunciation and 
the absorption of the human will into the diviue; the ecstatic 
mood. Tlie theory of the Myatic may easily slide int« pantbe- 
iam, where the union of the human spirit with the divine ii 
resolved into the identification of the two' This tendency ii 
perceptible in one class of the ante- Protestant Mystics, of which 
Master Eckart is a prominent representative. He was Previa- 
dalof the Dominicans for Saxony ; the scene of his labors wan ill 
the neighborhood of the Rhine, and he died about 1329. -\M- 
ated societies calling themselves the Friends of God, althoueh 
they formed no sect, grew up in the south and west of GermMji 
and in the Netherlands. TTiey made religion center in a cdrol 
(levoutness, in disinterested love to God and in labors of benevM 
lence. It was in Cologne, Strasburg, and in other places in tllfjf 
neighborhood of the RhinCj that the preachers of this class chieflj^ 
ftouriahed. Of them the most eminent is John Tauler (1 



i 



' Upon tlie MvBticfl, baldea UllmuuiV voik, DU Rejormatarm mr drr 
formaiuirt, and Nconder, v- 3S0 acq ,, flee C. ScbiDJdt, Eludtt «i*t U MydiatKM, 
AUeviand au XIV. tiede (1847); BclffBriah, Die ekrud, Jlfi^Mti ilM2) ; MoWfe' 
Ot^h. d. MyttOf (1S£3] : R^ X. VAUgbkn, ^4iir> vnih Ihm MyMlta (185S). 

' On rhp nAtiir« or mynlifwrn, ipe Rilter, GtKh- rf. thru/!. PKitatcpMr. iv AMj 
snq. RitUiT Bicpluni «pe4n»lly the i6tma oF OnnoD. Sim, uImo. Hu», Hf 




THE MYSTICS 



55 



bI), Doctor aubliniis ct illuniinatus, as he was atylcd, a pupil 
ftxkBri, but an oppos^r of pantheisni and a preacher of evan- 
■cal fervor.' Ty hira Luther erroneously ascribed ih? liltle 
pk which enianati!il from some member of tliis myHtical school, 
led "The German Theolog>%" a book which Luther published 
*w in 1516, and from which he said that, next to the Bible 
i St, Augustine, he had learned more than from any other 
ok of wliat Oixl, Christ, man, and all things are. The Myetica 
re eagerly heard by thouHajids who yearned for a njore vital 
id of religion than the Churcii had afforded (hem. The "Tini- 
don of Christ," by Thomas h Kcmpis, a work which ha^ prob- 
l>' had a larger circulation than any other except the Bible, ia 
ine example of the characteristic spirit of the mystical school.' 
le reformaiory effect of the Mystiej* was twofoUl: they weak- 
mcd tlie influence of the scholastic system and called men away 
im a dogmatic religion to something more inward and spiritual ; 
4) their labors, likewise, tended to break up the excessive cs- 
m of outward saerameuts and ceremonies, y^anding within 
^ QiureJi and itiaking no (luarrel with it, they were thus pre- 
ring the ground, especially in Qermaoy, through the whole of 
fourteenth century, for the Protestant reform. With these 
Doeers of reform, and not with men like Huss and Wickliffe, 
e religious training of Luther and his great movement have a 
r«cl hiaiorlcal connection. 
Id speaking of tlie causes leading to the Reformation, it is 
tnral to associate with tliia term the renouncing of papal 
itiu^rity or of one or more of the dopnas in th<^ creed of the 
Ufcti of Rome. It must be remembered, however, and has 
sen alreaily discerned, that social movements charaetpristie of 
le Renaifsance period had sometimes partakers in them, often 
H a few, who did not waver in their professed fealty to the 
Dman See. Due credit must he given to imUviduals or asso- 
dons of this class for everything meritorious irt aim or 
JIueDC^, Nunierous sincere Mystics were trained at De- 
tnier, the School of the Brothers of Comm on L ife, Among 

*C fiifamidt, Johanna Tavltr von Strali^Urff (1641); lift 0/ Tov/rr, vilX 
■^m o4 **%4 Smriffni, TtHuUlvd ffom Ihfl CermMi by fltisuma Wink- 
■o whi*Ii ftTc hfXAtd m prafaco hv Rev. C. Kinney, and m introdxjitioo 
Kc^. R D. Hitchoock, D.D. (Now Vork. ISSg). 
' Upon Mut *LitborBlu;> of itii* irork, ■» Gineler^ ul v. 4. | 145; Ulliiuail, 
ril Hq : Bebxnidt in lEemig*i hnl-£7uvd. 



66 THE KEFORMATION 

those taught there, if Erasmus waa the foremoet man of gemoa, 
he waa far from being the sole man of note who had been 
a pupil there. It was ao earnest preacher, Gerard Groot, by 
whom the first steps were taken in its origin.* He collected 
about him a gixjup of 3'OLirig men who looked forward to the 
attainment of the spiritual attainmente requisite for ecclea- L 
agtic office. Pious laymen were permitted to join them. Like ^ 
gatherings in the Netherlands and North Germany made it a J 
principal ainj to educate the people and to promote spiritual \^ 
religion artiong devout munks and derg_v, 'Hiey likertise en- ^^ 
gaged in copying manuscripts of t^criptures and of the Fathers, || 
Tliey were concerned in promoting the atudy of anti<|uily and, ^ 
in general, to increase and diffuse religious knowledge. For ^ 
Christian sisters as well as for malws bouses were eslablislied i^ 
In their houses and schools they made it their aim to cullival* , , 
a true piety after their own ideal. The Brethren were agnallj ^ 
succeeeful in their disinterested, spiritual exertions. ^ 

A new era in the intelleetual life of Germany was attendant ' 
on Gutenberg's use of the printing press and movable typw - 
(about 1450)— a new era, in fact, in all Christendom. Co- j^ 
incident with the rise of this new period is the career of Car ^ 
dinal Nicholas Cues, — or Cuaamis, whose family name w« j 
Krebs, — more honored for his life and labors^ espeeially bj ^ 
bis fellow-cburehmen, thiui any other of the class reformers 
ailhering to the Papal See of whom we have spoken.* Cues, B 
place near Treves, waa his birthplace. Hence the name 
*' Nicholas Cusamis." 

He died in 1464. After leaving the Brothers* House it 
Deventer, be began the study of law at Padua, which be gave 
up to take up the study of theology. He becjLUie an Archdeaan* 
and took part in the Council of Basel, where at first, both oraU3^ 

^ Thif liistory aaJ cliftrs^tvmtio ol tba BrEtJmu of Common Life vre fallf 
BCt fartJi ID Uauck^s fiealpiic^kloitaJit /nr The-^ti^Vi b. Kirchr, vA. ill- p- 473 iqq» 
Brieff^r akelctifn are ^v«d, e^. in Kurtt. ffiW^r"^'''., vul. \- \ 113, 9. Mulltf* 
KirekvngeM-i H and 11, 2d Heft, Multer, Nintory of ilx Churchy Engl, tru^ 
flSiddtr Ages, pp. 4QD nq^., 53a. 

' A full luvQiint uf (.TuHhniu mny tv rpa<l in Ltip work of Jntiannpa Ji 
HiaU/ry of Oik OffTmnn PetipLg at ihf f^Um of tfv Middle Aifra. Fingluih tramllt 
2 vo\a- (,1897). Id cnnnt'OLiDn with JanweaVi hinUiry cf thia perinl, ibtt fuil 
rvviBw pr it by PruU?iLiiui autkiirg urn enLLtlnl tu atCtiitiuD. eapL-cihtly 
See, ii\so, "Cambriilgt Modoru Rist-jrv," vol. ! The Rcnaia4inK€. p, G2& ■«(. 
kCCdUDt of Cusfinua, ^ven by P>:tLor in hb Hittory of tMo Pvpv in Hit 
■uiffe, u by H Kdeoui CalholLc HuUjor dF menl. 



THE MYSTICS 



ST 



and to writing, be advocated the view that the Council takes 
tank above the Pope, but later he adopted the opposite view. 
On «C60uikt of lu3 eruditioQ» his cleverness, and rhetorical gift, 
he waa employed by Pope Eugene IV, in diplomatic missions 
tod other txansactions, and in the succes^u) sale of Indulgences 
ID Germany for the rebuilding of 8t. Peter's Church. Jn 1448 he 
made by Eugene a Cardinal- He was held in honor for 
kie virtues as a priest. For ye&rs he traveled as an apostle 
i&d an industrious reformer^ reviving ecclesiastical diseipline, 
freaching to the clergy and people, promoting educution atnoog 
both classes. He pursued his aims by holding ctiuncils and 
iD great number. He framed rules for tbe inspection of 
es. It IB undeniable that he was bent on promoting 
cause of practical reform of the whole Church. At the 
lime he made no attempt to modify its oi^anic structure. 
waswannly interested in humanistic studies, and not less so in 
,tics and in natural science. He was fond of classical 
In Italy he wa^ utkLiring in the study of Plato and 
tie. He had been appointed t)y the Pope Bishop of 
:en and encountered serious difficulties by extending reforms 
wliic^i tbexe ws^ urgent need. His principal work was a noted 
tiae in three volumes, "de docta ignorantia/' in which lead- 
scholastic metaphysical theories are discuiii&ed. He wrote, 
ptftl by the fall of Constantinople » his " l^alogue on Peace 
Concord of Faith/' In behalf of reKgious tolerance, Ctu^ 
tanity, he treated as tlic most [ierfe(»tof all religions, hut held 
hat in all the other reli^ons^ including Mohammedanism, like- 
eaaential elements of eternal truth arc to be rccDgnizedi 
tfis metaphysical turn and his relish of the teaching of Master 
Eckart huparted to some of his writings a decided Pantheistic 
inge, which has led him to he styled a speculative Copernicus, 
Old was not without its impression later on Giordano Bruno, who 
imprisoned at Rome and in 1600 was burned at tbe stake. 
V. Aa event of signal importance, as an indispensable pre- 
equtate and meanr^ of a reformation in rell^on, was the revival 
i Isannng. This great intellectual change emanated from Italy 
s its fount^n. During the Middle Ages, in the midst of pre* 
ailLiig darkness and disorder, Tta]y never wholly lost the traces 
I ancient civilization, '^llie night which descended upon bet 
the bight of an Arctic summer. The dawn began to reap- 



£8 



THE REFORMATION 



h&df2l 



pear before the last reRectioD of the preceding Bunset 
from the horizon." * The three great writers, Uante, Petrarc 
and Boccaccic, introduced a new era of culture. To the loi 
neglect which the classic authors b&d suffered, Dante refei 
when he says of Virgil that he 

^'Sumed from long-cantiDued jdlmce h<unia,"' ^H 

TTie mind of Italy more and more turned back upon its Hudei 
history and literature. ITie study of the Roman classics b 
came a passion. No paina and no expense were spared in reco' 
ering manuscripts and in colleetinp; ]ibraiit?s, Princes becao 
the personal cultivators and profuse patrons of learning, 11 
same zt-al extended itself to Greek literature. The plulosophe 
and poets of antiquity were once more read ^ith dehght in the 
own tongues. The capture of C'onst-anlinopic by the Turks, : 
1463, brought a throng of Greek scholars, with their invaluab 
literary treasures, to Italy, and gave a fresh impulse to the ii€ 
studies. From Italy, the same literacy spirit spread over tl 
other countries of Europe. Tlie liiiUkanitieK ^grammar, rhc 
oric, poetry, eloquence, ,the classical authors — attracted 6 
attention of the studious everywhere. 

"Other FuEum atir the wnrEd'e gro&t hekrt, 
Kuropo ia came to licr nujoritj, 
And i?nlfn nn ihp vast in1iehti.nec 
Won fRim the rumlw of uilghty nncp^lon, 
Tbe Eredft. t}te ^oEd, Uie gents, the uileiit faarpa 
Tbml Uy dtep buried with tbc mtmories ol old rflQOWB.f 



" For Dov tba old epic vo1i:cg ring of aln. 
And vibrale wilU the hcsl ftiid mrfmly, 
BUrred bv llie wanulh of old TuEiibu dnyfln 
Ttifi murtyrcd OBgo, ttio attic orator, 
Imxaiitnbly inpo-raato, [ikc the goda, 
InflpititUfll bodiea, wingHl warda^ 
Holding A univ^rAe impAJpAble, 
Find II new nudiPiirer"' 

TTiia movement brought with it momentous consequent 
the field of religion. It marked the advent of a new stage ( 
culture, when the Church was no longer to be the sole instructfli 
when a wider horizon was to be opened to the human mtellct 
— an eEFect analogous to that soon to be produced by the grai 



* Uftcaulay^ Enay en MacehiaodJi. Suaya. i. (Sem York, 
' la!,, i. (^- "Chi ikt lunKo dJlvn£Lo rutrcL Qtua," 

* GDorce Eliot'i Spanith Ompbui Vp- &. Q. 





THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING 



£d 



hphicaJ discovery of a new hemisphere. Chrietianity whb 
eome into contact with tho productB of the intellect of the 
^ent nations, and to asmoUate whatever niiglit not be alien 
its own Dature- 

For several hundred years the Scholastic philosophy and 
logy had reigned with an almoet undisputed sway, Whea 
Schoolmen arose with their metliods of logical analysis and 
lutatton, the old cuinpilations or books of exeerpts from tlie 
ilhers, out of which th^nlogj-, for a nunilier <»f centuries, had 
studied, quickly became obsolete, and the adherents of the 
ler method were utterly cclipeotl by the attractiveness of 
new science. Young men by thovieatuli^ flocked after the 
te&chers, From about the iniddle of tht eleventh century 
kubiaticism had been dominant. Nor was thia era without 
lit- As a discipline for the intellect of semi-civilized peoples; 
a counterpoif€ to the tendencies to enthusiasni and super- 
fition which were rife in Uie Middle Ages ; as a means of reduc- 
lo a reguJar and tangible form the creed of the Church, so 
it it could be examined and judged, the scholastic Iruiriing 
the intellectual products of it were of high value.* But the 
twnesB and other gross defects of the echolaatic culture were 
b&re by the incoming of the new studies. The barbarous 
rie and the whole method of the Schoolmen becanie obnoxious 
t] ridiculous in the eyei* of the devotees of cljissical learning. 
■ extravagant hair-splitting of Scotus and Durandus^ when 
ipared with the nobler method of the philosophers of antiq- 
r, excited disdain. The works of Aristotle^ which were now 
in their own language, exposed blunders in the trans- 
ition and bterpretaiion of him, wiiich brought disgrsiee upon 
ihp Scboolnien, Their ignorance of historj^, their uncritical 
ibit, their overdrawn subtlety and endless WTanglirig, made 
objects of derision ; and as the SehooInKMi had once sup- 
iled the Compileni, ao now the race of syllogistic reasonere 
*f \b their turn, laughed off tlie stage by the new generation 
dasaical scholars. 

But the fall of Scholasticism did not take place until it had 
ltd course and lost its vitality. The essential principle of 
Schoolmen was the correspondence of faith and reason; 
chftrftcteristic aim was the vindication of the contents of 



m 



TH£ E£FORMATION 



t&itii, the articles of the creed, od grounds of reason. Hiia con- 
tinued to be the character of Scholasticism, although the suc- 
cessors of Anaelm did Qot, hke him, aspire to establish the poeitjTe 
truths of Chriattanity by arguments independent of rcvelalioQH 
"Fides quicrit iutelleclum" was ever the motto. There were 
mdividuaJs, as Abelard in the twelfth century, and Roger Bacoo 
in the thirteenth, who seem restive under the yoke of authority, 
but who really diflcr from their contemporariea rather in the 
tone of their niind than in their theological tcuets. SchoIa^U' 
ciam, when it gave up the attempt to verify to the intelligenrt 
what faith received on the authority of the Church, couf eistti L 
its own failure. Tliis transition wa.s made by Duns ScotUH. It L 
was Occam, the pupil of Scotus, by whom the change waa con- [ 
fummated. He woe the leading agent in reviving Nominalism. ^ 
Although both WiekUffe and Hues were Realists, it waa Nomi- 
nalism that brought Scholasticism to an end. In giving onlys 
subjective validity to general notions and to reasonings founded 
on them^ in seeking to show that no settled conclusions can beC 
reached on the path of rational inquiry and argument, and in i 
leaving no other warrant for Church dogmas except that of^ 
authority^ a foundation was laid for skepticism. The way **■» 
paved for tlie principle which found a distinct expression in ti» ^ 
fifteenth century, that a thing may be true in theology and fal« ^ 
in philosophy. Occam was a sturdy opponent of the temporal ^ 
power of the popes, a defemler of the independence of the civil ^ 
authority as related to them. When he suggests propoeitiaa ' 
at variance with orthodoxy and argues for them, he saves him- 
self frona the imputation of heresy by profeasing an absolut* 
submission to authority; but it ia difficult to believe these pro- 
fessions perfectly sincere, Nominalism necessarily tended to en- ^ 
courage, also, an empirical method, an attention to the facta rfi 
nature and of inner experience, in the room of tlie logical fHbric ; 
which had been subverted. The scholastic philosophy, wbeu it^ 
came to affirm the dissonance of reason and the creed, dug ito| 
own grave/ It may be mentioned here that Luther in hia youtli 
was a diligent student of Occam. From Occam he deriued 



* On Occsm, pee Baut, Dogmtrigetefviehlt, iL 23fl peq -, tJoroer, Eythndi^' 

lun^f^n^ von drr Pa-Mon Chriiti. li. 447 aeq ; Rjlter, fJack. d. chnMlJ. PUd^ ll^' 

fl74 itq, : Haure^Uj Dt la PhU. Sehottutigutf. t. U- ; Uftuck, tUaUneykit/jtadit. tft 
"Occam," 





THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING 



61 



, &s to another NomirialiBtj D'Ailly, he owed the sug- 
, of hU doctrine of the Lord's Supper/ 
But other effects of & more positive character than the down- 
U of Scholar licisni flowed from the renovation cf learning, 
he Fatheis were brought out of their obscurity, and their teach* 
might be cotiipared with Lhe dogMiatic sywtetii which pro- 
to be founded upon them, but which had really, in its 
lABik^ through the medieval period, taken on features wholly 
aknown to the patristic age. More than this, the ticriptures 
( lhe Old and New Testament, the priniitivc documenlH of the 
rifltian religion, were brouglit forward in the original tongues, 
e aa a touchstone by which the prevailing doctrinal and 
licai ej-stem must be tested. The newly invented art 
printing, an art which almost immediately attained a high 
■^ree of perfeclion, in connection with the hardly less impor- 
jit manufacture of paper from tineit^ stimulated, at the same 
me Ih&t it fed, the appetite for literature, ft is evident that 
e freshly awakened thirst for knowledge, with the abundant 
leans (or gratifying it, must produce a widespread ferment. 
iDOV^iDent had begun, in the presence of which Latin Chris- 
ity, that va£t fabric of piety &nd supei'stUion, of reason and 
na^nation, would not be left undisturbed. 

From llie beginning of the humanistic revival, it assumed, 
orth of the Alpa, especially in Germany, characteristics differ- 
il from those which pertained to it in Italy. In Italy the 
umaniets were so smitten \v\l]\ ontiquity, so captivated with 
Acieiii thought^ aA to look with indifference and, very frequently, 
Kh a secret skepticism, upon Christianity and the Church.' 
ren &D Epicurean infidelity as to the foundations of religion, 
kidi wafi caught from Lucretius and from the dialogues of 
eeto, infected a wide circle of literary luen. Preachers, in a 
in of florid rhetaricr would a&sociate the names of Greek and 
Oman heroes with those of apostles and saints, and with the 
of the Saviour himself. If an example of distinguished 
,y wae required, reference would be made to Numa Pompi- 
So prevalent was disbelief reapeeting the fundamental 
putbfl of natural religion that the Council of the l^teran, under 

^ » JUUfaarf. Oeram vnd LvTA^. Stvdvn u. KriKkm. IS:m. i. Daraer. '± 007^ 
■Mb MOhUDKiaa lofit irriiJiA Ocoam. Bujufl vuiutu vDicrrrplwt TLuous «1 
Eate." HduttlioD- Viut LvJheri, v- 



n 



TB£ REFORILAXION 



Leo X., felt called upon to aSirm the muuortality &nd individu- 
ality of the sold. The re\'ivfll of literature iq Italy wa^ thus, to 
a considerable degree, the revival of paganiBm. When we look 
&t the poets and rhetoricians, we should suppose that the godfl 
of the old mythology had risen from the dead^ while in the niiodft 
of thinking men Plato and Plotinus had supplanted FauJ and 
Isaiah. If in the Fiorcntine school of Platooist^, under the 
lead of Marsilius Ficinus, a more believing tamper prevaile<i, 
yet these mingled freely with Christian tenets fancies borrowed 
from tfie fnvontc? philosophy. It is not meant t.liat religion was 
driven out by humanism. The gpirit of religion had vaniahed 
to a great extent before, and Uumanisni took possession of 
vacant ground. Under the influence of the claeeic school, says 
Guizot, the Church in Italy "gave herself up to all the pleasuies 
of an indolent^ elegant, licentious civiUiutioEir to a taste for 
letters, the arts, and social and physical enjojTnente. Look 
at the way in which the men who played the greatest political 
and literary parte at that period passed thc«- lives — Cardinal 
Bembo, for example — and you will be surprised by the niLX' 
ture which it eichibiLs of luxurious effeminacy and InLellectual 
culture, of enervated manners and mental vigor In surveying 
this period, indeed, when we look at the state of opinions and 
of social relations, we might imagine ourselves living among the 
French of the eighteenth century. There wafl the same de«ire 
for the progress of iiitelligence, and for the ucquirernent of new 
idea«; the same taste for an agree&ble and eAsy life, the same 
luxury, the same lie^^ntiousncsa; there was the same want of 
political energy and of moral principles, combined with singular 
mocerity and activity of mind, The literati of the fifteenth 
Qtury stocxi m the snme relation to the prelates of the Church 
'b^ men of letters and philosophern of the ei^teenth did 
nobility. They had the same opinions and manners, lii 
'ably together, and gave themselves oo uneastne^ al 
yrmB that were brewing round thcmn Tlie prelates of 
ith century, and Cardinal Bembo among the reEt, no 
w Luther and Calvin than the courtiers of Louis 
BF the French Revolution. Tlie analogy between the 
atrikiug and instructive/' * 
^mi-pogau spirit was not confined to elegant literati 

* Quiut, Mial. of Civitiaaiuiti, ieot. iL 




THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING 



m 



CTitered the sphere of polities and practical morals, and in 
departiu«Dt found a systpmatic expression in "The Prince" 
Macchiavelli, This worb^ which whs intended neither as a 
.lire, nor as an exposure of king-craft for the warning of the 
wple, but as a serious code of political maxims, sets at defiance 
le principles of Christian morfllity. The only apology that can 
p m&de for it '\s Mml it simply reflects the hcIujU practice 
UiAt age, the habitual conduct of rulers, in which treachery 
nd diaslmulatioa were accoyntcd a ineriL* Macchiavelli was a 
btriot, he was at heart a republican^ but he seems to have con- 
iidtti that Italy had no hope aave in a despot, and that all 
Kans are justifiable which itre requisite or advantageous for 
tcuriijg an end. Yet he was flupported and held in est^ri by 
leo X, and Clement VII., and inscribed his flagitious treatise 
5 young Lorenzo de Mediei, The political condition of Italy 
ivoi^i ihe growth of a public opinion^ in which the vic^ recom- 
imded in "The Prince" were looked upon not only without 
isapprobation, tjt as commendable qualities in a statesman. 
Id Germany, on the contrary, from the outset^ the new Icam- 
ig va5 cultivated in a retigioufi spirit. It kindled the ilesire 
D examine the writings of the Fathers and to study earnestly 
w Scriptures. Reuchlin, the recogniaed leader of the Gennan 
umaniet^, considered thai his greatest work, his most durable 
tonuniCTit, was his Hebrew Grammar. His battle with the 
tonka is a decisive event in the combat of the new era with the 
1 Reuchlin had studied Greek at Paris and Baf^el; he had 
Otttred Ln various schools and universities; bad been employed 
ioipDrt&nt offices by princes; had visited Rome on official 
at Florence had mingled with Politian, Pico dc Mi- 
indolfl, Marsilius Ficinus; had devoted himself enthusiastically 
y the study of Hebrew, not only as the language of the Scrip- 
ffw, but also because he supposed himself to find in the 
abhala corroboration and lllu.stration of Chnstian doctrinee. 
5 wa« everywhere famous as a scholar. The Dominicans of 
ilo^ne, with Hoogatraten, an ignorant prior, at their head, 
ME^ at Reuchlin's refusal to support them in their project for 
fttroying Judaism by burning all the Hebrew literature except 



w Ui* rvmuka aF WfacAtoo, Eltmtnit of InirmaiiotuiJ Lav, i- pp, IR, ID, 
m llagmlay'i Euay. Ma^dtunvUi. L- A. Burd, in Cambruls* Mfvttm 



84 



THE REFORMATION 



the Old Testament — a project to which they had been incited 
byPfefferkonij a (converted Jew — put forth a resold tennd malign 
nant effort to get him convicted of heresy or force him to retract 
his published opinions. Finding that p-oH words and reasonable 
coneessiona were unavailing, he took up the contest in right 
earnest, and, being supported by the whole Humanist pBJty, 
which rallied in defense of their chief, he at length succeeded, 
though not without passing through much anxiety and peril, 
in achieving a victory. By it the scale was turned against the 
adversaries of literature. The echolare vanquished the monks. 
In this conflict Reuchlin was efficiently aided by Francis of 
Sickingen and lllnch von Hutten, lioth of them quite disposed, 
if it were necessary, to make use of carnal weapons against the 
hostile ecclesiastics. It was the alliance of the knights with 
the pioneers of learning. The EpistQl<E Obi^ciiTornm Virorum, 
composed by Hutten and others, are a scornful satire upon tJie 
ignorance, bigotry, and intolerance of Hoogstraten and thfl 
monks/ The ap[ilause that greeted the appearance of these 
letters, in which the monks are held up to merciless ridicule, 
was a si^nificaDt sign of the progress of inteUigencc (1516). 

'Hie Humanists were alow in gaining a foothold in the uni- 
versities. These establishments in Germany had been founded 
on the model of Paris. Theology had the uppermost seat, and 
ithc scholastic philo-^ophy was enthroned in the chairs of instnic- 
tion. In particular^ Paris and Cologne were the etrongholds of 
jthe traditional theology. The Humanists at length gained ad- 
imission for their studies at Heidelberg, Tubingen, and some 
lother places. In I5fl2, the Elector Frederic of Saxony organ- 
lized the university at Wittenberg. This new institution, which 
declared Augustine to be its patron saint, was from the first 
favorable to Biblical studies, and gave a hospitable receptioa 
Ifl the teachers of classical learning,' Here was to be the hearth- 
atone of the Reformation. 

In other countries the cause of learning was advancing, and 
brought with it increased Uberality, and tendencies to reform 
in religion. In 1498, Colet, the son of a wealthy London mer- 
chant who had been LortJ Mayor of the city, had returned from 

^ Oti ttui work BH Baur. KiniungncMckit. W. tT, uut SAr WiUiuB Haidt] 
ton, DUmmtmrn. ttc (l^t). 

' Von It»iUTlWf G«cAicAia drr Padoffo^. Iv- ^. 





THE REVIVAL OF LEARNfNQ 



65 



studies in Italy, and was expounding the Greek epistles of 
1 at Oxford, to the delight of all who aspired afl«r the " new 
ntn^" and the disgust and alarm of the devotees of the 
nlastic theology. Hi? was joined hy Era-smus, then thirty 
rs off age, of the same age as Colet, and not yet rieen to fame, 
I full of ardor in the pursuit of knowledge, and glad to enter 
I the cloeest bonds of friendship and fellowship with the more 
out, if less brilliant and versatile, English scholar. To them 
I imtt^ a youDg man, Tliomas More, who was destined to 
law, but whose love of knowledge and sympathy with the 
razicui^ spirit of the age, brought him into intimate relations 
■t the two scholars just named/ Colet, More, and Erasmus 
EtiDlied to be friends and Fellow-laborers in a common cause 
\he end. Colet became Dean of St. Paul's, founded St. PauVs 
Dol at hid own expense, and boldly, yet with gentleness^ ex- 
sd his mtlueDce, not only in favor of classical and Biblical 
dy, but alsOj not without peril to him^lf, against supersti- 
I and in behalf of enlightened views in religion. More fol- 
ded the H&me path, and in his "Utopia" he has a chapter on 
r religions of tliat imaginary commonwealth, in which he 
farcsentd that the people were debating among themselves 
mether odg that were choaen by them to be a priest, would 
t be thereby qualified to do all the things that belong to that 
vaeter, even though he had no authority derived from the 
c." It WAd one of the ancient laws of the Utopians that no 
ahould be punished for his religion, but converts were to be 
de to any faith only " by amicable and modest ways, without 
me of reproaches or violence/' They made confession, not 
fvieets, bnt- to the heajls of families, Tlieir worship was in 
[ildee, in which were no images, and where the Forms of devo- 
were carefully framed in such a way aa not to offend the 
m^ of any class of eincere worshipers. In this work, as 
the Bermons of Colet, even such as were preached before 
urj Vm., there was a plain exposure of the barbarjlies and 
loEry of war. In reference to what we term political and 
■I science, there appear in the teachings of Colet and Mere, 
of thm still more famous associate, a humane spirit and a 

' At Olford, a£ it PkhA and »l*nrb#r«i, the &dvflniiri«« of thi> "atm lu.m-> 
Dnitcd in & hostilky lo the Btudy nf GrHk- It ivmlndi one at the mn- 
to ^x mam vUxjy vhich ubEed unooc Uj* or>DHrvbtiv« RoiOAna wbaa 
■■■ » joatlu FtfTwjtt, Life 9f Currt, L d(X 



hostility to tyranny and to all oppressive legisktion, whict ai 

not leaa conson.int with the spirit of the Goapel, than they wcr 
in advance of the practice of the timee.* 

The foremost representative of Humanism, the iucarnatioi 
as it were, of its genius, was Erasmus,' The prpeniinence whk 
he attaineil a^ a literary oiao is what no other ficholar has ^ 
proached, unless it be Voltaire, whom he resembled in the de 
erence paid to him by the great in worldly rank, Each was 
wit and an iconoclast in his own way, but their characters i 
other respects were quite unlike.' The fame of Erasmus wa 
rentlered possible^ in part, by the universal use of Latiiij as th 
comnion language of educated men; a state of things of nhic 
his want of familiarity with Italian and English, although h 
had sojourned in Italy an<i Hved long in England, is a curiou 
sign. By the irresistible bent of his mind, as well as by assidn 
ous culture, Erasmus was a man of letters. He must be ths^ 
whatever else he failed to be. His knowledge of Greek Wi 
inferior to that of bis contemporary and rival, Budieus; he too 
no pains to give hie styJc a clns^icaJ finitih, and laughed at tli' 
pedantic Ciceronians, who avoided all phraseology not s&oe 
tioned by the best ancient authority, and sometimes all word 
not found in their favorite author.' He wTote hastily : ''1 pre 
ripit^tc," he says, "rather than compose/" Yet the wit an 
wiedom and varied erudition which he poured forth from hi 
full mind, marie him justly the most popular of writere* H( 
sat on his throne, an object of admiration and of envy. By M 
multifarious publicalions and his wide correspondence wit! 
eminent persons, — - eccleaiaatica, statesmen, and scholars, — ini 

' The rclntiaiui nf Colrt, More, and EFBCiniiia, and the diKr^cteriatJc wa4 <] 
Bach, ire fint-ly di^rribrd In (iir Irulj- interesting work of SrcbDhm, Tht Ozi»n 
fUfprmrrM of J4Q8 tLondnn, 1S60), 

' Optra. II. vol*., folio, tip. <CisririiBj 1703, There nrc livcH of Enarnm t? 
I* Clen^. Bflylff, Knight HuFignv (Paris, 17^7). Jortin (1758-60), H«a {t'\F\r\ 
1790). Adolf Mailer (l82Sf, by Erbard in Erjch und Crnhrr't Erurt/riojnd. (niTiJ, 
and by ottipi*; a sketch by r^iaard in his Elvdrs mr Sa Rrmiitminrf. Thwf tuip 
nphies 4re cntickncd by MlIbiilq Ed his inttrnlluf article on EnislniiB. Quait 
Rtp., Kq, coiri., reprintfJ m hit Ecoaya. Life by Dmnimoiid, 2 toIs. n873J| J 
A. Froude, Life and Lelten (ISflS), Life by Emerton f IBM). Nol»iltistandin( ih 
unfAVDtmbIc judgmtnl of -lohtison^ Jcrtin't Life is tnvlhing but a "dull boob-' 
For ■ «Fholar, italwilhaf ending ita want of plnn and of syrnmetry, it is oao of Ui 
most dehflhlful nf biographies, 

^ Cnlmdee hu rumpiu-ed aud coDtrutfld them. Tht Fritnid, FLnt l^iufiji 
HiKiv : Ejwfty i. 

* Jortin, \. ]63. • Ibid,, i- 161. 




ERASMUS 



«T 



uence ^wss diffused ov^r a.U Europe. In all the parlier part 
hia career Erwmus etniggled with indigence. His health 
not etrODg and he Ihoiight that he could not live upon a 
,Ue> His dependence upoo patronage and pensions placed 
tCTfi upon him, Lo some extent, to the end of his life; yet he 
independencp, frequpntly chase to receive the attentione 
the great at a distance from them^ and selected for hin place 
Abode the city of Basel, where he was free alike from seGular 
ecdeeiastical tyranny. Eraamufl, by his writings and his 
tire personal influence, was the foe of superstition. In hie 
ly d&ys he had tasted, by constraint, aomething of monkish 
e, and his natural abhorrence of it was made more intemte by 
bitter recoUectioE and by the trouble it cost him, after 
had become famous, to release himself from the thraldom to 
irhich hie former associates were ludined to call him bact. In 
ith, he conducted a lifelong warfare against the monks 
nd their iileas and practices. His "Praise of Folly '^ and, in 
ritcular, the "Colloquies/' in which idleness, the illiteracy, 
elf-indulgence, and artificial and ueeleas austerities of '* the reli- 
ious/'were handled in the most diverting style, were road with 
i£nite amusement by alt who sympathized with the new studies, 
od by thousands who did not calculate the effect of this tell- 
D^ salire in abating popular reverence for the Church. The 
Praise of Folly" waa \^Titten in 1510 or 1511, in Morc'a house, 
tr the amuBcmcnt of his host and a few other friends. Folly 
penonified, and represented as discoursing to her followers 
a the affairs of mankind. All cln^isea come in for their share 
r ridicule. Grammarians and pedagoguea, in tlie fretid atinoe- 
bpr« of their schoolrooms, bawling at their boya and beating 
Jem; ocholaetic theologians, wrangiing upon frivolous and 
leoluble questions, and prating of the physical constitution 
r the wnrld ss if they had come down from a council of the 
xla — "with whom and whose conjectures nature is mightily 
mused;'' monks, 'Mhe race of new Jews," who are aurpriscd 
t last to find themselves among the goats, on the left hand of 
m J'jdge, faring worse than common sailors and wagoners; 
logs who forget their responsibilities, rob their subjects, and 
Link only of their own pleasures, as hunting and the keeping 
' fine horses ; popes who, though intirm old men, take the sword 
(o their hands, and "turn law. religion, pea^^ and all h\n&eA 



68 THE REFORMATION 

affaire upside down" — such are aome of the divisions of 
kind who are held up to ridicule. At this time Julius II- filled 
the papal chair, and all readers of Erasmus must have recog- 
nized the portrait which he drew of the wa^rlike old pontiff. 
Erasmus did not apare the legends of the saintSt which foraie^i 
Bf) f£ur a mark for the shafts of wit; and by his obaeTvations 
on the stigmata of St, Francis^ he offended the order of whicii 
be was the almost adored founder. When requested by a cardi- 
nal to draw up the lives of the Saints, he begged to be excused; 
they were too full of fables.' Hia commenla on misgovernoeDt 
in the Church, on the extortions and vieea of the clergy, from 
the Pope downwards, were not the less biting and effective, for 
the humorous forro in which they were generally east. Indeed, 
as Coleridge has said, it is a merit of the jests of Era^nus tliat 
they can all be translated into arguments. There was what 
he called a '* Pharisaic kingdom," and he would never write 
anything, he Eaid, that would give aid and comfort to the de- 
fenders of it,^ In hig own mind, he distinguished between the 
Church and the " Popisli sect." n« he designated, even in a letter 
to Melancthon, the supporters of ecelej^iastiral abuses and 
tyranny,' There were, in his judgment, two evils that must 
be cut up by the roots before the Church could have peace. TTie 
one was hatred for the court of Rome, occaeioned by her intol- 
erable avarice and cruelty; the other was the yoke of huuuur 
constitutions, robbing the people of their religious lilierty. He 
would have made the creed a very short one, limited to a few 
** plain truths contained in Scripture," and leaving all the rest 
to the individual judgment. He thought that many things 
should be referred, not according to the popular cry, to "the 
next general council/^ but to the lime when we see God face to 
face.^ Partly from the natural kindness of his temjser, partly 
from his liberal culture, and still more, perhaps, from a personal 
appreciation of the difficulties and uncertainties of religious doc- 
trine, he went beyond almost every other eminent man of hia 
age in his liking for religious liberty. He was conscious that 
without the practice of a pretty wide toleration on the ps-rt of 
rulers in Church and State, he would himself fare illn He wae, 
in fact, obliged to be constantly on the defense against ch&t^ 

' Jortin. I 204, a. 34. " Ibid., I 313. 

1 Ihvt., I- 2S4. • Ihid., i 3SS 



ERASMUS 



69 



h^rasy. He liad said thiugs v^itlioiit number which cnuld 
laly be turned into grounds of accusation. His eaemies were 
mnerous and vindictive, and although, in the litorar>' combat, 
! was more than a match for all of Ihem, he wae Bcnsitive to 
leir att&cks. He complains that the Spaniard, Stunica, had 
reaented lo Leo X. a libel agalnHt him, containing sixty thou- 
uid heresieE extracted from his writings.' Notwithwljitidiiig 
U his denials and professiona, there lurked in the minds of the* 
rdeot a<lherciiti' of the nictiia?val systeni, an instinctive feeling 
ut he waj- a dangerous enemy^ and that his influence, eo far 
■ it prevailed, could only conduce to their overthrow. In this 
peling, whatever may have been true of their aijecific charge^^, 
icy were fiiily justified. Yet it is doubtful whether the con- 
KmnAtion of hie *' Colloquies" by the Univcraity of Paris, and 
ther proceedings of a like nature, which emanated from the 
lookifih party, did not operate to give to his ideae a wider 
urrency. 

But there was a positive work which Erasmus did. the solidity 
Ad value of which it is difficult to overestimate. By hi& edi- 
ioos of Cyprian and Jerome, and his translations from Origen, 
thflnastuB, and Chrysostom, he opened up the knowledge of 
Siristian antiquity, and gave his contemporaries access to a 
arer and more Biblical theology. His edition of the New 
Mamenti his paraphrases of the New Testament, which were 
I one time appointed to be read in the churches of England, 
IB com.mentaneRj his treatise on preaching, and various other 
porks, promoted Christian knowledge in a most remarkable 
E^«eL In his writings of this sort, along with enhghtened 
iewH of dortrme and of the nature of the Christian life, were 
unest complaints against the multitude of church onlinanr^s 
Mitrived for the oppression of the poor and the enriching of 
e clergy. He would have the laity instructed; he wished 
t the humblest woman might read the Gosjjels. The judaiz- 
cuftoms and rites with which the Church was burdened, 
point4Ki out in his comments on Scripture. In these publi- 
09, which the art of printing scattered in multiplied editions 
Europe, the great tights of the patrislic age, and the Apo&- 
mseives, reappeared to break up the reign of superstition. 
waa an alliance between author and printer more happy 

> JottiB, j, 2G9. 



T9 



THE REFORMATION 



for both parties, or more fruitful of good to the public, than vu 
that between Lrasmua and Froben of Basel. In view of the 
whole career and various productions of the Chief of the Htt 
manists, it is net exaggerated praise to eay that he was "thi 
living embodiment of almost all that which, in consequence of 
the revival of the study of the ancients, the mind of the Weslera 
nations for more than a hundred years had wrought out anc 
attained. It was not only a knowledge of languages, not onl^ 
cultivation of style, of taste; but thexewith the whole menta 
cast had received a freer turn, a finer touch. In this compre* 
hejiaive sense, one may say that Erasmus was the most culU' 
vated man of his times." ' 

Of the relatione of Eraemus to Luther and the ProteatfiA 
causo, there will be an occasion to speak hereafter. His writ 
ings and the reception accorded to them sliow that the Eiirr>[)eaj 
niind had ontgrawn the existing ecclesiastical system^ and wai 
ready to break loose from lis control 

Some of the principal points of view which have been pre 
sented in this and in the preceding lecture, respecting the cause 
that paved the way of the Reformation, may be briefly set fort 
aa follows ; — 

Arnong the salient features characteristic of the Middle Age 
wore: the subordination of ci\il to ecclesiastical society, of Uw 
Stat« to the vast Iheocratical community having its cent^" a 
Rome; Uie government of the Church by the clergy ; the unioi 
of pe,op!c8 under a common ecclesiastical law and a uniffxr 
LatiD ritual; an intellectual activity shaped by the cle^ 
and subservient to the prevailing religious and ecclesiasttca 
*yspl©m. 

Among the symptoms of the rise of a new order of thinp 

^- ^e laical spirit ; becoming alive to the rights and inter 

^B H society; developing in the towns a body of citiiem 

^M nfrout clerical authority, and with their practicaJ 

^M ig sharpened and invigorated by diversified industiy 

^H nerce; a laical spirit which manifested iteelf, also, 

^B rlnimrn, in satires aimed at the vices of the clergy; 

^M ^JflBi gave rise (o a more intense feeling of patnotism. 



ANTECBOENTB OP THE REFORMATION 



71 



\% new sense of the national bond, a new vigor in national 
I churches,' 

conscloua or unconacioua religious oppoaltioa to the 
'tstabliahed system; an opposition which appeared in sects like 
the Waldeneee, who brou^t forward the Bible as a means of 
eovrecUng the teaching, rebuking the ofRcers, or reforuung the 
GT^nitaLion of the Church ; or in Mystics who regarded religion 
\w» an inward hfe, an immediate relation of the individual to 
God, and preached fervently to the people in their own tongue. 
3. A hterary and ecientific movement, following and die- 
piaeing tbe ntethod of culture that was peculiar to the mediaeval 
[flge; a movemeDt which enlarged the area and multiplied the 
Inibjects of thought aud investigation; which drew inspiration 
and natriment from the masterpieces of ancient wisdom, elo- 
quence, and art. 

These three latent or open apecies of antagoniBm to the medi- 
al spirit were often mingled with one another. The Mystic 
the Humanist niigJit be united in the same person, Tlte 
spirit in ita higher types of manifestation was reenforced 
the new culture. Satirical attacks upon absurd ceremonies, 
'V|>OTi the follies and ains of monks and pricets, had a keener 
[•dge, as well as a more serious effect, when they emanated from 
its familiar with Plautus and Juvenah 



N' 



MAl. 



1-35. But H*gea {p. ISJ fepamtta thn "Bilyrud. vQlLMii«i(B" 
tUoo. BA ■ dietiii^t h(«iJ, m tbe room of the mors geheriil tubiic tbovv, 
BAl ontit to xujQcc, however, Uu other eJemesta involved in Uie Ji/ 



CHAPTER IV 

LDTHER ANI> THE GERMAN REFORMATION, TO THE DIET OF 
AUGSBURG, 1530 



Germant, including the Netherlands and Switaerlond, 
tbe eentcr, the principal theater, of the Refomiation. It 
not without truth that the Germans claim, as the native 
ftcLeristic of their race, a certahi inwardness, or spirituality 
the large sense of the (enn. Tliis goes far to expljun the 
pilable reception which the Germanic tnbe3 gave to Christiaiul 
and the doeility with wJuoh they embraced it,' They found ii 
the Christian n>Jigion a congenial spirit. The German spirit 
iodependence, or love of perisonal lilM'rLy, is a hraneh of 
genf^ral habit of mind. Germany began its existence as a 
tijict nation in a successful resistance to the attempt of 
clergy to ttifipose of the inheritance of Charlemagne.^ It 
the Germans who prevented his monarchy from being eonvi 
into an ecclesiastical Stale, On the field of Fonlenay 
forces of the Franks werR separated into two hontile divisioi 
the one composed predominantly of the German eleaw 
which planted itself on the Gorman traditional law for rej^li 
ing the succession; the other of the Boman element Ihat 
the support of the ecclesiastics. Mysticism, the product of 
craving for a religion of less show and more heart, had, 
have seen, its stronghold, in the latter part of the mf 

' "Ek wnr dflfl Chrioteathiua olcttfl wiu dem Dtuloohen ftvmd nod w]4i 
tig gevceca «Bfo, A-jelmcKr bckona dtr dcuUche Charakt«r durcb dda 
thum nuT die VcLlcnduDg Boiiir>r adbst ; or fand sieh in der Kirche Chriati 
nliF eehcb^n, vprkliin und gefaHligt." Vilrasr, Gtackichie tier de^iltehm 
rraltiT, p, 7, Tufihls saya n\ The am-ii'nt OermikEiH, Ihat (hpy [■onfrcivfd it 
worthy of the cods to be CDnnned wllhm wMn, oi* to he r^p^pfpntpd by 
■Lfid that the be4Ld of a Tundy exercidvd h pdesUy functian, Qtrmanta. ix^ 
X. Qriiiuu £uda in tliE d^ficriplioiu o( Tocltua the cumpLete ^«rm of Pfvttat 
ia™ — "den voUto Icim dq Protnitftntianius-" Deutacht Jfylholo^, p. ; 
For IWu viowp Erom a Frsaob writer, oee Taioe^ A.rt in ikt NeAj^and*. pp. 
33, 64. The Si.3:DDa reflu(«d the Gotipel, because it wu forced oa tbcm by h- 
queror 

I? 



THE GERMAN PEOPLE 



7« 



riod, in O^nnany, The triumph of the Papacy had beei 
to the Ji^Tsioo between the emperor and the great vaesals, 
Pt 10 any deep-eealed fondness for a foreign and eccleaiaslical 
premacy. It was natural that the ReformaLioii, which was 

uprisbg against clerical usurpation and in favor of a more 
VBrd and Fpiritual worship, should sprbg up in Germany. 

Gcnnan phLlo^phcr has dwelt with eloquence upon the fact 

I while ih& rest of the world had gone out to America, to tfie 
Klies, in quest of riches and to found an earthly empire en- 
nding tie globe, on which the sun should nevtr set, a simple 
onk. turning away from tlie things of sense and empty forms, 

s finiJiiig Him whom the dit^tuplcs had ooce sought for in a 
pulcher of stone. Hegel atlributea the inception and suecesa 

the Reformation to this "ancient and eoofitantly preserved 
dness of the German people/' in consequence of which 

y are not content to approach God by proxy, or put their 
on outajde of them, in sacraments and ceremonies, in sen- 
I0U3, imposing spectacles/ A German historian has made 
ibetantially the same assertion respecting the genius of the 
BTnuui people: "One peculiar characteristic for which the 
trman race has ever been distinguished is their profound 

iff^ of the religious clement, eeated in the inmoat 
rpthfl of the soul; their readiness to be impelled by the dis- 
nlant strifes of the external world and unfruitful human 
piin&nees, to seek and find Got] in the deep recesses of their 
heaite, and to experience a hidden life in God fipringing 
rlh in opposition to barren conceptions of the abstract in- 
flect that leave the heart cold and dead, a mechanism that 
inverts reUgJon into a round of outward ceremonies/' ■ 

Unquestionably the hero of the Reformation was Luther. 

ithout him and his powerful influence, other reformatory 
DvemeDts, even such as had an independent beginning. Uke 
of Zwingli, might have failed of success. M far as we can 
they would have produced no widespread commotion 

Ii* letii.i to enduring results. It has been said, with truth, 

Lulher, thai ''his whole life and character, his heart and soul 

i nund, arc identified and one with his great work, in a mon- 

r vcfy (HfTerent from what we see in other men. Melancthon, 

• Heed. Fha. d^ Ottthicti**: W^km, is. 499 Mq. 



74 THE REFORMATION 

for iQ^tADCP, mny easily be conceived apart from the Re 
matiou, as an eminent diviiie, living in other tLges, of ihe 
Church, &a the friend of Augustine or the companion of F^n&* 
Ion, Even Cftlvln may be separated in thought from the age 
of the Reformation, and may be set among the Schoolmen, or 
in the council chamber of Hildebrand or of Innocent, or at thfi 
Synod of Dort, or among Cromwell's chaplains." "But Luther 
apart from the Reformation would ceflse to be Luther/' ' 

He waa born in 1483, at the very time when Columbus was 
struggling to obtain the means of prosecuting that voyage 
which resulted in the discovery of a new world,* It is a marked 
historical coincidence, which has more thtm once been pointed 
out* that the reform of the Christian religion should be dmul- 
laneous with the opening of new regions of the globe, into which 
Christianity was to be carried,' Luther's family, before his 
birth, had removed to Eisleben from Mohra, a v-illage in th^ 
TTiuringian Forest, near the spot where Boniface, the apostle 
of Germany, hatl first preached the Gospel.' 

Six months later they removed to Mansfeld, "I am a pew- 
ant's son," he says. *'ray grandfather, my great grandfather 
were thorough peasants (reehte Bauera).'* His domeaiic trail- 
ing was ovprvStrir;t and austere. A like rigor characterized both 
father and mother. So he felt in after life, "The apple," 
he said, should always lie be^de the rod.* But at heart, be 
flwd, "they meant it well." Then and ever aft^r they were 
futhful m their affection and interest in hia welfare, fiodi 

* Archdraccn Ban, Vinduation of Lvihtr agoinst hit nanU En^uh Aatu t 

> Melftnethoa italfs iL^t LutherNr EDDther oStea amid tlul vhUt mbv remen- 
b«r«d wilh PMtftinty Ihp day tnd hour, fche could not recnembw the yt»r of ha 
birth ; but his brother, Jknm, na hi>n«t ind uphehi. msb. uud th»t it vid I4U. 
Yiia ltd. LtiUurit U^ tt vu net T4A4, sji Hm^ hftvp thou^Eit, fl## Stvdien lu 
Kriiiken (Oct. IBTI. 1S73. tS74). Uia binhdar wu the tOth uf Novuaber, 

^ The coiucideUDF of thr £icat gn>gnptiicBl diicuvtrics with the acco* of 
tight ropccEuig the Qospd und with the rtviv^I of Ewnuu^ ifl cutiixd bf ihft 
FVeoeh Rtffarmsr, LefAviv^ CorrMpofvianet d*r Rifo'irMtrbrt dant Ua PajfM ^ 
la Lvngv4 F^yf^iMt, pu A. L. BenaiD^t-M (I8&0). i- M. 

* A fwpinufl wnlpr upon the RArLier parlian al the ILfa of Lutho" id JiUfeD^ 
ipvUUr van jaiut Getmrt bU mm Abia^a-Mreile. 1483-1517. 3 vola. (1S4A). 

' Tbb la from une of bis UiCka to fain Wlit«ubrrg atudeota. "Hy pArtuO.' 
kc B&id, "deatt with mr vfev ■eventy, oD iLuX 1 brcaiae on accouDt oi ii C|uitc 
tiEOid. Uy motticr fluKRnl me once on »<«uiil ot a little nut, so that dXct it 
blood Gawt<l, *nd lht:ir acvcrity mini Ihe ripinjue life that they led with mc wd 
ths oteaaioa of my bfiiug driwn into & clQidt^r »nd beoomiog A Ebook," H« 
poiatii ou( Oi« bvl elTeot on ehiJdren (ram emAve puniahment Inun pAMUi 
Mod acboohnMal*r9- 





LUTHER'S EARLV LIFE 



76 



ita were boFiwi and juat. Tlie purity njtd piety of hia 

[moiher &re extolled by Mel&ncthDtt, Ilia f&ther was unbend- 
in hla moral and religious principles. They taught him to 
and inculcated the decalogue, the Apostles' Creed, and the 

[Wd'a Prayer. But the father had Dot a warm feeling towarde 
the Clergy as a body. He suspeeted in tiie back^outid the 
ireamce of hypocrisy and knavery. By the practice of econ- 

lony, he was able to aend hia aon, Martin, to the school in 
Feld, where the poor teac^hing had a httle Latin mixed in 
ukI a large amount of harsh discipline. At the end of a 
yw^ hi«i situation was improved by his being transferred to 
4 better school in Magdeburg, where his teachers weje a 
hfa&ch of the "Brethren of the Common Life." Having spent 
% year in study at Magdeburg, he was sent to the Franciscan 

ijchool at Eismach, where he sang at the doors of the principal 

iritiiena, after the ohl German custom, for the means of Hup- 
port_ Destined for the legal profession, he pursued, at the 
V&iveTmCy of Erfurt, the NomLnahat logic and the clsis^cs, and 
mide a beginning in the study of Aristotle, He waa twenty 
Tears old and had taken the Bachelor's degree when it hap- 
ppfied that, while Im was looking one day ^t the books in the 
fHurt libraj^, he (usually took up a copy of the Latiji Bible, 
U was the firsl time in his hfe that he had ever taken the sacred 
volume in his hands. Struck with surprise at the richness of 
iU contents, compared with the extracts which he had been wont 
to hear io the Churr^b services, he read it with eagerness and 
intense delight.' This hour was an epoch in his existence, 
Deep reli^ous anxieties that had haunted him from childhood, 
moved him, two years lat^r, against the will of his father, to for- 
«ke ihe legal profession and enter the Augustinian convent. 

The motive for this change, in opposition to the plan of hia 
fUher, was the monitiotie of conscience which made him feel 
Diore and more that this was the only right and safe course. 
The ^dden death of a friend, some say by assassination at his 
flde, followed by a stroke of lightning in a forest which was 
near emoting him hia life, moved him to a final decision. After 



■ MhthMiui^ fTuTorvn Dcm d. EhwviirdUfim M. ijuther. p. ? (rd ISSO). Thu 
ahnDicler ■hovi bcv En^f^'y dMectivc wan tbo itLi[u>u8 ImEruolicQ (Evvu 
[iD TQuUi \/y rvfvreacr Vt hii uwn cuw. Tb? poJuiBe may be ie»d ui HferbeiiiGckifi 



^ 




T6 THE REFORMATION 

an evening spent with hie friends in social converae and enjoy- 
ment, he wa^ received into the Erfui't Cloister of AugusUninn 
Eremites (Hermite), an earnest and devout Order, and became 
a monk and a priest. He conformed to the rules, drawn from 
teachings of Augustine, and took the monastiu vows. He 
studied Occam and the scholastic authors already known to 
him, but especially the Bible, a vulgate copy of which waa 
placed in his hands. His father came to witness his firet cele- 
bration of the mana after his ordination (in 1507), and acquiesced 
reluctantly in his adoption of a new career, but witlioiit being 
convinced of its wisdom, 

Horo wc must pause to speak further of the reli^oua expe- 
rience of Luther; for whoever woulti explore the causes of 
history must look beneath the surface of events at the apiritutl 
life of men. Ills earlier conception of Christianity is (condensed 
in one exijreaaion, that he had looked upon Christ aA a lawgiver, 
a second Moses, only that the former was a legislator of more 
awful rifip^r. *'We were all taught/' he says in his "Table- 
talk/' "that we raiwt make aatiafaction for our sins, and that 
Christ at the last day would demantl how we had atoned for our 
guilt, ami how many good works we had done/' Melancthon 
thus defines the motive which led him to adopt the monastic 
life: ''Often when he thought on the anger of God or of the 
wonderful instances of tMvme punishment^ he was seized with 
a terror so violent that he was welUnigh Ijereft of life.'* ' When 
he lii?Id his first mass, and came to recite the words, '*I bring 
this offering to thee, the eternal, livhig God/^ he was with diffi- 
culty restrained from ruahing away from the altar in fear and 
disinay, ''I had/' he confesseSi "a broken spirit, and was 
ever in sorrow. " " I wore out my body with vi^s and fastings 
and hoped thus to satisfy the law and deliver my consciencs 
from the sting of guilt." ''Had I not been redeemed by thp 
comfort of the Gospel, I could not have lived two years longer/' 
This comfort he began to obtain through an old monk vbo 
pointed him to the sentence in the Apostles' Creed, "I believe 
iti the forgiveness of sins/' and to a passage in St, Bernard whwr 
reference is made to Paul's doctrine that "man is justified by 
faith/' Still more was he airlcd by the judicious counsels ol 
John Staupita, the learned and jiious Vicar-general of his order, 

> Vita M. Luih^ V. 




m 



LUTBEil'S RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE 77" 

«4iooe words, Luther afterwards saiiJ, plerted liini "like the 
Bhup arrow of a strong man/' Staupits told him thai "Christ 
does not terrify but consolca/' 

In 1508, Staupitz, whom the Elector, Frcdorick the Wise, had 
nuule Dt^Kii of the Theological FacuJty in the Univeraty at 
Wittenberg which he had founded, made Luther one of the 
instructors there. After ^vmg, for a short time, lectures on 
philosophical teachings of Aristotle, he ^Jfgan his work as & 
theological teacher. 

The Elector gave to the profesgors eharge over the principal 
Ojurth and the enjoyment of its iDcomes; his idea being itot 

y to organize a place of inHtruction, but to collect a learned 

y, to which, in difficult and doubtful qutMiona, he might, 
acoording to the prevailing custont, resort for counsel. Here, 
to quote another's words, we finci the poor niiner's boy who, 
having "become a young Doctor, fervent and rejoicing iu the 
Scriptures, well veraed in his Augustine, Aquinaji, Occam, and 
Gcraon, fanuliar mth all the subtle theolc^cal and philosophical 
eoQtroverai^ of the day, was already spoken of honorably in 
wider circles, as a good, clever thinker, as a victorious ashler 
of the supremacy of Aristotle; took a lively interest in the 
struggles of the Humanists agaiust the ancient barbariMu; 
vac eetcemed by the mofit celebrated champions of the freedom 
of science; was exalted by the approbation of his colleagues, 
of the students that flocked to hia lectures — in a word, was 
advancing with rapid atepe lo the highest honors of literary 
fwiown,*' He had tlie same relisli for literature, in more 
full blossom, as he had when the only two books that he 
carrKNl into the Convent were his Plautua and Vcrgih He 
attidied Augustine and Tauler, and caught glimpses of evaa- 
^cal doctrine in them/ It was in theae daya that he came 
acrooB Uie little book, so highly [triced by him, which hai 
pnbGahed in 1516^ giving it the title of "German Theohigy," 
Especially he devoted himself to the study of the Psalms, the 
eta, and apostles. He appLed himself likewise to the 
y of Greek, He had hardly begun to expound to his pupils 
the Gpi^tle to the Rorrmns, when his eye TastenLtl upon the 

■ Qc rtaoiamtMMlB I'liuler lo liia friend SpoUl.ia £D«. 14, 1£16): "N* 

>dH <M vtl 111 LBTitiu. \A Ju hoLitrji Jid^ub, thi^ofiaui vuli onJuliriDrvm «K 



78 Tti£ REFORMATION 

dt&tion from & prophet, "the just Ah&U live by f&ith." Hiese 

words never ecaaed to aoimd in his ear. Going to Rome od a 
mieaion for his order (15J1), he ran about full of devotiona! 
ardor, from ehiuch tc church. On his knees he climbed the 
steps leading to th** vestibule of St. Peter's Church. But those 
words of the Apostle Paul, "the just shall live by faith/* more 
and more impressed themselves upon his thoughts. During 
hia alow journey homeward he pondered these worda. At 
length their full meaning burst upon him. '^Through the 
Gospel tlmt righteousiie*w ih revealed which avails before God 
— by which He, out of grace and mere compassion, justifies 
US through faith/' *'Here 1 felt at once/' he says, "that I 
was wholly boru again and that I had entered through open 
doors into Paradise itself. That passage of Paul was truly to 
me the gate of Paradise." ' He saw that Christ is not come as 
a lawgiver, but as a Saviour; that love, not wrath or justice, 
is the motive in His mission and work; that the forgiveness of 
sina through Him is a free gift ; that the relationship of the 
floul to Him, and through Him to the Father, which is expressed 
' by the term "faith," tbe resporiave aet of tlie soul to the divine 
mercy, is all that is required. This method of reconciliatioi] is 
without the works of the law. Good works are the fruit of 
faith, a spontaneous and necessary product, /Now he had 
found a elew to the understanding of the Bible. If John was 
liis favorite Evangelist, he found in them all one doctrine. But 
in the writings of Faul^ whose religious development so closely 
resembled his own, he found a protest against judaizing theology 
and an assertion of salvation by faith, in opposition to & ]<^sl 
system, which gave him intense satisfaction. The Epistles to 
the Romans and Galatians were hia faniiUar companions; the 
latter he styled, in his humorous way, his wife, his Catiharine 
von Bora. 

Tbe logical consequences of his new position, in relation to 
the ordinances and ceremonies of the Church, and the principle of 
Church autJiority, had not occurred t* the thoughts of Luther. 
It was only providential events, and the reflection which they 
induced, that brought the latent contenta of his principle to dis- 
tinct consciousness. The first of these events was the appearance 
of a hawker of indulgences, in the neighborhood of Wittenberg. 

' i*ni/. OpBTuifi (IMA). 



L 




LUTHER'S THEBES 



TO 



John Tetasel, & Dominican from Leipdc, to whom tMs 
ice had been committed. The mischief resulting from this 
bftBic was forced on the attention of Luther by f&cts that were 
iiBdosed to him in the confessional. Membere of his own 
fock. brought to him in thp confp^innal indulgence pjipem 
pbtAined from Tetzel which they rpgardefl as a sufficient baas 
lor ab^Iution. Ue was moved to preach againat it, to write 
to bifihopB in opposition to it, and finally to post hie five and 
tincty theses on the door of the Church of All Sainte at Witten- 
berg (1517), TTieBe were not meant as a formulated creed, 
|i)ajoJy as they reflected the author'5 tendencies of thought- 
ITiey were a challenge to an academic debate — a placard such 
u hid colleagues were accustomed, at ehort intervaJs, to poet. 
ahey w&e in Latin, being meant for scholars and etudeots, 
Vet» the same night, he preached^ in the Aiigustiman cloister, 
in German a eermon of the same tenor. 

I Indulgences, in the earher ages of the Church, had been a 
raucstion of penance, or of the discipline imposed by the Church 
m peiuteDts who had t>een guilty of mortal sin, Tbfi doctrine 
[itf pecaace required that for such sin satisfaction should be 
jiupeTftdded t« contrition and confession, Tlien came the cus- 
tom of commuting these appointed temporal penalties. When 
Chhsli&juty spread among the northern nations, the canonical 
Ipeoances were frequently found lo be inapplicable to thdr 
Icoadition, Other satisfactions were accepted as an equivalent, 
laacb as pil^magps, almp, etc. The pra^rtice of accepting offer- 
fbcs of money in the room of the ordinary forms of penance 
hartnonizcd with the penal codes in vogue among the barbarian 
rpooplea. At first the priest had only exercised the office of an 
ibteteeflsor Gradually the simple fimctlon of declaring the 
it^vine forgiveness to the penitent transformed itself into that 
lof A judge. By Aquinas, the priest is made the instrument of 
cooveying the divine pardon, the vehicle through which the 
grace of God passes to the penitent. With the jubilees, or 
'pOgrim^es to Rome, ordained by the popes, came the plenary 
Ldtilgences^ or the complete remission of all temporal penalties 
that is, the penalties still obligatory on the penitent — on 
fulfillment of prescribed conditions. These penalties might 
into purgatory, but the indulgence obliterated them all. 
ttifi thirteentJi century, Alexander of Hales and t\iomB& 



I 



60 THE REFORUAIION 

Aqmnas set forth the theory of supererc^afory merit* or tbe 
treasure of merit bestowed upon the Church through Christ 
and the 3idiits» on whieb the rulers of the Church might draw 
for the benefit of the less worthy and more needy. This was 
eoiupthiiig distinct from the power of tbe ke^'s, the power tc 
grant absolution, which inhered in the priesthood alone. The 
condition of absolution, contrition, however, was reduced by 
Sootus and other Bchoolnien with him to attrition, i.e. servile 
fear of puniahmcot. The eternal punishment of mortal un 
being remitted or commuted by the absolution of the priest, 
it Wis open to the Pope or hia agents, — for the Pope could 
delegate hia prerogative, — by the grant of indulgences, to re- 
mit the temporal or terminable penalties that etill rested on the 
head of the transgressor. Thus souls might be delivered forth- 
with from purgatorial fire. Pope Sixtus IV, , in 1477, had 
officially declared that souls alrefi.dy in purgatory are enianci- 
pateil per modum suffragii : that isi tbe work done in behalf of 
them operates to effect their release m a way analogous to the 
efficacy of prayer. Nevertheless, the power that was claimed 
over the dead was not practically diminished by this restric- 
tion. The business of selliog indulgences had grov^-n by the 
profitableness of it. '* Everywhere/' says Erasmus, "the re- 
mission of purgatorial torment is sold; nor is it sold only, but 
forced upon those who refuse it," ' As managed by Tetzel and 
the other emissaries sent out to collect money for the building 
of St. Peter's Church, the indulgence was understood to be a 
simple bargain, according to which, on the payment of a stipu- 
lated sum, the individual received a full discharge from the 
penalties of sin or procured the release of a soul from the flames 
of purgatory. Piirthasprs of letters of Indulgence ("papal 
letters") thus interpreted them. Against this evil Luther pro- 
tested to Archbishop Albert, one of the CommLssionera in charge 
of the trade in Indulgences.^ The forgiveness of sins was 
offered in the market for money. For one's persona! sdns^ 
besides money, confession and eonlritlon, were sot down as 
expected, but very often little account was made of this circum- 
Btauce. Other graces were purchasable — three at no other cost. 

■ F*n^, I. Epist. Corinth- Opera. viL Sfil. Tha Emp»rer Maxiim1t4& h*d 
Aral misled nnd Uipd pHlroaimd thv triflic. 

*See Brigtr. i'ldtdgtnKn. ld Hnuck, RftUencyictop&lu^ Ix. 7ft mq. 




LUTUER'd THESES 



81 



wffe the right to choose a confessor prefrrrefl by him, 
in the merits stored up by the Churchy and the dcliveraii<T 
souls from pulsatory. Against this lucrative trade Luther 
«J up an earne-st remonstrance. Tlie doctrine of hie ihesee 
IS that the Pope can absolve only from the puniehmt'n ts 
lich he himself imposes; that these do Pot reach l^yond 
&tb; moreover, that the right to absolve pertains to bishops 
mI pastorSf not less than to the Pope; that the foundation of 
dulgeDces is in the power of the keys; that absolution belongs 
I all penitents^. but is not indispensable, and is of \fi^ account 
AL works of piety and mercy. If the Pope can free souls from 
ir(;ator5\ why not deliver them all at once? Tlie treasury of 
eritfi is not denied, but the Pope cannot dispenfie it further 
ID he holds in his hand the intercessions of the Church. The 
al and true trpa^iure of the Churcfi is asHprtPil to he the gospel 
grace. It is an error for preachers to say ^'that, by the in- 
ilgcncee of the Pope, a man is loosed and Baved from all pun- 
t." ' If the Pope knew what extortion m practiced by 
hers of indulgences, he would ratlier, it is said, eee 
Peter's Church reduced to asheB than buiJt up out of the 
oes and fleeh of the lambs of his fiork. Thp the^ei were an 
tack on the Thomist theory of indulgences; but in spirit, 
ough unconsciously to the author, they struck much deeper.' 
Xo one can reasonably doubt that Luther's conscience was 
the work on which he had entered. If ever a man was actu- 
pj by simple, profound convictions of dutyj it was he,* TTie 
meea ^^ainst which he cried out were m iniquitoup and mia- 
lifvous in his eyes that he could not keep silent. He had no 
iifaiUon to pratify. As far as his earthly prospects were con- 
ed he had nothing to gain, hut apparently, in ease he per- 
fTBTFid, everything to lose. He had no thought of throwing 
his allr^ance to the Roman Church. He makes no attack 
the Pope- At a later time he said of the theses: "I allow 

^nr * LihsrmI Dopr of iht ihtfln. sec Rantr, vi. SO ; L£B4'hi>r, Heformationm- 
IR t^ Tdey vt given la Eo^iaU in Qphaff, ffwf- «f tht CKrialian Ch., ti. 

■Utbar apuki of liit motiuM in ■ lelter (o the Itmhop of M*TMbor^ (F#h 4. 
SA: I> Wtllr. i 4e2. HiB coiuw, hi* BByn. would bo rhkt nf 9, fn^dmLn \i 
■0* AMualiv) hy worfllr inoij\'M. Atfv btn. De Wptip, \\\. 210 (Letur to 
nOkoftl . "GIpriB iQc* art hr<^ iiei»< quod verbum Dei punr liBiiidl» ncc Jbdul- 
iH nlfci studio ftlariiF buI Dpul^EiriB-" 



82 



THE REPORMATION 



these propoHittnnn to nt&nd, thai by (hem it m&y appear 
weak I was, and iti how fluctuating a stale of mind 1 was wbc^ 
I began this business. 1 was then a monk, and a mad papist 
re^dy to murder any person who denied obedience to the Pope." j 
He hod embraced with his whole soul a truth which he kue^ 
to be in the Scriptures", but where it would lead Idm he could 
not anticipate. He waa still an obedient son of the ChurclL 
Hifl theaea were propoaiticna for dispute; they concluded witfl 
the sincere and solemn declaration that he affirmed nothing bul 
left everything to the jurigment of the Church- What he would 
do in case the Church should declare against him, and forblj 
him to teach what he knew to be the Gospel; what course hi 
would take when the alternative ahouJd be presented of givin| 
up a truth which stood in letters of light on the pa^e of Scrip* 
ture and had imprinted itself on his soul, or of renouncing an 
all^iance in which he ha<l grown up^ the obligation to w^hicfa 
he had never found occasion to doubt — tbis was a qucstioq 
which did not occur to him. This portion of the career o) 
Luther is intelligible only when we remember that the incom^ 
patjbleness of the traditional view of Church authority with hii 
interpretation of the Gos|>el was something that he discovered 
by degrees, anti that was opened to him by the actual treatmenj 
which his doctrine received from the ecclesiastical ruleis, Notlil 
inp but his intense, living belief respecting the nature of thJ 
Gospel could have sufficed to neutrahze and at last overcomi 
his established deference for Church superiors. "O!" he esq 
claims, ''with what anxiety and labor, vrith what searchiniE d 
the Scriptures, have 1 justified myself in conscience, in standing 
up alone a^^ainst the Pope!" 

The theses were designed to aubeerve an immediate 
end, but the^ kindled a commotion over all Germany, 
the religious and pohtical opponents of the trade in indulgenct 
greeted so able and gallant a spokesman.* "No one," aay 
Luther, "wouki bell the cats; for the heresy-masters of th 
Preaching Order had driven all the world to terror by ihd 

' prat Op<r. flMfl^ The followinjE ym fMay 30, IfilB^ it* bis !rtt«r I 
Leo "X... cov^ntig (h** Rfeoiuiionefi of ihf Ihrjcg, tie sayfli in connccltDa with cthi 
cipnanaru «f eplritukl altegiance: "VorPm tunm, vocecn ClariBti, ia to pm 
dMtu (It loquantiB ■^noac*™." D* Well*, i. 122. 

■ "El rAv»b«f mr u1rumqu« kura istA popuL&rii, ^uod iavUs jim a««ent <n 
nJbuA ^rlH Pt RnnunftlionH ULBh quJbiU lotum arbam itnpl*v«XDl «t fub^w 
ml." Praf. Ofmvm (IS^-). 



Boti 





EFFECT OF THE THESES 



88 



"' "Thanks be to God,'* exclaimed Rpuehlin, 'Hhe 
iks havr^ now founH a riaii who will givr tliem such full 
ftnploytnenl th*it they will bp glad to leave my old age to pass 
iway in peace."* Luther met gratrrful mark^ of courtesy and 
»ppreciation among the raemberfi of the Augueiinian Order at 
tb^ meeting at Hddelberg. Maximilian was not eorry to see 
the tbce^ appear, Erasmus was at heart glad that a aew and 
Timorous antagonist of superstition had stepped intn Ihe arena. 
Tbe Pope was willing to see nothing more aerioiiB in the event 
than a quarrel of monks, and asked the General of Luther's 
Order of Augustinian Eremites to see that quiet wa« observed 
imong his monks. But opponents quiekly appeared; Sylvester 
PrieriaaH Maater of the Palaee at Rome, ofTende*! that his Do- 
ininirau Order should meet with a rebuff from so inpignificanb 
k quarter, wrote a book against Luther which was both con- 
temptuous and vioient, a-sserling the unqualiHcd infallibility of 
ihe Pope, Tetzel himself published a writing entitled "CouD- 
ter-theses'' which gained for hini at once a doetorate, although 
irritt^Q for him by Conrad Wimpina, a Catholic theologian, 
theji of Frankfort on the Oder» who had been his teacher. Dr. 
John Eck, an expert, well-read, amhiliouF tbeoiogical disputant, 
■dcomed so fair an occasion (o signalize himself.' Luther 
Irft none of them unanswered. Their appeals to human author- 
ity led him lo plant himself more distinctly on the Reriptures; 
and the defense of the detestable practices which he had as- 
niied inffam(Kl his indignation still more against them. Mean- 
time, in Gennany bis theses were eirculating far and wide, 
l^en followed his summons to Rome, whirh was modified, at the 
lequeflt of his noble-hearted protector, Frrdeiiek the Wise, 
whom Leo X., for political reasons, was anxious at that moment 
lo conciliate, into a summons to AuKs}>urg to meet the legate, 
CajetAn (1518). Cajetan was General of the Dominican Order, 
Re waa made Cardinal, and received the In^gnia at the Diet 
M Aiigflburg. rie was an able theologian, an adherent of the 
system of Aquinaa. Luther showed his profound respect for 
him by presenting himself before him when they met. But 
tether found him EUpereiliouB, ''a complete Italian and Thorn- 

'fender, it, i. 1, f 1h ti. lA. 



I 



B4 



THE REFORMATION 



iat," who would havp no difiniftsion, antl whose requiremen 
that Luther should retract hie oplnioos, waa met with a civi 
but decided refusal. '*I will not," wrote Luther t^ Carbtadt 
"become a heretic by denying the truth by which I became j 
Chriatian: sooner will I die, be burnt, be banished, be aoathe 
niatized/' ' He confronted the doctrinal assertions which ht 
was bidden to accept by affirming the supreme authority of th* 
Bible and the necessity of faith to derive good from the sacr* 
mcnta. He broke ^ith the cardinal, to whom his dark, glifteninf 
eyea were nowise agreeable, having left for him a protest appeal 
ing from the Pope ill informed t<> the same better informed. 
He was aided in his escape through a small gate in the ciiy 
WEjIl by a friend and escorted on horseback by another on tin 
road leading homeward, writing, on the evening of his arrintl 
thai he was "Full of peace and joy and wondered that so many 
and great men thought this trial of his anything important.* 
When a bull was issued from Rome, asserting the doctrine at 
to indulgences, which Luther had impugned, he published his 
appeal from the Pope to a general ^uhciTT Still he looked for 
a recognition of the truth from the authorities of the Church. 
Miltitz, the second messenger from the papal court, conciliatory 
in manner, and professing a sympatliy with Luther in hi 
hatred of the worst abuses of the vendors of indulgencea, 
actually persuaded him to abstain from further combat on 
the subject, provided his opponents would also remain silent,' 
But this truce was quickly broken hy the challenge of Eck to 
a public disputation on free will and grace, topics on which he 
had before debated with Carlstatlt, one of the theological pro- 
fessors at Wittenberg; and by the programme which Eck put 
forth, mucli to the surprise of Luther, in which tiis opinions 
were directly assailed. In the open wagon which conveyed 
Luther to Leipsic to attend the disputation, there sat by hift adfl 
Philip Mclancthon, a young man of twenty-two, of precodoui 
talents and ripe scholarship, whom his grand-uncle, Reuchlia 
had recommended to the Elector as Professor of Greek, an 

» Letter to Cirlfttwil (Oot. M, :61S), tie W^tte, I IGl, 

■ Lsller (o CBJptHH (Oot. IS, ISIS)^ Do Wettp, i. IM. 

* Liithpt did not Iwlipvp ib tho ijncerity of MiZlite's uranti dernonati 
He Hppaki nf Iiia "Ttnlilii>q t^nd HinnitiliniM" — "ItalilHlfft el aitnulBt 
Tirtlflr to BJiupiit (Fvb. 20, 1^191. Dv Wvtte. i. 2SK 8™ aJeo Lha tjJtlw 
Egrwiu* (Feb. 2. 1510), Dc WiHIp, L, 210. 





THE LEIPSIC DtSPUTATrON 



95 



to Wittenberg " ^ith a glowing prophecy of the rnimrnce 
Awaited him-^ At the age of twenty his powers and liis 
ip were alike mature. Unlike Luther in big tempera- 
tt, ihey were LJie counterparts of each other. Melanrthon 
band rest and support m the robust nature, the intrepid spuit 
it Luther; Luther admired, in turn, the fine but cautious in- 
tellect, and the exaet and ample learning of Melancthon. Each 
lent to the other the most effective assistance. So intimate is 
Ihrir friendship that Luther dares to gpt hold of tJie mauuscnpt 
nvmijei) tariff of his young associate, whose modesty kept l.hem 
_!pom the pres5, and to send them, without the author's knowledge, 
the printer' "This little Greek," sdd Lutbcr, ''fiiirpassea 
in theology^ too." By his commentary on the Epistle to^' 
diB Romaii^, Melancthon laid the foundation of the Protestant { 
:Mpgeas: and hL^ doctrinal treatise, the '^Loei Communes/* won 
for him a like distinction in this department of theology. 
Ihe disputation at Leipaic went on for a week between Carl- 
It and Eck, on the intricate themes of free will and grace, 
vhich the former defended the Augustinian and the latter 
apuii-Pelagittn side, and in which the fluency and adroitness 
Eck shone to advantage in comparison with his less facile 
Then Luther ascencle<l the platform. He was in 
prime of bfe. in hia thirty-sixth year, of middling height, 
that time thin in [jereon, and with a dear, melodious voice, 
18 a fact not without interest that he carried in hia hand a 
ly of flower3H* He took delight in nature ^ in the sky, 
Uoaooms, and bird.'*. In the midst of hia grejtt conlhct he 
Ivmild turn for recreation to his garden, and correspond with 
friends about the seeds and uten^s that he wanted to pro- 



RmmIiUd lo McldDrthon, Corpus Rff., ■■ 33, npuchtifi applies 1<i him thfi 

t4 Abnliun {G^n. xiL); " Ua mihi prjrao^t jvqjmiui. iU ^pera fii(u- 

if« 1i-, Tfu PAfJ}ppr, m^uTn apiH ft [nouia v^tatiiim " Mplanr^than 'r ori^itial 

8rltwkrirri» vtiirh. vrdnljng In the prcvniling cu^fnm, \xi^ rpnulcreti 

lOffvk To rHdder proprr oLiiiLf^t iiii^ Grevk or Lvtlii wu tiHiuJ ntUi Hclioliirv. 

BAUflKh^iu bctwnie (EcolauitiaUiuei ScLneidti — i.f, Konkechueidcr^ 

fermrd into Agricota, Juliatuif:^ Krachtmberger nrat« to Keuchlin 

bitu with ■ CrBfrk equivoitnl for bis not very euphonious hadw. Voa 

r, C««eJtifAU df* Padofoffik, i. 120. 

» LMtH u. Wptftnrlhoo, De Wett*, ii. 238 9w nlao ii 3fla. 

■ Jl. ttyaeiuf, lOMtnicMve Arljffle on " Erie " in Ha-Uck, Rfaifnet/Stlopadir. v ],1H 
,, dwnhfV UiiA Rnmbntnnt srid Uip «(lkr>r pnrtiRlpiuitii In tti« Leipaic DrbntP. 

■ F(V mn inlfmilia^ dn^cripHriti at Lutlicr, ilii he app^rrd iij Ihia EheipulnUon, 
lb* pen of PHnL-i Mrw^llaDEu, arc WodJiimTuD, '\- I3l>, B«« E^oo n*CLkr, 

i.*l9cK, I 361, 1i Wtcd frtpm Jirue* 27, Co JuJr 16, 151D> 



ee 



THE REFORMATION 



cure for it.' At homp and with his friende be was M\ of humor, 
was PTitliuAia^lically iond of mu^c, &nij filayeil with skill on ihiF 
lute and the Huk; in his Datural constitution the very opponte 
of an ascetic' Hi^ powerful mind — for he was, prob^ly^ 
the ablest man of his time — was connecied with a childlUtf 
freshness of feeling, and a large, generous sympathy witt 
human nature Jn all ite innocent manifeMations, 

Standing before Duke George, who proved to be a dedded 
enemy of the Reformation, and before the auditory who ait 
with him^ Luther discussed with his opr>onent the primacy oC 
the Pope. In the course of the colloquy he declared that tbe 
lipfldahip of the Pope is not indispenwible ; that the Oriental 
Church is a true Church, without the Pope; thai the prlma^J 
is of human and not of divine appointment. Startling aa these 
propositions were, they were less so than was his avowaJ, in r^ 
spouse to an inquiry, that among the articles for which John 
Huss had been condemned at the Council of Conslanee^ thfw 
were some that were thoroughly Christian and evangelical A 
feeling of amiLsement ran through the as^mbly, and an audible 
expression of eurprise and Einger broke from the lips of the 
Duke.' 

The DieputBtion at LeipsiCj by sUmulaLing Luther to furthw 
atudicB into the origin of the Papacy and into the character of 
Huss and of hia opinions, brought his mind to a more decided 
renunciation of human authority, and to a growing suspicim 
that the papal rule was a usurpation in the Church and a hatefd 
tyranny.^ Up to this time his attempt had l>een to influeDCC 
the ecclesiastirjil rulerfi; mjw he turned to the people. Hi* 
"Address to the Christian Nobles of the German Nation'* wu 
a ringing appeal to the German laity to take the work of refor 
mation into their own hands* to protect the German people 
against the avarice and tyrannical intermeddLlng of the Roman 

■ "WViiEe S&tui vjtb Hi4 rncmbom la m^nK, I wiU laugh tt Kim uid will •*- 
tmd (d my gardPDiTi thfti \a, the bE^iniijp of the CF»lor, ud en]oir them prkiflinf 
him." Lptt«T to Wpnf!. Link. (Dm. l&Sfl), De W^tt^. ilL. &S. S», lIv. lii, 17Z 

' Bui he wiu ftbflCemloui in food uid drtnk; "v&ld« modicl cltd tt potm,'' 
u>a MdancthoQ, Ofien fur mkuy coiiBnulivH dayi ha would lake onlj a Unli 
bicmd aod Gsh, VUa Luthrrt. v. 

* B«farfi the DiapulatUm at Lelpgic, te wroU to Bpulatjq (MaTch 15, lAUl}; 
"Veno et d»crflta Poatificlurn, pm ock diepiJt*tioiie, et fin kur«a tiha loquv} 
havio *b Papn «it Antiehnitiu tp4« vtl fep«tolu« ojufl: kd*a iiu«fir« cBrruispimr 
etcruDi&fiTur ChnatuiCi'^MlTflritHjHbeoincleoreti*." t>« W«tt«, L 238- 




TU£ ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN NATION 



67 



i&stica, to deprive the Pope of his rule In secular affairs^ 

kboliah compulsory celibacy, to reform the cooventa and 

rain the meadicant orders, to come to a reconciliation with 

e BohemianSj to foster 9duGa.tioQ. The ^iritual Power en- 

roined at Home was able by its pretensions to shield itself 

igainet refoniia. Tl claimed to be the sole authoritative source 

Cpf rcforma. If Scripture was cited m behalf of them, it was 

mawercd that the Pope alone is competent to eay what Scripture 

meant. In this harangue Luther strikes a blow at the dia- 

ction between laymen and priest^ on which the hierarchical 

stem rested, ''We have one baptism and one fjiiih," he saya, 

ajid it 13 that which coiLstitute^^ a spiritual person/' He com- 

the Church to ten pons of a king, who, having equal 

ts, choose one of their number to be the "minister of their 

mmon power." "A company of pious laymen in a desert, 

Aving DO ordained priest amoog them, would have the right to 

onfer that office on one of themaelven, whether he were married 

ff not ; and " the man so chosen would be as truly a priest as if 

U the bishops in the world had consecrated him," The priestly 

haractcr of a layman and the importance of education are the 

Boding topics in this stirring appeal. His treatise on the Baby- 

DDkan Captivity of the CEiurch followed, in which he handled 

le subject of the sacraments. Ilie number of these he limita 

three. Baptism, the Lord's Supper, and Repentance, and 

olds that the last is not properly a sacrament, but a return to 

laptism. Absolution is not a function confined to the priest. 

Vaosubstantiation is an idea which no one is bound lo accept. 

W^e Eucharist is not a sacri£ce- He condemns the denial of) 

fee cup to the laity. In one passage he declares that the bishop 

m Rome has become a tyrant; he, therefore, has no fear of hia 

peeress. Neither he nor a general council has a right to set up 

kw articles of faith. He attacks the statutes that violated 

piHetian liberty, such as those which prescribed pilgrimages, 

hsttngs, and mona.sticiam. He had discovered the close con- 

bection between the doctrinal and practical abuses of the church.^ 

Be regards with favor the marriage of the clergy, and divorce 

m in some cases lawful. At this time (1520) he sent to Leo X, 

i letter containing expressions of personal respect, hut com- 

nring him to a l&mb in the midst of wolves and to Daniel &moDg 



^ 



88 



THE REFORMATION 



/ 



i)\& ]\oiiB, and invoking him to aet about a work of reforms 
ID his corrupt court and in the Church/ With it he sent hi* 
Diacourae De Liber Uite Chris tianc^ 

In this sermon on "The Freedom of a Christian Man," 
Luther set forth in a noble and elevated strain the inwardnps 
of true religion, Uie marriage of the soul to Christ through faith 
in the Word, and the vital connection of faith and works. Faitlj 
precedes since by faith we are justified; but good works ait 
\ieccsBarily the fruit of faith. In this treatise he rises above 
t'he atmosphere of controversy, and unfolils his idea of Ctrifr 
tianity in the genial tone of devout Feeling, 

His course during the period between the posting of fhf 
theses ajid the lind breach with Rome can be judged correfUy 
only when it is rempmbered that hia mind waa in a transilioB 
state. He wius working his wuy by degrees to the light, Tliia 
explains the seeming inconsistencies in hiw e?ipreAslons relative 
to the Pope and the Church, which occasionally appear in htf 
lettcra and publications during this interval. " I am one of 
those," he said, "amon^ whom Augustine has classed hiiuedf 
— of those who have gradually advanced by writing ard tearii* 
ingi not of those who at a single bound spring lo |jerferti<ift 
out of nothing." ' 

The Bull which condemned forty-one propositions of LuthfT, 
and excommunicated him if he should not recant wltUin sixlf 
ilays, after which evpry Christian nrngistrate was to be required 
to arrest him and ileiiver him at Rome, wiis issued on the IBtl 
of June, 15tX), It had been prepared by Cajetan, Prierias, 
by Eck, whose numerous attacks on Luther in speech and 
writings received the reward of carrying to Germany this Pft' 
fulmination, in which one item in the condemned propositi 
ascribed to Luther was the 33d : '* that to burn heretics is 
the will of the Holy Spirit." The papa! condemnation of 
was made binding on all persons and States, Was it not, 
ej cathedra f Luther, in review of it, cited with telJLng em 
the condemnation of Christ of the treatment of heretics 



^ t,uth?r jsrstna to h&rc cnlertainrd, up to thb (jtdc, b ppraonal repiHrT! t^ d 
rMpect for Limj, bul tho iDlDrmingUiig of pcr»]ial complimcDld with ^tDiutf<^ 
tione of his court bnii itf th« UoinaD Cliurf^lL (which is flt/led "m Uocntiauj d^* 
irf mlibprn "\ vnn ill mlaplnl Xa ccnritiate rhe Fnpe'a fa-vor. 

' Pn^f- Ojrram-' '^Qiti ilt riiUllo rcpptiit Gunt Bunuul^ oam nthil mal, 
vpermli, unjui' IcJitali, iitqile i'n]ii.'rti." 






THE BULL OF EXCOMMUNICATION 



39 



med ID it. Luther put forth a paripJilet In rcaponae to this 
vocrobie Bult ol Antichrist, as he called it. On the 10th of 
(eoember, in the public place at Wittenberg, — whither all 
nds of Evangelical truth had beea invited on the bulletin 
of Uie University, — in the presence of an assembly o( 
lors <rf the University, students anil people^ he threw it, 
ther with tiie book of Canon Law, anti a few other equally 
fcnoxiouB writings, into the flauica. By this act he completed 
S& rupture with the Papal See, There was no longer room 
br retreat. He had burned his ships behind him/ 
I TTii** decisive sti'p drew the atU^nticn of (he whole German 
kttoo to Luther'a cause, and tended to concentrate all the 
rious elements of opptsition to the Papacy.' Luther found 
lilical support in the friendly dieposition of the Elector, and 
tn the jurii^ts with whom the conflict of the spiritual with 
civil courts was a atamling grievance. Hie Papal Bull was 
<Ti,sively regarded HA a new infringement of the rights of the 
il powern Tlie religious opposition to the Papacy, which had 
n quickened by Luther's theological WTitings, and which 
d an inspiring ground of union in his appeal to the Divine 
unl and his arraigimient of the Pope as an opposer of it, 
gngi^ the sympathy of a large portion of the inferior clergy 
of the monastic orders. Luther also found B&aloua alliea 
the hi^rary class. The Humanists wore- cither quiet, labo- 
pus scholars, who applied their researches in philosophy and 
Msical literature to thf; illiif>tri»lion of the Seripturea ami the 
4'enae of Sciiptural truth against human traditions, of whont 
doxicthon was a type ; or they were poets, filleil with a national 
iti%, eager to aven^ the indignities suffered by Germany under 
^ttikn anti Papal rulej and ready not only lo vindicate their 
uise with invectives and satires, but also wilh their sworcla. 
hi'se wer^ the combatants for Reuchlin against the Dominican 
Mwrcution; the authors of the '^Epistola; Obscurorum Vi- 
min." Luther, with hie deeply religious feeling, had not 
ktd the tone of theee productions, Ulrlcb von Hutten, one 
f the writers, the most prominent representative of the youth- 
j hterati^ to whom we have just referred, had not been inter- 
it^ ftt firsf in the affair of Luther, which he regarded as a 
onkt5h imd theological dispute. But he found help for hii 







THE REFORMATION 



own aims in ite wide-reaching scope and became one of the Re- 
former'a ardent supporters. He seconded Luther's religioua 
appenJa by scattering broadcast hiB own caustic philippics and 
satires, in which the Pope and his agents and abettors m Ger- 
many were lashed with unbridled severity. Abandoning the 
Latin, the proper tongue of the Humanists, he began to write 
in the vernacular. Hutten enlisted his friend Fr&ncia von Sick- 
ingen, another patriotic [might, and the most noted of the cloaa 
who offered themselves to redrefis wrongs by exploits and Incur- 
sions undertaken by their own authority, often to the terror of 
those who were thus assailed. Sickingen went to Luther an 
invitation, in case he needed a place of refuge, Co come to he 
strong eaatle at Ebemburg.' 

We must pause here to lock for a moment at the political 
condition of Germany, In (he fifteenth ceniury the centra! 
government had become so weakened, that the Empire existed 
more in name than in reality. Germany was an aggregate of 
numerous small states, each of whieh was, to & great extent, 
independent within its own bounds. The German king having 
held the imperial office for so many centuries^ the two stations 
were pra<iLicalJy regarded as inseparable; but neither as king 
of Germany nor aa the head of the Holy Roman Empire, had be 
sufficient power to preserve order among the states or to com- 
bine them in eornmon enterprises of defense or of aggression. 
By the golden bull of Charles IV., in 1356, the eleetorid oon- 
Btitutioti was (defined and settled, by which the preduni nance 
of power waa left in the haiub of the seven leadmg princes to 
whom the choice of the Emperor was committed. No measures 
affecting the common welfare could be adopted except by tlM 
consent of the Diet, a body composed of the electors, the princfs, 
^nd the cities. Private wars were of frequent occurrence be- 
tween the component parts of the country. They might enter 
separately into foreign alliances. During the reign of M&a- 
milian great efforta were made to establish a better constitution, 
but they mostly fell to the ground in consequence of the muluJ 
unwillingness of the Ntates and the Emperor that either parly 
flhould exercise power- The Pubhc Peace and the Impwifll 
Chamber were constituted, the former for the prevention d 

' See tbc very lotercaUaK bjugnptiy by D. F> StfkUM, UtricK vott BhH"' 
(3d od , 1871). 





POLITICAL CONDITION OP GERMANY 



n 



iotesUne war, and the latter a supreme judicial tribunal; but 
oetther or these measures wa3 mare than partially successful. 
TTie failm'e to create a belter organization for tlie Empire in- 
crt^fied tlie ferment, for which there were abundant causes 
prior to these abortive attempts. TTie efforts of the princes to 
iocreaae their power within thoir several principalities brought 
on qu&rrelfi with biehops and knights, whose traditional privi- 
leges were curtailed. Especially among the knights a mutinou§ 
feeJing was everywhere rife, which often broke forth in deeds 
of violence and even in open warfare. 'Vhe cities complained 
of the oppression which they had to endure from the imperial 
government and of the wrongs iofiicted upon them by the princes 
a/id by the knights, TTirivlng couimunities of tradesuien and 
artisana invited hostility from every quarter. The heavy bur* 
dens of taxation, the insecurity of travel and of conimerce, were 
for them an intolerable grievance. At the aame time, all over 
Germany^ the rustic population, on account of the hardship of 
their situation, were in a state of disaffection which might at 
any moment burst forth in a foniitilablp rebellion. In addition 
to all these troubles and grievances, the extortions of Rome 
bad stirred up a general feeling of indignation.* Vast sums of 
money, the fruit of taxation or the price of the virtual sale of 
Church offices, were carried out of the country to replenish the 
colTera of the Pope. 

On the death of Maximilian (January 12, 1519), the prin- 
cipal aspirants for the succession, were Charles, the youthful 
King of Spain, and Francis I., the King of France. Charles, 
who was the grandson of Maximilian, and the son of Philip and 
of Joanna, the daughter of FerdiniLnil Hnd Isabella, inherited 
Austria and the Low Countries, the crowns of Castile and Arogon, ^^ 
of Navarre, of Naples and Sicily, together with the vast terri-^^ 
tones of Spain in the New World. The Electors offered the^^ 
imperial office to Frederic of Saxony, a prince held in universal 
esteem for his wisdom and high character; but he judged that 
the resources at his command were not Huflicient to enable him 
bo govern the empire with efficiency, and he cast his influence 
with decifflve effect in favor of Charlee. The despotisni of the 
Fr«ich King was feared, and Charles was preferred, partly 
because, from the situation of his hereditary dominions in Ger- 



9fi THE REFORMATION 

many and from the extent of hia power, it was thought that he 
would prove the beat defender of the Empire againat the Turisa 
But the princes took care, in the "capitulation" which accom- 
panied the election of Charles, to interpose safeguards against 
eneroacluuents on the part of the new Emperor, He promised 
not to rrkake war or peace, or to put any state under the ban o( 
the Empire without the assent of the Diet: that he would 
give the public offices into the hands of the Germans, fix hie 
residence in Germanyj and not bring foreign troope into ilie 
country. 

The concentration of so much power in a single iiidiviiiual 
excited general alarm. Such an approach to a universal mcai- 
orchy had not been 3(*en in Europe since the days of C^larl^ 
magne. Tlie independence of all other ldng<ioms would seem 
to be put in peril. It was reasooably feare<i that Charges would 
avail himself of his va^^ strength U^ n^Uire the Empire to iU 
ancient limits, and to re\-ive its claim to supremacy. This 
apprehension, of itself, would account for the hostihty ol Ft&n<3£r 
apart from his personal disappointment at the result of the 
imperial election. But there were particular causes of disagree- 
niPiit between the rival monarch^ which could not fail to pn>- 
duce an open rupture. In behalf of the Elmpire, Charles claimed 
Lombardy and especially Milan, together with a portion of 
Southern France — the old kinji^dom of Burgundy or Ailea. 
As the heir of the dukee of Burgundy, he claimed the parts of 
the old dukedom wliich had been incorporaieil in France, after 
the death of Charles the Bold. It had been the ambition of 
France, since the cxpetUtion of Charles VIIL, to estabUsh itP 
power in Italy. Francis, besides his determination to cling to 
the conquests which he had aheady made, claimed Naples in 
virtue of the rights of the house of Anjou, which had reverted 
to the French crown; he claimed also Spanish Navarre^ whicb 
had been seized by Ferdinand, and the suKcrainty of Flandcff 
and -\rtois. The scene, as well as the main prize of the conflict. 
wa,s to be in Northern Italy. The preponderance of strengtli 
was not so decidedly on the ade of Charles a?i might at fiT"st 
appear. The Tiu-ks perpetually menaced the eastern frontiers 
of his hereditary German dominions, which were given over to 
Ferdinand, his brother. His territories were widely scparaled 
from one another, not only in space, but also in language, local 





CHARLES V. 



ilioDs, and customs. Several of the countries over which 
led wert- in a state of internal confusion. 'I'bis waB true 
of Sp&m, Es well as of Germany. 

For moDthfi after the death of Maximilian, the Empire waa 
witliout a head- Frederic of Saxony, nhij wa^s disposed to pro- 
tect rather than repress the movement of Luther, was regent 
in Northern Germany. Had be been m niiddJe life and been 
«idued with an energy equal to hie sagacity and excellence, ht 
nii^t have conipUed with the preference of the Electors and 
have placed himself at the head of tlie German nation, which 
was now conacioua of the feeling of nationality^ ^nd full of aspL 
rations after unity and reform/ 

Charles V. was not the man to asfiumc such a pomtion. He 
de\'eloped a tenacity of purpose, a restless activity, and a far- 
fdglited calculation, which were far in advance of the expec- 
tations entertained respecting him in hif^ early youth. But hi^ 
whole hifllory shows that he had no adequate appreciation of 
iJie moral force of ProtJ?3tantism. His personal flympathii's 
were with the old system in which he bad been educated, and 
this was more and njore the case in the latter part of his career. 
But apart from hia own opinions and predilpctionH. his po-siJion 
as riiler of fSpain, where the most bigoted type of Calliolicisni 
prevailed, would have the effect to prevent him from severing 
his connection with the Roman Church. Moreover, tlie whole 
idea of tlie Empire, as it lay in his mind and as it wa^ involved 
in all his ambitious schemes, presupposed the unity of the 
Church and union mth the Papacy- The sacred character, 
the peculiar eupreniacy of the Empire, rested upon the con- 
caption that it waB more than the kingdom of Germany, more 
than a German empire, that it was the ally and protector of 
Hie entire Catholic Church, Germany was regarded by 
diaries V. a.-^ only one of the countries over which he rpled. 
Tht peculiar interesta of Germany were subordinate, in hia 
tbou^ta, to the more comprehensive schemes of political 
^grandi^ment to which his life was devoted. He acted in 
th* aifair of the Heformation from [xiiilical motives. These, 
at lejuit, were uppermost, and accordingly his conduct varied 
to conform to the interest of the hour. He imffht deplore the 

and progress of Lutheraniami but he deared still leas the 

^ BrycD^ Ilolif /fcnwii EvtpifXt p- 315, 



i 



■ 



M THE REFORMATION 

success of Fr&QcU I. in the Italian peninsula. Moreover, in 

carrying out his plans for himself, and for the realization of ihe 
idea of the Empire, he might fall into contliet with the head of 
the Church- The old contest of pope and emperor might be 
revived. This waa the more liable to occur in a period whtu 
the popes were anxiously laboring for their own temporal power. 
and for the advancement of thpir relalivee in Italy, A com- 
bination of all the forces opposed to the new doctrine might 
suffice to crush it. But would this combination be effected? 
hi addilicn Lu the jealousies that exL'iLed between the principal 
potentates, the Emperor, the Pope, and the King of France, 
divisions might easily arise among the Catholic princes in Ger- 
manyj from the fear, For example, of the increasing power of 
the house of Austria, In adt^tion to the conflicting interests 
out of which the Lutheran movement might find its profit^ Ger- 
many and the shores of the Mediterranean were incessantly 
threatened by the TutIcsh It might be impracticable to per- 
secute the disciples of the new doctrine, and at the same time 
secure their help against the common enemy of Christendom. 
When Charles V. first arrived in Germany [in 1520, when 
he was crowned at Aix la Chapelle), he had reasons for cooperat- 
ing with the Pope, and when this was the case his own prefer- 
ences seconded the motive of policy. Yet Luther ajid the 
Lutheran cause had attracted a religious and national sympatliy 
that was too strung to permit him to l)e eorderiinetl by the 
Emperor without a hearing. A less summary course must be 
taken than that which the papal party urged upon himJ Hence 
the sununons which Luther received to appear and answer for 
himself at his first German Diet, the Diet of Worms (1521), 
In this summons Luther recognized a call of God to give testi- 
mony to the truth. He had letters of safe-conduct from the 
Kmperor and the princes through whose terriforiea his route 
lay, as he made his journey in the farmer's wagon, furnished 
by the city of Wittenberg. When he went to Augsburg to meet 
Cajetan, he had worn a borrowed coat. He was now an object 
of universal interest and attention. At Erfurt, the University 
went out in a procession tu meet him, some on horseback^ with 

^ Of the tvo nuQDiDa vttio were H^nl to the tiupcriKl court, CarKfciolk uid 
Ale&Dder, Ihs laticr waa most diBtin^iuahfid. He Q^ured in Uie I>ii?t of Warnii- 
OC him Luther hu Kivea ■ ahrcBAtio descriptioui which a quoted by Sdikcndorf, 
Jjb. U HCt. aft, § SI. 





THE DIET OF WORMS 



w 



% greftt throng on foot, and welcomed him with a epeech from 
Ihc rector, who met at the head of a mounted escort at a place 
forty miles distant. He persevered in hU journey, totwitb- 
BtoDdmg illness by the way and many voices of discouragement 
— mingJed, to be sure, with others more cheering — which met 
him at every step.* When he reached the last station he was 
idviaed by a councilor of Frederick not to go on; the fate of 
HoflB] it was said, might befall bim. To which he replied : " Huss 
has been burned, but not the truth with him. I will go in, 
though aa many devils were aiming at me as there are tiles on 
the roof-"' He rode into the town at midday, through streets 
crowded with people who had gathexcd to pee him. In the lodg- 
ings pro\'idcd for him by the Elector he spent the tirac partly in 
prayer ; at intervals playing on bis lute ; administering, also, the 
riomiDumon to a Saxon nobleman id the house, who wasdanger- 
fcusly ill- On the following day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, 
b&ving first solemnly commended himself to God in prayer.he waa 
Qsooned by the imporia] ma-^t^r of the horse, Ulrich of Pappfn- 
bdm, to the hall of audience. He was conducted by a private 
md cireuitous way in order to avoid the press of the multitude; 
jFt the windows and roofs that overlooked the route which he 
Uwk were thronged with spectators. As he entered the august 
tasembly he beheld the youthful Emperor on his throne, with 
hifl brother, the Archduke Ferdinand, at his side, and a brilhant 
retinue of pnnees and nobles, [ay and ecclesiastical, among nhom 
were his own sovereign, Frederick the Wise, and the Landgrave, 
Riilip of Hesse, who was then but aeventeon years of age^ 
together with the deputies of the imperial cities, foreign am- 
bumdcrs. and a rumeroue array of dignitaries of every rank, 
Alttnder, one of the Papal Nuncios, had arranged the order of 
pnxeedings. A jurist representing the Emperor had the same 
name, as it hapjiencd, afl the old antagonist of Luther^ Eck. It 
»« estimated that not leea than five thousand persona were 
tollect^d in and around the hall For a moment Luther seemed 

' 8oau latflnslinc details mn civfln by MycouuB, HiH. Rtfarmtd.t p- 38 (in 

'Omc^iuiig tlie piYciee fatm of tht OEpteSflioo, Ace Hackc, i, 334. »nd hu 
*hm^ to D« W«tM, ii. 130- But SpaUtm rivh lb« enprvuoa is ihi- tncrs 
Mdkl Form iP vbioli it ii quoted- "DtAs sr mir SpalitiTiD &ufl Op|>eiihFim gin 
Wmnba, aeliriebe- *Et »cl[t» pD Wurmbfi, wttingli^cb lo vi^l T«iifpl {i&rrinn^ri 
■«na, ■!■ LcmtDpr Zfii£ri dt wkrei.'" Jahrb. vond, RtU Lufh, fLA2n, p- 39 (Idl 
Crprua^ rr^nrffH)^ He in-ived »t Wornti, April 16, 1521. 



96 



THE REFORMATION 



to be somewhat daaefi by the impodng aspect of the assembly. 

He spoke in a low voice, and many thought that he ^ae afraid 
"It was pianned that two questions should be propounded for 
Luther to return catr^orifAl answers/' Some of his books had 
been placed near the Emperor. TTie first question was, ttd 
he writ€ them and others published under his name? His legal 
adviser was the Wittenberg Professor of Jurisprudence. Dr, 
Jerome Schur Schurff, who called for the reading of the titles. 
When this was done, Luther gave an aRimiative answer. In 
reply to the sr^oml question whether he retracte<l what he had 
written in his books, the titles of which liad been read, he asked 
for time to frame an answer suiuble to so grave a question,' 
This was not with any thought of retracting. Time was given 
him, and on the following evening, at an hour so Wie that lamps 
were lighted, he wa.s onrr more ushered into the assembly. He 
exhibited no sign of embarrassment, but in a cabii, determined 
manner, in strong and manly tones of voice, he said that he 
could not retract those deemed correct by his opponcnie. nor, 
without comming at wickedness, what he had written against 
the manifest, the evident tyranny and eormptiona of the 
Papacy. Admitting that he had sometimes written against in- 
diWduala with undue acrimony, yet he could not revoke what he 
had said without warranting his adversaries in sajing that he 
had retracted his antagonism. He then declined to revoke hi£ 
opinions or con(iemn his M'rilings, until they should be disproved 
by some other authority than pope or council, eveji by clear 
teatimoniea o! Scripture or conclu^ve arguments from rea^oiiH 
A eouncil could err, he said; and he declared himself ready to 
prove it- When a final, definite answer to the question whelher 
he would recant, was demanded, he replied that hiq conscience 
would not permit him: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise. 
God help me. Amen/' Thr^re were many bcvsides the Saxon 
Elector, whose German hearte were thrilled by the noble de- 

* That Luther aak^ for dfiihy Km been nuidt b grovmd of reproach by ad- 
TBTMjio. Soe the aiHwer to Milmbourg, in SeckenJorf, lib, i. sect. 40, { M. 
It hh9 DccoaiDnpd pcrjjlt3(ity Lu Proltrttaul writora. Sep Wiuldinglon. i, 3**. 
But Um rfplatialjuti is that he imt}, in lUI probability, not expt^uid a prremp- 
lory dftmand oF Uiia luluro, and niBliud (or (imc (o rr&m[> i^n (LtiBWcr — oop^ 
dall^r JQ V1PW oE the fpct Ul»1 \\'m writiDgB contained, oinoDg othor thiri|^, ivUT 
person nlili PH. The »qu»t for p^ntjionpm^nr b-m doubtln* Ln ko^orduic* with 
the advice of hFerfimr^ &^hurff, hij4 legn\ HKHinEAnt, On Hiin topic see Gisf^vr 1*. 
i. 1, § 1, o. 79. fiftnke observea: "Aucb tr nabm dio Forra[tchkcit«n da Rnch« 
ftrr flicb in Anapruch." Dtuttch- (JK^,, i. 334. 






of Tjuthfir or that momentous day/ Tokpiis oF admi- 
icm and sympathy were not wanting. Had violence b^^en 
emptod, th^re were too many young knightB, armed to the 
\ih and resolved to protect tiini^ to give such an attempt 

assurance of success. One who was present- testifies that 
ith«T returneil to hia Itnlgings, full of courage and cheerful- 
B», and declared that had he a thousand beads, he wouJd have 
tm all atruck off before he would make a retraction.' The 
eclor Frederick expressed his delight that "Father Martin" 
&ke so cxcellentlv both in Latin and German before the 
Dpercw and the E#italea. The Ele<^tor, however, would have 
fferred to have had Luther speak more moLiestly in relation to 
UDCils. t^ome advised Cliarlcs to disregard his safe-conduct, 
t he remembered the bluah of Sigiemund, when Huss looked 
VI in the face at Constance, arid refuseil. Even Duke George 

Saxony cried out against an act so derogatory to German 
faor. It is worthy of note that the Emperor, in his last ilays^ 

the Convent of Yustc, when superstition had more sway over 
m, regretted his own tidellly to duty and honor at the tinte 
ten be had Luther in his power.' At the request of the Ger- 
tu princes, a coiuniission made an unsuccessful effort to leru.l 
uher to mollify Iiih position as to General Councils, Wlieti 
part of the assembly had gone home, and after Luther had 
II, the decree was proclaimed that placed Luther under the 
n of the Empire, This etlict, in its spirit and language, as 
m in its provisions, was harsh and, in the highest degree, 
Blile to Luther. TiiHuediat^ly after the last conference of 
p commL^on, the Emperor had complied with his request 
r permisflion to leave, and, to the cretUt of Charles in all the 
lure, sent him a eafe-conduet. Bearing the same date as 
e sentence of outlawry against him was a treaty between 
(D X- and Charles for the reeonquest of Milan by the latter,' 
le Pope wa-s also to abstain from compl3'ing with the wish 

the Spanish Estates that he would soften the rigors of the 
quisition in Spain, a necessary instrument of Charles's 
mtiny/ 

* R^MC^x^ ibo uaprMdQOfl mndo by LuthM an v&rioiu pflraoru, see R.iml:«, 

> RnlHin«i>n> Hitiay t*f ChariM V.. TtvMMX'a AppctuUi (Ui, 482). 
< fUabe, HiManf of JV Papa, i SO. 



96 



THE REFORMATION 



Leo X. had oppofied the election of Charlea, and hftd ma<k 
great exertions to secure the elevation of Frsncis to the itnpenal 
Blation. The Pope wajj resolved lo prevejit, if be could, the 
BovereigDly of Nnplen and the iTnperial ofRce. from being in the 
same hands. He dreaded the consequencea t^o his own stfttfi 
and the effect upon Italy generally that would result Irom such 
an accumulation of power. But after Charles had been chOAen, 
hoth the Emperor and Leo saw the advantages that would 
fLt(end upon their union, anil the damage that each could inflict 
upon the other in case they persevered in their hostility. Ac- 
cordingly they concluded an alliance, a main provision of which 
wae that the parties were to divide between them the places lo 
be conquered by the Lm|>eror in Lombardy. 

ThuB Luther was placed under the ban of the Empire and of 
the Church. The two great institutions, the two potentates, 
in whom it had been imagined that all authority on earth i^ 
embodied, pronounced apainet him. TTie movement that had 
enliiited in itfl support, to so great an extent the literary and 
political^ OS well as the distinctively religious, elementfi of 
opi>ositian t^ Rome, was condemned by Church and Stat^- Tt 
remained to be seen whelber the decree of the Diet could be 
carried into execution. This waa more difficult, even when 
it wa.*^ withstood by a mngle German State, than it was to pa» 
it. The genius of Luther himself, hie power as an author, 
pven of polemical pamphleLs, were formidable obstacles. The 
influence *>f ptjpular literature wa-s a cooperative ptjwer. OF 
these, Ulrich von Hutt«n, despite hie unstable principles, was 
one of tho most effective of the assailants of the papal repressive 
po]i<^ and of the Worms edict in particular. 

New we ftTid Luther in the Warthurg, the place of refuge 
I (or him by the firm but discreet Elector, TTie Emperor's 
duet was good for only three weeks. Tlie Elector 
for hia safety by a plan of his own. On the way he 
tpletd by a company of mounted soldiers. Luther 
■ was to be hidden for a while, but knew not where, 
]IasU(* of Wjii'lbiirg in the Thuringian For^t he 
- eleve-Q monlhfl.^ It wae a very fine remark of 
wpeclinc the Kk-ctor to whose honeat piety and 
fil tiip Reformation owes so much: "He was not 

V« b Tdl >k«UlMd by 8cb*ff, CAitcA HiMtm/. vi, p» 390 Mq. 



LUTHER ON THE VFARTBURG 



99 



of Ihose who woiiltl stifle cbitngf's id their very birth. He 
subject to Ihe will of God. fie read the wrilinga that 
e put forth, and would not permit any power to cru^h 
t he thought true." Luther stutlied the iScripturps in the 
brew and Greek. On the Wartburg, he speaks often of hb 
nal conflicts with the devil, with him the source and Ini- 
nation of t\i\. whom he held responsible for his physical 
mental troubles. With him he conceived himself to be 
enUy wrestling- He was not without recreation. He 
bftde ejEcursions, admiring the beautiful seenery and rejoicing 
the music of the birds. Here, though enduring much 
y^cal pain consajuent upon neglect of exercifie/ Luther is 
ntly at work, fiending Forth eontroversial pamphlets, 
iling letters of counsel and encouragement to his friends, 
laboring on his iranfilaliou of the New Testament, tlie first 
ioit of that versioii of the entire Scripturpg, whirh i« one 
his most valuable gifts to the German people." Idiomatic, 
in evwy part, clothed in the racy language of common life, 
created, apart from iUi retigious influence, an epoch in the 
tentrv develrtpinent of the German nation.' Wlmt has been 
id in modem days in depreciation of Luther's translation of 
le Bible into the vernaeular is in tlie main without any just 
nund. It is true that there had been translations of the Bible 
Ito German l>efore. Taken all together, they may be fourteen 
number- But one faet of capital importance is that tiiese 
Per© n'oderings of the Latin Vulgate, inclusive of its errors, 
4itlp the hjt^^is nf Litther's Biljle was the original Scriptures, 
orrover. Luther endeavored to interweave in his version the 
^ble results of Greek and Hebrew acholarahip. Another 
bet la thftt the circulation of previous German translations was 
ball, especially among laymen, compared with the immense 
well as early circulation of Luther's Bible — deservedly styled 
cla^c of the German people. 

' Hit adnni to Mb ptiy«iriU rlmnrdpra. Dp WpIW^ ii- pp. 2. 17, M, 33, flO, M. 
* Oa Ihr imvioiu tran.'^IiiiionB of Uie Bible into Hinh »nd Low Qormaa, uid 
ihrfr nrwkl ciiculfttioo, «pcc'halJv bidod^ iIlg Laity, He Hhuck^ RBoUrKS/e-t 
Man* dn, &Ihi, Bobafr'a Church HiU^rry. vi, p, 3C1 «eq. Tho "Cam- 
lJfAl#ni Bidlory/' vol. U-, TKe RtfarmatioT^. p, \M oW],; tdI, Li-, T^tf J^tfnou- 

tb* iD«JeulAbl» Ad^f ntiB^ nf I.ii(hpr> HiMb m fumishiTig & " pwplt^ 
* — • TuodftmBntft! work Jnr Tho m*triinrinn flf rhppfopl*'* — ^n* k» 
mvkm fay Bfg«t ^f^U- d^ GeMAtff/M^- W^te, iL A03, JKH. 



100 



THE REFORMATION 



Troubles at Wittenberg called him forth from his retreat 
An iconoclaatic movement had broken out under the lead a 
Carlstadt, for the purpose of sweeping away in an abrupt an 
violent manner riles that were deemed incongruous with th 
new doctrine- This theologian^ not without talents and learning 
iQ his career at times supported Luther, and at intervals enviec 
and opposed himn There waa a certain consistency in his radia 
movemont, and many of the changes that were attempted Luthei 
and hia followers themselves effected afterwards. But there wai 
an unhealthy spirit of enthustasui and violence, of which Lulhrt 
saw the clanger; and the innovates ra were asflociating with theifr 
selves pretended prophets from Zwickau, who claimed a miracu 
tous inspiratioD and were the apoetles of a social revolution^ 
Luther comprehended at a glance the full import of the crisia. 
Should his movement iasue m a sober and salutary rrfonn, of 
run out in a wild, fanatical sect? It is a mark of the sound cod- 
servatisro of Luther, or rather of hia profound Christian wisdom, 
that he desired no changes that did not result spontaneously 
from an insight into the true principles of the GoepeU Better, 
he thought, to let obnoxious rites and ceremonies remain, unlcffl 
they fall away from their perceived inconsiatency with th( 
Qospel, as the natural result of incoming light and the education 
of conscience. '*lf we," he said, "are to be iconoclasts becau« 
the Jews were, then like them we must kill all the unbelievers/' ' 
He was unwilling to have the attention of men drawn ewaj 
from the central questions by an excitement about points ot 
subordinate moment; and he counted no change** to be of any] 
value, however reasonable in themselves, which were brou^J 
to pass by the dictation of leaders or by any form of exteraJJ 
pressure. Seeing the full extent of the danger, he resolved, 
what«ver might befall himself, to return to his flock. Lutha 
never appears more grand than at this moment. To the prv 
dent Elector who warned him against leaving his retreat, anfl 
told him that he could not profit him against the consequcnccsj 
of the edict of Worms, he wrote in a lofty etrain of courage and 
faith. He went forth, he said, under far higher protection than 
that of the Elector. Tliis was a cause not to be aided or directed 
by the sword. He who has moat fwth will be of most use. 
"Since I now perceive/' he wrote, "that your Electoral 




LUTHER AND THE lcX)»OCLA8TS 



101 



sllU T^ry weak in Talth, 1 cad by no mMnft regart! your Elec- 
oral Highness as the man who is able to e-^lfk!. or Bave me." ' 
he bad as prcGeiog buBJneas at Lcipatc, he'saiHTfas he had at 
VUtenberg, he would ride in there if it rained'Du^te Georges 
nne days I ' Arriving at Wittenberg, be entered tt>« pulpit on 
he following Sunday, and by his persuasive eloqueneo" in a 
■encA of eight diacoursee put an eod to the formidable cllst'Orb- 
Kooe (1523), 

Restored to Wittenberg, Luther continued his herculoAri 
labors as a preacher, teacher, and author. CommentarieB, 
tracts, letters upon all the various themes on which he ivha daily 
eooflulted or on which he felt impelled to sp>eak, continually 
flowed froiL his pen. In a single year he put forth not less than 
one hundred and eighty-three publications * 

Meantime the Council of Regerey, who managed the govem- 
ment in the absence of the Emin-ror, steadily declined to adopt 
measures for the extirpation of the Lutherans, The ground 
irap taken that the religions movement was loo much a metier 
of conscience; it had taken root in the niirds of too great a 
Aumber to allow of its suppression by force. Ad attempt to 
do go would breed disturbances of a dangerous character The 
drift of feeling through the natitin was uninist»kably in the 
direction of reform. Adrian VI , , who was a man of strict morals, 
the soccesBor of Leo X., found himself unable to remedy tlie 
abases to which he attributed the Lutheran movement. The 
d«T;and which he made by his legate at the Diet of Nuremberg, 
in 1522, that the decree against Luther should be enforced, was 
met by the presentation of a Hat of a hundred grievances of 
which the Diet had to complain to the Roman See. His suc- 
cesBOT, Clement VIL, in whom the old spirit of worldlinese^ after 
the brief interval of Adrian's reign, was reinstated in the papal 
chair, fared little better at the Diet of Nuremberg, in 1524, when, 
through his legate Campeggio, he demanded the unconditional 
8uppr«asioD of the Lutheran heresy. Hie Pope and the Em- 
peror could obtain no more than an indefinite engagement to 

' De W#tl*. ii 139 * Ibid., [i. 1*0. 

* He BTi; "Sum eert« vfloo^ mnitifl tt pnoifM mFmorifc « qu* mihj fluit, 
qpnim pcnD«lur» quicquif) KfibD," Lctl«t Ur Spttlatiu (Feb- 3, 1520); Dc WpLtc, 
L Mfi- Nine yvBiD \nlfi he ■rritca: "SLd obrucr quolklie litcria» ut jatoa*. »cun 
tm^ BCAbfltfe, pulpily, fcsatrr. ktcv. ■irrf. «t onmi* pt«Eu jwr«&Bt literu ^iw- 
UfMuboB, i^usnlk. pvtitiombu*. «tc. In ni* rxiir totA mo1« Bcclc*JB«ti<« at po 
litHV." 9t^ Lttterto W«ic. Link. CJu»20. 1520); De W«llv,m. 41^, 



102 



T^E ^REFORMATION 



if( 



observe the Wormi^'dt^nrA', '*aa far as poBsible." TTiisacMor 
equivalent to ^rejhihding the subject to the several prii 
within their (GspetTtive territories. It was coupled with a 
ence of disp't^iW matters to a general council, and with a a 
tion to takp* up the hundred coinplainta at the next diet, 
inajdrjj^y could not be obtained against the Lutherans and 
faVftf of Ihe coercive measures demanded by the Pope and 
-"ph^fea. And the movement of reform was spreading in e' 
"part of Geruiany. 
''* This aspect of affairs moved the papal party to the adoptw 
,' of activfi measures to turn the scale on the other side — 
' ures which began the division of Germany. Up to this 
j no division had occurred. The nation had moved as one bod] 
it had refused to suppress the new opinions. Now slremM 
efforts were put forth to combine the Catholics into a cora| 
j party for mutual aid and defense. At Ratisbon an allisnee 
Jthis character was formed by the Catholic princes and bii 
(rf South Gerraauy, by the terma of which the Wittenberg h 
was to be excluded from their dominions, and they were to 
each other in their common dangers. At the Diet of Ni 
berg it had lieen determinpd to hold an aifiBenibly shortly 
at Spires for the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs. The prini 
were to procure beforehand from their councilors and ach( 
a statement of the points in dispute. The grievancce of 
nation were to be set forth, and remedies were to be sought 
them. Tlie rmtion was to deliberate and act on the great m\ 
ter of religious reform. Tlie prospect was that the evangelw 
party wojld be in the majority. The papal court saw 
danger that was involved in an assembly gathered for 
a purpose, and determined to prevent the meeting- At 
moment war was breaking out between Charles and Fi 
CharlPH had no inclination t^j offend the Pope, He forbade 
assembly at Spires and, by letters addressed to the princes ii 
vidually, endeavored to drive them into the execution of 
edict of Worms. In consequence of these threatening moi 
ments, the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse 
tered into tlie defensive league of Torgau, in which they vt 
joined by several Protestant communities. The battle of Pn 
and the capture of Francis I. were events that appeared to 
fraught with peril to the Protestant cause. In the Peace 



THE PROTEST AT 3FIHES 



lOd 



h 

I (J&nufiry 14^ 1526) both sovereigns avowed the deter- 
OD to suppnas heresy. But the tiangeruus prepumieranee 
cd by the Emperor created an alarm througljuut Europe; 
c relea^ of Francis was followed by the organization of 
tderacy agaiost Charles^ of which Clement was the lead- 
imoter. This changed the imperial poUcy in reference to 
itberaofi. Ttie Diet of Spirea in 1526 unanimously re- 

that, until the meeting of a general council, every state 

act in regard to the edict of Worma aa it might answer 
. and his imperial majesty. Once more Germany refused 
e the Reformation, and adopted the principle that each 
component parts of the Empire should be left free to act 
ing to its own will. It was a measure of tlie highest im- 
ce to the cause of Protestantism. It is a great landmark 

history of the German Reformation. The war of the 
or and the Pope involved the neceBsity of tolerating the 
ans. 

1527, an imperisJ army, composed largely of Lutheran 
y. captured and sacked the city of Rome. For several 
a the Pope was held a prisoner. For a number of years 
^tion of Charles, with respect to France and the Pope, 
\e fear of Turkish invasion, had operated to embolden 
eatly strengthen the cause of Luther. But now that the 
or had gained a complete victory in Italy, the Catholic 
reYived ita policy of repression; and at the Diet of Spires, 
J, a majority waa obtained for an edict virtually forbidding 
Ogr O B of the Reformation in the stales which had not 
Bd it, at the same time that liberty was given to the ad- 
I of the old confession in the reformed states to celebrate 
ItCd with freedom. It is impossible to describe here the 
Is by which a reversal of the national policy was tbuB 
rd. The decisive clrcumatanee was that Charles V., in 
tieDce of his sympathy with the spirit of Spanish Catholi- 
ntead of putting himself at the head of the great religious 
htiooal movement in Germany, chose to maintain the 
t union of the Empire with the Papacy, The protest 
't the proceeding of the Diet, which gave the name of 
a&tfi to the reforming party, aod the appeal to the Em- 
to a general or a German council, and to all impartiai 
m judgee, was signed by John, the Elector ot Sa^ou^, 



104 



THE REFORMATION 



Uie Margrave of Brandenburg, the Duke of Brunswick-Li 

burg, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Pnuct? of Aiihalt; to wht 
were united fourteen cities, aiuong which were Nureml 
Strasbuxg, and Conataace. 

The party of reform did not consider iteelf, bound by 
action of the Diet, not only because its ediot looked to com| 
aion in a matter that should be left to the eonseience, but 
because it overthrew a poliry which ha<l Ijeen solemnly 
liahed; a policy on the faith of which the princes and cities 
were favorable to Die evaiigehcal cause had proceeded in ahapi 
their religious polity and worship. The efforts made, egpeci* 
by the LandgruVf tif He*T*ie, Co eonibliie the supporters of 
Rp format ion In a defensive league, were tOiilled by tlie o(j] 
tion of Luther to measures that looked to a war with 
Emperor, and still more prevented from being successful by 
determined unwillingness to unite with the Swiss, on aeeoi 
of what he considered their heretical doctrine of the aacramt 
Lutber and his associate?! were inibus^ with a sense of tlie ol 
gation of the subject to the powers that be and with the sacL 
ness of the Empire, The course for the Christian to take, 
their judgment, was that of paeave obedience. They likcw 
deemed it an unlawful thing to join with errorists — with 
who rejeeteil [nuterial parts of Qiristian truth. However o| 
to criticism the position of the Snxon reformers was on both 
these points, it should not be forgotten that their general moti^ 
was the sublhnc disregard of mere expediency, which had 
acterized^ and, we may add, had emiobled their mov( 
every step. 

In this state of things, the Emperor^ flushed with 
met the representatives of the Empire in 1630, at the memc 
Diet of Augsburg, The inconvenience and danger of 
the Pope in captivity had caused Charles to wish for an qc( 
modation with him. The desire of Clement VII., a seU-seekii 
politician, to have Florence restored to his family, in eonnecti( 
with other less influential considerations, Inspired him mlh 
like feeling ; so that amity was reestablished. At the same ti 
the Peace of Cambray terminated for a time the conflict 
France, 'Hie Emperor was freed from the embarrasflmei 
which had hindered him from putting forth determined 
deavors to restore the unity of the Church. He had 




^ 



THE DIET OF AUG8BURQ 



(BxiWTied at Bologna, and was filled with a Bense of bis reapon- 

libility at the head of the Holy HomaJi Empire, the guardian 

ft Christianity and of the Church. He was surrounded by the 

Bpanifih nobilitry aa well aa by the prince and repreaentativea 

the Empire. The design was to perauade, and, if this should 

)ve impracticable, to overawe and coerce the Protestanta 

ito an abandonment of their cause. A faith and heroism less 

Fast would have yielded U> the tremendous pressure that 

brought to bear upon theni. It was not considered wise or 

fe for Luther to go to Augsburg. He was left behind in the 

itle of Coburg, within the linuta of the Elector's dominion, 

it he held frequent communication with the Saxon tfaeologiaiu 

rho attended the Elector. The celebrated Confeaaion, drawn 

by Melancthon, in a conciliatory spirit, but clearly defining 

efisential teneta of Protestantism — a creed which has ob- 

more currency and respect than any other Protestant 

rmbol — was read to the Assembly. Tlie reply, composed by 

icit and other Catholic theologians, by order of the Emperor, 

SA &bo presented. Then followed efforts at compromise, in 

lliich Melancthon bore a prominent part, and showed & willing- 

leea to concede everything but that which was deemed most 

Ital. These efforts fell to the ground. They could invent no 

Errmulas on which they could H.gree, upon the merit of works, 

enance, and the invocs-tion of aainta. TTie elaborate and able 

Kpology by Melancthon^ in defense of the Confession, was not 

beard, but was published by the author. It acquired a place 

■mong the Lutheran creeds. The majority of the Diet enjoined 

ne restoration of the old ecclesiastical institutions, sllowing the 

noteatanta ttme for reReciion until the ICth of November of 

Be following year; after which, it was imphed, coercion would 

k adopted. Nothing in the history of the Reformation is more 

iatbetic than the conduct of the Elector John at Augsburg, 

ivfao, in the full prospect of the ruin of every earthly interest, 

■Dd aot without the deepest sensibility from his attachment 

b Ihe Emperor and to the peace of the Empire^ nevertheless 

bolv^ to stand by "'the imperishable Word of God.'' The 

■U/ormers wen: willing to release him from all obligation to pro- 

lect them, to take whatever lot Providence might send upon 

IbeiD; but this true-hearted prince refused to compromise in the 

kwt hift aacred convictions.' 

I < JoUa like OoDVU&t >uccwd«d Kit bniUier. FTMSenck Uu Vfuft^\a YVlb. * 



106 



THE REFORMATION 



Tlie letters written by Luther tluring the seBsiona of the Diet 
eithibit in bold relief the nobleat and most attractive sides of 
hia character. The fine mingling of jeat and earneat, the grand 
elevation of his faith, hia serene, dauntless courage, and his brood 
eagaclty, are never more striking. He takes time to write a 
charraiug letter to his littie son.' To bis friends at Augsburg he 
sportively writ^ that in the flock of crows and rooka hurrying 
to and fro, and screaming in a thicket before his window, he finds 
another Dicti with ite dukea and lords, which quite resembles 
the Imperial assembly, "They care not for large lialls and pal- 
aces, for their ball is roofed by the beautiful, wi tie-spreading 
sky, its floor is simple turf, its tables are pretty green branches, 
and its walls are as wide as the world's end."* He will build 
there, in his seclusion, three tabernacles, one for the prophets, 
one for the Psallefj and another for Msop; for not only will 
he expound the Scriptures, he will translate ^sop, too, for the 
instruction of his Germans.' Wiy had Master Joachim twict 
written to him in Greek? He wouJd reply in Turkish, so tl»at 
Master Joachim might also read what he could not understand.' 
He sets a trap to decoy a fastidious musical critic into an approval 
of a piece which Luther had himself partly composed, but which 
he contrives to have pasaetl off as a perfomiaiiee at Augsburg^ 
to celebrate the entrance of Charles and Ferdinand.^ Suffering 
himself from prostration of strength and from a thuntlering ifi 
the head, which forced him to lay down his books for days, he 
enjoins Melancthon to observe the rules for the care of his "little 
body."* He exJiorts the anxious Philip to the exercise of greater 
faith. If Moses had resolved to know just how he was to escape 
from the army of Pharaoh, Israel would have been in KgjTJt 
to-day/ Let Philip cease to be rector mundi and let the Lord 
govern.' In bearing private griefs and afflictions, Phihp was 
the stronger, but the opposite is true, said Luther, of those whidi 
are of a public nature.* If we fall, he says^ Christ falls, and I 
prefer to fall with Christ than stand with Caesar," He rejoicea 

' De Wetto. W. 41. 

* Ibid., iv. 4, S, 13. Tbe Eettaf ia dated from "ihi: Diet at Giain-Peckerii' 
April 38, lG30r Writtnf; to SpEilalLa % fuv days after lEt fht; suue aUBUif kt 
nddii ; ^*Yfli it u in Btnoufinufl ond by cQEDpuLai^ta thai I j<?st, that I may rspel 
tbe r^HtiGDH which rush is upaa fue, if iadHd 1 nuy rspel theHL " Da WfttK 
iv, U. 

> lb<d^ Iv. Z. ■ Ibid, ' Ibid., p, &2, > Ibid., p, BS. 

' AU^ iT. I& * Dtid,, p, aa, ■ Ibid., p. 60. » Dnd., p. 03. 




LUTHER'S FAITH AND COURAGE 



107 



have livEd to have the Confesaion read before the Empire.' 
bids Mclancthon, if the cause is unjust, to ahandon it; hut 

it b« just, to ca^t uway hia fear^. He is fuli of that auhlime 
iDfidence which rang out in the most popular of his hymns, 
the Marseillaise of the Reformation" — 

*' En fester Bute ial iioder GoU" — 

hree hours in the day he spent in prayer.* He writea to the 
lector's anxious Chancellor: "J have lately seen two wondera, 
-first, a^ I looked out of the window, I saw the stars id the 
iftvena and the entire beautiful vault whioh God has raised; 
st the heavens fell not, and the vault atili stands hmi. Now 
Hne would be glad to find the pillars that sustain it, and prasp 
id feel them/' "The other was: I saw great thick clouds 
ingiiLg above ua with such weight, that they might Ije corn- 
ered to a great sea; and yet I saw no ground on which they 
»t<Ti and no vessel wherein they were contained; yet they 
d not fall upon ub, hut saluted ub with a harsh look and Hed 
pray. Aa they pass away, a rainbow shines forth on the ground 
sd on our roof."' "All thmgs," he wriU'H in anollifr place, 
are in the hands of God, who can cover the sky with clouds and 
ighten it again in a moment."' It is painful to him that God's 
^ord must be so silent at Augsburg; for tlic Pi'otci^tanis were 
Dl allowed to preaoh-* He bad a seltletl distrust of Campeggio 
od the other Italians: "where an Italian is good, he is most 
jod/' but to find such an one is a-s hard an (o find a lilack swan. 
t "went along with Melancthon in a willingneas to make con- 
nekins, provided the evangelical doctrine and freedom in preach- 

' Dc WetUjf p. 71. 

'Veil IDL«trich, vha vaa with him, wrot* fa M elfiriothon : "I n-Daol auffi- 
BiUy wdodpr ■( Ihia mui'n kdmirmblft BteadfBstncsB^ cheerful pnuTag;p, futS, vut 
apt, in ta iloLpful a limr». He nourinhes Uifse icmpcra, hovrev^r, by alu^iaiu. 
ninftBTupted mcditatioa of God'i Wor± Not a day |iuiuh trhpn hf dcm not 
pfsd tJxrw boiw. aaJ Uloqp beel flujted for Bludy, in prayer. Obfr I hnd tJie 
lod fortune to hev him pray. Oood God, whpt ft faith appeared in hia wortla I 
* prayed wtth tfljvh taveteuco CliAt one saw he noa lAlking wilh Gmi, And ytt 
4lfa •ofb faith and hop? that il &i-<<m^1 bs if ho wad talking ^ith a father and 
fitesd. *I launTH'lie Bnid, ' Uiat Tliovi art our Crod and Father. So J un certain 
IvH Witt bnag to ftharie 0\e ppn»uTon of lliy ohildren. If Thnit dont tt noT, 
te haiard u Thine u wdl aa oura. In IruLb, the wholt nulttr is Thine onn; 
■ bav* brcDonJy compelled to Jay LAitdei on it; Thou mayit I2ken guard,"* do. 

' Da Wctte, ir, I2fl. At an rarljer day, oB the occaalon of hit Inlervicv vlth 
i^cttJi, ia repJy Co the qiieatioa where be would ataad if the ElfcL^r should ool 
Ipport hirn. he aiuwered, "Uuter d^ru woiton Himmall" 

- Pe Wett*. lY. 166. • Jtnd^ p. ITR, 



]M TBE REFORMATION 

ing it were not sacrificed. He had no suspicion of PHUp, m 
Bome had. There were mftny ceremonies, which were triflea 
— ievicidfF — not worth disputing about. Yet it did not belong 
to the magistrate to dictate to the Church in theae points.' H« 
would go so far, though not without reluctance^ aa to aUov 
bishops to continue, but would pernjit no rtjbjecticm to tbe 
Papacy. But Luther had no belief in the possibility of a com- 
promise or reconciliation. There was a radical antagonism that 
could not be bridged over. There could be no agreement is 
doctrine; paUtir;al peace alone was to be aimed at and hopol 
for,* Hence he rejoiced when the perilous negotiations betwem 
the opposing committees of theologians were brought to aa 
end. 

There are several occurrences not yet noticed, which toolc 
place in the interval between the IMets of Worms and of Aup- 
burg. and wliicii sire of marked importance both in their bearing 
on the Reformation, and as illustrating the pergonal character 
of Luther. 

One of these events was his maniagSj in 1525, to Catharine 
von Bora. He resolved upon this measure, as we leam from 
himself, partly because he expected that Ids life would not coih 
tinue long, and he was determined to leave, in the most impr«- 
sive form, hm testimony against the Ronush law of celibacy. 
Another motive was a yearning for the happiness of domeBliil 
life, which his parents, who had enibraced the new faith, encour- 
aged. The scandal tliat his marriage cauHtrd, frfit among hi* 
own friends and then Uie world over, hardly fell short of that 
occadoned by the posting of his theses. The example of Lutho' 
was followed by many of his associates, which gave rise to the 
characteristic jest of Erasmus, that what had been called a 
tragedy seemed to be a comedy, at ft came out in a ntarriage, 
The marriage of an apostate monk with a runaway nun b^ 
tokened, in the view of the superstitious, the coming of .\nti- 
Christ aa the fruit of the unhallowed union. But it was one of 
those bold steps, characteristic of Luther, which, in the long 
run, proved of advantage to his cause. Tt gave hirn the soface 
of home, in the intense excitement and prodigious labors in vhidi 
he was irameraed for the rest of hia days. ITiere, with muac, 
and song, and frolics with his children, in the circle of his fri<^nJ*f 

> De Wotte, It. 210, lOfi. ■ ibid.. It. 110. 



LUIHER'S V£UEUEKC£ 109 

be poured out hii) hmnor And kindly feeling without stint, Eia 
(Averting letters to his wife — his "Miatrcas Kate," "Doetoreaa 
Luther," as be etyjcd her — and the tender expressjone of hia 
grief ttt the death of his children could ill be spared from the 
fecords of this deep-hearted man.' | 

Among these events are his controversies with King Kerry 
Vlll, and with Erasmus, From the outset it was evident that 
Luther must either give up his cause or contend for it against 
countiess adversaries. His polemical writingg are therefore 
quite numerous, and it t«howA the amplitude of his niiud that he 
did not allow himseir to be so far absorbed in this sort of work 
aa to neglect more positive labors, through his Bible, catechisms, 
BGrmoQd, tractfi, for the building up of the Church. He had Lo 
fi^t his own friends when they swerved from the truth, as did 
CarlstAdt, and also Agricola, wbo set up a fonii of Antinomian- 
ism. But his principal literary battles were with HeJiry VIII. 
and with Eraarnua, The intemperance of Luther's language haa 
been dnce, as it was then, a eubje^^t of frequent censure. It 
must be remembered^ however, wh&t a tempest of denunciation 
fell upon liim ; how he stood for »ll his life a mark for the piti- 
less hoatiUty of a great part of the world, IL must he remem- 
bo^, loo, that for a time he stood alone, and everything 
Uep^ided on hia constancy, determination, and dauntless aeal 
b the maintenance of his cause. Had he wavered, everything 
would have been lost. And mildness of language, he said, was 
i>ot his gifti he fmild not tread so softly ami lightly as Melanc- 
tion»' HLs convictions were too intense to admit of an expres- 
aon of them in any but the strongest language; in words that 
were blows. Moreover, he believed it to be a sound and wise 
policy to cast aside reserve and to speak out, in the most 
unsparing iTianner, the sentiments of hia soul. It was not a 
disease to be cured by a palliative.' The fonnidable enemy 
igainst which he was waging war, was rendered more arrogant 
md exacting by every act of deference shown him, and by every 

' 0«. foi pjLBiDpIe, Ihc lellcf (lo Sif. nauaniwnj. Auguot fi, IftMn iJter the 
feslb of hid dbiiKhli-r- Do Wtrtte, iii. AM. A complpf'^ aifounT cf Lulher** 
'*"TrfT*w chikriu1«- and rolfltiane ii gived by F- G- HafniKD, Kalhmtf^ti von Bora, 
^trl>r, Wa*riH LtilSrr oIm t^aO^ und Vatrr {l.a-pue. IMS}. Then it mUrh ttt In- 
iHMt aa the mvE& «iibJHl. in m qufttnl lilTle booV, H. Marttn Lvt^rr't ZntPtr- 
ivwui^m. v0a M Jt^unn NlHilanA Anlcn (Letpdc, 1804). 

' Lpiur lo Ihe EI«(or Jolin. EV Welte. \v. 17. 

' "Aiil eifio lirtprrandgin rat dc pace cl triiin|uinitoto tujid ffij but verbum 
»^iidui« «t." Latter to SptUtln fFrf>rUiirj', IfilKll. Db Wellt, \. A2fi- 



THE REFORMATION 

conceBsion. There was no middle cGurse to be pursued/ TTiwp 
must be either auirender, or open, uncompromising war. Be 
cddes, in his atudy of the Bible, he conceived himself to find & 
warrant for all liis hard language, in the course pursued by ths 
prophets, by Christ, and by Paul-' He felt that he stood face 
to face with the Hastte PhariKjiieal theology and etliics ihiit called 
forth the terrible denunciations recorded in the New Tpfttaniecl. 
If it was proper to call thii^ by their right names then, it waa 
proper now. He had been hampered at the beginning, he c-anie 
to tliinkj by a false hiunility, by a lingering reverence for an 
authority that deaerved ifo reverenci*. He regretted that at 
Worms he had not taken a different tone ; that he had said any- 
thing about retracting in ca^e he could be convinced of his error- 
He would cast all such qualificalione and cowardly scruples to 
the winds ; he would stand by what he knew to be truth, without 
any timid respect for it^ adversaries * These considerations arv 
not without weight. A man whose natural weapon Ls a battle 
ax muat not be rebuked for not handling a rapier. There is 
sometimes work to be done which the lighter and more graceful 
weapon coukl never accomplish. At the same time, with all 
Luther's tenderness uf feeling, witli his fine and ever poetic 
Bensibility, there was associated a vein of coarseness^ a plebeian 
vehemence in speech, which, when he was gowled by opposition, 
engendered ecurrihtyn 

The book of Henry VIIL was directed against Luther's work 
on the sacraments, "TTie Babylonian Captivity." ' It is marked 
by extreme haughtine,ss (ijward Luther, and Ls hardly less vitu- 
perative than the Reformer's famous reply. Luther was the 
hound who had brought up heresies anew out of hell; princes 
would combine to burn him and his books together. It was, 

' "Mdjd H&Ddd ut ikicht tin Mittf-llmodtlr der vtwu wdohmi oder nuta- 
Eften* oder uclt UntfrLBBsea eoti, wie ich Narr buhvr gethaii hmbc," Dc Wetm 
U. 214. 

' Hf sivm roOMona For biH voheniBiicfl ia a latter to Wfopqlaun link (Au|fufll 
Ifl, I53U), De Wotte, i, 47U. Among other thitiga he siva 1 "Video «iiro «, 
quifi DOntra Bieeitlo trHt^t^nlur, mox PDderH in oblivion^m. nemine pa cxinatr" 
He uys eluoirhere chat love »ni HeveTity ars compatible. De Wrtte, ii. ^13. 
8«, alaa. e>P 23Q, 243- 

■ Hellftcn ccnflur™ Luthrr for "benowing in bud Lftlia, " But il wm a crT 
with wbitrb nil Europe nhrw "from aide to aide.*' Bad he b«D e maa of OtB 
temporormukl of Uall&ni. where waald liftvo bcon the ICtfomLatiou T The Ewb- 
mianH oah Aeldofn eppTpptate, much l(«3 1oo3c vith compl&cpncy upon^ Luther- 

■ Ada^rfie ^^tfffm i^ficrDmfnlon4ni adivrmiM Marfin-um Lvlhrruiti (IGSI)- It"" 
published in nGcmun traiulalion in Walch'A ed. of Luthor'n Writiog*. 






LUTHER, H£NRY VIII., AND ERASMUS 111 

throught^ut, &D appeal to authority; Luther had audaciously 
presumed to set hiiueelf againftt popes and doctors without 
number. The impression of Henry e book itself wholly dcpeiided 
on the fact that its author sat on a throne. Luther probably 
Eue&nl Ui neutralize this inipreKKion by beniJring the purple of 
thifl reg&l disputant who had stepped fortb, with his crown on 
hiit head, intc the arena of theological debate, to win from the 
Pope, whom he obsequiouely flattered, the title of Defender 
of the Faith, Subsequently, when Henry was reputed to be 
favorable to the Protestant cause, fit the earnest solicitation 
of King Chrisfiaii U. of Denmark and of other friends, Luther 
wrote to the King a humble apology for the violence of hia lan-^| 
,— making no wilhdrawa], however, of any portion of hia 
In composing tikis apologetic letter he wafi carried 
away, he says, by the promptings of others, to do what of 
himself he would never have done. Yet, notwithstanding the 
iiageneroua reception and use of the letter by Henry, Luther did 
not regret that he had written it, as he did not regret the sending 
of a aimiiar epi&tle to Duke George. As far ae iiis own person 
was concerned, he said, he was willing to hmnble himself to a 
child; his doctrine he would not compromise. But such exi>^ 
ficBces confirmed him in the feeling, which he had entertained 
beforp, that humility was thrown away ; that here was a mortal 
conBict, in which genllo words were misinterpreted, and there- 
fore, wasted, and mio which it was worse than folly to enter 
wttb his hands tied. Under such circumstances, a man must 
nrither think of retrpAt nor of the possibility of placating the 
foe. It was natural that his experiences of controversy, in th^ 
Action on a temper naturally combative, should contribute to 
carr>' Luther far beyond the bounds of charity, ae weU as of 
avihty, in his treatment of the Sacrament ananSj the adherents 
of ZwiogU. Of this nmtt^r, where his intemperance was mora 
miPMThii^voLiN, we shall s|ieak in annlher place. | 

Aa tu Erasmus and the Saxon Reformers, there waa an ear-^i 
Qtiit Wish on both mdcs that he should not take part against ih&OL ^M 
Luther, and Melaticlhon still more, respected him as the patri- ^^ 
arch of letters, the resti^rer of [he langxiages, and the effective 
aotagoniat of fanatiriHrn and superstition. When Luther pub- 
lii^ipd hia work on the GalaHans, he regretted that Era^nniu 
|ad uolput forth & book on the same subject, wlua^ ^o\^^ 




THE REFORMATION 

rendered hia own unnecessary.' Erasmus, in turn, couM not 
but applaud the first movement of Lulher. His love of lit«n- 
ture, not less than his reli^ous predilections, would incline him 
strongly to the Lutherair aide. The Wittenberg theologi&DE 
were earnest champions of the cause of learning. But the caution 
of Erasmus was manifest from the beginning. He avoided the 
need of committing himself by professing to liis various coire- 
Bpondents that he had not read the books of Lutlier. He told 
the Elector of Saxony, in an interview at Cologne, shortly before 
the Diet of Worms, that the two great offenses of Luther were 
that he had touched the crown of the Pope and the bellies of 
the monks. The expresaiona of HympatKy with the Wittenbag 
movement that escaped him, notwithstanding hie prude-nee, or 
wbteh nwliPil the ear of the public through the unauthoriw(f 
publication of Mh letters, kept him busy in allaying the suspi- 
cions and anxieties of Catholic friends and patrons, But Lulher 
and Erasmus were utterly diverse from one another in character ; 
and "such unlikes," a^ Coleridge has said, "end in dislikes/' 
Erasmus, it has been remarked with truth, lacked depth and 
fervor of religious convictions. He was a typical Istitudinarian, 
in the cast of his mind.' HLs absorbing passion was for litera- 
ture. He could not conceive how any man of taste could prefer 
Augustine to Jerome, while Luther could not see how any mafi 
that loved the Gospel could fail to set Augustine, with his little 
Gre**k and less Hebrew, infinitely above Jerctme.' As tht^ con- 
flict which Luther had excited grew warm, attention was inevi- 
tably drawn away from the pursuit of letters and absorbed in 
theological inquiry and controversy; and this change Erasmus 
deplored. The heat which Luther manifested was repugnant to 
bin ULsle. The Reformer's vehemence and roughness became 
more and more offensive to lum.' Erasintis hated a conmiotion* 
and said himecif that he would sacrifice a part of the truth for 
the sake of peace, and that he was not of the stuff which martyrB 
are made of. He could be an Arian or a Pelagian, he said, j£ 

■ Dd Wettc. L 33a. 

■ II is Uie "modcralion*' of Erumtu that Iradn Gibbon {ch^ liv. o, 38) Id 
•ly; "EraaniiU amy be coTisidtrtd the fulher of utioDAl thcolrigy, Afl«T w 
dumber of an huailred yvara. il who revived bv the Annmlvna of HotUnd, Gm- 
tiuBn LimSordb^ uid L^ CIpfc , in England by Chillini^oTth, th^ laEitudia&nkiv 
of CHinbririgft (Biirnpl, Hitf nj hia r^m Timfi^ vnl 1. pp 'Jrtl-2*iS, Dcl&va edition). 
Tillat*on, riark^n Hf;*rilpy/' ^tt- 

' Db WetU, L 52. * atnun, Uinch nm HaUm, p. 4W. 





LUTHER AND ERASMUS 



113 



llio Church had so madr ita creed ; and yet» in his inmoat fae^i, 
uid apart from the feeling that he must be anchored somewhere, 
\th<^ authority of the Church counted for little. Being by lero- 
perament, by his personal relations, and by the effect of years, i 
Kid, we might add, on principle, a time-s*^rver, he found himself, 
iheing alao the most prominent man of the age, m an embarraaa- 
ing situation. He must stay in the Church, yet, if posrKiblc, , 
tiRend neither parly.' Luther saw tJirough him, and in a letter 
tbat was not meant to be uofriendly, he irntated the great | 
wholar by in^^tmg him to be a spectator of thp iiiHgnificent 
tragedy in which he was not fitted to be an actor.' ITie refusal 
HjErasmus to see Ulrich von Uutten when he visited Basel, and 
Rhe furious controversy that ensued between them, — for Eras- 
'iDUS was pruvoked into the use cf a style wbleb he veiy much 
(Irplored in Luther, an inconsistency which Luther did not 
Eiil to point out, — was the first decided step in the alienation 
pf the great scholar from tho evangehcal party. Then Erasmus 
at tength yielded to the persuafdons that had long been addressed 
1 10 him from the papal side, and took the field against Luther, 
I in a treatise on free will; in which the Refonner was assaulted 
on a subject where his extravagant language expowed hin^ to j 
m easy attack, and on which Erasmus could wTito with someM 
vannth of con\iction. Ho and his aasociatea preferred the I| 
iGrfc^ theology to that of Augustine, on this subject of the will, J 
More onee complained tliat Lnther "clung by tooth and riail to 1 
llip doctrine of Augustine." Theologians who explain difficult 1 1 
bee by referring to ^'origina! sin," Erasmus had once likened to 
'iBttologers who fall back on the stars. The moderation of the 
IpPTBooal references to Luther in tbe book of Erasmus did not 
trertnUD the former from the use of the severest style in his reply, 
Etaonufi, be thought, had taken his place under the banner of 
' the Pope ; he had come out on the semi-Pela^an side, from which I 
the whole system of salvation by merit was inseparable; and the 
lli^er his standing, the more unsparing must be the attack 
li^»n him. The rejoinder of Erasmus — the " Hyperaspiatea," 
'toe first part of which appeared in 1525, and the Micond in 1527 
--completed, if anything was wanted to complete, their mutual 
[ estrange ment. From that time Luther habitually spoke of him 

■ LtiUwr DoEns the "dnlFritv" of Erviiniu, IV Welt*, v 3M. J 

* tmOm to EnKDw (ApwU, iS24), Do WmlUt. U, 4fl6. i 



114 



THE HEFOHMATIOK 



as a disr^ipV of Liit'ian^ a iliscipte of Epicurus^ an pnpmy of all 

rpli^ons, esppmafly Ihp Christian, and fluiig at liim othfr appella- 
tions, whieh, if literally tinjust, somctiinps had the truth of a 
caricature, Fiimlly, a long letter of Luther to his friend, Nicho- 
las von Atnsdorf, in which the author undertook to maintaiD a 
charge of skepticism, as well as of frivolous WJty, Hgninst Eras- 
inusr by referencp to hia comments on Scripture, drew out a 
reply which is marked by all the refinement, ingenuity^ and irit 
for whicli Erasmus was deservedly famoua. From this time, 
his animosity against the Protestant cause went on increaang, 
Luther more than once eomplains that Erasmus c^uld make ibe 
sins and distresH of the Church a theme for jesting.' In ihe 
epistle to Amsdorf, he charges him with infuBing into the young 
a spirit at war with religious earncBlneBs.' 

■ n* Wette, i. Tfl. He hada fKiilt *ith Eraamiifl. "ii«im st thMlogm/^ fv 
Irratting BM^ruJ ibJn^ iu a jAiiJiig ivay, m & period ''n^ciJo^adma vt Jftborun," 
Ibid., 'i\. 508; LrlR^r to Nic, Ajiifdorf. LuUier. it wUl bo remember^, had Mt 
Ihubftljt rtrW of tilt Epi*tiiiir OtiKiiraT-iirji ViVomm. 

' ibid,, iv- 519. Tlic iciltnt of Lutlicr BVl lutlh tba rioe aud pri>|;re9 uX bb 
catnnCCDU^nl from Enuatu?. In n Iclter to Bp&latin (OcIoImt 10, Jfiie) he la- 
pman hifl diEBDht Frt»iti the idea of ErutoUH Ibnt, by ''vorke of the ]»v/' I^jI 
meftoi cproimnnioi vorlu Hlnoc, givo« hia own vipw of ju4lifii?bticb, ftud vitfut 
Spaldtin 111 try In alter (he vieVB of Enaniuii an thia point. Hv WTitm Ic Lv^ 
(Hamh I, l.*)!?), tiiat he refidii EnfioiUH — *'DaFtrum KrAAmum," he tty\r* tm 
— biit iliui ills vsteviu Tur iiim diiiuniQ^icA duiCy, that ErneniUA ejcpoaca veil the 
renDraJiCr of ftfirvia bud inunkot but dtjca tot dndL auOidtutly on Cbiiftt vtd tit 
grace of God : *'hu7iiaDe prjEvalrnt in eo plua quikm ^vina," He comes to tbii 
DonctujiiDn rcluatanU^, &ad is CBrt^ful not I-d ducto» it, m orrjcr Dot to ^vn (hiid to 
tbo Dneniien tind rivals bf EraBmuii- Lutli^r'e rtnsurF of ILd lenity of Eruma 
in rrtfprpnro to the ralamLtim of the Cburch u rrp||>i^ntJy <*:iprpflBed. ErajinlB 
(April 14, 1519) wrote to tlie Eleolor a ]etl**r, *n whifh hn pomplimpnted Liuher, 
In writbig to ^^paJulJii (Muy 22^ 1519>< Lutlier express** hi« gratiflctttion. On 
ihe 2Slb uF (be pr^-viouB ^^a^('lJ. Lullivr bad wrillen a rra|i<^irul lelu^r tf> Frvnioi 
huuoelr, ill which Kb tiJeuEd and service arc fully appnxiatcd , to wbidi Env- 
mua replied, in May, ia gr&ciQiL?, but □mutious tcrrxLH. £vcryUuiig showft ihat 
ErmAtnaa wu Favorpble to Luther, but did nol deom !l aikfc to brtr&y th« «4teDl 
ol hit Hympufby. Hiti potfitu:^! Lulber fiJTy undervtODtl, aji ia ahova in muy 
pAflSBgofl rtf hiH Ictli-rH. In s. letter tc Hpf.ogieT (Nnvpmh^T 17, LA^l) LufJieTTVOttTta 
Ihdt hR has private diaput-L-ii with Mi^luirthon on Oip ijiiF^rinn hov far rmo IhM 
right way Eiadojud JH — Melauvtbuu, of LVLiret. beni^ Uiorv favgiabte lo lb? gf^ 
UuinaniDt, In reference to the ikdvjcc of EraaEuua tljnt Luttier wokUd be Juan 
moderate, he writtw (to SpaljLtiu, September 9. 1621) tbtit Erjumus IddIu "sum 
ad omccDi, sod ad paeem": " mcmim mc, dum in prf fationc aim in Novm Tca~ 
taoieDluG:! iji> aq ipsa diferet : 'gloriaw Faoile oontemiut Cbristiiuiijs' — ia eoni' 
mea rof(i[ai«Li^ 'O £rump, faiEpn«i, timpo Mtgni rw est glnrium eonUmiief*-' " 
To SpahLfin (May 15^ 1522), he fthargefi Enunnua with betrayiug, "in sua Ep» 
tolaium fartn^Liic:, " hia cverrE^L hnaliLity In him and hin dnrinnPn and d«dliV 
that be prtrtra an open kn.- like Eirk lu a U'rcKerBaliuK prnwn. now fiirDdly aod 
now boetilr. To Cnaiiar Bbrficr {May 2S, 1522), Lie? wril4» that he it Kware ibkt 
ErMmii* disffCEita from him on prpdrfltmatjon, but that hr has r>o fpar of Erne 
mib's alQfjUciifle : "jrotenliar cat I'critae qua.m alor^ucntia, patJor npiritiu quau 
iogstuura, inmjce fidea i^uatu ciudLlia." To GicAolaJLipuli.UA (June 30, 1533) hi 





LUTHER AND ERASMUS 



115 



If w(* look below the occiclentfl of the controverey, and cAst 
le particulars in which Luihpr was ofu-n as incorrect, aa he 

uncharitable in his general efitimat^ of his Entagonist. we 
It coiicluile that Luther w*s HtUI in the right in hia judg- 
it respecting the reform of the ChurcK It could not come 
n literature. Erasmus could assail the outworks, such as 

follies of monkery, but the principles out of which these 
loxious practices ha<l grown, he would touch only eo far as 
^ulrj be done without flanger t-o himself and without dis- 
bancc. Luther hjul been himself a monk, not hke Eras- 
» for a brief time and through compuldonj but of choice, 
h a profound inward consecration. He had personally 
*d, with all sincerity and earnestness, the prevailing syettm 
relz^on, urill he discerned the wrong foundations on which 
ested. He saw [.hat the tree must hp luaile good lipforc the 
lacter of the fruit could be changed. And tlicre was still 
HaJity in the old system with which the weapooa of Erasmus 
■e (luite insufficient to cope. It is humiliating to eec him 
rkrting to the Pope's legale, and then to the Pope himself, 

leave to read the writings of Luther_ Tt is safe to affirm 
i the Era^mian school wculd eventually have been driven 
the wall by the monastic part;-, which sooner or later would 
'p combined its energies ; and that without the sterner battle 
j;^ by Luther, the literary reformers, with their lukewarm, 
livDcal position in relation to fundamental principles would 
Fc succumbed to the terrors of the Inquisition. There was 

ikft cf ibt covert boafilily of Snumud to the Lutheran dDctriae, and cbftrte- 
am him thu*: " l^inguui inlmduKil, vt a i&crilj^gm Bludiia rrvor^mvLl. Forlfl 
w riitn Mivp ia i^AVipfvtribLia Moah tnnrirtur : n&m Ad ini>ltDi-& Ntiidm Tili^hI 
SipLsCem pi^meU aoa ptuwhiX." In April, 1524. Lurher wroU a Irttrr to 
nnu>i in which hr mnka &u offrr of pi.'-afr, buL in b tiiaunci rw ouiidnKcDdiiiK 
«iitb ftucb pltis ubitr-Tviitiuus upun Ihr linLklaTiuii^ of f-rviniiiH u to r(rur»i:e 
dutuuQHDt, ihftt he fduIcI not fuE to be irrilalci] by il. In thia aa^lar 
l|#^ trfaieh wB* wU me&at but vciy ill cnlruJbtFd to product amity, Latlter 
WHH the with thftl hw frienris »ftulfl d«iflt frr>m Biouiling Eraamui ; na thay 
lid dn. it ia iidd«d» "if thpy conaid**red ymir imbwility Mirt wpifitiHl th* gremt- 
icf tb#C«IAe, nhiFh has long avanc pxt^eedcd Thr meodiu^F of >cur pow^n." He 
lolw with \ut coTtffijatidestt iji view uf the (ivat amount at eitmtiy ^hich 
tmm hmti EKcitnl B^ainvl liimsFtf, "bLqcc nierr humnn vjiiuc such A3 youni m 
AdcBl for aucb burdriu, " The reply of Ert^mu^H ihou^ digiufi»l !□ lont, 
■■ bow df^i-ly h? K-ftB alTfndtd Tn Sc-plFmber of ill? ■uni' yesr h*^ g^ve 
' Is Ike tiiipcrtuajtin of the oppfinents of Lultier ftod ivrtjip Hb book Db Lih- 
dHt^v; wht^h *■« foUDAed by an aeriinDniaui conlroveny, Frcm tbii 
I Lmtwr deaoLinmi him Kilhoul T?*fTve. He ralln Enuiniiii ihiit "mnAt 
I •oiaiAl'' (Dn Wetic ilL 98\ prvdictfl that hp vUl "fall batweflo two 
||_" (Atf>, 447) • aad cbaiBcLariKfi him In the maimEr ttalcd aba%'t. 



IW 



THE REFORMATION 



certain to be an aroused, implacable carncatnees on the papal 
aide: a like fipLnt was required in the cauee of reform. At the 
same time, justice to Erasmus requirE;s that be ebould be judged 
rather by his relation to the preceding age, tiian by compari- 
son with Luther/ The forerunner is not to be weighed by the 
Btandards of the era which he has helped to introduce. 

As we have touched on the personal traits of Luther as a 
cootroversialist, it is well to add here that of all men he may 
most easily be mierepresented, A man of imagination and 
feeling, with intense convictions that burned for utterance, he 
never took paina to measure his language. He put forth hi^ 
doctrine in startlinp^ paradoxical forme, out of which a cold- 
blooded critic, or artful polemic could easily make contradic- 
tions and absurdities. In this respect, be was as artless and 
careless as the writers of the Bible. Like Paul, and on the 
same groimds, he has been charged with favoring antinomJan 
laxneas and positive immorality. It is a charge which ema- 
nates from ignorance or malice- It is frequently made by plod- 
der.** who are incapable of interpreting the fervid utterances, 
of entering into the profound conceptions of a man of geoiufl, 
but are simply shocked by them.' 

One other event of which we have to speak here is the Peaa- 
ants' War. The prpaehiiig of Luther and his associates pro- 
duced inevitably a ferment, in which manifold tendencies to 
social disorder might easily acquire additional force. The dis- 
content of the nobles or knights with the princes sought lo 
ally itself with the new seal in behalf of a pure Gospel; bul 
this revolt was brought to an end by the defeat and death 
of Francis of Sickingen. The disaffection of the peasants, on 
account of the oppression under which they suffered, had long 
existed. It had led in several instances to open insurrcctloD. 
Ijong before the Reformation, there had been mingled with 
these political tendencies a religious element.' But their di»- 
content was fomented by the spread among them of the 
Lutheran doctrine of Christian liberty, from which they drew 
inferences in accord with their own aspirations, and by the 

» Straiua, Vhidi ivn H^iUm. p, 4S1. 

* Tbe Driticbnu of H&IIbjii upoa Luther, toErther with the rrronmufl ftUir 
lOBata of 8ir Williua Htoulton. htt thoroughlj uuirtred b]r Archii?«coii Hfef^ 
Vindiaiivn ef Lrtiher, eU. {Qd ^., ISU), 

* lUnkfe, i- il7. 





LUTBER AND THE PEASANTS' WAR 



117 



pul&T excitement which the Reformation Idndled. There was 
secular and religious mlo to the revolt. Heavier burdcne had 
teen laid upon the laboring claes by their lay and cccleBioetical 
tDBSters. The forcible repression of the evangelical doctrine 
iraa an added grievance. Their roll of complaints carries us 
onvard to the days of the French Revolution i nor ^an it be 
Eiueetioned that many of them called loudly for rcdrca'*^^ Luther 
ad much sympathy with them; he maintained that their 
pievanc«s should be removed; he ad\nsed mutual concessions; 
but he was inflexibly and on principle op[>osed to a resort to 
mnoB. He ha(l counseled Siekingen iind ITutten against it.' 
In general he set his face against every attempt to transfer the 
cause of reform from the arena of discusi^ion to the field of 
bftttle. What would beeomo of schools, of teaching, of preach- 
ing, he sjud, when once the sword was drawn? It Ls a part of 
hifl ileliberalP resolution to kerp the minds of men ujHjn the 
nuun questions in controvei^y, that there might be an intelligent, 
enlightened, free adoption of the trutli. The peawLnt^n he held, 
had no right to make an insurrection. He exerted hiniself in 
■irain %o persimde tliem Ui abst^n from it. Like the early 
Christians, he felt that it was a spiritual agency, and not force, 
that could ^ve to the truth a real victory. He wanted to keep 
the eaude of God clear of the entanglements of worldly prudence 
worldly power. Hence, when their great rebellion broke 
in 1524 arid 1525, he exhorted the princi^e to put it down 
will a strong hand- Tlie terms of this appea! seem ruthless. 
He saw. in the event of the success of the revolt, nothing but 
the dentruction of civil order and a wild reign of fanaticism.' 
The abolition of all e?dsting authority in Church and State, 
p(|Datity in rank and in property, were a part of the peasants' 
cmkL After tlie victory Luther urged the victorB to the ex-_ 
!rcuG of compa^flion, reminding them that it was not the hand 
DUO but God that had quieted the disorder. If the fact of 



> Oiufir, Caek. d. Zeiirdi. d. Erf., p, 103 bw| : lUnlre, DftitAcht Gaeh., i 134 
'I««MrtofiiHdaUii(Jrii]UBJTie. 1S3I>. Dc Wt1(«J, M3. 

*BH>k«. /M«Ai-Ok^ ,1 149. Wuldinvton (» 154 eeq.) »nd vtliFr wiitcn 

jft *li^ much aevriiLy fur Uio Jpniuiciatluu uf ihc pcfUAnU^ Biit 

end ihfel l)t»r'rt ««« B fmrfiil crisit, tP vliich the EoundatJGtia of 

■ pflril. TliD inBUrrHtioa ivu vpry formidAblD \a uumbcFf U)d 

Till t«in|>Gfiun«]t of Lutht^r, rt v^uld Aeem, wu cuch th^l wcr« 

nlikniy p*AlonaiP, nuthuirflt nf HIa fperin^ wnuld he tiktiy 



.1 



110 



THE REFORMATION 



4 



the revolt, evidently occasioned as it was, to some ext^it 
the Reformation, produced a temporary reaelion agains 
this effect was diminielied by the outspoken, strenuous op| 
tion which Lutlier had made to the ill-fated enterprise. 
Reformation is not reaponsibJe for the Peasants' War. 
would have taken place if the Protestant doctrines had 
beRn preached: and it was caused by inveterate- abuaef 
whicii the ecclesiastical princes in Germany, by their ext 
and tyranny, were chiefly accountable. 




CHAPTER V 

E GERMAN RBrORHATlON TO THE PEACE OP AUGSBUfiG, IS&i! 
ZWINGU AN1> THE SWIf!^ (gBKMAN) RRFDRMATION 

At the time when Luther was beginmng to attract the 
tt^DtioD of Europe, another reformatory movement, of & type 
mewhftt peculiar, was springing up on a more contracted 
ii-At*^r, Tlie Hwi?e Coiifeiltrat^y began in the Covenant of 
tree rural or "forest" CAiitona, in 1291^ which, by the accession 
1 other territoriea and city states, had become, in the time of 
be Refonnation, thirteen in number, connected by a Joose 
ond in a Diet of representatives. In the fifteenth eeotury, 
Swiss, whose military strength had been developed m their 
Dng &Dd victorious struggle for independence, and who bad done 
fluch to revolutionize the art of war by showing that infantry 
oight be more than a match for cavalry, were employed in large 
umbers, as mercenary soldtere, in Italy. The Pope and the 
reijch King were the chief *^om|jt'tilors in effects to secure 
iFse valuable auxibaries. The means by which this was ac- 
implislied were demoralizing in their influence upon the coun- 
y. Tlie fordgn pot^?ntate3 purcha^^ed, by bribes and pensions, 
le cotJperation of ihdiiential persons among the Swiss, and 
EUs corrupted the spirit of patriotism- Tlie patronage of ihe 
liurdi WM uaed in an unprincipled inaniier, for the furtlier- 
Ce of this worldly interest of the Pope. Ecclesiastical ilJs- 
pline wa^ sacrificed, preferments and indulgences lavishly 
, in order that the hardy peasantry might be enticed 
their homes lo fight Ms battles in the Italian peninaula. 
brought home from their campaigns vicious and lawless 
bita. At the same time, in consequence of what they wit- 
in Italy, much of their reverence for the rulers of the 
waa dispell ecj. The corrupt administration of the 
had a lilce eifect on their countrymen who remiuned 
home. Tlius there was a conibmation of a^<ii\e\^ft vA^tJO. 



120 THE REFORMATION 

Operated to debase the morals of the Swiss people, at the same 
time that their auperatitious awe for ecclesiastical superiors 
was vanishing. The influence of the literary culture of the age, 
also, mad*; iitj^M felt in Switaerlancl. High schools had spniDg i 
up in various cities. A circle of men who were intcrestcfi in 
claaaical literature and were gradually acquiring more enligh^ 
ened ideas in religion, had their eeoter lu Basel where Eraemuj 
took up hiti abode in 1516 and became their acknowledged 
head.' 

Ulrich ZwinglJ, the founder of Proteatantism in SwitzerlanJ. 
was bom on the let of January, 1484, close by Wildhaus, a suiall 
village in a picturesque situation on the mountains wliie-h over- 
look the valley of To^enbiirg. He wjis ojily a few weeb )t[ 
younger than Luther. The father of Zwingli was the priiinpal 
raogistrate of the to^vTi.^ Young Zwingli spent his boyhood ji" 
under teachers near home, until he was sent to sehoo! tirsl il ^]^ 
Basel, and then at Berne. Bright-minded and eager for kuowl- [^ 
edge, he was also early distinguished for big love of trufh, ^ 
which never teased to be one of the marked virtues of his t;har- il 
acter. Like Luther^ he had an extraordinary talent for music- «i 
He learned afterwards to play on various instruments. Amo!^ -^ 
his afisociat^ at the University of Viennaj where he was first ^ 
placed, was the famous Eck. There he took up the study ol U 
scholastic pliilosophy. At Basel, to which place he was trans- 
ferred, Capito and Leo Jvida, who were to Ije his confederal** 
in the work of reform, were among his fellow-students. Here 
his principal teacher was Thomas Wyttenbach, a man of liberal 
tendencies, as well as of devout character, who predicted tlif 
downfall of the .scholastic theology, and imparted impuLsps W 
hia pupils which eventually carried them beyond hig own positioOn 
Z^vingfi was a z(?alous student of the Latin classics^ and after he- 
coming at the age of twenty-two, a pastor at Glarus, he prose- 
cuted the reading of the Roman authors, partly for the trutJi 
which he loved to seek in thenij and partly tn make himself an 
orator. He entered, also, with diligence upon the study of Greek 
His sympathy with Humaniana was native and grew with advanc- 
ing years. Circumstances conspired to heighten his interest in 

■ There wBaa litcrvy public. See Raoke. DctUNh. Oach., a. 40, L4. 

* Sot ti^e nrcoiictt vf f^win^li's family in the pt^ccIEi:!]! bidfAphy oi S. C- Uon- 
kafvrj Ulrieh Zwini/ti naeh Jen uricundtiehen Qurlltm, 2 vols- (JB67), bid* aIh, a 
3. M^ Jjkokion'a valoAblv H^Jdnieh Zu/infli {1Q01>. 



ZWINGLI'8 EDOCATION 121 

Erafimus. He carefuJly copied with his own hand the epistles 
of Fftu) in the origioaJ^ that he might have them in a portable 
Tolume and commit them to memory. More and more he 
devoted himself t« the examination of the Bible and deferred 
to it« authority. He read the Fathers, aa couoaclore, not aa 
authoritative guides. He was deeply moved by happening to 
read a poem of Erasmus in which Jesua was depicted as com- 
plaining that men do not seeic all good of him^ their Saviour 
and Helper. Tliij^, as he said yeara later, led hini to ask him- 
»clf "why we look to any .creature to lend ua help." Seeking 
for " a touchstone of truth/' he said of the result that he ''came 
to rely on no single thing save that which came from the mouth 
of the Lord." Two cardinal principlc-s, which Luther reached 
by the power of personal experience, Zwingti arrived at on the 
path of Humanistic atudy^ — not involving at once a severance 
from Rome. He was obliged to lenve Glarus, oo account of 
his bold opposition to the system of pensions and of mercenary 
ice under the French. Zwingli was a thorough patriot 
his early boyhood. He llHteried by the hearthstone to 
tales of galiaot work done by his relatives and townsmen in the 
recent war against Charles of Burgundy. Aa he grew older he 
witiieeeed the deleterious effect of the French influencej to 
vhich we have adverted. He saw, moreover, the low condition 
of morals among the clergy, and became more alive to the de- 
plorable stat« of things from the bitter compunction which hia 
own compliance witli temptation in a single instance co^t 
him.^ At ^t he did not look upon military service which was 
rendered at the call of the Pope, the Head of the Church, with 
the Bune dif^apprulmtion which he felt in regard to the French, 
He even accompanied hia parishioners to war, and was present 
on the field of Marignano, He, moreover, thought it no wrong 
to receive a pension from the Pope, which was first given him 
for the purchase of books. But his public opposition at Glarua 
to the French party, which was strong there, obliged him to 
Ittve and to take up hi^ aboile at a smaller place, Einf*iedeln, 
where he look the office of paator and preacher in the Church 
the Virgo Eremitana™ Virgin of the Hermitage. This waa 

mmd Aiiagrv/ahUe Schritim d. Vatrr %. Befr^TuUr d. Rrf. Kirche. Chri*' 
ytkk Svin^i. Libcn u. AMtgewaftlU Sdtriftm, u 10. Opera Zwmgiiit 






I 



189 



THE REFORMATION 



III 1516- Juat berore this chaoge he made a visit to Basel to 
Bee Erasmus, by whom ht^ was most cordially received. In 
Jettera to one another each expressed his admiration of the 
other. When the line was drawn between the two great ec- 
cleaiastlca] parties, their intimacy was broken off. At Einsiedeln 
there was a cloister as well as a chureh, with a store of legends. 
It was the chief resort of pilgriina froiD all the adjacent region 
Indulgences were liberally bestowed, and an image of Mary, of 
peculiar .sanctity, attracted crowds of devotees- Zwingii, with- 
out directly assailing the worship of the Virgin^ preached to 
the throng of visitors the doctrine of saK'ation by Christ, and 
of his ijiercy and sufficiency as a Saviour, which had LePii irnire 
and more impressed on bis mind by the investigation of tlie 
Scriptures, The people felt that they were hearing new truth, 
and a Gtnking effect wae produced on many. He had now 
fully made up hie mind to go to the Word of God as the ulti- 
mate authority, in preference to the dogmas of ntexi. To m- 
dividualfl, to his friend Caplto and to Cardinal Sitten, he stated 
that he found in the Scriptures no foundation for the rule of 
the Papacy.^ He even said to Capito, in 1517, that he thought 
the Papacy must fall. In 151S be pr^ohcd against one Sam- 
son, wbo, like Tetzel, was a peddler of indulgenees, so that the 
traffic waM stopped in the Canton of SchweiU, and Sanison 
obliged to decamp. In 1519, owing very much to the influence 
of leading opponents of the French party, Zwingli was trans- 
ferred to the Cathedral Church of Zurich, then a city of about 
seven tliousand inhabitants. Here he carried out his purpode, 
which he announced at the outset, of expounding the Bible to 
his hearers, and of inculcating the truth which he found there. 
In this way, in aennons which WTre heard by a multitude with 
eager intereBt, he went through the Gospel of Matthew. He 
explained, alao, the epistles of Paul; and for fear that some 
would have less respect for Paul, as he was not one of the twelve, 
he showed the identity of Peter's doctrine by an exposition of 
bis ep'istles. He bad great power as a preacher: one of his 
hearers said that it seemed to him that Zwingli held him by the 
hair of hia head. When Samson appeared with his indulgences 
(In 1519), he again denounced him and his trade, and was sup- 
ported in hia nppusition by the Bisltop of Conslance, to whotn 





ZWINGLI'S THEOLOGIC PRINCIPLES 

BftinscHi had neglected to exhibit his credentials; 3o that the 
[fmr was denied permi^iou to vend his wares in Zurich, 
Zwicglj was a man of robust health, cheerful countenance ajid 
kindly manners, aO'able with all cJASsea; a man of indefat^ble 
industry, yet enjoying domestic life to the full — he was mar- 
ried in 1524 — and fond of spending an evening at the inn, in 
familiar conversalion with magistrates or leading citiiens, or 
with stranget» who hap|>pned to be present/ Upright^ humble 
before God, but fearless before men, devoted to the work of a 
preacher and pastor, but taking an active part in whatever 
concerned the well-being of his country^ Zwin^i acquired by 
degroos, though not without opposition and occasional exposure 
to extreme danger, a controUing influence in Zurich. A turning 
point in bb career wa:* the public Di^pututinn, whicii was held 
at hifi own request, under the aui?pices of the government of 
Zurich, on the 29th of January, ]fi33, in the great Council Hall, 
where he ba<l proposed to defend himself against all who ehoee 
to bring against hini eliargew of iieres-y_ He Itad really won 
the battle beforehand, in pen^uading the Council to take the 
part of judges, and, in the exercise of their aulhorilyj to have 
ail ijuestiona dcdded by reference to the Scriptures alone. In 
an open apace, in the midBt of an assembly of more than six 
hundred men, he sat by a fable, on which he had placed the 
Hebrew and Greek Scriptures and the Latin version. Ilia 
tnumphant maintenance of his op'mions against hia feeble ad- 
mdanTfi resulted in an injunction from the Council to persevere 
in preaching from the Scriptures alone, and a like command to 
all the clergy to teach nothing which the Scriptures do not 
warrant. In this conference he defended sixty-seven proposi- 
tions which were leveled against the system of tlie Roman 
Catholic Church. The authority of the Gospel is substituted 
for the authority of the Church; the Church is declared to be 
the communion of the faithful, who have no head but Christ; 
salvation is through fairh in Him as the only priest and inler- 
Mflsor; the Papacy and the mass, invocation of saints, justi- 
fication by works, fastd, festivals, pilgrimages, monastic orders 
aod the priesthood, auricular confeasion, absolution, indulgences, 

' "Scriii Bl jocca loucait el ludoa ; n&m kB£eiua mnaoBuny d on jucut^^Vi* 
nqjirv quuD dki punt, vnt. D^ui niuiucc* omoii giPtirli- iuiUitmeuU {K-rilt- 
lUcil ti pttntdt, UDD niiL uL laprajc kjIib iLli> ^-Titic^Vr ei mi^m vt jkL « ymr- 



i 



Uti THE REFOHMATJON 

penances, purgatory, and indeed all the characterietic peculiari- 
ties of the Roman Catholtc creed and cultuSf are rejected, JuHa- 
dictioa over the authorities of the Ghurch is claimed for the 
civil magistrates,' Again, in another disputation, before i 
much more numerous audience, on the 26th of October follow- 
ing, he obtained a decree of the Council against the use of images 
and the sacrifice of the maaa. After a severe contest, he es- 
tabUshcd the principle that the fa^te of the Church are optioiulr 
not obligatory. In all the changes of this sort, radical as some 
of them were^ extending even to the disuse of the organ in the 
minater, Zwingli proceeded temperately, with the same regard 
to weak consciences which Luther had shown, and taking care 
that everything should be done in an orderly manneri and bj 
public authority. Like Luther^ he found himself obhged to 
sustain a contest with Anabaptist enthusiasts. Zurich, sepa- 
rated from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Constance, became 
a CImrch, at the head of which were the magistrates, who were 
proper representatives, in Zwingli'a view, of the body of iht 
congregation (1524), 

In 1525 Zwingli published his principal work, the "Commen- 
tary on True and False Religion," which was dedicated to Frac- 
cis L; and, about the same tinte, a treatise on original m. 
In these and other writings he set forth his theological sjstcoi> 
This presented certain deviations at variance with Roman doc- 
trine, to which he had arrived in his own rejections and reading. 
Tn most points he coincides with the usual Protectant doclrinpT 
but, as will be explained, he departed farther from the olii 
system in his conception of the sacraments; he ascribed to them 
a lesa important function; and he considered original sic ^ 
disorder rather than a state involving guilt.' It is remarkable 
that Zwingh in his philosophy was a predestinarian of an ex- 
treme type, and anticipated Calvinism in avowing the ^up^ala|^' 
sarian tenet; in this particular, going beyond Auguetine. But 
he held that Christ has redeemed the entire race, which has 
been lost in Adam ; and that Infants, not only such as are un- 
baptized in Christian lands, but the offspring of the heatheo, 
also, are all saved. Moreover, he did not accept the prevailing 

^ Zwiucli, O^Kni, vli. HertuK. Ret^tncyd.. art. "Zwiogtl," Jtviii. 710. 

* Hia opLoion od UkLe aubjcct vaeShI somvnbat at ililTerenl times- Set ZvUtf' 
Dam Ihni. Sytt. Ztainglia darfftat^t (Abdruck %xa JfthTg- ISfiS, Tft^oL JaMh 
p. Si M^, 





ZWINQLI'S TUEOLOQIC FR1NC1PLE8 



126 



in the universal condemoation of the heathen. IT^e 
of Scripture which seem to assert this he regarded aa 
tended to upply only to such as hear the Gospel and willfully 
Ipject it- The divine election and the illmnination of the Spirit 
Ire not confined, he ihonght, within the circle of revealed re- 
EgloQ, or to thoae who receive the Word and sacraments. TTie 
^tues of heathen sages and heroes are due to divine grace. 
^y grace they were led to exercise faith in God. A Kocrates, 
be says, was mor^ pious and holy than all Dominicans and 
PraDciscan"*. On the catalogue of saints with the patriarchs 
^d prophets of the Old Testament he associates, besides 
Bocrates, the names of the Scipioe, Carnillua, the Catos, Nunia, 
i&ri^tides, Seneca. Pindar, even Theacua and Hercules.^ Itie 
kifiuence of Zwingh's Humamstic culture is obvious in this 
portion of his teaching, ''He had busied hiniself/' Huyy Nean- 
|Jer, " with the study of antiquityj for which lie had a predilection, 
^nd bad not the right criterion for distinguishing the ethical 
bt40diO|;-poiQt of ChristlaDily from that of the ancients/' * 
I F^m Zurich the Reformation spread. In Basel it had for a 
Wder (Ecolampadius, who had belonged to the school of Eras- 
mus, was an erudite scholar of mild temper, and in his general 
l4jne resembled Melancthon, In that city il gained the upper 
pacd in 1529. In Bemc it was efitablished after a great public 
disputation, at which Zwingli was present, in 1628. The same 
change took place in St. Gall and Schaffhausen. 

T\t]s eccledastical revolution was at the same time a political 
ooc- Tbere was a contest between the republican and refonu- 
iag party, on the one band, who were bent on purifyicg the 
■country from the effects of foreign influence, from the corruption 
of morals and of patriotism which had resulted from that sotirce, 
Btjd an oligarchy^ on the other, who clung to their pensions 
ind to the system of mercenary service with whii^h their power 
Was connected. The party of Zwingh were contending for a 

' ^idri KrpBwiHa, Oprra, iv. flfi- "\f»n fuil wir bonuB. nor erit mnu lurta 
Don ficMu ulm&, %b IpHo friututi exordio lUque ad 0JU9 (oiuUEniiiat&oikFtn. qutsat 
BM ■! iilhic cum Dvti viHUiua. '* 

* Diitmmgr*chich4c. ii. 2G2- On tbJa tuple Nnnder liu i«i-iltpn an k1>le dU- 
p^iMiii tfhrr dot Vtrhdilnua d. KfjU^nitchpn KfJtik ti^r Chr<Bliir.hfn . WLBBCUchfrfU^ 
*MtiiHhin^n, p. 140- It had not been uncommon far the alrkcteal Roman 
fafcoli» fa bAliws la th* uUvation of AriitoU«- Of Zviugll, HeaH Mikrtia nyi 
[ftriiiilrf d# Frana, nil. lAfi) : '^Gn p«ut caoud^rer I'fpuvrp de Zuin^lt mmniE 
t pin pulnanl effort qui £t« Uit pour unetlQer la RertuoAAiuia ti lunir 4 U 



I 



126 THE REFORMATION 

social and national reform on a religious foundaticm. They 

aimed to make the Gospel not only a sauroe of light and iifp to 
the individual, but a renovating power in the body politic, for 
effecting the reform of the social life and of the civil organia- 
tion of the country. 

We have now to consider the relation of the Lutheran and 
Zwinglian moveiTient« to one another. There were great differ- 
ences between the two leaders. Luther had, so to speak, li^xd 
into the system of the Latin Church to a degree that waa net 
true in the case of Zwingli, Out of profound apitation, throu^ 
long mental struggles, in which he de^wnded little on aid or 
direction from iibroad, Luther had come out of the old syfitem. 
It was a process of persfjnal exj)erierine with which his intellec- 
tual enlightenment kept pace. One truth, that of salvation by 
faith, in contrast with salvation by the merit of works, stood 
prominently before the eyes of Luther. The method of forgive- 
ne^is, of reconciliation with God, had been with hini, from his 
early youths the one engroseing problem. The relation of the 
individual to God had absorbed his thoi^hts and moved his 
senaibihties to the lowest depths. The renunciation of the 
authority of the Church was an act to which nothing would 
have driven hira but the force of his convictions respecting the 
central truth of juwtification by faith alone. TTie course d 
Zwingli's personal development had been different. Of cheer- 
ful tcnifjer and fond of his classics, he had felt no inclination to 
the monastic life. He came out of the Erasmian Bchooh The 
autliority of the Cliurch never had a very strong hold upon 
him, even before he explicitly questioned the validity of it. Afl 
he studied the Scriptures and felt their power, he easily gave 
to them the allegiance of his mind and heart. It cost him little 
inward effort to cast off whatever in the doctrinal or ecclcdas- 
lical system of the Latin Church appeared to him at variance 
with the Bible or with common sense. In the mind there ffafl 
no hard conflict with an established prejudice. It would be 
very unjust to deny to Zwingli religious earnestness; but the 
course of his inward life was such that, although he heartily 
accepted the principle of justification by faith, he had not the 
same vivid idea of its transcendent importance that Luthri 
had. Zwingli, a bold and independent student, took the Bible 
for hia charts and was deterred by no scruples of latent revcrenoft 







LUTHER AND ZWINOLI COMPARED 



rom abruptly discarding usages which the Bible did nnt sane- 
ion. Wliile Luther wa.s dispose*! to leave untouched what 
he Bible did not prohibit, Zwingli wa5 more inrliued to reject 
rhAt the Bible did not enjoin. ! CIcsely related to this difference 
Q penional character is the very important diversity in the 
lims of Ihc two reformers, Luther was practical, in one sense 
ff the terra; he sympathized with the homely feelings, as he 
fas master of the homely language, of the people. No man 
jiew better how to reach their henrta. He wm ix Gi*rman who 
as ioEfpired with a national aentiment, and indignantly resented 
e wrongs inflicted upon hie country. But his aim w as through- 
ut a dielinctly religious one. He drew a sharp line between 
le function which he euneeived to belong to him, as a preacher 
d theologian, and the sphere of political action^ Ahnorl.ierl 
the truth v^hich he considered the life and soul of IheGospel 
d intent upon propagating it, he had no special aptitude for 
e organization of the Church : much less did he meddle with 
e affairs of civil government, except in the character of a 
tnij^ter, lo enjoin obedience to esLablishetl authority. " ^wlugli's 
im and work were so diverse, his turn of mind and his cfrciim- 
cea being so different, that Luther and the other Saxon 
eolc^ians were slow in tmderstanding him and in doing jus- 
ir* to him.' Zwingli was a patriot and a social reformer. 
e salvation of hi^ country from niisgovernment and immoral* 
■ WEA an end, inseparablei in his mind, from the effort to bring 
.ividuab to the practical acceptance of the Gospel* ITie 
wias people must be lifted up from their degeneracy; and the 
tnunent of doing this was the truth of the Bible, to be ap- 
ilied not only to the individual in his personal relatifins to God, 
t also to correct abuses in the social and civil life of the nation, 
grew out of selfishnesa, and there was no cure for that 
vo in the Word of God. After Zwingli renounced the Pope's 
ion, and declined his flattering offer to make it larger, and 
ook hiB stand against foreign iofluencej come from what quar^ 
it might, which attained its ends at the cost of natiomi] 

* Ttiarv IB ui ciGBllwit easay bjr HundeahKgta, Znr Charai^Eriatik Vlrieti 
Mtfifi •• «!»« fUformatumiVtrkft urUer VergieKhutm mit Lt^fier nmf Caiiin^ 
Krilikn, IW2, 4- 
' Of hi* *1tAf]lc Upon tlie rryainn of prnraaOB, his triead Mjconiwi nyn : " fluAti 
I tunf damum docCnnjv ori-lMti IcQiira fultirum, uH («(ic uaIdfuhl etmtX 
IM ofDOiixiiL" — ViiM Zvfinffiii. Iv, 



I 



128 



THE BEFOHMATION 



corruption, he resembled in his position, in his mingled pi* 
trlotisni and piety, the old Hebrew prophets, "The Cardiju] 

of Sitten," he said, "with right wears a red hat and cloak i you 
have only to wring them and you will behold the blood of yoiir 
nearest kinemen dripping from theml" He would have Ao 
Swiss abstain from all these dishonorable, pernicious alliancea, 
The question of priurity as to time between Luther's move- 
ment and that of Zwingh ha^ often been discussed. Zwingti 
asserted with truth that his opinione concerning the authority 
of the Scriptures and the roethod of salvation were formed 
independently of the influence of Luther, It is true that, 
indefiendeiitly of Luther, Zwirigh, jlh early as 1518, preached 
against the sale of iniiulgences. But the expressions of Zwiogli 
on these topics were auch aa might be heard elsewhere from 
other good men. In this matter he had the support of the 
Bishop of Constance, and did not incur the displeasure of Leo 
X., who had, perhaps, learned moderation from the occurrejiMa 
in Saxony. The great point in Luther^s case was his coIUajoq 
with the authority of the Church, It is justly claimed for 
Luther that he broke the path in this momentous and perilous 
conflict. When Luther was put under the ban of the Church, 
Zwingli was still the recipient of a pension from the Pope. Wbai 
Luther at Worms, in the face of the German Empire, refused to 
submit to the authority of Pope or Council, Zwmgli bad not yet 
been eoriouely attacked. As late as 1523 he received a compli- 
mentary letter from Pope Adrian VI. ZwingU from the begin- 
ning was treatp<l with the utnmst forbeAraiice, from the conceni 
of the papal court for its political and selfl'di interests. Thf« 
circumstances involve nothing discreditable to Zwingli, when the 
whole history of his relations to the Papacy is understood, But 
they demonstrate that the distinction of sounding the trumpet 
of revolt against the Roman See belongs to the Saxon reformer. 
Luther^a voice, which was heard in every country of Europe, 
reached the valleys of Switzerland^ It was then that Zwingli 
was charged by his enemies ^ith bang a follower of Luther. 
This he denied, at the same time that he avowed hifi agree- 
ment with Luther in the great points of doctrine^ and cour^ 
geoualy spoke of him in terms of wann pr^se. But it was the 
noise of the battle which Luther was waging that Opened the 
eye6 of men to the real drift of Zwlngli's teachingp 





THE EUCHARI8T1C CONTROVERSY 



1S» 



Aa unhappy event for the cause of the Reformation wm 
the outbreaking of the great controversy between the Lutherans 
and the Swiss upon the Eucharist. In 1524^ At the verj^ time 
when the division of Germany into two hostile parties, Protes- 
tant and Catholic, was taking place, and an armed conflict was 
impending, the evangelical forces were weakened by this intes- 
tine conflict.' The docl.rine of trans uhstantiat ion is noL a doc- 
trine of the ancient Church. The view of Augastinei which was 
that a spiritual power is imparted to the bread and wine, analo- 
gous to the \irtue suppoaed to inhere in the baptismal water, 
long prevailed in the Latin Church, even after the more extreme 
Ofnnion hjwi been broached by John of Damascus and the Greek 
theologians. This is e%"ideat from the effect that was produced 
, Iriiea hteral transuhstantiation, or the converdou of the bread 
and wine into the body and blood of Christ, was advocated in 
the ninth century by Radbert^ the Abbot of Corvcy. This 
theory was opposed by his eont^m[)oraries, Rahmiius Maurus 
and by Rat.ramnus, who adhered to the views of Augustine, 
The bread and wine nourish the body, but the spintual power 
imparted to them — the spiritual body of Christ, of which thoy 
ve the sgn — is received by faith and nourishes the soul to an 
immortal life. In the eleventh century^ the view of Radberl 
had so far gaineii the ascendency that Berengar, who defended 
the more ancient theoo'i ^'^ condemned, although it was 
dumed that his opinion was favored by Kildebrand, Tran- 
■ri^Etantiation, the chanp;e of substance, was defended by the 
Hiding schoolmen of the thirteentli eeolury, and was made an 
H^cle of faith by the fourth Lateran Council, in 1215, under 
^Docent III. 

The Reformers, with one accord, denied this df^jna, together 

with the associated doctrine of the saciiJiGial character of the 

^kcharist. But in other respects tliey were not agreed among 

BbnseJves. Luther affirmed the actual, objeclive presence of 

the glorified body and blood of Christy in connection ftith the 

rbcAd aod wine, so that the body and blood, in some mysterious 

^tj, ar« received by the communicant whether he be a believer 

or WL It is the doctrine of two substances in the sacrament, 

or what is often styled eonsubstantiation. His doctrine in- 

eluded a bchef in the ubiquity of the human nature of the 

I ■ Ruk«, DmLt»eh. GmA> ii. M. 1 



2 



I 



130 



THE REFORMATION 



ascended Christ. Zwingli, on the contrary, bad come to CQnridei 
the Lord's Suppei as having principally a mnemonic ai^ficance, 
as a symbol of the atoning dealh of Christ and a token or pled^ 
^^ as a ring would be b pledge — of its continua] efficacy.' 
He is present to the confirm pi a Live faith of the communicant 
A middle view, which was that of Calvin, though suggesteij bj 
others before him, was that of a real but apirituai reception of 
Christ, by the believer alone, whereby there is implanted in 
the Boul the germ of a glorified body or form of being like thai 
of Christ, In this view the elements are the symbol, the pledge, 
or authenlJcation of the g['ace of God through the death of 
Chriflt, and at the same time to the believer, though to no other, 
Christ is himself mysterioualy and frpiritually imparted, as the 
power of a new life — the power of resurrection. From the 
human nature of Chri*ft, wliich 114 now exalted to Ijeaven, or from 
hiB desh, there enters into the sou! of the believer a life-^vicg 
influence, so that he is united in the most intimate union to the 
Saviour.^ 

The vehemence of Luther's hostility to the Zwinglian do^ 
trine is manifest in his correHpondence for a condderable periai 
after the rise of the controversy. There were no terms of oppro- 
brium too violent for him to apply at times to the tenet and 

^ Tbu id«H oi ■ tolcrfn or pledge, howevDr, he soob dfoppHl Honhofar, ft- 
107. 

' l^mhpr ilH not hnH tbiit the hpuvpinly body of Chriat. which ia offertd txA 
rocdved ia the nc^vjaeniH orcuirira Bpocu, Yvt i( \b rHelvod by nil who puula 
of Lhfl bre&d ami wiac — Dot a porliga of Uiq brjcly. but the enUiQ Chiisl by twb 
communiciirit. It in rcou^^cd, in aoiaa proper acube, vntb the mouth^ SoniptisiV 
ha uaoi ctobb vxpFesBuiDB on thia point. Scf^ for cXAmplc, the infltraotiona tff 
MdaDcthori for the confci-paoe with Bucar at Ciiasel : " Vod Lst flummB dia wir 
Mpinnng, liiuu wihrhaftig in nnd mit lii-ra EroJ tier Leib Chri"ti (ftisEcn "TFii, 
(Ubo rifUfl" ftllrfl, WHJ drfl Hrod wirtpt und lei^lM, lit^r Lfih Chriiili wirki^ iiM Ipid^, 
ilu er auagecJidll. etnagn, uaci mit den Za^m^n Kubbni-fi Wfnia." I>> Wi?ite^ If, 
£73. He Awertj th&t (be body of Chrut in Bubsttintialiler but nnl toailiOr — u 
cxicndcd or occiipyiug apwc — present. De Wettc, Lv- 573, ZwiaglJ, oo ibl 
CDTitrmry, cLanicd that tho body of Chiist ie prcaent, Ld &ay mtse, la thv oocn- 
mont. Thus ho writoa to Luther himflcJf (ApnL 1527: 2v^n§. Opero, viti, 80^: 
"NuDquHm cruni Aliud ablinobia, qmtm qand OiHiti Corpun qmita io 4t<bqb cruitiD 
In menlifaufl pinnim non klitor sit, qiiam sola cDDteniplatioaE " Zwitig^t aitdta* 
toUowEn werp more miid mor? 6ispfnei.\ to Altai>h tmportnnce 1o h gp^r^iua^ pri» 
flace of Christ !□ thvt amcmiDeat. ThiB CbIvIil eniphunB^d aod lidded th«i podtiTt 
kAHttloa of A direct infiupnce upou tht belii-viiig oouimunlcant. which flew* fno 
Christ through the medium or injitrumcntality vi biji humarj Euture- HIa flrdi 
mod blotji), though LocaLly acparaled, are really LmpartBd to the soul of tbv b*- 
GflVerr BB KH offoot of hia faith, by "the eocrot power of tbe Holy Spirit." /»■>{- 
tuUt. JV- ivii. 0« 10, 23^ An abEe hLafoncal diBcmiooa by Juliua Uiiller. antitltd 
Virrffltiehun^ dtr LtArfn Lutfurra find Catmru u^n- dm ft. AHtTidmaJU^ u la HuUnI 
Po^matiacKt Abfiandlun^en, pp. 404— 4rJ7 



TBE EUCHARJ8TIC CONTEOVEE8Y 



181 



the penona of the S&cramentariaQs. There wi?re llmea when' 
lor special reasons — chif^fly frorti the hope tJiat Ihey were 
coming over lo hie opinion — his hoetility was senably abated. 
But hU abhorrence of the Zi^iiiglian iloctrine never left him. 
"Hje re&fiODs that miplecl him inT,n what Btnick those who differed 
from him as an intolerant and uncharitable coiirae nf conduct il 
10 tot impoHflible to dieoovcr. The obnoxious thr^ory was first 
proposed by Carletadt, an enthuaaet and fanatic who had ^ven 
Luther infinite trouble, and it was defended by him througli 
A weak device of ex<»geMs, It was associated in Luther's ndnd 
with the extreme spiritualisn], or the subjective teiKlercy^ 
which undervalued and tended to sweep away the objective 
means of grace, the Word as well as the aacraments, and to 
etibetitute for them a fpeeial illumination or inspiration from 
the Spirit,' The Word and (he Saeraments LutJier had made 
(he criteria of the Church. On upholding them in (heir just 
place, everything that difltinguishcd his reform from enthu- 
saam or rationahsm depended. He ha<l never thought of for- 
d&king the dogmatic fiystem of Latin Christianity in its earlier 
and purer days^ and he looked with alarm on what struck him 
aa a viaonary or raEirmalie^tie innovation. Refiide.s, over and 
above all these considerations, the real objective presence of 
Christ in bis human nature, was a belief that had taken & deep 
hold of hia iDiaKinatJon and feelings. He had been tempted 
lo pve to the i^xt — "this is my body" — a looser, more 
fi^umtive meaning; hut the text, he declared, wan \tyo strong 
for him. He must take it just as it reads. The truth is that 
his r^hpoua feelings were intertwined with the literal interpre- 
tation, BeinfE immovably and on such grounds estabhshf^J in liis 
oinnioa, he would have no fellowship with such as rejected it. 
Iliry denied, as he considered, an article of the Christian faith, 

* IjifLfaai *M !□ Uifl liabil uf aE-iiciiiELlLiiDK tbtr Zmngliau u "echwAmiBr.'' 
Tldt m^am «t fir^ inappoflltc, wen u ■ Lrm of oppr^briuia. But Luth«r would 
Itrid !■** lo lh« ahiertirr Word and the abitefivf rtcrnmcbtM, Ab ths truth vtt 
m 4m Wocrf whnn t1 pnlrrvH the e»r pvph of ihs uqIwJLpi-i*^ ; ta it wu the Woid 
^God. hAwHVFT \i mifthl if rwoivKl; no wu ChrinI in Vhp mrnmpnUJ dprnpntA, 
tfeamw d]# h«[]rrrii nr Ipflingn of Ihe Te«lpltE( migbl b^. The mcrvTTiPDt wtt 
tfWTirlvnlly iJ th« chvurler oi Lhe reclfdenl. ncl Itsn than of Ihr 
ikv iiilnial«r. !( owed iCd coruplcrlmm tc I^ie divine iiulilutioD . 
y» of lh« vu^ fcJn lb* aauiPp whether they fftll lipofj (b* eye tbat can 
^C bllDiir Jd a word, Luther frit Btrodgly that tht ZitiDglLBOS mt- 
iU«h U ihp m]bjerli^^ Fbetor, to faith, and thuB Buirifii?«d the cr^ad 
ftM^ of Uif> nieani frf gr&c* — tiaiag by the ■acrmramt* irhftt (faft 
i by 1h# S^nptLim- 



188 



THE REFORMATION 



a precious fa^t of Christian experience, TTie union of the be- 
liever with Christ — the miio mystica — is a theme on which 
he h&a written more impressively, perhaps, than upoc any 
other topic of Chrietian doctrine/ Philosophical objections 
counted for nothing with Mm against the intuitions of the 
ethical or religious nature. He was profoundly sensible thftt 
the truths of religion transcend the liniiU of the underHtanding» 
DiMculties r^sed by the mere understaniling^ in however platu- 
ible form they might be presented, he considered to be reall]' 
superficial. Yet, in defending his own view he sometimes con- 
descended to fight with weapons of philosophy which be had 
drawn in earlier days from the tomes cf Ocuram. 

Of course the most urgent exertions would be made to heal 
a schjera that threatened to breed great disasters to the Protcfr 
taut cause. Not only was it a scandal of which the Romo 
CathoUc party would only be too happy to make an abimdant 
use, but it distracted the counsels and tnended to paralyze the 
physical strength of the ProtefitanI interest. The theolo^an 
who was moat industrious in the work of bringing abojt a union, 
waa Martin Bucer, who from his position at Strasburg wa£ well 
atuated with reference to both of the contending parties, and 
who was uncomEuoiily ingenious at framing coniproniises, or 
at devi^ng formulas sufficiently ambiguous to cover dissonant 
opinions. Rude and violent though Luther sometime? was» he 
was always utterly honest and outspoken, and for this rca^oo 
proved on some occasions unmanageable; and Zwingli, earnest 
as was his desire for peace, was too sincere arni self-resppetJog 
to hide his opinion under equivocal phraseology. At least, when 
it was openly attacked, he would as openly stand for its defense. 
Oie princes who were active in efforts to pacify the opposinj: 
* and bring them upon some common gi't^und, Philip, 
*^ve of Hesse, was the moat eonspicnoua. The most 
e attempt of tliJa sort was the eonfcrence at Marburg 
hftre the 8fti»5 theologians met Luther and Melancthon, 
r accommodated themscK'es to the views of the 
111 the subject of original dn, and on som^ other 
cUng wbici their orthodoxy had been questioned, 
xunt of difference was the Eucharist; but hers 



THE EUCHARISTIC CONTROVERSY 



nz 



tho difference proved irreconcilable. The Landgrave arrang^^d 
that private eonferenccs should iirst be held betftTen O^colani- 
padius and Luther, and between Melancthon and Zwingli; 
Zwiiigli and Luther being thus kept apart, BJid rath put bj the 
side of a theologian of mild and conciUatory temper. But the 
experiment was fruitless. No more couki an agreement be 
reached when all were assembled with the Landgrave and a 
select coinpauy (jf spectators. The theologians eat by a table, 
the Saxons on one side and the Swiss opposite them. Luther 
KTOtc with chalk on the table hia text — " hoc est me um corpus " 

— and refused lo budge an iota from the literal sense. But 
hia opponents would not admit the af^tual presence of the body 
of Christ in the sacrament, or that his body ie received by un- 
beUevers. The citations of Zwingli in answer to Luther's 
iteration of hia solitary proof-text were niuneroua and apposite 

— "1 am the true vine," etc. Finally, when it was e\ident that 
no common ground could be reached, Zwingli, with teare Lo hia 
eyes, offered tte hand of fraternal fellowship to Luther. But 
this Luther refused to take, not willing, says Ranke, to recogniee 
thejn as of the same coninunion- But more was meant by this 
Miual: Luther would regard the Swiss as friends, but such 
waft the influence of his dogmatic system over his feelings that 
he could not brinj^ himself to regard tl^em as Christian brethren. 
He said. "You have not the same spirit as ours." Luther and 
Melancllion at this time appear to have supposed that agree- 
ment in every article of belief is the import and necessary con- 
dition of Christian fellowahip. Both particii engaged to be 
friendly to one another, and to abstain from irritating and 
abusive language, which had been a source of offense to both 
in llw* debfttfft. They ilined together in a fripndly spirit with 
Um* Landgrave in the castle. They signed in common fourteen 
Vljclee of faith relating to the great points of Christian doctrine, 
lod promided to exercise toward one another all the charity 
vrtiich is conrdstent with a good conscience,' Luther in his 

niey homeward w^as east clown In spirit, and hiniself — as 

iiif^i had done — Fihed teara. In his heart there was a foun- 

of t«idcme3B that waa never wholly dry. There was a 

le time during which tke sentiments and language 



Intonttiips delaiU of Itie ConFrrrnna mav tv rrul ia Simpeou'B Lift ef 
H. p. ISB H<), , mho, iq JitckMO, Ituidnkk Zviin^i, p. 306 Kr\, U^Vk> 



1B4 



THE REFORMATION 



of Luther in relatjon to tbn Ssenimentanans were greatly sofl- 
cued. In ptirlifulur was this l.lie t^ase while he was al Cotmrg 
during the s**sMioiifi of tlie Diet of Augsburg. The imperii] 
cities of iSouthcrn Germany, by the agency of the indefatigable 
Bucer, although they sympathized ^ith the Zwii^glian doctritier 
were admitted to the league of Smalcald, In 1536 the mort 
distinguished Uieologians of Upper Germany joine<! Luther and 
hts FoUowera iu Rubacribing to the Wittenberg Concord, which 
expreeaed, with slight reaervalions, the Lutheran view. But 
the Swiss adherents of ZwlngU refused to sanction thie Creed' 
In 1543 the publication of Zwingli^s ^Mitings by his aon-in-law, 
Gualler, with an apologetic essay from his pen, once mott 
roused thp ire of Luther, and he began again t^j denounce thf 
Zwinglians and their doctrine in the former vituperative strain.' 
We now turn to the catastrophe of the SwisA Reformfilioa 
There was a growing hostility between the five mountain can- 
tons that remained Catholic and the citiefl in which Prol^tant- 

^ It JA uHrt#d thftt Uift body Lad blood of Christ ■» Irulf prflAerit. smi offltftd 
in thfl flurampnl, and kre mcived even by the "unwarrhy ." hupcr dariimiishMl 
between ihc "unworthy" and "godtess." On tlila &£rEeiiient see Che utieli\ 
"WitlflnlwiKPr Cnncoriiie," in llerHog's tifnl-Encjid.. luid Qias^c. ill- iv, 1^ f 7. 

' Thi^ Htoiy tliM Luther, oliarUy before Jiio dmth, mknaHlntcnl to tAciaiie- 
thon tkiat he hnti gotic too far in the Bbcramnntol oontrovcny, ia ^vcei, for 
eiikntplo, by ChrutafTo], L 331. It ifl fr fiction : sea Galle, VfrvucA tinrr CAonK^H^ 
wlik fitflinpthnrut ais Thefftn^m. ifV.. p. 433. Luthflf ftod U^IaqgUidii dvpvttilvl 
very much for th^ir informatJari on S«i« allAirH Jipon Irax-elpn and AtDdenU, ind 
hfcd «n impprfpof mnr^ptinn of the re«l rhiuTif tw of ZwingH'R iwrvicee lo t^Jonn. 
Neitber of the dJspulanXe Ht Marhur^ fully grupcd the ijpiuioir of the other- Tbi 
Spwlnghftiifl of[-eiL imdrratDod Luther Uj bold to n IockJ pns^nce. nhrreu tbfl 
Lutheran doctrinT' mta upon the idea of b HpirilUBtiiLn^ of the humui nsturv fl( 
Christ, d( bji cfTint wrought upon H bv ita tcladon to Divioitv, My tliAt it no Lon|tf 
fiUs BpacD or is fi^tlrrcd by epKlL&L rotAtioru. Tho fl(Ht4> of Luther^ hflth, iM 
thv pArtieiilftr piFc^iiTniiEiin'^Mi under which hp tBToCv, hffe?tfd hii ton* rtapitftiBC 
Zwincli' ThfTn wm ncfrt&in bhirtnpwi in ZwingU which wu olTsmnvp to [^Iho', 
■nd wan inlerpTVlnl by him bb peraonid diflreepccL ZwingU'd letter to Luthur 
tApril, 1*27 ; Ziti'isfl. Opcrn. vili, 39). howt^'cr It may limvp be<?ii pruvolipd. ■■* 
Adapted to irritaK tito S»oa reforoier. Ilef^rnng to it. Luthtrr B{Kaks of tbc 
*'Hdvetia(h f erocia ' ' of hia opponent (to Sp^utin, Mny 31. 1527 ; De Wett*, lii- 
Jfi2). Iu ■ Iptt^ to RullLngor (Mcy 14, 1538; Dc Wotlc, v, 3), he tpvaka kiodlj 
of Zwingli : "Lihi^nt pnim dicam; ZwingEiiuD, poflt'^ufi.ra Marpurgl mihi vibui H 
Audiliifl Psl, virum nplimtim fiwe judip*vi, fliput rt [T>flliinipiuliuiii, *' rte. K* 
■peaks of the grief h*- had i>npeiripncpd *l Zwingll'a drftlh, Bult when hte dls- 
pIcMure wu flKcited, lie wrote in a rtilTfrenl aplriL. 8cf, for e^tmmple. a leller lo 
Weno. Link (Jtauary 3, 1532, De Wcttp, iv. 331). But ZwingU, in the Fidei 
RaiirT. — the creed which he prcBcnted ab Aujpiburg, — bad dcacribed Luthort 
opifxioo Afl the t«n<*t of tboH '*who look b»ck to the fleah-pola of E^pt": "Q^ii 
tdoUfti J^!^yptiHc»fl rHpfvIjtQi ^' — an Afpenian aa UDJiut aa it wu irriUt^ 
(Rat. Fid.. 8). Luther^ lat^it ebullition, occaaionvf by thft iqt«]ligpn» thai Um 
Swim wflre dpnnuQeinf hira, ia in ft letter to Jao- Probflt (JBOUUy 17, IMe; Pi 





DEATH OP ZW1NQLI 

igin had been eatablisheJ. The Protpstant CEuae was making 
process in other parts of Switzerland. The Catholic cantons 
entered into a league with Ferdinand of Austria. Protestant 
preaehers who fcil into the hands of the Catholica were put to 
death. The new doctrine was suppressed within their limite. 
Tlie districts that belonged m common to the several cantons 
funufihcd the occasion for bitter controvprpiy. At length Zurich 
took up arms, and without bloodshed forced the five cantona 
lo tear up the compact with Aufltria, to concede that each gov- 
ernment fihould be free to decide for itself upon the religious 
question, and to pay the costs of the projected war. Peace was 
concludeit when both parties were in the field, face lo face. Tlie 
behavior of the five cantons, howeAer, was not improved, Tlieir 
threatening attitude led Zurich to fomi alliances with the city 
of Strafiburg and the Landgrave of HeS6c> The force of the 
Protestants, apart from foreign heJp, was greater than that of 
tlieir flfiversaries. Zwingli recommended bold nieaaurea. He 
thought that the constitution of the Swiss Confetleracy should 
be changed, &o that the preponderance might be given to the 
cities where it justly belonged, and taken from the mGuntain 
diftjicts which had so shamefully misused their power. The 
chief demands that were really made, were that the Protestant 
doctrine, which was profeswetl in the lf.»wer cantons, should be 
tolerated in the upper, and that persecution should cease there. 
But the question was whether even these demands would be 
enforced. Zwingli with reason distrusted the pledgee of the 
Catholie cantoris, and was in favor of overpowering the enemy 
by a direct altack> and of extorting from Ihem just- concessions, 
But he was overruled, and half-measures were resorted to. The 
uttf fupt viaa made to coerce the Catholic cantons by non-intcr- 
cour^e, ihjs cutting oflf their supplies. The effect was thai the 
Catholics were enabled to collect their strength, while the 
IVrf.i^lrtnt ritiesi were divided by jealousies ami by disagrf.'enipnt i 
u U? what might be the best policy to adopt, Zurich was left ' 
vithout help to confront, with ha.^ty and inadequate prepara- , 
lion, tbe combined strength of the Catholic party. The Zurich 
force was defeated at Cappel, on the llth of October, 1531, J 
uid Kwingli, who had gone fortlj us a chaplain with bis people ^| 
to b«ttle, feth He had anticipated defeat from the time when 
his couoBda were disregarded, and he had found it impoBflibk 



186 



THE REFORMATION 



to bring the magistrate of Berne to a resolution to act wili 
decision. In the Ihtck of the tight, he raised his voice to en- 
courage his companions, but made no use of his weapons.^ Aa 
he received his niorial woundj he exclainaed: "What evil ig 
this? they can kiU the body, but not the soul!" ' As he lay, 
fitill breathing, on the field, but with his hands folded and hiB 
eyes directed to heaven, one or more brutal soldiers asked lua 
to eonfeaa to a prieat, or to call on Mary and the saints. He 
shook his heail in token of refusal. They knew not to wham 
they were speaking, but only that he was a heretic, and with « 
single swonl-lljriL'^t put an eml Ui Ins life.* NoLwiUi&laiidiDg 
this defeat, the party of the reformed might have retrieved their 
cause. But they lacked union miri onorgy. Zurich and Berne 
concluded a humiliating peace, L)ie tifect of w'hich was to infliet 
a serious check upon the Protestant interest and to enable the 
Catholics to reposHCss tlienii*elves uf poi'tious of the ground 
which they had lost* 



The menace addressed by the Catholic majority at the Kel 
of Augsbui^g to the Protestants led to the formation of ihe 
Protestant Dt^fetihive Leagup of Smalndil, to which the fimr 
imperial cities of South Germany that held the Zwiuglian opin- 
ionSf but were now disconnected from the confederacy of tlieir 
Swiss brethren, were aiirailled in i53L The Imperial Chamhtr 
hud been purged by the exclusion of all who were supposed 10 
sympathize with the new opinions. This tribunal was to be 
m&de the instrument of a legal persecution. The Emperor 
procured the election of his brother as Roman King, in a raanEcr 
which involved a violation of the rights of the Electcre, and was 
adapted to exeite the apprehensions of the Protestants.* The 
Wittenl>erg thedt^ians wnlved their uppcwilion to the project 
of withstanding the Emperor. Luther took the ground that^ 
while as Christiana, they ought not to resort to force, yet Ihf 
rights and duties of the princce in reference to the Emperor were 
a political question for jiuists to determine, and that Christians, 

■ HorileoFor, il. 417, ' Uyoonliu, xu. 

' Tht df-ftth cf Zwioj^li ia fteoorib^ vHh toufliing Gimpiitiity by ttiw cui 
1.1 Zuhcb, BuUcngcr EiformnrumBgenrliirhff (Zui-icli vd , IS^IH), lii, I'SfSr 

* RftDkv. iii, 220 m^q. The "Kin^i; nf the noin&n4 ' wan rhfl litle of th? W> 
i-f.-vivr uf lUf Emfii^ror diiiiiiK (he lifi^timif ejT llm laLltr. ariil of the latter pciaf 
kf itia ootatmt'iGD at Ruiub, Sc« Qryce, Jfi^v /Ionian Bmpire, p. 404. 



FROTESiTANT AND CATHOUC LEAGUES 



137 



&5 members of the state, were bound to take up anna in defense 
of Iheir princes, when these are unlawfully assaulted. The 
political situation for ten years after the Diet of Augsburg was 
such as not only to disable Charles from the forcible execution 
of its decree, but also such iis to favor the progress of the Refor- 
mation. He League of Smalcald, strengthened by a tem- 
poT^ry alliance with ihe Dukes of Bavaria and by treaties with 
France and Denmark, was too formidable to be attacked. The 
irruption of the Turks under Soliman was another insuperable 
obstacle in the way of the repressive policy. Hence, in 1532, 
"the peace of Nuremberg" provided that religious affairs 
ihould be [eft unchanged, until they could be adjusted by a 
new Diet, or by a new Council Such a Council the Protestanta 
had demanded at Augeburg and Charles bad promised to pro- 
Not withstanding the disturbance produced by the Ana- 
kptist communisls at Miinster, the Refonnation advanced 
with rapid strides. The Protestant Duke of Wiirtemberg waa 
ibiished in his possessions by the Landgrave of Hesse, in 
Brandenburg and ducal Saxony, by the death of the 
BecMir and of the Duke, became Protestant. Catholic princes 
were Ijfginning to grant religious liberty to their subjects. The 
irw with Francp, which broke out in 1536^ rendered it impo«- 
ftble for the Emperor to hinder this progress. TTie Sinalcald 
L«Bgu« was extended by the accession of more princes and 
dties. The Protestants refused to comply with the summons 
to a Council, in which, by the terms of the invitation, their 
condemnation wa-'H a foregone coiiclusion. Alarmed at the 
growing strength of Protestantism, the leading Catholic estates 
united in a Holy League at Nuremberg, in 153S, which, like 
League of Smalcald, was ostensibly for defense.^ The next 

l^ie CHBe of the RofoinutJDn wka wakrnpd by tha diacotd qf PrDtnt&nt 
qpecuJly o! the EJeetor ktkI Duke Maunce- U suficrcd atiU mere id 
iVaiLcfl of (hr "disparuatiDn" which Luthi-r kdiI Mflaii'^lhon granted the 
l^ndffnn of H«*t«, ■rht^h kUcw^d bin to eontmct » accund (Bftrnigc without 
ItIm ^voKCd fiT>m nil nif#, who lifid beDoine r^pugnftnl lo bun on Hrraunt of 
lar whSUit Uiwitd'^pt txtA penonH hahitH To thiH plan Mr wlFa fciTut^nt^ At 
Ihry tfimBHJ lu llw tu^lher, the eciufviPiai^H uf Philip vu nuiTJHl by hln yivtiliriK 
IV ^nfifJ tempLadoEL Both Lkilhrr aaJ McIikEiolhon Lull held that polyEnmy 
•«» aol Btsfolutely — *-ilh nu rxtrptiijii — (orbuMen hi the New TfsliunenL 
Th^y ■j^iia i1. mud Bucer with them canauired, Under the cin:miiathii4c» in itpprov- 
1^ «f tha •oecDd r&Arriace of tli« Luidgrfrvo without » tUvorce^ It must b« 
^■■fod H un axtnpiiaa to Ih* rule and kept k «0er«t. Luther regarded hia r«]m- 
tt« Id Uw fkcl Bd the tftme ui IhnE of k print In the conrFtiaioni.lH bound not to 
rtwt he l^kroa iberc. Fhillp. Le held, wu uuder ma equal oblicaliaa 



J 




138 



THE REFORMATION 



tliree yetirs are triBrVptl by efforta to secure peace, of which th< 
Conference and Diet of Ratisbon, in 1541, ia the moat remark- i 
able. On this occasion the Pope was represented by his L^^te, 
Contarini, who held a view of justification not disaimiiar to that I 
of the Protestants, and was ready to meet Melancthon half- 
way on the path of concession. In these negolialioos an aetual i 
agreement was attained in the statement of four doctrinal ^ 
points, which embraced the aubjecta of the nature of man, 
original sin, redcmptioiir and justification ; but upon the Church, 
aucraments, and kindred topics, it waa found that no concord 
was attainable. Tlie King of France, from the selfish pm-pose 
to thwart the effort for union, with others on the Catholic sldf 
who were actuated bv different motives, complained of the con- 
ccflsicna that had been made by the Catholic party; and Con- 
tarini was checked by orders from the Pope, The Elector of 
Susony wfl5 e<qually dissatisfied with the proceedings of Me- ' 
lancthon, and together with Luther, who regarded the hope of i 
a compromiee aa wholly futile, and as inspired by Satan, waa 
gratified when the abortive conference wai- brought to an end. 
The necessity of getting help at once agaii^t the Turks com- 
pelled Charlos once more to sanction the peace of Nm^mberg 
with ailditional provisions to the a<ivantage of the Protestant**. 
His unsuccessful expedition against Algiers, in 1541, and the 
renewed war with France, together with the Turkish war in 
which hia brother Ferdinand was involveil, obliged the latter, 
at a Diet at Spires in 1542, to grant a continuance of the reU- 
gious peace. TTie imperial declaration at Ratisbon was ratified 
by the Diet of 8pire.% held in 1544. The prospects of the Prot- 
Adt^nt cause bad been bright. For a time it seemed probable 

ta ilbeloae Lh» Tftct. MugHivl vthaat hv tnarriivi vu hii *'w|fp bffore Ood uul 
lHifiM« Ih* trufld." LuUirr ditE ncit vlopi ihp "icjEiLtal t^i^rvntioij " IheoFj 
a d«AUiaba< ur tlit tJ;(urv at '^wnia}" 710.1. Thm "Jvuhlv marTUfe" 
^^^ IbcJi Uiwn the rcrurmerv And carried »atli it poUUcal oobaequ«ia«> 

^^^H *Bim. Utlaoathon hinaBcIf, after ihe aefrct DuplLAlst wkb ■ pn^ 

^^^1 *% Wvtmkr, wu altArlLsd with iJloi.'sfl «o severe tli^t Kia recovery 

^^^V ^ afi«fYtti« lympathy, Sf9 HMokm^ iv. ISA seq. Unfounded 

^^H 'tbir In CAnnw-^icin vi^h thu unhkpp/ ev^nt, by Prat««tVtt 

^^H ^'Ki^ — fnr piunpl«. that he vu attOHiHJ hy ■ >«lAmh i^^*^ 

^^H Protcatattt party ; that he wu fn i^vat of palyeamr. eU., 

^^H I, Vmdieiilinn of Luth^, pto,, p. 22ft seq. Tli« tr^nsKtiaQ 

^^1 Lf-Etdorf, ]ii. Bwl, 21, IxxiK, 8w, aJ». Euinnicl. Pk3i^ 0. 

^^H w- m&- FuU flt4l4!iitFiilji of Ulc hialQiiral (tcts ar« givca 

^^^H fH«k £Ui vcA.', drrrmjiond^ntt oj PhUip uiM 3uPrr; and 



LAST DAYS OF LUTHER 



199 



|^^«Q<JanttAy would adopt the new Taith. But the League of 
PHiHlfil*4ns grievously weakened by iDtemal dteseosion. Tlie 
Icnties compbiined of arbilrary proceedings of the Elector of 
iBaxofty and the Landgrave of Hesse ; for examplp^ in the e^- 
ipuision of the Dukp of Brunflwick from hia land, a measure that 
[brought them into conflict with the imperial court. But the 
fatal event was the hostility of Maurice^ Duke of Saxony, to 
the Elector, whicli rested on various grouMcis, and which bad 
ce be/ore hranght them to the verge of war; and the ahaudon- 
jkoent of the League by Maurice, in 1542. He had married the 
daughter of Philip of Heese, but he wanted to enlarge his terri- 
^toiy, and he coveted the title and rank of his neighbor and 
n. His interest in the Lutheran cause was mure than 
ced by his hope of advEmtage fronj the frien(L*hip of Charles. 
Elector of Brandenburg h;id not joined the League, and 
Vila followed in this course by the old Elector Palatine, who 
adopted the Reformation in 1545. The Emperor forced France 
|o conclude the jjeace of Crespy, in 1544. At the Diet of Worma 
in Bifarch, 1545, the Protestants refused to take part in the 
Council of Trent. The hostility of the Elector to Maurice pre- 
sented the formation of a close alliance between the two Saxoniea 
ion] Hesse. Maurice, so adroit and aspiring a politician, loving 
power more than he valued liis faith, at length made his bar- 
in with Charleii, and engaged to unite witli him in making 
r upon the Elector^ whose territories Maurice coveted, and 
iUpon the Landgrave, the two princes whom the Emperor pro- 
to attack, not en religious groun<]s, but as offenders 
jnst the laws and peace of the Empire. While the Emperor 
dallying with the Protestants that he might prepare to 
a more effective blow, Luther died at Elsleben, the place 
if his birth, on the ISth of February, 154S» His lost days were 
kot his beet. His health was undernkined, and he suffered 
rievoualy from various disorders, especially from severe, con- 
inuoua hewhiche. He was oppressed with a great variety of 
iltle employments relating to pdhlic and private affairs, so that 
oing one day from his writing table to the window he fancied 
bat be Baw Satan mocking him for having to consume bis time 
useless business.^ His intellectual powers were not enfeebled. 

> **E1h« t»45av havff 1 bnn paternJ with the kmiveriA Bnd Ura nf » hkka 
nmnha iRfore cov firr ualagi f^liw Vi-U;1i1>- Chough lurh nullvre oudcerb tlift 
trail* rklhar thhrt the diviDn-, Vet, it no one wcrr to check the thoftt 



i 



140 



THE REFORMATION 



* 



Hia religiooa trust continued firm as a rock. His courage 
and h'lB assurance of the ullimate victory of the truth never 
faltered. But he lost the cheerfu! spirits, the joyous tone, thai 
had before characterized him. He took dark views of the 
wickedness of the times and of society about him. He waa 
weary of the worlds wear}' of life, and longed to be released from 
ita burdens- He was oldj he said, useless, a curaberer of the 
ground, and he wanted to go. His disanfection with Witten- 
berg, on aecoLirit oF what he considered the laxness of faniilj 
goveriiiiient ant! roprehcnaiblc fashions in reaped to dress, waa 
Bueh that he determined to quit the place, and he was dissuaded 
only by the united intercessions of the Elector, and of the 
iiuthontie>4 of the Urnversily u.nd of the town. He fell into a 
conflict with the jurists on account of their declaration that the 
consent of parents is not absolutely indispensable to the validity 
of a nwirriage cngagetnentj and he attacked them publicly from 
the pulpit.* 

Tlie friendship of Luther and Melancthon was not broken, 
but partially chilled in consequence of theological difTerencea. 
There were two points on which Mclancthon swerved from 
his earlier views. From the time of the controverey of 
Luther and Erasmus, Melanethon had begun to modify his 
ideas of predestination, and to incline to the view that was 
afterwarfls called Synergianii which gives to the will an active 
though a subordinate, receptive n^ency in conversion. On 
this subject, however, the practical, if not the theoretical, viewB 
of Luther were also modified, aa is evident from the lettere 
which he wrote In reply to perplexed persons who applied to 
him for counsel. The difference on this subject between him 
and Melanethon, If one existed, occasioned no breach. It WM 
not until after Luther's death that his followers nnade this a 
ground of attack on Melanethon and the subject of a theological 
contest. But, on the Lord's Supper, tlie matter on which 
Luther was most sensitive, Melancthon's view, from about the 
time of the Diet of Augsburg, began to deviate from his former 
opinion. The spell which Luther bad cast over him in his 
youth was broken; and, influenced by the arguments of (Eco- 

> Qklle, p. 13&, LuUicr writes to SpiiFntJa thai in hu whol« life And In aP 
fcia iLbon Tor the Oo#pe1, he h^d never had Tno-e vnxiety th«ii during tlut ymt 
(154«>- tic WPtte, V, &2A. 




r 



LUTHER AND MELANCTHOH 



141 



liu» and by bis own indep<?ndent study of the FikUifrs, 
i really embraced, in hia oivn mind, the Calvinistic doctrioe, 
hich was, in substance, the opinioQ advocated by (Ecolam- 
|Ulhi2 and Buc^r. Melancthon etUI rejected the Zwinglian 
IPory which made Christ in the sacrament merely the objeet 

I the contemplative act of faith; but the ether liypothesis 
A real but spirituaJ reception of Him, in comiection with the 
fesd and wine, satisfied him, Melanctlion'a reaerve and 
iriety to keep the peace could not wholly veil thia change of 
pinioD; and persons were not wanting, of whom Nicholas 
madorf was the chief, to excite as far rja they could, the jealousy 
ad hostility of Luther. The result was th^it the coiifidetitial 
Himacy of the two men was interrupted. For several years 
telancthon lived in distrei^s and in daily expectation of being 
riven from his place/ "Often," he says, writing in Greek as 
e frwjuently did when he wanted to express somtthiiig which 
t waa afraid to divulge — " Often have I said that I dreaded 
tc old age of a nature so passionate, like that of Hercules, or 
fhiioctetea, or the Roman General, Marius." ^ In remarka of 
kis Gort he referred, as he explained later, to the veheiuence 
Dmcuon to men of a heroic make.' Yet, in previous years 
tone had been more just and forbearing in reference to the 
bdue tendency to concesfdon and compromise on the part of 
(dancthon than Luther, For the change in their relations, 
^ fear and consequent reserve and fih>T3c&e of the one were 
K>t less responsible than the imperious disposition of the other, 
% would tie a mistake to suppase that Lutfier lost his confidence 
iid love lowar<Ls his younger associate; for expressions of 
jUthfT, in his very last days, prove the contrary. It would 
^ an error, likewise, to suppose that Melanclhon ever came to 
jjgard hun a£ other than one of the foremost of men, a hero, 
ftdowed with noble and a^lniirable qualities of heart as well 
I ntind. But the original contrariety in the temperament of 
ke two men, joined to infirmities of character in Luther^ which 

1^ ■ Cvtytu fff/„ V. 474. Omlle, p. 142. A Ittttr of UdAnclhcm lo Cftrlowili. 

Ir CSdiuhUoi of Dukr Maiirii^e (Ctirpuit Rrf-. vi- ST9), vri-ltttn juat afirr ibt dime 

4« SdiaIckI'Iic W'ar, in which Ik' 4pfbkf cA the ifih^ftmia cF Luther, AfTonlB 

ui lK« uDcomtortabU rtlatjona in whioh he huJ tiood with Ihc itncHy 

fwa CV>urt of Ihr Eleclar, Thia lelltr, which «pa wrillen, nyu Ratikm, 

u un^iitrrlad mfiEnpnt, gavp', undtr the FiriTUmvtM.upes, jiut cBmiiaB Lo UiOaB 

) dbpftifKd tliB mmiofy of tutttpr. Sw ibe rtmnrks of RauIcc, i\. W, ~ 

• (hrjM fff/., V. 310 Gi^lp. p- 140, ■ Qille, p, l«. 



142 



THE REFORMATION 



were aggravated by long years of strenuous combat and labor 
and by disease, had the effect to cloud Tor a while their niulual 
sympathy aiid cordiality of intercourse. But the great «)ul 
I- of Luther shines out in the last letters he lATote — eevcraJ of 
them affectionate epistles to Melancthon — and in the last ser- 
mons he preached at Eieleben; where, within & few rods of 
the house in which he was born, full of faith and of peace, tie 
breatheil his last. "He is gone," Raid Melancthon to his stu- 
dents, "the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof, who 
ruled the Church in these last troubled times." In the course 
of the funeral address which Melancthon pronounced over the 
grave beneath the pulpit where the voice of Luther had ao long 
been heard, he referred to tlie eomplaint made against Luther's 
excessive vehemence, and quoted the frequent remark of Erafl- 
muB, that "God has given to this lost timeT on account of the 
greatness of its diseages, a eharp phyacian/' With grief and 
tears, he said, that choked his utterance, he set forth the grand 
labors of Luther, the kindneaSf geniality^ and dignity of his char- 
acter, hia freedom from personal ambition, the wisdom and 
sobriety that were mingled with his hresiatible energy as ft 
reformer. If even in this addrese, and still more in aubeequeul 
letters of Melancthon, traces of a partial estrangement may be 
detected in iiis tone, the effect is only a discriminaling instead 
of a blind adniiration of one with whom he was connected by 
an indissoluble bond of love.* 

Luther, whatever deduction from hie merit may be made 
on the score of faults and infirmities, was one of those extraor- 
dinary men of whom it may be said, in no spirit of hero-worship, 
but in sober truth, that theh- power, as manifested in history, 
can only be compared to that of the great permanent forces 
of nature. "He is one of thoeo great historical figures in whioli 
whole nations recognize their own type." ' A hfelong opponent 
of Protestantism, one of the first Roman Catholic aeholars of the 
last century, said of him : "It was Luther's overpowering great- 
ness of mind and marvelous many-sidedness which made him W> 
be the man of bis time cuid of his people ; and it is correct to e&y 
that there never has been a German who has so intuitively 
underf^tood his people, and in tiUTi has been by the nalion no 
perfectly comprehended, I might say, absorbed by it. as tbi^ 




■ Uidb, pp. 144, 145, 



> Homer, Nvt- vf Prat. TktaUgif. 




POWER OF J-ITTHER 



143 



ugu^Uniao monk at Wittenberg. Heart and mind of the Ger- 

VLS were in his hand like the lyre in t-ho hand of the musician, 

oroovfc?r. he has piven to his people more than any other man 

Chrifilian agea has evor given to a people: language, manual 

popular instruction, Bible, hymns of woraliip; and every- 

ing whl«h his opponents in their turn had to offer or to place 

comparison with these, showed iteelf tame and povrerlees and 

rless by the side of his Bwecping eloquence. They stam- 

he spoke with the ton^e of an orator; it is he only 

has stjimped the imperishable seal of his own souJ, alike 
the German language and upon the Gernjan mind; and 

thoee Germans who abhorred him aa the powerful heretic 

seducCT of the nation, camiot escape; they mnet discourse 

th his words, they must think with his thoughts. " * 

Thp Smalealdic war began in 1546. ?Jotwiiiis landing the 

vantageous situalion of the Protestants, had the military 

meat been good, they might have achieved succees. 

1 a spirit of indecision and inactivity pre\-ailed. The Elec- 
, John Frederic, drove from bis territory the forces of 
uriee, but was surprised, defeated, and captured by Charles 

k Miihlberg, on the 24th of April, 1547; and soon after the 
Hiul^rave surrendejed himself and submitted to thr Emperor. 
^f victory of Charles appeared to be almost comi)lctc. His 
plan was to bring the Protostanta once more under the Catholic 
js^rarchy, and to make them conteQt by the removal of external 
abuses- His e.sHrnate of (he true character and moral strength 
kf ProtCBtantisin was always superficial. Hence he put forth 
iproviaioaat formula — called, after the sanction of it by the 
Diet, the AuRsburg Interim — at the same time that a schcmg 
reformation was by his authority laid before the Gorman 
ops, in which changes were proposed in points of e:xl«rnal 
He work which he had thus commenced he hoped 
the Council of Trent would complete. But this plan, 
ver promiang it seemed to the Emperor, had to contend 
tot only with the opposition of earnest Protestants, but also 
the diae^rdant ideas and project* of the Pope. Charlea 
counted upon suppressing Protestantism by the joint in- 
of hie own power And that of the CoundL But the 



■ DeiBofB. V«rtnti€. tie. (^uruah. IST3)- B««, fttn, hii ■vUar work. 
u^Kinhtn flSOn, p. 3Se. 



u-i 



THE REFORMATION 



Council had bof?jn its work, not with ineaeuree looking to i 
refornistifin, but with the condemnation of the Proteetanl doc- 
trineH- Moreover, Pope Paul ITT., although he hoped that 
benefit would result to the Church from the Stnalcaldic war, 
dreaded a too absolute suecesa on the part of Charles, which 
would render him dangeroue in Italy. Hence he wished that 
the Elector might hold out agtunst the Emperor, and sent a mes- 
sage to Francis L to aid the fDrmer, He withdrew the iD-difr 
ciplinpd troops with which he had fumi.*ihed Charles^ and exdted 
the EmptTor'a intense displeaaure by removing the Council t^ 
Bologna, The Pope and Francis were oEce more closely allied, 
and at work on the Protestant side for the purpose of rJimiytijv 
ing the power of Charles. Tlie im|}erial bijihnpa refused to leave 
Trent, and the Council was rendered powerless. The measures 
undertaken by Charles were, boaide^, conMdered by the Pope 
and by zealous Catholics to be an encroachment upon his spirit- 
ual authority, a usurpation of powers not belonging to a seculir 
ruler. In Southern Geriiia.ny the areeptance of the Interim 
was Forced upon the Protectant states and cities. In Norlbem 
Germany it was generally resisted. The city of Magdeburg 
especially signalized itself by its persevering refusal to submit 
to the new arran^mentp. Duke Maurice modified the loterinij 
retaining the essential features of the Lutheran doctrine, but 
allowing Catholic rites and institutions, and thus framed the 
Leipsic Interim. This proceeding, which was accomplished 
hy the aid of Melancthon ftnd the other Wittenberg theolc^^ans, 
led to a bitter controversy m the Lutheran Church on the same 
question which came up elsewhere in connection with Puritan- 
ism, whether these obnoxious rites and usag*^ might be adoplfd 
by the Church as things morally indifferent — adiaphora — 
when the magistrate enjoina them. Melancthon incurred the 
fierce hostility of the stricter Lutherans, and the controvert 
waa of long continuance,' 

TTie Council had been rea.ssembled at Trent by Pope Julius 
IIL, who was wholly favorable to the Emperor, Protestaul 

I That MclanclLiot] wcbt too far in his f oDcrraiana in the prnod dF the Int^run. 
IB Bllowed by judipioua friends of Ihe Refdnaation, See RunLe, v. flS s*^. I* 
shoTilH be remeiobpr-ed. however, in jlihUcb lo him, that in Bigriing ihe SioAluld 
AtUiiIhh, hp had appends thp qiEalififatJon Ihat fnr hinuwlf he vu villiiif, tta 
the sakrP of iinily, to admit a jur* hitmanf aup^rinrity of Lhr Pop« over otihv 
buihopa. Sm the leamed ardtle "Md»incthun," by L»nder<r, ftod Kim InEMHh 





THE DEFEAT AND RESCLiE OF PROTESTANTISM 145 



Hftd 



entered into negotiationa with it, and it seemed prob- 

tiiat Gerniany iriii^t bow to itfi authority, when the whole 
itioD was trjrned by the bold movement of Duke Maiiru"*? 
Lhe rescue of the cause which he had been chiefly instru- 
tal in crushmp. Notwithstanding that Germany waa in 
^arance well-nigh aubju^led to thp Emperor, there were 
erful elements of opposition. The Turks had captured 
<Ai from the Knights of St. John, and kindled anew the 
,es of war in Hungary. Henry Vlll., the King of England, 

died, and been succeeded by Eiiward VI., by whom Prot- 
ntiem was eetablishetl in that country, Henry IT. of France 

uniting with the eneniiey of the Emperor in Italy, and in 
iember, 1551, hoHtilitiea once more commenced between the 

riviil powers. The heroic resistance of Magdeburg ha4 
lulated the enthusiaam of the Protestants of North Germany. 

project of Charles V, to niake his son, Philip of Spain, hie 
«a9or to the Empire, had even threatenetl for a time to pro- 
B an e-strangenient between the Emperor antl Ferdinand. 

German princes were offended at the preference given to 
nisb advisers am! at per£?oual slights which they had suffered, 

continued presence of foreign troops in violation of the 
peror's promise at his election was offensive to the nation. 
iriee had l>fcome an object of general antipathy among those 
m he bad betrayetl. Curses, loud as well as deep, were 
ly uttered against him. The sufferings of the good Elector, 
im no threats and no bribes could induce to compromise his 
pons faith, and the continued imprisonment of the Landgrave 
inst the spirit of the sti|juIations given on the occasjt)n of 
OTirrender, for the fulfilhnent of which Maurice wa,s held to 
kOflWerable, were not only personally displeasing to him, but 
r brought upon him increa^ng unpopkiIarity» His applica- 
ft to the Emperor for the release of the Landgrave. Maurice's 
er-in-law, hat! proverl ineffpctiia]. Tiw S]mniardfl were 
atoning that the German princes should be put do^Ti, and 
nations that Maurice himself might have to be dealt with 
iie Elector had been were occasionally thrown out. The 
p of Magcieburg which Maurice, who had undertaken to exc- 
f the iiDperiat ban against that city, was languidly prosecuting 
ed him as a cover for military preparations. HavinE s*'- 
d the cooperation of several Protestant princes on whom 



149 



THE REFORMATIOH 



he coald rely; having convinced with difficulty the famiUee of 
the cEpLive princea that he might be trusted; having, also, negCK 
tiated an alliano^ with Henry II., who was to make a diversioiL 

^ainat Ch&rles in the NetbeTlandg; ha\'ing come to an under- 
standing with Magdeburg, which was to serve as a refuge ia 
oAse of defeat; having made the^ and all oth^r needful pr^pt- 
ratioDS with profound secrecy, he suddenly took tho field, luid 
marching at tlie head of an army which increased at every step 
of his advance, he crcj^cd the Alpi", and forced the Emperor, 
who was sufTcring from an attack of the gout, to fly from InoB- 
bruck-^ This triumph was followed by the treaty of Paasau. 
Giarlea left his brother Ferdinand to negotiate with the princea. 
The demand of Mauritv and of his assrx'ial^^ was that the Prot- 
estants should have an assurance of toleration and of an equality 
of rights with the Catholics, whether the efforts to secure religion 
unanimity in the nation should succeed or not. To this Fertii- 
nand gavff hia assent; but the Emperor, impelled alike by con- 
science and by priiJe, nLitwithstanding his humiliating defeat, 
could not lie brought to concur in this stipulation. The Priit'- 
estanta obtained the pledge of amnesty, of peace, and cq^uJ 
rights, until the religious differences should be settled by s 
national assembly or a general council. The captive prinr« 
were set at liberty. Charles was obliged to see his long-cLft 
i^hed plan for the destruction of Protestantism terminate in t 
mortifying failure- At the Diet of Augsburg in 1*55, the cele- 
brated Religious Peace wai^ concluded. E^'ery prince was fc be 
allowed to chooee between the CatlioUc rcli^on and the Augs- 
burg Confession, and the religion of the prince was to be that 
of the land over whieh he reigned, TIte Catholics wanted to 
*tcept ecciefiiastical princes from the first article; the Protrt- 
t« obJGCtGd to the second. Finally the ecclesiastical rea^- 
L was wloptcd into the treaty, acconling to which every 
on becoming Proteatant should re^gn his tienefice; and 
accompanying declaration of Ferdinand^ the subjertu 
ai*tiraT [innrPn were to enjoy religiuus lilvrty. Tbc 
^mndx-r whirh had been a principal instrument ot :Fp- 
i the hamfe of the C&tliolicef was reconstituted in eudi 
c th^ rights of the Protestanie were protwted, Charlci 

did not upturn rhnrln: "Hf Imd no co^." he «ud, ''lor m 

vrl4 llrj front InMabriifk Mikv 11>, IJU3, 



THE PEACE OF AUG8BUHG 



147 



ik no part peraonaJJy in the proceedings which led lo the 
Ecligious peace. It involved a conceGsioD to the adherents of 
Augsburg Confesdon — ihe liberty to practice their reli^on 
thout moteslation or loss of civiJ privileges, whether a couueil 
ould or should not succeeci in unitmg the opposing parties — 
coDcesmoD which he had intended never to grant, But the 
of thought and the etrength of religioua convictions 
e loo mighty to be overcome by force. Mediseval imperial- 
was obliged to give way before the forces arrayed against 
The Rl>iiication of Charles, who felt himself physjcally 
equal to the caree of his office, followed, and the imperial 
tion devolved or his brother (1556), 

Thus Proteetantipm obtained a legal recognition. During 
W next few years, the Protestant faith rapidly spread even m 
ivaria and Austria. Ha<J it not been for the Ecclesiastical 
ttervAtJOQ, says Gief^eler, all Germany would have aoon become 

tekstant.' 

^CHwlor, rv.l. M 1). 



CHAPTER VI 

THE RErORMATlOM IN THE SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS, IM 
BLAVOmC NATIONS, AND IN HUNGAHT 



Whxn we inqmre into the meADs by which the German 
ReformatioQ extended itself into the adjacent countries^ the 
Bgency of the GermanB who were Bettled in these lands con* 
Btantly appears. One ifi reminded of the diffusion of the aneient 
Hebrews, ftnd of the part (aken by them in opening a way for 
Christianity beyond the bounds of Palestine. Another very 
conapicuoua instrument in the spread of the Lutheran doctrine 
was Wittenberf?, the renowned eehool to whieh young mfO 
were attracted out of all the oeighboring lands. The use of 
Latin as a vehicle of teaching and as the conimon language of 
educated peraons of whatever nationality rendered this practi* 
cable. But the Scandinav-iana were Ihemgclves a branch rf 
the great Teutonic family, near kinamen of the Germans, aoil 
connected with them, beddes, by the bonds of oommerdi^ 
intercourse. 

In 1397 the three Scandinavian kingdoms, Denniarkf Nor- 
way, and Sweden, were united by the Union of Calmar, in whifb 
it was provided that each nation should preserve ite laws and 
institutions, and share in the election of the common sovereign,. 
The result, however, was a long struggle For Danish supremacy 
over Sweden. When the Reformation in Gemiany b<^an, Chris- 
tian IL of Denmark was engaged in a contest for the Sw' 
throne. In all these countries the prelates were poaaea^HJ 
great wealthy and very much restricted the authority of 
sovereign as well as the power of the secular nobles.* 

Christian IL was surrounded^ in Denmark, by a body 
advisers who sympathized with the Lutheran movement b 
Saxony, He was himself disposed to depress the power of tbd 

■ HuDtor, Kirekftfjftrhichlr v. Dar\fmarlf u JV^ncrpwi. Th- ui.; Gisdtr, t*-\ 
L> H. 2, i 17; Oljpir, HUlortf nf Vv Sip^dfn; J Weidlmg. Schn^ixhf Gt»:kirhuit 
Etitaltar d^ Ref. 118R2}- A. C. Banff. Dn NorAe Kvka AuSorW (I90U: W. " 
CDlliaa, in Camhrid^v Modem History. lL AM »C). 




THE REFORMATION IN DENMARK 



149^ 



ecf^l^a^iical and lay aristocracy, and, for this end^ tiiough nol 
without the admixture of other and belter niotives, set lo work 
I lo wiUghl^n ami elevate the lower dtts,4ea, T\tG t^ncoiiragonient 
of Prol«staiitiam accorded with liis general policy. In 1520 he 
L apnt for a S5axon preachej to serve as chaplain at his court and as 
I k rcUgiou£ icEtmclor of the people^ and eubsequcntly m^iteci 
I Lutber hini^lf mto hi^ kingdom. He gained the upper hand 
I IB Sweden and was crowned at Stockholm, November 4, 1520^ 
I At the same time that Christian availed hinir^lf of the papal 
I bfta as a warrant for his tyranny and cruelty in Sweden, he con- 
tinued in Denmark to promote the eetabliehment of Protestant- 
ism. Id 1521 he put forth a book of lawii!, which contiuned 
r enactments of a Protestant teadenry; among tJiem one to 
I mcourage the marriage of all prelates and priests, and another 
' for dispensing with all appeals fo Rome.' After his sanguinary 
F proceedings against Sweden, tinding that his crown was in dan- 
L gitf, hf^ retracl^d his reformatory measures, at the instigation of 
t papsd legate. But he w^as deposed by the prelates and nobles 
I of Denmark, and his imcle, Frederic I., Duke of Sehleewig and 
I Holstein, was made kingj in 1523. 

I Frederic at his accesaon, though personally inclined to Prot- 
I at&niisra, was obliged to pledge himself to the Danish magnates 
M resist its introduction and to grant it no toleration. The 
■tiled Cliristian identified himself with the Protestant rausej 
^Bnigh not with constancy; for if the charge lacks proof thatj 
Fit Augsburg, in IdtH), in order to get the help of the Emperor, he 
L formally abjured the evangelical faith, it in true that in 1.^1 he 
Ifroniiaed to uphold the Catholic Church in Norway. He ren- 
Ifavd a good service by caUKing the New Testament to be tranK- 
pkt«cl into Danish, which was done by two of his nobles. The 
I imme^hate occaaon of the successful introduction of Lutheranipm 
I mto Denmark wa^ the active propagation of it in the Durhicp 
^rf Schleswig and Holstcin, where, in 1524, Frederic imposed 
^ktual toleration on both parties. In Denmark itself the study 
^f the Bible was encouraged, a Biblical theology was inculcated, 
[ and ecde^antir^al abuses censured by a number of earnest 
I prcAchers, among whom was Paul Elia. of Helsingor, Pro^-incial 
I Cif the Carmelites, who worked with much effect in this direction, 
Iftltbou^ at lastj Like Erasmus, he chose to abide in the old 



I legs 

I, Ac< 




160 THE REPORMATION 

Church, anfl even tumpd his weapons, with a bitter antipafiy, 
againet the Reformers. In 1526 the King deelared himself fa 
favor of the Reformationj the dof trine of which waa dJssemifiAted 
r&pidly in the cities. The most sseabus advocate of the new 
doctrine was John Taussen, sometimes called the Danish Luther, 
who studied at Wittenberg, and after 1524, in deli&nce of the 
opposition of the bishops, preached Lutheraniem \i-ith marked 
effect.' The Danish nobility were favorable to the King's aide, 
from jealousy of the power of the prelates, and the dcarc to 
possess themselves of ecclesiastical property. At the Diei of 
Odenae, in 1527, it was ordained that marriage should be allowe<l 
to the clergy, that Lutheranism should be tolerated, and that 
bishops should thenceforward abstain from getting the pallium 
from Rome, but, when chosen by the chapter, should look W 
the King alone for the ratification of their election. Converts 
to Lutheranisni were made in great numbers. Wilrorg in Jut- 
land, and Malnio in Schonen, were the principal centers, whence 
the reformed faith was diffused over the kingdom- Books and 
tracts in exposition and defense of it, as wcli as the Bible in the 
vernacular tongue, were everywhere circulated. The Lutberans 
who, in 1530j presented their Confesaon of Faith in forty-lhrw 
Articles, acquired the preponderanr^e in the land ; but in amae- 
quence of the pledges of Frederic at his accession, the bishops 
were not deprived of their power. His death, in 1633, led to a 
combined efTort on their part to abrogate the recent ecclesiastical 
changes and restore the exclusive domination of the ojd religioD. 
Tbey ac^winlingly refused to sanction the election nf Chrisliifl 
III., Frederic's eldcat son, who had been active in establishing 
Protestantism in the Duchies; until their consent waa compelH 
by the attempt of the Count of Oldenburg, a Proteetanl, t/i 
restore the deposed Christian II-, whom they still more feared 
and hated- By Christian ITL, whoHP admiration for Luther 
been first kindled at the Diet of Worms, where this prince 
present^ the authority of the prelates was abolished, at a 
Set at Copenhagen, in 1536, and the Reformation universally 
legalized. Tlie bishops were forced to renounce their t^gnities. 
A constitution for the Danish Church was framed, and submitted 
to Luther for his sanction. Bug(*nhag'*n, a prominent friend cf 
the Saxon Reformer, came into the kingdom, on the King's invi- 

^ Fontop^dui. Annofet Eed^ Dan^ y. 77^ 



TB£ REFORMATION IN DENMARK 



Ifil 



tatioQ, and, in )&37« crowned him and his Queen, and perfected 
the new ecclesiastical arrangeniente. Blahope, or superintend- 
ents, were appoiuteti for tlie diocesefi, and formally consecrated 
to their office's by Bogenhagen himself, "ut vemn episcopua," 
Luther expressed it, The Uoiveraity of Copetdiagec waa 
Teorgamzcd, and other schools of learning eEtablishcd in tLo 
various cities. 

This finai Iriuniph of Protestantisni id Denmark was con- 
neclrtl with events of pet^uliar interest in the history of the 
Refomiation.' The Lutheran doctrine had quickJy penetrated 
i&to every place where the German tongue was spoken> The cities 
of Northern Germany, the members of the old Hanf;eatic league, 
gave it a ht^piLable reception, Tlie strong burgher i-luf?^ in thi^se 
lawns lent a willing ear to the preachers from Witlerjberg. The 
IIan^«« at the pericl of its greatest prosptTity, in the fourteenth 
century, comprised in its confeiioracy all the maritime towns of 
Germany, together ^mth Magdeburg, Bnms\nck, and otlicr iiiter- 
miediate places; and exerted a controlling inHuence m the Scan- 
ilinavian kingdcjm?'. It wa.s weakened by the separation of the 
Netherlands, after 1427. The great value of the trade of the 
northern kmgdoma, of the products of their mines and fiBheries, 
made il of tie higliest hnportance to Liibeck, the leading city 
of the Hansa, to keep its comraereial and political supremacy. 
Christian II-, the brother-in-law fif Charles V., was withstood 
m his attempt to subdue the northern nations by the Liibcckers, 
by irhoiD Gustavua Vasa was assisted in gaining the throne of 
Sweden. The cities which, hke Hamburg and Magdeburg, had 
1 ma^tracy that was favorable to the Protestant doctrine, re* 
ceived the new system without any serious jMjlilit'Hl disturbance. 
But in some othex tovt'ns, as Bremen and Liibeck. the acceptance 
rf Lutheraniam was attended by changes in the government! 
vhich were effected by the burghers, and were democratic in 
thrir charact^. The new Burgomaster, at Liibeck, Wullen- 
vpber, whom the revolution had raised to power, negotiate a 
treaty of allianre with the English King, Henry Vlll.; The 
great object of Liibeck waa to keep the trade between the Baltic 
and the North Sea in its own hancls. But the eiluation in Den- 
mark, after the death of Frederic T., was such that Liibeck 
rererwd tW altitude and espoused the cause of Uie exiled King, 

> 8c« lUbbc, DeUtc\, OkA., Jii. 270 acq., 400 nq. 



152 



THE REFORMATION 



Christian II, The Liibcckcrs found that Ihey could not longei 
eojnt upon the cooperation of Denmark in their commeniJ 
policy, and that Cliristiiic III., of Holsl^in, could not be enlialed 
in support of their hostile underfak'mgfi against Holland. Hejiw, 
they put forward the Count of Oldenburg as a champion of the 
baniahcd sovereign, Malmo, Copenhagen^ anrj other cities oJ 
Denmark, us well aa Stralsund, Rostock, and other old cities of 
the Hansa, Jtt ouce tranaforiiied their former municipal system, 
or gave to it a democratic east,, and joined haods with Liibeck 
in behalf of Christian II., whose measures, when he was on the 
throne, had looked to an increase of the power of the burner 
claBS. The confederate cities established their alliance vMh 
England, and gained to their wide a German prince, Duke Albert 
of Me.ckleribijrg. This combinatian had to be overcome hy 
Christian III., before he could reign over Denmark. His ener- 
getic efforts were sjeccssful; and with the defeat of Lubeck, the 
democratic or revolutionary movement, the radical demeat, 
which threatened to identify itself with the Reformation, wbs 
subdued. Swetlen euntrlbutefl its help to the attainnjent ti 
this result. Wullenweber himself was brought to the scaffold, 
TTie principle of Luther and his associates, thnt the cause of 
religion must be kept separate from schemes of polilical or 
social revolution, was practically vindicated. In M Ouster, this 
principle had to be niainta-ined against a socialist move- 
ment in which the clergy were the leaders. In Liibeck, it 
waa political and commercial ambition that sou^t to identify 
with its own aspirationa the Protestant reform. Christbui 
III. was a Protestant; his triumph, and that of his allies, M 
not weaken the Protestant interest^ although it subverted a 
new political fabric which had been set up in connection 
it. _ 

The reception of ProtePtantiam in Norway was a eonsequen» 
of the ecclesiastical revolution in Denmark. Christian HI. ftus 
at first oppased in that country; but, in 1537, the ArchbislM^ 
of Drontheim fled, ivith the treasures of his Cathedral^ to the 
Netherlands, and Norway was reduced to tlic rank of a province 
of Denmarkn In Iceland, Protestantism ^ined a lodgment 
through similar agencies, although the Bishop of SkalhoJt, *^o 
had been a student at Witlenbergj was an active and influenlJ&l 
teacher of the new doctrine. 




THE REFORMATION IN NORWAY AND SWEDEN 15J 

A3 early as 1519, two atudente who bad sat al the feet o 
Luther in Wittenberg^ Olaf and Lawrence Petersen, began to 
preach the evajigelicai doctrine in Sweden. The Herormatioa 
prevailed, however, through the political revolution which raised 
GtJstavufi Vaaa to the throne. Christian IL of Deomark wm 
supported in his endeavora to conquer Sweden, by papal edicts, 
and by the cooperation of the archbishop^ Guslavus Trolle. 
Tlie Swedish prelates were favorable to ^e Danish interefit. 
GustAvus Vasa, a nobleman who was related to the family of 
Stur^. which had furnished several administrators or regents 
to Sweden prior to its conquest by Christian II,, undertook to 
libenite his country from the Danish yoke, and succeeded in 
hie patriotic enterprise. He was favorable to the Lutheran 
docttine^andwasthe more inclined to secure for it the ascendency, 
as he coveted for his impoverished treasury the vast wealth 
which had been accumulated by the ecclesiaatica. He appointed 
I^wreoce Andetaeni a convert to Lutheranisin, hie chancellor; 
Olaf Petersen he made a preacher in Stockholm, and Lawrence 
Petersen a theological professor at Upsala. Plnla^^ofthe bishops 
i nJjehalf of Christian TL naturally stimulal^'d thepredile^tl^ 
of (iustavua for the Protestant eyslem^ A public disputation 
waalieJd in I5"^f, by the appointmect^orfhe king, at Upsala, in 
which Olaf Petetsen maintained the Lutheran opinions. The 
pecuniary burdens- which Guatavus laid upon the clergy excited 
disaifeclion among them. Finally, at the Diet of Wesl^ras, in 
1527, the controversy was brought to a crisis. Gustavus threat- 
ened to abdicate his throne if his demands were not complied 
with. The resultwasthat liberty wa^q granted'* for the preachers 
to proclaim the pure Word of God/* a Protestant definition being 
couplfd with this phrase ; and the property of the Cliurch, with 
the authority lo reguhik ecclesiastical affairs, was delivered into 
the hand of the King. The churches which embraced the Prot- 
estant faith preserved their revenues. The ecclesiastieal prop- 
erty fell for the most part to the possession of the nobles. The i 
common people, not instructed In the new doctrine, were gen- 
erally attached to the old religious sysl^'m, Gustavus proposed i 
to introduce changes gradually, and to provide for the inatnio-^ 
tion of the peasantry. He had to put down a dangerous "msur- 
rwrtion wbieh was excited in part by priests who were hostile ^^ 
H|tD the religious innovations. By degrees the Swedish n&tico^H 



IM 



THE RiJPOftllATION 



acquired a firm ftttachmeat to Uie Prot^st&nt doctrlDe and wor- 
ship. Gustavufl was succeeded hj Eric XIV., whose partiality 
to Catviaism made no impression on bis subjects. Then fol- 
lowed John III, (1&58-1592), who married a Cathoiic princess 
of Poland, and who made a prolonged, and what at tiiuee seemed 
likely to prove a successful pffort, with the aid of astute Jesuits, 
to tutroduce a nnxieratc type of Catholiciftin^ and to reconcile 
the nation to Ite adoption. Popul&r feeling w&s againat him; 
and aft^r his death the liturgy which he had edtablished and 
obstinately maintained^ was aboli^fd by a Council at Up^la 
in 1593, and the Augsburg Confession accepted as the cre«d of 
the national Church, SiglsmunJ III. of Polaml, on account of 
his Catholicism^ was prevented from reignLitg: and the crown 
of Sweden was ^ven to Gusta^'^9 Vasa's youngest aon, Charles 
IX., who became kin^ in 1604. A Calvinist in his inclination, 
he fell in with the general preference for Lutheranism, 

The destruction of Husa by the Council of Constance in 1415, 
followed in the next year by the execution of Jerome of Prague, 
sent a thrill of inilignation through the greater portion of the 
Bohemian people/ The Bohemians were converted from heath- 
enism by two Greek monks, Methodius and Cyril ; but the power 
of the Germans, coupled with the influence of the Roman See, 
secured their adhesion to the Latin Church. In the Middle 
Ages, however, a straggle took place between the vernacular 
and the Latin ritual. An application for leave to use the former 
was denied In a peremptory nisimer by Gregory VTT, Under- 
lying the movement of which Iluss was the principal aull^or, 
was a national and a religious feeling. The favorers of the 
Hussite reform were of the Slavic population; ita opponents 
were the Germans. The contest of the two parties in the Uni- 
versity of Prague led to an academical revolution, a change in 
the constitution of the Univeraily, which gave the prepomlerance 
of power in the conduct of its affairs to the natives. Hence, 
Uie German students left in a body: and out of this great exodus 
arose the University of Leipsicn The effect of this academical 
quarrel was to establish the ascendency of Huss and his foUow- 



FoT workB reL&linK to Bahiimiitn crcl^isioatical hulory, see sapr^ p, £U; aJao 
d. Gaoenrttormnt. in ^iihmen (1850). 





THE AEPORHATIOK IN BOHGMU 

era- While the Council of Constance was in sesaion, JaeobellLiB, 
priest of the Church of St. Michaf^l at Prague, began to admiii- 
iat^r the cup to the laity; and the practice obtmned the sancticn 
t>f Huss himself. The cup had beeo originally withdrawn from 
laymen, not with the design to confer a new diatinction upon the 
priestly order, but simply from reverence for the sacramental 
wine, which was often spilled in tlie diatribution of it through 
ftA aasembly.^ The custom, once establiahed^ became a lixed 
rule in the Churchy and contributed t** enhance stiU further 
the dignity of the sacerdotal class. Tikonias Aquinas aided 
in eonfinning the innovation by inculcating the doctrine of 
concomitance^ the doctrine that the whole Christ is in each of 
the elementa, and is received, therefore, by him who partakes 
of the bread alone. The Utraquists of Ooheniia claimed the 
cup. TTicy went beyond the position of Huse, and asserted 
that the reception of both elements is essential to the vaMdity 
of the sacrament. Henceforwanl the demand for the chalice 
became the most distiaguishing badge of the Huflsitefi, the sub- 
ject of a long and terrible contest. The Council at Constance 
pronounced the Utraquiat opjwnent^ of the Church doctrine 
heretics. 

Fifty-four Bohemian and Moravian nobles sent from Prague 
& letter to the Council in which they repelled the acciisationa of 
heresy which had been made against t^icir countrymen, and 
denounced in the etrongest language the cruel treatment of 
Hus9. Hiis was before the burning of Jerome, an event that 
raised the stonn of indigimtioii in Bohemia to a greater height. 
TTw Prague University declared for the Utraquists, and their 
doctrine speedily gained the assent of the major part of the 
tiatioEL 

The Council, and Martin V., resolved upon forcible measureB 
for the repression of the Bohemian errorists. Bohemia was a 
conatituent part of the German Empire, and the execution of 
these measures fell to the lot of Sigismund. it^ head, who was an 
object of special hatred in Bohemia on account of his agency in 
the death of Huss. There soon arose in Bohemia a powerful 
party which went far beyond the Ulraquists in thtir doclrinal 
ioDovations, and in hostility to the Rontaii Church. Tlie Ta- 
borites, as they were styled, gathered in vast multitudes to heat 



I 



166 



THE REFOHMATION 



preaching, and to cement their union with one another.^ Tlieir 
creeds which took on new phases from time to tin^ej embraced 
the leading points of what, a century later, was included in 
Proteatanttam ; althoufsh their tenets were not deduced from 
simple and fundanu'Tilal principles, nor bound togeHier in a 
logically coherent system. Unlike the ordinary Utraquist^i, 
they rejected trans ubatantiati on. They also appealed to the 
Bible, as alone authoritative, and refused to submit to the d€- 
eiaions of the popea^ to the councils, or to the fathers. For a 
while, chiliaatic and apocalyptic theories prevailed among them. 
Disrordiint politk'nl tendeaeieg separated the rtraqiiiata from 
the Taborites — the latter cherishing tleniocratic ideas respect- 
ing government and society. The oppositiou which they expe- 
rienced converted their enthusiasm into fanaticism ; and, moved 
by 3. furious iconoclastic sph-it^ they assaulted ehurches and 
convents, and destroyed the treasures which had been gathered 
by the priesthood, and the " implemejita of idolatry." In Ziska, 
the most noted of their leaders, they had a general of fierce and 
stubborn bravery; and under hia guidance the force of the Hufe- 
it^ became well-nigh irresistible. 

In 1421 the moderate Utraquists, or Calixtinee, embodied 
their belief in four articles, the Articles of Prague, which became 
a memorable document in the history of tlie Hussite controver- 
sies.' They required that the Word of God should be preached 
freely and without hindrance, by Christian priests, throughout 
the kingdom of Bohemia; thai the sacrament should be admin- 
istered, in both forms, to all Christians, not excluded by niortiil 
ain from the reception of it; that pncfltfl and monks should be 
divested of their control over worldly goods: that mortal sins, 
especially all public tranf^ressioas of God's law, whether by 
priests or laymen, should be subject to a regular and strict dis- 
cipline; and that an en\\ should be put to all slanderous accu- 
aations against the Bohemian people. 

On the relations of the Utraquists to the Taboritea, the mod- 
erate to the radical Hu.^sites» the history of Bohemia for a century 
intimately depends. The two parties might unite in a erieis 
involving danger to both; but they were often at war witli one 
another; and their common enemy knew how to turn to the Isest 
accoimt their mutual differences, Tlie most conspicuous feature 

CMfwenkA, L 130. "Cumenlu, L 140; G&aeler, m. v. 5, | IDl, a. 10. 



THE UEFORMATION IN BOHEMIA 



isr 



that belonged tu them, In common, was the (.temand that the 
cup should be admiiiiatpred to the laity. 

Thre« cniaades, undertaken by tlie authority, and at llie 
command of the Church, hlled Bohemia with the horrora of war; 
but they wholly faded to subdue the herelics who were united 
lo resist them. Vast armies were beaten and driven out of the 
country. On the other hand, the Bulieiniatis repaid tlie attacks 
made upon thefu, by deva-^tating incursions into the neighbor- 
ing German territory, ruled by their enemies. 

Convinced, at last, of the futihty of the effort to conquer the 
Hussites, their opponents conaented to treat with lliem. By 
the a<ivice of Cardinal Julian Cesarini, who had accompanied 
the Last crusading army again^^t them, and shareil in its disas- 
trous overthrow, the CEcuinenical Council of Basel de-cided to 
eni«^r into negotiations with them. Having first carefully ob- 
tained abundant guaranties for their personal safety, and solemn 
pledges thai they should have a free and full hearing, the Ulra- 
quist delegates — n?preseatatives of both the leading parties, 
the Calixtinefl and Taborites — presented themselves at Basel. 
At their head was Rokygarta, who belonged to the moderate 
party, but was held in universal ej?teeni for his talents, learnings 
and moral excellence. The Hussite theologians used ibeir free- 
dom to the full extent- They harangued the Council for days 
in defense of the proscribed doctrines, in vindieatiun of the 
memory of Hu^, and on the ecclesiastical abuses to which they 
had endeavored to apply a remedy. The difference between 
the two Bohemian parties was brought out in the spe^ehefl 
of their respective repre,seutatives, and was skillfully used by 
Cesarini and the Council, in onler to widen the separation be-- 
tween them. After long negotiations, and the sending of an 
embassy from the Council to Bohemia, the Hudsitee obtained 
c^rl&in concGssions which were set forth in a document termed 
the Compactala- The commanion might be given in both kinds 
to all adults, who should desire It ; but it mut^t, at the same time, 
be taught that the whole Christ is receivetl under each of the 
elements. TTie infliction of penalties on persons guilty of mortal 
fiin, on which the Utraquista insisted, must be left with priee^ta 
in the case of clerical persons, and with magistrates in the 
case of laymen. Tlie Article in regard to the free preaching 
of the Word was qualified by confining the liberty to pn 



i5d 



THE REFORMATION 



to persons regularly called and aulhorkzed by bishops. 
the control of property, thia wae to be allowed lo secular priest* 
ooly, and by them to be exercised according to the prcscriW 
rules. The Conipactala was the charier, in defense of which 
the Utr&quists waged many a hard contest; 8ince it was a cao' 
atant effort of the popes to annul the conceaaions which it ccd- 
t&ined, and lo reduce even the moat moderate of the Hwsitt 
secU lo an exact conformity to the Roman ritual^ and to titt 
mandates of tlie Roman See. Tliis agreement operate also to 
divide ilie Culixtines and Taboriles into mutually liustde caiiip«H 
,\n armed conflict ensued, in which the Taborites were tW 
oughly vanquiaheil. Thenceforward the power remained in the 
hauda of tiie Utraqutet^ who were dedrous of approaching ad 
nearly to the doctrines and rites of the Catholic Church in other 
cDuntries as their eonvicttons would allow. It was far frciu 
being true that peace resulted from the downfall of the Taboritt^ 
and the concdiatory proceedings of the Calixtines. The hiatorr 
of Bohemia, through the fifteenth century, is a long record of 
bitter and bloody conflicted having for their end the roatoratiin 
of uniformity in religion. About the middle of the century^ fl 
new party, the Brethren in Unity, who inherited many of tht 
doctrinal ideas of the Taborites, but with a more consen'atiit 
tenet relative to the eacranient, and a more gentle and peaceful 
temper, aeparat*?d entirely from the Church. They, in Uiei: i 
turn, were the objects of persecution at the hands of the mon I" 
orthodox Utraquists. Ultimately the Brethren were joined bj i^ 
some nobles, and acquired a greater degree of security. TTiej 
were connected with certain Waldensian Christians, and, t* 
■some extent, influenced by them. 

Tluis Bohemia for several generations had really been en- 
gaged in a struggle to bviild up a national church in oppo^tioE 
to the dominating and unifying spirit of Rome. When Luther'l 
doctrine became known, it was favorably received by the Breth- 
ren, and they desired to connect themeelveB with the Saxon 
reform. At first Luther was not eatistied with their opinions, 
especially on the sacrament; but, aft*T eonferences with dipoi, 
he concluded that their faults were chiefly in expre^ion and 
were owing to a want of theological culture. After the example 
of the Lutherans at Augsburg, the Evangelical Brethren, in 
1535, presented to King Ferdinand their Confession. Tie 



^V THE REFORMATION IS liOHEMlA 15& 

^kea were diviticd on the ciucstion of pushing forr^artl 
^^lasitc reform in the direction Indlcaled by Lutlirr. 
lajority of the estates was at first obtained in favor of declara- 
s virtually Liitleran. But the more conservative Utra- 
ito, wht> planted tliemaelvee on the Compactata, stx^n rallied 

gained the upper hand. However, the LuUieran doctrine 
LiBUCd to spread [iiid to multiply Jte adhcrects among the 
jctines as well as the Brethren. The two parties, on em- 
cing Protestant ism, differed from one another chiefly on 
its of discipline- Wlien the Smalcaldic war broke out, tliu- 
aquifite refused to fumiah troops to Ferdinand, in aid of the 
smpt of Charles V. to crush the Prolcstanta, but joined 

Hector of fSaxony. The Bohemiane shared in full measure 

disasters which fell upon the Protestant party after their 
^tt at Muhlberg. Ff^rdmand inflicted upon theni severe 
Bhes. Toleration was now denied to all except the anti- 
jiento Hussites; and this drove many of the Brethren into 
and and Pruflsia, From the year 1552, the Jceuita wVj 
n came into the country endeavored to persecute all 
3se cUsBont from the Romish Church went beyond the sland- 

of the Compactata. Id 1575 the Evangelical Calixtlnes 
I Brethren united in presenting a confession of faith 1o 
Kimiltan II. As the power of the Jesuits increased, there 
I no safety for the adherents of the Lutheran or the Swiss 
jnn- In 1609, to such as received the confe-ssion of 1575, 
re was granlned a letter patent — or "letter of majesty*' — 
icii placed them on a footing of legal equality with the Catho- 
. Persecution by the Catholics went on unlii, in 1627, it 
I required of all either to become Catholic, or qint the country. 

When the German Refornuition began, Poland was rising to 
t position which rendered it, a generation later, the most 
rerful kingdom in Eastern Europe. The Slavonic popula- 
I erf Poland had never manifested any peculiar devotion to 
Roman See. Onflicts between nobles and bishops, in which 
nal weapons on one side were often opposed to the excom- 
DiCAtion and the interdict on the other, and contests be^ 
jcn prinres and the popes on questions of prerogative, had 
n abundant in Polish history for several centuries.* At the 



160 



THE REFORMATION 




Council of CoQstaoce^ Potes were artivp in thf parly of reform. 
Wi-ll-fouddetl (iiflaffecLion at the immoral character of the clergy 
had widely prevailed. Hi-ncc the onti-sacerdotal ee-ct-s, as tlie 
Waldensea ami the lipgharde, won many followers, and were 
not exterminated by the Inquisition, by which^ about the middle 
of the fourteenth century, their open manifestation was sup- 
pressed. Far more influr.Mitial were the [[usutteaj who did 
much to prc[jare the ground for Protestant ism- Boheniian 
Brethren* driven from their own land, naturally took refuge in 
Poland. These circumstances, and olher agencies, such as the 
residence of Poiish stu<lents at Wittenberg and the employ- 
ment of Lutheran leaehers and prpachers in the familie,^ of 
nohlertf opened the door for the ingress of the Proteflfant doc- 
trine. It early gained diflciplc^, especially in the German 
cities of Polish Prussia. In Dantaig, the principal city of thia 
province, it nm<le such progress that in 1524 five churches were 
given up t.o it** adherents/ But here a turbulent party arose 
who, not satisfied with toleration, insisted upon tlriving out the 
Catholic worship, and siicceeiied by violent measures in displac- 
ing the eXL^ting magistrates, and in supplying their places 
with officers from their own number. The int^rferLiECe of the 
King, 8igismund 1,, was invoked, who restored t.he old order 
of things. Tlie |>nigresH of the Lutheran eau.se, however, was 
not stopped, and Dnntzig in the next reign became predomi- 
nantly Protestant, Tlie council and the burghers of Klbing 
acceptcil the Reformation in 1523. Thorn aUo became Prot- 
estant, The ailvanee of Ihe Rcformalion in the neighboring 
communities made it impossible to exclude it from Poland, 
where numerous burghers and powerful nobles regarded it 
with favor. By the treaty of Thorn in 1466, the old Tculonic 
Order or crusading knights, which had long governed Prussia, 
aurren<iered West Prussia and Ermeland to Poland and retained 
Ebj^I Prussia as a fief cif the Polish crown. At the request of 
Albert of Brandenburg, the Grand Master, two preachers were 
Bent by Luther to Konigsberg, in 1523. The Reformation 
swiftly spread; and when .\lbcrt, after having been defeated 
by Poland, secularized his duchy, in 1525, the prevahnce of thi^ 

' Kraninqkl. KrliQ<ciiB Hiala^ of ifu 5/oivrtiir Nalifrt. p 1211: Wi«flPV "' '*' 
ReJanrviJinn in PnUind.i. 113 B»q.; Du6eMduaied, Potni^cktn DittiOnUn (tUst-^ 
1^, ITOB), L 423. 



THE REI-'OHMATiON Ifi PuLAND 



JSV 



Protestant doctrine was secured. In 1544 he founded the 
University of Konigsborg for the educaticn of preachers and 
the extension of the new faith. In Lhonla, which, after 1521^ 
was independent of the Teutonic Order, the ReformaLion like- 
wise found a wiUing acceptance. As early as 1524 Luther ad- 
dreaoed a printed letter to the professors of the evangehcal 
doctrine in Riga, RcvcIt and Dorpitt. Cities in the variouB 
parts of Poland and famihea of distinction embraced the new 
faith. In I54S a multitude of Bohemian Brethren, e>iles from 
their countryr came in to strengthen the Protestant interest. 
Id this year tiigisniund I, died, and was eucceeticd by his son, 
Sigi&niiind II.. or *Sigi&niund Avipuplut:, who was friendly to the 
evan^lieal doctrine- Calvin dedicated to him his Commentary 
on the Epiatie to the Hebrews, and subsequently corresponded 
wth hini- In the Diet of I5.'>2, ^itrfuig indignation was mam- 
ff$t«d against the clergy on account of the proceedings of nn 
ecclesiastical tribunal against 8tadnicki, an eminent nobleman. 
The clergy were forbidden to inflict any temporal punishment 
on those whom they might pronounce hetero<iox,' At a Diet 
ftt Piotrkow in 1555, a national council for the settlement of 
rdigioufi differences was demanded, and was prevented from 
Hflaembling only by the strenuous exertions of the Pope. Re- 
li^ouB fn^dom was granted by the kinp to the cities of Dantzig, 
Tiiom, and Elbing: and also to Livonia in the treaty of 1561, 
by whirh it was annexed to Poland. DrsMMiwion among Prnt- 
estimts themselves wbm the chief lumltance in the way of the 
complete diffusion of the Protestant, faith, which at this time 
had penetrated all ranks of society. The Calvinlst^ ^-ere nu- 
merous; they ojpmiaed thempelvrp according U the Presby- 
terian form, and a union between them and the Brethren, in 
rcflpeet to doctrine, was cemented at a sj'nod in 1555. Opp<ffled 
lo these were the Lutherans, who were mostly Germans, and who 
took little paina to propagate their system througli the instru-^— 
mentality of any other language than their own. The Unt-^l 
tarians formed a third parly, which found a leader in the erudite " 
Italian, Faustns Soeinus, and became strong, in particular 
among the higher cla.'^se-s. The intestine divisionR among the 
Protestantfi afforded in various ways a great adv'antage to 

■ KruHubi, fleltff. f/ist. of iSe Siaronio ^atioru^ pp. 132, 133; Ilf^?i|vnlBcti 
tfMf. St^m ^farm^rvtn {1«M}, p, 2O0, 



16S THE Rl!:tX>RMATION 

their antagoniAt«. An able, acf^omplished, and Indefati^ble 
defender ol CattioUci^m vb& found in Ho^ius^ Bishop of Cu]mj 
and, afUr lo51, of Ermeland. On the Prolcetant side, coa- 

spicuDUS for his efforts in behalf of union, as well as for hie 
gi^neral character aiid iliveraifipd labora, was John k Lasco. 
Bom of a wealthy and aristocratic family in Poland, he was 
destined for the priesthood, and after completing his studies in 
hia native country, he resorted to foreign univereities. especially 
Louvain and Basel. At Basel he was intimate with Erastniu, 
and for a time an inmate of his house. Far eleven years, from 
the year 1526, he labored to establlah in Poland a reformation 
after the Erasniian type. Finding his exertions fruitless, he 
left hia country, took a more decided position on the ProtestaDt 
flide, and for a nuinber of yeara superintended Ibe or^Jiization 
of the Protestant Church in East Friesland. After the SntAl- 
caldie war and the jjsissage of the Interim, he went to England, 
where he was brought into a close relation with Cranmer^ and 
took charge of the church of foreign residents, first in London 
and thcHf from 1553 to 1556, in Frankfort. After the Polish 
Ket in 1566 had granted a free exercise of the Protestant re- 
ligion in the houses of individual noblemen, Lasco was called 
back to hi-s country by King 8igisnmmi. Here he labored to 
promote unity between the Calvinist^ and Lutherans, and for 
the spread of the Protestant faith. He died in 1560. Ten 
years after, the Lutherans, influenced by counsel from Witten- 
berg, where the school of Melancthon then had sway, joined 
wi(h the Swiss and the Brethren, at the Synod of Bendomir, in 
the adoption of a common creed. This Confession is consonant 
with the Calviniatic view of the sacrament, but it carefully 
avoids language that might give ofTense to Lutherans; and it 
includes an explicit sanction of the Saxon Confession, which 
had been jjrepared U» be sent to the Courcil of Trent,' AftCT 
the death of Sigismund in 1572, the crown became elective, 
and the sovereigns were obliged to assent to the ^'Pax Dissiden- 
tium," which guaranteed equaUty of rights to all churchee in 
the kingdom- Under the term ^'Dissidents" were included 
the Catholics as well a& the other religious bodiee. The Duk« 
of Anjou, afterwards Henry UL of Prance, on being elected 

p. 503. Untuiuki, Hi^t. ol Uu Raf^ in FoUnd^ i. c^ \i. 



M 




THE REFORMATION IN POLAND AND BUNGARY 168 

King of Poland, in 1573, found it impossible to escape frotn 
taking solemn oaths to protect the Protefitant religion againet 
|>er«ei'ution and aggressioB. Bui the royal power was eo much 
weakened that, althougli the mfmarchs nitglit' efft^ct much by 
the bestowal of honors and offices, the fate of Prol^^fltantism 
depended inainly on the disposition of the nobles. To detaclj 
tbeee from the Protestant side and to gain them over to the 
Catholic Church, through institutions of education and by other 
infliipnceaf formed one prime object of the Jesuits; to whom, 
in connection with the fatal rlivisiona and (quarrels of Protea- 
tanta, the Catholic reaction was to be indebted for ita great 
ffuecese in Poland, 

Numerous Germans wer? nettled in Hungary, by whom the 
doctrines and the writings of Luther werp brought into that 
country, Bohemian Brethren, and Waldenses yet more, con- 
tributed to the favorable reception of Protestantism by the 
people among whom they dwelt, Hungarian ?!ludent« not 
only resorted to the imiversitiee of Poland, but went to Witten- 
berg also, and returned to tlisseminate the principles which they 
haA Icanied from Lnther and Melarcthon. Jt was in vain 
that the new faith was forbidden, A savage law against Lu- 
Iherana, which was paased at the Diet of Ofen, in 1523, did not 
slop the progrefia of the Protestant movement. It emanated 
from the peoplej and silently spread with great rapidity. In 
1523 the Protestantfi were the prevailing party in Hermaim- 
fltadt, and two ycar« after, the five royal free cities in Upper 
Hungary adopted the Refommtion.' The new viewa were 
embraced also by powerful nobler. At the bepnning of the 
nxte^nlh century, princes of the Slavonic House of nfagellon 
retgned in the three kingdoms of Poland, Bohemia, and Hun* 
gary. But they fourid it for their interest to connect themselves, 
by matrimonial aUiances, with the ruling family in Austria,' 
Louis n., in 1526, attempted to stem the great invasion of the 
Turks, under Solimanf with an insufTicient force, and perished 
after his grfat defeat at Mohacs. Ferdinand of Austria claimed 
the thrones of Bohemia and Hungary, which the death of Louis 
left vacant. By prudent management, he succeeded in P^Q- ^H 



164 



THE RErOHMATION 



curing 1m elfctinn i\s King of Boheiiiia, against Wif^ ambiIioi» 
competitor, the Duke of Bavaria, Jn Hungary he entcrrd 
into war with a rival aspirant to the crown, one of the great 
magnatce, John of Ziipolya, voivode of Transylvania. Both 
Ferdinand and ZSipolya found it expedient lo deoounc*" the 
Protestants, in order to secure the support of the bishopn. 
But neither found it possible, m the circurnatajicee in which 
they were placed, to engage in persecution. During this do- 
mestic conHLct, the Reformation advanced in the portions of 
Hungary not occupied by the Turks. By the peace of I53S 
Ferdinand gained the throne, John was to retain Transyl- 
vania and a part of Upper lliingar>' during his hfe. AflCT 
his death, his Queen* Isabella, dung to his possessions, and 
this was the occasion of a continuance of war. "Hie whole 
Saxon population of Transylvania adopted the Augsburg 
Confession; the Synod of Erdotl, in Hungary, issued n like dec- 
laration. Even the willow of Louis favored the Lutheran 
doctrine. Queen Isabella, in 1557, granted to the adherent?! of 
the Augsburg Confession equal political rights with the Catho- 
lics. Hungary, like Poland, was a severe sufferer through the 
strife of Protestants among themselves. The Swiss doctrine 
of the Eucharirtt fnund favor, esprcially among the native 
Hungarians. It derived increased popularity after the adop- 
fcon of it by Matthew D^vay, who was the most eminent of the 
Proteatant lejiders/ After studying at Cracow, he resided for 
a time at WittJ?nberg, in tlie family of Luther; and, after his 
return to his country, became a very successful preacher of 
the Lutheran doctrines. He was more than once imprisoned, 
but did not ceapr, by preaching and by his publications, to pro- 
mote the Protestant cause. In 1533 hn pubhshed a Ma^'ar 
translation of the Epistles of St, Paul, and three years flft^r- 
wards a version of the Gospels, D<?vay had been inticnate 
with Melancthon, who preached in Ljitin to him and to other 
students who did not understanfi German; and he was well 
acquainted with Grynirua and other Swiss Reformers. About 
the year 1540 D^vay bepan to promulgate the Calvinistic view 
of the sacrament, to the amazement and diggust of Luther, 
who pxpreased his ^axirprise in letters to Hungarians, In 1567, 

iUoIg* Rti^enejftl-, Iv, fiD£ icq, LuDpe, Hitt- £ni. Htf. in Hutgana 4l 

(1738), p, ra. 




THE KEFORMATION IN HUNGARY 



16S 



or I55S, a Calvmiatic creed waa adopted by a i^yno<l at Czenger.' 
The Calvinistic doctrioe ultimately prevailed and estabhehed 
it^lf among the Magyar Protestaats. In TranBylvanJa, the 
UDitarians were numerous^ and they were granted toleration ux 
1571 ; HO tiiat four legalize] forms of religion existed thejc, 
Not^-ithfltanding the unhappy contest of Lutherans and Cal- 
viniBtff. Protestantism continued to gain ground in Hungary, 
through the reigns of Ferdinand 1. and Maximilian 11.^ and for 
ft long time under Rudolph II, Only three magnates remained 
in the old Church. But Hungary wai* to furniah a field on which 
the Catholic Reaction, under the management of the Jesuit^j 
would exert ite power with marked success.' 

* Conftaio Cimgirrina. in Nicraeyer. p. &*Z. Spe, a\tn. Sehiifl, Cteeda ttf ChrU- 
iBdam. L ABB uq. la lAAO nil at tbc HuDcuiu CalvlniHtlo chuTGhes flubmlttcd 

* At ma e^tj clntf, then? nero DuiDrroiu Tallaivi^rD of Lulher in tbfl Nctbor- 
IuhIb; but %t wiU be more convamTbt tt n»rrA^ tho prognv* of PrDi«BiKDtiacD 
IB athu ooU&lHcH, after dcoOnUns tko nee of Cvlviouia. 



CHAPTER Vn 

iOEN CAI-VIN A^'D THE GENEVAN REFOBKlATIOff 

Thk Refornifltion was firnily established In Germany before 
it haii taken root or had found an acknowledged leader amon^ 
the Romanic nations, Such a leader at length appeared in Uie 
person of John Calvin, whose influence was destined to ejctend 
much beyond the bounds of the Ijitin nations and whtse name 
was l-o go down to posterity in frequent association witU that 
of Luther-' Calvin was bom at Noyon, in Hcardy> on the lOlb 
of July, 1509. He was only eight years old when Luther poswd 
his theses. He belongs to the second generation of reformeis, 
and this circumstance is important as affecting both hts own 
persorial hbtory and the character of his work. When lie 
arrived at manhood, the open war upon the old Church had 
already been waged for a score of years. The family of Calvio 
had been of humble ra.nk, but it was advanced by his father, 
Gerard Cauvin, who held various offices, mcluding that of notary 
in the ecclesiastical court at Noyon» and secretary to the bish- 
opric. The physical constitution of Calvin was not strong, but 
his uncommon intellectual power was early manifest. From 
his mother he received a strict relipoue training. Attracting 
the regard of the noble family of Mommor, raiding at Noyon, 
lie WHS takpn under their patronage and instruct*^ with their 
children- He had no experience of the rough conflict with 

' The Lift of Calvin, by Throdore Bo^m tB ite *OfW of ■ ooatnnper&r;' toA 
fntmd- Dtt I'tfte^ Jnhann Cfilrnw^a. VfXi Paul Heary (liunburg, IS3&-4-l^ 3 velt-\ 
ft thorcvigh, hui dif!ijj*i'ly wnltpn htography: JoKann ruJnn, *fi>i* Kirtht t# umi 
StoOf in Gmt- ^<^a F- ^V, KampsrbuUfl. 2 vots. (Lripsr. lS6e. 1896). SuiP' 
■ohultv ii ■ Raoiui Catholic, ihomu^h Id hu n»tarcii» and dupaflBDOftta. but 
not friaodly to CiLlviD. Hcnrj- »d<I KampKhuU^ may be pnifitAbly nmd ^^ 
pther. Johannct Calrin, £«bnt b, aM^fvoAUv ScJiriften. van Dr, L, E, dt^vlb 
(Elbdrfiad, ian3),3 vals. Thia ia Uic beflt of the Gvnuuvlivaof tbe reformer- A 
valnablp. iraj^artift] Lift aj Caivin u thmt of Uyet { Londork, 1ft60J- Very attnftin 
in kt« prtflnoT and vaiuablo In itfl dffaiU it the French work of Kr DonnvrEOB, 
J§an Calvin. Irn tumtm^a, W Ifm rhoarx d^ wn trmpx. 6 vnln.. ■unlS nunTdfxJ tUiufrE^ 
fforu. Hemunjanlj Comspff^fce drri p^fpiTiaJrurB darw lea paTja dt fan/jiit /ii"- 
rnwr. iSOtf — voU.p ii a lirli cutte^ltan '^f tiLstaricBl murtn. Thr beat eoVre 
«/ C«]riq^ Work* ia w ihc Ctrpv* ittfttrma^Dntm, Bnunaohireic, 13A9-11KI0. 

11M 



1 



THE EDUCATION OF CALVIN 



IGT 



ttiury which many of tbe German and Swigs reformers were 
obliged in their youth to undergo, Wtien ucly twelve years 
M, he was niade (he recipient of the income of a chaplaincy, 
rUich enabled him U) prosecute his etudics in Paris. To tliis 
ttipend, a few years afterwards, the income of another benefice 
VBS added. At the cutset his father intended that he ahould 
« a priest. When transferred to Paris, he was first in the 
^oll^ge de la Marehe^ where he was taught T^tin by a cultivated 
lumanist, Maturin Gordier^ better known under the name of 
'«rileriu3, for whom he cherished a lifelong attachment^ and 
ho became a devoted friend, and cooperated with hiiii in foster- 

his plans for Christian Etlucation in Switzerland and France, 
nd whom he succeeded in placing in charge of his school at 

eva. He also studied in the College Mtmtaigu^ where he 
txatned in scholastic logic under a learned Spaniard, who 
ards, in the same school, guided the studies of Ignatius 
yola,' There Calvin surpassed his companions in as^duity 
Ind aptitude to leam. He was noted for his quiek perception 
ind skill in dialectics, but he Bpent much of the time by hini- 
lelf, and from his serious, and^ perhaps, severe turn of mind, 
Bras nicknamed "The Accusative Cose."" Bcza says that this 
designation is reported to have been given Calvin by his school- 
imtes, on account of his being as a scholar exceedingly [in 
nirum modum] religious and a strict censor of all Lheir faults. 

E;e had reached his eighteenth year, had received the tonsure, 
id even preached occasionally, but had not taken orders, when 
18 father, from worldly motives, changed his plan and con- 
Glided to qualify his son for the profession of a jurist,' He 
iccoTflingly prowecuteil hLs legal studies under celebrated teach- 
ers at Orleans aod Bourges, then the mo^t famous law schools 
a FVance. As a student of law he attained the highest pro- 
iciency and distinction. He undermined his health bjsfetudy- 
Jale into the night, in order to arrange and digest the 
tents of the lectures which he had heard during the day,* 
ly in the morning he would awake to repeat to himself what 

■ KucipAohun«, I- 293. > Guiiol, 81. LouU and Calvin, p. iSfi, 

■ CkJWn m>y9 nf hit Fftlh^r: "Quum vidpret trgum vii^nlikm pAAi^m QUg«Te 
«idTor«A opihUB, apPH ilia i«p»hW eum impulLt liI (nlir»rrit;m conailiiim-" 

- PftfOff In thr Ptalnia. Tbe fachtr'i maUve appeum to have Ikch Uu pmpnt 
4 ittbJUl in ilkp I^iCb] profnaioua, 

Br»B. Vita Juhannia Cajoini. ii^ "Scnaiu piEbv nuUiua," BkyB Besft in bu 
flloHAg refuaHu upoa C^lvio, xuu. 



168 THE REFORMATION 

he had thus reduced to ordor. He never required but a few 
hours for sleep, niidj GlS w^ also the case with Mehmcthon, 
his inteaae mental acLivity frequently kept him awake thiou^ 
tlie night. Such wa^ hia pn:>gresa, and to highly w/ts he esteemed 
by his inatructora that often when thcj' were temporarily ab- 
detit he took tbelr place. At the same time he indulged hia 
taste for literature, and learned Greek from the German pro- 
fessor of that knguiLge, Melchior Wohnar, with whom he stood 
in a, friendly relation. The amount of Wolniar'a religious 
influence on him was leas tlmn it is aonietimes aasvimed to have 
been.* Before this time, at the urgent request of a Proteataat 
relative, Peter Olivelan, afterwards the first Prote&tant trans- 
lator of the Bible into French, he had directed his attention 
to the wtudy of the Scriptures. In l/i^l, having compleI«i bis 
law studies at Bourges, he stayed for several weeks at hia 
father's house. In the summer he returned to Paris, where he 
kept up his Humanistic studies. And we have little knovl- 
etlge of him up to 1532, the date of his first publication, tii 
annotated edition of Seneca'a treatise on 'Xlemency/' dated in 
April. It has been erroneously supposed that he hoped by 
this work to move lYancis I. to adopt a milder policy toworda 
the persecuted Protestants. No such design appears In th« 
book.^ Hie interest In literary studies wa^ not chllledf and he 
aimed to bring himself into notice as a scholar and autbor. 
His notions of reform certainly did not exclude sympathy with 
the writings of Rcuchlin and Erasmus. He writes to his 
friends to aid in circulating his book and in calling attention to 
it, a part of his motive beings however, to reimburse himadf 
for the cmt of the publication. His notes on Seneca show hia 
wide acquaintance with the classics^ bis ethical diacemmeoti 
and his interest in theological questions. But there ia no pro- 
fession on the side of the Reformation. 

* Sk Hnuck. Rtalencyd. J. Thenl. u. Kirche, iii, p. Afifl. 

■ Tli»l the pommsntAry on 8cne*ft vax deoiffae^ to aflvct the Fitnch kii^ Sa 
tl^id wny. atid wad componxj. therefore, &ft?r CaJvJn'n cocvenuan, ia fLuumcd bf 
iDM.nf. >.mDng wbom uv H«nry, L GQ, uid Hcreog in the vL "CatviD" in u 
ttealtneyei. d. Th»tl.. pdLtcd by hLinfipll; hIho by GlijuH^ St Lcittm and CoJvA^ 
p. 162. For evidi-nre to the coatrhrv, ift" ^tihelln. i. 14- Thv d^dicfttion <ta 
tL« Abbol of ISC, Eluv) a duxed Ai^rif 4. 15^2. ^tihelia b^vib 1033 u Ui< (UU 
ciT lui cunvtrHLon, Calviii mya (Piefact tv tkt PnatTna) lliat iti Ifiw Uivi » year 
afler h'la convrmioh the ProtcataDls were lookinf; Lq liun for iodlructiojt. Tbcivp* 
]>iHUioit l^uvl ihis rr-ligJous chau^ ocoiirred abortl/ afler Ibo publii-ktion of Bcnccfe^ 
tromtue beat vxordM wltk b^ja'j aUteniBnt, Viia C't/nni, iL Sem m/n, p. 171L 



[ tromtw 



CAI.VIN'9 CONVERSION 



16f 



Reflpecting the convcraion of Calvin, there are questions 
dative to ite mode or powers, and tlie chronologyj which are 
itill controverted. This is true especially as to what he him- 
mAS terms hia "sudden" conversion and the open espoujial of 
^otfstantism. The documents of most interest on thefie 
topics arc his Letter to Sadotet and hia Preface to the Fsalmn. 
In the Preface to his Commentary on the Psalms, he writes that 
when he was too devoted to the superstitiona of Popery to be 
easily extrncted, "God, by a sudden conversion brought his niind 
to ix trachabie frame," He writes: "Mter my heart haiJ lung 
been prepared for the Diost earnest eclf-cxaniination, od a sudden 
the full knowledge of the truth, Uke a bright light, disclo^d to 

Ehe abyss of errors In which I was weltering, the sin and 
e with which I was defiled. A horror seized on my sou! 
I became conscioiiH of my wTetchedoesa and of the more 
terrible misery that was before me. And what waa left, 
Lord, for me, miserable and abject, but, with teara and cries of 
supplication, to abjure the old life which Thou condemned, and 
to flee into Thy path?" He describes hiniself as having striven 
in vain to attjiin inwarti pe^ce by the methods set forth in the 
teaching of the Church. But the more he had directed his eye 
inward or upward to God, the more did his conacience torment 
him- " Only one haven of salvation is there for our souls," be 
»yB, "and thai Is the compassion of God, which is offered U> us 
in Christ :" " We are saved by grace not by our merits, not by 
our works. Since we embrace Christ by faith, and, as it were, 
enl4?r into his fellowship, we call this, in the language of 
8cnpture, 'justification by faith,'" We know less of Calvin's 
inward experience than we know of Luther's, and even its ea- 
Benti^ identity with that of Luther is by some doubted. Calvin 
had hesitated about t>ecoming a Protestant, out of reverence 
ioc the Church, But he so modified his conception of the Church 
ae to perceive that the change did not involve a renunciation 
of it.^ Memljerahip in the true Church was consistent with 
rPHouncing tlie rule of the Roman Catholic prelacy; for the 
Church, in its essence invisible, exists in a (rue form wherever 
the Gospt^l is faithfully preached and the eaeramenta admin- 
btered conformably to the directions of Christ. Calvin was 
turally reserved and even bashful; he aspired after nothing 

* Kpitts ad SaJtitI, Optra (ed. Rcu» ol.), vut. v. SSfi Mq, 



tTO THE REFORMATION 

higher, either after or before hia coDvereion^ than the oppo^ 
tunity to pursue his studies in retirement. He had an inslmcli^-e 
repuguaote Lo publitily and conflict. His former studies, to 
be sure, had now a secondary place; bis whole soul waa &k- 
eorbei,! in the examination of the Bible and in the investlgatico 
of religious truth-' But alill he craved seclusion and quiet. 
He found, however, that, notwithstanding hia youths in te 
company of the persecuted Protestants at Paris he was quickly 
r(?garded as g. leadi^r, and his couimel was sougtit by all ubo bm^ 
Deed of religious instruction. 

Notice may here be given to the chronological problem 
taining to hia conversion. The tradition was early accepted 
and has been long adopted that Calvin wrote for his friend, 
Nicholas Cop, who had been made Rector of the University 
of Paris, the opening Address, hi which there were introduced 
the ideas of the Reformation, and that the doctrines tima de- 
clared awakened a hostile excitement, which not only obligel 
Cop to fly to escape arrest, which ia admitted, but Calvin abo, 
Tlje learned critic, R. Stahelin, of late has brought together data 
that convince him that the supposition cf Calvin's authorship «( 
Cop'a Address b a mistake. With this opinioo is connected 
further the persuasion that at this time of the Paris agitation 
and Cop's Address, Calvin did not, and had not before, avowed 
himself a convert to the Protestant Creed and resumed his ad* 
hesion to the Church and Creeil of Rome. Stalieliu seeks to 
show that this hving experience and profession of the new faith 
were at a later date, when at Noyon he resigned hia benefices, 
and was there arrested and for a good while confined in prison 
by the adherents of the old Church. The position of Stahelln. 
as to the dates^ Is withstood by A. Lang^ Domprediger in 
Halle,' who brings together important evidence of the author- 
ship by Calvin of Cop's Address, of Calvin's co-work'mg in Paris 
with the Protestant converts, and of his spiritual consecraliwi 
to God between August 23, 1533, and the end of October, of 
that ye^r^ his giving of himself thenceforward to the service of 
the Gospel. His resignation and imprisonment at Noyon was 
early in May, 1534. 

' aonnet, Lriterj of CcJtin, L 7. 8. 

' tt» Btk€hrunii Johannea Co/pfna. rOH A- Lbuk, Ldpdc, 1897, W[Ui ttw 
proofp QfTer^ by Laoi^ la Aii int^rvatiug HUtBOiciit of Ibc priiii;ipjJ ijnaUiDU, rk 
ir. p. t3 acq. 




CALVIN'S CONVERSION 



in 



Surprise has been fdt at the promincrcc often ^ven by 
Jvin to the impression made on him, through the Scripturea, 

the divine authority of the Bible and of the Law of God, in 
mparison with the less he has to say of tlie doctrine of tlie 
viour'fi work in behalf of the sinner, and of the one indispen- 
blc need of dependence on Christ t\3 the ground of forgiveness. 
tflg Imds in Cop's Address miieh on these last vital points 

the GoBp^el, which corresponds, in part sentence by sentence, 

portionK of a sermon of Luther, preached in 1522 on the 
jne festal Jay as the day of that Address, and which, taken up 

the Church Pogtib, might have been made known in France 
LTOugh one of the Latin translations/ The connection of these 
[tracts with what is said through Cop of the grace of God to 
e believer, with no merit on his ]3art, who nt'Vt'j theless receives 
ilh indubitable certainty the free pardon of sin and peace, 
ing recognizes as an cxpresaion by Calvin of hia own personal 
kperience, and as one of the evidences of its identity with the 
ifid of Luther, as regards the place of law and of the work of 
irist in the practical reception of the Gw|»el Tlie copious 
production in Cop of these excerpts is analogous to a like cita- 
from pages of Erasmus, which Lang likewise ascribes to 
le pen of Calvin. 

The extended researches of M. Doumergue embrace a careful 
/*cuB«ion of the conversion of Calviu,' Doumergue gives 
gh praise to Lang^s very recent ami reuiarkable "Study of the 
aversion of Calvin," but does not concur with him in full. 
i^ Lang, he defends the thesis that Caivin'e authorship is at 
e basis of Cop s Address. He doe^ not concede that Calvin 
led the term ^'conversion" in exaclly the sense in which we 
it now. Wlien the religious cliange in himself is referred 
, the successive stages in this change, if not mentioned, are 
it meant to be disavowed. This la the case when the change 
referred to as "sudden." It was brought to pass, realized, 
ti*-een August 23 and November i, 1533.' "Calvin," Langha^ 
id, "broke suddenly fnot ^radunlly but suddmly) with all that 
Itch had been for him up to that time the end or goal of liis 
orta, his ideal. In 1532 he contented himself with a com- 
rt*ly superficial acquaintance with the Vulgate, To the end 

1533 the study of Scripture in the original tongues filled his 

■ t«iv, p, 47 sui. ■ Tool i. Livttr ttttimktac, p. 327 HXi. * vi, p. M^ 



172 



THE REFORMATION 



heart.'* "Before 1532, and perhaps lo tlie middle of 1533, t^* 
religioiLS (juestlon is for him tis if it did not exist," ^ Dot- 
mergue brings much evidence to ehovr th&t the succe^it 
changes in Calviifs mind are not connected by him with 
ticular designation of time. Doumergue ' differs pointedly 
Lefranc ' who different ifttcs m a marked way the 
experieDce of Cflhir from that of Luther. "The defmiiim 
Calvin," says Lefranc, *'waa before everything of logic and 
reBection, where Bentiroent counted for uothing (nc fut 
rien)," 

Lang sums up hi a few closing pag^ of his Essay the relaliOT 
of CaJvin'w rfligioiis ex]>erietiee t{j tiiMt of Luther (pp. 53-57), Iff 
the recognition, says Lang, that vce can do nothing of our on 
strength to attain the approval (W'ohlgef alien) of Cod, IW 
His grace, however, givt« without any merit, to the l^elievpr, 
with an absolute assurance, the forgiveness of £ln and peace cf| 
mind — therein for the author of the Cflp Address aie tJie essential! 
contents of the Gospel; where else could Calvin have reca^'tdl 
this conviction save from his ovm experience? At the point 
in the Address where Luther is left, the speaker, affected be b* 
was by the religious movement in Paris, was suddenly getrogm 
by the hand of GoiL He heard the will of the Law, His coo- 
science wa* burdened, but the promise of the Gospel came to 
him ; he laid hold of it in faith, in uniloubtmg assurance thil 
God forgives sin and without any merit justifies. His hi^crt 
good becomes peace and conscience, peace with God. No( 
from the Churcli Postils only, but soon by plunging in othf* 
writings (in Latin) of Luther, he revered hira for life as a father 
IQ Chriat, His difference from Luther is in giving greata 
prominence to the declaration in Scripture of the panlonuig 
grace of God. The peculiarity of Calvin is the more empliatic 
and conspicuous teaching of what, is called the Formal Pnnnpfc^ 
oj Pro/^toTi/imi — the authority of the Bible. ' 

Leaving Paris after Cop's Address, Calvin went from place to 
place. He first went to Angoulfme, where he enjoyed itfj 
society of his friend Loiiis du Ullel and the use of a good iibrarr. 
He visited B^am, and at the court of Margaret, the Quwa of; 
Navarre^ sister of Francis L, he met the aged Lef^vre^ the fa 

t DoilrppTeuf^, p. 74Z. 
'Tom. u p. 3A0 K. 




' La Jntneav de Caivin^ pp. Qfl, 97. 9B, 



CALVIN'S INSTITOTES 17* 

of the Reformation in P'raoce. Then followed the visit to 
Noyon to reeign bis beoetices. RutuniLiig to Parts after his 
UDprifi<»UDeDt, he was a^in in peril. The intemperate zeal 
of the Protestants in ptjsling placards against the mass stirred 
up the wrath of the court, and he was again obliged to fly. 
Not irithout a struggle and t^ars he bade farewell to his country.' 
He tarried again at .\iigatjieme, in the hou^ of du Tillet, At 
about thtB time Uo34) tradition places the date of his tirst theo- 
logical pviblicationj the " Paychopannychia/' a polemicftl book 
a gftina t the doctrine which whs profej^seil by AnabupLists that the 
soul aleepa between death and the resurrection. It may in its 
groundwork have been composed then, but it appears to be 
shown that it was first printed Id IM2, At Slriuiburg he was 
warmly received by Bucer, and at Basel by Gryn:yu.s and Capia. 
At Bftsel he began to acquire the Hebrew language, and was able 
to gratify bia strong inclination fcr retirement and study. It was 
here that he wrote hia ** inatitutea/' ' The firet edition, of 153H, 
waa only the germ of the work, which grew in successive issues 
to Lie present sise,' Wliat moved him to the composition of it 
wiks the cruel peraecution to which his brethren were i^ubjf^ct in 
France. He wished to remove the impression that they were 
f&natical Anabaptists, seeking the overthrow of civil order, 
which their oppressors, in order to pacify the displeasure of 
G«nnan Lutherans, industriously propagated,' He was deeiroua 
oi bringing Francis I. into sympathy with the new doctrine. 
For this last end the dedication to the king, which has been 
raerally admired for it« literary merit, and as a condensed and 
powerful vindication of the Protestant cause, was composed. 
This eloquent appeal to the justice of the king concludes thus: 
"But if your ears are so preoccupied with the whispers of the 
malevolent as to leave no op[>artimity for tlie accu^ to speak 
for themaelves, and if those outrageous furies^ with your con- 
tivance, continue to persecute with imprisonments, scourges, 

' H«UT, i- 1£0. 

* The iaternUng litermry quetlion u to the lAiifujice In which it fint mf^ 
ptwd, vhethvr Latin or French, tamy. |jf-rb«pa, be rej^ardcd ■■ wtUwl. Il *■* 
irit |irruit«d in Latia, ukJ the BUlhor'a anme wu attvLhed to it. S^b thr PtdIc- 
yiiua to thg n*w friHion of Ta] vim's t^Ung&i, vdit^ by Itaum, Cuoiti, mid R»iui; 
■Ml aialt^liD, i. SI GuiioE, however, Htill hctda Ih&l tlL« fiivt iKliboD wM la 
hiBCli SI- LautM and C'aivin, p 176. It sppivrEid m 1^6. 

'"niia bd amym wu hu Mile mallvp: "N'ecjut in aiium linfm," elc. Pre^. la 



1T4 



the: reformation 



tortures, confiscations, and flames, we shall indeed, like 
destined to the slaughter, be reduced to the great^t extremil 
Yet shall we in patience possess our souls, and wait for 
mighty hand of the Lord, which undoubtedly will in time 
pear, and show itself armed for the deliverance of the 
from their affliction, and for llie puniahment of their dt 
who now exult in such perfect security. May the Lort 
King of Kings, establish your throne with righleousni 
your kingdom with equity," Although this famous 
wjvs much aniplified from time to time, until it appeared 
the author's latest changes and additions in 1559, yet the 
trine of it undertt'erit no alt*?ration. and the identity of 
work was always preserved.' We may notice in this 
some of Calvin's characteristica as a writer and a man. 
direct influence was predominantly and almost eicluaii 
upon the higher clasaea of society. He and his system 
powerfully upon the people, but indirectly throui 
agency of others. He was a patrician in his tempei 
By his early associations, and as an effect of his culture, 
quired a certain refinement and decided affinities for the 
elevated by birth or education. This was one of his 
dissimilarity to Luther: he waa not fitted, like the Gei 
reformer to come home to "the business and bosonis" of 
mon men. He had not the popular eloquence of Luther, 
had he the genius that left its impreas on the wonln and W( 
of the Saigon reformer; but he was a more exact and fiaii 
scholar than Luther. The Latin style of Calvin has been 
versally praised for its classical purity. He was a terse i 
hating diflfuaeness. He was master of a logical method, a 
lover of neatnejia and order. In all his wonis tliere glow 
fire of an int^iise conviction. TTie "Institutes" are in tt 
a continuous oration, in which the stream of discussion 
onward with an impetuous current, yet always keeps ffil 
its defined channel. Tlie work, in its whole tone, is remi 
as far as possible from the dry treatises of seholaslic 
with which it ha^ often been classed. Iti funning an eat 
of Calvin^ as a thinker, the first thii^ to observe is fliat he 
a Frenchman and a lawyer. Hia nature and his trainiag 

^ A tabular view or t\iB chnnH^n in tEir ftun:esaivr- rdiliuu ■> prBani>«l 
lateat niition ai CitlviiL'a wnlin^, Opera (fU'uaq et aL), -/tA- y 



CALVIN'S INSTITUTEa 



ITS 



to malce Hiic cmineQtly logic^ &nd systematic. That 

t for orgRniKation which is ascribed to his cocintrymen as a 
trait belonged to him in an eminent degree. It waa 
in the products of his intellect, not leas than in his 
activity. He came Forward at a moment when the 
of the Reformation were widely diffused^ but when no 
quate reiluction of theni to a systematic fomi had be^n 
ieved. The dogmatic treatise of Melancthon, meritorious 
Ugh it be, was of comparatively limited scope. The field 
for the most part open ; and when Calvin appeared upon 
le was at once recognized as fully competent for his task, 
greeted by Melancthon himself as "the theoIogiHu/' By 
enemies of Protestantism hi.s work was styled " the Koran of 
heretical." Of the clcarneis, coherence, and symmetry of 
U diECUsdtoDS, there is no need to speak. It 18 remarkable 
the theological opinions of Calvin remained unehanged 
the time of his conversion to his death.' This, it is well 
wa, was far from being tnie of Luther, or of Melancthon, or 
I of Zwingli- One prime characteristic of his system is the 
dfaat, consistent adoption of tlie Bible as the sole standard 
octrine. He scouts the doctrine that the truth of the Bible 
on (he authority of the Church. The Divine authority 
le Biblr can be proveti by reason; assuretl conviction of the 
h of the Gospel and a spiritual insight are imparted by the 
f Ghofll. What cannot verify iteclf by the explicit authority 
tripture counts for nothing. Tlial inbred reverence for the 
ent Church and that influence of Cliristian antiquity, which 
Bpen in Luther, were entirely foreign to Calvin, Hf holds 
Fathers, especially AugufitinCj in esteem; but he makes no 
^■■es for eharply contradicting them all, in case he deems 
PPw variance with Holy Writ, For the Papacy, and for 
tenets and rites which he considers the "impious inventions 
itiCTi," without warrant from the Word of God, he feels 
mtfiise hatred, not unraingled with scorn. Yet, probably, 
s of the Reformers speak ao often and with so much defer- 
of the Church. But by the Church he means something 

1W*ik h»a DDlic^ thi* (met — Vila CaJfnni, nxsi Lwky fi/tifory ttf Ra- 
Uwm. i. 373) Hve. fp*«kiag ol Oie cucliMTBtio eoatro^enj- ; '*Cftlvlii only 
d ki hi* liBki viwi &ft«r ■ long wnttn at oftciMsticru " Thii it quil« pms- 
; thfffv u DO nuon fcr thinkid| lb«t ClJvia ever bftd but aat o^utoc w\ 

ftflW bii HtarBTBDlL 



176 



THE REFORMATION 



k 



different from the sacerdotal organisation of the Roman CatU 
lie body- He holda to Ike Chiirch inxnable, coniposi^d of tra 
believers; and to the Church risible, the criteria of which ui 
r.hp right administration nf the ^lacramentfi, and tlie leuehitigfi 
the Word. For the visible Church, as thus constituted, h 
feels the deepcM rnverenoc, and holds that out of it there bd 
salvation. The schismatic cuts himself off from Cliriat. h 
the Church, as established after the model of the New T«tt 
inent, hfl <len]Hmls a suhmifiKion httle >hort of tliat which th 
Roman Catholic pays to the authorized expounders of his feith.' 
But the striking, the peculiar, feature of Calvin's system, ia lU 
doctrine of Predestination. This doctrine, at the outset, ii 
deed, wa^ common to all of the Refonuers. Predestinalion i 
asserted by Luther, in liis book on the " Servitude of the TOB,' 
even in relation to wickedjieas, in terms more emphatic thii 
the most extreme statements of Calvin, Melancthon, for i 
considerable period^ wTote in the same strain. Zwtngli, in 
metaphysical theory, did not differ from his brother Ref 
They wfre united in revivirg the Anguslinian theology, 
opposition to the Pelagian doctrine, which affected in a 
or less degree all the schools of Catholic theology. It is 
important to understand the motives of the Reformers in 
proceeding. Calvin was not a speculative philoeopher 
thought out a necessitarian theory and defended it far 
rcsAon tliat he considered it capable of being logically 
liahed. It ia true that the keynote in his system w« 
profound sense of the exaltation of God. Nothing could be 
mittj^d that seemed to clash in the least with His univerwJ MO 
trol, or to cast a shade upon His omniscience and omDipotai* 
But the "iirect grountls or -sources of his tloctrine were practli^ 
Predestination to him is the correlate of human depcBdenofl 
the counterpart of the doctrine of grace; the antithesis t« flit 
Tation by merit; the implied consequence of man's eomplrt 
bondiLge to sin. In election, it is involved that man's salvatiol 
ts not his own work, but, wholly, the work of the grace of 
and in election, also, there is laid a sure foundation 
believer's security under all the aasaidta of temptation. Il 
practical inl^resta which Calvin is sedulous to guErd; he 



^ Sw, For ucAmplfl, hia AetaSyruHii Tndentvw cum Atuidctt C1S47), er 
J. 312. 




THE DOCTIIIXE OF PREDESTINATION 



177 



the doctrioi? for wJiat he considers its religious vaTup, and it 

Do mor^ than justice to him to remembfr that he habiUially 

the tenet, which proved to be ao obnoxious, an unfathom- 

mystery» an abyss into which no mortal mind can descend, 

, whether consistently or not, there is the moet eiirneet 

>rtion of Ihe moral and reeponaible nature of man. Augus-^ 

had held that In the fall of AHuni the entire race were in- 

lived in a common act and a common catafitrophe. The wiJl 

not cle^troyei; it is alill free to ein, but is utterly disabled ae 

holiness. Out of the mass of niankind, all of whom are 

guilty, God chooses a part to be the recipients of his mercy, 

*m He [jurifies by an irr^istlble influenee, but leaves the 

to Buffer the penalty wliich they have juatly brouglit upon 

rco. In the "In>stitute3/' Calvin does what Luther had 

in his book against Er&^muE; he niake^ the Fall itself, 

w [Hnmal transgression, the object of an efficient decree. In , 

lis ]jarticular he goPK Ijeyond Augustine, and apparently afTorda 

wjictinn to the extreme, or ffupia-Iajwarian type of theology, 

Jch afterwards foimd numerous defenders — which traces 

to tho direct agency of God, and even founds the distinction 

right and WTon^ ultimately on }lh omnipotent will,* But 

len Ctih'in wiiw called upon fo define his doelrine Uiore care- 

\ as in the Concensus Gtiievensis, he confines himaelf to the 

iion of a permip^ive decree — a volilivc permission^ in 

case of the first sin. Id other wordj^, he does not overstep 

Augustinian position. He explicitly avers that every de- | 

of the Almighty springs from reEsons wh'irh, iJiough hidden 

U9, are good ancl snfTicient; that is to say, he founds will 

ri^ht, and not right upon will/ He differs, however, both 

Auffu&tine and Luther, in aflirminp that none who are 

converted fall from a state of grace, the number of believerfi ^ 

coext^naive with the number of the elect. The main J 

ity of Calvin's treatment of this subject, as rompared 

■the coure« pursued by the other Reformers, b the greater 

linence which he gives to Predestination. It stands in the 

iind; it \a never left out of sight. Luther's practical 

of this dogma was quite different. Under hie influ- 



I 



t r 



1 



nr. ndli. ft *kj. 

ni>;prfa (AmM. ed \ loin. viU. 038, "Out mffirmo dfail dfcerngrg fliwop^iiia 
^ov aj hodie aobi* inocciul' «1< u]diiu> die pktcaflL." 



enc* It retreated more and more into the hackgmond, until 
not only m Mplancthon's aystcm, but also in the later Lulherafi 
theology, uoconditional Predesti nation disappeared altogether. 
As a commentator, the ability of Calvin is very great, TV 
first of his serieii of works in this departrneiit — his work cc 
the EpiJHtle to the Romans — wa^ issued while he was at Strti- 
burg, after his expulsion from Geneva. The preparation of hb 
commentaries was always the nioet congenial of his occupations. 
If his readers, he once said, gathered as much profit from the 
perusal as he did from the composition of them, he should have 
no reason to regret the labor which ihey had cost. He wu 
posseeeed of an exegetical tact which few have equaled. He 
hafi the true spirit of a scholar. He detests irrelevant Ulk 
upon a passage, but unfolds its meaDing in concise and pointed 
t^rms. He is manly, never evades difficulties, but alwajB 
grapples with them; and he is candid. He makes, on pobtt 
of dogma, qualificatiotia and occasional concessions which Sltc 
generally left out of his polemical treatl'?es, but which are in- 
dispcnsabte to a correct appreciation of his opinions- If be 
created an epoch in doclrinal theology, it is equally true thftt 
he did much to foimd a new era, for which, however, Melancthoa 
and others hatl paved the way, in the exegesis of the Scripture. 
Luther seized on the main idea of a passage, but was leas pre- 
ci^e as a philological critic. The palm belongs to Luther, asi 
translator, to Calvin, as an interpreter of the Word. 

Notwithstanding the radical principles of Calvin, it defienraa 

to be remarked that as a pracficAl Reformer^ he was, in some 

niarked particulars, not the extremist which he is commotil)" 

supposed to have been. He did not favor the iconoclastic 

measures of men hke Knox, He was Dot even hostile to 

bishops as a pire kumano arrangement-' He would not have 

earfti to aholish Hie four Clirirtlian festivals, which the Genei'an 

rhureh, without his agency^ early discarded, in his epistles to 

Somerset, the IVotector in the time of Edward \T,. and to the 

English Reformers, he criticises freely the Anglican Church, 

Too much, he said, wae conceded to weak brethren; to bear 

tb the weak does not mean that "we are to humor blockhcwk 

'> wish for this or that, without knowing why." He thought 

» dCAQdal, he wrote to Cranmer, that so many pap&I conup 






CALVIN'S PERSONAL TEA] 

taons remftinj for example, thitt "idle glut( nowhere 

to chaiit vespers in an unknown tongue." 
Ferent redpecling various customs and cerem 
rigid Purilanisni made it a point of conscie 

'Dicre are marked personal traits of 
themselves in his letters and other writings, 

find illustraled lu the course of hia life. Inatu* . ^ 

which ia one of the native quahtiea of Luther, we find an acerb- 
ity, which 13 felt more easily than described, and which, more 
than anything else, has mspired multitudes with aversion to 
him, Beza, his disciple, friend, and biographer, states that in 
his boyhoofl he wa-* the c<infior of the faults of his mates." 
TTirough life, he had a tone, in reminding n^en of their real or 
Buppoaed delinquencies, which provoked resentment. To thoee 
much older than himself, to men like Cranmor and Melancthon, 
he wrote in thia uncotwciously cutting style. There was much 
in the truthfulnesw, fidelity, and courage, which he mamfeBts 
even in his reproofs, to command respect- Yet, there was a 
tart quality which, coupled with his unyielding tenacity of 
opinion, wa& adapted to provoke disestecm. We Icam from 
Calvin him,=elf, tlrnt Melancthon, mild as he was naturally, was 
so offended al the style ol one of his admonitory epistlns that 
be tore it in pieces. The wretched health of Calvin, with the 
enormous burdens of labor that rested upon him for years, had 
an unfavorable effect upon a temper naturally irritable. He 
was occasionally so cnrried away by gusts of paseion that he 
iMt all self-control" He acknowledges this fault with the 
utmost frankness; he had tried in vain, he payn, to tame "the 
wild bea^t of his anger;*' and on his death-bed he asked par- 
don of the Senate of Geneva for outbursts of passion, while at 
the same time he thanked them for their forbearance. The 
later bit^aphers of Calvin, even such as admire him most, 
have remarked tliat his piety was unduly tinged with the Old 
Testament spirit. It is significant that the great majority of 
texts of his homilies an^l sermons, as far as they have been 
ed, are from the ancient Scriptures, Homage to law ia 

* Tt vna A cunrrnt plirone ai OcDrvt : "Bt^kt mit BeE« in der B6U? aU oiit 
CBl^~iQ iiD nEmnicL" Himrv. i. 171. 

■ 6e^ hi* Let<<-T to F^rf J Mpril, IWO}, Hcory. i, 2fi6. Bm, tJiio. p- «5 leq^ 
u^ 433, "The ma^ of hk DcrupBliab^*' C^vin BByB, *'b&d «obfirm«d his in an 
ItfitaU* btfbit." Qmy, i. 401, 



1T8 




the: reformation 



ence ij/oi his bping. To bnBg thought, feeling, and will, lo 
hie owD life, and the lives of others, to bring Church UMJ 
i, into aubjection to law, Is his principal aim. He ie cvt^ 
le with awe at the inconeeivable power and holiness of Go^l, 
thought is uppermot^t in hia mind. Of his conversion, he 
writes: "God suddenly produced it; he suddenly subdupj mj 
heart to the obedience of Hia will." To obey the will of God 
was his supreme purpose in life, and in this purpose his soul 
was undivided; no mutinous feeling was suffered to interpose 
a momentary resistance. But the tender, filial temper often 
aeetns lost in the feeling of the subject toward hU lawful Ruler, 
A sense of the exaltation of God not onty takes away all fe&i d 
men, but seems to be attended with some loss of aendibilitj 
^rith regard to their lot. To promote the honor of God, and w 
secure that end at all haiarda, is the chief object in view. What- 
ever, m his judgjnent, brings dislionor upon the Almighty, b^ 
for example, attacks made upon the truth, moves his indign*- 
tion, and he fools bound, in conscience, to coafront such attackfl 
with a pitiless hostility. He considers it an iraperative d\iij, 
as he expressly declares, lo hate the enemies of God. Id refer- 
ence to them, he aays: *'I would rather be erased tlian not be 
angry." ' Hence, though not consciously vindictive, and thou^ 
really placable in various instances where he was personallf 
wronged, he was on fire the moment that he conceived the honor 
of God to be assailed. How dii!icult it would be for such s 
man to diacriinmate between personal feeling and aeal fcr a 
cause with which he felt himself to be thoroughly identified, it 
is easy to understand. Calvin did not touch human life at to 
many points as did Lutherj and having a less broad sympathy 
himself, he has attracted less sympathy from others. Tie 
poetic inspiration that gave birth to the stirring hymns of ihe 
German Reformer was not among his gifts. He wrote a poem 
in Latin hexameters, on the triumph of Christ, which was com- 
pjosed at Worms during the Conference there — in which be 
describes Eek, Cochlaeus, and other Catholic combatantSf as 
dragged after the chariot of the victorious Redeemer. A few 
hymns, mostly versions of Psalms, have lately been traced to 
his pen.' It has been noticed that although he spent the mwl 

■ Huiry, i. 464. 

* 6aB Calvini Optra (Raum at a1.}, voL. vi. Doe of thtaa hymns, trwulaUdW 
iff*. H. fi. Smith, u in 8cih>fT'» oolltctiaD of retigiotu p»try, Cktiwt in 5«^ (ISM) 



CALVIN'S PERSONAL TRAITS 

bis Ufe 00 the borders of the Lake of Geneva, he nowhere 
alludes to the beautiful scenery about hun. Yet, there is some- 
thing impressive, though it be a defect. In this exclusive 
absorption of his mind lu things Invisible. When we look at 
his extraordinary Intellect, at hie culture — which opponents, 
like Bossuet, have been forced to commend — at the invincible 
energy which made him endure with more than stoical fortitude 
infinDitiea of body under which most men would have sunk, and 
to perform, in the midst of them, an incredible amount of men- 
tal l&bor ; when we see him, a scholar naturally fond of aecluaion, 
physically timid, and recoiling from notoriety and strife, ab- 
juiing the career that was most to his ta^te, and plunging with 
a single-hearted, disinterested zeal, and an indomitable will, 
into a hard, protracted contest, and when we follow his steps, 
and see what things he effected^ we cannot deny bim the attri- 
butea of greatness. TTie Senate of Geneva, after his dealh, 
spoke of " the majesty" of his character 

Calvin pubUshed the first edition of the Institutes, without 
ihe knowledge of any one, at Basel, so averse was he to noto- 
riety. Apart from the repute of this work, his fame as an acute, 
promising theologian was extending. Having viaitcd Italy, 
and remained for a while at Ferrara, at the court of the accom- 
plished Duchess, the daughter of Louis XII,, and the protector 
of the Protesljints, with whom \if. kept up a corrt«*}ifjndenc« 
afterwards, he returned to Baset, and thence made a secret visit 
to France, and to his native place. On account of the obstruc- 
tion of the route through Lorraine, by the army of Charles V,, 
he set out to return by the way of Geneva, There he arrived 
late in July, 1536, with the design of tarrying but a single night; 
after which he exjtecied to pursue his journey to Ba*sel. Here 
occurred the event that shapeii the future course of hia life. 

TTie war of Cappel, in which Zwingli had fallen, had left 
iht preponderanct^ in the Swiss Confederacy in the hands of 
the Catholics. They used their power to humiliate their adver- 
saries in various ways, and to reestablish the old religion insome 
districts from which it had been expelled or m which the people 
were divided^ The leading cities of Zurich, Berne, and Basel, 
however, remained faithful to the Reformotion. A mixture of 
political circumstances and reli^ous influences at length created 
a new seat for Protestantism at Geneva. 



18S 



THE EEFOBMATION 



Geneva, situated on tbe border of Lake Lemaji, was a hag- 
merit of the old Kkigdom of Burgundy, and was governed far 
maoy centuries by the bishop^ who was chosen by the cancta 
of the Cathedral, The bishop, by an ammgcment with the 
neighboring counts of Geneva^ had committed to them hia 
civil jurisdiction; but on acceding to ofBce, he always swore 
tu maintain the franchises and customs of the citizens. The 
counts held the castle on the Isle of the Rhone. Toward the enii 
of the thirteenth century, this office of Vidaroe or Vice-regent 
was transferred from them to the dukes of Savoy. The city 
for the most part ruietJ itself after a republican formj and the 
Emperors Frederic Barbarosaa, Charles IV,, and Sigismund, 
as a means of protecting it against eocroachments on the part 
of Savoy and of the counts of Geneva, recognized the place 
&£ a city of the Empire. Once a year the four syndics who 
practically managed the government were chosen by the assem- 
h\y of citizens. At the lieguining of the sixtw^rth century, the 
ambitious projects of the Vidamce led tiie Genevans to look for 
help and support to the Swiss cantons. Charles III., who be- 
came Duke of Savoy in 1504^ entered into a struggle^ for the 
subjugation of Geneva, which continued twenty years. Find- 
ing it impossible to secure his end by artful negotiation wilJi 
the citizens, he, with the assistance of Pope Leo X., forced upam 
them, in 1513, John, the Bastard of Savoy, who became bishop 
under the atipulation that he would give the control of the 
city, as far as civil affairs were concerned, into the tiands of the 
Duke. TTie citiKens, uuder the lead of Bonivard, BerUieliei, 
and other patriots, made a brave re-sistance. The Duke ac- 
quired the mastery, and Bcrthclier was put to death. The 
revolution which liberated the city from the tyranny of Savoy 
and restored its freedom was achieved by the aid of Berne and 
Freiburg. Tlie Genevans were divided into two parties, the 
Confederates (Eidgenossen), who were for striking hands with 
the Swiss, and the Mamelukes, or adherents of the Duke, TTie 
former were auccessfuL The office of Vidame was abolished, 
aad civil and military power passed from the bishop into the 
hands of the people (1533). 

The c^ivil was followed by an ecclefliastical revolution. Berne 
became Proteataoit; Freiburg remained Catholic, From Bemc 
a Proteptant inQuenoe was exerted in Geneva. The young 



PftOTESTANTISM ESTABLISHED IN GENEVA 



383 



people made use of theii liberty to disregard tlie prescrijitions 
trf the Church in respect to abatinence from meat on fast da>s, 
ind disputes aro^c botweci] the citizens and the ecclesififtLce. 
Some effort was made to correct the dissolute habile of the 
priests, of whom there were three hundred in Geneva, in ordor 
tc take a potent weapon out of the handa of the refannerB. But 
Protestantism, by the efforts of Farel and other preacberfl, 
gained ground, until at length, in 1535, with the aid of Beme, 
H second revolution took place, in which the bishop was expelled, 
and Pro ten tan I LSI II wm* p.staliUshed. In conneclioif with Lhia 
change, ttic adjacent territory was conquered, anil with it the 
Cdstlea which had serve*! as strongholds of the Duke, and as con- 
venient placis of Bheltor for fugitives, and for the oi^iiiEation 
of attacks upon the city. Geneva was reformed, and at the 
iune time gained its independence,' 

Tlie principal agent in planting the new doctrine in Geneva 
had been Williaiu PVrel, bom in 1489, of a noble family in Cap, 
In Dauphin^; a convert to Proteatantiam, driven out of France 
by persecution, and welcomed to Switzerland as one able to preach 
to the Frencli population In their own language. Honest and 
fearless, but intemperate in language and coutiuttj he fulminated 
■gainst the tenets and practices of Rome, in city and country, 
b the churches or by the wayside, wherever he could find an 
audience. Wherever he preached, his stentorian voice rose 
above the loudest tumult that was raised to drown it. On one 
occasion he se'^zed the relics from the hand of a priest in a 
proce.*pion. and flung them into an adjacent river. He wa^ 
frequently beaten and his life put in imminent peril. He was 
aid to have denounced Eraanms at Basel as another Balaam, 
and Erasmus repaid the compliment by describing him, in a 
letter, as tlie most arrogant, abusive, and shameless niiin he 
had ever met with* Yet Farel did not limit himself to de- 
nunciation. He under?^tood well, and knew how to inculcate, 
eloquently^ the distinctive doctrines of the Protestant faith. 
His earliest attempt in Geneva was in 1532, immediately afl» 

■ The rpvalutiDiu La OeikevA ostd the LULroduuticQ af the RrrDtiUAliDb *n dc- 
■Bib«ii hj Rurhst, Hiatairv dr la litlvrmaivn dr ia Stdae. riouvdlf cd-, 7 voLi, 
Kyon* ie35-lS3S; (U»o by Kmnpsdmltc, J ohann Calvin. Hr,, vol. i- ; uid in gnMl 
Jwtail by HerU D'Aubigtif, Hilary of the Refcrrrtalion in Eufff-p* in EAe Ttvim 0/ 
,C«fw»- S##. elto, Ui^net'* ECuay <id Cfc!\-iniun in Ouievm {MevioirM ffuf., Sd 

* OpmUt lu. a23. EtnUttof^, Das t^bm W. Far^, d. n. 



184 THE REFORMATION 

the first revolutron. He was then driven from the city, and 
oweil h'i3 life to the bursting of a gun that w&s &iineii at him. 
The second time he waa more aucceaeful. The new doctrine 
wad eagerly heard and won numerous dtaciplea At the po- 
litical revolution, which expelled the bishop, the Prolestacl 
faith waa adopted by the solemn act of the citizens, "Hie 
general couQcil, or the assembly of citizens, legalized the new 
order of divine service, which included the administration of 
the Supper thrice in the year; abolished all the festivals except 
Sunday^ and prohibited worldly sports, such as dances and 
masquerades. Tlie citiaeuH took an oath to cast off the Rom- 
iah doctrine and to live according to the rule of the Gospd. 
But signs of disaffection Boon appeared. A large portioo of 
the inhabitants of this prosperous, luxurious, and pleaaure- 
loving city soon grew impatient of the new restraints which 
they had accepted in the moment of exhilaration over their 
newly gained political independeuce. They cried out openly 
agninat the preachers and demanded freedom. 

There is no reason to doubt that the morals of Geneva were 
in a low state. The Savoyards had sought to secure the ad- 
herence of the young men by means of dances and convivial 
etiterUiitunentfi ; and Bt^rtheUer endeavored to balfle this pur* 
pose by join'mg with them himself in their noisy banquets and 
licentious amusements. The priests and monks, according to 
trustworthy contemporary accounts, were exceptionally profli- 
gate.^ The prostitutes, over whom there was placed a queen 
who was regularly sworn to the fulfillment of prescribed funo- 
tionSf were far frtim being cun6ned to the quarter of the city 
which was specially assigned to them. Gambling houses and 
wine shops were scattered over the to^ii. The various motivtf 
of opposition to the new system were sufficient to develop t 
powerful party that demanded the old customs and the fonner 
liberty, Tliey clamored for deliverance from the yoke of the 
preachers. 

Geneva was in this factious, confused state when Calvin 
arrived there^ and took his lodgings at an inn, vnth the inten- 
tion of remaining only for the night. In hia Preface to the 
Commentary on the Psahi\s, which contains the most interest- 
iDg passages of autobiography that we possess from his pai| 




CALVIN'S EARLY WORK AT GENEVA 



185 



gives an account of his interview with Fare], to whom Hti 
rhv&l had been reported by his friend, Du Tillet. Farel 
eecught him to remain and assist him in his work. Calvin 
Fcliaed, pleading his unwillingness to bind himself to any one 
bee, and his desire to prosecute his studies. Seeing that his 

Rions were fruitlftw, Farel told hiru that he might put 
I his atudiea a^ a pretext, but that the curae of God 
ould light OD him if he refused to engage in Hib work, Calvin 
flen refers to this declaration, uttered with the fervor of a 
rophet. He saya that he was struck with terror, and felt aa 
the hand of the Almighty had beeEi stretched out from heaven 
&d laid upon him. He gave up his opposition. "Farel," 
hafi been said, ''gave Geneva to the Reformation, and Ciilvin 
D Geneva." He at once began his work, not taking the post 
i a preacher at first, but giving theological lectures of an exe- 
i-tical sort in the CSmrch of St, Peter. He composed hastily 
catccbifiin for the instruction of the youngt which he deemed 
thing ofisentLal in the guidance of a church, A confeesion of 
lith, drawn up by Farel, was presented to all the people, and 
y lUein formally adopted. A body of regulations relating to 
liurrh services and discipline, containing stringent provtstonB, 
iras likewise tatilied and put in operation. Oppo^tion to the 
loetrioff' and deviation from the practices thua sanctioned 
fere peital oGTenflee. A hairdresser, for example, for arranging 
I bride's haJr in what was deemed an unseemly manner, waa 
Bprisonefl for two days; and the nmther, with two female 
TOkcbr who had aided m the process, suffered the same penalty, 
cing and card playing were also punished by tbe magia- 
tc. They were not wTong in themaelves, Calvin said, but 
y had been so abused that there was no other course but to 
ibit (hem altogether. Be who so dreaded a tumult, not 
nly had to encounter Analfflptist fanatics who appeared in 
leneva, but soon found himself, with his aseociates^ in ccndict 
nth the government, and with the majority of the citiaena 
rtko rebelled against the atrictnesB of the new r^me.* At the 

^ Hft WB# romptUed, mucb to bia mortifif^ation. to with>t*Dd *n mitftck af • 
Ufer«at hind From i»nDthflr <|u&rlar. He »&■ ch&r|[«l with Arianinn and 8kb«l- 
Hem H^ary. i. 17S Mq. Cnrvin w^n cpitUauH am Id the l«rmii wbich ba 
on iht iutijefl of Ih** lYtnityH and did not iik±iBl on th* word prrnm. 8n 
b- L siU. S. For his op^uion of Ube AUuuiaubu ttvod. nw KuupKhuLM, 

cm. 



I 



189 



THE REFORMATION 



head of the party of opposition, or of the LibeT-ticee, aa the; 
were etyled by the eupporlera of Calvin, were Aniy Perrinj Van- 
del, and Jean Fh'ilippej who had been among the first advocates 
of the Reformation. In their ranks were many of the Confed- 
erates^ or Eidgcnoszen, who had fought for the lodependeDCe 
of the city. At Geneva, the baptisinal font, the four festivals 
of Christmas, New Year's Day, the Annunciation, and the As- 
cension, and the use of unleavened bread in the sacrament^ all 
of which WHS retained in Berne, had bef.'.n discarded. The 
opponentB of the new system called for the restoration (rf the 
Bernese ceremonies. Finding themselves thwarl«d by the 
authorities in the enforcement of church discipline, on Easter 
Sunday (1538), the ministers, Calvin, Farel, and Viret, preached 
in spite of the prohibition of the Syndics, and also took the bold 
step of refusing to ^ttl minister the sjicnirnent. Tlierenpon, by 
a vote of the Council, which was confirmed the Eexb day by the 
general assembly of the citiaeas, they were banished from the 
city. Failing in thoir efforts to secure the intervention of 
Berne, and in olher negotiations having reference to their res- 
toration, they parted from one another, Farel went to Neuf- 
chAtel, and Calvin found a cor<lial reception in Strasburg. It 
waa a general feeling. In which Calvin bim^lf shared, that the 
preachers had gone impnidently far in their requircmenta. But 
the joy of Calvin at being delivered from the anxieties which 
he had suffered, and in finding himself at liberty to devote him- 
self to his books, was greater, he says, than under the cireum- 
atancea was becoming. But soon he was solicited by Bucer to 
take charge of the church of French refugees who were at Straa- 
burg. Once more he was intimidated by Bucer's earnest ap- 
peal, who reminded him of the example of the fugitive prophet, 
Jonah, Tliough his pecuniary support was smaU, bo that he 
was compelled to take lodgers and even to sell his books to get 
the means of living, he waa satisfied and happy. While at Strad- 
burg. he was brought into intercourse with the Saxon theo- 
logians at the religious conferences held between the years 1539 
and 1541, at Frankfort, at Worms, and at Hagenau, and in 
connection with the Diet at Ratisbon, wliere Contarint appeared 
as the representative of the Pope. Like Luther* Calvin had no 
faith in the practicablenesa of a compromise with the Catholics, 
and the negotiations became more and more irksome to him, 



CALVIN, LUTHER, AND MELANCTHON 



187. 



His ignorance of the German language orcaflionecl Uini some 
«tnbarrasEineDt> Hia talents and learning were fully recog- 
rfiLE^ by the German tbeologiaus, and with Melacctbon he 
brmed a friendship which continued with a temporary, partial 
iflterruption, until they were sepiiraJ.ed by death. To the com- 
proniiises of the Leipsic Interim, Calvin was inflexibly opposed. 
On the great controverted point of tiie Eucharist, he and 
Melanethon were agreed, and the latter eoniided to him the 
JLOxieties which weighed heavily upon him on account of the 
jealousy on the Lutheran aidCi which was awakened by his 
diange of opinion. With Luther^ Calvin never came into per- 
sonal contact; but he was delighted to hear that the Saxon 
leader had read some of hia books with ^'singular satisfaction/' 
had betrayed no irritation at his difference on the question of 
the Supper, and had expressed a high degree of confidence in 
his abihty to be useful to the Church. He thought Luther a 
naucb greater man than Zwingli, but that both were one-sided 
knd loo much under the away of prejudice in their combat upon 
the Euchariet, He exclaime that he should never cease to 
revere Luther, if Luther were to call him a devih' When called 
upon at a lat^r day, after the denth of Melancthou, to tftke the 
field against bigoted Lutherans, he breaks out with the exclama- 
tion: "O Philip Mclancthon, I direct my words to thee who 
BOW liveet before God with Jesus Christ, and there art waiting 
for us till we are gathered with thee to that blessed rest t A 
hundral times hast thou said, when, wearied with tabor and 
oppresed with anxieties, thou hast laid thy head affectionately 
upon Biy bosom: *0 that. O that I might die upon this 
boBomT" But notwithstanding their friendship, Mclancthon 
eould not be prev^led on to express himself in favor of Cal* 
vin'a doctrine of predestination, though the latter dedicated 
lo him, in flattering termSj a treatise on the subjectj and by 
letters sought to enlist hia support, Calvin was bringing in, 
Mclancthon wrote to a friend, the Stoic doctrine of fate,* ^Ticn 
Bolsec was taken into custody for vehemently attacking this 
doctrine in public, Melancthon wrote to Camerarius that they 
had put a man in prison at Geneva for not agreeing with Zeno.' 

■ Btnrj, a. 802. ■ Carp, Rtf.. viL S92. 

■ MfJuictbua BViil that they b»d revlvrd iht fHlnliiiLic doclrinv of LauraotjuB 



IBS 



THE RK FORMATION 



* 



The relations of Calvm to the /riends of Zwingli and to tbe 
churches which had been G&UxbUshod under hie auspices wer? 
for a while unsettled. Calvin's Eucharistic doctrine differed 
from that of the Zurich reformer, and he was susjjected of an 
intention to introduce the Lutheran theory. He fiucceeded m 
convincing them that this siLBpicion was groundless, and in 
bringing about a union through the acceptance of coma^on 
formularies. The fact that Zwingli had rather professed tie 
doctrine of predestination as a phi lu^opl ileal theorem, than 
brought it forward In popular teaching, retjuired special exer- 
tions on the part of Catvin to quiet the niisgiv'mga of the Swiss 
reepecting this point also.' In this effort he was likewiae auc- 
ce,as(ul. Yet Berne, partly from the disfavor which it felt 
towards minor peculiarities of the Genevan cultus, but chiefly 
owing to the disappointment of political schemes, never treated 
Calvin with entire confidence and friendliness- 

While at Strasburg Calvin waa married to the widow of 
an Anabaptist preacher whom he had converted. Several pre- 
vious attempts to negotiate a marriage, In which he had pro- 
ceeded in quite businesslike spirit, with no outlay of sentiment, 
had from various causes proved abortive. The lady whom he 
married appears to have been a person of rare worth, bis life 
with her was one of uninterrupted harmony; and when, mnc 
years after their marriage, she died, his grief proved the tender- 
ness of his attachment. His only child, a son, lived but a short 
time. It may be remarked here that Calvin was far from being 
unsusceptible to fncmUhip. With Farcl and Vlret he wa^ 
united in the clogeat bonds of intimacy. Though schooled Ui 
submission, when he hears of the death of one after another of 
his frienda, he ^vea expresaion to his sorrow, sometimes in 
pathetic language. Beza loved him as a father. 

Three years after his expulsion he waa recalled to Geneva 
by the united voices of the government and people. Tlie dis- 
tracted condition of the city caused all eyes to turn lo him tf 
the only hope. Disorder and vice hati been on the increase; 

■ Calvin erltJiiHB Zvingll's trcHtmrnt of thu doctriiv. In a letur to BuDlit 
ger <Boiinel, rclxxxlx.). I'hc luLrv^anoncfla of the Swiss churcLcB la the oiBoof 
Boloeo wu very vexatious lo Calv^in, u thii uid other telterg ohuw. Hie cor- 
napondcDce OD tiku cane anatructivd/ ntibtUt the uawiltiagnHia of the ZiringliHi 
vhurctiFB ta preu the dcmtrinc of pi-edcattnAtiDtt, vi Calvin t^ouLJ wish. 'Hicir d>- 
preaioni of iyrnpa-Eliy wa» vQry qualiHod and runfltrsinwl. BuUiit^r XimV ^uilt 
AEwUier UtDO ill rplerflbce Ed ^rvFtus, where iFipilucLrmaufthD Trinity waaaauilaA 




GALVm RECALLED TO GENEVA 



l^ 



BK of licentiouenesfi and violence were witnessed by day 

d by oigbt In the streets. The Catholics were hoping to eee 

E old religion restored. There was a prospect that Berae 

uld find its profit m the anarcliical fiituation of its neighbor, 

d eet&bliAh its control in Geneva. Of the four Syndics who 

d been active in the banishment of the preachers, one had 

oken his neck by a fall from a window, another had been 

ecuted for murder, and the remaining two liad been banished 

suspicion of trensoo. The consciencee of many were alarmeil 

these occurrences. Meantime Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of 

irpentrad, addressed to the Senate a very persuasive letter, 

le from all acrimony, and couched in a flatlerinp style, for 

e purpose of bringing the cily back to the fold of the Catholic 

turcb. To this document Calvin publiKhed a masterly reply, 

which he expressed hia undying interest in the welfare of the 

stev&n Church, and reviewed the FrolCBl^jit controversy with 

[gul&r force and clearness. "Here ib a work," said Luther, 

k reading it, " that has hands and feet." The personal remi- 

pcraicefi relating to bis conversion, which are interwoven, make 

Ias ft contribution to his bic^aphy, only second m importance 
the Preface to the Psalms. It niade a mo«t favorable impres- 
bn at Geneva, and an edition cf it was published by the author- 
les. The city, torn by faction, with a government too weak 
\ exercifte effective control, turned to the banished i^rpacher^ 
ho h&d never been without a body of warm adherents, how- 
ter overborne in the excitement that attended hia expulsion- 
be was another instance in which Providence seemed to inter- 
tee to baffle his cherished plans, and to use him for a purpose 
Vt hiB own. He could not think of going back without a shud- 
t. The recollection of his conflicts there, and of the troubles 

eonscience he had suEfered, was dreadful to him/ But he 
uld not long withfttand the unanimous opinion of his friends 
id the earnest importunities of the Genevan Senate and people. 
i th^ flollcitations of the deputies who followed him from StraA- 
|u|o Worms, he answered more with tears than worda. His 
Hnt was at length obtained, and once more he took up his 
lode in Geneva, there to live for the remainder of hia days. 

Of the system of ecclesiastical and civil order which was 
goed under Kvs influence, only the outlined can here be gjven. 

^B > tin bU LctUn, b4>iuie<, I. IS3, 107, 207, 2U. 



190 



THE REFORMATION 



His idea w&s that the Church should be distinct from the Stel 
but that both should be intimately com^eot^ and muti 
coopemtive for a common end — the realiaation of the kii 
of God in the lives of the people. The Church whs to iofuaal 
religious spirit into the State; the State waa to uphold and 
ter the interests of the Church. For the instructioD of 
people, preachers, whose qualifications have been put to a 
ough test, must be appointed, and respect for them anO all 
tion to their miuistratioiis must be enforced by law. So 
trainiEg of the children in the catechism is indispensable, 
this must likewise be secured, if necessary, by the int^rvenlifl 
of the magistrate. The Three Councils, or Senates, the LiUk] 
Council, or Council of Twenty-five, the Council of Sixty, 
the Council of Two Hundred, which had existed before, 
not ELboliBhed, but their functions and relative prerogaiiv( 
were matmally changed. The drift of all the political changes^ 
was to concentrate power in the hands of the Little CounciVI 
and to take it away from the other bodies, and especially fi 
the General Councilj or popular assembly of the citizens. 
siastlcal discipline was in the hands of the Consistidry, a 
composed of the preachers, who at first were zix in number, 
and of twice as many ias^nen ; the laymen being nominated 
by the prejichers and chosen annually by the Little CouDcilp 
but the General Council having a veto upon their appointment 
Calvin thu3 revived, under a peculiar form, the Eldership kl 
the Church. It had existed, to be sure, in some of the ZwingTiaH 
Churches, but not as an effective organisation. The preacheia 
were chosen by the ministers ah-cady in office; they gave prod 
of their qualifications by publicly preaching a sermon, at whidi 
two members of the Little Council were present. If the min- 
isters approved of the lemming of the candidate, they jiresented 
him to the Council, and hia election having been aancticmed 
by that body, eight days were given to the people, in which thej 
might bring forward objections, if they had any, to his appoinV 
ment. TTie Consistory had jurisdiction in matrimonial caueea 
To this body was committed a moral censorship that extended 
over the entire life of every inhabit^Jit, It was a court befort 
which any one might be summoned, and which could not U 
treated with contumacy or disrespect without bringing upOd 
the offender civil penalties. Tlie power of excommiuucaticd 



GENEVA AS ORGANIZED BY OALVIN 



191 



tiADiis; and bxcdih muni cat ton, if it contiDLierl bf.^yord 
time, was likewise followed by penal consequences- 
ofltenaibly purely spiritual in its function^ the Conoiat- 
ijEht hand over to the iEag:iBlrate transgressors whose 
mses were deemed to be gravej or who refused to submit 
teorrection. The city was divided into diatricts, and in each 
Ifcem a preacher and elder had superintendence, the ortiiriiLntre 
tag that at least once in a year every family must be vigited, 
1 receive such admonition, counsel^ or comfort as ite con- 
fo^ might call for. Every sick person was required to send 
the minist.er, Frojii this vigilant, stringent, universal super- 
on there was no escape. There was no res|iccL for [persons; 
high and the low. the rich and the poor, were alike sub- 
led to one inflexible rule, Jn the Consistory, by tacit con- 
i, Calvin was the unofficial lea<ler. The ministere — the 
NER4BLE CoMPANTj as thej wpFc Styled — met logi^ther for 
tual fraternal censure. Candidates for the ministry were 
ODioed and ordained by them. They were to be kept up to 
igh standard of professional qualifications and of conduct. 
vin, it mAy be observed, felt the importance of an effective 
very: he speaks against the reading of sermons.' 
In the framing of the civil laws, Calvin hati a controlling 
Hkce. His legal education qualified him for such a work, 
K> great was the reepcet entertained for him that he wf^ 
le, not by any effort of bis own, the virtual legislator of the 
. The minutest affairs engaged his attention. Regulations 
the watching of (he gates, and for the suppression of fires, are 
111 in his handwriting. An examination of the Genevan 
* shows the strong influence of the Mosaic legislation on 

E's conception of a well-ordered community. Both the 
statutes and the general theocratic character of the 
K common weal til wpre never out of sight.' In all points 
Irio did not find it practicable to conform to his own theories. 
ol hifl cardinal principles is that to the conRregation belong 
choice of its religious teachers; but it was provided at Ge- 
I that the Collegium, or Society of Preachers, should select 
ons to fill vacancies, and to the congregation was left only 
rto, which waa regarded more as a nominal than a real pre- 

^e been the inlluence of Calvinism 



may 



' Bm/y, U. 19S. 



< KAni|«chult«, i. ^-T« 



193 



THE RBFOHMATION 



on eoriety, Odvin hiiiifldf was unfavorable lo democney. 
18 reiBarkable tJttat almost at the be^xuiDg of hip cariiest writing, 
the Gonim€Utiu7 od Seneca, there is mu exprenon of ocnt«iiipc 
for the populfl(^. His experiencca si Geneva, and e^iectaUj; 
the dangtTB to which his civil as well as c«?clesia^ical ejrstcmj 
would be liable if it v^re at the dispoeal of a popuUr aanfs- 1 
biy, eoo&rmed his indinatioD to an anstocntic or oJJgarohic' 
ooQBtjtatioo. 

CUvio had beguD, aft«f bis reium, with moderation, witli 
oo manifestation of \'uidirtiveQeee, and without undertaking 
to ramo^T the other preachers who had been appCHOted by tfac 
opp^te party in his absFnce. Bui symptoms of ifiaaffedioo 
were not long in appearing. The more the new system w%s 
derdopcd in its characteristic features* the more loud grev 
the oppoatioQ. Let ud filanc^ at the parties ta this lang-coo- 
tinued eonfliet. Against Calvin were the Libertiiic^ hs tbey 
-mm styled. They eoosasted of two differoit classes, Thoa 
were the faDatk&l Antioomian; an olUioot from the sect of 
the Free Spirit, who comlmcd pantfaaalie tbralogy with a lai 
moraHty, in wfaiefa the mamage rdatioD was practically sub- 
vertod and a thecrj' allied to the modem " free tore " was men 
or liB openly a^'Qwed and practwed. Thar number was 8u£- 
esettt to fonn a danpmcB factwn, and it appears to be proved 
thai among Ibcm wtn ponooa in .idluent ctreomstances and 
poaaew b d of muoh in ft wa c e , Unite>i with the "Spiritueia." 
as thin da» of LibertJnea ««s tenned, vo« the I^triot^ as the; 
styled thwantvaa; ttraaa wte were for maintakitng the demo- 
cralic cm w Utatk wt, and isalous of the R g udime c and other 
torei g pg ra who bad migrate in harge nuodwrs to Geoera, aad 
lo irtram the Aipporler? of Oalvin wm for ^ring the ri^ta «f 
(itiaew. The Ireentkai? frcMlo^n^ tte naAtw Gcoeveae d 
demc^ntie proeliritiro and oppoad to the granting ot poUtieal 
poww to the tmimgrants^ and tha auhitode who dmfed under the 
new n«traint5 put upon thm, graduallT oamUned against the 
ntw i^sleim and the man wbo was ita principal anthor. (k 
Ibe other side were tbow vte pnfcn«d te i»der, indepcodeDoe, 
fiMmKly, and ircnpoiid ptoperit^r ivUeh wen the fniit of the 
WW oHtor of lhin|*s. and. id tbo eaditiag drauiurtiBees, wa« 
tanpamhl^ fr\xn it, and espectaBj aB wio tiwroig M y accepted 



GENEVA AS OROAMXED BY CALVIJJ 



193.1 



Be Plotcatant sy^t^m of doctrine as expounded by Calvin, In 
Rbc nnks of this party, which maintained its afic^Dd^oey^ though 
htrt without perilous etruggles, were the ouraeroua foreigners^ 
[who had been, for the tiK»st part, ririveu from their homes by 
[persecution, and had been drawn to Geneva by the presence of 
kUvia and by the religious dyBtem established there. On a 
'ringle occasion not less than three hundred of these were natural- 
.iaed, Tlial wide^^pread diKLffection should exist was inevita- 
nle. Tlje attempt was made to extend over a city of twenty 
ttousaud inhabitants, wonted to freedom and little fond of 
peetr&int, the strict discipline of a Calvinistic church. Not 
[only profanene^ and drunkenness, but recreations which had 
meen considered innocent, and divergent theological doctrines, 
nt the effort wa,H made to diK^minate them, were severely pun- 
mied. In 1568, under the stem code which was established 
[binder the auspices of Calvin, a child was beheaded for striking; 
[ite father and mother, A child sixteen years old, for attempting 
[to strike its mother, was sentenced to deaths but, on account 
[tf its youth, the Bentence was conjmuted, and, having been pub- 
[Bcly whipped, with a cord about its neck, it was banished from 
[the city. In LS65 a woman was chastised with rods for singing 
[•ecuUr songs to the melody of the Psalms. In 1579 a culti- 
[Tated gentleman was imprisoned for twenty-four hours because 
[he was fnund readui^ Poggio, and, having been compelled to 

bum the book, he was expelled from the city, Dajicing, and 
[the manufacture or use of cards, and of nine-pins, brought down 
'upon the delinquent the vengeance of the laws. Even those 

who !ooke<l upon a dance were not exempt from punishment. 
pbe prevalence of gambling and the indecent occurrences at 
'balls furnished the ground for these stringent enactments. To 

give the names of Catholic saints to children was a penal offense. 
I In criminal proeessft? torture was freely used, according to the 
^custom of tiie times, to elicit testimony and confession; and 
^ death by fire was the penalty of heresy. It is no wonder that 

the prisons became filled and the executioner was kept busy-' 
' The Bupprcsaion of outspoken reli^ous dissent by force waa 

■n inevitable result of the principles on which the Genevan estate 
'Was established. The Reformers can never be fairly judged 

unle«a it ia kept in mind that they were strangers to the limited 



Tnaltc proselyte of Roman < 
law, and was severely pimishe 
the gpncral f<?tOing of aiitjcjui 
a8 TerLiilliaii and Cyprianj Kpc 
religion/ After the downfall 
t'ongtantinc? cnforcci-l cotiforniit 
And Coni^tantine hinisclf did 
Christian Church, as is seen ir 
was jHTsecnlion both nn thp 
Severe lawa were enacted 
tists, Augoatine, who in hie 
uee of force for the ^read of 
Altered his views in the Doiial 
have capital piinishiiient inflictec 
of heresy to imprisonment or 1 
goods and ciWI ilisa bill ties, Th 
tinctioD of incorporating the th« 
codf*, which threatened death U 
term iTtquixitma of the faith fir 
necessily oF uniformity in relig 
the obligaUon of rulera to punis 
and heresy within their dcnunic 
Ages. Trinrt(*eiU Tfl. enfiinn^l tl 
\\v. threat of excomiTiuni cation 



RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION 



191 



tUifT, in 1520, explipiLly cnndetnOH the propositioii : "Hare- 
is comburere est contra voliuitaU'm Spiritus.'^ No historiral 
luck'Tit needs to W' told wliat iin incalculable ftmouiit of dvil 
bcc-ii wrought Ijy Cat.liolic:? aii<j b>' Protestants, from a mis- 
•n belief in the perpetual validity of the Mo.^ie civil Icgisla- 
ion, aiid from a eonfoundmg of the f^pirit of the old diepensation 
ith tliat of the new — an overlooking of Hie progresi^ive rhar- 
of Divine UevelatJon. The Reformers lield that offeiiBea 
;un^t the first table of thR law, not less than the second, fall 
il*>r the juriefUction of the magistrate. To protect and foster 
rehgion, antl to put down false religion, was that part of 
odire to which he was nioM sarrediy bound. Occasional 
tltcrancefl, it is true, which aeem harbingers of a better day, 
from the lips of Protestant leaders. Zwingli was not dia- 
ipoeeU Ut persecution. Luther said, in referenee to the prohi- 
IbJUon of his version of the New Testament: "Over (he souls of 
Cipo God can and will have no one rule Rave lliniself alone;" 
ind in his book against the Anabaptists, he says: "It is not 
ngbt that they should so shockingly murder^ bum, and cruelly 
eUy siieh wretched people; they should let every one believe 
nhat he will; with the Scripture and God's Word, they should 
deck and withstand them : with fire they will accomplish little, 
executioners on this plan would be the most learned doc- 
*' * But these noble words rather exprci^s the tlictates of 
•'a humane impulses than definite principlea by which he 
M consistently abide. It is often charged upon tlie Prot- 
\tfi thenisT'lves as a flagrant inconsistency that whilst they 
^iwe persecutwl themselves, they were ^-ifling, and aomctimea 
(»CPP, to persecute othera. So far in Calvin from being impressed 
with lhip= ineongi-uily, that he writes: ''Seeing that the defenders 
tho Papacy are so bitter and bold in belialf of their stipersti- 
, that In their atrocious fury they fht-i] the blootl of the 
?ent, it should shame Christian magistrates that in the pro* 
te-tion of certain truth they are entirely destitute of spirit." ■ 
The repressive measures of Catholic rulers were an ejcample for 
Protestant rulers to emulate! There were voices occasionally 
Twriefl in favor of toleration. The case of Servetus, probably, 
tended Oiore ihan any single event to produce wiser and more 
charitable >'iew3 on this subject. Free thinkers, who had no 

* WaIcH. X. «dl, 374. ■ BonDCt, Icttu txiiSKrv. 



: 



IM 



THE REFORMATION 



GonvictioDfi for which they would die themselves, — the apoetles 
of indifference, — were naturally early in the field in favor of the 
ri^ls of opinion. But religious toleration could never obuin 
a general sway until the limltationa of human reaponsibitit), 
and the Uraited function to which the State ia properly restricted, 
were better understood. A more enlightened charity, which 
makes larger albwance for diversities of int^llectusJ \'iew, is 
doubtlesa a pcjwerFul auxiliary in effecting this salutary change.' 

Tlie conflicts through which Calvin had to pass in upholding 
and firmly ctitablialiing the Genevan theocracy would han? 
broken do^n any other than a man of iron. Personal indigniti© 
were heaped upon him. The dogs in the street were nann*d 
after liiiii. Every device was undertaken in order tt.i inliinitiate 
him* As he sat at his study table late at night, a gun would be 
discharged under bia window. In one night fifty shota wcn^ 
fired before his house. On one occasion he walked into the midst 
of an excited mob and offered his breast to their daggers, ^H 

TTie case of Bolaec^ who was arrest^^d and barislied for t^^ 
Ifntly attacking the pre-achers on the subject of prpdretmalioo, 
haa already been referred to. Another instance, somewhat simi- 
lar, was the controversy with CaetelTio. Caetellio was a hi^j 
cultivated scholar whom Calvin had brought from Strasburg to 
take charge of the Geneva school. He was desirous of becoming 
a minister, but Calvin objected on account of his \icws on the 
Song of Solomon, which he thought shouhl be struck from the 
canon, and his opposition to the passage of the creed respottiuR 
the descent of Christ into hell The result was that Castellio 
at length made a public attack upon the preachers, charging 
them with intolerance, and less justly, with other grave faults. 
He accused Calvin of a love of power. Whether the charge were 

* l*ck.y. in nnmmoQ with other writran ftt th*» pn«^nt dny. JnufcM iwrwriition 
tht nec^Aary rtHuLt uf imiiDubtinc ccrivlc^Uuiu on ibe ^ubjeci of rrlieloD. coupinl 
Willi B tprlLcr t^ist Aiund cbliquily b irjvuhtd in bi>tilijiK ujjpuiLtv vicw]|< Thcoe 
vrilcn would stbUc ftltppticisin »«cn(i^ to (he cjierc^Be of toZeratiQU. See Lcckx'l 
(jUDtiktion frooi C. J. Fax (vol. ii. p, 2U]. But if Ehis be true, how shall we accaittt 
for (tis opponifian 1o the spirit of perBP«uIioii, whiuli ihema very writer* avtnbat* 
lo fhp foufiden o1 Chriptinniry — tn Chrifll iknd the Apufltl'^T Much Ihftt u u- 
cnhed to the influenco of " RBtLonalisTn " ia rwilly due lo tlie inrrrtainj powor oJ 
ChrUtinuily, aitd lo the betr^r undcrBUuidiuc of ila precepta. and aS the Lii^B 
of the TPapoTtflibillly of sodtty far (he opmiana »nd rhnnicter of its m«nbttK 
Tbere »■¥ (wo aatidaLCT to unchju-ilBblpn™ uid oBrfDivDroB. Tbc one m Ubsil 
ouLtiire ; ihr othf r la ttmt At^A de^er- of rdigion — of tharity — whjoh ia ddiirtklfd 
by Str Ppul in 1 Corinihiaiu xiii. Eilhar of tbcu reojfldiu i^uajt istoIcrmoH ii 
aciDA«1«nt odtb » IiviDj^ f4mat fuUi, 




CALVIN AND 8ERVETU3 



19T 



tTU<», Calvin wrote to Farel, he was willing to leave it to God to 
judge. TTie renult wa^ llmt CastelUoj who hail many points of 
excellence, was i^xjipUeil from Geneva, ami aftt^rwards pn.wpcuted 
in print a heated controversy with Calvin and Besa.' But these 
Md a^ other instances of alleged persecution arc ovcr^shadowed 
By the more notorious ease of Servetus. Michael Ser^-etus was 
ibom at Villeneuve, in Spain, in 1509, and waa therefore of the 
muike age a.s Calvin. Acconiiiig tu his own statement, he was 
attachedi for a while, when a youth, to the service of Quintana, 
the chaplain of Charles V-, and witnessed the stately ceremo- 
nies at the coronation of the Emperor at Bologna. He waa 
went by his father to Toulouse to study law ; hut his mind turned 
to lluHilogical >^ peculation, ^nd, in conTk(H.-tlon with oilier scholars 
<*f his acfiuaintancer he read the Scriptures and the Fathers, 
especially the writers of the ante-Niceoe period. He also delved 
in judicial astrolop^y, in which he was a believer. Of an oripnal, 
inquisitive inind, adventurous and independent in his thinking, 
he convineed himself of the groundleBaneas of the claims of the 
Boman Catholic Church; but he was not satisfied with the 
Prol^^fltant theology^ especially on the subject of the Trinity, 
Going to Baficl he formed an ae<.|uaLntanee with Gix^olanipadius, 
«'ho expressed a strong dislike of his notions, Zwinglij whom 
<£colaiiipadius consulted, said that such notions would subvert 
the Christian religion, but seems to have discountenanced a 
kiHrt.to force for the aupprcsaion of them.' The book of Scr- 
MW«B the ^'Errors of the Trinity/' appeared in 15S1. In it 
lie defended a \1ew closely allied to the Sabellian theory, and 
mn idea of the incarnation in which the common belief of two 
natures in Christ had no place. He endeavoreil to ilraw Calvin 
into a correppondence, but became angry at the manner in which 
Calvin treated him and liis spcculaliona. He wrote Calvin a 
number of letters well stored with invectives against the prevn- 
lent conceptions of Christian iloctrine, as well aa against Calvin 
personally. At length he rel.urueil t*> Paris, where he ha*l pre- 
Tiously studied at the same time that Calvin was there, and under 

* When CitlviD w%* excited, he wu a mitch for Ltithvi in thv lue of vilup«r- 
•dvt flpitheu. Tb« opprabrioiia mnv^ wlijch hp Rpplin 1o Cailrilio Uic latter 
flflOBDlB in m loiiff lim. TTiP origin of ralvin'a rii*piiipfl with CuBt^lUn — CUviTi'i 
iUH»1ifltectioD with hU trHttslBtioq al Uir New Teataioeiib — ia given in Khe Ifltlcr 
to Vint, BqudbI, i. S2fl. Sn. dIad, u 316, SfTfl, 392. A fur viCDUat oT thv wa- 
tromjr is pveD h\ Dv?r. inti ?t?'|, 

' UxHiham, GMcKkhU Servett, p. 17. 



198 THE REFORMATIO\ 

the assuinctl naiiif of Villfiuovus, derived from Uic village whfK 
ho was born, hf prosecuted his atudies in natural science and 
medicine, for whit-h lie had a rGiuarkable aptitucip. He di^iEd 
the true niethoJ of the (rirculation of the blood, almost antid- 
pating tilt! later discovery of Harvey.' Aa a practitioner of 
medicine he fitoo! in high repute. After repeatedly changing 
hie name and resideace, he finally took up his abode in Vienne, 
in the south of France, wliere he was hospitably received by the 
Archbishop, and long hved in the lucrative practice of his pro- 
fession. During all this time, in the aggregate more than twenty 
years, he conformed outwardly to the Cathohc Church, Qltendrd 
maeSi and was not eus|>ected of heresy. Here he finMied a boofc, 
not less obnoxious than the first, entitled "The Restoration of 
CliriBtiamty" — Christianismi Restitutio — and not being abb 
to get it printed in Basel, he bribed the Archbishop s own prial^r 
and two of his assistants to print it for him secretly. He su- 
perintended the press, and sent copies of the anonymous book 
to various places for sale, not forgetting to dispatch one or more 
copies aa presents to the Genevan theologiana. In this work 
his conception of the person of Christ is somewhat modified; 
its doctrine makes a nearer approach to Pantheiatic thetwies' 
The two grand hindrances in the way of the spread of Christian- 
ty were declared to be the doctrine of the Trinity and that rf 
frifarit Baptism. The manuscript of the first draft of the wcric 
had been sent to Calvin at an earlier day. A French refugee 
residing at GenGva, by the name of Gnillaumc Trie^ in a letter 
to Antoine Arneys, a Roman Catholic relative at Lyons, made 
reference to Servetus as the author of this pestiferous book, and 
aSf nevertbeh'sSf enjoying immunity in a Church that pretended 
to be zealous for the extirpation of heresy. Ameya carried the 
information to the Archbishop of Lyons. Servetus wd^ arreatcd; 
and an ecclesiastical court was eonstittited for his trial. Some 
pages of an aiinotati^d copy of the "Institutes,*' which he Iwl 
long before sent to Calvin, ard a parcel of hie letters were trans- 
mitted from Geneva by TVie, for the purpose of establishing the 
charge which he had indirectly caused to be made. Trie pr^ 

' Heiio'< Laben Caltrint. iii. Bril. M. 

^ " Es gibt koum ein anderei S^slem, daa n fchr wit daa Sorv^ts ala ciQ ptfl- 
iljaitictm btrtFictinFt lu H^niem verdient Jn dam j^wobnlich mlt dicHuii VTor^ 
▼vbundenoa &nn-" — Baur, Die rhrietl. Lehrw v, d- D'^ainnifktit, etc., iel L l* 
^89. 



CALVIN AND SERVETU8 



191 



vailed on Calvin to grant lum Lbis additions.! evidence. Servelua 
and the printers with him had sworn tbat ihey knew Jiothing 
of the book which they had published. Servttus also swore 
that be was not the pei-son who had written the book on the 
"Errors of the Trinity," But when the Genevan documents 
arrived, he saw that, convicl.ion was inevitable, and t-ontrived 
to escape from his jwler. The Vienne court had to content 
itself with edzing his property ajid burning hia effigy. We 
know CaKin'fl disposition towards hiin; for in a letter to Farel 
he had once sidd that if his authority was of any avail, tu 
case Servetua were to come to Geneva, be should not go away 
alive/ 

Servetua, having escaped from Vienne, after a few niontha 
actually appeared in Geneva and took loiigings in an inn near 
one of the gates. He had Ix^n there fur a month without btnng 
recogniied, when Calvin was informed of his presence^ and pro- 
cured his arrest. A scribe of Calvin made the accusation. Ulti- 
mately, Calvin and all the other preachers were brought face to 
face with the prisoner before the Senate which wae to sdt in 
judgment upon him. In the subsequent proceedings he defended 
his theological opinions with iimch acdtene^if but mth a slrange 
outpouring of ^'iolent denunciation.* His propositions relative 
U) the participation of all things in the Deity, and the identity 
of the world with God, although he made the embodiment of 
the primordial essence in the world to spring from a volition, 
wexe couched in phraseology which ma<ie theLU wem to his 
accusers in the highest degi-ee dangerous and repulsive* He 
caricatured the Church (loctrine of the Thnity by the most 
offensive comparisons- His ideas were out of relation to the 
existing philosophy and theology, and were an anticipation of 
pluses of speculation of a much later date. His physical theo- 
ries were interwoven with bis theology. His maxim, that "no 
force acts except by contact,'^ was connected with his doctrine 



' Trhnmry 13, 1M«- Rofini?tH il. 19. 

' Dyrr. m writrf not at aJI diapowd to exc\i»e C*lvin. iiaya fp, 337) of tho in- 
<la¥BBnUilB JDuic by dervetiis uu the Ii»l uT thirlr-fiKht herpticBl propoaiUoD* 
which C^viD hfrii Mttriytcd From hln wntiiiR^: "The replies oi StfvMiifl lo tiilM 
docuinwt are vcrj' ioKilFal, und optni Almost like the productLDDs af a mitdrnjkn.' 
Tl»^ rvplia* may be rcbd ia the ntw oditiun of Calvin'p work^, viLi. 61^ tH], 

> "Man banD nr>h ilahpr nii-ht vundprn, da^ aiir>h liif Gfgner an diewta 90- 
aff« vor Aiig^n lirgDiidpn ChtTMter dea Syatema 6en groaalBa Aubiob uatatunH" 
— Baut. /bui., p. 1U3. 



^ 



L 



2M THE REFORMATION 

of the substantial communication of the Deity to all thinga; 
and he told Calvin contemptuoufily that if he only imderHtool 

natural soient*, he could comprehend iliiB subject. While be 
was undergoing his trial, a iiieaseDger arrived from the tribuDil 
at Vienne to demand their escaped priaooer. There was no 
safety for him with Papist or Protestant T He chose to remm 
and take hie chance where he was. It \s not improbable that 
hi^ boldness and vehemence were inspired by suggestions from 
tlie Liljertlne p:vrty, arid that he felt that they stood at his back,^ 
Calvin was far from being omiiipotejit iii Geneva at this tiio" 
He was, in fact, in the very crisis of his conflict with hta adver- 
Haries. It was on tiie 27th of August, 1553, that he denounced 
Ser\'etu9 from the pulpit ; he had been arrested on the 13th of 
the same m<»ntli- On the 3d of Sppt4?niljer^ C?ilvin refused die 
Lord's Supper to the younger Berthelier^ a leader of the Libe> 
tines. So strong was this party, that liad the cause of Servetus 
been carried, as was attempted, to the Council of Two Hundred, 
Servetua would have escaped. He was extremely bold, and 
demanded that Calvin should be banished for bringing a mali- 
cious accusiition, and tliat hiw prt>])>'rty wliould be hanled uxer 
to him. Contrary to his expectation^ he was condemned. He 
called Calvin to his prison, and asked pardon for his perMnal 
treatment of him; but all attempts to extort from him a retrac- 
tion of Ids doctrines, whether made by Calvin or by Farel befurt 
tlie execution of the sentence, were ineffectual. He adiierwl 
to his opinions with heroic constancy, and was burned at tlie 
stake on the morning of the 27th of Otjtober, 1553. 

On the one hand, it is not true that Calvin arranged that the 
mode of his death should be needlessly painful. He made ibe 
attempt to have it mitigated; probably that the sword mi^t 
be used instead of the fagot. And notwithstanding the previous 
tlircat, to which reference has been made, it is hkcly that he 
expected, and he had reason to expect, that Servetua would 
recant. On the other hand, It cannot be denied that be jieldwl 
to the aolicitatioTi of Trie, and fiuppUed the documentary evi- 
dence which went from Geneva to the court at Vienne. He 
caused the arrest of Scrvetus at Geneva, and it ia a violation of 

■ QuiKOt ^xptftaet the dtcided opLDion that Serv^tiifi venC 1o G«nevH rrl^nf 
OD Ihe liibfrtinea and thnt tlifty ■■itptctt'ii siipport from him fi^ /,miM nmi fnT- 
vin. p. 313, But ihera ia Dogood evJdcucD uf any prevJuxiA uucJrnftAEidiDg l>ctvKii 
bim »jid them. 



CALVIN AND 8ERVETU8 



201 



torical truth to aay that he did not desire his execution.^ The 
ictton of capital puiiiaiiment on one whom he considered a 
phemer, aa well as an assailant of the fundamental truths 
Chmtianity, wae in his jutlgment right. In the defense of 
ic doctrine of the Trinity against Servetus, which Calvin pub- 
died in 1554, he enU^ra into a fonnal argument in favor of the 
kpital punishment of contumacious heretioB by the civiJ author 
He thinks that if Roman Catholic rulers slay the innocent, 
is no reason why better and more enlightened n^agistratea 
ould spare the guilty. The whole discussion proves that the 
ents for toleration, both from Scripture and re&aon, were 
t unknown to him, for he tries to answer them. He makes 
appeal, in great pan, to the Old Tealanient, Gmzot thus 
ounces upon the case of Servetus and Calvin : "It was their 
ical destiny to enter into mortal combat a^ the champions 
[ two great causes. It is my profound conviction that Calvin'a 
rnse vms the good one; that it was the (aubg of moralityj of 
ici&l order, of civilisation. Servetus was the representative of 
system false in itself, superficial under the pretense of science, 
id destructive alike of social dignity in the individual and of 
toral order in human society. In their disastrous encounter, 
ibivin was conscientiously faithful to what he believed to be 
tilth and duty; but he was hard, much more influenced by 
jtolent animosity than he imagined, and devoid Blike of syni- 

Ethy and generoaiLy. Servetus waa sincere and resolute in his 
nviction, but he waa a frivolous, presumptuous, vain, and 
Lvious man, capable, in time of need^ of resorting to artifice 
id untruUi. Servetus obtained the honor of being one of the 
w martyrs to intellectual liberty; whilst Calvin, who was 
idoubtedly one of those who did most towaril the establisJi* 
ent of Tcligioufl liberty, had the misfortune to ignore his adver- 
ly's right to liberty of belief."' The forbearance of Calvin 
ward Lielius Socinus has been sometimes considered a proof 
At he was actuated by personal vindictiveness in relation to 
ervetua. But Calvin, widely as he might diETer from Socinus, 

* VTc h^r* ftlnady citoJ liin tetter hJ Fsrtl, o£ rcbruj^ry 13, 1^40^ ATCer thv 
rtat of 8«rvc1a&, Cal^nD wrolt ta F&rcl (Au^ufLl ^» 1&53), la^-iag: "I bope 
pore) ikfl acatfitw will at )put bccapitJhl; buldcvir? the ^Lrootty of thepunuh- 
kbt to b« ■balnl-" H» iruhHl him to bo put lo disth, but hot by An. IJml\ia 
lbliili«ij iiu elabonlf work in defonw of tEie proceeding. Htnry lui EoUtrui^ 
pi*d thr abov* paaBACs : Bae Dyer, Life at Caifin. p. US. 
Bub! and Catrin, u. tix^ p. 320. 



fiOi 



THE RKKORMATIOIV 



recognised In him a sobriety, a moral reapectability, which 
wholly mifcsed in the restleee, visionary, pa^ionato pb^^sician 
Villeneuve, It wa,^ the diversity of character in the two men, 
and the diffei"ertl incthodji! whicli th**y adofilnl to spread their 
doctrines, much more than any resentment which Calvin might 
feel in consequence of the attacks of ycrvetus — whom he looked 
down upoQ afl a wild^ mischievous dreamer — that made lum 
so courteous and lenient to JioeJnup. 

The execution of Servetus, with a few notable exceptioiut, 
wafl approved by tht^ Clirislian world. Bullinger^ the friend tad 
successor of ZwJDgli, justified it. Even Mclaucthon gave it liis 
sanction, The rise of infidel and fanatical sect^ io the path of 
the Reformalion, aa an incid<>ntal conpei|uence of the tnoveiueiit, 
and the disposition of opponents lo identify it with the«e niaai- 
fer^tationfi, ^naiJe the Profft^tiiuLs the more ^solicitous to demon* 
stmt** their htistility to ihem, and their fidelity to the prinripa! 
articles of the Christian faith, Jn rejecting infant baptism, aiiil 
In the torms of his propoeition respecting the identity of the 
world with God^ Servetus was at one with the Libertine free- 
thinkers. '*He held with the Anabaptists/' said the GenevAC 
Senate, and most auffpr;' idtliuugh Servetus asserted tlial he 
had always condemned the oppoeition made by the Anabaptists 
to the civil magistrate. 

The conflict with the Libertine faction did not end with tiic 
condemnation of Servelua. The courage and dete-rmination of 
a Hildebrand were refudred to stem the oppijsitiou wliich Calvia 
had to meet^ An attempt lo overthrow thf* ^wwer of the C^Jn- 
tistory, by intperpofling the authority of the Senate, was only 
baffled by hia resolute refusal to admit to the sacmment persoiu 
jadged to be unworthy, Finallyj the efforts of the Lit>ertine 
party :;uhninated in 1555, in an armed conspiracy under Uie 
lead of Pejrin, who bad held the higlieat offices m the eily; and 
the complete overthrow of this insurrection was the deatliblow 

' t^pQH the Win Kod cpinionfl of 8prvptufl, B-ad tho circiiniat&acfa at hi* trid 
*Ad dMfh, BPc Moahtiin. Ktlserffeitelnehtf. Li. (1748), ud A'flUf /iJ<ich'-ifht*n ro* 
dtflihtrukmtffi ffrxjfi. Af^'. -^ ■ ^^f^^^ft [I7M>] : 'rrf<i^hdfl, Dk A^t-lr-imlanrr^ uid 
■ft. "Sorvel" in Hpraoe'^ Fealm.-t ; Uyer, Lijf &J Cfl/vin, cJn. H- and x, ; Il«ory, 
I-4b€n Caltint, III. u ■ l^ur, jMe cXnM. L^kri- rim d. DreinnickcU, vU., \. in. p. i4 
■"*om*r Hfitwielluntrach- d. Lfhrr ivi d. Ptraon CA™f*, ii tt49 scFq,, R- 
'^^Momi CiUffin (lS7n; ScUfT, J/i*f t>r t/,e ChrittMU^ Church.^. GAJ 
% Of 8enPt^»fl W Calviu, (*j((pthf^r with Lhc Minutw of Ua Tn»l n 
1 in the ni-w «Iilioa vi the Worka of Cilvia (hy Bmua 

-ill. (iSiOJ 




if the party. In the Preface to the Psahns, Calvin makes a 
bathetic reference to the atormy isw^eaeH whicli he — by naLure 
runwarlike and timorous" — had been compeUed to jmss 
Ihrough ; to the sorrow which he feit in the destruction of those 
phom he would have preferred to save; and to the multiplied 
iealainntea that bis enemies persietenlly heaped upon him.' "To 
y power," he says, "which they envy — that they were 
e Buccessors!" "If T cannot persuade ihem while I ani alive 
&t I am not avaricious, my death, at least, will convince them 
it." His entire property after his death amounted to lesa 

two hundred dollars I 
At tbe same time that he was waging this domestic eontest, 
was exerting a vast influence as a religious teacher within 
e city and all over Europe, Bpside*< preaching every day of 
h alternate week, he gave weekly three theological lectures. 
IB memory was bo tenacious that if he had once seen a peraon, 
e recognised him immediately years afterwardsT and if inler- 
Irupted while dictating, he could resume his task, after an interval 
of hours, at the poicU where he had left it, without aid from hia 
■muiueDaia. Hence, he wa* able to discourse, even upon the 
jffophets, where numerous historical refcrcncea were involved, 
[Without the aid of a scrap of pa|>erT and with nothing before him 
hut the text. Being troubled with asthmB, he spoke alowly, so 
|Umt his lectures, as well as many of his sennons, were taken 
word For word, as they were delivered. Hundreds of 
ra from the various countries of Europe flocked to Geneva 
n to hia infltnictiona. Protestant exiles in greut numbere, 
y of whom were men of influence, of whom Knox waa one, 
'ound a refuge there, and went back to their homes bearing the 
Jmpreas whidi he hail stauiped upon them. Under CaKnn's 

E.fluence, Geneva became to the Romanic what Wittenberg 
as to the Lutheran nations. The i^chool of which Castellio 
as the head did not fiourisli after he le-ft it; but, m 1558, a 
aaium was established, and in the following year the 

Kaupfichult^ iIbIqb th&l when the pcalUcDDC raffed at OrncvH in 1S43, Cdvia 

lUDbd* frucq fc&r, to ^ to the pc^t-houfic to niJDiBler to the Bick aad dyiDg. 

^okann Caivin, 1. 4S4A But BtBu, than whom thetv is no better vitii«aB» vtftin 

itX Calvin f>ner*d himself for th« wfiep, bol th** S^nal* would cot p^imrt him 

undf-Tlftlcv il: Vila Cattnm, ix. Fop ether conlfliDpcT^fy proot. m* BoTinel, 

fjtljrt oj Calvm, i 334. a. 3. Srtr aXfto Renry, ij. 43. But KampKhultc hl^ikwl/ 

- jtcfl tfaff Act i^r CtiB CdudcIJ. williholdUis Calvin from tUia •ennce wbivh iawivcd 

itat cotWa dqitli (p. 4SQj □■ 2). 





BUot 



SM 



TBE REFORMATIOV 



Academy of Tlieology was founded, and Bcia placed o\eT \\. 

The wrilmga of Calvin were circulated in every country of Eu- 
rope. By his correspondence, moreover, his powerful Influentt 
was brought to bear directly upon the leaders of the reformalory 
movement everywhere. In England and France, in Scotland 
and Polarui and Italy, on the roll of hia correspondents were 
princea and nobles, aa well as theologians. His counsels wcrt 
called for and prized in matters of critical importonee. He 
writes to Edward VI, and Elizabeth, t^ ??omerset and Cranmer, 
But especially in the affiiirs uf the Refonnation in France hie 
agency w^is predominant. Geneva waa the hearthstone of 
French Protest ant ism, It was there that its preachers were 
trained. The principal men in the Huguenot party looked up 
to Calvin as to an oraele. But he was strongly averse to a resort 
to aruLS and to a dependence on political agencies and pxpeilienls. 
His instincts were, in this respect, in full accord with those of 
Luther. It would be impossible to describe his connection with 
the Huguenot struggle, without narrating the entire history of 
the French Refornmtion, 

In the concluding years of Calvin's life, be had the satis- 
faction of seeing Geneva delivered from faction^ and the insti- 
tutions of education, which he had planted, in a flouriahing 
condition. The grievous maladies that dieted him did not move 
him to diminish the prodigious labors which^ to other men in 
like circumstances, would have been unendurable. It had been 
his habit when the clay hail l>een consunieil In giving sermoM 
and lectures; in the sessions of the Consistory over which he 
presided; in attending upon the Senate, at their requeat, to 
take part in their deliberatione; in receiving and answering 
letters that pourecl in upon him froiTi every quarter; in confer- 
ring with the numerous visitors who sought his advice or caine 
to him from different countries — it had been his habit, when 
night camcj to devote himeclf, with a sense of relief, to the atudicfl 
which were ever most accordant with his (aste, and to the coifl- 
poaition of his books. For a long time, in the closing period of 
hia life, he took but one meal in a day, juid this was often omitted. 
He 3tu<licd for hours in the morning, preached and then lectured, 
before taking a morsel of footl. Too weak to sit up, he d]ctAt«d 
to an amanuensia from his bed^ or transacted business with tho» 
who came to consult him, Wlien hia body was utterly feeble, 




CALVIN'S LAST DAYS 



•n he was reduced to a shadow, his mind lost Done of ita clear- 
or energy. No tompiaiiiL in refereriue to his physical suf- 
gs was heard from him. His lofty end intrepid Bpirit 
phed over all physic&l infirmity. Prom his eick bed hi* 
ted the affairs of the French Reformation. When he 
d ao longer stand upon his feet, he was carried to church 
parULke of the Lord's Supper, and to a session of the Senate, 
ing that his end whs near, he dej^in'd to meet this bixly for 
lafit time* A celebrated artist has depicted the interview 
the canvaa. The councilors gatiicred about liis bed, and 
ftddrceaed them. He tlianked them for the tokens of honor 
ich they had grante^j to him, and craved their forgiveness For 
breakings of anger which they had treated with s(\ much for- 
ice. He could say with truth, that whatever might be 
faults, he had aerved their republic with his whole soul. He 
taught, he said, with no feeUng of uncertainty respecting 
doctrine, but sincerely and honestly, acconling to the Word 
God. "Were it not so/' he added, "I well know that the 
th of Ood would impend over my head," Courteously and 
y, in a paternal tone, he warned them of the need of 
Uity and of faithfu! vigilance to keep off the dangers that 
t threaten the Slate. ''1 know," he said, "the mind and 
k of each one of you, and know that ye have aU neeti of ad- 
nition. Much is wartmg even to the best of you." He eon- 
ded with a fervent prayer, and took each one by the hand, as 
h tears they parted from him. Two days aftcrwarda, he 
t the clergy of the city and of the neighborhood. He sat up 
his bed andf having offered prayer, spoke to them. He began 
saying thai it might he tliought that he waa not in so bad a 
as he supposed. **But I assure you," he added, 'Mn all 
y former illneasea and sufferings, I have never felt myself so 
Cftk and sinking as now. When they lay me down upon the 
d, my senses fail and I become faint." He referred to his 
t CBreer in GeiLcva. Wlien he came to this Church there 
&s preaching, and that was all. They hunted up the images 
d burnt them, but of a Reformation there waa nothing; all 
insubordination and disorder. He had been obliged to go 
rough tremendous conflicts. Sometimes in the nigiit, he said, 
) terrify him, fifty or sixf.y shots had been fired before his door. 
Hiink/' he said, ^' what an impre^ion that must maV^^ M^\^ ib. 



M6 



TH£ REfORHATlON 



poor wholar, shy and timid as I then was, and at the bottoa 
have always tx^Mi." This last statement respecting his oatunl 
diepoeitioD, he repeated two or three times with empha^. Bfi 
adverted to hia banishment and stay in Strasburg, but oo tui 
felmu the difficulties were rot diminished. They had set thdr 
dogs on him, with the cry: "Seise him! seise him!" and his 
clothes and his Qesh had been torn by them. "Althou^ I aa 
nothing," he procf«ded to say, *'l know that I have prevented 
more Ihfln three hundred riots which would have descdated 
Geneva," He asked their pardoo for hif many faults; in par- 
ticular for his quickness, vehemence, and readiness to be angry. 
In regard to hie teaching and his wrilingg, he could say that 
G«d had given him the grace to go to work earnestly and syB- 
teniBtically, ^o that he had not knowingly pen'ert^ or erron^ 
ously interpreted a single passage of the Scnptnres. He had 
written for no personal end, but only to promote the honor d 
God. He gave them various exhortations relating to the obUgft- 
tiona of their office ; then took them eaeh by the baud, and "v'fi 
parted from him/' says Beza, "with our eyes bathed in lear^ 
and our hearts full of unspeakable gnef/' He died on the 3TU 
of May, I5M. His pieidng eye retainetl its brilliancy to the 
la@i. Apart from this, hi? face hod long worn the look of death, 
and its appearance, ad we are infonned by Besa, wa« not pe^ 
»ptib1y changed after th« spirit ha^l left the body. His lfi«t 
(lays were of a piece »itb his life. His whole coun»e has bees 
cnnapsu^l by Vioet to the growth of one rind of a tree from 
another, or to a chain of logical se^juences. He was eadwd 
with a nian'clous: power of un<kf^anding. althou^ the ima^na- 
Uon and senuivvnlfl wcve Imb roundly developed. Hifl syste^natif 
s^imi Gtted him to be die fQUDckf of an enduring school ol 
thought In this (4iaract«rntjc he may be compared mtli 
Aquina?. He has t?een apfiroptiately styled the .\ristotb of 
the Reformation. He was a petfectty honest man. He sub- 
jeet^ his will to (be eternal niW of n^\, as far as he could di»- 
rovpT \i. His motives wwi? pure. He fell that God waa near 
him. and sacriEice^] everytlmi^ to obey the direction of Provi- 
deoo^ Tbc fear ct God niled in his soul; not a ala\i^ fear, 
but a f^rincipfe such as animMcd Ibe ptopheia of the Old Cov^ 
nant. Thfi eombiiiation of Ma qodtitt vaa such that he ooulO 
not fail to attract profound adminAioD and re^^erence from od^ 



^ 



CALVINISM AND CIVIL LIBERTY 



207 



%6B of minds, and excite intense antipathy in another. Thftre 

DO one of tlie Refornifrs who is isjiokf^n of, at this late day, 

til so much fKTSonal feeJing, eitlier of r^^garci or aversion, Bui 

loever studie-s hie life and w-rilings, especially the few passages 

wtuch he lets us into his confidence and appears to invito our 

fcnpathy, will acquire a growing sense of hie intellectual and 

iral greatness, and a lender consideration for his errors- 

In Calvinism^ CDnsJderefl as a bheological sy^t^ni, and con- 

eted witJi other t>"p^9 of Prot^tant theology, there is one 

fcracl^rifltjc, pen^ading principle. Jt is that of the sovereignty 

God; not only his unlimited control, within the sphere of 

ndr as w«li as of matter, but the determination of His will, 

ihp ultimate cause of the salvation of some, and of the aban- 

nment of others to perdition. 

In the conatitution which Cal™ created at Geneva^ as it is 

n in the light which the lapse of three centuries CBSie upon 

were two capital errors. First, the juriadiction of the Church, 

discipline over {\s memljers, was carried into the details of 

iduct, extendeil over personal and domestic life, to such a 

^cc as unwarrantably to curtail indi\idual liberty, Sec- 

dly, the power of coercion that was given to the ci^il author- 

eubverted freedom in reli^ous opinion and worship. 

How ia it, then, that Calvinism is acknowledged, even by 

Foes, to have promoted powerfully the cause of civil liberty? 

tfi re&aon liea in the boundary line which it drew between 

arch and Slate, Calvinism would not eurronder the peculiar 

\etka\s of the Church to the civil authority.' Whether the 

lirch^ or the Gc^ve^nment, should regulate the administration 

flh^ Sacrament, and admit or reject the coniinuriifantf<^ was the 

lion which Calvin fought out with the authorities at Geneva, 

Ihis feature, Calvinism differed from the relation of the civil 

lo the Church, as established under the auspices of Zwinglij 

as of Luther, and from the Anglican system which origi- 

under Henry VIII. In its theory of the respective powers 

the Church and of the Magistrate, Calvinism approximated 

^the traditional \'iew of the Catholic Church. lu France, in 

"'land, in Scotland, in England, wherever Calvinism was 

ted, it had no scruples about resisting the tyranny of cJvil 

< Cvlv^n vondVDiv Henry Vlllr for itylios IudimU ttu kM^ of tha AogUoftO 
Ktifapwhult*. \. 771, 



I 



SOS 



THE REFOKMATION 



Fillers. This principle, m the long run, would inevitably con 
duce to the progress of clvLl freedom. It is certain thjit the 

distinction botweeri Church and State» which was recognizdl 
from the ootiversion of Co:i3tantin€, Dotwithstardiug the lon^ 
ages of intolerance and persecutjon that were to follow, was iJip 
first step, the necessary condition, in the devploprnent of rpligioua 
liberty- First, it muat be settled that the Sta(« shall not stretch 
ita power over the Church, within its proper sphere; next, that 
that Stat-e shall not lend lis power to the Church, aa an e^cecu- 
tioner of ecclesiaslical laws. 

A second reason why Calviniam has been favorable to civil 
liberty is found in the republican character of its church organi- 
sation. Laymen shared power with miniatera. The people, the 
body of the congregation, took an active and respoasible part 
in the choice of the clergy, and of all other officers. At Geaevo, 
the alliance of the Church with the civil authority, and the dr- 
cunistatices in which Calvin was placed, reduced to a confddei> 
able extent the real power of the people in church affairs, Calvia 
did not realize his own theory. But elsewhere, especially tM 
countries where Calvinism had to encounter the hostility of the 
State, the democratic tendencies of the system had full room for 
development. Men who were accustomed to rule themselves in 
the Church would claim the 3amc privilege in the commonwealth- 
Another eourc^ of the influence of Calvinism, in advancing 
the cause of ci\il liberty, haa been derived from its theolog}'. 
The sense of the exaltation of the Almighty Ruler, and of his 
intimate connet-tinn with the minutest incidents and obligations 
of human life, which is fostered by this theology, dwarfs all 
earthly potenlatoa. An intense spirituality, a consciousness that 
this hfo 15 but an intimtesimal fraction of human cxist-enc«. 
dissipates the feeling of personal homage for men, however high 
their station, and dulls ihelusterof all earthly grandeur. Calvin^ 
ism and Romanism are the antipodes of each other. Yet, it is 
curions to observe that the effect of these opposite systcma upon 
the attitude of men towards the ci\il authority has often tNBcn 
not disaJmilar. But the Calvinist, unlike the Romanist, cU^ 
penses wilh a human priesthood, which has not only often proved 
a powerful direct aujiiliary to temporal rulers, but has educated 
the sentiments to a habit of subjection, which renders subnufi- 
lAn to Buch rulers more facile and less easy to shake off. 



CHAPTER Vni 



THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE 



The long conl^et for Gallican rights had lowered the presbf^ 
of the popea in France, but it had not weakened the Catholic 
Church, which was older than the monarchy itself, and, ia the 
f*?eling of the peoplp^ was intlissolubly associated with it,^ Tlie 
College of the Sorboime, or the Theological Faculty at Paris, 
and the Parliament, which had together maintained Gallican 
liberty, in a spirit of indepGEdencc of the Papacy, were unitpd 
in stem hostility to all iloc^rinal innovations. The Coneordat 
concluded between Fran<'is 1. and Leo X., after the battle of 
Marignano, gave to the King the right of presentation to vacant 
benefices; to the Pope, the first-fruits. It exeite*:! profound 
discontent, and was only re^stered by Parliament after pro- 
longed resiatance and under a protest. It abolished the Prsg- 
toatie Sanetion of 143S^ wliieh had bet^n deemed the charier of 
Gallican independence. It put into the hands of Frands I., and 
a great many laymen besides, an endless amount of patronage 
of one sort and another, but it weakeneti the Catholic Church, 
only aa it lefl to the introtluction of incompetent, unworthy 
persotLs, favorites of the court, into e<"ulesiaj*tical ofTire», and 
thua increased the necesflity for reform-* In Southern France 
a remnant of the Waldcnse^ had aurvived. and the recollection 
of the Catharifils was stilJ preeerA'cd in popular songs and Icf^enda. ^— 
But the first movements towards reform emanated from the ^M 
Humanist culture. 

A hterary and aeientifin spirit was awakened in France 
through the lively intercourse with ItaJy, which subsiated under 
Louie XI!. and Francis I, By France ej^pecially, Italian 
scholars and artiste were induced in large numbers to take up 

■ FUsl»!, Fmntotitehr Graehichle Hftmrhmlich iW IB- m. 17. Ja^tr^tiruirn, %. MQ, 
' On th» oomjpfifpn rrkn«Mqii*r>l upon th* ConcorcJit, ■«« Rank«. FrontoaiMtitM 
0meii<idV4, I 131; CojnfrruiBt Modrn HiHory, vol. i,, p. 074. 

300 



Sio 



THE REFORMATION 



their abnrie in France. Frenchmen likewise visits Italy utd 
brought home tlic elasaical culture which they acquired there, 
ATnoiip the peholars who cultivated Greek was Budaeus, the 
foreniostoflheni, whom Erasmue styled the "wonder of France." 
After the "Peace of the Danies^' was concludeii at Cambray, ia 
152t)r whr'ii Franris surrrndererl Italy to rharJes V.» a throng 
of palriotic rtalian3 who fearcii or hat<xl the Spaiiiah rule, 
streamed over the Alps and gave a new impulse to literature 
an{l art- Poets, artists, and scholars foiuid in the king a liber&l 
and enthuMJLsti'" patron. The new Htiidips^ ff-pecJally Hebn?w and 
Greek, wer** opposed by all the might of the Sorbonne, the 
leatler of which was the t^yndie, Beda, He and hia afisociatee 
were on the watch for heresy, and every author who was sus- 
pected of overet^^pping the bountls of orthodoxy, was immedi- 
ately accui;ed and subjected to pereecution. Thus two parties 
were formed, the one favorable to the new leivning, and the 
other inimical to it and rigidly wedded to the traditional the- 
ology.' 

The Father of the French Reformation, or the one more 
entitled to this distinction than aoy other, is Jacques Lef^^Te, 
who was bonj at RlapleSj a little village of Pieardy, about the 
year 1455, prosecuted his atudiefi at the University of Paris, and 
having become a master of artJ* and a priest, spent some time in 
Itoly, After hia return he taught mathcmatjcft and pliilosophy 
at Paris, was active in publishing and commenting on the works 
of .\risLotlej wMch he had studied in the original in Italy, as well 
ft.s in printing books of ancient mathpniatirtanH^ writings of the 
Fathers, and mystical protluctions of the Middle Ages. Lef^vre 
was honored among the Humaniat-s as the restorer of philawphy 
and science iii the Univeraty. Deeply imbued with a reli^oue 
ppirit, in 1509 he put forth a commentary on the Ptulms, and 
in 1512 a commentary on the Epistles of Paul. As early as 
about 1512, he said to his pupil Farel: ''God ^-ill renovate the 
world, and you will be a witness of it;" and in the last-named 
work, he eays that the Pigns of the times betoken that a renova- 
tion of the Chmch is near at hand. He teaches the doctrine of 
gratuitous justification, and deals with the Scriptures ss the 
supreme and sufficient authority. But a mystical, rather than 






JACQUES Ll£fEVKE AND HIS DISCIPLES 



2111 



a polemical vein charactenK»*s iiim; ajuI while lhi» prevmted 
him from breaking witJi the Church, it also blunted the sharp- 
ties8 of the opposition which his opinions wero adapted to pro- 
iiuc€>. One of his pupils was Bri^-otmct, Bishop of Meaus, who 
held the same viow of juslifiratioD with Lef^vre, and fostered 
th** evangelii^I tlortrinr in his iliorese. The eiimily of tlip Sor- 
bonne l^ LefpYr-* and hi^ school took a more aggressive form 
when tlie writings of I-ulher began to be read in the Univermty 
■sd elsewhere. The thrologians of the Sorlwnnr? set their facea 
flpUQSt pverj" deviation from the ilngmatie systfin of Aquinas. 
Reuchliii, having \)t^r\ a student at Paris, had hoped for support 
there in hi.s conflict with the Dominicans of Cologne; but the 
Paris facidty dccland agaiaH hira. In lolil they sat in judg- 
ment on Lulhcr and condemned him ae a heretic and blaFphemer/ 
Heresy was treated by Ihcm as an offeOBe against the Stale; and 
the Parliament, the Jilghest judicial t.ribunBl, showed itself 
prompt to carry out their drcreers by thi: inllicLion of the usual 
peoallleB. The Sorbonnc formally condemned a dissertation of 
Lef^vre on a point of the evangelical hit^tory, in which he had 
controverted tlio tra<lLlional opinion. He, with Farel, Gerard 
Roussel^ and oUrt pre acinars ^ found an asylutri with Bri^-onnet. 
LefSvre translaled the New Testament from the Vulgate, and, 
in a commenUry on the Goapels, explicitly pronounced the Bible 
the sole rule of faith, which the intlividuaJ might interpret for 
himself, and declared ju8tifit.^tion to be through faith alone, 
without human works or nieriL It seemed as If Meaux aspired 
to Iseconie another Wittenberg.' At length a eomniisfflon of 
Parliament was appointed to take cognisance of heretics in 
that district, Bri^onnet, cither intimidated or recoiling 
Al the eipht of an actual scce^on from the Church, joined 
in the condemnation of Luther and of hia opinions, and 
even aequiesced in the perHpeution which fell u|xin Protestants 
ism within his diocese. Lef^vre fled to Straabiu-g, was after- 
wards recalled by Francis i., but ultimately took up his abode 
in the court of the King's sister, Margaret, the Queen of Na- 
varre.' At about the time of his death (1536), Calvin's Jnstitut^a 

■ MflUtirthaii Tn>U*^ ScckiradDrf, 1, IBG. 
' Ilcnii Martin, HUtnirt dt Fmncr, viii, 149. 

■ Tlie raiddlp pB^^ vhi'^K Hoitv-fl acid nlhtra. w|in ncppplcd ihc dortrint ol 
jiiBEi£c»tioD by fj^Uh, bul remun^ in the Roman CaI^lqIlv CburcU, etid^i 
%o t^kflf u nhibjlffd hy Ofhaiidi in flit work, GHvrd IfmitMel, pr4iiioaititT lU 



4 



as 



THE REFORMATION 



appeared, which g&ve to th^ Huguenots & definite creed and & 
unity which imparted to them strength, at the same time Uiat 
it cost them a fraction of their adherenti^. 

Margaret> from the first, wa*i favorably inclined to the new 
doctrines. There were two parties at the court. The mother 
of the King, Louisa of Savoy, and the Chancellor Duprat, wen 
al!jeg of the Sorbonne, They were of the class of persona, nu^ 
raeroiis in that tige^ who pnd*mvor to atone for private, vicea by 
bigotry, and by the persecution of heterodox opinions- Ma^ 
garet. on the contrary, a versatile and accomplislied prirtc«e6, 
cherished a mystical devotion which carried her beyond Bri- 
90nnet in her acceptance of the teaching of the Reformers. Bnt 
this very spirit of niystieism, or quietism, proiluce*! in her mind 
an irdifference as tn external rites and forms of ecclesiaAtiral 
order; so that while she received the Protestant idea of salva^ 
tion by faith, and of the direct personal communion of the sod 
with Christ, slie was not moved to withdraw from the nmes» at 
separate formally from the oM Church. Tliere was a warm 
friendrmesfl for the reforming preacliers, a disposition to ftfi>- 
tect them againat their cnemica, a type of piety that no longer 
relished the invocation of saints, and of the Vir^n, and vonoufl 
other peculiarities of the Catholie Ritual, yet left the sacra nientfl 
and the polity of the Cliurch unassailed. Tlie passion;ite atlacll- 
merit of Margaret to her brother, cf which so much has been 
said, illustrates her nature, in which sensibility had so large A 
placed The authoress of a religious poem, the "Mirror of the 
Sinful Soul,*' which was so Protestant in its tone as to exdte 
the wratliof the Sorbonne, ami of many devotional hymns; she 
also composed, when in middle life, the ''Heptameron,'' a seria 
of tales in the style of Boccaccio, in which the moral reflectiofia 
and warnings arc a- weak antidote to the natural Influence of the 
narratives themselves.* Before the death of her first husband, 



ftfvne M<tTSU€nt9 J« Natorrt {l&iA), uid ia the artioloB, hy tliB ium« autJ3or» io 
tlcTiBaE'Ei Rfolfneyti.f "Bri^nnH," "O^rpid RnoMicil," Mbd "l(u|CAn<tfam vbc 

' Bee the judicioiu rpmarks of Unnri Martin, viii. S3, n. 4, H- Cvaui, \tx Va 
Suppl^tntjU rt Ift noltfv 9ur Xfargucri/ti d'Anffovi^ntr, «hu?h foiTru the nrvfaica (v 
ihfi F^ovfUft L*ttrFit de la Hfine dt In Nfifftrrr^ ha» given an iDiprobubk wman 
of ihifl "trisie myjili^n'," whirh Bttrlbutefl a culpable initntion lo ibe «ivt«r An 
opfioslt? view Lft priptniiiUil by Miclidtt, Lo R^Jonne, p, I7fi, 

' flee Ihr brief buL ncjmjrable n^cnarlcH cT ProfeMor Morlcy, In kui iat«nfltini 
bHOctfepbi- of Clflmvnt Marot (LotidflD, ISTI), i, 272- It ia a oiinDus LUustrAtii^a 
«f tiw puimen ol the Pnnch oobilily ml thJi tLms, tliAt Mftriafet abould be tbt 



MARGARET OF NAVARRE 



2V6 



hf* Duki* of Alem^on, and while she was a widow, she exerted 

ler inHucjicc to the full extent iu behalf of the persecuted Prot- 

istante, and in opposition to the Sorbonue. After her niar- 

lage to Hc'nry d'Albret, the King of Navarre, she continued, 

n her own little court and principality, to favor the refonneii 

ioctrine, and its prnfesfiors. Occ-asionally her peculiar tenipera- 

nent led her to entertain hospitably enthusiaat^ who concealed 

tn ontLDomian license under a iny*4tical theory of pfospel liberty. 

^vin wrote to her on the subjeet, in oonsequenee of her com- 

ilaiiit resiH-eting the language of his book against this wecL' 

le somewhei-e speaks of her attachment, and that of her friends, 

» Ihe Gospel, as » platonic love. Yet, the drift of her influence 

Pl>en.r3 in the character of her daughter, the heroic Jeanne 

TAlbr^t. the nioihpr of Henry IV, » and in the readine^ of the 

leople, ovt*r whom Margaret immediHlelj' niled, to I'eeeive the 

*rtjteslant faitli. Iler marriage to the King of Navarre, and 

retirement from the French court were precciled by the return 

lo EngL&n<l of one of the young ladica in her service. Anne 

Bolej'n. wlioi^ tragical hi&tory is so intimately connected with 

the introduction of Protestantism into England.' 

Francis L, whose generous patronage of artiste and men of 
letters, gave him the title of "Father of Science,'^ had no love 
for the Sorbonne, for the Parliament, or for the monks. He 
entertained the plan of bringing Erasmus to Paris, and placing 
him at ihe head of an instilutioT* of learning. He rend the Bible 
with his mother and sister, and felt no su|)erstitious aversion to 
Uie leaders of reform. He established the college of *'the three 
langunge-^i,'* in defiance of the 8orbonne, The Facidty of Tie- 
olo^, and the ParliamentT found in the King and court a hin- 
drance to their persecuting policy- It was in the face of his 
opposilinn that the Sorbonne |nit the treatise of I_rf^f&\Te on their 
list of pnrfhibited bookn. It was not through any agency of the 
King that the company of reforming preachers in Meaux was 

«Ttl«r flrf thMi* HoriM, »nd that her dftiiifhtpr. ihe vTrfuotut and noble Jeanne 
d'Albnt» fibauld hqve itubljsltwl thmo in i^u^ Hm cvnfci titltion- Spc Un-le 
d'Aitbigbf, Hi^itry af thr IitJ<*rwiatinn \n fAc Timr it} dd^n, iu 170. 

tmtt SpvitwU (1541). Calvnn'fl Lcftox ie lii BDnnit, i. 120. 

■ Th/9 Letter* of MjirgDri^l have l>e^o pubfibh^ by M. Otnin, Lstfrr* dr Mttr- 

fittrilf d'AniftnJffw ilH4\t-. \oiif^lffi Lttlr*t 'le la Jfrinr rf^- A^'unofT' <1842|. lo 

lh# firpt of thfA« eotlpctkiriH Ifi f>rf<fbLM & Tutl bkigrKithiFBl InfroductSon. Hri 

«hamiit<*r wkJ carver «te dcocnbnJ by yob Polcm, Onh- d- FraneotmA^ PrtM-. i. 




• 



L 



dispereed. The revolt of the Constable Bourbon mafJe it newfr 
eary for Fran<?is lo conciliate the elergy ; and the battle of Pa\"k, 
followed by the captivity of the King, and the regency of hii 

riDther, gave a frw rein to the persecutors, Ajj inqinsitoriai 
court, composed partly of laymen, was ordained by ParliamfnL 
Heretics wore burned at Paris, and in the provinces. Louis de 
Berquin, who combined a culture which won the adoiLration of 
ErasmUB, with the religious earnestness of Luther, was thrown 
iHto prison. The King, however, on his return from Spain, at 
(he eame.^t intercession of Margaret, set him free. The failure 
of Francis, in his renewetl struggle in It^ly, emboldened the per- 
secuting party. Berquin^ who had commenced a proseculioD 
against Beda, the leader of the heresy-huntuig conunisaioneR 
appninteil by the Rorbonne, was again taken into custody, ami 
this time was burnt before the King could interpose to eave him, 
The theological antagonists of Reform went ao far B3 to endeavor 
to put restrictions upon the professors in the college for thf 
ancient langimges, and even to lampoon, in a scholastic conietly, 
the King's sister, against whom they threw out charges of heresj', 
besides condemning her book, the "Mirror of the Sinful So(J/' 
Francis was, at thi,"^ time, holding a conference with (Jlemenl 
VTL, in Provence, and on his return was extremely indignant il 
the treatment of his sister. He authori7ed Gerard Roussel Ui 
preach freely Jn Paris; and when Beda raided an outcry agaiiisl 
his sermons, Francis caused Beda to be banished and prosecuted 
for sedition. He died in prison, in 1537. 

At this moment it seemed doubtful what course France would 
take in the great religious conflict of the period. In 1534, Heorj 
VTII- sei»ara(ed England from the Papacy, and made himself 
the head of the English Church. This event made a profound 
impression throughout Christendom. Since the Diet of Worme, 
the Papacy had lost the half of Germany and of Switzerlaad, 
then Denmark (in 1526), then Sweden (in 1527), and now Eng- 
land. The Netherlands were deeply agitated, and the eonfla- 
gration which Luther had kindled was spreading into Italy anil 
Spain. The Teutonic portion of Christendom was lost to Rome; 
what would be the decision of the Romanic cations? It wai 
inevitable that all eyes should be turned to Franeej and to il^ 
King.' Early in 1534j the Landgrave of Hesse came to negoliat* 




ROME. THE ftENAlSSAKCE, THE REFORMATION 215 

in person with Francis. Margaret correspooded with Melanc- 
thoD, whom she was desiroufi of bringing to France, The 
Landgrave restored the Duke of Wurtemberg to his pORBesiflonH, 
and in Wurtemberg the two forma of worsliip, Lutheran and 
Cfttholic, were made free, Francis I, had approached nearer to 
the Protestants; and the death of Clement VII,, In September 
of this year (1534), had released Francis from his political tiea 
with the Medici and the Papac)'. The violent spirit of the 
ciiampiona of the Papacy in Paris, the offensive proceedings of 
monks in Orleans and elsewhere, had produced a reactiou ud^ 
favorable to their cause. 

An eminent modem historian of France has depicted the 
three rivaJ systems, Rome, the Renaissanee, and the Reforma- 
tion, which were presented to the choice of France, and were 
repre^nted in three individuals^ who happened to be together 
for a moment in Paris — Calvin* Rabelais, Loyola.' This inter- 
esting passage of Martin suggest'* a few ol)servations which, 
howeveri are not wholly in accord with his own, Calvmism 
was a product of the P'rench mind. In \ts sharp and logical 
structure it corresponded to the peculiarities of the French 
intellect. In its moral earnestness, in Mb demand for the reform 
of ecclesia^ Ileal abuses, it found a response in the consciences of 
good men. But Catvlnism was the radical iypp of Protestant- 
jam; it broke abruptly and absolutely with the past, and must 
for this reason encounter a vast might of opposition from 
traditional feelings* from sacred or superstitious associations. 
Til** dogma of predestination, which Calvinism put in the fore- 
front of its theology, would stir up the hostility of men in whom 
the spirit of the Renaissance was preiiominant, not to speak of 
other classes. It was, moreover, a defect that Calvinism did 
not rise to the level of religious toleration. In the midst of their 
I own BuiTenngB, the Calvinistic preachers of France invoiced the 
arm of the magistrate to suppresM and punish Anabaptists, 
Servetians, and the like, not as disturbers of civil order, but as 
heretics. But stronger than any other obstacle in the way of 
the Cftlvinielic Reform was the amendment of life which it ro- 
ll wag too stern, unrelenting a foe of sensuality to make 
ttJerable to a multitude of men and women, in the court 
and out of it, who could have endured easily its doctrinal for- 

> Ibid,, LS4. 




THE REFORMATION 



mulas and have submitted to ita method of worship. At the 
opposite extreme from Calvinism waa the spirit of Spaiuati 
Cfttholioij?m» the reawakened zeal for the traditions, the author- 
ity, the imaginative worship of the old religion; the spirit cf 
the Catholic He.actioti, wliieh found an embodiment in Loyola 
and hia famous society. With this spirit, Frant^e as a. natioD, 
France left to its natural impulses and affinities, did not syni- 
pathiae. Between these mighty eonlending forces, which moif 
and more were coming into conflict, was the literary, philo- 
sophieaJ, .skeptical temper of tlie Renaissance, whieii fuund an 
expression in that strangest of writers, Rabelais^ whose extraor- 
dinary genius iiaa been acknowledgeti by the profoundwi 
etudonta of literature, whose intluejiee upon the French lan^iuape 
has been compared to that of Dante upon the Italian, and who 
veiled under a mask of burlesLiue fiction — of filth and ribaldry, 
too, we must add — his ideas upon human nature, aocJclj, 
education, and religion, The follies of monlts and pnest5» li» 
sophistry and ferocity of the Sortwnne, he lashes to such an 
extent that he needed powerful protectors to save liira from 
Uieir wnilh. His own religion does not extend heyond a theisji:. 
in which even personal immortality has no clear recognition. It 
is doubtless true that one type of thought and feeling in France 
at that day is reflected on the po^cs of Gar^antua and PaiiUig- 
ruel. A little later, a skepticism of a somewhat modified tji*. 
yet a genuine product, likewise, of the Renjiis^sance, appears in 
Montaigne. Wliatever attractions this species of philosophical 
skepticism, or of natural religion, may have for the French mind, 
it was too intangible in form* it had too little of earnestness aad 
courage, to mediate between the two resolute combatants who 
were to contend for the possession of France. Much, if not 
everything, depended no the path which the hesitating monajch, 
Francis I.^ would conclude to take. The French monarchy, it 
has been said, which had been emancipated politically from 
Rome since Philip the Fair, had nothing to gain by becoming 
Protestant.^ But at least it had much to gain by preserving lis 
independence; by refusing tfl enlist in the reactionary, repress- 
ive policy of Spanish Catholicism; by declining to partake "m 
a work in which the House of Austria had taken the leading pari. 
But Francis I. did not assume a distinct and independent pow* 

* MiKPPtj quokd by Hcon Uutinr viii- 210. 




K*JLIV0CAL POSITION OP FRANCIS I. 



217 



ion. He did not embrace Protestantism; lie did not conast- 
otly throw Limself upon the side of ultraraontaDe CalholicianiH 
(ow partially tolerating the Reformation, and now persecuting 
i with buse cruelty, he adhered to no definite policy. By this 
mdecided and vacillating attitude he brought upon his country 
^calculable miseries, ci^il wars in which France became "not 
he arbiter, but the prey, of Europe," and its soil " the frightful 
hefitcr of the battle of sects and nations/' "His dynasty per- 
shed in blood and riiire/' and France would have peristied with 
if had not this fate been arrestetl by a statesman anil warrior 
vbom Providence raised up to mitigate the lot of hia country.' 
NolwiUistanding his friendly professions to the Lutherans, it 
loon appeareil that if Francis would hove been glad to see a 
tefonnatiori after the Erasmian type, he had no sympathy with 
Itacks upon the doctrine of the Sacraments or upon the hier- 
rchical system of the Church, the topics which his eister, in her 
Ftitings, had avoided. Nor had he any di;?po&ilion to (Counte- 
nance movements that involved a religious division in his king- 
iom. As loog as religious dissent was confined to men of rank 
ind education, Ihe King miglit disrountenai^ce the use of force 

repress it ; but when it penetrated into the lower ranks of the 
pie, the case waa difTerent. Unity in religicm was an element 

the strength of his monarehy, of which he boaf<ted. He priBed 
hi' old maxinij "Un roi, un foi» un loi," When, therefore, in 

tober, 1534, inconsiderate zealots posted at the corners of the 

s in Paris, and even on the door of the King's chamber at 

placards denouncing the niass» ho signaJiacd his devotion 

the C-athohc religion by coming to Paris to take part in solemn 
Jigious proeessiona, and in the burnings with circumstances of 
trocious cruelty, of eighteen heretics, YeL agam he showed 
imself anxiious to cement a political alhance with the German 
Yolcatants, and even entered into ncgotiatiotja looking to a 
mioti of the opposing religious parties. Be went so far as to 
nvite Mels-ncthon to Paris to help forward the enterprise. He 
lainied that the |>erson3 who had been put to ileath were fanatics 
^nd seditious people, whom the safety of the Stjatc rendered it 
ieces3ar>' to tlestroy. In truth, the Grand Master, Montmo- 
^►nei, and the Cartlinal de Toumon, active promoters of perse* 
lUtion, had persuaded him that the posting of the placards waa 

■ Uutiu, p. 317. 



« 



S18 



THE REFORMATION 



Ihff first step in a great plot of Anabaptists, who designed to ac 
in Frarire what ttiey Imd done in Miinater.' But the unwilling- 
nesa of Ji'ranc'm to produce a. «:hi5ni, or to place hhnsdf in 
antagOQisra to the Catholic Church obliged him (1543) to give 
hie approval to a rigid statement of doctrine, in opposition W 
the Protestant views, which the Sorbouue put forth, in the form 
of a direction to preachers.' It was tlieir answer (in twenty-Bii 
Articles) to the laaUtutes of Calvin. pubJished in a French trani*- 
lation. TluH approval by the King followed (in 1543) the issue 
by him of several severe edicts, one of Ibem the ordinance for a 
sharper process In the tnal of heretics (1540), Parlianienl, AS 
a part of Its edict (1542) for the control of the press, ordainwl 
that all copies of the Instltates should be surrendered without 
delay, -\ft^r an intcr\'al, tlicy were burnt in a aolenin Bl\k. 
and tho first index Expurgatoriu^ by Parliament was issued soon 
aft^n He even did not lift a finger, in 1545, to prevent the 
wholesnie slaughter of hi.s unoffending Waldensian subjecU*, His 
governing aim was to uphold the power of France, and to wiii- 
stand and reduce the power of the Emperor. Hence he culti- 
vated the friendship and assisted the cause of the Protestajite 
in Gernmny, while ho was inflicting imprisonment and deaih 
upon their brethren in Franc*'. It was not partiality for Prot- 
estantism, but hostility to Charles, that moved him; and so 
strong was this sentiment, that he did not hesitate to inake 
conunon cause with the Turks, for the sake of weakening h» 
adversary. On the whole, during the reign of Francis, Prot-- 
extant opinions found not i^ littlr favor among the higher clasacA. 
For a while, it was T.utheranism that was adopted. But LuthfT 
waa too thoroughly a German to be coEigenial to the French mind 
It was Calvinism, as soon as Calvinism arose, which attracted the 
sympathies of the Frenchmen who accepted the Protestant fai^^ 
After the mischievous affair of the placards, tlie closing yeais 
of the reign of Francis — he died in 1547 — were a period d 
cruel persecution, when Calvinists were driven into exile, and i 
large number suffered cruel torture and death. The courage 
and quickened zeal of the victims inspired a great number with 
sympathy with their faith, and seemeiJ to plant Calvinism id a 
number of thf Fr(?nch Universities, and in nearly all the prov- 
inces. New Protectant churches were founded. 




> Htori lUBTtin, viii. S33- 



■ Rukfl, i. 116. 



PROQREflS OF PROTESTANTiaM 



219 



Parel and Calvin were both fugitives from peraeeution in 
rain=e, Calvin reUirned to Geneva from his banishment in 
Al. More and more Geneva becanie an asylum for French- 
icn whom intolerance drove from their countiy. Many of 
lem came, wearing the eeara which the instruments of torture 
id left upon them. As the vietime of rehgious cruelty emerged 
om the piuwps of the Jura and caught sight of the holy city, 
ley fell on their knees with thanltsgiving.-^ Ut Goii' From thirty 
rin ting-offices of Geneva, Protestant works were sent forth, 
tiich were scattered over France by colporteurs at the peril 
their lives. The Bible in French was issued in a little volume, 
lich it wiis easy to hide; also the Psalms, in the version of 
ement Marot, witli Uie irit<?rlinear music uf Goudimeh' Calvin 
Bs indefatigable in exhorting and encouraging his countrymen 
p hifl letters. Preachers who were trained at his side returned 
their country and ministered to the little churches which long 
d their worship in secret, T!ie Reformation spread rapidly, 
ially ill the south of France. Tlie sijectficle of godly men 
pure lives, led to the stake, while atheists and scoffers were 
lerated if they would go to the moB^, alienated many from the 
d religion, 
Henry TL, who succeeded his father in 1547, had no sym- 
thy with ProleslaDtism. He might support the Protestants 
jroad when a political object was to Ije gained, as when he 
tercd into a treaty with Maurice at the time when the latter 
Ks about to take up anng against the Emperor; but at home 
eooj>eratefJ with the Sorljontie, who were more and more busy 
their work of extirpating faW d<KTtrine by burning tlie books 
od persons of its professors. The rage of the common people, 
nd even the holy horror of Ucentious courtiers, were excited 
f fictitious tales of abominable vice which was said to be prac- 
D«*l in liie meetings of the Huguenots, To lie objects of this 
K-t of calumny has been a common experience of sects which 
,vc been obliged to conduct their rites in secrecy.* 
Yet in this reign the Protestant opinions made great prog- 

' See u diHftieiit pBseBB« uq' Ibo InAiuucc of Gi-nevm, in UiFh«I«l, Qu^mm dm 

■ 9iKb mATiUftfioDB were bnught ftgi^nat Jpws lb Ihci tfiddip A|{cs, I.Lhe 
F^M were brauHbt Ac&iait th« early CluutJua ia liie Romui EuipJri!. Gibbon, 
.eh. IV. 




THE 



In 155S it vras estimated that there were two tboiiA&iul 
places of reformed worship scattered over France, and conp^ 
gations numbering four Iiundrcd thousand. They were orgaa- 
ized aft^r Ifie Presbyterian form, and were adherents of the 
Genevan type of doctrine. In I55S they ventured to hold t 
genera! synod in Pari^, where they adopted their confesaioD of 
faith and determined the method of their church organi" 
zalion. 

After Henry concluded the disastrous peace of Cateau-Cam- 
bresis, by whieh his conquejsts in Italy and in the Netherlantls 
were given up to Bjmn, and his daughter^ Elizabeth, was to be 
niarrietl to Philip II., and his aigter, Margaret, to the Duke of 
.Savoy, iie commenced with frcah vigor the work of peraecutioD. 
It was involved in this treaty thai the two kings abouM unite in 
the auppresHion of heresy. '^The King of France, wiiieh, ainCP 
the reverse-s oF Charles V., had been the first fxiwer in Europp, 
bought, at the price of many provinces, the rank of Lieutenant 
of the King of Spain in the Catholie |>arty." ' He unexpect- 
edly presented himself in a session of Parliament, where a niiJder 
policy had begun to find advoeate.s, atid ordered the two mem- 
bers who hsxi expressed themselves moat emphal.iraJly on tliAt 
side to be shut up in the Bastile. He declared that he would 
make the extirpation of heresy liia principal businesa^ and by 
letter threatened the Parliament and inferior courts in case 
they showed any leniency to heretics. But iu a tilt which 
formed a pa-rt of tlm festivals iu honor of the marnages, & 
splinter from the spear of Montgomery, the Captain of tas 
Guards, struck his eye and inflicte<i a deadly wound, H 
seemed to the Protestants that in the moment of extrpme 
peril tlie haml of the AlmighLy was stretehed out to deliver 
them (1559). 

'lliua far persecution had failed of its design. "The fanatifl 
and the poUticinns had thought to annihilate heresy by tif 
number and atrocity of the punishment-s : they perceived wtfb 
dismay that the hydra multiplied itself under their blows. Tbpj 
had only succeeded in exalting to a degree unhean.] of beforep 
all that there iire of hcroie powers in the human soul. For one 
martyr who tiiBappeured in the flamcfl, there presented tb^m- 
aelvea a hundred more: men, women, children, marched to 

■ MATtin, viU. iSO. 




E^i 



PERSECDTIONS UNDER HENRY II, 



221 



puEishm^ntr Ginging the PEalms of Marotj or the Canticle 

.SmiGOO Rappelp, v-Dtre Sen-itaur. 

I Srigneurl J'aj vii vulr? ^ti\-eiir. 

^y expiretl in ecstasy, infusible to the refineJ cruelties of 
C savages who invented tortures to prolong their figony. 
pre than one judge died of consternation or remorse. Otht^B 
lbra<^ the faiih of those whom they sent to the se-affold. 

r' executioner at Dijon was converted at the foot of the pyre. 
the great phenomena, in tht'most vast proportions, of the finst 
lys of Christianity, were seen to reappear. Most of the vic- 
p3 (lied with the eye Uu'ned towards that New Jerufialem, 
^t holy city of the Alps, where some had been to seek, whenoe 
liers had received the Word of God. Not a preaelier, not ii 
^onary lA'as coadenined who did not saUite Calvin from afar, 
ftoking him for having prepared him for so beautiful an end, 
ley no more thought of reproaching Calvin for not following 
tm into France than a soldier reproaches his general for not 
Un^g into the m^l^e."^ 

We have now to refer to the cireiinistanceH that converted 
ts Huguenots into a political party. With the accession of 
jutcis XL, a boy of fdxtcen, Catharine de Meilici> the widow 
the late king and the mother of hia suecee,^or, hoped to gratify 
f ambition by ruling ihe kingdom, Tlie daughtt-r ol' 
hrenzo IT., of Florence, and the niece of Clement VII., her 
lldhood had lieen passeil in an atmosphere of duplicity, and 
e hail thoroughly imbibed the anprincipled maxims of the 
^lian school of poUtics. The death of the Dauphin had made 
f husband the heir of the throne; bul his aversion (o her was 
jch thatn at an earlier day. when it was supposed that no chil-* 
en would spring from her marriage, there was an idea of sentl- 
f her back to Italy- She had to pa}' assiduous court to the 
Mrefises of her falher-in-law and her husband. Even after 
|B birth of her children ami after her husband asceinJeil the 
rone, she did not escape from her humiUating position. She 
10 dependent upon the good offices of Diana of Poitiertt, 
enry's mistress, for the maintenance of relations with her 
^band, whose repugnance to her was partly foimded on 
lysical peculiarities, which were derived from her profligate 
tlier &nd wiiicb entdled a diseased constitutioa upon hei 



222 



THE REFORMATION 



diildren.^ Accustomed from early childhood to hide htf 
thou^tB and feeling: without conscience and almost without 
a heart; caring little for reli^oo except to hate its restraints, 
Catharine had nurned her dream of ambition in secret.' Bat 
the fact that Francis waa legally of age, though practically id 
hia minority, disappointed her hope. It immediately appeared 
that the young King was entirely under the control of the fanuly 
of Guise. Claude of (juise had Lieen a wealthy and pruminenl 
nobleman of Lorraine, who had dietinguished himself at Marig- 
naiio, and in the subsequent contests with Charles V, Two of 
[lis sons, Francis, Duke of Guisej and Charles, Cardinal of Lor 
raine, had acquired great power under Henry II.: the Dub 
an a military learler, especially by the fiutcessful (Jefense of 
Met£ and the taking of Calais; and the Cardinal as Croufessor 
of the King, whose consderice^ Beza says, he carried in hiA 
sleeve. Both were unpopular, the Cardinal, from his ho^tilily 
to heresy, specially odious to the Protestants. Tlieir dstflr 
haii niarrie<l James V,, of Scotland; and her daugliter, Mm 
Htuart, who was to play so prominent a part in the history of 
the age» was wedded to the youthful King, Francis 11. H< 
was weak in mind and body, and it was not difficult for the 
Cardinal and the Duke, both of them aspiring and adroit men, 
with the aid of the vigorous and beautiful young Queen, to 
rjiaiutain a complete ascendency over hira. TTie Cardiual waa 
supreme in the affairfl of State, the Duke in the mililary deparl- 
ment. It was au associatioD of the soMier and the diplomatist, 
the lion and the fox, for their common aggriuitlizement. The 
Guises set themselves up as the chftmpions of the old reli^on, 
although they at first a^loptcd the policy of witlistanding 
Charles V. through an alliance with the Pope, They had large 
fiopes of acquiring power in Italy- and assumed to inherit th* 
claim of the house of Anjou to Naples. Or the acce^ision of 
Francis their first step was to imluce the King to give a cour- 
teous diiiiiiM^I l4> the Grand Constable, Montmorenci, who, 
with hia numerous relatives, had hcen the rivals of the Qui*** 
1 oharetl with them the oEtices and honors of the idng- 

*«■ tig /tftiffiin, p. 4^- 

'Q paLni Catlmrme, in tomf i>o1nt^. ia & Ibb imfftvonU* 

ijt^ i, 04, Stm ia liliamcLvriiciJ tiy llie Due d'Aimk 

• without firinrLplfl, awl witlwul BonipleB." gfalufy 



^CATHARINE, THE GUISES, A^D THE HUGUENOTS 223 



km. It was by the support of Diana of Poitiers, one of wliose 

l^hhTs had married their brother, that Ihc Guises were enabled 

BPoipake thgmselveatheecjualaand thg-Dtheguperiorsof Mont- 

jrenci, whom they greatly outstrippnd in pohLical sagacity/ 

It mas not to be expected that the great tioblos of Franre 

>uld quietly see the control of the governmeot practically 

urped by per^one whom they considered upstarts, who had 

»ed on places that did not belong to them by the laws and 

atoms of the realm. The opposition to the Guiaea centered 

two familipj*, tlie houses of BuurboJi and Chatillon, Tlie 

rec brothers of the former houee were princes of the blooil, 

ing deecende<] by a collateral line from Louis IX. Anthony 

Vendomo, thf^ eldest, who by his marriage with Jeamie d'Al- 

Bt, the dttughUT of Margaret, wore the title of Khig of Na- 

ire^ liai.1 bt-en moved to take the side of the Prolewtants^ but 

]A a man of weak and vacillating character, He had no loftier 

ftpe than to get back from Spain his principality of Navarrp, 

p to provide himself with an equivalent dominion elsewhere. 

le second brother, Charles, the Cardinal of Roiien^ was of a 

oilar temperament. The third, LoniH, Prinre of Con<l^, was 

brave man, not without noble qualitieftf but ra^h in counsel, 

id not proof against the enticements of aeneual pleasure. The 

of'^tant wives of these men, the Queen of Navarro and the 

incess of Cond^, a niece of the Coastable, had more firnmess 

religious conviction than their husbands. Tlie three broUiers 

^e house of Chatillon, «)na of Louisa of Montmorenci, the 

t^r of the Constable, wore men of a noblor make. Tliepo 

rre Odet, Cardinal of Chatillon, Admiral Colipny, and Dande- 

^ Colonel of the Cisalpine infantry, Coligny had acquired 

»i credit by introduring strict dLst^iplinc into the French 

aniry, and by valor at 8t. Qucntin and elsewhere, !n all 

p qualitjcd of mind and character that constitute human 

■tttne^s, he was without a peer. His attachment to the Prot- 

«iiC cause was sincere and Immovable, 

Hiat the Bourbons and the great nobles who were connected 

th them should seek the support of the persecuted Calvinists, 

id that the latter, in turn, should seek for deliverance through 

tni was natural.' The Guises were virtual usurpers, who 

^^ken the station that belonged to the princes of the blood, 

^^M ■ Ifrnri Martin, viii. 303. * lUtike, 1. \^ 



224 



THE REFORMATION 



and, at thp eame time, wprp pprspciitnrs. Tlie nobles, thrif 
antagonists, and their l'rot<'5t-ant co-religionista ha<l a cominoD 
cause. There was n umon of poHlicaJ and religious motlTris 
to hind Ihpiik all together. Tf polilical eonsidi^rationfi hod a 
governing weight with Antliony of Navarre and some olh*r 
leaderSj tliis was the nii^sforlunp, and a heavy niisfortune it 
proved, of the Huguenots: but it was not their fault- While 
it ifl vain to ignore* the inHucnec of political aspirations, it is • 
greater error of pome writers, hke Davila, to ascribe the whole 
moveniont of the Huguenot leaders to motives of this charaeter,' 
There was on their part a tJiorough oppo^tion to the cruel per- 
secutjoD of the Calvini^ts, and an attachment to their rAUse, 
which, if it was inconfitant in aoine caj*es, proved in others A 
profound and growing conviction, such a@ no terrors and oo 
sacrififes could weaken. 

Calvin, like the fiutheran reformers, preached the doctrine 
of olieflienee to rulers, aiiiT uncompfaining submis.'^oii to suffer- 
ing and death,' For forty years the unoffending Huguenot* 
haii fict^d on this principle and submitteii to indescribable in- 
dignities and erueltieis, inflicted often by men who in their own 
doily live-« \'ifilflted every conirnandment of the decalogue. Bui 
even Calvin held that Chri.stiaus might lawfully t-ake up arms, 
under authoriae^l learlcrs, to overthrow usurpaUoD. We ^aJI 
see, moreover, that it was the unchecked atrocities, not of tho 
niagistratejj, hut of their subjects, acting without color of law, 
that kindled the flames of civil war. But in France, as in 
OenuHTiy. during this perioil, the reluelance of the ProtestonUi 
to abandon the ground of pa»ivc reaist&nce and to riw agaJuA 
their opprcff^re, the indecision of the Protestants on thia ques- 
tion, more than once cost them dear. 

' r>iivil> (Stpriii dtiif Gurrrc Civiti di Fr^mcia) deflcriba ■ format meptiiiB in 

Vandomr, at nhich Oaud^ ad^ Qllifis kitvortlnj lui oprn wjir, but CoIIkuT ^^ 
vuAdrd IhiTtn to tuiript * morr rrafl.r policy. Davila inakvn ihv coaapofcj tl 
Aralttilof the rcfluh of this cobfrrrDCr. But It is o*l credible ihnl auch a oo»- 
itrvnft; warn ovw helil. Sao \hc Hv^rchibg critirisin of D^vIIa by RonkD, /wni. 
OM^uAfr, V 3 »ii- 

' Sw llpnrv, Lii. JUS. and Bnt. p. IJM mtq. Spmkin^ of Ihfl niin«Al wh)i*fa h* 
t»v« in rflfrrpnpr tn thr \ml»lw iv>n*ririii?j-. CiUvin Ksya : ""CHitniJMit J«*( Ism^it- 
MlLoQi CBlfllTlit );r&iiilr« dt I'mliiirmnil^ quon eitr^it poar aboZir la rrii^gn 
ncnDf dliFiire en lieurr an ntLrndDil uik« liorriblp bouclinir. puur uitvnniDer toti* 
, lea iHjvrr^ Bdtlc^" Ele nayo, thai tir rrplitd, iJial if « ainftlc drop nf blood nrprr 
lOd, riwn of blocMi would flow o^'cr Europe; manovrr ihal it is be^trr ** for U" 
I to pviftlt K ULiiYdrwd timn, tbab thai iho OMae of the btberenlB of tli« Go*p»l 
W be mmaed Ut ■uch opprobrium." 



THE CONSPIRACY OF AMDOISE 



226 



The conspiracy of AmboiFie was a plol, of whicli a French 
gentlejuan, La Renainlip, wai^ tlip luoml atitive Konimer, U) 
disposaesa the Guiftee of tlieir poKition by force and to place tiie 
contTol of the government in the hamla oF the princps of the 
blood. Cond6 appears lo havr' been privj' to it, Coligny re- 
fused to take part in it; Calvin tried to disauatle La Ronaudio 
fronx exceiiting his project, wliieh the Rt-fornier sternly disaj>' 
provptl, unless tljR princes of thp blood, not Cond*^^ aloni*. Imt 
the first of them in rank, were to sanction it. and Parliament 
were to join with them.' The Guises wpre forewarned and fore- 
armed, and took a savage revenge, not only u|x>n the* conspira- 
tors, but upon a great number of innocent Proteatants, whom 
the eonsfPirators had invitci! tri the court to prespnt their petj- 
IJODS. but who ha^l no further comphcity in the undertaking 
(1560). 

The eommotion of which this abortive echeme was an ini- 
presj^ve aign, had thp effect to moderate for the moment thp 
poHey of l]ip Tftniinah 'Hie prisons were opened anrl thi" 
Protest-ants set at hbcrty. The Edict of Romorantin, in \5CjO, 
passed by the agency of L'Kospital, no friend of the Guiaea, 
Blill forbaiie all Protestant assemblies for worship, but procecil- 
ings against individuals on account of their faith were to bo 
dropped. The tares, it wa.s s^d, had become too strong to be 
''ra*Iicated from the lielil. The Proteatanta made an appeal 
for hbcrty to meet together for worahip. Tlieir petition waa 
boldly presented to the King in an Assembly of Notables at 
Fonlamcbleau by Coligny, who had espoused^ but net yet pub- 
licly professed, the new opinions. At the same time, a demand 
waa made for a meeting of the States General, lo consider the 

■ Ser Calvm'ii letter^ ciln] nbovp. on Uic itibjecl (April 16, 16G1). in H^-nry, 

ii. 21 i Beit-t p- l£^, Tb^rc can \x uu iJoubt Uuht La nfimuiijF rt[tri:^nird CiriuZ^ 

B9k^^ ihe aiLent Ic&iLer o^ the rntn-prisf . That bo wui la gan^nl\y oonumpd, and 

H^Rftbly witli Irutb, HrnH MHrtiu, ^nii. 34 eeq, Sumonrlij Hiftifir* dWr Frnti- 

^Jfefe, iviii, 132, HiiP a'Aumatf', ^i^^icry of fV Printrt vj Cuad*^ J M. h u 9d 

■tAlpd by IVik, fiiMlMrt iIm EqIiapm Rtf.. \. 2.W. Kunke Bjiy»i : ^'Mit hifirariiii'hpr 

n»—tniin|liiU UiAt Bifli APlbHt nicht Aigpn ab La Heji&uclJt sich mil CuudA vera- 

brttJd liatlv,'' [L 147. > Racike lulvtrU lo the ilriiiiJ uf Coiid^: but hf; oaly 

deniccj thnl he hacJ beep n party in %ny enti^rpri« oqitinM the King or the ^Udr. 

He vQiJ«l ddI JkAN'L' ihiinitLrd tbat ibe Conapiracy af Ariiboin: nu dtrtvtnJ agHiUDt 

rither. 8ev Mra, Marali'* mtcri'^tiiiE ttork» 7"** Prot- Ref. in Franee ^LaiLtJoi). 

IMT). i- 142. D. Bront&me, wba ra»t ta «ciiDt(hing IJk» 4>DlbL]fika»i[n in pmLaLng 

iIm viflqt* of Co^igpy, Myfl lb».l Ihp roiLiflpLifliorp wprp pr«venI?J by hiB kno*n 

pmhity mad Hnnf of boDor from imparlm;; 1i) him ihpir eiHTrfl, t^i' H^mmfn 

tiliMrr't, L 111. IX. rU. J'Adminl de CbimtiLIon'). BrHnlAmp compirpa Coligny 





THE REFORMATION 



financ^B of the king;ioni, and for a Naiiopal Council to repjlata 
the fiffflirs of religion. The Cardinal was obliged to acquiesce 
The Guises now exerted all their Influence to conibine an ove> 
whelming party against the Protestanta and the Bourboa 
princea. Calvin adhered to his principle and discoimlenanced 
all violence on the side of the Prot^tante, who were inclined 
to take possession of churches; but he sought to persuade the 
princes to collect the nobler of Provence, Languedoc, and N«^ 
mandy, and make surli a d em oust rat inn as woulil of itsdf, 
without bloodshed, break down the power of their antagonipta. 
The frivolous Anthony of Navarre was not equal to so manly 
an undertaking. Summoned by the court to Orleans, he went 
with Condi^, Tl^ey went, aware of the ijeril in which ihey 
placed thcmsclvea, and in opposition to the advice of theif 
friends and the entreaties of their wives, Cond^ was put under 
arrest, on the charge of complicity in the Amboise Conspmicy. 
The King of Navarre was deprived of his officers and guards, 
and surrounded with soldiers and spies. The Deputies of th* 
EntabeSr as they arrived, found everything in the hanrLs of the 
Cardinal ; and were compelled^ at the outset, to sign a Catholit 
creed- The same test waa to be presented to the chevaliers tif 
the Order of St, Michael, the French cardinals, the prehles, 
the nobles, and the royal officers present at Orleans, T^t 
laymen who should refuse to sign this formulary were to be 
deprived of all their offices and estates, and the next day sent 
to the stake. Ecclesiastics were to be remanded to their om 
order for trial an<l judgment. It was expected that Colifiny 
and Dandelot, and probably their brother, the Cardinal, woul4 
be involved in this destruction of the Protestant leaders. TTic 
same creed was to be imposed on all officials and paalon 
throughout the kingdom, and the requirement was to be en- 
forced by bodies of soldiers, who were to inarch through the 
land. Tlie dominion of the Catholic Church was to be at oaf* 
established. The Guises pushed forward, with all pos^iblf 
rapidity, the process against Cord^, who was cliarged with 
high treason,' He was condemned, and the 10th of Decem- 

1 ThLE the flTtatence cf ttiifl plot WM credited by the Hiigu«nol ]^i>n uA- 
EbJU dF iio doubt, Foi Uie evldeacc or Lts rr<iUiiy. wlucb nppnni to b« suffici^V 
tw Elmri Mar1r]i, jx. 54, n, IlaJiJcF hbvb : "Ich hmhe ni^ache* KDfundFD, vodnjc^ 
dicsc Be haiipl iingpn " — the reports of tlifl coDSpiiAoy — "bcati»tip;b, nichl* ■*■ 
4ltreh wo gani hisbbt Zvcilel gnetit wiirdfii,'* i. 1*6. M»rtin eaya: "Tbi 





THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES IX. 



S27 



was the day fixed for his execution. Jiiat then, on the 5th 
Decpinh^r^ 1560, the young King suddenly died- Once more 
i« Protestants fell that an interposition of Providejice had 
ived them. "When all was lost/' said Bez;t, "behold the 
our God awoke!" 
The opportunity of the Queen Mother had come at laat, 
question whether her eea>nd eon, Charles IX„ was in hia 
tority, eoiild not be doubtful She assumed the practical 
liiinship of him, and with it a virtual regency. The plan 
the Guises to crw^h the house of Bourbnii^ and their sup- 
wtcrs, by a single blow, had fftiled. L'Hoepital easily con- 
iced the Queen that it wae for her interest to liberate Cond^, 
to put a eheek upon the power of the opposite party, which 
lad barrly failed of attaining to abstilule eontrol_ TFie Duke was 
wise lo attempt to retain the supremacy, which the CanlinjJ, 
brother, was cot disposed to relinciuiah. The King of Navarre 
.me Lieutenant-general. The Constable Monlmorenci re- 
jvered the direction of mjUtoiry affairs, but the Guises kept 
*ir places in the Council, and Duke Francis retained the poet 
tnaster of the royal hniisehold. But t.he favorable attitude 
the government a*^ regards toleration reenforced the Protcs- 
itfl. Tte HupjenoUi, as they came to be called/ were power- 
in numbers, and still more in the character of their party- 
itire counties were almost wholly Prote^slnnt. Tiu-y were 
mg among the noljles and eiiucatpd class. Many rich mer- 
its adhered to them. But their largest support was from 



lh*ftUrtly of Ui*< pint, an in 1 In nnhdlBiirt^H 1b fint di^ubtful, llie GTiiiiffl §rril u 

H TurlEey To induce tbe ^ulUkii niiT to hiDTi^r, by any dlvprp^ion ngainnt Eh* 

triifeD 9latf», the vark of ihrr ilcdirutlion of licri-tita. Tlio InLerniJiiBbfe dl*- 

ru HB to the prciuedil^liDn of St. Rarlfmiifni^ur, iriEfiratirM Trdiu ii liuitiiricBl 

ist dT view, arc fmLrdnc-ly vain frnm tho mDr&l ptnot of \'icw. Tlio St. Sor- 

— thM i* lo iiy, thp extprmiiuiliijn of thn hcfotic* by for«*, opva tar with 

I lud of ■1rkla(r«aii — hnnil nlwaya b«<n in Uie lieari of the ehiefft of th* pusBBUt- 

I jmrty. They mudAorcd when thfv troiilr], jiul u Ihpy humod." 

■ B»u fxplAloH the origiu oT the aara?. Hu^fmniJi ti- 2A9). At Tnurn lbor« 
■ a lUfwrMtiiioitn bi'lief Uui tlic %\nnt oi Elii^h Cappt rooEaiHl ibrough ihv cdty 
aicbt, A# He- Pn>tnlii^l4 bdd Uioir ixm-tJDR» in llie nj((bt. Ui^y worr dflii< 
IvcJy ctlled UugucDDla, aa it iJity vrre tli« troup of KiciK Itikf(h, Tlili rxpl^ 

Kion u flifen by Di' Thou, IxxiVr 741. Otbrr nrilFn, »inoii^ tbrm Merlr 
.ubign^ (i. 8S), deriw* il from Kiiiffraitit, the nftme given lo Ibn party of freo- 
0OCR kt ri#nFva. wFtn vffiv let i.n alhiiTice with thp Rwjbi. UArtin (viij. 3S) imilai 
bsih ^iptftnarions. Littr^ iGitl. FrnnraiVF ArloptaniMrhpr, bulcofmertfl Ih« term 

Cth tht Dame cf b pprion. A dnivatian fmin the lan^jur rt'fie of flaulh#m FruDflp 
I two m'-rncly fugifei^e6. Uit woni "duKnntitL " mdJcmtlajE " owl-like, " probftbly 
Plh trictrac* lc oighL mcKtinEn. @n Builetitt ki^- wt lUtr, for 1806, p. 0fi9 isq. 
« BKiae accnu to bave bees m uao by tS&3. 



THE REFORMATION 

tbe LnteUigent middle Glasses^ tbe artisans in the citi^; d- 
tiiaugh not a few of the lower orders, who had Keen the world, 
'and were practiced in bearing arms, were in the Huguenot ranJa 
In a representation made to the Pope, in 1561, by the midtUc 
party of French prelates, it wa« stated that a quarter of the 
entire population of the kingdom were Protestants. That it 
would be impracticable to exterminate them, and that both 
parties ahould make up their minds to live together in peace, 
was the conviction of a few diapaseionate and far-sighted men, 
among whom waa the Chancellor L'Hospital, who had b^^ 
called U} his office after the Conapiracy of Amboise, and who 
put forth hie best exertions to recommend this wise and humane 
policy, liia tolerant views were reflected in edicts of the State 
General at Orleans, where, aJao^ sound reforms were adopted 
in the administration of juatice; but these measures were re- 
sisted by Parhament, and by the Catliolias attached to the 
Guises, The Duke of Guise was joined by Montrnorenci ; and 
they, with the Marshal of Saint Andr4, formed the Triumvirate 
with which the feeble King of Navarre waa unequally matched 
Strife arose in the Council between the two parties. It was 
arranged, much to the joy of the Protestants, that a great relir 
gious conference should \yc held at Poisay to see if the two parties 
could come to an agreement. In this measure the Cardtnd 
of Lorraine concurred, in the expectation that he should be 
able to bring out the difference between the Calvinisls and the 
LutheranSj and deprive the former of their natural allies in the 
event of a religious war, which he probably anticipated. The 
elections from the nobility and the third estate for the Stat« 
General, which firpt aaacmbled, in I661f at Pontoise, and after- 
wards adjourned to Poiasyj were extremely unfavorable to the 
Guise faction. This meeting was really a crisis in the history 
of France.' The noblesse and the commonalty were united 
against the clergy, and presented measures of constitutional 
reform of a starthng character, such, had they been carried 
through, aa would have brought the French system of govern- 
ment into a striking resemblance to that of England, would 
have carried the nation along in one path, and prevented the 
civil wars. The Pope, the clergy, and the King of Spain united 
in efforts to stem the prevailing current towards compromiBC 

* Rukfl, 1. 164, ISA. Henri &UrUn, ii- 93^ 



THE COLLOQUY AT POISSY 



_S2fl 



ptace between the oppcsing confessions. But the religious 
sUoquy was hdd. Tt was in the auturnn of lAfil. In Uie 
reat Refector>' of the Benedictines at Poissy, the young King 
t in the midst of the aristocracy of France — Catharme 
! Medici, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Cond^, the 
■eat lords and ladies of the court, cardinals^ bishops, and 
hoiA, doctors of the Sorborme, and a niinieroufl company of 
r nobles, with their wives and daughters. In this brilliant 
DocoursG, Theodore Beaa appeared at the head of the preachers 
tod elders deputed by the Hugnenola to represent their caufie, 
nd eloquently set forth the doctrinefl of the party of reform. 
esa was a man of high birth, of prepoav-ssing appearance, of 
racefiJ and polished manners, who was at his ease in the 
jciety of the court, and, prior to the public conference, won 
te respect and favor of many of his auditors by his attractive- 
pss in social int**rcour^,* Tt w^s something gained for Protea- 
tnlism, when such a man, with whom there could be no 

ructance to associate on equal termfi, was seen to come forward 
its defense. But Beaa, besides being an imprcptsivc speaker, 
raa an erudite scholar, with his learning so perfectly at com- 
land that he could not he perplexed by his Silversarie*. At 
ne time there vmn some pro^ppct of an agreement, even in a 
-neral definition of the Kucharist. The final result of the 
iterviews, public and private^ that took place in connection 
ith the conference, was to convince both parties that no com- 
ronuBe on the |K}ints of theological difference was pracliCBble. 
^despread disturbances in France, for one th'mg, moved 
itharine to call together a new Conference at St, Germain 

paouary, 1562), There the Chancellor frankly and boldly 
Bt forth the principles of religious toleration. 

On the 17th of January, 1562, was issued the important 
diet of St. Germain. Tt gave up the policy, which had been 
ursued for forty years, of extirpating religious dissect. Jl 
wanted a raeaflurc of toleration. The Protestants were to siir- 
»nder churches of which they had taken possession and were 
i> build no more. On the other hand, they might, until further 
rder sliould l>e taken, hold their religious meetings outside of 

pe w^ls of cities by daylight, without anna in their h&ade; 

■ e** H, H^ Burd. Thmtdon Baa {IS09). p. ISO mq.. for h fulT Bomunt of th9 

►now- 



280 



THE REFORMATION 



and their meetings were to be protected by the police. Dity 
were to pay rcRard to the fpBtivoJ days of the Catholic Churdi, 
were to assemble no conaietories or eynods without pennia- 
Bion, were not to enter into nny military organization or levj 
taxe^ upon one another, and wejf to tnaHi ai-i^nriiing k> the Scn[> 
tures, without insulting the inass and other Catholic instttutioB^ 
It wa£ a restricted toleration^ but the practice had been to give 
to edicts of this nature some latitude of construction. Calvin 
rejoiced in it^ sini the Culvinists felt tliat under it they coui^ 
convert the nation to the Protefltant faith. Not until the 6th 
of March could tlie vote be carried in Parliament to register the 
Ediel, and it was not long observed. The |>apal legate and the 
Catholic chiefs succeeded in inducing the King of Navarre to 
ahandon the Prok^tjint cause. He was told that the Pope 
would annul hia marriage, and that he coulrl then wed Maiy, 
the young Queen of Scotland. He was not base enough to coun- 
tenance this proposal.^ The throne of Sardinia was held out 
to him as a compensation for the loss of Navarre. TTie only 
hope for the succesa of the tolerant policy of L^Hospital hftd 
rested in the union of the Queen Mother with the princes of Uit 
blood; and this union was now broken. 

The leaders of the Catholic party were resolved not to ac- 
quiesce in a policy of toleration, not to give up the idea of obtain- 
ing uniformity by coercion. The massacre of Vassy was UiB 
event that occasioned war. On Sunday mornings the 1st of 
March» 1562, the Duke of Gulee arrived at the village of Va^ 
on his way to Paris, at the head of a retinue of several hundred 
noblea and soldiers. The Protestants were holding their reli- 
gious service in a spacious barn. Thither he sent some of \m 
men, who provoked a conflict. Tlie rest of the troop came to 
the spot, tore off the door, and with guns and saber?" slaughteml 
and wounded a large number of ttie unarmed, defenseless con- 
gregation, and plundered their houaeg, Guise looked on and 
did not hinder the work. In faet, he had come to town with 
the design of putting an end to the Huguenot worship there.' 
Their preacher, bleeding from his wounds, he carried off as a 
prisoner. The Duke was received, especially in Paris, with 
acclamations. The Protestants throughout France justly 
considered his deed a wanton and atrocious violation of the 



1 Due d^AuiDftlcj i. SS- 



■UcQii UvtiD, Ls. J13. 




THE HUOUENOT WARS 



231 



llgious Peace, and flew to arms. Tn every pariah a crusade 
ris preached agamat the Huguenots, and the scenes of cruelty 
ittl followed havp been styleJ, by a FrCDch Ifistonari, the St. 
iholomew of 1562. The TriumvirB seized the perBona of 
Queen Mother and the King, and, etther with or without 
leir consent, conveyed ihem to Paris, where the whole popu- 
ition were full of hatred to the heretics. Another massacre 
it SenSn even more cruel than that of Vasay, waa the wignal for 
outburst of iconoclastic fury on the side of tlie Huguenots, 
rhich was attended with a great destruction of monuments 
art and the profanation of sepulchers. It was true of the 
[uguenots that, "less barbarous^ in general, thnn their adver- 
les, toward men, their rage was iTiiplacahle jig»in.st thingN" 
against whatever they conaitlered objects or signs of idolatry.* 
Tbus began the series of terrible wars, which only terminated 
rilh the accession of Henry IV. to the throne. In the devaatji- 
lion which thpy ciiused they may be compared to the Thirty 
'ears* War in Geniiany. France whs a prey to religious and 
)litical fanaticism. The pa.ssions that are always kindled in civil 
rars were made the more fierce from the religious conttecration 
rhich was imparted to them. Other nations, as was inevitable, 
tinned in the friglitful contest, and France had well-nigh lost 
independence- It must l^e admitted that the Huguenots 
in self-defense. As we have said, their connection witli a 
)littca) party, whatever eviJa were incidentJil to it, was the 
^voidable result of the course taken by their antagonists, 
rho attacked at once the Prolewtant religion and the rights 
irf the princes who professed it. But il was private violence 

bt«nanced by the authorities, against which the Huguenots 
in arms. AgrJppa d'Aubign^, the Huguenot hiatorian of 
the sixteenth century, says: "It is to be forever observed, that 
■a long as they put the reformed to death under the forms of 
Justice, however iniquitous &nd cruel it was, they stretched 
out their necks, but not their hands; but when the public 
ithority, the magiBtratee> weary of their burnings, threw the 
life Into the hands of the crowd, and by tumults and great 
Lcres look away the venerable face of justice, and caused 
^ghbor to be slain by neighbor to the sound of trumpeln and 

* Hoiri MarCiQ, ix. IZI. On tbttb w&n lad A. J. Bvtler, id CcimAnrilif M •^.n\ 
riMv, lii. 1 Mq 



3ESS 



THE REFORMATION 



dnune, who could prevent the mianable \ncHnis from oppocmj 
ftrm to arm, ste^l to sle^l, and from takiDg the cootagioD of i 
just fury from & fury without justice? . . . Let foreign ualiou 
judge whether we or our Esiemies have the gu3t of war upai 
tiie forehead/^' 

Rouen was captured by the Catholics and Backed. Then 
the King of Navarre, fighting oa the Catholic side, receival i 
mortal wounil. In the luiule of Dreux, ihe Protestants, kd 
by Coligny and Gond^. were worsted, but their power was uol 
broken. Shortly after, the Duke of Guise, who was endeavor 
ing to take Orl^ane, vus assaBsinated by a Huguenot noblemaD. 
Tlje act was condemned by Calvin, nor had it the sanciioii of 
any of the Protestant leaders, however they may have refrain*^ 
from exerting themselves to hinder it, Cohgny declared that 
he had prevented the execution of similar plots before, that he 
Tmd no agency in this, but that for the six months previoufi, 
from the time when he had heard that the Duke and his brothn. 
the CardtEml, had formed the design to def^troy him and hii 
family, he had ceasetl to exert himself to save the Duke, A 
year after the mas^cre of Vass>% the edict of Amboise reealah- 
lished peace on terms more favorable to the high nobles on the 
Protestant side than the preceding edict, but less favorable ro 
the smaller gentry and to the towns, inasmuch as they werr 
allowed bat a single place of worship in a district or ballliage, 
Paris was excepted: there Protestant worahip was not to be 
tolerated- The capital became more and more n stron^old 
of Catholic fanaticism. The settlement was negotiated hj 
C<jnd^^ but Coligny refused to give his sanelion to its provisions, 
which were most unacceptable to the body of the Protestants, 
who were confident that better terms might have been made. 

This pacification could not be of long endurance, Th* 
HiigueD0l3 3aw from the threatening attitude of the court sud 
the hostile movements of their adversaries that there was no 
intcnijon to observe il. They anticipated the attack by them- 
Bclvea resorting to arms; a measure which the leaders felt 
obliged to adopt, though not without grave misgivings. They 
extorted the Peace of Longjumeau (1568), which, however, 
rep»^«^lished substantially the Edict of Pacification. Con(W*4 

h d'Aubifn«, ma. VniwrtdU (1616-18), G, da FtAltv, Hrit 4* 
J^n*f*t p. 100. 




THE BUaUENOT WARQ 



lack of judgmeat was hardly less conspicuous than hifl valoT 

in the field-' Charles IX, waa filled with chagrin and indigDA- 
Uoii at being driven to make an accommodation with his sub- 
jects in amii£H The bitter animosity of the CathoLcs through 

[ Ihe country was stirred up against the Huguenots. But a 
few months before^ the Duke of Alva had executed Kguioot and 
Horn in the Netherlands, At Bayonne, where Alva had niet 
Ihe Queen Mother and her daughter, EhKabeth of Spam, he 
hsA spared no pains to induce the French court to proceed to 
extreme measures against the Hugueoots. But the young 
King was then averse to the renewal of the war and to a reaort 
to cruel persecution, and the Queen Mother refueeil to give way 
to Alva's persviaaions? Her aim was to balance the parties 
flgaiust each other, eo that neither of them could be in a posi- 
tion to endanger her own power. The words of Alva, how- 
eve]', made a stronger impresdon on Montpensier, Moulluc, and 
other Cathfilic noblps. Tlie last cunflitt, which the Huguenots 
had begun, had exasperated all who were not of their party. 
The Catholic counter-reformation was in progress, and Jesuit 
preachers inflamed the anger of the Catholic population, Philip 
arul Alva renewed! their efforts, whu-h were seconded by the 
Cardinal of Lorraine in the Council. The Huguenots, the King 
was told, were rebels ; if they were not subdued, he could not be 
the ruler of the land- Thus war was cnce more renewed, under 
Spanish influence and cooperation. The Huguenots wen? now 
in arms to defend their bbertiea against a perridioufl couspiracy. 
The Prince of Conde and the Adiuiral Coligny hatl found safety 
in Rochelle, the town which often proved the bulwark of the 
Protestant cause, and more than once saved it from fatal dis- 
aster. The Edict of Pacification was annulled. The Hugue- 
nots were beaten at Jarnae in 1569, where Cond^ fell, leaving 
hia name to his eldest son Henry, a youth of seventeen; and 
the aame year they were defeated again at Moncontour. Now 
RocticUe proved its value to the Protestants, who, under Co- 
Ggny, successfully defended the city against the victorioiii 
enemy. 

k It ae^jns strange that the court should have been inclined 

> Til* Due d'AiiDi&rp^ wba tlvfendi tli« Ediai of Arabcis*. udmitfl Uuil m thia 
ksl irpAty Uond^ mnclp t iai«i «rrp, i-diI adiit, " It miut Em allowtd Utut hia hfnr% 
VBftUrfH U>&D (lift intdJect," i, 2M. 

' The uaukl tppvsitc represeaLiitiaa is coiTKtfd by Kftoke, v, \%A« 



aloT^ 





THE REFORMATION 



U> Enake peace at this time. But the war w&a not like tU 
former coDteata, a local one. It was a general war, in whid] 
foreign nations were concerned. The llugiienof^ were aided 
by money from England and troopa from Germany. When 
they had been shut up in Rochelle, where the Quocn of Nt 
varre held her court, they fitted out a small fleet which they 
used with much effect alung tlie coast, Ti was a characterialie 
of Coligny that, though often beaten in the field, he wa^ abia, 
after defeat, to keep together his forces and resume hoslililicA 
He was eoon strong enough to saliy forth from Rochelle and to 
traverse France at the head of a body of three thousand lione, 
the most of whom were Gernians^ and whose progre^, especially 
as it was known that the young princes. Navarrt! and Cbnii^, 
were among them, awakened cntiiusiasm wherever they a^i- 
peared- The perseverance of the Huguenots and their can- 
tinued strength, unexhausted by defeat, conetjtuted one of the 
arguments for peace. Jealousy of Spain was the other. ITje 
ambition of Philip excited alarm among the French. He had 
a scheme for effecting the liberation of Mary Queen of Scots 
and of marrying her to Don John of Austria, hia half-brother, 
by which he hoped to bring Scotland, and ultimately England, 
under Spanish control. He proposed to marry his sister to the 
young King of France. If tliese plans shoiiUl be rArried out, 
England, Scotland, France, and the Netherlands might, hkt 
Italy, be made subordinate to Spain. Jt was felt, moreover, 
that he was taking part in the war agcunst the Huguenots 
mainly to [iromote his selMi int^-resl, and tliat he rendered 
less assistance than the enemy gained from their German alliea 
The courts in 1570, agreed to the treaty of St, Germain, by 
which the provisions of the Edict of Pacification were revived, 
and four fortified toun.'?, of which Rochelle was one, were put 
for two years Into the hands of the Huguenots^ as a guarantee 
for their *<afety ami for the fulfillment of the stipulations. 

Thus the obstinate refusal to grant a moderate degree of 
reli^ous liberty led to the necessity of a vastly greater concea- 
don, through which the kingdom was divided against itself — 
another kingdom being, as it were, established within it. Yet 
it was A meaflure which the Huguenots, after their expeiience 
of the perfidy of tbe court, had no alternative but to demaoi 

The concluaon of this peace with the Huguenots brou^t 



THE HUGUENOT WARS 



2S5 



UpOD the European states a political crisis of great moment. 
It eeem^d likely tlmt France would take part in a coalition 
igiunfit Philip II. The sUt« of things in the Netherlands at 
tJus juncture wsa favorable For such an alliance. The union of 
jiip with Venice and with the Pope, and the victory of Lepanto, 
the jealousy Tvith which France and England looked 
Ikis ambitious defdgns. It was proposed that the Duke of 
Djou, the heir of the French crown, ehould marry Queen 
irabeth, and, when tlils negotiation was broken off, tlmt his 
ounger brother, the Duke d'Alec^on, should marry her. The 
Queen Mother was in apparent, and probably sincere, accord 
th this new policy. The sons of the Constable Montniorenci 
ere ihen powerful at court, anil it was one of them, the Mar- 
al Francis, who sijgge?^ted the marriage of the youngest daugli^ 
l€T of Catliarine, Margaret of Valois, to Henry of Navarre. TTie 
Queen Mother fell in with the proposal, and the Huguenots 
were not averse to it. At about the same time Conil^ was 
mamed to a princess of the house of Cleve. So ardent were 
the hopes of the Protestants that Coligny himself came to the 
court and was wamdy received by Catharine. 

He was a man of the purest and loftiest character. On his 
own estate, he punctually attended, with hie faiuily and de- 
pendents, the CalviniHtie worship; and at e^eh reeurrenee of 
the Lord's Supper, he was at pains to heal all quarrels and 
difference* among hia people. He entered into the civil wars 
wilh the utmost reluctance and sorrow, in obedience to the 
imperative call of duty, and in compliance with the counsels 
of hia wife, who equaled him in piety and in nobleness of soul. 
He did not allow the spirit of a patriot to sink in that of a par- 
tisan. Notwithstanding that he stood at the he^ of a power- 
ful party, aJid. though a subject, was able to make peace or 
war, he was broad and disinterested in all his plans. Grave in 
his deportment, inflexible in his principles, blameless in his 
morals, with an immutable trust in God, he presents a com- 
manding figure in the niiiLst of the confusion and corruption of 
the times. It waa the hatred of Catharine de Medici to Coligny 
that led to the massacre of St. Bartholomew. She saw how 
deeply the King was Impressed with his abilities and excellence^ 
Charles IX,, sickly m btxiy, like the other soas of Henry 11., 
and witli an uohealtby^ unregulated nature, — a\\ VVv^ \:i&& \fis\r 



236 



THE REFORMATION 



dencies of which had been ff^st^red in the hasie &n(\ dissolute 
society in which he had been reareJ, and by the influence of 
his mother, whose supreme purpose waa to keep jp her own 
ascendency over him, — now fell for the first time the inspir- 
ing influence of s, man who could awaken in him something of 
reverence and ktvf^. The Queen saw that (iay by day she was 
becoming supplanted, simply by tlie natural impreaaon wliich 
Coligny made upon her son, 'Hie best hope^ were awakeoci 
in Coligny's own mind by the almost filial regard with which 
the King listened to him. He urged most earnestly that war 
should bi? declare^] against i^lpain, and the King was inclined to 
t^e the step. However Catharine might be dLsjioseil to pre- 
vent Philip from acquiring a power in France that could be 
dangerouE to herself, she w&s not of a mmd to enter into a war 
against him; a war, too^ that unisi incidentally add to the 
prosperity of the Huguenots, and confirm the innuencv of 
Coligny over the King. Whom would he follow, Catharine or 
Coligny? Warm words passed between Coligny and the Queen 
Mother, in the presence of Cliarles. The Admiral said that the 
King might lie involved in war, even against his will — referring 
tt) the conflict in the Ni^therlaiids^ into which Coligny waa urg- 
ing him to enter. It was pretended afterwards that he haJ 
thrown out ft threat of rebellion, Catliarine determined to 
destroy him. She called in the aid of the Guises, his implacable 
enemies, who longed to avenge upon him the assossinaticiti of 
their relative. Her second son, the Duke of Anjou^ afterwarils 
ilenry TIL, on whom she doted and who was equally alarmed 
at the feeling which the King manifested to Coligny, engaged 
cordially in the plot. The Dueheea of Nemours, the widow of 
Francis, and the mother of Henry of Guise, willingly aided in 
ilevising and carrying out the diabolical scheme, Coligny was 
wounded by a shot from a window of an adherent of the Guitf^n 
This was on the 22d of August, 1572. The wound was not 
dangerous, and the plot had miscarried. The failure involved 
the more peril to the authors of it, from the sympathy with the 
Admiral which the King expressed, and from his indignation at 
the Guises, who were known to be at the bottom of it. In a 
visit to Colignyn in which the Queen Mother accompanied the 
King, the wounded veteran, who at, that time thought that the 
bvUets which hail struck him mi^t have been poiaoned> called 



THE BUS3ACKE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW 



237 



hini to the bedside, and, in an undertone, eantioned him against 
jrietding to the counsels of Catharine and the faction with which 
she had alUcd herself. By the most importunate urging^ she 
extorted from Charles a statement of what Uie Admiral had eaid. 
TTiereupon the plan of a general massacre was matured, 
H&il it been thought of before? Pains ha<i been taken to col- 
lect the Huguenots from all quarters into the city, Catharine 
had insisted that the marriage should take place there. There 
IB evidence that the Idea of seizing on this occasion to cut off 
■ome of the Huguenot It-jiilers was not new to the Queen's 
nund. It Is impossible to trace out the sitiuosltied of a nature 
so made up of deceit.* She was fully capable of weaving two 
•ohemes simultaneously, and of availing herself of either bs 
drcumstauees might dictate. At all events^ the failure in the 
firvt attempt upon Coligny moved her atid her confede-ratea to 
mdertalce a general ma.ssacre. Henry HI., who was one of 
Ihem, asserted that the King himself, when he had been pre- 
v^lcd upon to acquiesce in the murder of Coligny. ilemanded 
tii&t the Huguenots should all be struck down, so that none 
should be left t^3 cry out against his de*^, Tlie court }iad been 
tbsorbefl in the festivities attending tlie marriage of HcEiry of 
NftVarre, The fanaticism of the people of I'aris was inflatned 
by the presence of the Protcetants among them, and efforts 
were necessary to prevent outbreakings of violence^ It was 
oaly necessary to unchain the passions of the Catholic populace^ 
and the work of death could he done. The feeble, impulsive, 
Impetuous, half-distraeted King was assured that a plot, with 
Coligny at its head, had been formed against him, and waa 
^ed with entreaties, arguments, threats, until hie opposition 
was broken down, and he yielde<l himself as a pas>ave instru- 
ment into the hands of the conspirators,^ In tlie night of the 



* "C«tt# frtnme suit le mefwongp m^mp pt Vob v pertl rliing I'ubfnw df «ft 
i^amtlit." Hpnn Martin, tx 'Ml Michelvt. in lite i^aiirap ot hie ploqut^l riar- 
rtKivf of Xhf flt- I^AtUiolomov plat» luya of C&thArinfi: "Elle ttait douhle tt 
fiuiK uvix tous, iivm dlc-m*tpe/' G-utrrgB de Htiiginn, p. 3tf9. 

* On the mucb {.-unltovertnl <|Uf«r^DTi, whvtlitr IW m&vftcrt' uf Qt, Bartbolo- 
aww w»* prrnti^itAlcd» (vrq of the nbt»t mc^cm hifitonnoa. HAako find Henri 
Hat^h, ftiT 4utiHt4ati&lly agreed. Tha nialeriikl poinls tti thptr viev &rB iqdi- 
PAlfd »bovi?, Spe Rsnke^ i. 213 «eq-. Hud Ijls dCAmiD^tion (Vr 97 fffiq ) of Ibe 
Vork f>l CbpeHgi-i^: Hiiiioirf df la JtAjormt, de ta Li^ue ft dt Urvry IV. Cfcpe> 
ICUf ii nnp of ihp wnti-n* whn noitlii tnAke Ihp inB5tSH^n' npring wholly fn^m Ui^ 
fafuriKl^ Ela1<T of CiLllifilic fcwlLu); ji] HandH cif urhirli ilw jjkdLVHlual^ ?oi.\^i:T^V!^ 
ki JK iTRit Xiit mert ijutrumecifl, MariJii (ix, 302J coooldcn XhkX ail uoikViii^^^uX 



238 



THE REFORMATION 



24th of August, at a concerted signal^ the murdCT^rs fcU upoa 
the victima, the d^tructioD of the most enuEeut of whom had 
been previously allolted to individuals, the Duke of Gmee hav- 
ing t.akfn il in charge to dispatch Coligny. An infUsnriminate 
slaughter of the Huguenots loliowcfi. The niiscr&blc King was 
aeen to fire upon them from his window. Couriere were aent 
through the country, and in the other towns the eame frightful 
scenes were enacte<i. ^Jot less than two thoits&nd were killed 
in PariB, and aa many as twenty thousand in the rest of Franoe. 
Navarre and Cond^ were at length obliged to conform to the 
(.■atholic Churchy to eave their Uvea. The news of the great 
massacre excited a tumult of joy at Madrid and at Rome. Il 
ie said that Philip 11.^ for the first time in his life, langjied 
aloud. The Pope or^lered a Te Dettm, anil by jirocessions antt 
jubLant thanksgivings the Papal court signified the satisfaction 
with which the intelligence was received- A medal was struck 
having on one side the image of Gregory XITI-, and on the 
other, the destroying angel, with the words, ff ugonottfrum 
jitTG^ex (massacre of the Huguenots). The Pope ordered Vasari 
to paint and hang u]:k in the Vatican a picture which should 
represent the slaughter of the Huguenots, and bear the inscrip- 
tion, *' Pontifei Coii^ii Tiec&rn j^robat" (the Pope approves the 
slaying of Coligny), Among the fictitious apologies which the 
French court put forth, that which charged upon the Hugue- 
nots a plot against the King and govermneiit met with little, 
if any, credence. EvCTywhere, except at Madrid and Rome, 
in the Catholic as well as Protcatant nations, the atrocioua 
crime was regarded with horror and with det^tation of its 
perpetrators. 



Iba nwrrlif^ aI Vavorrv ahaaTd be &1 Paris, there waa Id th? mlud at tUe Qitfcn 
' 'j-*', au awiui, itrtv arnftr^-pen*^ nuuLre." When CbUu- 
nL I|i0 bead ol thr fwrly a( pf^cf. "la vague p»iiflM qui 
- '.-1 nprit iv Hser }e fantfnnp du meurtrr pr*wiJ cona: 
"- dd I'Ainiral' i\ftni. df Tavanv^. p. 305)." ktu^ 

'<iiiri^ju«i La duubtcd by R&nk^. The vie* of Ranha 

•< t'l" mmwf^rc, not m ■ plol iicfini(«ty fnj&t^ laof 

■ ' itfit by iht fiulur* ol llie &l<rinpi lo i*- 

: IL" wpI\ tA rp4dKbli^ wnr-l on th^ C^vil Win;. 
:■ n»l ]««d*n %o Puii \a onbr ta cut t\vta a^' 



THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE 



239 



Epoteatants were not subdued by the terrible lore which 
m^ered- The buruing wrath which it excited among 
Du was a Dew source of strength, Rochellp still held out. 
ff did the Queen Mother desert her previous path or show 
rself diapoacd to !i eloee alliance with PhiLip, She even 
Ight to keep up negotiations for the marriage of Aleagon 
tb Elizabeth, 

A iifiw turn was given to aETairs by the separaticn of the 
telitiquca," or liberal Catholics, who were in favor of tolera- 
D, from their fanatical brethren. The wisdom and nccesdty 
ihe poliey which L'Hoapital had vainly recommended, were 
w recognized by a strong party. In 1574 the wretched life 

Charles IX- came to an end. Tlia brother and successor, 
auy III., the favorite of hia mother, and moet fully imbued 
th her idca^, a,nd who had been active in contriving the maa- 
W of St. Bartholomew^ was wholly incompetent to govern 
tountry that was torn by religious factions, a country whose 
Esury Wis exhausted, anfl whose people were clrtmorous for 
bvcrance from their heavy burdens of taxation, at the same 
De tliat a strong party was demanding radical political r&- 
^L The King endeavored to make his way by craft and 
Pft dealing, but lost the confidence of botti of the religious 
K^es, In May, 157C, he made his peace with the united 
kguenots and Politiques, giving to the former unrestricted 
l^oua freedom, witti the exception of Paris, and an equal 
gihleoe^s to all offices and dignities. 

With the cooperation of Spain, Henry of Guise organized the 
Ltholic League, for (he maintenance of the Catliolic religion 
d for the extirpation of Prot«s tan tiara. Tlie Estates at 
CIS in 1576 demanded that there shoulil be but one religion 

the kingdom. Tlie impopularity of He-nry among the ex- 
B»e Catholics was not only owing to his shuffling course on 
e religious question, but also to his advancement of j>erfiona] 
irorites to the highest offices, and his subjection to their influ- 
w, in disregard of the claims of the great nobles. The League 
Simenced another war, the sixth in the tieries, for the attain- 
pt of their ends, and drew the irrefiolute and helpless King 
mg with them. The result was the securing to the Hugue- 
ta of what had been granted them in 1576; but the seventh 
that Boon followed, ended in the adopttoa of the fii^t i!«i\^ 



s« 



THE REFORMATION 



of Tolenttion. In 1584 the Duke of Alengon, who, aft^i Ihf 
accession of Henry Lo the (.hrone, had worn the tille of the 
Duke of Anjou, liicd. Thus Henry of Navarre was l^fl. the next 
heir to the throoc. The JUcague, with Spain and Rome at its 
back, reeolved that he should never wear the crown. Sixtus V,, 
shortly after his accession to the Papal chair, issued a bull, in 
which the two Princes, Navarre and Cond^, as heretics, and 
leaders and promot«ra of heresy, were declared to have for- 
feited their dignities and possessions, including all title to the 
French tlirone. In the war of the "three Henries," bg it wag 
called, Henry of Navarre was supported by England and by 
troops from Germany and Switzerland, The King, on his fp- 
luni to Paris, founi:! that Henry of Guise was greeted by the 
multitude as the hero of the war. The attempt of the King to 
introduce bodies of troops devoted to hinisclf was met by Ihc 
erection of barricades in the streets of the city, and he was 
obliged to make a hiiniiUfltiiig appeal to Guise to quiet the dis- 
order. The Assembly of the States General at Blois, m 1588^ 
brought forward projects of coLstitutional reform which re- 
duced the power of the King to a low jwint. His mortificatioD. 
reaentment. and impatience at the restrictiona laid upon him, 
had now reached their height- He caused the Duke of Guiw 
to lie awijifwinated by the royal bodyguards, tmd the Duke's 
brother, the Cardinal of Lorraine, to be dispatched the same day. 
Henry III. had now brought on himself the implacable hoft- 
tility of the Lea^e. The fanatical preachers cf Paris held 
him up to tlie execration of the people. The doctors of tbe 
Sorbonne hastened to rieclare that he had incurred the penalty 
of excomniuniration, and thnt his subjects were of right ab- 
ivilvM from their allegiance. The actual excommunication 
from the Pope followed. It was fortunate for the King th&t 
thtttr waa an army of Prolcstants in the field, under Prince 
Bnn r]' of Navarre. Tlie King joined himself to the Prince, 
^^■tncy, niadi^ Ktrong by the union of the HuguenoU and tbe 
^^ffiiT^- the liberal Catholics who were still loyal to the 
^Kf l-^w ti-^ftr to Paris. It was thought advisable in 

^Hr . upon the Catholics wlio were not of the 

^^k iiJLit', when the royal caiise^ faithfully aup- 

^^b- '\ nh« Riming ground, a fanatical pnest, 

^H' aoir, made hin wAy -uto the camp and dew th< 



THE THREE HENRIES 



Ml 



IKry IV. was now the sovereign of France by right of in- 
Anc9; but be had been <lec!ared ineligible by the Pope, 

be had his kingdom to win. The League were disposed 
TJt Fmnce uoder the protection of Philip IT, Tlie Duke of 
cnne, the brother of the Guises who were assassinated by 
r of the King, was at the head of the goveromcnt which 
League provisionally established. The intereste of Spain 
! cared for by the ambassador, Mendoza, an astute di- 
latist, whom Elizabeth iiad found it ineonaistent with her 
:y and that of her kingdom to suffer to remain in England, 
ip IL aspired to unit£ the Catholic nations under hia rule, 

the League were so lost to the feeling of patriotism as to 

him success. The project of the union of France and 
n failed a-s far aa the I.,eague wa« concerned, only by the 
lusy of the Duke of Mayenne, who refused to consent that 
lephew, whom it was )>roposed to marry to Philip's daughter. 
Id wear the crown. The gallantry of Henry of Navarre 

conspicuously displayed. In the buttle of Ivry, on the 

of March, 1590, he gained a brilliant victory, which was 
\y due to his personal valor. The strategy of AIe?;ander of 
na, one of the ablest generals of the age, neutralized his 
Mtaefi until that commander died.' Besides the discord in 
League, which has been noticed, other circumstances grad- 
r turned tn the advantage of Henry, The great obstacle 
te way of his crushing opposition was the fact that he was 
ottstant. Wlien urged to become a Catholic, immediately 

the death of Henry III., he had refused, but in such terniB 
> inspire the hope that he might ultimately accede to the 
osal. Tlie portion of the Catholic body Ihat had given 

their support would not consent to the elevation of a 
Eslant to the throne. It was not personal ambition alone, 
BVBs it the desire of ropowe for himself, which he felt after 
og a conflict; it was tlie opportunity that was given him 
store peace to France that at length moved }nm to conforni 
le Catholic Church. It Lad been urged upon him that the 
^tution of the kingdom was such that he was morally bound 
^femember of the old Church. As King, he believed that 

\gm ill* reiDBrlu oF Due d'AnnKlv oa Hciti-y'g Tnititary Ulenla, ii. 170- Tha 
IH« mulBT of lAf tin, bill naT & sTrmtr^pt- D'AitmAfp's work is ipMi&lLy 
iT(Jv« in r«fftr«BC« to tb« coiuiitutLoa of Lhe Anni« uid the nuliury cveiita La 
rfl *»> 



242 



THE REFORMATION 



he could shield the Huguenote from persecution, s& wet] m 
bring (o an end the terrible calamities under which France »a 
^oauiiig. As long as he remained outoide of the C&Uidia 
Church, he couJd not win the cities to his cause, and he codA 
not hope to reign hy the aid of the nobility alone. He bad to 
doubt that salvation waa poaaible in the old Church. SuBy, 
who dwells with much self-complacency on the part which be 
look in leading the King to abjure Protestant L^m, aj^aured him 
that it was not a change of religion; that the foundation of tlt& 
two systems was the same.* But Du Perron, who had before 
returned to the Catholic Church, and whom Henry afterwari 
made Bishop of Kvreux, had at least an equal influence in pe^ 
suading the King to follow hifi example. Specific articles of 
faith that were presented to him, he refused to sign. But he vm\ 
into the Cliurch of St. Denm and kneeling before the Archhisliop 
of BourgeSf wilemnlj' declared that he would live and die in the 
Catholic Church, which he promised to protect and defeoi 
As he had not really altered his opinions, the st^p that he took 
was one which admits of do moral justification- Beza, wbo 
was then near the end of fiia life, wrote to him a pathetic and 
solemn warning against it.' We cannot conceive of a man lik< 
Coligny consenting to abjure his religious profession from any 
consideratioa of expediency. Men of the highest type of char- 
acter do right and leave consequencea to Providence. But 
Henry had been reared in the camp ; he had neither the strength 
of religious convictioas nor the purity of life whieh answered 
to the standard of the earnest Huguenota. Thus his fault* 
palliate the guilt of an act which, if done by a man of a higher 
moral tone, would have been attended by an utt^r ruin of 
character, Tlie nation was now easily wcm to his cause. It 
is gratifying to find the moat eminent of the recent writers oo 
French history dissenting from the popular view which assuiucft 
that it wae demonstrably imposeible for Henry to attain to the 
throne without abandoning his faith. The same writer agrtcf 
with distinguished individuals in the Catholic Church, who 
even at that ilay preferred tlrnt the King should remain aJi 
h<»ie€t Protectant than become a pret^nd&d Catholic' II ■» 

" Jtf tfmoiTM. h. V. 

* For (he rE^moTLHtrHitftsof other ProlAtaDia, Bee the thoroufh work of Siiba£>» 
Dtf Ufhrrfriti Kf/iig //cmncAj dtt Vitrtcn (BmoI, 1863), p. t4Q. 
■ MftrtlQ, X. 330. 



THE ABJURATION OP HE^JRV IV. 



248 



unquestionable, howev9r, that th« immediate effect was to 
open his way to the throne and to put an end to the horrors of 
civil war. He rinle hiin Paris, wearing the white plume which 
had often waved in the thick of the fight. 

The abjuration of Henry might be approved by a Protestant 
like Sully, in whom religion was subordinate to politics; but 
it brought eonaternation and grief to the great body of his 
faithful Huguenot adherents who had stood by him in the 
darkest hours^ and who nowsaw the foundations, on which they 
stood aa a party, struck from under their feet. It 13 remarkable 
that he retained, to 80 great an extent, the affection of those 
who most deplored his change of religion. His captivating 
quftlitiea gave him au ulmcrat irresiBtible ascendency over the 
hearts of men- Tin" abjuration of Henry was not the only evil 
which the Huguenots were destined to experience as a conac- 
(^uence of Ix'iiig a political party, Othere, especially nobles, 
■JpDght and found personal iidvancement by foUowing the ex- 
" Smple of their chief. Tlie leadership of the Huguenot party 
was coveted by [>ersons ninre eminent for their rank than for 
their devotion to religion. The continued persecution, of which 
the Huguenots were the victimf?. enabled them to rally and 
preser^'e their political organization; and the strength which 
they still manifested indirectly aided the King in carrying into 
effect die policy of peaee antl Uileration. He aimed to mod- 
eralc the polemical ardor of the Huguenot champions, and did 
not conceal his satisfaction when hia old friend, Du Plessis 
Monuty, was convicted, in a disputation with Du Perron, at 
Fontainebleau, of having unwittingly used inaccurate citations 
from the ecHeMastind writ-ers.' 

TTie administration of Henry, though cut short by the dagger 
of KAraillac, was of mcalcul&ble advantage to France. With 
iho asEnstance of the astute Sully, he reorp^inized the industry^ 
aikd refltored the prosperity of the country. He made war upon 
Spam, and in the treaty of Vervins in 1598 he recovered the 
■es which had been conquered from France, both by Philip, 
by the Duke of davoy. The Pope was compelled to con- 
dude peace, and to annul his various fulmmation:^ against 
Henry, while the latter refused to make any declaration except 

' A fjtrnr*hfe view of the KiDg'n poNcy in dA»1inK w^Lh (he Uii^imDb i* ^v«i 
by fUitk*. IL 74 Kq: & lum imvotmhln view by 8tahf<tiii, p. 037 B*q. 



2U 



THE REFORMATION 



that he had Fetum^d to the Catholic Oiurch; and he adhend 
to his promifip to protect both religions. The idea of hia fomp 
policy, which waa that of weakening the power of Spain and cJ 
Hapaburgj atid of extending the boundaries of Frajice, ™ 
afterwar^la taken up by Richelieu, and fully reaiised. In tb 
Edict of Naoles, in 1598^ Henry secured to the Huguenot? thil 
mea.si]re tjf rRligioua liberty, and the guaraotees of it, for wJiidi 
they had contended. It left Fortified cities m their hands, thitf 
perpetuating the existence of an organized power vrithin lif 
State; but this waa a neeesaity of the times. With this 
ceptioQr his domestic policy involved the concentration of p 
in the monarch; and in thia respect, Richelieu followed in 
footjiteps. But if the acceasion of Henry IV- brought a com- 
parative security to the Calviniats of France, this was the limil ' 
of its advantage to them. From a religioua bod>% anlmatfT 
with the purpose to bring the whole country to the adopri<ic 
of their principles, tiiey were reduced lo the condition of a lif- 
fensive party, confined by metes and bounds, which it could qoI 
overpass; a party more and more separated from the CatbrfW 
population, atid exposed, besides, to the evils consequent ca 
keeping up a political and military organization. From 
moment Proteatantism in France ceased to grow. 



CHAPTER IX 



THE REFORMATION IN THE NETHKKLANDS 



Tub Netherlands formed a most valuable portioa of the in- 
t^d dominions of Charles V. The Dukes of Burgundy, the 
endants of King John of France, Ukmg ai^vantage of the 
ki\eff^ of the French erown and of tlie wars l>etweeJi France 
ul EnglaiKi, had built up by marriage, ptirchase, and con- 
ueal, or by more culpable means, a rich and powerful dominion. 
lie Duchy of Burgundy gradually extended its confincsj until, 
i the reign of Charles V,, ll comprised seventeen prov'uices^ and 
OH nearly coextenave with the territory included in the pres- 
ii kUtgiioma of HollatHl and Belgium. All nf Ihe old writers 
Icwcribe m glowing language the uueqnaled prosperity and 
hrift of the Low Countries, and the skill and intelligence of 
lif? people.* Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce were 
^ually flourishing and lucrative. Tliere were three hundred 

ll fifty cities, some of them the largest aiid busiest in Europe, 
kotwerp, with a population of one hundred thousand inhabtt- 

b0, at a time when London had only one hundred and fifty 
hoixsaDd, was the resort of merchants from every quarter, and 
lad ft trade surpassing that of any other European cily. The 
)er>ple of the Nel.hprlands were noteil not less for their ingenuity, 
thoWQ in the invention of machiues and implements, and for 
hfir proficiency in science and letters, than for thdr opulence 

d enterprise. It was their boast that couimon laborere^ even 
he fishermen who dwelt In the huts of Friealand, could read and 
rrite, Jind discuss the joterpretalion of Scripture. Ixical self- 
uvtjiimt^t existed to a remarkable ejctent throughout the 

' 0lT»ik. /># BtUt-Btlffieo, toin. I. For a drAcnptioD of ihr oUtp of Ihe Low 

tri«. BH R&WHr. C*cS. d. Z^ittUi- J. Rei-. p. 32g b^. Pr'^rolt. Hi^i. of th* 

^*f^^f PttCip n., b. ii-eh- I; Motlpy, Rue vf tie Dutrh Rtpublu. i. SI m^\. Th. 

/fitf (is la Rrttoi lUa Pntf^BoJi. lom. i I v HfAttrwrth. ITer Ai>}/iH d. 

(S valA,. IKnO-T2). Thp ThTTp arr HnwTi fTorn nnlrrlardlal, Btlgita 

(lOfiS). Slmda. tluc;igt, Annates dra ProviPiOH- C/nii CL^V^"^* «sA tf<^us 



I 



8W 



r 



246 



THE REFORMATION 



Bevfnt^n provinc&B, Each had it^ own cb&rt«rod 
privileges, tund irnmunilies, and iu immejiwrial customs, w! 
the sovpri^igii wfli< bound to keep inviolate. TTie people 
Lhdr freedom. Charles V., with all the advantages dera 
from hia vast powpr, could not amalgamate the proviocce, 
fuse them under a eonunon system, and vras ohUged to at 
liimself with being the head of a eoofederacy of little repul 
But ab the Diet of Augsburg, in 1548, he succeeded in 
the separation of the Netherlands into a dietinct» united 
of the Empire, paying Mb own tax, in a groae amount, into 
treaeury; having certain special rightfi in the Diet; eocit 
to protection, but exempt from the junsdietion of the m\ 
judiciary, to wliitrh other parta of the Empire were subject. 

In such a population, among the countrymen of Erasmi 
where, too, in previous ages, various forme of iimovation 
dissent had arisen, the doctrines of Luther must ineviiably 
an entrance. They were brought in by foreign merd 
"together with whose com modi ticp," wnUw the old Jesuit 
torian, Strada, " this plague ofl^n sailsJ^ They were introdi 
with the German and Swiss soldiers, whom Charles V. had 
casion to bring into the country. Protestantism was aleo ti 
planted fronj England by numerous exilcH who f!ed from 
persecution of Mary. The contiguity of the country to Gf] 
and France pro^-ided abundant avenues for the incoming 
the new opinions. *'Nor tlitl the Rhine from Gennany, or 
Meuec from France/' to quot^ the rf^grctful language of Sii 
"send more watcj into the Low CountrioB, than by the one 
contagion of Luther, by the other of Calvin, was import^ il 
the same Belgic provinces. " ' The spirit and occupations 
the people, the whole atmosphere of the country, were 
larly propitious for the spread of the Protestant raoveuj 
The cities of Flanders and Brabant, especially Antwerp, « 
early furruMhed professors of the new faith. Charles V. 
in 1521, from Worms, an edict, the first of a series of barl 
enactments or "placards," for the extinguishing of heresy 
the Netherlands; and it did not remain a dead letter,' 

■ Stntdan etapkloaV tniLHtndoD f1067). p. 3fl. On Uie awn of Uie 
Bprvad of rrotwtentkm in the Low Couiil.ii«i, tvc Th- JuBte, i. 31*, 330, 
Eh k modcratr CnthDlic, aEid writ^v with impn-rti^lv- 

■ Th* m*in pBrTs of lh« fira( "Plapard" mn (iven by Bnodt, Mittrry^^ 
Jft/ormat'^ri in Iks Low CmtnlrtM. i. 12. 



U 




Ewo Auguatinian monks wpre buroed at the stake in Brus- 
Atier the fire was kindled, they repeated the Apostli 
^ and soDg the Te Deum Laiidcmit^.^ This executiou drew 
Luther an inspiriting letter to the peraecutod Christiana 
illand and Brabant, and moved him to write the stirring 
J — beginning, "Ein neues Lied mr hebeu an/' — of which 
lUowing U one of the stanzas: — 

"Quiet ctipir uh« will not Ke : 
But sfoctereJ fur and Dear, 
BtreaiiL, duiiK^-ou, txiJl. and gravB drfy. 
Their roem»nS ahume and fear. 
Thoae wham alivp the tymnt'B wrab^ 
To AilvTLC« could subdue, 
He iDiut. when d<iKd, li*i aiiig E.tie BaOfB 
Whidi In nil lurgubgHt uml taiigueti, 
KtuDund the vide world dirou^h."' 

edicts against heresy were imperfectly executed. The 
itf Margaret of Savoy^ waj^ lukewarm in the business of 
■ution; and her successor, Maria^ the Emperor's sieter, 
idowed Queen of Hungary, was still more leniently dis- 
Tlie Protestants rapidly increaj^ed in number. Cal- 
1, from the influence of France, and of Geneva where young 
irere eent to be educated, came to prevail among them, 
iptjste and other fanatical or licentious seclaries, sueh as 
red elsewhere in the wake of the Reformation, were 
raus; and iheir i;xcesepfi afforded a jilausible j>retext for 
it measures of repreaaon against all who departed from 
Id faith.' In 1550 Charles V. i^ued a new Placard, in 
the former persecuting edicts were confirmed^ and in 
ft reference was loade lo Inqui>^torB of the faith, as well 
the ordinary judges of the bishops. This excited great 

»'* Die AacLcn wiTl iticlit laoKia th. 
8ic Atsubl HI i^ILlt Lbndrn. 
Hie hdri kpin Roch, Lncli, Gritb noch Qrbb; 
Sit mirht den Kpind eu Srhiuiden 
Pie n im Li*bpn diin^h dptt Monl 
Zu Mhivpigrti Fi&t gEilruD^en, _ 
Die fnun ef tcdt »[| sllffiu Ort 
Mil UIrr Siiiiini', uud ZuugEii 
Gar fioHich loaHn NrL|;i'n." GicArlcr. rr. i, 2. ( 24. 
Iw Aiubfepti4t of^mnn ugainet d«fncy uid order arc nnturklly dwelt upaD 
er* dupoaed to iLpolaflEu for the prrBuiuCiDDA in tbf N'tthcplfrndfli fe* Leo, 
ol G^^hirMr, iit. 'i27 M>q : Kbd in hut Pirijcr work, Zv^iiif ilurAfr WW«r- 
n Grtekifhir. Hut Uie iactit mut pircuriLitancH Ftre also rmithfully deluled 
uU ADd utber wrilen n trnae nympiithiev u-e oil the otUti vd«- 



24S 



THE REFORMATION 



alarm, duce the Inquiaition w&s an object of extreme avt 
and dread- The foreign merchants prepared to leave Ant 
pricra fell, trade was to a great exteal suspended; and 
was the disaffGction excited, that the Regent Maria id 
for some modification of ihe obnoxious decree. Verbal chajip 
were nia^le, but the fears of the people were not quieted; ui 
it was published at Antwerp in connection ^Ih a protstd 
the magistrates in behalf of the liberties which were put in p* 
by a tribunal of the character threatened, "And," save 4 
learned Arniiuian liistorian, "&a this affmr of the fnqui^lk 
and the oppreaidon from Spain prevdled more and more, I 
men began to be convincetl that they were destined to perpflW 
slavery." Although there was much persecution in the NetlM 
landfi during the long reign of Charles, yet the number of mi 
tyrfl could not have been so great as fifty thoiLsand, the numfc 
mentioued by one writer, much less one hundred thousAi 
the number given by Grotius.' 

In 1555 Charles V., enfeebled by hia lifelong enemyj t 
gout, which was aggravated by reverses of fortune, — mindl 
too, it U said, of a former saying of one of his cominanijf? 
that " between the business of hfe, and the day of death, a spi 
ought to be interposed/' — resigned hia throne, and devdv 
jpon hia son, Philip II,, the government of the Nelherlan< 
together ^ith the real of his wide dominions in Spain, Ita 
and the New World. Political and religious abftolutisra wasl 
main article of Philip's creed. His ideas were few in numb 
hut he ciung to them with the more imyiclding tenacity. 1 
liberties of Spain had been destroyed at the beginning 
Charleses reign; and the absohite system that was establisli 
there, Philip considereil the only true or tolerable form of goveJ 
ment- To rule, as far as possible, according to this n]eth< 
wherever he had authority, was an established purpose in ! 
mind. At the same time, he waa resolved to stand forth ae 1 
champion of the Roman Catholic Churchy and the unrelenli 
foe of heresy, wherever he could reaeli It, Tlie Spanish ni< 
archy had worn a religious character from the days of Ferdina 
and L'labclla. Its discoveries and conquests in the New WoJ 
had been pushed in the spirit of religious propagandism. T 



^ "Nun post oval£cittff boiolaum aua imaui ceaCuu miULi,'* etc. -*-. 
<l Jiid, it ntbu9 B^., L i, p. 12. 




SPIRIT AND POLICY OF PHILIP 11. 



249 



asade ogainat the Moors had whetted the fanatical 2Cfil agejust 
r^sy. In Spain the Inqiuaition was an essential instrument 

the dvil administration. By nature, and by the infliieDC€ of 
le circuni stances in wliicb he was placed, Philip was the irn" 
kcable enemy of religious dissent. Moreover, he knew that 

Tip granted liberty of conscience in one part of hia dominions, 
» might have to meet a similar demand in another — in Spain 
telf. The counsels of his father, in whom, as he advanced in 
tars, superstition acquired an increasing sway, ron finned 
oilip in his intolerant bigotry.* There had been a mutual 
ve Ix-tween Charles and the people of the Netherlands, They 
Kre proud of him as a countryman, and hid affable manners 

intercourse with them kept up his popularity. His persecu- 
kn of Llie Protestants and his cruelty after the suppression 

the insurrrption at Ghent, did not suffice to alienate the 
raJ and affectionate regard of Ids subjects. But Philip was 
gpaniard, and showed it in all hia demeanor towards them, 
ie »poke seldom, and then all Spanish.*' His mingled shy- 
B8 and arrogance repelled and disgusted them. In the room 
crortlially meeting their expreMsiona of enthurfaani, he seemed 
^ous of escaping from them.' 

Among this wealthy, spirited, cultivated people » Philip 
fttfd inclined to introduce his despotic system. The great 
DKfl of tlie country, of whom William, Prince of Orange, and 
& Counts Eginont and Horn were the chief, might naturally 
pcct to be intrusted with the principal management of the 

* Thp bt^otry of Iht Einpetoe. ma wrJl bfl olber tr&iU whLirli hr maulfdtpd aftflr 
AbclicfttioD, are ael Forlb in the \i\g\ity liilvn.'aluijE ^crrL of f4lirliaj(. Ttu CUntttr 
w a/ Chariet \', Tht i>l3njr wtitem im Uic aubjccl nre OiLcbftrd, JtetntUt H Mori 
Cfuiriet Quint: Mign4.-t, Charira Quinf. nan Abdication, wan Stjow H «a Jtforf 
MomuCr* d* YsttU, Thf^o ttulhon nro revnew^d by Prwooti, Hittory of Phtlip 

find at b, iO ; uLd m hin «li(iaa of Hoberlaan'n Hialory oJ CbHrlvfl V., lii. 327 
^ in eoantctioti vrith Pmvatl'Fi own hLHr-ztrira] osnay on tte winie thpmE. UI 
W^t the Emperor nf-vrr matie thi* rpm«rk r»ftmi Hllributfd lo him, that he hBcl 
n fLX)lii}i ill tryiug Tu produon unifi^rtully iif uphiiub brtwreo aecla. wlien he 
|d not mftke two clDckii or wnl^faea tccxird. MauuIbx iTBCTfl Uic uying to » 
BctiiOD «r SlnKiif w!ia obsirrvca t\iti Cbatl^ ^vemcd tbe whcflla vi clock* 
}tr tJua fortune. Pichot tnu-ca it to Van hOiIo, Cbu-Wb Lntin Becretarr, by 
t^ AA obaervmtioD of Scnwa, mpcntlng the iiupii1«* of pbLlo«iphf-rf, \a bor- 
pad itfid Bpplii<d to Vito oonEro^^^r^iH of dofCanr Pir<hat, Chtoniqiif de Charltt 
fatf (lAMl. vol. I- p 44*. The Emppmr'i puprpwion of K<gn^t th&i he had oat 
V«4 Luth«T ftt WonTLH iihovH Mq real tnlnd. Juflt#, i. 9S. Pmcntt^ Robert- 
y iS- 4S2, FroDi Yuatr \\v mldrvnaeil Ut the Si^uiLdh liiguLiilora mud to PhiUp 
ioi(Ati<m4 to cruelt:r' lirid.. pp, 4C3. 404- Hid fbHAticiaiu and iji^telcrBiicc up- 
LT in hiB HHiiErili in bU lajunctiona to Pbilip. 



250 THE REFORMATION 

government under the King. William, though bom of Lutbem 
parents, had been brought up from his boyhood in the ccurtof 
Charles V,, and was a Catholic by profession, but opposed t< 
persecution. His extraordinary abihties ha^l iiiaile him a favi»- 
ite of the Emperor, who gave him responeible empIoymeDte and 
signified his particular regard by leaning upon his shoulder, M 
the ceremony of the abdication, and by selecting him to coD^t? 
the unperial crown to his brother Ferdinand, Egmonl, witb 
farlesfldeptl* of sagatiity aud steailinpsp of character th*tu Orange, 
was a nobleman of brilliant courage and attractive inanofn, 
and had won liigh fame in connection with the victories of Grav^ 
lines and Stt Quentin. The nobl^, both these and others of 
inferior rank, were luxurious in their style of living, and tbtf 
lavish expenditures had brought on many of tJiem heavy burdfiM 
of debt, 

Philip did not select his Regent from the aristocracy of tht 
country, nor did he appoint any other whom the nobles wouid 
have preferred; but he appointed to this office Margaret pT 
Parma, the illegitimate daughter of Charles V., a person of un- 
common talents and energy, and utterly devotni to the wiDcf 
her brothern She was accomplished in the art of disdmuUuon 
and double-dealing, which formed an essential part of Hulip'a 
method of governing. She nourished the King's jealoupy cf 
Orange and Egniont. In the first act of wliH'Ujig a Regn-nl, 
Philip showpd a caution tlial partook of eus|)ieioii. At her side 
he placed, as her princijjal a<lvi9er, Granvelle, the Bishop of 
Arrae. His father was of humble birth, but had raised liinieoU 
to an important station under the Emperor, by whom the talem* 
of the son were also discerned. Oranvelle, the younger, was an 
able and accomphshed man and well acquainted with the coub- 
try, but servilely devoted to the King. The three nobles weie 
placed in the Council, but the secret directions of Pbihp to U* 
Regent were such that the conduct of affairs waa really iji lb? 
hands of Granvelle (1559). 

In tht^ midst of the murmurs and fears wnich the orgamas- 
tion of the government excited, the attempt was made to retain 
in the Netherlands^ several regiments of Spanish sohlicrs. TTiP 
measure was un<!ertaken when there was no sign of an insurrec- 
tion. Tt was In violation of the ancient rights of the Pro™ra4 
uid imposed a binden which was the more onerous, ance, ifl 



THE AGGRESSIONS OF PHILIP U. 



251 



previous year, there Uin\ been UiiiverB&l suffering from the 
ty of provisions. PliiUp had pledged his wordj on leaving 
ih€ Netherlands, that the troops should be ^"ilhth'awn within 
four months; but that pledge was disregarded. Tlie disaffec- 
tion increased to such a degree, that the Regent at length availed 
herself of a convenient pretext for sending them away. Philip 
reluctantly acquiesced in what she pronounced an absolute 
Decessity if the country was to be saved from insurrection. 

The second of these Lritating rneat^ures was the creation of a 
large number of new bishoprics. Whatever plausible reasons 
might be urged in favor of this measure, from the great size of 
the existing dioceses, and their inconvenient relations to the 
ccntigiious German bishopricfl, the real design of it was not mis- 
understood,' It was a part of the machinery to be employed 
for tightening the cords of Church discTpline, and for the exler- 
mination of heresy. The uew bisliops were to be elothed with 
inquisitorial fiowers. The creation of so many important per- 
eoDages, devoted, of course, to the sovereign, was counted a 
disadvantage to the old hereditary aristocracy of the country. 

The two measures of the retention of the Iroofra, and the 
imposition of the bishops — measures having an ominous rela- 
tion to one another — revealed unmistakably the politiy of Philip. 
The apologislfl of the King rhargr the troubles that ensued upon 
the ambition of the nobles, especially of William, who, it is said, 
wanted to govern the counlry themselves, and did all they could 
to exeite disaffection- It may be granted that ttiey were not 
free from the influence of personal motives, and chafed under the 
arrangements which deprived them of their natural and legiti- 
mate place in the control of public affairs. The charge that 
dth^ of them aiuLed at a revolution is destitute of proof. In 
th* mi{|st of all that is subject to controversy, two things cannot 
reflM>nably be disputed. One is that foreign domination, that 
IB, the rule of Spanish officers, and the presence of Hpanisb aol- 
ilicry, were as hateful to the Netherlanders as they were to the 
Oermans. It was what contributed most to the reaction ag^nst 

'rlea V., after the Smalcaldie war, and to the triumph of 
rice. The other fact is, that persecution, the forcible re- 
)»rt!«OD of hereby, after the manner of Spanish Catholicism, 
WAS repugnant to the general feeling of the people — of the 



S6S TEE REFORMATION 

Catholic population — of the Low Countries, There? whs so 

atnaoaphere of freedom. aJid & state of public opinion, to wljidi 
the policy of Philip was thoroughly opposed, William after- 
wards declared that, while hunting in company with Henry II, 
of France, that monarch had incautiously revealed to him the 
secret designs of himself and Philip for the extirpation of heresy 
in their dominions. In Philip's scheme for the increa.se of 
bishops, and in hia detention of the troops, William saw ite 
b^^ning of the execution of the plot; and he deteroiinod, he 
says, that he would do what he couJd to tid the land of "tk 
8[)fi.nLsh vennin/' Tliat William lookeil about for a high ijmt' 
rimonial connection, does not indicate any deep-laiJ plao uf 
unlawful pi^r.wnal advancement nor in hie marnage with Annan 
of Saxony, was there any serious attempt to mislead Philip &s 
lo the religion to be adopted by his bride.* William was charged 
with cherishing Macchiavellian principlea; but the age was 
Macchiavellian, and he does not appear to have often traos- 
greseed the bounds of morality in the uae of that profound 
sagacity by which ho coped with unscrupulous adversaries. 

Philip renewed the persecuting edicts of Charles V. It vas 
forbidden to print, copy, keep, hide, buy, or sell any writing of 
Luther, Zwingli, (Jicolampadiiis^ Bucer, Calvin, or of any other 
heretic; to break or to injure any image of the Virgin, or of the 
Saints; to hold or to attend any heretical conventicle- Lay- 
men were prohibited from reatling the Scriptures, or taking pari 
in conferences upon disputed points of doctrine. Transgre^ssora, 
in case they should recant, were, if they were men, tii be bii- 
headed; if women, to be buried alive. If obstinate, they wen- 
to be burnt alive, anil, in either case, their property was to he 
eonfiacated. To omit to infonn against suspicious persona, to 
'■ntertain, lodge, feed, or clothe tht-ni, waj^ to he guilty of heresy. 
Persons who, for the reason that they were suspected, were l-oh- 
(iemned to abjure heresy, were, in case they rendered themselvea 
again saspicious, to be dealt with bb heretics. Ever>* accuser, 
in case of conviction, was to receive a large share of the confis- 
cated goods. Judges were absolutely forbidden to dimioifih 
in any way the prescribed penalties. Severe penalties w«* 
tlireatened against any who should intercede for heretics or prp- 

■ Compftrp Fr«s(!att. 1, 4Sfi, with MaUry. i. 300 Hq. Wmimm^ witt *•■ *■ 
"Live nlholicallv- " 



1 



J 



POPirLAft DISAFFECTION 

eent a petition in behalf of them. To carry out thcae enact- 
ments^ Charl^ had established aii laquidtion, which was not 
only independent of the clergy of ihe country, but to whieh they 
were aJI, from the highest Us the lowest, aiiswerahlc. TTiis was 
not the Spanish Inqui^tion, but it was suflicieDtly rigorous to 
lead Philip to pronounce it more pitiless than that o( -Spain.' 
But, terrible aB the Inquisition in the Netherlands was, it wanted 
some of the barbarous features that belonged to the Holy Office 
in *Spain. It wis s^d by Philip, ami has been urged by his 
defenders fdnce, that the persecuting e^licta were the work of 
Charles, and that his succeasor amply continueci them in opera- 
tion. This statement overlooks the cireumatancca that they put 
the authority of Charles, popular though he was, to a severe 
teat ; that they were not Rysteniatically enforced ; that the cruel- 
ties inflicted under them hail more and more awukeued the hos- 
tility of the people to such measures; and that in the interval 
between the promulgation of them by Charles and the renewal 
of them by Philip, the new opinions had gained a wider accept- 
ance.' 

As the Tnquiflition proceedeil with its bloody work, ihe indig- 
nation of the [>eople found utterance through Orange aud 
Sgmont, who remonfitrat«d against the crueltiea which were 
inflicted, and complnined to the King of Granvelle, on whom 
they laid the responsibility of everything that was done. 

Granvelle is exculpated by Philip from all responaibilily for 
the introduction of the new bishops; and he <iid not originate 
some other obnoxious meaguros which were laid to his credit*' 
Hia Impulaes were not cruel. But the lords were not out of the 

* *'0e fiu'aa d^bvtc lUr llnlentiDu du lUii J'^Iablir am Pays Bu llnquin" 
liooi ^'Bapti^ne, ut AcAlemrot fKUH ; junou Lr cu-dinal ne Eui d f^it c«ttr propw- 
Ilea, Ei liii-iii^« ay g, peiuA, D'alUeura 1 'inquisition dr^ Payo-Das eet pliia 
iBpitoyfeble que 4»lle d'Espt^o.*' — G»chiLrd, Carrerporuttnet tU Pti^ippt lit <■ 
307. 

* Oruigt tpt« forth sorrv of rhov ftltprtd riTcumatiLnm in ii l«tt«r la th^ H^ 
flcot CJ«4kiufy 24, lAAA), H*: Npt^nk* of ih^ Fln^^nrfin tm " qnplqupf oin limits at 
BOQ fuktlvl* ft la rkgriir. iii^iui:cil trmtn que la mli^^rt! lUiivft^tllc u'teloEl s m pra 
#Ot Mn # SUwatrmjit ft uutfc pcuplp, par iEiiitaliuii rl jjraclictiLie' ile not tdIvOBi 
n«a UkM trncltn a novdli(c»'^ etc. He d?p>cU pL&iaty the ffltnl oviuniucAt'tH 
thmt will rwidt fr&m penrver«acF in the BC^'crc policy of Uic King, Gr«n Vm 
FnTmtatvf. Arpkivf* dr la Maiaon d^Orangr^NuEaaHy tome ij. p. 10, 

■ Th* point* on whicJi Gmnvflilt «ib rrronmiwty Hrc-UHd arp pf(«pn1*d hf 
Ouhuit. Cvrrwtptnt^mcr. ptc, i, cl" wq f Preliminftr^' Happorl } On*- of lh> 
trofM l2iln|p lliM GnnvHllp did van to ri-rnmnipnH ttip bhlna[>ning nf WiltiiiD^ 
■uu, «bi> wt» tMkta frotu Lout^ia. where hf wm Bludyins, lud cft^iied to Spftia- 
llwrc tw w kepi, and tnuDHl up Id Uie Culhi^Q rdigicm- 



i 





THE REFORMATION 



way in finding in him the embodiment of the foreign dontina- 
taon which was striking at the liberties of the country. Whal^ 
ever opinion he might privately hold as t<r the wisdom of some 
of the meaBures of Philip, he never faltered in his obedienct. 
He knew no higher law than the will of his maKter. Tlie n^v 
arrangement of diocese-s abridged his own episcopal power, aod 
would naturally be unwelcome; but when he was made Arcli- 
biehop of Mcehlin, and then, at the iDtercoEdon of the Re^pni, 
received from Rome the cardinal's hat, the personal dis^ljko of 
the lords to him as an upstart, and their patnoUc opposition 
to the policy of which he was the chief executor, reached theii 
climax. Tim effect of the complainlf of the nobles against Uie 
Cardinal wog to kindlo in Philip's mind an inestinguiehable 
hostihLy to them.' At length the Regent^ impatient of her 
dqjendent position with reference to Granvelle^ and wiUing (liRl 
he flhoidd bear all the odium, took ades against him. The ex- 
citement became so fornutlable that Phihp found a pretext fur 
removing him from the countryi as if at his own request; but 
the Inquiation went forward with even greater energy in the 
work of burning and burying alive its victbns, Tl even pu|. to 
death those who were merely suspected of harboring heretical 
opinions, The great lords, who on the departure of the Cardi- 
nal had returned to the Council, from which they had prcvioiwly 
withdrawi], ft!l that they were deemed to be in part answerable 
for i\w int:essant rinirders perpetrateil In the nanir of justice and 
religion i and when Philip determined to promulgate the decrets 
of TVent, the Prince of Orange broke through his reserve and 
startled the Council by a bold and powerful speech upon the 
unrighteous and dangerous policy which the government was 
pursuing. The general sense of tlie country recoiled froni that 
etrict eccleaaatical discipline, which tlie reactionary Catholic 
party in Europe were seeking to establish. It was determined 
to dispatch Egmont to Madrid lo open the eyes of the King tfl 
the real situation. The cordiality with wiiieh he was received, 
and the honors that were i^endered him in the Spanish court, 
made him satisfied with the smooth but vague and unmeaning 
assurances of Philip. Egmont was the more incensed, whec, 

^ In th« I'lt^r in vhich h? d^nipi) thv tnith of renain aLlcgAlionH ifiiliiA 
Qruivelle, he asspria that tbia mibiatcr had nevpr advbed him lo paciry th'^ coup' 
try by uuttiuj( al k bntf daseB linula i buL Philip luidH tu the deiu&l "Quoiqttf 
•ewt peut-itro psa rool dc recQurir k ce moj'eii." GiKfaard, i. 20T< 




THE "COMPROMISE" 



after his return^ lip found that hp had bppri duped, and that tho'i 
old P'Yicts were to be shaqjly enforced without a jot of conre*-^ 
acm.^ The announceinent tliat the persecution was to go oa 
without the lea^t mitigatioo filled the land with conaternation. 
The foreign merchants fled^ as from a pestilence, anti Antwerp, 
the principal mart, was silent, Tlie irritation of ihe people 
found a vent in a multitude of angry or satiric^al puhticatiors, 
which [lo vigilance of the Inquisition could prevent from seeing 
the light.' 

About five hundred nobles, to whom burghers were after- 
wards added, united in an agreement calW the Cimpromw, by 
which they pledged tliemselvew to withstand the ft|*anish tyranny, 
the Inquisition that was crushing the countr>', and every violent 
act which should be undertaken against any one of their number- 
In ihis li'.aguo were Count Louis of Nafs^au, a man of high courage, 
bul more excitable and radical than his brother; the aceoin- 
pliahed St. Aldcgonde, and Brederode, whose charaptr was lews 
entitled to respect, but who was full of spirit and daring. They 
contemplated at the outwt only legal means of resistance. But 
ID xh&ir ranks were found some who hoped to mend their for- 
tunes by political commotion. The great nobles stood aloof 
from the aKsoci»tion, William especially was wise enough to per- 
ceivethat it would accomplish nothing effectual, but ratber imperil 
the cause which oil had at heart. The memt>cr9 resolved on a 
gr^at public demonstration, and waited on the Rpf^nt in a bmly 
with a iietition that, until a repeal of the edicts could be pro- 
cured, she would suspend the execution of them. She hridled 
her indignation, but Uarlaymont, one of the Council, was knovtii 
to have styled Ihem *'a band of beggars/' Thcv accepted the 
title and adopted the beggar's sack and bowl for their synil>ols. 
Multitudes of people began now to assemble all over the open 
country, for the purpose of listening to the Galvinist preachers 

■ Th« cniei ordem of Philip An> ^vi^ii in Tiia fHTortiu didpAUh from thfl fanst of 
Scp)viik rOctnhcr 17. 155.^) OuhHTiJ, I otiIt. 

* GrpiiveMf'^1 DDrfrspDadrliFe bears i7[>nBlafLt witnf^ Ic the general luitlpBthjf 
brvmnlfl iJae Spmuanla — "Lb loanvEiine volgnt^ que I'uEi l^TnoL^nt icl uulver- 
■ctlemt'Dt & ^<r<in l« C^pAfEn^JK" »< he hIvLcp it, in one pUi^e {PapUrw d'Etat Ju 
Cmrdmai d« Q-ranvriJp. tame vii. p. SQ'\- Thin Antipathy he adrihulpH ta the in- 
diAtry ol Ihp (oflIb in propn^nling H>Aliunn>oa in rcf&rd la the inti*ntioa of tha 
KiD^ lo hring in thn Spaniiih In^tuinlioci, to rule thnrr mm h« mlpd in liaiy. fi*^- 
Gnnwllf n'fvifnmmr]^ the hMtnwikI nf a>fioe« «.nd dijitineridi» siiph ut plvp* nf 
tnut ID Italy, upon HrtJierthcdcr?. in order To cn%tf* a ^pani^h feehng smonc tlHl 
flieode ol poroon* thos hnnarptt, anti KOjoDg upinikUi for Ivk-Q f^von. 



S56 THE KEFORMATION 

and of worshiping according to their own preferpnce. From 

ten to twenty thousand persons would gather, the women ud 
children bdnp placed for safety in the center, and the whole 
assembly being encircled by armed men, with watchmen sto- 
doned to give warning of approacliing danger. They Ustened 
to a flprmon, sang PHalms, and used the opportunity to perfonn 
Uie rite of baptiem, or ihc marriage service where it was desired 
Orange obtained from the Regent the allowance that the preach- 
ing in the country, outside of the cities, should not be disturbed. 
Tlie popular movement was so powerful Lliat she found herself 
helpless (1566). 

Philip had stubbornly refused to comply with the urgent 
rcqucels of the HcgenL that the etUcta might be softened^ Two 
nobles, Bc^rghen and Monligny, were sent to represent to him 
the condition of the country, arid the extent of the popular 
indignation. The King at length recognized the perils of (he 
situation, and l^Tcte to the Regent that the Inquiaition mi^l 
cease, provided the new bifihope were suffered to exercise their 
functions freely ; that he was disposed to moderate the Flfl- 
cardw, but that time would be required to mature the measure; 
and that the Regent might give, not only the ConfederaLea. 
but others also, an assurance of pardon. At the same time, on 
the 9th of Augnst, 1666^ in the presence of a notary, and before 
the Duke of Alva and other wltnes9t*s, he signed a secret declara- 
tion that, notwithHtanduLg the assurance given to the DuchcfB 
of Parma, since he had not acted in this matter freely and spon- 
taneously, he did not consider himeclf bound by that promi»e. 
but reserved to himself the right to punish the guilty parties, 
and especially the authors and foment^rs of the sedition,* He 
wrote also to the Nuncio of the Pope, with an injunction rf 
secrecy, an expressinr of his purpose to maintain the Inquisi- 
tion and the edicts in all their rigor.' Philip has thus left be- 
hind him the documentary proof of his perfidy, or his dehberaU 
design to break his word to a nation. 

While the country was thus agitated, in the summer of 1566, 
there burst forth the storm of iconoclasm that swept over the 

' Itti^., 4'2Z. S«. alifi, Uotlpy, i. 531. Thi^ Nkinao, the ArptvbiBhop or 
reDto, bad bfwn eent (o the NpthrrtAiidi cKtoiwibly to look afi^r ihp rpinrmHruin 
ifi Uie clergy- ; rr»lly. lu Uie Becret CDrreapoDdtnce khowi, in jeferaiiM to the loql 
^UoD ^ad the g^tirpikTioa ot hocr^. 




ICONOCLA&H 



257 



d, d^-fitroyinf? the jwinfhigs, ima^ps, and ather syinlwila and 
ifltnimeota of Catholic worships from those which adorned the 
reat cathedral of Antwprp, to such as decorated the humblest 
lapels ancJ convents. In Flanders alone more than four hun- 
red churches were sacked. The work of destruction was 
[Komplisbed by mobs hastily gathered, and was one fruit of 
fee Cicitemeat and exasperation provoked by the terrible per- 
ecution. MagiBtralce ami burfrhcra, wlicther Catholic or Prot- 
stsnif lookod on, offering no resistance to the proKrees of the 
empest. However it may be eondemncd, it was not exactly 
ke the invafiion of the temples of one religious denotninatton 
y another. These cfiifices were felt to belong to the people in 
Dininon; all had some right in them. Calvinists at that period 
abitually looked upon the use of images m worship, and upon 
le mass, as forms of idolatry, of a sin explicitly forbidden in 
le decalogue. Similar uprii^tiigti of tlie populace took placp in 
"nnce and in Scotlan<lT and from the same causes. The Prot- 
st-anl mirieters and the Prince of Orange, with other chiefs of 
Kie liberal parly, generally denounced the ima^ breaking.' Tlie 
pect of it wa« disastrous, Wliat the iconoirhistfl conadered the 
lestruction of the implements of an impious idolatry, thc^ Catho- 
tc5 abhorred s^ sicrilrge. The patriotic party was tliviiled, and 
leeidcs this avlvantage gained by the government, a plausible 
pretext was afforded for the most sanguinary retaliation. The 
Regent was oblig**d, however^ to make a truce with the Con- 
federacy of nobles, in which it was agreed that the Infpiisition 
nould be given up and liberty allowed to the new doctrine, 
phil« tiie confederates in return, as long as the promises to them 
Ihould be kept, were to abandon their association. Orange 
kndertook to quell the disturbances in Antwerp, and Egniont 
Id Flanders; the latter manifesting hi^ loyalty to Cathoticism 
Ind his anger at the iconoclaata by brutal severities. The 
Regent exhibited the utmost energy in repressing disorder and 
■1 puaishing the offenders^ Valenciennes, which endeavored to 
Rand a siege, wss taken and heavily punished. Oi'der was 
werywhere restored. Orange foresaw what course Philip would 

I " Uotlflji L £70. Whvthar (tfl popular l«adcra cncourAged tbe imsf^ brtJik- 
p^ or aot, i* OD* oi the tiiepaUid pDinU. ThkL they <tid La malnlaini^'i by Koflb. 

k 11& w|- Jitotjfe(ii 1S4> hntjisrhr r^inTraryoirqnion. Kno-^ vrilni in 4 pnl*niic«l, 
krlinB ff^U but whip nf his rnticiim'' upon Motley are w^rtby of kLtmtuau.. @i««. 
fco, Cm^iHag$ Modern tfMcr^, JU 306. 



■ i7.-il-JMirTi_,K 




aad Ahib «s5 tk 

Mt lofaavefiUad 
«lki^ VMS; WkMJAocotnMi 
ami fnftf nlcfcrt^ ioBCMaal^ am^pnce, mflex^ 
r, sad A Wart <i Ave, Crwrfctwp aad meitjF 
««T« lerai DoC foond n hb vocftb^uy- ffis ^>c<oc7, fike llul 
«l nap, WW Itei tte 9^*1 lotfik »R &i the boUom of U;« 
of th^ ntmiBr »ofaffit7, and that thoe in tom wm 
of mdi&m anenc t^ P^^V^- Norther the King nor 
fould «oa>prrlM9Hl « fifKmb»fna», cnonnoD wntt- 
yerrtdin^ % oabcn. Ahr* caoniT^ that the gn%t tai» 
Chftria V, hftd beeo m s|»hDc the opttv^ Icftdn^ In th« 
VET. FhiiB the Etaptw<sr'B expericnee he deh\^ » 
-' linen t A^iiM pverr poTiey but that of unrdeot- 
.■ ik«&ng Kith rvbefe mad hctvtks. Such vrns the 
dioam to Pt^tk the ifistuihuicies in thp Keihei- 
odoctai ft l>ody oi ten thousand Spanish trooCf 
A9 hw ccnuve lay D?«r to GeD^x. 
lIo tun a«ade and ^xt^nninate Utf 



l-tlTvL4S7. 



THE COMING OF ALVA 



259 



'nest of devils and apostates/' But he declined to deviate 

roin his chosen rout«, maintained perfect discipline among bis 

oldiers during the long and perilous march^ and even gave a eort 

i organization to the hundreds of courtesans who followed hie 

iriuy. On his arrival, he endeavored to disarm fiuapicion, and 

gradually made known the extent of the authority committed 

hira, which was equivalent to that of a dictator. The Regent 

Dund herself wholly divested of real power, Egniont and Horn 

rere decoyed to BrusBela by gracious and flattering words, and 

hen treaeherously arrested and cast into prison. The terrible 

ribimal was erected, which was appropriately named by the 

leople, ^'the Council of Blood." and the work of death began. 

loon the prisons were crowded with inmates, not a few of whom 

rere dragged from their beds at midnight. The executioners 

rere busy from morning till evening. Among the victims, 

le rich were specially numerous, since one end which Alva kept 

D view waa the providing of a revenue for b'ls master. Every 

Bne who had taken part in the petitions against the new biahop- 

ica or the Inquisition, or in favor of softening the edicts of per- 

ecution, was declared guilty of high treason. Every nobleman 

rtio had been concerned in presenting the petitions, or had ap- 

(Toved of them; all nobles ami officers who, under the plea of 

» pressure of circumstances, had permitted the scnnons; every 

Wie who had taken part, in any way, in the heretical mass meet- 

Dge, and had not hindered the destruction of the Images; all 

rho had expres^^ed the opinion that the King had no right to 

ake from the provinces their liberty, or that the present tri- 

lunal waa restricted by any laws or privileges, were likewise 

nade guilty of treason. Death and loss of properly were the 

nvariable penalty. In three months eighteen hundred men 

prere sent to the scaffold. Persons were condemned for singing 

the fiongfl of the Gueux, or for attending a Calvinistic burial 

fcara before; one for saying that in Spain, aleo^ the new doctrine 

irould spread ; and another for saying that one must obey God 

rather than man. Finally, on the 16th of February, 1568, all 

the inhflhitjmfA of the Netherlands, with a few exceptions that 

were named, were actually condemned to death a£ heretics ! 

Orange was active in devising means of deliverance. Hifl 
brother. Louis of Naasau, entered Friesland, in April, 1558, at 
^e head of an army, and gained a victory over the totcft% o^m- 



e or Aiva was uie 
ceafffu] attempU to ovf>rtli] 
years longer hia nmrderous 
eiaJ homiciiiee unUer h'\R sAi 
eighteen thousand. Muftitxil 
manufactories were desert^dj 
1569 he (I^'teniiined Ui fnjl i| 
that should lill the coffers of 
extraordmary taic should be Ji 
of all kind?; and that a p<^\ 
be paid on every sale of real e^ 
salp of nn<*rchandiae, Tliis Bch< 
as it was barbarous in its opprei 
oppoflition, that Alva hinisdr i 
mifi€, which consist^ In postpo 
years. His enemies, Orauvelle 
laboring to iindprnnine the Kir 
wholly without nurct^sti. In 15 
ernnly proclaimed at Antwerp, 
edicts in full forcf», and only OTt 
nothingwftj*ti»he rharR*'d niionU! 
a dpfinile time tht^y should pen! 
abeolutinn from t.h'' Churrh ! T 
ly rtwnk*-nJnK, Jit»<i il^ 
ini 



THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC 



261 



inh&bitants of the coasts of HoUEuid and Zealand, who had 
org&nized themselves into predatory baiidw imdpr their admiral, 
Wilham dc la Mark. The Prince of Orange wa? unremitting in 
biB exertions to raise forces capable of effecting the deliverance 
of hia country, Holland and Zealand threw off ihf^ yoke of Alva, 
id, in accordance with Williani'a suggestions, adopted a free 
aitution. By the estates of Holland, Williaoi was recog- 
niEcd as the King's ^tadtholder, the show of a connection with 
SpaLa being not yet abandoned. He was at the head of an army 
with every hope of success, when the news of the slaughter of 
St- Bartholomew and of the death of Coligny, which cut off the 
expectation of aid from P'ranc^, disappointed this hope. Mons^ 
where his brother was, had to be given up, and the army melted 
away. But Alva was weary of his office and began to be wn- 
fflble of his failure to effect the result which he had been so con- 
fident of hie ability to secure. The boundless hatred of the 
people against him was daily manifest. He read it in I.he looks 
of all whom he met, Philip, though slow to leanij began to flee 
that hia hopes had not been fulfilled. Alva sought and obtained 
a recall, and, at the etd of the year 1573, left the Netherlands, 
never to return. 

From the capture of Briel may be dated the commencement 
of tlie long and arduous struggle which resulle<i in the building 
up of the Dutch Republic, and the ultimate prostration of the 
power of Spain. Tbemost powerful Empire in the world was kept 
at bay, and eventually defeated by a few small states which were 
goa^led to resistaiice by unparalleled cruelty, and in.^pired with 
an unexampled degree of patriotic self-sacrifice. The hero of 
this memorable struggle was William of Orange. Requewn^, 
Uic successor of Alva^ c<|ualed hie predecessor in military pkill, 
and was even more dangerous, in consequence of his coneUi&tory 
trnnper, which might divide and deceive his antflgonist^- A 
ilflusive amnesty was more to be dreaded than open and fierce 
hoatilityn In the field the Spaniards were victorious, la 
1574 Louis of Nassau was defeated and slain. But they ex- 
perienced a reverse in the unsuccessful siege of Leyden, whose 
heroic defensp is one of the most notable events of (he long war, 
A DOW Protestant state was growing up in the Norths under the 
guid&nce of Orange; and all negotiations looking to peace were 
fruitlefie, Eiince Spain refused to ^rant toleration. This was the 



n 



4 



THE REFORMATION 

one thing which Phihp woiJd not yield. He eouJd not confer 
to rule over heretics. In the SouCb, where CatholiclBm prt^ 
vailed, Requesens w&s tnor^ successful. But the death of \}m 
conimarnlnr, in 1576, was followed hy a frightful revolt of bs 
floldiera in the various cities where they were stationed; and 
the Ecenea of murder and piUa^ that attended it, which werf 
most appalling in populous and wealthy Antwerp, taught the 
aoulhern pro\iitces what they had to <.h^d from Spanish domi- 
nation. Tlie nob!es of Flanders and Brabant, instead of seeking 
help From Phihp, applied to Orange and the northern pro^Tncas; 
and in the pacification of GhcJit> for the first time, the Nelbex- 
lands were united in an agreement to expel the Spaniards and 
to maintain religious toleration, Don John, of Austria, the 
sueeesHor of Rt^quesens, whs broughb to Like point of issuing &a 
edict which conceded the points contained in the Ghent pacifi- 
cation. The rejection of these terms by William of Orangp 
has bet^n conaidcred, by his adversaries, proof positive tiiat 
ambition^ not patriotism, was his ruling motive. But the cou- 
cesdona of Don John involved the exclusion of the pubtu 
profession of ProtestantiPirn from all jilaeej^ where it was not 
ej?tabliahed at the date of the pacification: and, consequently, 
the banishment from their homes of thousands of peaceful 
families, as well as the insecurity of the provinces when? Prot- 
pstanUHni was allowed to rontinue. More than all^ WiUiani 
distrusted the ancerity of Spain, and his suapieionSj which had 
their ground in former experiences of false deaUng, were strength- 
ened by information acquired from intercepted letters,' It was 
loo late for a reconciliation with Philip, But the Flemish and 
Brabant nobles were jealous of the eminence coneeded to the 
Prince of Orange. The Union was weakened, and the war 
broke out again, in which the troops of Don John gained ilip 
victory. But the eame year, on the lat of October, 1578. their 
leader lUed, wearied with the difficulties of his ofRcCj and dis- 
heartened by the treatment which he had received at the hands 
of Philip, 

Alexander of Parma, perhaps the ablest general of the tiioe, 
was next intrusted ^ith the reins of government. Expericnrf 
had shown the patriotic party that the nobility of the southTn 
provinces were not to be relied on, and, in January, L579, there 

■ UoU«y, ul. 108. 



k 




THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC 



263 



Hto formed, in the North, the Utrecht Union, in which were 
^Hlbmed Holland, Zealand^ and five other provinces. It was 
confederacy for eommon defense, and waa the germ of the 
hitch Republic, It was formed "in the name of the King"; 
ut two years afterwards Hiis fiction was dropped, and indepen- 
ence declared. In March, 1580^ Philip proclaimed William 
n outlaw, and act a price on his head, Philip taxed hint with 
njgT^^itude for the favors which had been bestowed on liim by 
Jliarles V,, charged him with having fomented all heresy and 
edition, with having actively countenanced the plundering of 
be churches and cloisters; in fine, with being responsible for 
Jl the rniBpries of the country, Tlie document further charged 
lim with cherisliing jealousy and mistrust, like Cain and Judas, 
nd from the same cauac, an evil conscience. Any one who 
rould deliver him, dead or alive, was to receive twenty-iive 
housand crowns, to have pardon for all offenses, and, in case 
le belonged to the burglier class, to be elevated to the rank 
if a nobleman. In response to these accusations, William pub- 
lahed iiia ^* Apology," or defense. He counted tliis outlawry 
nd accumjlation of cliarges against him, as the greatest honor, 
IDCe they showed that he had done all in his power to establish 
he free<iom of a noble nation, an<l tu deUver it from a godless 
yranny. Re respected Charles V., but the favors which he 
itui received from the Kniperor had been returned in full meas- 
ire by the public sorvice-e which William hail rendered at great 
OHt. To the unfounded aspersions of a personal nature which 
Tiilip had interwoven with his indictment, William retorted 
rilh accusations equally grave against the private life of the 
ing : Phihp had stigmatized him as a foreigner, because he hap- 
lened to have fir^t seen the light m Germany ; but his ancestors 
Fere of higher rank than those of Philip, and had held power 
n the Netherlands for seven generfLtions : Philip had s't out 
D (ranjple under foot the rights and institutions of the country : 
ic talked only of uncondifJonal obedience, as if the people of 
he Netherlands were Neapohlans, or Milanese, or savage Iti- 
lians: the Emperor Charles had pretlicted the evils that would 
esult from the Spanish pride and insolence of his son; but 
beither the admonition of so great a Father^ nor ja'^tice, nor his 
nth, could change his nature, or curb his tyrannical will: he 
lad beaten the French by means of William's couiitryiufiA, v\d 



9U 



THi: HKFQKblATtOK 



owed the treaty of peo^e, id good pari, to WiUiam hiiuwH; 
but flo far waa Philip from fepHng any emotion of gratitude, thai 
William, to hie amazement, had htard from the lips of Henrr 
II., of Alva's secret conferences with him upon the extermma- 
tion of all Proteetants, in both ccmntriei^: Williarn. since his 
boyhood, had given little attention to matters of faith, and rf 
the Church; but, he says, from his compassion for the wtimfl 
of the Inquiailion, and his Indignation at the lyraimy praciJ«d 
against his eoimtry, he had resolved to exert all his powers tr> 
reintjve t-lif S[HiijiarJs out of it, and to suppress tlie bloodf 
tribunala: he had never approved of the iconodasm, and 
similar outhreakinga of violence: that he liad puffieient reason 
for flying from the country, was fully evinced by the execution 
of EgniOEit aiul Horn, the [•arrying of his innocent son, who vr« 
a student at Louvain, to Spain, by Philip's order, the ctinfipca- 
tion of hi'^ pixiperty, and the sentence of death pronounced 
against him. £vcr>'where, said William, Philip has troddefl 
under foot our righle and broken his oath; we must, therefor^ 
rise in self-defense against him and repel this unparallekd 
tyranny : m Uw niiKtriii^t. Demosthenes ineulratetl that as the 
strongest bulwark against tyranny; and yet the Macedociaa 
Philip was a feeble novice in tyranny compared with the Span- 
ish Philip, 

Tli^re is no reason to question the einceriLy of WHlian'fi 
patriotism.' His imJifferencp respecting the c^introverted ques- 
tions of religion was broken up by the right of the atrocious 
cruelties inflicted by the Inquisition upon his countrymen. He 
examined the questions at isaue, and practically, aa well aa 
theoretically, embraced the Protestant faith. It is no reproach 
to him that he early penetrated the character of tlie gloomy and 
perfidious ruler who was bent on enslaving the NetJieilands 
to himself and to the Pope; and that he had leaa and leas hope 
of the praeticablenesa of procuring any amelioratioD of his 
policy. But William, in tlie incipient st^es of the conflict, 
was wisely resolved to keep within the limits of the law, and lo 
avoid extreme and violent measures, so long as this moderatiott 
should be posfiibie.' If, at the outset of his career, he was not 

^ Wrifora who would muke ambition the mayjng apring of hia cb&ruter ^ 
full jiiHli<:p ro hifK tilgh mlp]lE>plUHl jwiwen. 9^0, Tor Piample, ]i*ii1ivoeJio^I>«'^ 
Cuprra di Fiandra. i. 47, tii. 112. 





ASSAtiSiNATION OF WILLIAH 



ses 



free From ambilioa, his character was more and more purified 
by danger ami auffcriiig. He must be allowed a pJaee ftinong 
patriola like Epamonoodaa and Washington, and he deeervea 
to be called the father of a nation, At length, after six inefTec- 
tual altempU of the sort, a fanA^tical Catholic succeeded, on 
the ISth of July, 1584, in assassinating William. It was char- 
Acteristic of Philip to p&y grudgingly to the heiis of the murderer 
the promised reward. 

Upon the formation of the Utrecht TJnion^ the greater part 
of the CalboUc provinces in the Soutli entered into an arrange- 
ment with Parma. Parma granted libera) terms to the cities 
which, one after another, fell into his hands. Antwerp waa 
promised that its citadel should not be repaired ; that n Spanish 
garrison should not be quartered on the inhabitantfi. On thia 
one condition the King insisted that the Catholic worsliip should 
be restored, and Protestantism be aboUahed. The utmost that he 
could be persuaded to grant was that two years should be allowed 
the inhabitants of every plac^ cither to become Catholic or to quit 
the country, Brabant and Flanders were recovered to Spain. 

TTie arrhives of Simaccas have disclosed the fact, which was 
not known to Parma himself, in conaequenee of his death before 
the execution of the design, that Philip was on the point of 
removing him from his command. Instigated, perhaps, by 
jealouay, on the alleged ground that Parnui had given too little 
authority to Spaniards, and for other reasons of even less weight, 
Phihp had actually determined to displace the general who 
had reconquered for him the southern provinces of the Nether- 
lands, and twice carried his victorious arms into France, forcing 
Henry IV. to raise the siege of Paris and of Rouen. The King 
did not shrink from the ingratitude involved in such an act, 
and from the indignant condemnation which the public opinion 
of Europe would have pronounced upon it.' It was character- 
istic of Philip to seek the accomplishment of his ends by in- 
direction and falsehood. 

^-flliAD d«iwcit Id th* ahrewdanH and re«rve of William, To olbera, thu qiufclily 
dA«« Dof pvB iits bouDdi of a sUitmiiaiililEc aAgarity uul a juitifinble prudmoF. 
<jo*thr^ in hifl pl&y ol " Egrooat/' rTtfttiM Oie Rpgpnt sav or bTnk : " OrkDJeu ■iofit 
iLithlft GutfA. ff-inp Cie^lank^n r^trhpn in din h>rn'*, H uE hFimlifh," etc.; tad 
Oruiie Bays to Bfiuaal : " Ich trogp virip J^hre Hft sIIp Vpfh&ltfiliiMi am nmi^o, 
tob wUtit immrr vie ubcr einem Si:hBchflpipl# und h^lf< kf^nen Zui; dps Gr£n«n 
COr unbedimlcfLd/' ReEardiajt tiiii Ltfe niid ctmr&ctvr jkv. alao, Rutb PliIhaed, 
Wmiam fht aHeM (iSOf); aiul Qeorte Edmuaddop, Cwn^ru^ Modtm ffittanit 



< 




THE ftEFOHMATtON 



The death of William did not Jeatroy the Republic whicb 
he had called itjto being. In Mauricei his second son— for 
his eldest Bon -Khs detained in Spain and brought up to serve 
the Spamsti govemnienl — the pai'iy of liberlj' found a head 
who was possesaed of distinguished military ability, Tlie new 
eommonweallli grew in power. Tlie Dutch sailors captured 
the vcaaels of Spain on evory sea whcro thoy appeared, and 
attacked lier remotest colonies. Tlie magmficent schemea of 
PliiHp were doomed to au iguoiniiiioui^ failure. His despotic 
syst^iu hjul full sway in Spain, but it brougbl ruin upon die 
country. His colossal armada, wluch was slowly prepared at 
enormous cost, for the conquest of England, was shattereii m 
pieces. He had planned to turn France into a Spaiiisli prov- 
ince, but he was ftu'ced to conclnile the peace of Vervins sritb 
Henry IV., and thereby to concede the superiority of the French 
power. Under Phihp III., his imbecile successor, Spain was 
driven to conclude a truce of twelve years with the revolted 
NeLherliinds ; and finally, in the Peace of Westphalia, was 
obliged to acknowledge their independence. 

The abrtorbiug iiiterer^t of the greiit jstruggle with Spain leaves 
in the background the distinctively religious and Iheolkj^cal 
fflde of the Reformation in the Netherlands. ^Vnabaptists were 
numerous, but their wild and disorganising lheori*'-s roccii'ed 
a check through the influence of Mcniiu, who, after the year 
1536, e\erted a wholesome influence among thent, argsujinfig 
churches which he taught and regulated For many years, Tlie 
Mcnnonitcfl were free from the Ueentious and revolutionary 
principles which had covered the name of Anabaptist with Tt- 
proach/ Apart from their peculiarity respecting iiaptisni, their 
rejection of oaths, and their refuwil to serve in wnr anil in dril 
offices, together with the ascetic discipline which they adoptAl 
— a point on which they became di^'ided among themselves — 
they were not distinguished from oidinary Protestants. Yet 
they coiJlinued to be confoundeii wtHi the fmiatical Anabaptisla, 
and were objects of a ferocious persecution, which they enduml 
with heroic patience. The Calvinists gradually obtained ft 
decided preponderance over the Lutherans. In 1561 Guido de 
Bree and a few other ministers eompoeed the ^'Confcasio fld- 

^ See the urtiElen cm UcDUO and tbe Mi-nnojiilcB, bj Cnmer. in HaUok. Rttt- 
fneytjopadie, xii. £04 Kq. 





RELiaiOUS PAETIES 



267 



which was revised and adopted by a Synod at Antwerp 
156G. This creed differs from the "ConfeaaioGalUca" chiefly 
its more full exposition of Baptism, with special reference to 
Anabaptist opinions. The Anabaptists are expressly con- 
ed in another Article, The Calviniete sont a copy of th^ 
bol, with a Letter to the King of Spain, in the vBin hope to 
ten his aoimoaity against them. They say in their Letter 
t "they were never foiuid in arms or plotting agaiiiflL their 
vereign; that the excommunications, imprisonments, banish- 
cnLs, racksj and tortures, and other uumberlcpSS oppresaiona 
riiich they had imdergone, plainly demonstrate that th^ 
esires and opinions are Dot carnal;" "but that having the 
B&r of God before their eyes, aud being terrified by the tlireateii- 
g of Chriflt, who had declared in the Qoapel that he would 
leny them before God the Father, in case they denied him bt>- 
ore men, ihey therefore offered their backs to stripes, their 



ongues to knives, their mouths to 



and their whole bodies 



the fi 



re. 



Yet the Caivinista of the Netherlands, notwithstanding thar 
Bwn dreadful sufferings, did not themselves relinquish tlie dogma 
Uiat heresy may be suppressed by the magistrate. Their differ- 
ence from their opponents was not on the question whether 
heresy is to be punished, but linw heresy is to be iJefinerL This 
dc^ma they introduce into the Belgic Confe.ssion,' and into 
their Letter to the King. They were disposed, where they had 
the power, to inflict diyahilitiefl and penalties on the Anabap- 
tiBts, even when they were peaceful subjects. It must not be 
forgotten that at the very time when Plulip^s agents were doing 
their terrible work in the Netheilnndj*, Queen Elizalieth 
vaa likewise striving to enforce uniformity in Protestant 
Kngland. With one hand ^e helped the Calvinistic subjcats 
of Philip; with the other she thrust her own Puritan subjects 
into loathsome dungeons. Not that PrutestantH on either fflde 
of the sea were capable of the atrocities for which Philip was 
responsible. And a difference of degree in the exercise of the 
inhumanity, which was the fruit of a false principle, is a cir- 
cuciBtance of the highest importance. But the principle was 
ftt the root the same. Hence the doctrine of religious toleration, 
which waa avowed and practiced by William of Oraiige and a 

> Bnmlt, I \SS. ' Art. mm., "De Ma^tntu " 



aes 



THE REFORMATION 



part of his aupport^rs^ is the more honorftble to thetiij Id con- 
trast with Llie prevalent btolerajicc of the age. As early » 
1566» in his speech before the Regent and the Council, William 

denounced persecution aa futile, and confirmed his assertion bf 
an appeal to experience, to historical examples, ancient aod 
recent. ^' Force," he said, "can make no impression on the 
conscience." IW conipareil inquisitors to physicians who, in- 
stead of umng mild and gentle medicines, are "for inunediatdy 
burning or cutting off the infected port," "This ia the nature 
of lit?reay," he added, "If it rests, it mats; but he that rube it, 
whets it." ^ At a Inl-er time, he liad to wilhalanti tJie iniporluni- 
Liea of his friends, who wisheci to use force against the Ana- 
baptists. Ht. Aldegonde reports that to his arguments in behalf 
of such a measure, his illustrioue eliief "replied pretty sharply" 
that the afJirmation of the adherents of that sect might take 
the place of an oHth, and that " we ou^U not to press this mat 
ter further, unless we would own at the same time that the 
Papists were in the right in forcing us to a religion that WB( 
incompatible witli our consciences." "And upou this oecaaou," 
adds St, Aldegonde, "he commended the saying of a monk thit 
waa here not long ^nce, who, upon several objections brcugbl 
against his religion, answered; 'tliat our pot had not been ^ 
long upon the fire as theirs, whom we so much blamed; but 
that he plainly foresaw that in the eoureo of a pair of hundred 
years, eccle^astJcal dominion would be upon an equal foot in 
botlf ehurc!K.»s/ " St. Aldegonde hinigeJf stales that a mul- 
titude of nobles and of common people kept away from the 
Calvinistic assemblies from the fear " of a new tyranny and yoke 
of spiritual dominion/' The Germans, espcoially, he sayB, 
join the heterodox "because they dread our insufferable ri^d- 
neaa," ' In 1578 the National Synod of all the refonned churches 
sent up to the Council a jietition for religious toleration, which 
they desired for themselves and pledged to Roman CatlioliM^ 
"The experience of past years " says the Synod, "had tau^l 
them that by reason of their dns they could not all be reduced 
to one and the sams religion ; " and thai without mutual tolera- 
tion, they could not throw off the Spanish tyranny.' They 
refer to tJie rivers of blood that had been ahed in PVance to no 
purpose, in the effort to procure unanimity in rcU^on. 




' Brandt, L 154. 



Ibid.. I. 333. 



■ Ibid., L 840, 




CALVINIST8 AND UBERaLS 



26d 



llicre was another question which gave rise to di\Tsion among 
reformed, — the queetion of the relation of the Church t^i the 
vil authority. The CalvinistB insisted on their principle of 
ie autonomy of the Church, and rejected ecclesiasl.ical control 
the part of the State. Ab in Geneva and in Scotland, they 
Mtumded that the Church ahould be not Beparate, hut distinct. 
ta the contxary, a great part of the [uagistratee, and witli them 
influenti&l portion of the laity, e9p*?dal]y such as cared little 
)r the peGuiiarJties of Calvinisni as dlBtiiigui^ed from Lulher- 
reaated this demand. These claimed that tJie dvil 
thority should have power in the appointment of ministers 
d in the administration of Church government. In 1576, 
der the auspices of WilLam of Orange, a progrsnime of forty 
lesia^tical lawB was drawn upj in conformity with thi« prin- 
le.* The second Synod of Dort, in 1578, endeavored to 
ze the idea of ecclesiastical autonomy, through a aystem of 
byteriee anti of provincial and national synotle. But the 
t of the strife was that the Church was limited to a prcvin- 
oi^anisation, the provinces being subdivided into Hasses 
d each congregation being governed according to the Presby- 
ordex. The germs of the Arminian controversy are 
vious in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. The party 
ich called for full toleration, and were impatient of strict 
and ft rigid discipline, contended, also, for the union of 
urch and State. The Spanish persecution confirmed the 
iberale in the fear that the Church would subject the State to 
ecclesiastical tyranny; it confirmed the Calvinists in the 
that the State would subject the Church to a political 
tism. 

^ Ibid., i. 3IB. 



l. rtTlflTl 



I ■ the '-«^^ ^Tt >*- ^1^^^, 




*fta fti^O 






tt u\'°" . w foresaw thai- ^ ^li V^^KMH 

then. lh»yj, s5i-'e rd 
^^•^ \n tl>e C 



% It 



CIL\PTER X 

THE BEFOBUATIOX IS EHGUiyD ASD SCOTLAND 

l^ERC IS Ttsson to believe that the Lollards, ss the diacif^ 
of 1\lckiiffe were called, wne still numerous among the nistie 
popul&tioD of England at the beginning of the dxteenth centm?. 
We have recorcU of the recantation of some and the bunuog 
of other adherents of this spet in the e&rly put of the ragQ 
of Henry \'jn.* When John Knox preached in the north of 
England and the south of dcotliind, be found a cordial reception 
for his doctrine in districts where the Lollards lived. The 
revival of learning had also prepared a v«7 different dsa 
in Kn gljaH society for eccIeaasticaJ reform. LmguiBtic uul 
patristk studies hod bc^n to fiouriRb untler the influence ti 
Thomas More, Colet» Dv«n of St. Paul's, Warham, Archbiahop 
of Canterbur>-, and other friends of Erasmus, and under liw 
pu^QDal influence of Erasmus himself.* Woleey, whatever 
may have been his faults, was a liberal patron of learning. He 
obtained leave to suppress not le^ Ihan twenty mnaller nion^s- 
tcnest and to use their properly for the estabfishmeni of a noble 
college, Christ Chtzrch, at Oxford, and of another col]<^ as a 
nurg^ for it, at Ipewich. His fall from power prevented the 
full accomplishment of the va^t evlucational plans which fonD 
his best titJe to esteem. Wolsey was disinclined to persecutioi], 
.ukd preferred to bum hexetical books, rather than heretic* 
'ihemselves.' Most of the friends of *'thc new Jcaming" wcro 
hlB^wa^ to remedy ecclesiastical abuses/ The uriiings of 
iLuth^ early found approving readers, especially among the 

• BonM. n-jfaffv «/ BW Rwitrm^b^ «> <Ar C^hmd of KnpLind ii-A. ISaft. i 

'Blaai, 0HMrvW<i* ftdrmmtmm » Bi^fainJ {fnHii 1M4 U> l&<7),eiTC*M 
lanMuc MnHBl, aod tBiwmli ■ EUtUcfuc cMinute «rf the Krvme of WobBr- 

* Sea Uw aketc^ d( CTdImS mmon htton the C«tT»t^cn of Ouataht^ 
H ia Sv^aiD. rW Orf*^ fi^.^m^ mt urn-- Al» iK IQiuit, p. ia WbAtfV 

3T^ ^ 



PECULIARITY OF THE ENGLISH RErORttATlON 271 

Diing men at Oxford and Cambridge, The younger generation 

Uimianisis did not atop at the point reached by Cokt and 

lyndale and Frith, both of wbom perished as mar- 

, and their afisoeiateSi reat! the Gennaii books with avidity/ 

rTidale^s version of the New Testament was circulated in spit« 

the effortfi of the government to suppress it,' It was i]n- 

Dflsible that the ferment that existed on the Continent ahould 

ul to extend itself across the channel. Yet at first the signs 

ere not ausjjicioue for the new doctrine. King Henry VIII. 

jpeared in the lists aJt an antagonist of Luther, and received 

Dm Iico X., in return for his polemical book upon the Sacra- 

ent6» the title of '■ Defender of the Faith," ' Little did either 

them ima^e that the saine monarcli would shortly strike 

\e of the heaviest blows at the Papal dominion. 

The peculiarity nf the English Reformation lies, not in the 

ap&ratioD of a pohtical community — in this case a powerful 

Utoii — from the papal sec ; for the same thing took place 

pierally where the Reformation prevailed; but it lies in the 

ct that it involved immediately so little departure from the dog- 

atic syatem vf the medieval Church, At the outset, the creed, 

id, to a great extent, the polity and ritual, of the Church in 

iglond remained intact. Ttius in the growth of the English 

jfonnation^ there were two factors, the one, in a sense, po- 

icfil ; the other, doctrinal or religious. These two agencies 

gilt coalesce or might clash with one another. They could 

it fail to act upon one another with great effect. They moved 

•on chffcrent lines; yet there were cerljun principal ends, 

rich, from the beginning, they had in common, 

Owing to this peculiarity, tiie leaders of English Reform on 

Be ^iritual side did not play the prominent part wliich waa 

^en t)y the Reformers in Scotland and on the ContiDent. 

other countries the polirical adherents of Protestantism were 

Lxiliariee rather than principals. The foreground was occu- 

* Frith wifltrumed At SmitbRrid id 1533, TvaJalv wu fltruij)«l uidbiUTied 
■■ BruMAls, in 1^6. 
■ Ervjimiii. in * IcFI^r to LuUlk, qpphlcc of Ihp wirm r'Vfplion of bia vritifigfi 

Knglftnd- Krrumi Op/n, jil. 445^ W»rhiiin» in 4 lp(fj>r tn W^lu^y, iinilpr dat^ nf 
rb S. ]fl2l, rrpr>r(fl tA vhul eiMTil Luther&n hookft had fnund rpblrn At Ot- 
, Bliuit, p. 74. 

* Tbd title HBd ial«Dd«d far liiioBvlf peno^iallr, but waa rctAtivd &ft«r bii 
■efa with Boof, iad Irmnamittfld to his (UGaDHon. Lingftrd, Hittfrry of Enf^ 
L vi. 90, a. 



STt TH£ REFORMATION 

piM by m<m like Luther, Calvic, and Krtox. In P?n^*iH 
thrre were uidividuals of marked te&rnitig* energ:y, and courage; 
but to a conr^iilfrablo extent they were cast into the shade b^r 
the eontrolling portion which was A^umed by rulers and st&t«s- 
men^ The English Refcmifition, instead of pursuing its roum 
M a rHigioiLs and in lellertiiaT mnvement, waA .subjecl, in ad 
important degree, to the disturbing force of govemmenlAl 
suthority, of worldly policy/ 

Henry VI I L had been married, in hU twelfth yew, to Cathe- 
rine of Aragon, the widow of his deceased brother Aithur, and 
the aunt of the Emperor Charles V. A dif^penfatioo had heat 
obtmned soon after from Pope Juliu3 II., marriage with a de- 
ceaj^ brother's wife being contrary to the canon law. Scnipks 
had been entertained early by some in regard to the validity of 
the dispensation^ and, consequently, of the marriage. Whetba 
Henry himself i^haretl these scruples prior to his acquaintance 
with Anne BoleyHf it may not be easy to determine. Nor can 
we ^y how far hie disappointment in not having a male heir lo 
hifl throne may have prompted him to seek for a <iivorce. It 
is not improbable that the death of his children awoke in his 
mind a supers ti do us feeling respecting the lawfulness of his 
connection with Catharine. Yet, according to her solonD 
testimony, made in Jus presence, the mamage with Arthur had 
not been consummated; and if so, the main ground of these 
alleged misgivings and of the application for the ammUing of 
the marriage hari no reality. His application to Clement VII. 
(or tlie annulling of thf^ marriage, wa** fo<mded on two grounds: 
first, that it is not competent for the Pope to grant a dispeiifla- 
tion in such a ca^; and secondly, that it waa granted on the 
basifl of erroneous representations. Henry's passion for Anne 
Boleyn ma^Je the delay and vacillation of CTement in r^ard to 
the divorce the more unbearable. The Pope might naturally 
ehrink from annulling the act cf his predecessor by a decree 
which would involve, at the same time, a restriction of the papri 
prerogative. But the real and ob\ious motive of his proeras- 
tinating and evasive conduct was his reluctance to ofTend 
Charles V. This temporizing course in one whose exalted office 
implied a proportionate moral independence was not adapted 
to increase the loyalty of the King or of his people to the Papacy- 

■ UjWUlBy, lUwim oj MaHom (Etmym. i. t4B>. 





DIVORCE OP HENRY VIU. 






S73 



tphe advice of Cranmer, Henry laid the question of the 
idity of the dispensation before the univerditiea of Europe, 
'ting, howevpr, to the uee of bribery abroad, and of 
ices at home, Mesjilinie he proceeded to the adoption 
measures for reducing the power of the Pope and of the clergy 
England. Jealousy in regard to the wealth and the usurpa- 
jlaons of the hierarchical body, which had long been a growing 
ig, enlisted the nation in these bold measures. One 
of this feeling was the satisfaction which had been felt at 
(e restraints laid upon the privilege of clerical exemption 
pm reftpoJisibility to the civil tribunals. In the preceding 
■igD» a bishop had mid that such was the bias of a London 
Jiiry agiunfit the clergy, that it would convict Abel of the 
lurder of Cain. The fall of Wolsey, who was ruined by the 
ilure of the negotiations with Rome for the divorce, and by 
le enmity of Anne Boleyn, intiniidaled the whole clerical 
[body, and made them an ea^y prey to the King's rapacity, 
l"Thc authority of this Cardinal/' eays Hall, the old chronicler, 
hset the clergie tn such a pride that they disdained all men, 
tirherefore when he was fallen ihey followed after." * Early 
in 1531 Henry revivpii an aid statute of Richard 11., and ar- 
|cused the clergy of ha^Tng incurred the penaltiea of praniunire 
forfeiture of all movable goods and iniprimnment at dis- 
^tion — for submitting to Wolaey in his character of papal 
ite. Assembled in convocation, they were obliged to implore 
pardon, and obtained it only by handling over a large tmtn 
jof money. In their petition, he was styled "the Protector and 
Supreme He^d of the Church and Clergy of England/' to which 
yias added, after long debate, the qualifying phrase, " as far 
Bff is permitted by the law of Christ." Acts of Parliament took 
■hway the first fruits from the Pope, prohibited appeals from 
rclesiastjcal courU* to Rome^ and, after the consecration of 
'anmer. as Archbishop of Canterbury, ordained that henee- 
irward the consecration of all bishops and archbiehopa should 
be consummated without application to the Pope, Henry was 
Lamed to Anne Boleyn on the 25th of March, 1533, On the 
|l4th of the preceding July, at Windson for the last time, he aaw 
Catharine who had been his faithful wife for twenty-three years, 
(even weekfl aftcT the marriage, the king authorised Cranmer 



* p. 774. 



THE ACT OF SUPREMACY 



S75 



the entire syetem of which the Papacy h&d he#?n deemed 

c^<deDti&l parV, nnd bo incline many to t^ubatitule the author- 
y of tho Bible for that of the Church; for to the Biblo the ap- 
hftd b^Q m&do In the matter of the King's divorcej And 
e Bible anil the confliitution nf the primitive Church had fur- 
ed the grounrJs for the ovfrthrow of papal supremacy. At 
e head of the party disposed to reform, among the biahopa^ 
53 Cranmer, who liad spent acme time Id Germany, and had 
ed for his s*^cond wife a niece of a Lutheran theologian, 
lander, Crannier is well characterized by Kjmke as "one 
those natures which must have the Bijpport of the supreme 
thority^ in order to carry out their own opinions to their 
inacqucncea; a& then they appear enterprising and spirited, 
do they become pliant and yielding, when this favor is with- 
awn from ihera; they do not shine by reason of any moral 
tness^ but thpy are well ailaptefl to save a cause in difficult 
cumatancea for a more favorable Ume." ' Latimer, who 
came Bi^^hop of WorceRi,cr, was made of sterner stuff. Among 
c other bishops of Protestant tendencies was Edward Fo^, 
ho, at Smalcald, had declared the Pope to be Antichrist. The 
er of the Prtit^-ntant party was Thomas Cromwell^ who was 
e the King's Vicegerent m ecclesiastical affairs, who had 
nducted the visitation of the monasteries which preceded the 
'destruction of them, and was an adherent of the reformed 
doctrine. On the other side was Gardiner, Bishop of Win- 
chester, who upheld the King's Supremacy, hut was an unbend- 
ing advocate of the Cathohc theology; together with Tunatal 
of Durham, and other bishops. 

The King showed himself, at first, favorable to the Protes- 
tant parly. The English Bible, which was issued imder his 
authority, and a copy of which was to be placed in every church, 
luwi upon the title-page the inscription, issuing from his mouth : 
"Thy word is a lantern unto my feet." ^ In 1536 t^'n articles 
were laid before Convocation, adopted by that body, and 

^ Enijliacht Onchichte. i. 204, A aeven-, nol to any banh. tttluuil« of Crui- 
ii ^vvn by Uocaulnv, Bint, of Enginnd. i, 4S; lieritv! uf tlaUum (^fauv*. 
L 440). "If," B^ys HkIIkiUp "we arragh tlic chars^tfr of this prttiEe in an eijiul 
tafanitn, he will Bppcar far Lndecd removed from ttis turpiluttr imputed ta him by 
bda «aaau««; yel nol entitled ta uay eitrAdrdinAry vearratiori." Conat^ Hul-, 

H- A good r»Hi1 pcrtrftit !■ Ui^t of A. F, PoUarrt, ThomoM Cntnmrr 0^04). 

■On Ibfl Krt^riAh vcrmaiLa of Ul« Bible, hb AnderVA, AnttaU of tfu Ert^. 
BtbU {3 voli. lS4fi}. 



HENRY'S POLICY 



S7T 



, ii\ii\ liis immediate divorw*, inrrfased the stretigtli of the 
uting faction. Those who denied the King's supremacy 
id those who denied Iraneubstanliation were dragged on the 
ime hurdle to the place of execution.' Earnest bishopa, as 
timer and Shaxton, were ImpriBoried in theTnwer Cranmer 
Ks protected by his own prudence and the King's favor.' 

The death of Henry put an end to this per^cution. He had 
tempted to establish an Anghcan Church which should be 
atber Protestant nor Roman Catholic, but which should differ 
Din the Rcunan Catholic system only in the article of the Royal 
ipreniacy. His -success was remarkable, arnl hiis Ijeeti a^ribed 
jrrectly to the extraordinary force of his character, the advan- 
£cou9 position of England with reference to foreign powers, 
e enormous wealth which the confirmation of the religious 
>uses, placed at hU diw[K:)sal and the support of the neutral, 
idecided class who embraced neither opinion.* With the 
th of Henry, the two parties, as if released From a strong 
d. awumrd their natural antagonism. The govcrcmrnt 
mid maintain its independence of the Papacy only by obtain- 
ig the support of the Protestants. Henry, with the assent of 
arliainent, had determined the order of the succession, giving 

' The unniinl of pAnef^utifin Linrlpr thp Ski Artii^id ifl dlHiHSpd by Mnitlnnrl, 
ttoy» on rhr Hffonftatum (LddiIou, 184fl). 

TkuB is not ihi^ pl^^c lo disciue m Length ilie porsoim] eh&raclt-r of Henry 
in. Sir JiuHH Mnckinioflh, &rier rccuunliRiC Lht firciLtinnn ol Mart and 
nncp 9aj^ ; "lb thrse tno dirpfu] deeds llcnry Lpproachedn pftha[H, bjs nrarly 
* tb« iitnaJ BifLiidArd uf prrTc'cl wJiT:lieilDwa ao ihc iuftrtiiilif^ f»f fiuman nntur« 
ill kllciw." HittcTy oj Knglar^d, ir, cl^- I'ii Macaulpiy pronouni^f^ him "& 
in^ wtptwr PhsrHfTlcr may be bf«t dcHrribod by Baying thitt h? was doe|]iDtiBTn 
■»lf ppTvinified. " itia>ifv cf Hnliatji ) HumpE gtvt« fi nkildrr judgiatnl ' "I 
D aol dcDV thit bv la t« bv numbi-rpd mmoTiK thp ill princm. yel I CAnoot rank 
im with Ihff want." Hiet. ff thr Hcf-. I- p- L b, iii. Lord Herbert, afler »i)e«lc- 
i|E 4pf Ikifl nillfulDisA ami jeAlou^v PAvn : "Ttieae conJilionf^, ■H^'i' brin^ aimtii 
ilh pawor, pmdiirt'd mK:li [rrriblc cfTrrtA lUi nty\ci\ him, abroad and bI hnniD, 
r (lip nknte of rr-^ui; ^bich &1pd Jmrily can be j»v-oi*iftl," Litf oiid Reign of 
mrtf VIII . p S72. Mr Frond?, in liin liiiturif of t'ltijlanfi frntn the Fall of tVoimry 
tJkir DtfrttJ of th* Spanixh ArTTuida, haji pn^entpd & brillTAnf apola^ for Henry 
111- Bui he tulu In ctrTer lily BjIfHttunrp dfffpriiU] fif the esecution cf Mor? uid 
Flaber, an acl cf smelly tJial a\ rhe time waa reprobal^J evpn'^hpir; and 
[| leas for Uie datrucdoD of Cruni^tll, wtiorn Froude. whether junUy or net, 
thrm up to the very TtfOl uf \hv niyiifJidd, Evpq i£ Anne Fioleyn hr nuppoBHl 
be ^udty of thr charcM brijught ogninal her, there wna a brutality in tbc cir- 
^tAiifln of her imprLHtninpnl and e^t-rutian, and \u Ui« marriage with Ji.n« 
inACur the very Q(-:ct day, ithicb if is impnuible to «xeuaa. Thv rDafempora- 
of Hehry Vera right in diptinpiinbinE thr eatlivr tram lh» lAirer portion of 
rrign Aftdr thn t^l ol Wntr*ey< he heeame more and more viUful, aiupiEdou^ 
rnwJ. 
■ MiH»ikUy, BUtary vf Em^nd, i. 49. 



n 




THE REFORMATION 



precedence to Edward, his son by Jane Seymour, over the tw» 
l>Tiiicesftfis, Mary, the lia^ight-er of Cath&rine, and EliiabeUi, 
the daiightex of Aiine Doleyn, Edward VI, was less than tea 
years old al his acccsdon in 1547; but as on example of mtcl- 
lectual precocity he has aeldom, if ever, been surpassed. He 
was firmly attached to tlie Protestant faith. A Regency viis 
eetablishetJ, in wliich Sonjerwet, l!i« King's uncle^ was diia, 
and at the head of a Protestant majority. The Six Artido 
were repealed. It was the period of the Smalcaldic war and of 
the Interim in Germany, and the hands of Cramner and RiiUer 
were strengthened by theologians from the Continent. Pel£r 
Martyr and Ochino were made professors at Oxford in 154* 
and Martin Bucer and Paul Tagiua were called to Cambridge 
in 1549. Tlie ''Book of HohiIUcb" appeared in 1547 — expos- 
tions of Christian doctrine which were to be read by Uie cler^ 
in their churches every Sunday. Conim.umon had been or- 
dered k» be adiTiiriistered in fxith kiiiiU. Transubstantiadon 
was now formally abandoned; the second principal at^, after 
the declaration of the Royal Sjpremacy, in the progress of the 
English Reformation. These changes gave rise to a new "Order 
of Communion''; but the latter was superseded, in 1548, bj 
the ''First Book of Common Prayer." This was cammenced 
by Cranmer five years before, with the consent of Henry, anJ 
with the aid of other divines was compJeted. This liturgy diJ 
not exclude the mass without ambiguity; from a wish lo avdd 
too marked traces of change in doctrine. This was revised, ii 
1552^ in Edward'fl sRcond Bfxik of Common Prayer, prepaH 
by CranmeFi with the assistance of Ridley, when all traces of 
the mass were effaced, and the uee of consecrated oil, prayen 
for the dead, and auricular confession were abolished. A 
second Act of Umfonnity made tliis Book the one legal form of 
worship. In 1552 the Articles were framed, at first forty-two 
in number, Tlius the Anglican Church obtained a definite 
constitution and a ritual- Able and zealous preachers, amon/[ 
whom were Matthew Parker, Latimer, and John Knox, nwi* 
many converts to the Protestant doctrine. The progr^'ss of 
iimovation, however^ was somewhat too rapid for the geaeral 
sense of the nation. The spoliation of Church property for the 
profit of individuals, in which Somerset was conspicuous, gaw 
just ofTense, Anxious to canyout the plan of Henry VIII., fiX 




REFORM UNDER EDWARD VL 



279 



e marriage of the young Queen Mary of Scotland to Edward, 
id desirous of uniting the two couiitrieB In oin? great Protestant 
^wer, Sonierset invaJed Scotland; but, though hiB arms were 
ccesaful, the antipathy of the Scots to the domination of the 
nglLah was loo strong to be overcome; and Mary was taken 
France, there to be married to the Dauphin. A CathoUo 
^beUion in Cornwall and Devonshire was suppressed, but the 
>pontion to Somerset nn various groundw, which was led bj 
le Duke of Northumberland, finally brought the Protector 
the scaffold; and Northumberland, who was now at the head 
affairsj concluded a peace with France, in which the project 
a marriage of Edward with Mary was virtually renounced, 
Dder Cranmer'a wii peri n tendency a revisal of the ecclesiastical 
tt.tut€3, including those for the punishment of heresy, was 
adertaken; but the work was not finished when the King died, 
, the age of sixteen (1553). 

TTie reactionary nkovement that attended the accesdon of 
ary to the thnme was heightened by tlie aljortive attempt 
Northumberland to deprive her of it by persuading the dying 
iog to bequeath the crown to La<ly Jane Grey, a deacendant 
Henry's sister, and a Protestant, whom Northumberland 
id married to his son. The party which tlius sought to over- 
iTow the order of Buccesaion that hatl been fixed by act of 
trliainent, found that it was feebly supported, anon became 
ivided, and effected nothing. The insurrection under Wyat 
Bfi punislied by the death of its leaders, and led to the execution 
Lady Jane Grey. Mary was narroWj with the obstinate will 
her father, and superstitiously attached to tlie reli^on of 
■ mother. She proceedeii as expeditiously as her more pru- 
ent advisers — of whom Philip of Spain was the chief — would 
ermit, to restore the Catholic H>-Btem. She soon dislodged 
le married clergy from their places. The Prayer Book was 
loliahed. Disdaining the suggestion that she should marry 
ELngliahman, she gave her hand to Philip with a devotion 
I which zeal for the Catholic faith was indiatinguiahably mingled 
b personal regard. The point on which Parliament allowed 
It hesitation was the matter of the Supremacy. The oppo^ 
on to papal coiktrol was more general and better c^tabliahed 
kO the antagonism to Roman Catholic doctrine. Parliament 
iflted that the guarantee cf the abbey laada ia Ihcvr v^^^^i v^* 



4 



S80 



THE REFORMATIOS 



eeesors should be incorporated in the very act wliich reeatablished 
papal authority. Reginald Pole, who was made legate of the 
Pope in 1554^ and succeeded Craimier in tiie archbisiiopric, vns 
the Queen^s spiritual counselor. The fourth of the great meas- 
ures for the defitruclion of ProteetAntiem was the enforcemetl 
of the laws against heresy. GardincT lost no time in abandon- 
ing the doctrioe of the King's supremacy, which it is difficult 
to believe that he ever auicerely held. He and Bonner, the Dew 
Bishop of London, were active in persecution. Tlje foreign 
theologians were driven out of the kingdom, and the foreip 
congregations diapereed. Not less than eight hundred Eii^ 
lishmen, whose lives were in danger at home, found an asylmn 
among their brethren in Gerniany and Switzerlnud. Tfie nobt 
fortitude with which Ilooper, Lalimer, Ridley, and numerou* 
other martyrs endured the fireT ilid much to strengtlicn Ihr 
Protestant cause and to break down the popularity of Mary, 
Cranmer, from the day when he saw from his prison towff 
the burning of his companions, Ridley and Latimer, seems to 
have lost his spirit. He was persuaded to make an abject re- 
cantation; but, notwithstanding this act^ it was determinwi 
that he should die. What course he would have pursued hod 
he been permitted to live, it is impossible to tell; but, in die 
pro?^pe<rt of certain death, bin eoiirage revived, and lie exliibitw] 
at the end a dignity and constancy which have gone fsr in diE 
estimation of posterity to atone for his previous infirmihfft- 
Thc fault of Cranmer was a time-serving spirit; an undue sub- 
aervietice to power; a timidity, which is not compatible with 
the highest type of rnanly honesty. An example of thia ia se^ 
in tihe course he adopted on taking the oalhs of canonical obedi* 
ence to the Pope, at his consecration as Archbishop; when he 
satisfied his conBcience by a protest to the effect that he did not 
consider himself bound to abstain from measures for the ^efo^ 
mation of the Church/ and (on April 19} renounced all grants 
from the Pope that might be preJTjdicial to the King, IE* 
participation in the condemnation of John Frith, who wi5 
burned at Smithficld in 15.33 for denying the corporal presence 
of Christ in the Sacrament; and still more, his part in the exe- 
cution of Jean Boucher, or Joan of Kent, who was called V 

^ Tldi pratcfiTjktiDD WKB not communicDlcd to ihc Pope. Bcc HjJtuu^ rtBUf^ 
upon it, Const- Hint-, gIl. \i. f^U&rv^Ta' \rn. t^ , pp- 65, 66 tad a-). 





THE REIQN OF UARY 



2S1 



Anab&ptiat. and was burned, in the ragE of Edward, for an 
h^vtical opinion respecting the Incaroalion — not to epeak of 
other examplee of a like intolerance — are a blot upon hie 
memory- In the last days of Edward, Cranmer and hia asso 
ciaLea were engaged in isliaping laws far the punishment of be- 
lievers in doctrines which he had himfielf held not long before, 
and for diabelicving in which he had assisted in bringing Frith 
and others to the stake. The Protestant bishops, saya Lio- 
gard, the Catholic hiatorian, "perished in frames which they 
had prepared for their adversaries." ' Yet Crannier, as Burnet 
has justly said, was instigated by no cruelty of temper. He 
waa under the sway of the idea that there must be nniformily, 
and that the magistrate must be responsible for securing it- 
Thia idea it was, in connection with the pliant disposition which 
bf'lDiiged to him by nature, that moved liirn, in the last years of 
Henry VIII., to an unjustifiable concealment or compromise 
of Ills opinions. It must be set down to his credit that he raised 
Ua voice agiunet the adoption of the Six Articles, and inter- 
B^ded, when intercession, in however cautious a form, was 
hasardons, for the lives of Anne Boleyn and Cromwell. But 
the burning of a man of his venerable age, who had filled bo large 
a space in the public eye, whose hand had been pressed by 
Henry VIU. when he was dying, and whose own death look 
place under circumstances so affecting, could not fall to react 
to the disadvantage of the Queen and of her creed. Various 
other causes conspired to render her unpopular. Id 1555 
Paul IV., a violent bigot, and withal hostile to the Spanish- 
Austrian House, became Pope, He in^ted on a restoration 
of the Church property in Englanth He would have the ruine<f 
monasteries once more tenanted by the monks. Tlmt is t 
aay, he was resolved to annul the condition on which alone Paj 
liament bad consented to restore the papal supremacy. More 
over, England was brought, through Philip, to take part in the 
vmr of Spain agdnst France, which gave the victory of St. 
CJu**ntin to the Spaiiisli king, but nia^le the English smart utider 
the lo!^ of Calais. Ttie Queen, whose whole aoul was bound 
up with the cause of the Catholic Church and who looked upon 
Hiilip as its champion, was forced to witness the hostihty of 

' Thht h loniEirhftt too hvpiy, ts \ht innipora] peD&ltla of beney wen to b« 



i 



THE REFfMniUlQV 



Ite Fdpe to W faaiaad, tad tn nrr I^itr, rtn tirhiiyiil |ii Qm 

' D of the Catho&ei vfaicfa mm ncfined lo ProteH pi ^ 

ofiiiHift>liiwi,<»dfar anarewoa «m (Uknl br hd 

LIV^ dcpnved of Cbe ke^iDe ofitt. To add id ik perib i/ As 

falBMloB, PkMec IVM m aOnace vith Seotk^ Ibrj ^ 

ta tfie 17tfa of Noveodier, 1»8. Ite mext i^M* C^nfi^ 

Pofe (Bed, It » rewBtftabb dtu witUa • Avt tine bctei 

or ifttf teQnBeB'fl deftlh, do* Im tkn tUrtan of ber Us^m^ 

Ife BBlioD wefeoDcd QMfaeth to the Ihnoe, Her bui^ 

I rticfa Rwhed from h«r edncatiaQ ukd bv natm ImUk of feci- 

Ftn^ WM towftnift a h^^tf comerrmtm ProteHandsn. Ite 

rjuutt (o wtuch ^w na irrvvocablj attadnd vms that of iIm 

ktovcfcigK's BUpnmacy. Ho- own kgjIiMiiy aod tide to the 

Ifaroac depgulcd oo it, and fag a>te»l lore of po w u r caifii Utf d 

ber attairhmcDt to iL She <fid not re}ect the FroCestut doe- 

. trinea ntpectin^ grattntoas ttlvatkn aiid the a u pewne anttwri^ 

[]0f the ScriptuTFB, but die was disposHl to letani aa nxuA m 

poeMhle of the ftodent litoaL ^he h^ a deocWd rrpa^maa 

[io tbe mamage cf the ckrsr, aod was ^th ififfiodCj iliiiiiifciliil 

■from ebsolutely fortadcfing iL Sbe kept on the itav of htf 

own private chapel a crudfix aod a bunuDg candle. Ob her 

accenon, she ia aaid to have Dotified Paul TV. of the fact ; bot 

tthia fanatical prelate hau^tiJ^ re[^ied that Ae edobI suhnut 

ma daooe to his decL-^k^ At a [ater day. whoi f^ua IV, offered 

to make important coiice»oos, such as the graadng of the 

cap to tbe laity and the uk of the ^^^f^wh Liturgy, the propoMl 

was refused. Id the revisioD ol the Liturgy, the paooaftc in tbe 

Utacj relative to the " tjrancj of the Bishop of Rome and aQ 

his detestable enonnitie^'' was (Hnitted, as well aa the explaDa- 

rtkm of th^ rubric that by kneeting in the SMtament zk> adori- 

tion ia intended for any corporml preseooe of Cbiiet. The 

Forty'two Articles were reduced to llirty-DiDe, in the revison 

by Convocation In 1563; and it,s act was ccmfirmed by Pftrii^ 

^ment in 1571, Th^ Act of Supremacy ^^ao^ ecdt^astical power 

iD the handfl of the Queen, aod the Act of Umf<»TDlty made 

i^owut tn public teaching and in the ceremonies oT worship 

unlawful. A Court of High Coiumi^on was estabttsbed and 

^fumiahcd with ample powers for enforcing unifonnlty, and 

suppreaong and puiwAdng heresy and diasent. 




THE POLICY Q¥ EXJZAB^rH 



s^i 



ITie two daises of subjects against whom these powem were 

be exerted were the Catholic;? and the party wliich waa 
owing up imder the name of Puritans. That the peroecution 

which Catholics were subject during this reign was palliated^ 
id that the severe proceedings againat them were in son^e 
ses jUHtified, by Uie pchtical hoatility which waa often io- 
parably mingled with their rcli^oua ffutb, ia true. When the 
roteatantism of the Queen was made the ground of attack upon 
•r OD the part of foreign powers, and of conspiracies against her 
e; when at length she was deposetl by a bull of Pius V,, and 
IT subjects relea^d from their alle^ance, it was natural that 
verity should be ttaed towards that portion of her subjecta 
bo were looked upon as the natural allies of her enemies- Yet 
19 likewise true tliat represdve measures were adopted against 
»e Catholies tu niany eases where justice as well as sound policy 
ould have ilictated a different course. 

A consideration of the general character of the Anglican 
lurch, aa that was determined after the aceeasion of Elizabeth, 
ill qualify us to understand the Puritan coiitrovexey. The 
Ature that distinguished tlie Kngllsh Church from tlie reformed 
lurches on the Continent was the retention in its polity and 
orship of so much that had belonged t^j the Catholic system. 
he &rst step in the English Reformation was the assertion of 
le Royal Supremacy, At the beginning thia meant a dcelara- 
on of the nation's independence of Rome, But the positive 
Hkracter of this supremacy was not clearly defined. In the 
tne of Henry VllL, and in the bc^ning of Edward's reign, 
ronmer and the biahops, like civil officers, held their commia- 
ODS at the King's pleasure. On the death of Henry, Cran- 

Eer conadeTed the arch bishopric of Canterbury vacant until 
T should be supplied with a new appointment. As the head 
the Church, the King could make and deprive bishops, aa he 
>uld appoint and degrade all other officers in the kingdom. 
he episcopal polity was retained, partly because the bishops 
*nerally fel! in with the proceedings of Henry VTIT. and 
dward for the refomi of the Church, and on account of tlie 
ompact organization of the monarchy, in consequence of which 
le nation acted bb one body. But in the first age of the Refor* 
Ation, anrl until the rise of Puritaninm as a distinet party, 
lere waa little controversy among Protestants in relaLlan tA 



SM 



THE EEFOKUATION 



episcopacy. Not oiily waa Melancthon mlling to &llow biaht^ 
with a jure huvKitw authority, but Luther and Calvin were also 
oi the same inind. The episcopal congtiiutioTi of the 
Church for a long period put no barrier in the way of 
most free and fraternal relations between that body and 
Prolftilant churches on the Contuipnt. As we have 
Crannier placed foreign di\'ines in very responsible places 
the Enghsh Church. Ministers who had received Prcsbyt* 
ordination w^re admitted to take charge of Engtish pi 
withouL a question as to the validity of their orders, 
lind Crannierj Melancthnn, aitd Calvin more than once in 
respondence with one another, in regard to the calling 
general Protestant Council, to counteract the influence 
Trent. The great English ili\'iDes were in constant coi 
dence with the Helvetic reformers, to whom they looked 
counsel arn! sympathy, and whom they addreRsed in a defe 
tial and affectionate style. Tlie pastors of Zurich, Bi 
the successor, and Gualter, the son-in-law of ZA^ing^i. 
their intimate and trusted advisers. It was a oomiuou 
that there is a parity between bishops and preshyt^rsj 
the difTerencp is one of office and not of order. This hfl^, 
a prevailing view among the schoohnen in th^ Middlft 
Though it belonged to bishops to ord^n?! " ''* 
Church) to confirm; yet the priest, not 1' 
performed the miracle of tlie Eucharial, 
act. CranintT disUn<rtly assert^.^ the pitAVjl 
of c;Jergy. The same thing is found in \%^^ 
or InstitiUion oj a Chrialiaii 3/d't> ■ 
authority in 1537.^ But (.VaijniT 
assertion of his opinion,' Jewel. 

■ BuFjjvt, i, 468 CAdcleiida). Bi 
iLat ago"— derived fr«ii llic hcIm 
the Buiic of5ce." After Uic Tml 
divina af biflhcijv prevulnE in the 

'Sea tlurnsT, i. (Si) ColJrfll 
Buhopi and /Jin'tju. af *'p*n^ 
lion 10. Wheihw hTRli^irt lyr 
prieiU amde ihe bi^lipp." c^ 
oar time, uid wrlr no two 
rdiipoD." "Qiiiation 13. 
iwcratiDD of Ittslio]' of 

or primt QHwIctJk no 
lh(-rpto it iitrtliiiDnl,", 



THE EPI3CXJPAL QUE8T10W 



2B5 



English Church Jn the early p&rt of the rfign of EliKaljelh, 
appears to hold this view, Bancroftk the successor of Whit- 
^t as -\rchbishop of Canterbury, is cliought to have been the 
first lo majntain thp necessity of bishops, or the jure dii'tno doe- 
trinf.' There is no trace of such a iloclrine In tlie "Apology 
for the Church of FiHgiand," anti in the '* Defense of the Apology/' 
by Jewel, which have been regarded by Anglicans with just 
pride as an able refutation of Roman Catholic aceuisaljons 
against their system. At a much latter tinie, Lord Baeonj in 
his *■ Advprtisemeiil roMrpriiing Cot » Ira vers! «*h of the Church of 
Englftad," speaks of the stiff defenders of all llie orders of the 
Church, as beginning to condemn their opponents as '*a sect." 
"Yea, and some imhscreet persons have been bold in open 
preaching to use dishonorable and d<»rogatory spepeh ami een- 
eure of the churches abroad^ and thai so far, as some of our 
nien^ as T have heard, onJained in foreign parts, have been pro- 
nounced to be no lawful ministera, Tlius we set^ the bepin- 
nings were modest, but the extremes were violent/'' Near 
the end of Hitzafieth's reign, Hooker, in his celebrated wcrk 
in defense of the Church of England, fully eonce*les the validity 
of Presbyterian ordination; with tacit ref<*renep, t%s Kt^ble, lii» 
modern editor, concedes, to the continental Churches. Laud 
was reproved in lfi04 for maintaining in his (exercise for Hachelor 
of Divinity at Oxford that there could be no true efiurch with- 
out bisliops; "whif'h was thought Uj ra^st a Iwine of cantPiition 
between the Church of Enghujd and the Reformed on the Con- 
tinent." Even as late as 1618, in the rHgu of James I,, an 
linglish bishop and several Anglican clergymen sat iji the f^ynod 
of Dort, with a presbyter for its modprator 

The Anglican Church agreed with the Prot^tatft churehea 






forbiddep by God'* \tv," if dl (Tii bbhopaimd pnrfitfl in & rf^on wctt- dra-i, that 
"thr King of tliat region eliovild make biahopi and pHerftfl Id vupply ihv HAr." 
Se« mUo ■ DriliX''aii<™ mgriisJ by (.■fanmer and oTIht biiltD[)A, anih L^mwi>JI. 
Bunwl. Ibid Aditrr\iin V. AFl^r f]'>»'nbinR iil li^tl Ihp (jnrlinnft of th» clergy, 
il is HUdr "ThLa nflirr, thin pLkwt*r iLiiil BUlhorilV- vu canjmittefl And jfivi-D by 
ChrinT end bLr^ Apo«[J(B uiilu cprLiuii pviwiUEi cnly, fViat i* to pay. uclu primta or 
luhopA, wliDia rJiry djil elect, call, bud niliiiil l2<er«uiito by (htir pmyen md 
impoflitJan uf liikiL(I><. " "TKt 1rut}i i^ thut iu the Nrw TtstAiiitrit (bcrc le »d n*L-U' 
tion na&dfr trf nnv Jc^tyf* or diallnftionB id ordcm, bul only af dr«cDtiD or minifltefo, 
■Ad of prwtfl or biBbopi." Tlurlcen biahojid, wilh n grtuT iiEnuLi>r uE nlhi^r ve^ 
cle«»«li«, lUbBc^ribfd to this propoaitlan. 

■ HfelUm think* Hint not even Uaiicrcilt UiirIiI Ihui vi^w vh^rp iT is m 
poard bv many to he fouad. Ln hii wmian dl St. Piiiil'd Cn*^ iL5A0). d 
ruC, p. 220 <HAJpv 9' Auj. rd ), ' Uurki ^IduulB^*h bi.\ Vii. 4&k 



S86 



THE REFORMATION 



\ 



on the Continent on the subject of predeatmatJon. On ftss 
subject, for a long period, the ProtesUats generally were uiiiW 
in opinion. Tliey adopted the Augustinian tenet. The im- 
potency of the will is affirmed by LuUier as strongly as by Cil- 
vin. Melancthon'f^ gradual modification of the doctrine, ^\a.d 
allowed to the will a cooperative agency in converaion, onl? 
affected a portion of the Lutheran Church. The leaders of tht 
English Reformation, from the time when the death of Heorj 
VIII. placetl theru firmly upon Pmt**stai]t groimd, profess ik 
doctrine of absolute, &s distlnguiahed from condition&l, pn- 
destination, which is the essentia] feature of both the Augi» 
tinian and Calvinietic systems. It is true that CrAnnxr, 
Ridley, and Latimer have not left so definite expressians on tlii^ 
subject in their writings aa la the case with the ElizabelliAD 
bishopSn But the seventeenth of the AriicIeB cannot fairly U 
interpreted in any other sense than that of unconditional elec- 
tion; and the cautions which are appended, instead of being 
opposed to this interpretation, demonstrate the correetjiew uf 
it; for wlio was ever "thrust into desperation, or into wretdi- 
lesaness of most unclean hving,'' by the opposite doctrine?' 
Bradford when in prison in London disputed on thij subjed 
with certain "free wiHerg,'* of whom he wrote lo his fcUov- 
mart>Ts then at Oxford, Ridley's letter in reply certainly iifr 
plies sympathy witli hifl friend in this opinion.' Stryp* »ji 
that Ridley and Bradford wrote on predestination, and th*t 
Bradford's treatise waa approved by Cranmer, Ridley, and 
Latimer. The relations of Cranmcr to Buccr and Peter Marl}'' 
throw light on his opinion relative to this question. Bucw, 
before hi* was called to England, had dedicated his expontioa 
of the Romans, in which he seta forth the doctrine of absr^utt 
predestination » to Cranmer, Peter Martyr elaborately drfead'^J 

' It ia import&nt lo otHTvc, thai in flip inquiry vbelEiiv tti« Artxto tfl 
"GalviiLutia" or not. tblM t^mi Lk unrd \a mntr%iMsiint^{im to 
th* Wfttov in def«ufiB of thrir oan-CvtviFtL^ilt rtuinpicr 
Ampton Ucitint (1804). On Ibe hum <tidr, wiUi 
HbraJd Browtie, who rrvlewa Ihc coat'ntv"' Ah 

uf tliD lubjecl, uya : " ll h not to Iw dr 
fmnied According to St. AuBtin't dDctriri' 
pflln^ it DieAQt ttMt tht dfPTvt ifl mbi 
- (Afl- ivii). 

' TIlv modvrBtiDii uf Hidley u [»' 
cilliTrwlfle on this aubjrct "Hi*]* ' 



THE DOCTRINE OF PREDESTINATION 



287 



this tenet at Oxford, and replied to the anti-Calvinistic treatiHea 
of Smith, hia predccearor, aad of Pighius, the opponent of Cal- 
vin- It WBS during the residence of Martyr at Oxford that the 
Articles were framed.' On the accession of Mary, Cranirier 
offered to defend, in conjunction with hin friend Martyr, in a 
public disputation, the doctrinee which had been established in 
the previous rdgn. It is impossible to believe that they maUr- 
riaJly differed on thia prominent point of theolo^cal beliefs' 
There is more ground for the aaaejtion that the formularies of 
the Church of England are Augustiniaii, in flistinction from 
Calvinistic.' Vet it b adnutbed by candid scholars that at the 

* "In dsfl. van dcr Londoner Synods Im Jiihr 1552. sufgcfssale GUubAos- 
briwoJitmw der En^llmilien Kircli^H wiir-dpn die Leliro von Uer Erheiinde. d*r 
PiKtrdntliLiAlJon, UiiiL di:r ILcclilfcrtiKuiiK- nufjiDittriiinirii, nj wLt? Murtyi, iind iiiJt 
iliin aMt glvichMcm^r.n protcntniitbcltf^n Thr-oto^rri in ti^riglami etc surgaitcIU 
bMtfiiJ' Dr. C. Schmidt, Petur Mariyr Vemi^i: Lthm «. oujsa«iA/l* SekriUfn. 

. 117. 

' Upon the Culvinwm ol CTjinmflT, Ridlpy, mnd I-Blimpr, mv HiinT, Rttigutn* 
hovg/U in EnflJond, 1. 3.1. Hunt n-fern In rrBnmpp>i Pof*?* on Ihp Grpal Bible 
m^ pplllEnj thr. print llirtE tie wbji n "medrralr Cnl vinLal. " 

* Ttm pHTticuIiira Ln whicli rolviu varied frutij Aug(ini.me tJV thrvt AugiiA- 
IJne nude tlir fiUl uf A^iiSinj, thT< first Bin. tlic objtvt ef m pcrmbslve decree. Cal- 
vin wpB not Hihti^cd wilh & bart, passive pcnuiagiciD en tlie part n! G*}!], (uad 
toakn BtafpmcntB whicb lend to Iho BUpmlapflBrian Uiear (Eoe ruptu, p. 177) 
TliM vJBw warn deveJoped by Heia and a seclioD of the CelviniaU- ilu( ibfralAp- 
MiriUi or AacU9liAi&n CntvirkUifn haa bad Iho HUllragra of a majDhty It ia loiuid 

tlw Weclmlnilpr Confenlon. and even the creed of tbe Synod ot Dart fior* nnt 
beyond it. Auiufitine held to t\ip pnctehlJUD, in^tea^l of iLe ri-prDbalinn ot 
wickedj or ntbcr to (heir ivprobsIioD. not to eia, but lo thv punuhmcnl ol 
(For tht paaaagea see Umuwhern Dog'nenffrMchichlp, i. 402.^ II>K^ Cal'riDiate 
boM ta ■ ponitivB dearce ol reprobatioD, aiiati>gDUd to that of election ; yet denied 
UiAt Ortd in the aulliOT of Hir. Caliin diBercd Jroin Augustine in liofding to Uie 

K-aaveratii?* oF all beiieven; that a. that Done but tbp elent ever nereise uving 
Ih. Aiigiintine altribiiFMl to ittfi ftar^nmenlH a gn-nlT etffn-i on tlir non-elef't. 
Thta fjc LcLd (bat oil hapli^i-d tiifanl^ arc 9&v»]. I'lils luframpnla! tenet ia often 
dtfllarrd lo bo a Teiitaro of the Antcliciiii Bv^t«D, a5 nppniFed 1r> that of CaLv-ln- 
fHer. r.ij., HiuiiL. 0b^. I't Ofittr. uiut lliit. ThttA.. p. L03.) BuL CaJvin 1eacUefl» 
iii4liir<l ttiht a BhviUf; mraduro of grace id ^vcn to all bapt^ecd chjldreti ^ but 
I llLal kU ("*jdi are "engrafl-r<l mtfl Hie bedj^ <■! tlio rhureb,'' "aeaeplnl u Hiq 
iQod^J obildrcli br the vaJMnn -vrntwl ot adoplion," and that "God baa hia 

^'■Tiom He haa »Aff^\^." Intl , rv- irvi. 

pt' < --i. to aome f::»tpni, to noti-wWl luiiJla, 

Ti., -- ^ r..^, "pt-'tito lliwjry of the lac- 

'.y of llir frffiliuc uf ftfe 

"Ifie wholrtonip tfftcl 

.^ly nwrivt the Haioe." 

i»i nLjrh wi^e as they 

' mm *«id to be 

.4J r — w all rotfi 

■lift]! and thr tm- 

ir" (^('iriutlo or 

<:ul " tJiat iriU of 



^ 



S88 



THE REFORMATION 



beginning of EJiasbcth'^s rdga *' Calvinietic teaching gcEerfcUj 
prevailed/'^ But through the whole reign of Edward, sk, 
Calvin's poraonal influence was great in England. His con- 
troversy witli Pighius^ and the expulsion of Rulsec from Gen^n, 
in 15S1, excited gf>neral attention. It wae about this time thai 
election and kindrai topica began to be agitated m En^d 
Under date of September 10, 1552, Bartholomew Traheran 
wrote to BuUinger: *'I am exeeei.lingly desirous to know viM. 
you aud the olher vpry learned men, who hve at Zurich, IlLUik 
respecting the predestination and Pro\idence of God." "Dvi 
great<*r number among us, of whom I own myself to be one. 
pmbrace the opinion of John Calvin as beiog perepicumis, Mil 
most agreeable to Holy Scripture. And we truly thank Goi 
that that exr^ellent treatise of the very Ipsmed and excellrat 
John Calvin against Pighiu5 and one Geor^us Siculua ^ould 
have come forth at the very time when the question began to k 
agitated among us. For we confess tliat he has tlirown much 
light upon the subject, or rather so liandled it as that we hivf 
never before seen anything more learned or more plain.*' ' Ai 
this time, as Bulhngfr in<lirBt*'s by his reply, even he *it 
not satisfied with the supra) apsarian tenet, the modific&tion 
of Augustiniam, which Calvin had broached; the theory thai 
the first sin is the object of an ef!ieient decree.' After the acws- 
sion of Elizatjeth, the Institutes of Calvin "were generally in 
the hands of Lhe clergy, ani:l might be considered their text^book 
of theology."' 

But while it ia true that the Anglican divines of the fixteeati] 
century may be said t^ be Calvlnislic in their opmion respectiniT 
the divine decrees, it is also true that they were, as a rule, not 
rigid in the profe-SMon and muntenance of this dogma, (k 

1 nunt. Dui. of Doftr. end Hitlorwol Thtol., ud '*GAtviiUDn." p. 105, 
■ Or^jinal Jjtiterr^ p. 325, 

" Pit\cr Fcttr Moriyr took Up \ub rreidonfw mt Zurich fin ISOd), BulLfocH not 
furtho- tliBn btifore in hia asaertJon of pn^«tiiutioQ- 3ce Ucnag» R^tit-E^tifL 

* Blunt, ui ■ypm. Wr find cspUcit proof* that Jewrl, NowcU, a»nd>B, Cai. 
t>ror«aed to c^oncur vith tJie Reformin-a of Zurich uid Gea&va iti evrrr point*' 
(ioolrine HkltKin. Crmnl. HvrT.. ch. vii. Archbishop Orind«| (thoa Bubop Jf 
London), vriting Junp C. 1&02. nyv, tn r^fprenct fo cprtnin LiiUi«rHV fet BrfOifi: 
"It LB mtQEi^HhinB that 1hp> w Tnl*iing niirh iMimrrctinnB about pT«df«iic»lva 
ThPT alioiild at least L'uJiHidt tLeir own Lutber oc the 'boudago at Ui« w^H" Fcr 
what clao dp Rucrr, CnJ^-iii. nnd Martyr 1«ich, iJiKt Lulhrr hu not IDuatflOttJa 
that treatiflt?" (ZurieK I^ttem. 2d «1.. p. M2,> It niia noiuitettd Ihot lliV 
UadiDg Rcfgrnien wbtq BubfltaatiBU^ united on ifau lubJeoC 



CALVIfflSM IN ENGLAND 



289 



lopjr, they shared in the prpvailing belief of fJie Protestants 
that age. But they combined in their thpology other ele- 
it© which stood out in more distinct relief, ^d the len- 
to go back to antiquity, to eet^k for moderate, and to 
roid obnasioue, eoneeptions of doctrine ; in a word, the peculiar 
"it fostered by the whole Anglican system, tended more and 
to blunt the sharpness of doctrinal statement on this 
iject. The contrast is marked, in this particular, between 
dtgift, a strejiuooe CaJvinist, and Hcok<?r, who approved, 
general, of the Calvinistie system, but represents in hie whole 
le the school of distinctively Anglican theolo^ans which was 
(uiiing an incremng strength/ As lale as lfl95, the Lara- 
!th Articles, containing the strongest aissertion of unconditional 
ition, and of reprobation also, were eubscribed by Whitgift, 
len Archbishop of Canterbury, by the bishops of London and 
longor, and with slight verba) aniendinents, by the Archbishop 
If York, and tranamittefl by Whitgift to the University of Cam- 
vidge; these Articles being, he said, an explication of the *\oc-\ 
jine of the Church of England.' At this time dissent from] 
Ivinism had begun distinctly to manifest itself; and gradually 
le AnniFUan doctrine spread in England until^ during the next 
it becAme prevalent in the esLablished Church. 
The great and alnioj^t the only topic of doctrinal controvejsy 
long Protefitante in the e-arly stages of the Reformation waa 
he Lord's Supper, On this subject, the Church of England 
illied itself to the Reformed or CaHinistic branch of the Protes- 
knt family. It must be remenjbered that Burer and Calvin 
struck out a mifldle path between the Lutheran idea of the 

■ Honkvr, Ln tTip i^npimw Prafor^ei tn hlJi TrM.Cis«. lauda Colvlii, whom ha pro- 
"kiirDiii[Hi]vb|y chp wimni fiiHn tiiat cvor the French Cliurr-h did i^nj<i>'i 
fthe liuiir it puioycJ lilui-" Up prai^*)* Culvln's "Iimtilutos" and Cnniintii' 
t, uad Kmi Tiri conlnl wLlli hia ijoctnnal Byat^m. A( th? rdmc titor^ Hook^r'a 
forlt u tiu^d 1iiroii|bDUt with th? cbarikolorL'^lLCQ of fbi- Anglknn Behoa\. Pnn- 
IpfJ TuUoch bBU intei'wljng wmflrk* on wh»l h^ tfrme " (h* Fcjnpn-hqiiMV^ 
S^ B-nd |[pnL&r vidtti af vir-'v" of this AnglirHn C^lTiniats, «U!h ki Jevrel uid 
tksr Rngliah Funlanitm fijvi il/i I..fadrrt. p^. 5. 7. 4K 

' Th^ Lainbpth Articles raav be found in Neal, Hvaonj pj tJu Fvrilani. \. \ 
Lpd Ed Csrdwrfli itiMary ot ihe Ariidf» (App- v.), p, 343, CardwfU priiilA the 
DO, both ma wriltrn by WhLtakt^r i^Dtl oj* nubsrribpd. If Art v. naBrrlD pvr- 1 
in the excrcidiig of Inic aijd jus^ifyirig fAJth of ihe oJtfl oaiy. Art. ti, | 
Ui»l »il wKo oro poBBCfeed of ihb fftifb hs^vc * futl aBfiUrmDro mud rrrtniiily . 
Ihvir pv#rlmflling uUvattDO. The AtUdIh of tliv EpiB4>Dpa-l Cbureh adoptwl 
frvl&ad in ItU^S w»rc decidedly GLlviniAtlc. ArohbLnIiop lT»her^ vha bHUM 
i\jt of the Irkah Church in 1634, wu a moal toLiriKl ulvocAte qIL Ihla tjpo of 




THX SEFORMATmir 






idi^of & QSEse oDoiaumdnlMiB, wkitk warn tha orignul vttvrf 

■^ ' a* 1Mi.z_ - ' ■* ■ - '■ ■ ; - 1- -■- _ ^ -■- 

Vb IB^HnnBtap ^l I^B^HK 9 ODOpp tMHSBd tBBB B Bl 

h^M^ bKftafel^Mnie linw a£iiDEii ftfcaL duug^ BqM^ 
>t iBU^ptiai «rf OiM^fc, the 35 iiii||ft^ 




THE DOCTHIN'E OF THE LORD'S SUPPER 



291 



England on the death of Edward were inhospitably rc- 
aved in Gprmany on account of Lheir OalviiuFirn. In 1562, 

tter th(^ rf^adoption of the Articks under EliAabelh, Jewel 

»te to Peter Martyr: '*Aa for matters of doctrine, we have 

everything away to the quick, and do not diffei from your 

■trine by a nail's breadth; for as to the ubiqiiitanan theory" 

the LulJn?ran view ^ "there is no danger in this country, 

dons of tlmt kind can only gain atlmittance where the stones 

yve senfie.*' ^ But there is no need of bringing forward fur- 

ler evidence on this point, since the .\j'tieles esplicivly assert 

Cal\inistic view. In speaking of the English Reformers 

Calvinistic, it is not implied that tliey derived their opinionB 

tm Calvin excluaivelyj or received them on his authorily. 

ley were able and learned men, and explored the ScriptureH 

id the patriBtic writera for thomselvee. Yet no name was 

Id in higher honor among them than that of the Genevan, 

Tormer, 

A controversy of greater inonient for the piibaequent ee^le- 

ttical ftfl well as political history of England was that between 

\c Anglicans and Puritans, From the beginning, there were 

>nie in England who wished to intro<liice more radical changes 

id to conform the English Reformation to the type which it 

(i reached among the ReformRi or CalviniKtic Churches on 

Continent. This disposition gained force through the rc«i- 

of the foreign ilivines in England in the time of Edward, 

id still more by the return of the exiles after the aceCEsicn of 

lizabeih. The great obstacles in the way of obtaining the 

iges which they desired were the strength of the Catholic 

'ty and tlie coni^^rvatiflm of Queen Eliiaheth. The con- 

roveriy first had respect to the use of the vestments, especially 

\c eap and surplice, and extended to other peculiarities of the 

jtual^ Tlie grovmd of the Piuntan objection wag that these 

tings were ideTitlfied in the popular mind with the papal notion 



Sm-J, p, 226. The f}tvDgve in 1>m Order of Cnmnnition, in the R«viBioTi of 

r» Zn-iii^iAii in thoir tone. S» Cardwpll, thMory ij Conjermfrt i%nd Othrr 

rvmuOtd ftntJi tAe Rnnstop of tht Htnik nf Cnmman Praj/fr. pp. 4, ft- 

(Edward's CHtechljim for all srbcolmBstfrfl lo l«iicb ia dcGnitHy uti-LulhcrKQ. 

imanontive side of the Eur^hBrim la snpbrnsiinl, Futli is dnchbed mm 

jtb of the Bfuril far rpceivtDK Chrisi, See LitMrgUt of KiTtj/ Edipord 

Soel, pp. Bl^ fiJ7- Biahop Coverd^le, the friend ol Cr»ttaier, IruwUtMl 

of CaJvia oa the SaarKmenl. 

> F«6rwT 7, l»3. Zurich L«tEen <3d un«), p. 134. 



THE RISE OK THE PUIUTANS 



398 



Rajned by the correspondence of the English with the Swies 
[Rrformcrs, aud by other evidence: ^'The English Reformers 
[wcrp eager to go as^ far as their brethren on the t'ontincnt. Th^y 
pmatiimously condemned as antj -Christian numerous dogmas 
hmd practices i*> whirJi Ilrnry hu.d stubbornly adhered and 
[which Elizabeth reluctantly abanfloned. Many felt a strong 
[repugnance even to things indifTortnt which harl formed part 
(of the pohty or ritual of the "mystical Babylon.' Thue Bishop 
Hooper, who died manfully at Gloucester for his religion^ long 
[tefufipd to wear tlie episcopal vestments. Bishop Ridley, a 
hnartyr of still greater renown, pulled down tbe ancient altars 
m his diocese, and ordered the Eucharist to be administered 
Bn the micidle of ohurchee, at tables which the Paptflts irrcvor- 
lencly termed oyster boanis. Bishop Jewel pronounced the 
[clerical garb to be a stage [Irewi, a fuol's coat, a relic of the Amor- 
'itefl, and promised that he would spare no labor lo extirpate 
Buch degrading abHurdJties- Archbishop Grindal long hesitated 
&bout aeceptinp a miter, from dislike of what he regarded aa 
I the mummery of consecration. Bishop Parkhurst uttered a 
ffervent praytr that the Cliurch of England would propose to 
herself the Church of Zurich as the aljsolute pattern of a Chris- 
tian community."' But the Queen, to whom the Royal 
Supremacy was the most valuable part of Protestantism, was 
tinflexibly opposed to the proposed changes. Not without diffi- 
■culty did the new bishops sncceetl in procuring the removal of 
images from the chiu'ches. The great fear of the Protestant 
leaders was that the Queen would be driven over to the CathoUe 
Church, in case they undertook to withstand her wishes. Moat 
of the eminent foreign divin93 on the Continent, whom they 

' Hitiory of Eit^tani, ': 47, Stiypp savfl U>*1 nhcn GrinddJ wa* Appoantcd 

finbop of LoDdDb, he "rennuDrtl uoder somr Bcniptis of cotm<r\cncc aboul qomfl 

>IUb0i; eopeoiiJiy tttp hivbiU an^ cp-rtaio errmuouiM rrM^uirpi:! lo be U4od □' ouch 

gm W0* biabcpa. For lh« Reformed la Ifaosv timoa ^cMieTnlly Kent upon th« ground, 

UtAl, in order to ihe ctunploie Uenng of thp C'hiiri-h of Chnal from Xhe rrran nad 

0OfTTiptJDns ckf Romp, (very iH^ig;? and riL^lom prartirp't b^ Uinl BpoBlat^ »nd 

jtdolBtnniB Chuirh should Ih' abolished, ind ibat lb? service <jf God shoald be 

|mc»t smple. KUipI cf bll ttnit uliow, pomp, nnd appeArsncF, Uist b>« been eiu- 

ftOTamriJy^ ubrI before, epleeming tX\ ihftt to be ao twttci Uiad BUpctsIatiDue &nd 

»nti-Christiui-" Life of GrirnJal, p, SS. In Iho TPign of E^tvard, UarUn Bucar. 

vritinc under Oanmor'A rodf st Lambeth, under dft(« of April M, !54fl, fl|>«JiA 

of UiB reffntiaa of Ihe vntnipnU, j^hrum. ttrr.. In tJi? AngliriTi rlrual, and »y». 

'^Ttiry mBirtti thai Iherp in nn Fiiipi^rsrihnn in Ihiwp Ihingw, and IhM Ihpy are only 

M ht rvtAined for t time. ]«t the pfoplt. aol bavin; ypf Icarucd ChriBi. abound be 

dMonrd by too dteiuive iimcvatiGna from nakiwaoA Hia rcligioa,*' etc. Oriqi- 




THE KEFORUATION 



consulted, counseled them to TemajD in the Church, and not 

deoert their o3ice.3, but to labor patiently to effect the rcfomu 
to which the Queeo would not then consent. But many of tbe 
clergy did not conform to the obnoxious parts of the ritual 
This occasioned much disorder in worshipj and, as Uie Puritans 
were not at all deposed to follow their own ways in silence, it 
gave rise aJfw> to much contention. The Queen resolved to cit- 
force unifonnity, and required her bishops, especially Parker, 
to prosecute the deUnquents, At length, the Puritans b^aa 
to organize in separate conventicles, rs tfieir meetings were 
styled by their adveraarica, in order to worship according to the 
method which (hey approved. They mere numerous; their 
clergy were learned and eifective preacherSi and both clergf 
and people were willing to suffer for the sake of eonscienoe. 
The cruel, but ineffectual, persecution of them, darkens the 
reign of Elizabetli, especially the latter part of it. Among Um 
other ends for wliich the Puritana were always zealoue, vfcrt 
stricter dincipline in the Church, and an educated, eameet 
ministry, to take the place of the thousands of notoriously 
incompetent clergymen.^ 

If Hooper was the parent of Puritanism in its incipient fwm, 
a like relation to Puritanism, as a ripe and developed a>stc[n, 
belongs to Thomaa Cartwright, Lady Margaret's Professor of 
Divinity at Cambridge, About the year 1570, he bef^an to 
eet forth the principles respecting the polity of the Clnirch anjl 
the proper relation of the Church to the State^ which formM 
the creed of the body of the Puritan party afterwards. The 
first point in his system ie that the ScripturcB arc not only the 
rule of faith, but also the rule for the government and discipline 
of the Church. Tliey present a scheme of polity from fthtcti 
the Church ia not at liberty to depart. The second point is 
that the management of Church affairs belongs to the Churci 
itself and its officers, and not to civil magistrates. Cartwri^t 
held to the old view of the distinction between ecclesiaslical 
and civil society. While the magistrate uiay not dictate to 
the Church in matters pertaining to doctrine and discipUnf, 
still he is bound to protect and defend the Church, and aee that 
its decrees are executed. Cartwright was no advocate of 



' Tbe abjvctioas uf tht PuritAtu to the An^icui TUtv>l btb itAted And 




TBE DEVELOPMENT OF PURITANISM 

toleration. In hm 8y8t<?m, Cburch find State are indiesolubly 
linked, and there must be uniforruity in religion. But what 
that system of religion and woraliip sJiall be, whkh it belongs to 
the magistrate to maintain, it is for the Church in its own assem- 
blies, and not For hini to decide. Moreover, Cartwright con- 
tended that the system of polity which the Scriptures ordain 
is Ihe Preebyterian, and that prelacy, therefore, is imlawful. 

This was, of courge, a blow at the Queen's Supremacy, as 
it had been underetood and exercised. It is true that Elizabftli 
disclaimed the title of Head of the Church and called herself 
il« Governor. The thirty-seventh Article, which waa franked 
under Elizabeth, expressly denies to the civil magistrate the 
right to administer the Word or the sacrament-g. But her visi- 
tatorial power had no defined limits. 8he did not hesitate to 
prescribe what should be preached and what should not be, 
and what rites should bo practiced and what omitted, in a style 
which reminds one of the Byzantine emperors in the a^e of 
Justinian. She waa not satisfied with diaposiug of eeclesiaa- 
ileal postiession.s at her will. Sir Clu-istopher Hatton, one of 
the Queen's favorites, built his house in the garden of C^nx, the 
Biahop of Ely; and when he attempted to prevent the spolia- 
tion, flhei^Tote him a laconic note, in which she threaloneil with 
an oath to "unfrock" him if he did not instantly comply ^ith 
her behest. She forbade, in the most peremptory maimer, 
the meetings of clergymen for discussion and mutual improve- 
ment, called '^prophcsyings." WTien Archbishop Grindal ob- 
jected to her order and reminded her that the regulation of such 
mattej^ belongp to the (!:^uroh it^lf and to its bishopF;^ she 
kept him suspended from hiR office for a number oF years. The 
dootrine of Cartwriglit Jinnihilated such pretf^nsionft. But the 
controversy which it opened upon the proper constitution of 
the Church, cspceially upon the questions relating to episcopacy, 
was destined to shake the Engtifih Church to ite foundations. 
He found a vigorous opponent in Whjtgift; and there were not 
iranting many other learned and eager disputants on each side. 
Before the end of Kiizabeth's reign a division appeared among 
the Puritans, Uircugli the rise of the Independents.' They 



' HanlAiry, flixt. \fftnnruil9 rfioHvp tn Iht fndppmd*n/t C^ vols 
)a391. WftdfilitiFtiJEi, Conyrtgatiimal Chursh Hittary from the Aerurmutioiv 
(LoDdou, lSti3>. 



iney^ 



298 



THE REFORMATION 



took the ground that natioDAl churches have do rightful exjf^ 
ence. They differpJ from tlie other Puritans in being Spp&rai- 
isIhS. According to their system, as it is explained latei by 
John Robinson, their principal leader, the local Church is in- 
dependent; autonomic in its polity; its merabere being botind 
together by a covenant; its teachers being elected and its dis- 
cipline managed by popular vote. Ttie Imlepeudeiita did nol 
recognize the Church of England, in its national form, a« a trw 
Church; but the separate parish churches organised under il 
might be true churchee of Christ. Thoir prime fault was ite 
neglect of discipline, in consequence of which some otW 
proof of ClirisLiati character must be requirwl, besides meii- 
hf^r.ship in tltem. During the reign of Elizabeth, tlie Tn<ie- 
pendents had acquired no conaderable power, although they 
were the victims of cruel persecution. 

About the end of the sixt^nth century, a new turn wu 
given to ttie Puritan controversy by the great work of Hoolter, 
the treatise on Ecclesia^^tical Polity, The elevated tone of 
tliis work, combined with its vigorous reasoning and its do- 
queocc, eeemcd to take up the controversy into a higher atmoe- 
phere.^ Hooker endeavors to go to the bottom of the subjecl 
by investigating the nature of laws and the origin of authority. 
One of hLs fundamental propositions ia that the Church is 
endued mth a legialalive authority by ita Founder, ftitiiin the 
Umitfi act by Him. It may vary ite organiEation and methods 
of worship, and it is shut down to no prescribed system. Ha 
holds that Episcopacy is an apostolical institution, and is the 
beat form of government; but he appears to think that iJm 
general Church, "as the highest subject of power," is not abso- 
lutely bound to adhere to this system. Since the Church is 
tlius an authorized lawgiver^ it is factious to disobey the r^;ula- 
tions which the Church estabUslies, where they do not conlr>- 
veae the laws of its Founder. Hooker identifier Church aud 
State, considering the two as diffta-ent aspects of functions of 
one and the same society. The supremacy of the king over the 
Church is the logical corollary. It is remarkable that he an- 
swers the complaint that Christian people are deprived of a vcute 

' The temper of Hcokcr taay be judg«] from Uir fDltowing noble eeal/KOoe: 
"Thsra ^ill coma a timo when three wurdfl, uttered witJi i:harity &ad mwia** 
■hall fPTpiv* % far mora bL«B9Bd revard Ihpu IhT>« IhouHAud volumoi wntMB 
with dJaJAJfifuf AbdTpataH uf vVt." EcriuTaat Ptilif^: Prcjtur^ 




THE PURITAN CONTROVERSY 

hk the choice of thdr officers, by hringiiig forward the theory 
of the social compact, the same theory as that which Locke 
afterwards presented. In truth, this theory is one of the 
dinfll principles of Hookc-Tn It ia a government of laws, 
not a despotism, which he advocates both for the State and for 
the Chiirch, His concRption of a limited monarchy was ooe not 
agreeable to the theory or practice of the Tudors, But he 
ounoualy applies this theory to justify such customs as tbe con- 
trol exercised by patrons in the appointment of the clergy. 

As we look back to the begimiings of the Puritau contro^ 
versy in the reign of Edward aud at the ac^^eBsion of Elizabeth, 
it fieems plain that the questions were those on which good and 
wise men among the Protestants might differ. Half of the nation 
was Catholic, The clergy were of such a character that out of 
ten thousand not more than a few hundred chose to leave their 
jilaces ratlier tliaJi conform to the Prutestant Byslem of Edward- 
A great part of them were extremely ignorant^ and an equal 
number preferred the Roman Catholic eyatem to any other. How 
can the people ever be won from popery, the Puritans demanded, 
if DO very perceptible change is made In the modes of worship 
aud in the apparel of the ministry? If the distinctive emblems 
and badges of popery are left, how shall the people be brought 
out of that system, and be led to give up the whole theory of 
priestly mediation? But the state of things that moved one 
party to adopt this conclusion had an opposite effect upon the 
judgment of their opponents. Protestuntiam may fail alto- 
gellier, they argued, if it breaks too abruptly wilh the traditional 
customs to which a great part of the nation are attached. 
Better to retain whatever is anywise compatible with the 
essentials of Protestantism, and wean the people from their 
old superstitions by a gentler process. Hold on to the apparel 
and the ceremonies, but carefully instruct the people as to their 
real significance. Thus the true doctrine will be saved i and, 
moreover, the rehgious Ufe of the nation will preserve, in a 
degree, ite continuity and connection with the past, ITie 
tract of Lord Bacon on the "Pacification of the Church," which 
was written in the reign of tbe successor of Ehzabeth, is a calm 
and moderate review of the Puritan controversy, in which both 
parties come in for about an equal share of censure.' Be com- 

< Buaa'i Warkt CtfoDUcVi «L), vlL 111 Miv 



• 



r 



i 



THE REFORMATION 

plains of Che Puritans, among other things, for insiBtirg that 
there ia oae prescribed form of discipline for all churches and 
for alJ time. He asserts that there are "the general rules of 
government: but for rites and cereiaoiiiee, and for the pu- 
ticular hierarchiea, policies, and disciplines of churches, they 
be left at large." He complains of "the partiaJ affectation and 
imitatioDi" ' by the Puritans, "of the foreign churches," But 
in respect to many of the evils against which the Puritans pro- 
tested, such as noa-resitlenee, pluiaUUes, and the igriorance uf 
the clergy, he is in sympathy with them. He thinks that 
liberty ahoald have been granted in various things which were 
allowed by tho ruling party to be indifferent. Ho would pve 
up the required use of the ring in marriage; would give Ubertj 
in respect to the surplice; and he would not exact subscriptJooa 
for rites and ceremoniea, as for articles of doctrine. At tin: 
time when Bacon wrote, the opponents of the Puritans were 
beginning to look with favor on a theory which had not heea 
held by them before that tbe episcopal polity is necefieaty to 
the existence of a church. Thus the EpiscopalianSj aa well u 
the PreabylerianS; contended alike for tJie exclusive lawfulnes 
of their respective systems. 

'fhe controversy of Churchman and Puritan la not ejdjnct; 
but however opinions may differ in regard to the English Refor- 
mation and the merits of the principal actors in it, every one 
at the present day must rejoice that no tempest of iconoclum 
ever fiwept over England, Whoever looks on those 

— "Swelling hiUd ttrvt npntiaim plains, 
Besprent Troin attore lo iliore willi atreple- toners,'' 

can partake of a brilliant French writer's admiration for "that 
practical good eenae which has effected revolutions without 
committing ravages; which, while reforming in all directioiu, 
lias destroyed nothing; which has preserved both its trees and 
its conatitution, which has lopped off the dead branches with- 
out leveling the trunk; which alone, in our daya, among tiJI 
nations, is in the enjoyment not only of the present but tbe 
past/" 



» "I, for my part, du oorfBufl^ Ihat, in revolving Uif SrriptuPM, T could 
And a^y guirh Udbg. but tliat God hod It^rt the Uke liberty to iii« Chufvh fn*' 
eromeat ms lie ha*l dune Ic Ibo civil ggvoniTiicuLi " eCc. — BocDU^a WvrkM. tIL tf- 




THE CONDITION OF SCOTLAND 



The history of the Scottish RefomiatioD is closely inter- 
woven with that of Elizabeth's reign. Her security depended 
CO the di\'idons of her enemies, od the mutual jealoumes of 
th« Catholic powers. To prevent them from making romn^on 
cause against her was one of the principal element;^ of her policy- 
It wae> also, essential that neither of them should acquire such 
strength and liberty of action as would endanger hj^r safety, 
jeotland^ the old enemy of England, and the old ally of France, 
the point from which, as she feared and her enemies hoped, 
le most dangerous aasautt might l>e nmile n\i*)U 1ih- luid upon 
Engh^li Protestantism. The peril was much augmented by 
the position of Mary, Queen of -Scots, in relation to the Catholic 
governmentSp and by the schemes and aspirations that grew 
out of her claims to the Fjiglish throne- 
In Scotland the spirit of feudalism was not reduced, as it 
was in England: the feeling of clanship was strong, and the 
nobles felt none of that deference to the sovereign which was 
nmnifested in the neighbor country and in France. The Scot- 
tiah King was without a standing army or even a bodyguard, 
and must depend for his personal protection, as w^ell as for his 
support in war, on the feudal militia of the country^ who look 
the field under their own lords. The natural roughness of the 
aristocracy of Scotland was little softened, except in a few 
inatancea, by their intercourse witli the polite nobility of France. 
On the contrary, "their dress was that of the camp or stable; 
they were dirty in person and abrupt and disrespectful in 
manner, carrying on tlieir disputes, and even lighliug out thdr 
fierce quarrels, in the presence of royally, which had by no 
means accomplished the serene, imperial isolation which the 
sovereigns of France had achieved since the days of Francis I. 
With the exception of one or two castles, which had been built 
in the French style, Uie beat famiUes were crowded into narrow 
square towera, in which all available means had been e^diaust^d 
in strength, leaving nothing for comfort or beauty."* 'Die 
royal reffldences, with the exception of the new palace, Holy- 
nod. were little better. The common people, poor but proud, 
Wf-willed and boisterous in their manners, could not, as in 
FVaace, be kept at a distance from royalty. In the reign of 
James V., and generally during the regency of Ids Queen, the 



THE REFORMATION 



clergy and the soverrign were allied by a common desire to cush 
the fiowe.r of tlie nobility. The clergy profited by the forf«- 
tures and penalties inflicted on the aristocracy. This was ont 
reason why the nobles were inclined to favor Proteatantiau. 
The lay gentry had their eyes fixed on the vast estates of tJitir 
clerical rivals/ The Protestant t^ndeccy^ however, was oppoeftl 
by tbe fixed, h*?r(*ililary feeling of hostility Lo Ecglajni ajuj ir> 
the predonunance of English infiuence. 

Perhaps there waa no country where the Church stood in 
grcat^sr ncx^d of reforniation tliaii Scotland. The clei^' wcir 
generally illiterate. In the fifteenth century, three imi ver- 
ities had l^een founded in Scotland, — St. Andrews, GIasg(»v 
and Al>erdeen; but they appear to have accrjmplislipii little 
in elevating the character of the clergy, although they arose in 
time to serve effectually the cause of the Reformation, 111 
Scotland the Reformation was not preceded, but followed, by 
the revival of letters. Not only was the law of celibacy prsf- 
tically abolished, but the priestly order was extremely dissolute. 
Half of the property of the kingdom was in their h&ndf. Thf 
covetouancaa of the lay lords and a prevali^nt just indigQation 
at the profligacy of the clerical body were the moving fore** 
of the Reformation. It should be mentioned that praiseworthy, 
but ineffectual, attempts were nmde by the old Cliurch to aboM 
the most crying abuses.^ After the Protestant spirit began to 
manifest itself, when the clergy met the rebukea that were ad- 
dressed LO them with cruel persecution, the popular indignation 
acquired a double intensity. We find, througJiout the Scot- 
tish Reformation, a tone of unrelenting hostility to the papal 
system of religion; a temper identical ^-ith that of the profJ^ 
of the Old Testament in reference to formahsni and idolaUy m 
the Jewish Church. 

There were martyrs to the Reformation in the reign oS 
James V., the most nnled of whoiu was Patrick Hamilton^ wW 
had been a student at Marburg, and whose death made a pn> 
found iraprea^on. Under the regency of the widow of JamCf\ 
after the assassination of Cartlinal Beaton, the principal iQ=^i- 
gator of persecution, there was, for a long tinie, a mild polir)' 
in the treatment of heresy. The Earl of Arran, the Lord Pro- 

» Burtan, iv, 2fl, 

^ Ib%d.. W. 4a L«, LvfluTdWLUu llvAar)ia\ iKn Church of Stotlamd,\.nmii. 



THE BEGINKI.VQS OF THE SCOTTISH REFOKUATlOJ^ 301 

ector, At first favored the Protestant side. During the reign 
if Mary of England, the hostility of Frajice to Philip of Spain 
Lod to his English Queen, operated Lo bccuto a lenient treatment 
D Seotland for Protestant refugees from across tbe border. The 
>>cflpiracy of Amboise had not then taken pla(*e, and the Guises, 
he brothers of the Regent, had not fairly entered on their grand 
cruaade against the Huguenots and the House of Boui'bon. But 
Mary of England died in November, 155S, and was succeeded by 
Elizabeth. Events were hastening toward a religious war in 
France; the Corujpiracy of Amboise was formed in 1560. At 
the instigation of her brothers, as it is supposed^ the Regent 
changed her course, and undertook to carry out repressive meas- 
ures. It was in 1550 that John Knox retumetl to Scotland froni 
the Continent, and the crisie of the Scottish Reformation soon 
«nsued. 

Little ifl known of the parentage nf Knox. At the Univer- 
Bity of Glasgow, he was a contemporary of the celebrated scholar 
&nd historian, George Buchanan ; and he had among his teachers 
John Mair, or Major, who had been in the Univeraty of Paris. 
And bad brought home with him the Gallican theory of church 
;overnrnent, t(^elher with radiea! opinions upon the right of 
ution, and the rferivatiori of kingly authority from popular 
t. Major had at-^o imbibed the opinion of the ancients 
t tyrannicide is a virtue. He was not an able man ; yet he 
tiave contributed somewhat to the development of kindred 
ons in tbe mind of Knox.' Knox read diligently Aiigustinfi 
Jerome, and heartily enibracetl the Refomieil faitlt. Beaton 
aasasBinated in 1546 by conspirators, some of whom were 
ovcd by resentment for private injuries, and some by a desire 
lo deliver the country from his cruellies. Knox himself pro- 
feawe to acquiesce in this event, so far as it was providential, or 
the act of God ; though it is evident, likewise, that he has little, 
if any, repugnance towards it, conhidere<l as the act of roan. 
The enemies of Beaton took refuge in the (."astlc of St. Andrews, 
Knox jmned them, with private pupils, whom he was then in- 
'Qft There he was called lo preach, and reluctantly com* 
h the imperative sunmions of his brethren. But the 
1 taken by the French ; he was carrieti as a captive to 



ft #/ JCn« (atfa ed.. \S3Sf\ p. Sa lUir m ddicul«i bj BucbtAu. 



302 



THE REFORMATION 



France, &nd experimced hard uaag« there. Afkr his reletn 
he waa actively employed in preaching, principally in the odA 
of England, and produced a great effect hy his honesty, eannfr 
neaa, and bluat eloquence. Not fuliy satisfied with the eccfc- 
siflsLical sysl^iii eslahlLshed by Cranmer, he dedined a bishopnn 
in the- English Church. During the reiga of Mary, he w« h 
a while at Frankfort, and there led the party in the Church d 
the exiles, who were opposed to the use of the EugUfth P^sy(^ 
book, v^-ithout certaiu alterations which they demanded, llf 
most of this perifxl he spent at Geneva, in the s^jciety of Cahin 
and the other Genevan preachers, and in active labor as paetor 
of a church composed oi EngHsh and Scotch reddents, ft vtf 
at Geneva that he put forth his unlucky publication^ ealitlcd 
the ''First Blast of the Trumpet againet the Monetroua R«^ 
men of Women"; a wurk which wa« specially aiine<t, m lie 
afterwards explained \o Mary of Scotland and to EUEabedi, it 
"the bloody Jeaeber' who was then reigning in England, bul 
which denied the right of women to rule nations, as a genffil 
proposition in ethics. Not with standing the inconvenience whidi 
this doctrine occasioned him afterwards, he had the manlioM 
to refuse to retract it. His clunLiy atte'mpts &i apology, for he 
was even more awkward in framing apologies than Lutiiei, did 
not conciliate the good will of lilizobelh. 

During the reign of M^ry of England, while there waa w 
between France and Spain, the Scottish exiles were able to con# 
back to their eounLry. Knox returned in 1555, and in the fol- 
lowing year the Scottish Protestant lords united in a solemn 
Covenant to defend their rehgion against persecution. The gov- 
ernment onco more renewed its repressive measures, and Kooit 
who had held his meetings in various places with much eff«t» 
was again forced to leave. The Scottish "Lords of the Cbngr^ 
gation'* now resolveti at every hazard to put an end lo The 
persecution. The jealous feeling which was awakened re^xct- 
ing the dedgna of France upon Scotland, and which watt au^ 
niented by the marriage of Mary to the Dauphin, combine*^ a 
powerful party against the Regent. The lords and Uie Prot- 
estant preachers stood in opposition t^ the Queen and the Catho- 
lic clergy. Knox returned and thundered in the pulpit agunst 
the idolatry of the Romish worsliip. In Perth a sermon ia 
denunciation of the wcrahijj of images was followed by a riEotig 



JOHN KNOX 



SOS 



Srtlat Knox calls "the rascal multitude," which demolished 
ULt &nd pulled down th^ nionastcrics. The same thing was 
le eb^wh&re; and this Iconoclasm is one of th^ eharaeterietic 
nUreB of the Scotlish Reform. In the aniipil eniU^^Mt that 
ued, the Regent gained such advantages that Elizabeth was 
Ktantly obliged to furnJah open aasiatancc to the Protestant 
ty, lo save Scotland from falhnp into the hands of the Freneh. 
r position was an embarrasaing one to herself, 8he detested 
ox and hie principles. She abhorred, especially, the polilieal 
ory which the Scottish Protestants avowed and put in prac- 
i, that subjects may take up arms against their sovereign. 
t the political situation woa such that she was obliged, a^ a 
uee of e\ila, to render them aid. This she had dene before 
ndestinely. But now the peril was so imminent tliat she 
B forced to come out in the face of day and send her troops to 
f assistance of the lords. Even the King of Spwn, the cham- 
n of Catholicism, was so unwilling to see the French masters 
Scotland that he rejoiced in the success of Elizabeth's inter- 
Bnce. The Treaty of Edinburgh, by which the French were 
evacuate Lath and leAve the country limited eftftentially the 
rogfttivee of the Scottish sovereign: war and peac^ could not 
made without the consent of the Estates. The Quccji-re-gent 
d on the 10th of June, 1560. The Estates convened in August, 
e Calviniatic Confession of Faith was approved, the Bom&n 
LholJc reli^on was aliohshed, and the administering of the 
m, or attendance upon it, was forbidden — the penalty for 
' third offeree being death. *'0n the morning of the 25th 
August, 1560, the Romifih hierarchy was supreme; in the 
ming of the same day, Calvinistic Protestantism was estab- 
ted in itfi stead/' ' But whether the Acts of Parliamejit would 
de and be effectual or not " depended on events yet to comeJ' 
Kdoz and his fellow-ministers found themBclves at variance 
their lay supporters on the question of the adoption of the 
Book of Discipline, " the restraints of which were not at 
aeceplable to the lords and lairds who had received the Cal- 
ifitic doctrines with alacrity. There was involved in this 
another question which came up separately— that of 
di^K)eition to be made of eccleeiaatical property. Knox 
the preachers were bent upon devoting it to the new Churcb, 

I Burtoot [T> 89. 



Tret 



304 THE REFORMATION | 

for the sustenance of miniBters, schools, and uoivcraitjee. !■ 
this measure the lords of the congregation, &moog whom tiJ 
desire for the lands and possessions which they were able n 
appropriate st tJie overthrow of tlie old religion was quit* m 
potent as religious aeal, would not consent. The new Churdj 
was obliged to content itself with a portion of the property tfau 
had belonged to the old. Knox, who was skillful in penetr&lind 
the political sc^hemee of his adversaries, gave his lay friends ot^fiH 
for more suicerity ami disin te rested ne^ than they really hiA] 
It was a weakness that sprang out of iiis own fiiinple-he&ited 
honesty and zeaU But in this matter of the '*Book of Diad- 
pline" and the Church property, he saw their motives, and gavi 
free utterance to his wrath, 

Francis H,, the young husband of Quee-n Mary, died on th» 
5th of December, 1560. By this event, Catharine de Media, 
who hated Mary, acquired power, and set about the work rf 
mediating between the two contending parties thai diTi[fal 
France that she might control them both, Scotland was re- 
lieved from danger arising out of the ambitious plants of the 
Gui.^5, Mary returned to her native kingdom to assume bff 
crown. We need not give credence to the extravagant praises! 
of such admirers as Brantome, who accompanied her od bflr 
voyage to Scotland; but that she was beautiful in persoa, of 
graceful and winning manners, quick-wittetl, accomplished, witk 
a boundless fund of energy, there is no doubt. She had groini 
up in the atmosphere of deceit and corruption which surrouoffed 
the French court, in the society, if not under the influence, of 
Catharine de Medici, Brantome himself, the hcentious chn»- 
ieler, and Ch;1telar, the ill-starred poet, another of her Freurh 
attendants, who was afterwards beheaded for hiding himself 
under her bed, suggcat in part the character of the aaaodaticiw 
in which she had been placed. She came to reign over a king- 
dom where the strictest form of Calvinism had been made the 
law of the land, No contrast can be more striking than Uiat 
presented by tliis youthful Queen, Freab from the gaycties of 
her **dear France" and from the homage of the courticra that 
thronged her steps, and the homely and austere surroun<iinp 
of her new abode. Brantome records that she wept for hours 
together on the voyage; and when she saw the horses thai h»d 
been sent to convey her from Leith to Holyrood^ ahe again bur*t 




THE EETDRN OF QUEEN MARY 



305 



\U) tears. The situation wa^; such that any active opposition 

the newly eatabtishcti religion would have been futile and 

itrous to herself- The Guises were absorbed in the civil 

itest in France^ and could not undo the work which the Prot- 

ite in Scotland had effected- Whatever hopes Mary had 

cither succeeding or supplanting Elizabeth would have been 

itroyed by a premature exhibition of an anti-Pro teetant policy. 

[&ry coiitented herself with celebrating mass m her own chapel 

id in other platres where ahe sojourned. The principal direc- 

ion of aff^s waa left in the hands of her half-brother, the Karl 

Murray, the leader of the Protestant nobles. She even united 

rith Murray in crushing the Earl of Huntley, the richeat and 

lost powerful of the Calholit: lords, who, however, had not 

Lown himself a stcarty or disinterested friend of the old reli^on. 

ic enthuaaatic admirers and apologists of Mary maintain 

lat she was einccrcly in favor of toleration. They would 

lake her a kin^l of apostle of religious liberty. It is an unrea- 

>nable slrelch of charity, however, to suppose that she would 

lot from the beginning have rejoiced in the restoration, and, 

it befn feasible, the forcible restoration of the old reli^on. 

[t 13 one of her good points that she never forsook her own faith 

motives of self-intereet, and never swerved from her fidelity 

it. save in one instance and for a brief interval, when she was 

krrietl away by her paa^on for BothwelL That she should 

aerve the time and still commode herself discreetly and gently 

dth her own Hubject3>'* and "in effect to repose most on them 

»f the reformed religion," was the policy which had been 

:etched for her in France, as we learn from her faithful friend, 

lir Jame? Melville.^ Fler letters lo Pope Pius IV., and to her 

icle. the (Jardinai of Lorraine, in 1563, plainly declare her 

iclination to bring back the old relip^ous eystem to it^ formor 

Lipremacy, She steadfastly withheld her assent from the acta 

if Parliament which changed the religion nf the country'; and 

was an unsettled constitutional question w^hether acts of this 

iture were valid without the sovereign's approval. It was 

itural. as it was evident, that Mary "had no idea of risking 

ler position in Scotland by any premature display of zeal" in 

»hfllf of her reli^oo and in hostility to that legally sanctioned. 

"It seems to have been her hope that she would gather round 

■ ftiemcvM. p. gg. 



r 



806 THE REFORMATION 

her in time a party strong enough to eOect a change of reti^oa 
by constitutional m*>an8." A differenl policy was not com- 
mended to her by her counselors abroad or by tbe Pope hini- 
self.' She was carefuJ to prevent, any oveJ-t movement against 
the old reli^on, while gjarding the means* should an opportunity 
occuPi to secure the restoration of it. Murray conducted tbe 
goverrunenl with a view to keep in cheek both of the religioue 
parties, to maintain the Protestant estabtishment, but at the 
same time to protect Mary in the personal enjoyment of hci 
own worship. 

The resolution of the Queen to have maae in her chapel, and 
the secret degign^ which Knox more and more believed her to 
cherish, to reestablish popery, found in that reformer an imtnov- 
able antagonist. His "IHstory of the Rt^formBtion of Relipoa 
in Scotland," that quaint and oii^al work, in which he deflcribc« 
his own career, narrat^^s the rise and progress of the great con- 
flictj in which tbe Queen, with her rare powers of fascination 
and influence, stood on one side, and he on the other. When 
the preparations for the- first mass were perceived (on the 24th 
of August* 1561), *Uhc hearts of all the godly." he saye, "begin 
to be boldcn; and men began openly to speak, 'shall that idol 
he suffered again to take place within this reakn? It sh&Jl 
not."" It was proposed that the "idolater priest should die 
the death according to God's law." But Murray guarded the 
chapel door 'Hhat none should have entrance to trouble the 
prieat." Murray's excuse wae. however, '* that he would stop ^ 
Scotsmen to enter the mass/* After a little while, the Protestant 
lords, out of respect to the Queen's declaration that her con- 
science bound her to adhere to the obnoxious rite, were dispoaed 
to permit her to do so. They were bewitched, as Knox thought, 
by the enchantress; and he inveighed in his pulpit t^ainfit 
idolatry, declaring that one mass was "more fe^ul unto him 
than if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of 
tlie reahn^ of purpose to supprees the holy religion," Tbe 
Queen resolved to try the effect of a personal interview, anil of 
her skill in reaeoning, upon this moat intractable and powerful 
of all the professors of the new faith. None were preeent. within 
hearing, but Murray. It was the first of the memorable coo- 

* Camftrvlpa Mode"i Histpry, vol. m-, p. 3BTi 

* Saox, BiO^JTy, etc- (Olugow, 1B33), p. 347, 




KNOX AND QUEEN MARY 



807 



ncee or cJebales which Knox had with the Queen, We Fol- 
w hid own narrative. ''The Queen," he .says, "accjifled hitn, 

t he hitd raised a part of her subjects agajnet her motiiei 

d against herself; that he had ^Tittcn a book against her 

just authority — she meant the Treatise against the Regimen 

Women — which ahe had and should cause the most learaed 

Eurnpe to writ".- against; thnt he was the cause of great ae- 
tion and great ."^laughter in England; and that it wa^ aaid to 
r that all that he did waa by necromancy. To which the aai^i 
ohn answered, * Madam, it may please your Majesty patiently 
to hear my simple answers. And first,' said he, *if to teach the 

th of Gmi in sincerity, if t-o rebuke idolatry, and to will a 
!pw>ple to worship God according to Ilis Word, be to rfdse sub- 
jects against, tlieir princea. then cannot I be excused; for it has 
eafcd God of His mercy to ni&ke me one, among many, to die- 
elose unto this realm the vanity of the papistical religion, and 
the deceit, pride, and tyninny of Ihat Roman Antichriat.' '' He 
bega.n with this perspicuous statement of his position. He went 
on to say that the true knowledge of God promotes obedience 
to rulers, and that Mary had receiveirl as unfeigned obedience 
from "such as profess Christ Jesus/' as ever her ancestors had 
receive*! from tJieir bishops. As to his l>ook, he was ready to 
retract if he could be confuted, but he felt able to sustain its 
doelrines against any ten who might attempt to impugn them, 
Knox had an unbounded confidence in hifl cause, and no distrust 
fif his own prowess in the defense of it. *' You think/' said 
Mary^ "that I have no jutst jiuthnrlty?" To tliis direct inquiry ^ 
he replied by referring to Plato *a *' Republic/' in which the phi- 
losopher "damned many things that then were maintained in 
the world"; yet this did not prevent him from living quietly 
under the Byst^ms of government which he found existing. "I 
have eonmiunicated," he added, "my judgment to the world; 
if the realm finds no inconvenicncy in the regimen of a woman, 
that which they approve I shall not further disallow, than within 
my own h?art, but ehall be as well content lo live under your 
ffSLC^i as Paul was to live under Nero. And my hope is that as 
long Hfi that ye defile not your hands with the blood of the saints 
of God, that neither T nor that book shall either hurt you or 
your authority; for, in very deed, Madam, that book was writr- 
toi most especially against that wicked Jeiebel of Eti^ljuvd/' 



KNOX AND QUEEN MABY 



309 



ind of spiritiml fornication, a,s well id doctrine as In manners," 

e offered bo prove tlniL lIik "Kijk of the Jews/' wlien it eruci- 

ed Jesus, was not so far rcmov^xl from true religion "aa that 

irk of Rome ie declined/' "My conscience," said Mary, "la 

t so." ConsciencG^ he answereil, requires knowledge; and he 

to say that she had enjoyed co true teaching, De- 

dmg to particulars, he [Jronojuced the mass " the invention 

nuin," ajid therefore "an abomination before God/^ To bis 

gue, Mary said, "If they were here whom I have heard, 

y would answer you," Knox expressed the wish that the 

moat learned Papist in Europe^' were present, that she might 

"the vanity of the papistical religion/' and how little 

ouQd it had in the Word of God. Knox departed, wishing 

that she might be as great a blessing to Scotland '*aft ever Dcb- 

Droh wae in the commonwealth of lerael." He remarks that she 

"continued in her massing; and deapised and quietly mocked 

ill pvliortation/^ BHng a--eked liy his friends at the time what 

■e thought of her, he said, " If there be not in her a proud mind, 

I crafty wit, and an indurate henrt against God and his truth, 

my judgment faileth me/' In Knox, as he appears in these 

ht^rviewH, one may behold the incarnation of the democratic 

Hiirit of Galviniam. Close attention to the verbal combat of 

Ihe Queen and Knox doea not warrant either the inference that 

Ihe was of a mind to drive her, for being a Catholic, from the 

Rirone, or that Rhe cherished an intent to exterminate tlie Church 

[protected by the law of the Land. 

On another <iccjisitin he wus siiEiiiiJoned to the presence of 
be Queen, in consequence of bis preaching about the dancing 
I Holyrood. Knox said that in the presence of her Council she 
f9^ ^avp, but *'how soon soever the French fillocks, fiddlers, 
il others of that band gat into the house alone, then miglU be 
7n skipping not very comely for honest women/' It must 
remarked that the dances in vogue then would not now l>e 
eemed very comely, even by liberal critics/ "He was called 
d accused, as one that had irreverently spoken of the Queen, 
d that travailed to bring her mto hatr»l and contempt of the 
pie/' "The Queen/' he says, *'niade a long harnngue," t« 
rhich he replied by repeating exactly what he liad said in the 
Itlpit. In the courae of the conversation he freely expressed 



I 



L 



310 THE REFORMATION 

his opinion of her uncles, whom he styled "enemies to God and 
unto his aon Jcsa*^ Christ/' and declined her request that he 
would come and make what criticiams he hod to make upon her 
conduct to her personally. He couJd not wait upon individ- 
ualsj but it was his fiinctian " to rebuke tin* sinfi and vices of all ' 
in his sermons, which he invited her to come and hear. He vu 
too shrewd to consent to be silent in public For the sake of th^ 
privilege of conversing with her in private. Slie showed ho 
displeasure. But "the said John departed wilh a reasonable 
merry countenance ; whereat some Papisl.?*, offended, said, ' Hp is 
not afraid;' which heard of him, he answered, 'Why ^ould ttf 
pleasing face of a gentlewoman fear me? 1 have looked in Ihe 
faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid abcf^'e 
measiU'e,' '' 

The mass and auricular confessioD were not wholly given up, 
especially in the west«m districts south of the Clyd*i. ''The 
brethren," aays Knox, "determined to put to their own handa," 
and no longer wail for King or Council, but ** execute tlie pun- 
ishment that God had appointed to idolaters in his law, by audi 
means as they might, wherever they should be appreheude^i," 
TTie brethren had begun this work of executing the law for them- 
aelvcB, when the Queen, who was at LochIeven» sent for Knox. 
He defended the proceeding- Where kings neglect their duty 
of executing the laws, the people may do it for them, and eveo 
restrain kings, he added, in case tiiey spare the wieked bihI 
oppress the innocent. "The examples/' he said, "are evidenL 
for Samuet feared not to slay n^gag, the fat and delicate King of 
Amalek, whom King SaiJ had saved ; neither spared Eliaa 3etf- 
beVs false prophets and Baal's priests, albeit that King ^Vhab 
was present. Pbineas wa> no magistrate, and yet feared he not 
io strike Cozbi and Zimri" — and he specified In the plainest 
words the sin of which they were guilty. He informed Marv 
that she must fulfill her part of "the mutual contract/' if ^f 
expected to get obedience from her subjects/ "The said John 
left her/' but, much to his surpri^^ early the next morning, sfi^ 
sent for him ag:ain. He met her "at the hawking, by W&i 
Kincross. T\Ticthcr it was the night's sleep, or deep dissimLilfi- 
tion, that made her to forget her former anger, wise men tnay 
doubt/' She conversed with him in a familiar and confideDttfl 



^ Hiatin^U V lSt^_- 




KNOX AND QUEEN HARY 



Sll 



8ty!e, asking his good offices to restore peace between the Earl 
of Argyle and his wife ; and wound up the conference by alluding 
to the interview of the previous night, ami by promising "to 
mmister justice" as he had required. Many arresta were actu- 
ally ninde, apparently in pursuance of her promise. But from 
about this time (15(>3)» symptoms of a Romish reaction were 
manifest. The Queen's influence began to have iis effect, Knox 
was not ignonint of her com municat ions with France, Spain, and 
the Papal Court ; for he hatl hia own correspondents on the 
Continent.' From tiiia time Knox and tJie Queen were really 
engaged in a contesl^ each for the extermination of the other-' 
When it was* known that she was conKidering Ih** que.stion of a 
marrl.ige with the Archduke of Austria, or with Don ('arloH, tlie 
Bon of Philip IL^ and when Knos found the Protestant noblea 
lukewarm or Indifferent on the subject, he <lid not hesitate to 
Uiuntier in the pulpit against, the scheme, and to predict direful 
consequences, should the nobles allow it to be carried out. E\- 
BJ^perat^d at this new interference^ the Queen sumnicine<l hitii to 
her presence, and with pa.saionate outbursts of weeping de- 
nounced hia impertinent mcdtiling with affaira that did not belong 
to him. Knox maintained his imperturbable coolneBs, although 
he declareii that he had no pleasure in seeing her weep, sinc« 
t he eould not, without pain, see the tears of his own Imya 
en he cliastised them. Dismissed from the Queen's presence, 
he was detained for a while in the adjacent room, where he 
merrJy" uttered a quaint homily to the ladies of the court on 
eir ''gay gear" and on the havoc that death would nmke with 
their flesh and all their finery; a speech in a tone that has been 
aptly likened to that of the soliloquy of the grave-digger in 
Uomlet. 

fa the summer of 1563, during the abeenco of the Queen 
from Edinburgji, her followers who were left behind attempted 
to hold mas* in the cha|>el at Holyrooil. An ujmMial number 
from the town joineii them. "Divers of the brethren, being 
sore ofTeodcd. consvdted how to redrcaa that enormity." They 
resorted to the spot in order to note down the names of such as 
might cnme to participate in the unlawful rite. It appears that 
the chapel door wha burst open, "whereat, the priest and ttie 
French dames, being afTrayed, made the ahout to be sent to the 




1 Burton, It, 216. 



Ibid. 




THE REFORMATION 



town," Two of the party were indicted "for canying pitfdi 
vilhm the burgh, convention of li^es %t the palace, and iew 
sion of thp Queen s servant*.'' Knox, who had been clothed 
vith authority to suimiion the faithful together in any gr»» 
emc^rgency, issued a circular calling upon them to he lo Ei&- 
burgh on the ilay which had been desigaalcd for the trial. Tk 
Queen imagined that she had now caught him in a plain vMlr 
tion of the law. He was required to appear before her and ik 
Privy Council, lo which were j(Mned & considerable rnimbef of 
government ofTicert and nobler. He gives a graphic desciip- 
tion of tJie sce-oe and of the colloquies that took place. Be 
states al^ that ''the bruit rising in the town tluit John Kaot 
v.-a£ sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the Kirk followcdin 
guch number that the inner cloae was fuU^ ^nd all the stairs, evtf 
to the chamber door wliere the Queen and Coimcil sat/' T^s 
^thering of his supporters would, of itsell^ di^ncline the Couir 
cil to molest him; but, indeT>endcntJy of the immediate daoffi 
attending such a step, the Protestant lords, the subtle and in- 
principled L«thington, for example, however they might charge 
him with fanaticL^m, w^re not at all disposed to laBume s poe- 
liuTi of hostility towards hirn. He haii leave to depart, but iliJ 
not go until he had turned to the Queen and pra>'ed that "Ood 
would purge her heart from Popery and preserve her from Ihf 
ouneel of flatterers. ' It is a [itark of the slea^lfast hoofdtyc' 
Knox that he broke off intercourse, for a long time, with Murrftj, 
whom he hjmorf^l and love^i, but whom» in coDJunclioo vitfa 
the other lords, lie blamed for ne^ecting, in the P&riiaiDent d 
1h5<W, the firet Parliament after the Queen's arrival, to ratify lb" 
treaty of peace made in 15Q0, and the establi^roeot of Ihe Prot- 
rwtiuU religion.^ Tlie principal bu^ness done at thai se^kn w 
to give a lega.1 security to the appropnations that hatl Invh iiuuir 
of the church lands, by which the nobles had so mudi pra&ttd 
It was a short time after this meeting of Partiacneiit that Knot 
prea/'hed the famous sermon to whi(^ we have referrwi oq th* 
Qu^n'« marriage. 

The gloomy proepecta of the cause of reform leil Knox tf 
Atlopt a form of public prayer for the Queeo, in which the M 
ni^ty was besought to 'deliver her fmm the bondage wl 
thialdom of Satan/' and thus save the realm '* rnm Ifaat pb^ 





» 



QUEEN SL^Y 



Vengeance that ineviUibly follows idolatry/' a? well as her 
sou] from "that eternal damnation which abides all obsti- 
iat« and impenitent unto the end." At an assembly of the 
(irk in the summer of 1564, the propriety of this prayer came 
ip for discussion. At this meeting the lay lords, Murray, Ham- 
Iton, Argyle, Morton, LetKUigton, and others, entered into 
lebate with the clerical leaders on this question and on the 
rroper treatment of the Queen. But Knox and his associates 
fiperted that the mass ia idolatry, and, by Old Testament law 
nd precedents, must be puniflhed with death. No vote was 
ftken ; but it waa eoon evidejil to the lay leaders that there wa« 
o room for a nii^ldb party, and no hope that the Queen would 
l^andun her 'idolatry/' 

It is obvioua that Knox and h'm followers were no disciplcfi 
f the doctrine of toleration. Two things, however, deserve to 
le noticed. First, there was no kingdom where Roman Catho- 
Ica having the relative strength of the Calviniata of Scotland 
rould have endured for a nioiiniiiL a Protestant sovereign^ Tlie 
tory of Henry IV. of France shows what the Catholic party 
lemacdedr even when there was a powerful minority opposed 
K> them. Secondly, Knox and his associates were well convinced 
^t the Queen, notwithstanding her fair professions, only waited 
lor a favonible op[>ortuEiity to extirpate tlieni and to bring back 
the papal system, the abolition of which she did not concede to 
be legal. But, apart from these con^ derations, the Roman 
Catholic rites, in the eyes of Knox, were idolatry which must 
be capitally punishe<l aod utterly suppressed; otherwise the 
[udgments of heaven would fall on the land. He attributed 
Hj^partial failure of the crops to the wrath of God at the Queen's 

The Protestants had a feeling of insecurity, a feeling that 
their cause was J>eing cautiously undermined. They watched 
Rrith eager attention Ihf vai-Jous iiegoE.iations having respect to 
[he Queen'fl marriage, Ilad they been fully aware of the efforts 
that were mode to effect a marriage between Mary and Don 
D^loB of Spain, which were defeated by the machinations of 
[Catharine de Medici, through her jealousy of the house of GuJse, 
ttiey would have been HUed with alarm and indignation. The 
firopo^tions of Elizabeth, including that of a marriage of Mary 
|D Leicester, fell to the ground. How far the English Queea 



9 





&14 



TUB REFORMATION 



was sincere in them it is impossible to aay, ance even her moat 
Hflgacious advisere could not fathom lic-T duplicity. One ohslA- 
r}e. in the way of [Elizabeth's matriniDnial scliemEs for Mary na^ 
the steady rt-fuaal of the former dctinitcJy to guarantee the sur- 
cesdon to her sister of Scotland. She meant to retain this safe- 
guard for her life in her own hands. All plans of this sort vvre 
cut ofT by Mary's marriage with Dandey. It was a caw of 
mutual love at first sight, Darnley was Mary's cousin, ami ihr 
grandson of Margaret, the sister of Henry VllL, and of the Earl 
of AnguB, whom ahe married after the death of her first husband, 
James IV. Mary was charnie:l with his perwinal appearance 
— his tall form^ the breadth of his shoulders, anil his sJiKWtlt, 
lianilsome face. Darnley was a Catholic. Murray and the Prot- 
estants opposed thi' marriage as a decisive step towards the 
restoration of the old religion. They complained that the laws 
against idolatry were not enforced- Mary had taken a husband 
without consulting her Parliament, which, if not illegal, was inde- 
corous ; and she had proclaimed him as King of L>cots, wliich 
was considered an unconsUtutiocal act.^ The Queen had mar- 
ried against the remonstrance of Elizabeth and ha<l incurred 
her diapieasure. The hopes of Mary centered in the King of 
SpaJn and her other friends on the Continent. The diseontealfd 
barons, with Minray at their ht^d, bmk up arm.s, but not remv- 
ing the promised aid from England, their forces were dispersed, 
and the leaders were compelled to fly across the borrler. Just 
at this juncture, it was apprehended that Franee and Spain 
would join hanila in a common attack upon Protestantism.' It 
was suppfJS4^d, though erroneously, that Catharine ile Medici and 
her eon had signed a league at Bayonne, at the instigation of 
Alva, for this end. It was believed, also, that Mary had for 
mally attached her sit^rnaturp to the same bond. The polihcJ 
situatTon was so perilous for England and English Protestaatina 
that Elizabeth was le<l falsely to disavow all connection with 
Murray and his enterprise. Had Darnley been an able man, and 
had his Queen been possessed of a wisdom and self-control equal 
to her aeutencss and vivacity, the subsequent history of Scotland. 
and of Elngland too, would have been essentially altered. But il 

« BurlcD, V. 370. 

■ Mary hud KpplifHJ to the King of Spun for hnlp Ajjunst her lubject^ U^ 
nek, Morxr find her Aeaiten. i. 114. ^" 





THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE WITH DARNLEY 316 

kk but a abort lime for the ineompatibility between Mary and 
ley to nianifest itself. Elatetl hy hia elevation, he ofTpniled 
e nobles by his insolcuce and airs of superiority. Ilia drimk- 
me^s and other low vicoa soon disgusted, and at length com- 
letely ahenated, his wife. Mary was imprudent enough to 
estow so many marks of favor on Rizzio, an Italian whom she 
1 made hfr Seerelary^ that he became an object of bitter 
tred to the nobility. They tiespised him as an upstart and 
adventurer who ha^l usurper! that place in the counsels 

Egood graces of the Queen which bt-longeti to themselves. 
tio had promoted the marriago with Darnlpy. Ho waa con- 
red one of the props of the Ronmn Catholic faction. Par- 
i&ment wa.s about to aasomble, "the spiritual estate," to quote 
rom a letter of Mary hcraelf, '^being placed there in the ancient 
s&nner, tpndinj;^ to have done some good anent restoring the 
lUlcl religion^ and to have proceeded against our rebels accord- 
ug to their demerits/' "^ The estates of Hurray and his con- 
ptlerates were to be forfeiteth On the 9th of March, 15fifi, Wu.no 
murdered as the result of a plot of which Darnley on the one 
►art, who was moved by jealousy of Rizzio, and Rjthven and 

ther Protestant lords on the other, who were enraged at the 
ifluence acquired by Hizaio, were the authors and executors. 
)andey was angry that the crown iiiatriiiioiual wa.s withheld 
rom bim. It was stipulated in a secret agreement of Darnley 

ith the lords that the banished nobles should be restored and 
he Protestant relii^on maintained. Eizzio was dragged out of 
e apartment in which tlie Queen wjis supping, and slain in the 
ulj&<^nt room. It was only three months before the birth of 
he Queen's son, afterwards James Vl., whose hfc, as well as 
he life of his mother, were exposed to imminent peril by this 
poene of brutal violence. The Queen's power of dissembling 
lO^t serveil her well. She won the feeble Darnley to a conp- 

raiion with her scheme, and escaping on Monday, at midnight. 
rom Holyrood — the murder of Rizzio was on Saturday cven- 
ng — she rode for five hom^ on horseback, and reached the 
itrong fortress of Dunbar at daylight. The Imnlshed lortls had 

ppe&red in Edinburgh on Sunday, the day aft^r the murder. 
ITie new turn that was ^veii to ^airs by the Queen's bold and 

* Lptterof UftiytDhttCouftQlllor, Uie DUhop ctTEca, InlAbuoff, I. 342. €*« 
SurtoD, iv. 304. 



n% 



THE REFOHUATION 



fiucj^essTul movement obliged Mort<>ii, and ihe otiier lords who 
had been directly particip&Dt io the destruction of Rizsio, Ifl 
take refuge for a while in England, The others. iDduding 
Murray, were received into favor. From this lirae, as we follow 
this tmgje history, we tread at almost every st«p upon disputnl 
grouiid. Around these transacdons there have gathered the 
conflicting sympathies of religioufl parties, not to speak of the 
personal feelings which cluster about events of pathetic inter- 
est, events which have been seleet^l by great poets as an ^pro- 
priate theme for the drama. But there are ^;onie leading facts 
that are fully asrertainei), and whether they are In every aae 
admitted or not, they cannot plau^bly be disputed. One of 
these facta is the complete estrangement of the Queen froo 
Darnley. He had been mean and trt^acheroue enough to ap- 
pear before the council and solemnly to affirm, what everybody 
knew to be false, that he ha*! had no concern in the slaying of 
Rizzio. He incurred the vindictive hatred of all who had been 
his confederates in the eommission of Uiat act. But Mary took 
no pains to conceal, she rather took pains to manifeet publicly, 
hep thorough dislike and her contempt for him. He was despised 
and shunned by all. Tlie birth of his son, afterwards James \1. 
of England aiul James T. of Scotland, which took place in Edin- 
burgh Castle, on the 19th of June, 1666, did not affect the relfr 
tions of his parents to one another. The repugnance with 
which Mary regarded Darnley was known to everybody, and wii 
reporter! to foreign courts. Another fact is her growing fond- 
ness for Bolhweli, which was, also, a matter of comnioti obser- 
vation, and was manifested by unmistfikable agns. Bothwell 
was a brave, adventurous, resolute man. with some cxtaiior 
pohsh acquired at the court of France, but unscrupulous and 
unprincipled. Though connected with the Protestant aide, hi 
had stood faithfully by the Queen Regent, Mary's mother, and 
by Marj' herself. He hati taken no part in the murder of Rjano. 
but on that occasion had himself escaped from Hol>Tood, and 
hatt lent her timely and effective assistance. Although the faet 
is etill questioned by Mary's enthusiastic defenders, it is never^ 
theless established ihat her attachment to him grew into an 
overpowering pasaon.' BoLhwell had a wife to whom he had 
not long been married; Mary had a husband. Such were the 

' Burton, iv. 324 s«q. 



THE MITRDER OF DARNLEY 



1 



tundrone^ in the way of their union. It wae affirnied sub 
quently by Argyle and Huntley that they, ti^gether with Both- 
well, Murray, and I^thingt<>n, used l.hp diaaltfttion of the Quepn 
towards hpr husband as a nieana of obt«ining htr con,'*'nt to 
the pardon and return of Morton and others, who were in ban- 
iBhrnent od account of their agency in tlic death of Rizzio, They 
began by proposiDg to her a divoree, but "the one thing clear 
is tiiai a promise was made to rid the Queen of her unendurable 
husband, and that without a divorreJ' ' Morton wa-s allowed 
lo return, but refused to take an active part in the plot, unleaa 
he were furniaheU with a written authorization from Mary, which 
eould not be procured.' Murray claimed witli truth that he 
never entere<l into an engagement for tlie murder of Darnley; 
but liethiTtgton, accoriUng to the statement of Argyle asjd Hunt- 
ley, had said that Murray would "look through hia fingrra" — 
Uiat is, etand otf and not interfere. Whether Murray was aware 
of the plot, and was willing to have it succeed by other hands 
than his own, is a question whieh cannot \k' determined. Tlie 
Queen, just befon*, gave a striking proof of her affection for 
Bothwell by paying him a visit when he was ill. at the peril of 
her own life. Daniley had been taken ill and went to Glasgow, 
wh**re he was cared for under the dii^ction of his father, the old 
Earl of Lennox. The Queen announced her purpose to visit 
him. She made the visit, Rn<i aft^r they met, a eonvcTsation 
occurred between Oamley and Crawford, a gentleman in the 
service of Lennox, whom the latter had instructed to otiaerve 
and report whatever he saw and heard> The Queen had ar- 
ranged with Darnley that he should be taken to Craigniillar Castle 
aiitl there receive mediral treatment. Both Crawford and Darn- 
Icy expressed to one another their dislike of this arrangement, in 
such terms as imply a suspidon that evil^ even murder, might 
possibly be intended. Darnley pxpresi^ed to Mary his penitence 
and his ardent desire for the restoration of the old relations 
between them. She met hia a^lvances appw^ntly in a friendly 
spirit, and gave him fair promises. A few days later he was 
removed to Edinburgh, but instead of being taken to Craig- 
millar, or to Holyrood, he was conveyed to a place close to the 

■ Bv* Burton, iv. 333 Acq. 

* HortvD, ID Eiia i:uiirnHiiDii llinL he piBde befatB Itis ejieoutiun, qwdhI thmt hv 
^^0 i>i!i«] by BotbwcM to join Irt th? plal, mad SD^iit, ua t. rvmjioD far not rvvi 
I^ it tv the Qiietm, "^hf ww the doer ttief ir-of. " 



818 



THE REFORMATION 



city wall, 4*FJled the Kirk-of-field, to an uninhabited house tiiit 
iielonged to Robert Balfour, a dependent of Bothwell, sevcnl 
rooms of which had been fitted up for the King's recnpUoa 
The Queen Ble|>t eoveral nights in the room uiider Darnley'* 
apartment; but on Sunday evening, the 9th of February, 1567| 
shr^ left his be^lsid*- t^ attend the fe-stJvilies t-onneeteil with tbi* 
wediiing of ouc. of her sorvants at Ilolyrood. That night \hr 
house was blown up v^ith gunpowder, which BolhweU and hu 
followers had placed in the Quocn's bedroom, uiulor Damleyn 
His body was found at some lUfltance from the housp. Whethei 
he was strangled, or otherwise killed, before the explofdon €t 
nut, is Htill a con t rover tin 1 point, Tlip coiis|iimtors ha<l pn> 
viJed theuiaelvos with fal.se keys and had deliberately perfeclCil 
all their arraiigcmcnls. Whether or not the Queen was privy 
to the murder^ her conduct aftenvardfi was aulficiently impru- 
dent to confirm the worst suspicions, Bothwel], who was kDoan 
to be the pririei|ial criminal, was shielded by a trial &o conducted 
as to be nothing jJiort of a mockery of justice.' Instead of ex- 
periendng her tlispleasurc, he rose pitill higher In her favor, and 
waa honored with an accumulation of offices which rendered him 
the most powerful man in the kingdom. The next gre^t ev«it 
Is the akiucticn of the Queen by Hothwell, who, at the head of 
a body of ret^ners, stopped her on her way, and, without any 
resistance on her part, conducted her to »^tirhng Taatle, Pre- 
viously, at a supper which he gave in Edinburgh, possibly through 
the fear that he inspired, he had prevailed on most of the first 
men of Scotlancl to sign a paper reconin Lending the Queen to 
marry him. In Mary's own account of her capture and of the 
occurrences at Stirling, die represents that force was used, but 
merely to such a degree, and accompanied with such proteata- 
tiona of love — which had the more effect from her sense of the 
great eervieee he had rendered her — that she eould only forpvp 
her suitor for this excess and impatience of affection. Sir Jamts 
Melvillcj her faithful friend, who hail warneil her, at the riak of 
his life, against marrying Bothwcll. waa with her when she ww 
stopped by liim; and he dryly remarks that Captain Blackader, 
who captured him, told him "that it was with the Queen's ovn 
consent."' Spottiawooiie, who wrote his history at the request 

^ li|(>1vin« 0^3^ ihiLt PwrytxKly aimpFrlvd BalhwtlE of th« munjer* JtfiwM 
7S. ' MemoirM, p. JfiS, 



^^^P MARY A PRISONER 819 

r James I,, h**r son, says that "No men doubted but this was 
one by her own liking and cnnsent."* Bothwpll was diverted 
rom his wifc^ and the public weddiag that iinit<^rl htm ie the 
Juecn followed. He now governed with a liigh hand, Mary 
leraelf J to her own cost, soon became more fully ac<^uaiiitcd with 
lis coarse and dt>spolie nature, and waa an unhappy wife, Mean- 
inio the jtriiictpiil liaroMS were enriibhiing iind preparing lt^ crush 
^thwell, and tliey entered into communication with EUzaljeth, 
rora whom they sought assistance. At Carberrj' HUl the forces 
of Bothwell and the army collected by the lords were arrayed 
against eaeh other. But a battlo was avoided by the surrender 
of Mary, afler a long paHey and in ptjisuance of an arrangement 
which permitted the escape oF BoJhwelh She was h^l io Edin- 
burgh, and treated with great jx-rsonal indignity, cspcciatly by 
the people, who generally beUeved in her eriminality. From 
th*^re she was taken as a prisoner to Lochleven, The lords had 
inl4*reepted a letter^ as they asserted, from Mary to Rothwell, 
which sliowetl that her pa.<«inn For him had not ahat*^d- Sir 
Janies Melville, speaking of a letter to the Queen from the Laird 
of Grange, written at this time, save: '*It contained many other 
loving and humble admonitions, which made her bitterly to 
-weep, lor she could not do that so hn-'itUy ichich process of time viight 
hatv GCTitrnplij^hed.^' that iw, "put hiiri [Bothwell] clenn md 0} 
mind"^ This is one among the abundant proofs thai whati^ver 
constraint had been put upon her movements by Bothwell. the 
chfun that boimd her to him waa the infatuation of her owti heart . 
Tlie sthtemrnt-s in the foregoing skeleh rpst upon evideiici.' 
which ia independent cif the famous "casket letters" — the let- 
ters and lov(^-ftonnrts addrewset! by MaPr' to Bothwell, t^>gethrr 
with contracts of marriage between them, which, it was allege<l, 
were found in a silver casket, that Bothwell, after his flight, 
vainly endeavored to procure from the Castle of Edinburgli. 
But we are asj^iired that "we have only Morton's word for the 
nature and number of the papers found'* in the silver casket, 
"No inventory of its contents . , . was produced."' If the casket 
Irtters ar*" genuine, they prove ineontestably that in the murder 
of Damley, Mary waj* an accomplice before the act. The genu- 
ineijess of them has been more or less elaboratpcly discussed, and 

1 ffutitni »T rkt ChttfKk of Stwdand (Edinh. vd., ia«ih »- SL 

> SJtm^tri, p. IttS. " A. Lang. //i*frjff/ of StaOona UBW). P^ *M- 



330 THE REFORMATION 

has been maintained by the most eminciit hidiorian:^, as Hume, 
Rotx^rtson, Laing, Burton, Mackintosh, Mignel, Hanko. Their 
genuinoncas has bw-n defended more lately by Froude, in hia 
'* History of Knglaiid," A v^ry acut^ writfr on the other ade 
is Mr. Hosack, the author of a work upon Mary and her uccuMra' 
Not a few diapa^ionatc critics have judged that the letters c<fD- 
t^ many iotcrna] marks of gonuinenesfl which it would be quitr 
diffieult for a couoterfeiter to Invent, and that the scniliny to 
wUidi they were subject4!d in the Scottish Privy Council, the 
Scottish Parhament, and tiie English Privy Council waa such 
that, if they were foi^J, it is hard to account for the failure 
to detect the impoaturo. Moreover, the character of Murray, 
although it may be admitt^ that he wae not the immaculate 
person that lie is sonietinies TOiisidered to have been, must have 
been black inileed if thoso documents, wliich be brought fonvaril 
to prove the guilt of iiia sister, were forgcd> But Murray is 
praiseii not only by his personal adherents and by his party, 
but by men hke Spottlswoode and Melville,' Ranke, who coi- 
Sliders the letters to be genuine, though somewhat altered in pass- 
ing through the various tranaiat.iona, still hesitates to pronounce 
a decision in regard to the Queen's foreknowledge of the raurdetn 
Another interpretation of the matter was broached — that Mary 
wafl actually beeominp drawn to her penitent husband, that their 
reeoneiliation was sincere; and that Bothwell^ seeing the danger 
that his prize would slip fron» his grasf), hastened the coDsiimira- 
tion of liis plot. Ranke observes that the solution of the prob- 
lem belongs to the poet who con open up the depths of the heart, 
those abysses in which the storms of paadon rage, and aciione 
are boru which bid defiance to law and to morality, and yei hav^ 
deep roots in the human soul.' It does not appear, however, in 
what way it is possible to reconcile the genuineness of the easkft 
letters, as Ranke affirms it, with any other supposition than 
Mary's complicity in the plot in which Bothwell was the chirf 
actor. Evidence is not wanting that they have not been maie- 

^ Mary Queen of Scots and krr Aecmen^ By John IlosaaJc, BuriBttr %t La*^ 
Sd fiditioD- 2 \oU. LaDdoti, 1S70. 

' "A miuk (ruly good, ond worthy to be rvik«d lunan^t Ihe beal govenwn 
thftt thiB kJDgdom haUi eDJoyed^ and, therQfoFB, to tbia day honored wiUi th* liU* 
nf "fhe eooii tlegcnt.' "— Hportiawoodc, HiBUtry of the Ckiireh of Stottarui. ii. 13f- 

* Eni/iUfhc Gack.. L 2ti7. Ot lIir Ahdiii:tioD of Uary. Itink*? uy^h : '^Ralb 
FjelwJlliiS* halb npiwuDf^en, iFiielli aIc in iwjrii! QtntblL, uiuJ ditdurcb in die Ki 
poodigLuE, iliizi ihn llud tu ^cbeo" (.p, 260). 




THE CASKET LETTERS 



821 



blly lnterpoUt«dJ The author of an instructive chapt^x (VIII,) 
k " Mary Stewart," in "Tlie Wars of Rp!iginn/' in Volume m, 
f "The Cambridge Motlera History^' (1905), obsi-rvea respecting 
^ *'caaket letters": "The tendency of recent discovery and 
leearch, rendering at least no longer tenable certain podtions 
Uuntained by forroer opponents of their genuineness, is to sug- 
pBt a large fomidaLion of Mary's actual writing craftily altered 
Ir interpolated/'" Certain facta are referred to aa partially 

il&ined by this inference. 

At Lochleven Mary signed two documents, the one abdicat- 
tbe tlirone, the other appointing Murray Regent during the 

lority of her child. From this date, in public records, the 
■ign of iamer* VT. conmiennre, Tlie infant King was crowned 
I Stirling, on the 2Qth of July, lo67, 

■ Riirton, V. 181. As In Ih* vpiM n"™iionB of 'Vip ffnilt or innocflnr* a\ Unry, 

|vl of tliE Rpfiuliicilsu of Oiv mnhpl. duciuru-nU'. queslionA ih&t slill JnLrml the 

jln^lr of mnj, UDlwilliataucling Mr. Herbert ^p4Mic;er'ii judpiiPiil tj|<uik l}i« fr|- 

lUty of tbp vboLc inquiry, (l^e wo^kD of DuiIdq qd the ddf Htdo, mad of l]i«A<ik 

the other, fortunatrly prc^rnt llic oanc en ndcquatfly that every rradrr is aided 

lonD * conplvision far himnc-lf. Lfti^fion'H i-rfilion ol Rinhdp Kritli'a I/tni-'ty af 

jiffafra of i^hurrh and Stat& in Seo/land (prtntiKl for ihe SpnlfLRn'onile 3oPr, 

), ■ work EAV4trul>]« to Mary, prrannta lU the- h^lilcir'fi copioiUi itnies a largn 

UQt of vatviablp ED&leriflZ. BuehanAn, id hie Hitlory. but opeoially in Iki^i fip' 

^um vf thi Artitma of Afory Qupvn o} Scnla, which wiu wrillcn under ihe aiupioH 

[ Wurrav. iumIf a rbtloricat. yel powerful arid pffcclive atlack, wlijuli rcf (t^U ihfl 

tynil^r Icrling, mivcriK to Mary, tbat rxialcd at the [jme ia ficotlAod. Li.-a|y'4 

f^fvw «/ '\<* Ufitor r>f Marjfj by onr oT K^r acalagt ndhprrnts, «4*i * |?lp» oc thu 

h«r md*. He wks Icllowrd by olbtr advociiUx ol Mjtry oa litr Conlmeitl. De 

tlkou, tW gfTHl Krcnr-h biHtoHan, bphp^^'i-d wilU Burh&UD, ftnd muld itot t>s in- 

bcd by JuTkPfl I. in rptntt hm vprdirl Agalnr^l the Kln^V inoth^r r&mdcn. 

Ib^ Enj^Bb hhatoriaa ol Ute ecvEnlerEitJi cvulury. nuinlaiiied hvr innoceiicB. 

D %Bii DihfTi publialifd the dorumciLtiS, KeiUi ^nd Goodall wrote in 

iTor cjf UArVr Tyll^r. WbiE&ktrH nnd (i'lialiiLm nrjEucd on the mirf side. Rob- 

ppcodcd (c (hr tlijrd voluinc cf hin J/uf.iry d/ .^nitland & DarcfulLy slikdied 

fffrfofion irtt Kirjg flmry 'h .l/urdrTj 1o whirh hr rc^oi^iilon Hint Unry «-bh pnvy - 

Utd Hiimf mainlikirnl 1hi snme vir-w in hi* fnurih vnliimf^, iti (1>o IcKt And in kd 

^bor«le notf. Kolh ront'-nd tar lhi> eiinil nrhprv ol IttF cuhi'I dtH^urnf-nUi Gd- 

hgrt ftiuATl rpplipd in KobiTtmnr An evti'iiftiv fliKriiv*ii>n, in i^fn'PinPTH wlUi 

tti» vieVB qf Uumr iktid RolterUon, fiilp Iwo voIubk-w of Malct'lni Lalng^ flutffry 

m ffcvtiontJ. Ptidw AlpAaJider l^trAnolT publiilittl^ 'm ]frl4, a cbllvrtiaii iit pcven 

EdIuhics* of Qnten Utry'ji Ltltrrn. Mr, Froudr'a ccndeniiiklioii of Mnry morn 

b^ly rvvivBd Ihc ronlrovt'Tiy. Mortj Q'lffti itf Seat" nxid tf Jjittsi En^i/ih P%*- 

Inrvm, by Jkeuch F. Meime (Nf^q Vork, 1^72), is k polcruicnl vork Agunat Froud«. 

Hb* coaiCraT#Tt4-d i-|ti«iliDm cciruwmiiLg Miry are k^nly ranvswM by Mf. Andrtmr 

I^Dg. /firfiFTp of Snitland. 3 i?olJi-, IflOS. Thp rssket Irtti*™ are considered ^n 

SMalJ, io vol- II, nprcially \tt Appmdix A. One coDclufioD of Mr. Lang u that 

^Afl tbD evidence ulnndfi, tbc letlpiB could nol br fcuniJed oa by n Jurv: Aiii.) tbfl 

Kvtlior tuHuwIf, wIiiIl* uuable iu rejivt Uae tmimoiiy of id] tbc circiuuBlApeo to 

llftry^ B^*T ''■"'kn*>*''cdge af, and acquicAceaor In. thv crinie of bcr huaband'a 

!^urde.r. r&anol rnlfrfKin any certuD opinioa ts to the entire or pATtial Autho^ 

baty M 'h« FHAkeT l?tter<-" 

I t TbABUA Gnvea Lkv, p- 379. 



4 



SaS THE RLFORMATlOff 

In DecetTjber a pHrliament assembled, which confirmed ihe 
Act'5 of 15fl0 for the establishment of Protestantism. From this 
time the new Kirk was able to set on foot a more efficient di«:t- 
pline than hatl l>een possible before. One sign of the changp 
was the ecclesiastical frensure to which all publioationa were sub- 
jeete^l- In the eonstiktlion and govemiiient of the ;^eotIJ^ 
Church, the lay eUlfrs!iip has & prominent place. Tn 1578 i1k' 
''Second Book of Disciphne" embodied tlic complete Prraby- 
terian hierarchy, asceruling frotn the parieh aesdons througli tif 
presbyteries and provincial synods up to the General Assembly, 
whieb was Kupreme. Huperint^ndenta were reLained, whose tuno 
lion if was to carry out thi^ measurps of the Assembly. At 
[■['ankforl, Knox had composed a book of devotion for publlr 
worsliip, which he Uflcd in liie church at Geneva: *'The Fonw 
of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments, &e., used in tlw 
English C'ongregation at Geneva, and approved by the famouj 
antl goilly learnnl man, John Calvin.'^ This, with a few eJianges, 
became the "Book of Common Order" for the Scottish Churdi 
It contains no form of absolution. It includes a ConfcssioD of 
Faith, which ilifTera from thai which Parliament and the GpnenI 
Assembly adopted. This new Confession is derived from C^t- 
vin'a Catei^hism, relating to the Apostles' Creed. Tlie doctrinr 
of the Sacrament is identical with that of Calvin, as distingiiisheJ 
from the Lutheran and the earlier Zwinglian theory. There ffw 
a general form of expulsion of unworthy persons from the LordV 
table, in eormeetion with the ministration of the Sacramext 
This waa called excommunication or *' fencing of the lablfs." 
Marriages, afl well as ba|)tism3, were celebrated in church ami « 
Sundays, This " Book of Uoramoii Order" continued m use fnr 
ftbout a hun<Jre<i years, when it was dropped, in connection wilfc 
the contest against the English Preyer Book. After the Pre^ 
byterian system had been established by the Assembly, the cti! 
polity of the Church remained as a matter of law. There wm 
bishops, and also abbots and priors; these places being filled 
after 1560, by Protestants, and sometimes by laymenn in IbTl 
it was agreed between the ecclesiastical and civil authorities thai 
the old naiaejs and titles of archbishops and biahopa should con* 
tinue. although the incumbents were to have no power grealfr 
than that of superintendents, and were to be subject to the Kirt 
And General Assembly in spiritual things a@ they were \c tltf 





POLITY AND WORSHIP OF THE SCOTTISH KIRK 323 

ing ia things temporal. The tpmporalitica of the sees had 
lostJy flowed into the hantlfi o/ layoiea. This was what Knox 
jndemiied ; the revival of episeojjacy, ui the sliadowy fonn juet 
ewribpfl, appfara to have excJteil in him Uttle or no opposition.' 
ter about twenty years, the Presbyterian system, pure and 
pic, was cstabliehed, under the auspices of Andrew Melville, 
beequently, the attempts of James VI. to establish the roysl 
preriacy, and to introduee not only the Anglican polity, but 
,\iighran ritual, alno, began that contest between the Throne 
d the Kirk, which ^gnaliscd tiic next rdgn, and brought 
les I. to the scaffold.' 
The Queen of England professed, and probably with aineerity, 
high indignation at the treatment of Mary by her subjects, 
t was a flagrant disregard of EliKabeth^s great political maxim 
that the head shouid not be subject to the foot/' But in Mur- 
y abe had a perspieacioufl and hrm man to dc^al with. It was 
idtMit to the counselors of Elizabeth and to Elizabeth herself^ 
t if she interposed to put down the Protestant lords, who had 
prisoned Mary and eonjpelled her abdication, they would make 
raoncauae with France, and her own throne would be shaken, 
conclufiion, however, was not rcaehod at once, Mary cg- 
ped from Lochleven on the 2d of May, 156S, and an army 
iekly rallied to her standards It was then the wish of Eliza- 
Xh and lier Cabinet to restore her to her throne, without any 
tervention of the French, and under such circumstances as 
Id effectually eecure the safety of England and the aaccnd- 
cy of Elizabeth in her counsels. But Mary*s army waB de- 
ted at Langdde. when she was attempting to march to 
uinbarton Caslle, and she escaped by a precipitate flight into 

1 Compuv McCrip, p, 320 moq., witli Bi]rt«ri, v. 31S, The d<wijm»U m&y 

fAiind in C'ftlit4*r»i>M, NitfoTy tj the Kirk ttf SrofSnii/i (W^jdroiv Swii-ty). iik 

'O HT]. Rf# ^mj PnnclpHl Iff. HiHtfin/ of thf Churrh nf Se/ttlaTid. I. 30(5, LL 1 an{. 

'Tht Uat diiyi of Kntu were nol frre from ppTil mid i.'ODfli*!. When thn 
Derit^* p^ty Db1«inf^ Ihp BaccDrlvncTv Cm 1571) in CilLitburgh. ht reUrnl to St. 
lulfEWtr Jubca UdrilJc. DTtri-w-btdB a m'nmtfT, rbto a aLudent in ihe coIlrgD, 

left h vtry iAiFrMtini; ifncnpEion of him, a ll(^crFpil dd mnn, with mArlCTi fur 
>oi]t hiiB nKk, with a efAfT in hk-ad. uid helped ulcng the ttwvft by his T^thful 

ttnl, ilirhkrij HknTml^iir, "a.nti hy thp <uid Richnrd Mini nrdther wrvant 
rt«d up in tht» pulpiT, whpiT he behavit Id lE^n Ht bin firqt entry, hut erp hr h«d 
tuat with hii sermon, be voa Ht active ajid vifforoiia. (hmt he wui likely to dioE 
m polpil to bladd uid Qy out of ii," (McCne. p- 33^-} BanDmEynp vrvio 
tvcopliii^ MernontjU of Kooi- Knot dini dd Ehr 34th of NqvchiIkt, IfiTQ. 
orton wd, over lii» (tkvc, "tlut bt luitber fokred noi flatlered may flab-*^ 



p 



CONFLICT OF ENGLAND AND SPAIN S2.'J 



Mary Stuart was the center of the hopes of the cnemiea of 
Wtestant England and of Eliaafjctli. Thck plots looked to 
elevation of Mary to the throne which Elizabeth filled. 
tical fliiibition and religious fanatioisiii were linked logcther 
this great scheme. Mary's life was regarded by the wisest 
the EogUfih atat^smen ob a staniling menace. When her 
licity with the eonspiracy of Babington, which invohvd 
iah invasion and the detfironement and death of Eliza- 
was proved, the execution of Mary followed (15S7), 
Apart from the interference of Elir^abelh hi llic Nethprlands, 
and and Spajn had long been engaged in a desultory war- 
on the ocean, where the treaaure ships of Philip were cap- 
by Drake and his compeers, and the Spanish eoloniea 
by their attaeks, Tlie cruelty of thj? ToquisttJon to 
iah sailors in Spain (juickened the relish of the great English 
ers for this kind of retaliation. The saiUcg of the in- 
pcible Armada for the conqueat of England was at once the 
ihnitiation of tide prolonged, indefinite conflict, and the au- 
enie eflfort of the Catholic reaction to annihilate the Protectant 
nBDgth. Tlie valor of the English seamen, i^ith the wintLs for 
eir allies^ rhsper.sed and destroyeil the mighty fleet, and "the 
rthern ocean even to the frozen Thuic was scattered with 
e proud fihipwrecke of the Spanish Armada." ' A death- 
&w wftP ^vea to the hopes of the enemies of Protestant Eng- 
lUl (1588). 

A pketch of the Reformation in Great Britdn would be 

complete without some notice of the attempts to plant Prnt- 

tantism in Ireland. Ireland, one of the last of the countries 

bow io the su|>remaey of tlie Holy Sc^, has bt'en r-qualed by 

Uie in its devotion to the Roman Church, although the in- 

pendence of the country was wrested from it under t}ic warrant 

a bul! of Adrian IV., which gave it to Henry II. Proleetant- 

p was associated with the hatftl domination of foreignerSj and 

iB propagated according to niethods recognized in that age 

lAwful to the conqueror.' Invaders who were engaged in aa 

moat perpetual conflict with a subject race, the coiuw of 

Biicb was marked by horrible massacres, could hardly hope 

k cctfivert their enemies to their own religious faith. Henry 




THE REFOBJUTtOK 



VITT , hftving niftfie hiaksctf the beid of the Englidi ChwA, 
procrMed to egtakibA his gwilwiMtif I snpmnacj in the dci^ 
boring i!d&D<L l\am wu crdiianj bj the Irvli Parlummi b 
1537. but vaa milled by a pcAl put of the clergy. «iUi tte 
Arehlnsh«^ of Arau^h *t tbor beuL G€<v^ Browne, a wilfi^ 
ftf>ait of the Ki^, who had been Prcniodal of Uke Augustist 
friars in En^aod. wm nude ArdifaUap oi Dublin. Hi 
Protestant In^wr^^ wms o uu s titute d, but tbe people resKUttBB 
Oathofic Ibe mbtakfu pc^ky of seeking to Angiiciae tbe cotfft- 
try vaa pvnoed, and tbe Bcmixa «l R£po& were eondocte 
in a lOQ^ nUdi dwy did Mt oBAentaad. Ibe Prayer Boot 
whi^ vras introd u eed bi 1551. was not mdered into Irisb, bol 
was to be rwadw n ^ into ^ ■*■". fcr tbe aake ol ecdeaastksin 
otfa«n vbo were not acquainted vitb Qi^A! On tbe acttt- 
.<«(« of Vary, tbe aev fabrie «teb bid bees nncd by HeU 
nil. aad hlB aoa Ml to fieofli wiUxnit rrsuftaaee. As lL» 
C^dnbe RfMCm bnaaie of yaaa e J bi Europe, and be^ lo 
wt^ Its eoBfent with Qomb Sbabrtb, ibe Insli, wbo ^ 
acaoe cxt4iAt atanMM tbe- 1^^^»*> ivrrMft^ gencfally deoEried iL 
IVotemaftti^Bn hftd no footiDe ootade oT tbe E*ale, or wbn 
n^jUtaoUMffSTOVBol pPiB— t topreiM it or foree il ifo 
dwiMfila. IW S^MBOfd Cfanrch IB Irrind wore a eoncvfiil 
PuriUnip CEtfU mad in hs fomabiM vK fortb ftfommently A 
_ Ibe Nfv TMamml. «*& Mat 

Imh Bia tOtt: Md ibr Pntyvv Bode ttweh 
carlkr, vas not f«ncti<ood t^ poibbc autbcnty, and was fitll 
VMd.' A»o«g TsnooE ^ma aqpaAon in LdrI Bacop'e tract, 
miam m mi, wMed "rMiBiliiiliiii Und^^ ifaeQuefoi 
svT^irr in iTflMl" ift a 1 1 iMBi ■ikrini to take cane *'of tb 
rf BihiTO airf laliitJML Md ^<hg booia of 

into tbe InA kagaiBeT* IWft i^mI la^iilj and 

ibe ffiMMAmi tf cnkafai or pUnutkAS 
Ae vsn&g ovt of fuigmt^ ft^dm^^mAmB md of pkaBU 
IramcJ faUN^ft. nd At fii^ij^ of fAaMinn. He 
■aaA madwiw —d lahmi lai -nAir thaa tbeiw of Ibc 
por^ fword. Btft Ibe pfdky nlbflh Aa great pUosDf^btr aai 
ctateRmm nafltod na i«a mrr Infiiafaul^ 



CHAPTER XI 



MFORMATION in ITALT and TN SPAIN : TRB COUNTKH- 
RKKORMATION IN THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 

Protebtantism, which in the course of one generation spread 
over a great part of central and northern Europe, penetrated 
beyond the AJps and the Pyrenees. But here, in the Italian 
and Spanifih peninsulas^ it encountered the first efTectual re^ 
mstacce. Here were organized the forces that were to arrest 
itfi march, and even to reconquer territory wliich had been 
flurrendered to the new faith. 

After the emancipation of Italy from the control of ihe 
German eniperorSf by tl»e downfall of the Hnhenntaufen line^ in 
the middle of the thirteenth century, a period of two centuries 
ftod a half elapsed prior to the invadon of Charles Vlll. Tlien 
Italy became the field and the prize of the conflict between the 
Spanish -Austrian house and France. The long interval of iu- 
dependence preceding this epochs notwithst^Lnding the turbu* 
lencc and confusion that marked the political history of Italy, 
was the era in which art, letters, trade, and commerce Houri^ed 
moet; the period in which the intellectual euperiorily of Italy 
ftmong the European nations was most conspicuous. But 
municipal liberty was gradually lost. The conflicts, in the 
Dorthern and central citiej*, between tlie nobles and the coniniona, 
generally issued in the triumph of the latter; but the next 
flt«p waa the grasping of supreme power by a aingle family. 
The dominion of a tyrant or lord was built up on the ruins of 
rcFpublicanism. Florence followed the fate of other cities, and 
feU at last under the rule of the Mtxlid.' The division of Italy 
into states, at the beginning of the fifteenth century — of which 
Naples, the Papal Kingdom, Florence, Milan, and Venice, were 
the chief — was favorable to the Reformation. There waa no 
one central government with power to crush the new opinions. 

■ On thv coniiition of IIaIj Id the IMh r«ntury, iv« Si«m'>ndi. Hut d. RtpuU. 
ilai- d' J^inftn A fit. vii. ch. x.; HiJIud. Eutojk ii^tring Uu iVuJdfe Agu,c\i,\Vh-tV-^ 

327 




328 



THE REFORMATIOK 



It ougbt be pomble for thoee who vere persecuted io one d^ 
to Ree into another. On the other hand, the de^ne of the sfoit 
of Ut>ei-l}% which took place Id the age before the R^fonDftdoB, 
the brillianl age of literature and art, was an inauspicious evcsL 

TUly was a near spectator of the vena^ty and proffipMgr c( 
the Roman curia, and the victim in the strife that was kittdcd 
by the ambition of the pontifi;? to extend their teroptfttl 6iomxt 
icm and to aggrandiEe their relatives. The rebukes that wa« 
thundered from the pulpit of Savonarota were not snij^ied of 
their iniluence in consequence of his death, for which the eoint^ 
of Alexander ^1. was largely responsbte. Id the (Council ol 
the Lat^raa, in 1512. .£gidiu$, GenenU of the AuguetuiiB 
Ordo', and the Count of Miiandola, among others, denomutd 
the abuses that menaced the Church and religion itself witK 
ruin, l^e arragnment of the jwpal atlministxatjaa by the 
Transalpine refuniiens would naturaJly niEet with a sympoibctic 
re^XHlse in Italy. Yet there was a national pride coniKcttd 
wiUi the Papacy ; and this sentiment was strengthened by thft 
circumHtanee that the Papacy was often attacked as an ItaJiia 
institution, and in a style that was adapted to wound Italia 
feeling. 

As far back as the twelfth century, -\mold of Brescia, io- 
ffpired by the teaching of Abelard with a love of truth, and 
ratclung the spirit which the struggle for municipal liberty 
waa be^ning to nourish, demanded that the clergy should 
renovince their worldly possessions and temporal power, and 
return to a life of Eq}ostol)c sdmpLicity, For a time his eloquence 
carried the day in Rome itself. He pmshed at last, a martyr 
to his principles,^ The follies and vices of the clergy, even the 
iniquitous doings of Popes, had been castigated by Italun 
writers from the tiawn of the vernacular literature. Tlie lofty 
and bitter invectives of Dante are aimed at the temporal amto- 
lion and at particular misdeeds of incumbents of the Holy See^ 
At the very opening of the "Inferno," he paints the existing 
Church, cbthed with temporal power^ as : — 

"A ibe-vo^f, tlut with Ail b^bflvit^^ 
fkm vfd to b« [Aden ic bet la^m^rramt. 
And mMf folk h(u c«u«pd to !»*-• farfom."' 

■ For tlw Qtcnlim napHrHnf AmoAd of ftnob, bh Dnitaeh^ artkl* ii 



THE RELIGIOUS POSITION OF DANTE 



829 



Pope Anastaaius he charges with hereby and places among the 
!o6t ;' Pope Celestine V., for abdicating the papal chair to give 
room for Boniface VIII., lies at the mouth of hell among those 
whom mercy and justice both disdain;' and Boniface himself 
expiates his crimes ui a deeper abyss of perdition.* The Popes 
^ll turned from shepherds into wolves, and, neglectjng the 
BoR^els and the Fathers, had only comied the Decretals : — 

^^^1 "Thtir mHUtAliaoA mch not NuAreth."* 

Manfred, the son of the Emperor Frederic IL, died excommuni- 
cate; biil in Purgatory he waa found having the promiee of 
everlasting happinesa : — 

"By DuJisoQ of thvira b oot » lont 
£t«niBl 1d«e, that jt CBUDUt rrturD) 
80 loBf as Lope luA aciythJDf of grpfn."' 

Rut Dante rperives the dogmas of the Church ; his whole work 
is cstsi in the mold of the traditional theology; he places in 
the joys of Paradise, in "the heaven of the sun/' Aquinas 

Bonaventura» Albertus MagnuB^ Peter Lombard, and the other 
great lights of orthodoxy.* Heresiarehs groan under a doom 
from which there is no deliverance,' It is the abominations in 
the conduct of ecclesiastics, and especially th«r seizure of 
worldly dominion, with the wealth and pride which accompany 
it, that move the solemn poct'9 ire. Against thifi temporal 
1^ and party spirit of his successors, St. Peter inveighs in Para- 



' In Evb of Bhcpltcrdi the TAp&cioua volvfv 
Are «CCD from htnt kbova o'er nil the pBaturoH." 



Dante's ideal is the empire restored to universal rule aud having 
itfl seat in ItaJy. This theory of a monarchy ia the subject of 
hifl pohtical treatise.' Petrarch takes the same general portion, 

» rhid^, V. 8. ' PwTotort*, iii. 133-135, 

■ TbitL. iii.se. * PoFoduo. l D8. M, 107; ni. 137- 

■ /MA, ilx. M. ' /n/mio, X. 

• Panid<x>, is. IS7, ' ParadiM. xivii, 66-6A. 

■ A duB of Qritioii bavp niuuccaifully ittmipU^ to Bbov lb*t Dvite wu 
nally bctUle to lite apiriluiJ boven^iicDtv of Uiv Fopa, Our thvoiy La tlut the 
priocip*! pOftB of tliftt tjtv bi-toiiKed U^ srcteC Anti-oBcerdotA] u«oei»tionB. This 
Ihfdy b itdvocBtfli bv OfrbriFlr- rtosH^tti ; SvSo Spirilo ai^ipapaie chr pro^uttc 
ha B^fanaa. etc., trADBl&led mlo Eoglmh by Mim W»rd fLondaia, 1834) Amoog 
th* laitructive worka upon Danl^ is that of Prtjf V. Botta, DaitTt ai PhUifKiprier, 
Patrial. on^ Po*i. New York, 1M&- A vkIuaUs lisl of work^ on DAtitF, aoine 
of wfaifh rvUl« dii-Htly tc hui Ihnlogy. lb given by Pmf. Abf>g£ \ti liia B^auy. 
tUt Idee dft firrettaigkeit u dif ^tafrerhiiuhen QrundmUe in Donffl'a f^d. Ctmi'inht, 
to ttw Jahrb. d. tietUti^ttn i>an;r-<7e«rUacAa/(, t., p, ISO. a, S«a klsa ?T(A^ &^ ^^^ 
Lowdl'i IutddJ u-tide oa DauIv, jV. A, Rtvitfui, July, IffTl. 



4 




S90 THE REFORMATION 

although hiB denunciatiooB of the pollutJOD of the p&pbl curia, 
the myatical Babylon of the Apocalypse, auipfiss in intensity 
the most fiery declacnatioD of Protestants la later times. Boc- 
caccio goes a step farther. His treatment of the Church, hid 
we no otlier knowledge of him than what the ''Decamerone" 
afforda, would even lead to the conclusion that he had no revCT- 
cnce for ita teaching. Ecclesiastical persona are made to figun 
in ludicrous and scandalous situations. One of his tales, for 
example^ is the story of a Jew whom a friend endeavored Ui 
convert to the Christian faith. Tlie Jew resolves to go from 
Paris to Rome in order to see Chrisliaiiity at its headi^juail^ 
— a purpose that Htrikea with diaiuay Iiia Christian friend, who 
doubts not that the iniquitous hves of the Pope, of hie cardinal^ 
and court, will cbase from the Jew's mind all thoughts of con- 
version. But in due time he comes hack a Cliristiaii believa, 
and explains to his astonished friend that the flpectficle which 
he had beheld in the capital of Christianity had convinced him 
that the Christian reli^on must have a supernatural origin and 
divine support; else it would have been driven out of the worU 
by the profligacy and folly of its giiardiana.' 

It is generally concealed that after the timft of Dacte, Pe- 
trarch, and Boccaccio, the passionate study of the ancienta, 
which these great writers had fostered, suspended in a remafk- 
able degree the development of Italian literature, in the path 
of original production.' The Renaissance was antiquarian anJ 
critical In its spirit. All that could be done for a long timt 
was to count and weigh the treasures of antiquity which enthu- 
siastic explorers discovered within the walls of raonaateriefi, 
or brought fropi the East. The revival of letters led to thf 
exposure of fictionsj like the pretended donation of Constantine, 
whicli Laurcntiufi Valla, whom Bellarinine called a precursor of 
the Lutherans, disproved in a treaUse that produced a generri 
excitement. The skeptical tone of Italian Humaniani reducol 
to a low point the authority of the Church among the cultivatftj 
class. But the Humanists seldom possessed the heroic quftli- 

' Hit jot Lb rcproducc<i in a different shnpe hy YoitaSrc. vho Bja of "oV 
Z^i^DD " : "It ■■ uaquoatiQEiably dJvLno, HLiice- airvefitrt^ti centuricfl of tmpotLur* 
Uid imbecility hmve iiot dstroy^ il-," Quor«l by Uor!ey» Vaitairt, p, 30£' Oi 
BoccBCOio'i trentmeiit of ecdwiuEic* ud of nlLgiau, Bae QmguanA, i/uf. LiM^ 
air* d'lUilit. \IJ. 120 Mq, 

' SiflUioudl, nut. View «/ Oa LU. of tJu Suuth of furcpe, L 30(L 





INFLUENCE OF THE HUMANISTS 



381 



of charftct^ which qualified them to endure suffering for 
c cause of truth. The love of fame, a paaaJon which the 
luistiaa epirit in the Middle Agee had kept in check, rcap- 
Ibaredj in an excessive measure, in the devoteee of pagan titcra- 
kre. They burned incense to the great on whom they depended 
Ir patronage and advtuicenient, but carrieil into Lheir disputes 
Rth one another an acrimony and fierceoeas without previuus 
Itample. Pc^io, one of the principal men of letters in Uie 
^st half of the 6fteenth century, infused into hia polemjcal 
|ritings a ferocity which is only less repulsive than the groes 
bacenity that defiles other works from his pen.* The Italian 
lumanists did a vast work of a negative sorb in sweeping away 
Upcrstition, and in undermining the credit of eccleaiBsUcs 
bd of their dogmas, Tlieir positive services in behalf of a 
fcore enlightened rehgion are of less account. Yet good fruit 
rt«R grew out of the attention that was given to the Scrip- 
iires.' Academies, or private Ut^rary associations, sprang up 
i the principal cities; and in them theolo^cal topics were dis- 
hssed with freedom. The widespread culture formed a soil 
I which the seed of the new doctrine, under favorable eircum- 
iatices, might germinate.' 

{ At an early day, the writings of Luther and of the other 
[efomiers were widely disseminated in Italy. Both Luther 
pd Zwingli had their correspondents tiierc. The writings were 
kculated anonymously or under fictitioua names, and thus 
lud^ the vigilance of the eccledastical authorities.* The war 

[ ■ Tir>bovc}u, Shrria dtUa LeU^atvro Jtnl.. vi, 1027 uq- On Pogg^D, see &Ibo 
tkUun, Tnlr. Ut i\t Lit. of Sur^p^, l 60, ShephBrd, Ufa of Po^f^^i P- 460 Shep- 
^d s«yB of Kifl iDdec&nty ^nd loviCy, UiaL ihey wen "mlher vi«B of the Iiihh 
hab dI thv mAn " 

[ ■ Upoa thp mfiraE uid ralifioua (ozw. aa veil aa upoD the othsr cbu-AcreriBtiiA 
I Ote Rrnaiwnpr. Ui«re u« iateRsUng lUternvDla Ln Diirckhnrdt. Die CuUur 
t BftaUwana in Italwn (fiBid. tSOO)- Ad excellent fUcelcb uf Uie RejiuunrKV 
p It»]y, m il4 vwioua fenturo, is jpvea by Qrv^iiroviua, GtMekiehis d. Stadi Ri/m. 
b Miltehlttr, vdJ. vii. a. vi. (Stuttgarl, 1870). 

r ■ GcrdHiufl, Spteimrm JtaJiir Refxrt^attt <Lugd- Ual., 1765). An i-veeUent 
kffft fw tiie H^fatiimUoEi in IlAly ih thitt cf Dr. MoCrie^ Nittirry of the l*rc^/rtMm 
tf fHpjvnnon oj thf Heformation in IiRl}f Jnew iwJiELDii, ]8£6) Ttiu, log^Uier 
fth (he tJiatoty o! (Ae fttfimnalion in Spain, by tlit OAnit AuUior, Are AiDCinf the 
tt»i valu&blHuf ihsiuobuEtBptiarerAdiij^ toUjeperiuilof lliv RefoiraftLiuii. ft^ikc. 
of tSt Pifpr9 of Rani€ dvring thw IGth and 17th Cmfurw^ (the K<}Ucl vt Au 
worlCf Du F'vTttert u- VvUsr wn audi. EMropa), preBflDto much *iidittoiLAL 
ttcr of flKtreme vkJuc. 
• Vvlmvtban'i Lorx Covmunst were printsd lit V«uff#, \ht nuDV of Uie si:- 
bor Iwn^ givKi ah the title ptge, u !p-pofdo da Tmrra Aiffra, HcCTie, p. 23. See 
bo CtalU. ^Uiria drtla UtX. fUli. p. 2^7. 




THE REFORMATION 

between Charles V. and the Pope,» that broke out in 1526, brought 
a host of LiiLhpran soldiprs into Italy» nt&Jiy of whom, after the 
sack of Rome, remained long al Naples. Not only by ihoj 
direct influence, but by the freedom which their presence 
oGcasioned during the progress of hoBtiUties, the new doclriiie 
was disseminated- Tlie AugusUnian theology took root in 
many minds and produced a greater or less sympathy with thf 
Protestant movement. The pecuharity in the case of Italy, and 
still more, of .Spain, ia, that Protestantism could not avow itseU 
without being instantly emothered. Decided Proteslantigm 
could not hve except In conceahnenL Protestant worshiptfs 
coiil<i exist only as secret societies. In consideJing the Refor- 
mation in these countries, we must take into view the real but 
una vowed Protests n t ieni ; and alao the leanings toward the 
Proleytani system which were not sufficient to prompt to & 
renunciation of the old Church, or were repressed before they 
could ripen into full convictions. There rtere some who onlj 
hoped for the removal of the corruption that existed in the 
papal court and throughout the CathoUc Church. Another 
class sympathized with the Reformers in matters of doctrine, 
especially on the subject of Just iteration, but were not disposed 
t** alter materially the existing polity or fonns of worship. 
Still another cla^ were deterred by timidity, or lackof r^mesl- 
ness, or some more commendable motive, from declaring la 
favor of the Protestant system which they, at heart, adopted' 
Protestantism in Italy was thus a thing of degrees; and in ita 
earlier stages developed it-self in connection with tendencifS 
which diverged into the reactionary, defensive, and aggre^dve 
force to which the Catholic Church owed its restoration. 

Before the death of Leo X., a reverent^ devotional spiritf 
opposed to the skeptical and epicurean tone of society, mani- 
fested itself among a class of educated Italians. Fifty or siily 
persona united at Rome in what they called the Oratory ol 
Divine Love, and held meetings for worship and mutual educa- 
tion. Among them were men who afterwards reached the 
highest distinction, but were destined to separate from one 
another in their views of Reform: CaralTa, Contarini, Sadolet, 
Giberto, all of whom were subsequently made cardinals. The 
common bond among them was the earnest desire for the re 

■ MoCri^ p. 103. 




CHARACTER OF ITALIAN PROTE8TAKT1SM S39 

moval of abuses, and for the moral refornmtion of the Church 
in its bead and members, Contarini may be considered the 
head of those who espoused a doctrine of Justification ^ not 
materially distinguished from that of Luther. With him were 
found, a few years later, at Venice^ besides former associates, 
Flaminio, a thorough believer in the evangelicfil idea of gratui- 
tous salvation, and Reginald Pole, who adopted the same 
opinion, Tliis party of Evangelical Catholics were devoted to 
the CathoHc Church, and to the unity of it. TTieir aim wa** to 
purify the existing body; but in their viewa of the great doc- 
trine, which formed the original ground of controversy^ they 
Blood in a position to meet and conciliate the Protestants. 
Their doetrine of Justification, bringing wilh it a greater or 
less inclination to other doctrinal rhanges in keeping with it, 
spread among the intelligent classes throughout Italy. 

In Ferrara, the reformed opinions were encouraged and 

protected by Ren^e or Rcnala, the wife of Heiculee II., who 

was equally distinguished for her learning and her peraonaj 

attractions. At her Court the French poet, Clement Marot, 

found a refuge ; and here Calvin resided for some months, under 

an assumed name. Among the professors in the University at 

Ferrara was Morata, the father of the celebrated Olympia 

Horata, and, like her, imbued with evangelical opinions. At 

Modena, which was renowned for the culture of its iahabifanta, 

the new doctrine found a hospitable reception; especially 

among the members of the academy, who looked with contempt 

on the priests and monks. Cardinal Morone^ the Bishop of 

Uodena, who had been abeent in Germany on miesions from the 

Pope, writes, in 1542, "Wherever I go, and from aU quarters^ 

I hear that the city has became TjuthfraT]," ' In Florence, 

though it wa:^ the seat of the Methci, and furnished in this age 

two Popes, Leo X, and Clement VII., many embraced the ProU 

estant faith. Among them was Brucioli, who published, at 

Venice, a translation of the Seriptin^es, and a commentary on 

the whole Bible. Not less than three translators of the Bible 

in this period were bom at Florence, At Bologna, Mollio, a 

celebrated teacher in the University, after the year 1533, taught 

the Protestant views on Justification and other points, until 

te vas removed from his office by order of the Pope, Subi 

■ UcCrifl, p. M» 




S84 THE REFORMATION 

qucntly, through a letter to the Protcstaots of Ik^agn&, from 
Bucer, and through another letter from thecD^ we learn thil 
they were numeroiiB. Venice, where prinLing and the btx^ 
trade flounshed, imd where the interoAl poUce was less 9ev^ 
tb&n elsewhere, afTered the best advaatages both for the sir 
reception aniJ active diffusion of the reformed doctriDea. ''You 
give mc ioy>" eaid Luther, in 1528, "by what you write of tlie 
Venetians receiving the word of God." Later prosecutioos for 
heresy there were multiplied. Pietro Camesecchi, who after- 
wards die<] for his Faith, LupetiDo, provincial of the Pranciscam, 
who abo perished bs a martyr, and Baldassare Aitieri, who 
acted aa agent of the Protestant princed in Germany, w»t 
among the moat efficient in dJJfusing the Protestant opinioru.^ 
Padua, Verona, and other places within the Venetian territoij 
likewif^e riimished adherents of the new faith. The same vts 
true of the Milanese, where the conUguity to Switserland, and 
the political changes in the duchy, opened avenuea for the 
introduction of heresy. 

In Naples, Juan Vald^a, a Spaniard, Secretary of the Viceroy 
of CharWj* V., was an eloquent and influential supporter of dw- 
evangelical doctrine, and won to the full or partial adoption of 
it many persons of distinction; including^ it is thought, Vic- 
toria Colonna and other members of the Colonna Fanuly,' His 
devout mysticism recommended him as a reli^ous guide lo 
many who did not give their usual attendance at the Churches. 
In many other places, a good beginning was maile in the san* 
direction. Not a few among the numerous gifted and culti- 
vated women in that age, when zeal for the study of the ancient 
authors had become a porvading passion, were attracted to the 
evangelical doctrine. Tills doctrine gained many converts among 
the middle classes. In a decree of the Inquisition, three thousand 
schoolmaatera were siud to have espoused it. CarafTa infonnfti 
Paul IlL that " the whole of Italy was infected with the Lutheran 
heresy, wldch had been extensively embraced both by stales- 
men and ecclesiastics.''* "Whole libraries/' £ays MelaACthaQr 

< M<Cri4, p. fl4. 

■ Sbb the LfrftTDHJ »rtiot« on V#Jd£a by Dt. Kd B6hm«T, En Hct»Cp ftfui- 
tneyfl. d TkKnt. Thttte vrere twa brothpn, Alfoiuo ftnd Juui. Alfotuu "M 
aivi f&vurflbLe to the RefarmatLOD. Dr Bt^hmer prMentA ■ ruU davriptioD ^ it* 
writings and opluioua of Ju&u VjildAi, 

■ Quoted by UoCrie, p. IIQ. 





PROGRESS OF PHOTB8TANT1SM IN ITALY 



8d6 



in a leK^^r wnU^n probably in 1540, "have been carried Trom 
the Iflt*' f^r into Italy." There ia do dojbt thjit the evangelical 
doctrine was favorably regarded by a large body of educated 
pereona, for it was almost exclusively among these that it found 
sJ^Tlfmthy. The ifiost eminent preacher in Italy, Bernardino 
OcliinOf General of the Capuchins, who drew crowds of admiring 
auditors at Venice, and wherever eUe he appeared in the pulpit, 
and Peter MartjT Verniigli, an honored member of the Augua- 
tinian order, who was hardly less distinguished t and a much 
abler tbeolo^an, were of this number. Chiefly owing to the 
labors of Martyr, Lucca had, perhaps, more converts to the 
evangelical faith than any other Itahan city. The little treatise 
on the ^^Bencfitfl of Christ/^ which waa composed, not by Pale- 
ftrio, but by a disciple of Vald^s, Benedetto of Mantua, was 
cireulaled in thousands of copies, Paleario wTote a book of 
like piirpnrl, on the sufficiency and eflleaey of the death of 
Christ.' We have the testimony of Pope Ciement \1I. to the 
wide prevalence, in different parts of Italy, of "the pesfiferoua 
hereby of Luther," not otJy among secular persons, but alao 
among the clergy,' 

In Venice and Naples, the Reformed Churches were organized 
with paatorSf and heM their secret meetings. Unhappily^ the 
Sacratnent&rian quarrel broke out in the former place, and waa 
aggravated by an intoler&nt letter of Luther, in whieh he tle- 
clar^'d his preference of tranajhstantiation to the Zulnglian 
doctrine: a letter which Melanethon, in his epistles to friends, 
notieef] with strong terms of condemnation. 

Paul ITT., who succeeded Clement VII., in 1634. ehowed him- 
oflf friendly to the Catholic reforming party. He made Con- 
larini earrlinah and elevated to the same rank Caraffa, Pole, 
Sadolelf and others, most of whom had belonged to the Oratf.>ry 
of Divine Love, and some of whom were friendly to the Prot* 
r«tant doctrine of salvation. He appointed ComratMione of 
Reform, whose business it was to point out and remove abuses 
in the Roman curia, such as had exeited everywhere just com- 
plaint. A commission^ to which Sadolet and Car&ffa belonged, 
met at Bologna in 1537, and presented to the Pope a consilivm. 



• 



1 Od the tvD ftuthora, ■» Ui« Cttmbrid^ Motim HitUify. v«| n. pp. JUB, 



or opinion, in wliicb th^y doscribed the abuses in the admiiuc- 
tration of the Church as amounting to "a p«itiferous malady.*' 
'Hicir advice was approved by Paul III,, and printed hy his 
directioih Ridicule, however, was excited in Germany when 
it was kDown that one of the measurea recommended by Ibe 
accomplished Sadolet, in connection u-ith his assoeiates, was 
the exclusion rf the Colloquies of EnLsmus fioni seniinaritfi 
of learnmg- The hopes of Contarlni and his friends were sai^ 
guine; and it seemed not impossible that ao great conceaaou 
might be made that the Prot^tants would once more uniw 
themselves with the Church. At the Conference at Ratisbon. 
in 1541^ Pontarini appearpfl as Legate of the Pope, and met, 
on the other side, Hueer and Melancthon, the moat nioilfrale 
aod yielding of all the Protcatant leaders. TTie political atua- 
tion was such, that the Emperor exerted himself to the utRioe! 
to bring about an accommodation between the two partjH- 
On the four great articles, of the nature of man, original m, 
redemption and justification, they actually came to an agree- 
raent, The Primacy of the Pope, and the Eucharist, were tie 
two great points thftt remained. But the project of union mrt 
with opposition from various quarters. Francis I. ra!i«d so 
outcry against it, as a surrender of the Catholic faith, his motive 
being the fear of augmenting the power of Charles. Luth^ 
was dissatiafied with the platform, on account of its want of 
definitencBfl, and had no confidence in the practicabiencss ol 
a union. On the opposite aide, the same feeling manifeatd 
itself: CarafTa did not approve of tlie terms of the agreemeDt 
which Coritarini had sanctioned, especially in regard to jufiUfici- 
tion, and Paul III. took the same view. There wa? jealousy 
of Charles at Rome: all of his enemies combined against ite 
Bcheme. Thus the great project fell to the ground. 

This event mwrks the division of the Catholic reforming part)', 
Oaraffa, while severe and earliest in his demand for practicil 
reforms which should purify the administration of the Churdi, 
from the Pope downwards, was sternly and inflexibly hostile 
to every modification of the dogmatic system. He stood font 
as the representative and leader of those who were resolved to 
defend to the last the polity and dogmaii of the Church, ag&uist 
all innovation, while at the same time they aimed to infuse i 
Bpiht of strict and even ascetic purity and zeal into all its of&ceni 




THE OBDER OF JESUITS 



337 



rom the highest (o the lowest. It waa Lhis party that revived 
hf* tone of the Catholic Cliurch, rallied iks chsorgarizp<l farrps, 
uid turned upon its adversaries with a renewed and formidable 
energy. 

There were two principal instrumentfl by which lliis internal 
-©novation and aggressive movement of the Catholic Giurch 
vere Bcconiplishrd. Thesi? were the rise of new orders, ee- 
►ecially the order of Jesuits; and the Council of Trent* 

A renval of zeal io the Catholic Church ho^ always been 

rignalised by the appearance of n<?w developments of the mo- 

[lafitic spirit. In truth^ mouasticisni arose at the outset from a 

feeling of weariness and disgust at the woHdUnesa which had 

Invaded the Church, When the societies under the Benedictine 

roJe lapsed from their strictness of discipline and purity of life, 

DGw fraternitiee, as that of Clugni» sprang up, in which monastic 

pmpUcity and severity were restored. As the«e in turn feit 

he enervating influence of wealth, the great mendicant orders, 

the Dominicans and Franciscans, were established, the ofT- 

ipiing of a more earnest spirit. One palpable aign of the re- 

uacitation of the Catholic body was the fomoation of new 

DQorastic fraternities, like the Theatines, who were organised 

under the auspices of Caraffa — priests with monastic vowa, 

rho did not call themselves monks, however, and adopted nn 

bueteritie« which interfered with their practical labors in prcach- 

Dg^ adminietenng the saeramenlfi, and tending the eickn Tlieir 

ervid addresses from the pulpit were the mare impressive from 

the knowledge which their auditors had of their devoted lives. 

TUey were gradually transformer! into a seminarj' for the train- 

ng of priests. But this and other new orders, aignificant and 

Effective as Ihey were, were soon echpsed by the more renowned 

ind Influential Society of Jesus, Ignatius Loyola, a Spanish 

Boldier of noble birth, blemling w^th the love of his profes&uon 

Bomething of the rehpous spirit that had characterized the 

medieval chivalry, received in the war against the French, at 

the siege of Pampcluna, in 1521. wounds in both his legs, which 

disabled him from military service. In his meditations during 

lis illness, the dreams of chivalry were curiously mingled with 

devotional aspirations. The glory of St, Dominic, St. Francis, 

iod other heroes of the faith seized on his imagination^ 



SfiB THE REFORMATION 

More and more tho viajons of a secular knighthood traneformf^i 
themselves ioto visions or a Bjniritual kni^thood under Christ 
BS the Leader. He exchanged the romance of Amadis for ihe 
lives of the sainU, The romantic devotion of a knight ta hs 
lady turned into an analc^ous consecration to the Virp, 
before whose image he hung up his lance and ahield- Tw- 
mented for a long time vixh remorse and despondency, wjtli 
alteraations of peEce and joy, he at length found relief in (he 
conviction that his gloomy feelings were inspirations of iht eril 
spirits and therefore to be trampled under foot and cast ouL 
He did not escape from his mental distress^ og Luther did^ by 
resting on the Word of God and the revealed method of f(tf- 
givenesSj but in a way more consonant with the singular ch»> 
actiTistiea of his taind.' The legal syst^^m of the Middle Ap» 
had always produced a yearning for rapturous, eftstatic e:tpm- 
eneca, which miglit afford that inward assurance of salv&tioa 
which the accepted theory of Juelification could not yidd. 
At Paris, where Ignatius went to study theology, he brought 
completely under his influence his two companions, Faber and 
Francis Xavier. In a cj?1I of the Collf^e of St. Barbara, the 
first steps were taken in the formation of this powerful and 
celebrated society. Three other Spaniards joined the aam 
enthusiastic circle. They took upon them the vow of chastity, 
swore to spenil their lives, if possible, at Jerusalem, in absolute 
poverty, in the care of Christiana, or in efforts to convert tfafr 
Saracens; or, if this should not be permitted thejD, thef 
engaged to offer themselves to the Pope, to be sent wherever 
he should wisli, and to do whatever he should command. In 
Venice they were ordained as priests, and here it became evi- 
dent that the appointed theater of their labors was Eu^op^ 
and not the East, In 1540 their order was sanctioned ; in 15ti, 
unconditionally. They chose IgnaUus for their President, "n* 
new order was exempt from those monastic exerdses whiA 
fflnsume the time of monks generally, and was left frw for 
practical labors. These were principally preacJiing, heanng 
confession, and directing individual consciences, and the edit- 
cation of youth^ a part of their work which they rcganjedt 
from the beginning, as in the highest degree eesential. 1\» 
"Spiritual Exercises'' of Ignatius was the textbook, on whift 

^ RaoIu, History «f the Poptt, i. tSS, 



L 




IGNATIUS LOYOLA 



339 



ic inward life of the membors wae molded^ and whinh 
rved as a guide in th^ Tnanagenjcnt of the confesBional, The 
isolute detaching of the soul from the world, and from all its 
jjects of desire^ and the absolute renunciation of self, are 
xdinal elements in the spiritufll drill set forth in thie manual, 
four main divisions, it is a courae of severe and prolonged 
troffpection, and of forced^ continuous attention to certain 
lemes of thought, the dertign of the whole being to bind the 
ill immovabiy in the path of reli^ous consecration. This 
Vect ia produced by exciting;, and, at the same time, subjugat- 
g the imagination. It k the narratives, not the doctrines, of 
le Gospel, to which the mind la riveted in prolonged contenipla- 
DD- Tlie aim ia to give to the mental perceptions the vivid- 
Ma of externa! vision, Ignatius carries the '^ reign of the 
neea within the sphere of the soul" To the imaginative 
ely of the Middle Ages, that reveled in ecetamea and raptures, 
3 pves a syfltemaiic form, a definite direction. The effect of 
discipline like this, where reason gives up the throne to im- 
^ation, which is ever excited and at the same time enslaved, 
Mild not be otherwise than deleterious upon the moral nature, 
et there ie a wide contrapt between the Jesuitism of Loyola 
id the degenerate Jesuitism depicted in the ''Provincial 
etters." ' 

The compact organf^ation oF the Society of Jeflun, with its 
iree grades of membership, included provisions for mutual 
rersight of such a character that the General even, notwith- 
andlng his well-nigii unlimited power, might be admonished, 
id^ on adequate grounds, deposed from his station. The on« 
ffnprehensive obligation to which the members were bound 
BB that of instant, unquestioning, iinquahfied obedience- To 
J where they were sent, if it were to a tribe of savages in the 
mot«et part of the globe; to do what they were bidden, with- 

K delay and without a murmur, in a spirit of absolute self- 
inder, "utque cadaver," was the primal duty, Such was 
ke origin and general character of the Society wtiich was 
Ktined to wield an incalculable inQucncc in reguscit^ting 
tholieism, as well as in weakening, and^ in some quarterB, 
Dnihilating (he power of its adversaries. 

Hie second of ihe great agencies of Catholic renovation was 

■ lUnici, Him. r>; Frantx, viii. 305. 



I 



340 THE REFORMATION 

the Tridendnc Council/ For a long period, the project oti 
Council, which was a favorite one with the Refonnera for aome 
time, and which th^ Emperor inaet^^d on, was repugnant in lh» 
highest degree to the wishes of the Popes. A general coufldi 
was their dread. It was something, however, which it m 
more and more difficult to avoid. The spread of herefi>% em 
in Italy, wae one motive which made Paul IlL willing to oo- 
voke such an assembly. The Council of Trent was formillj 
opened in December, 1545. The great question was whether i( 
should begin with the reform of the Papacy, or with (iefitutinni 
of dogma. In other words, what attitude should the CouadJ 
take towardfl the Proteetants? A conciliatory or antagoniiti* 
one? Carafla was euatidned in his policy by the Jesuits. TTic 
papal influence predominated^ and having defined the soUTM 
of knowletlge of Revealed Religion in terms that left lie 
authority of tradition unimpaired, with anathemas against \ht 
Protestant doctrine cf the exclusive authority of the Scriptuw 
the Council proceeded to condemn the Protestant doctrine of 
Justification, disregarding the arguments of the ^vangelial 
Catholic party of Contarini, which was effectively represenwl 
in the debate. The success which Charles V. was gainiag in 
the Smalcaldic war emboldened the ruling party at Trent to 
assert the old dogmas without abatement or concession. 71* 
theorj" of gradual justification and of merit was followed by ui 
equally positive assertion of the old doctrine of the Sacramento- 
The history of the Council is inseparably connected with lie 
relations of the Pope to Charles V. The fullness of the Em- 
peror's triumph, flo much beyond the desires of Paul lU., W 
to an attempt by him to transfer the Council to Bolo^; 
and the jealousy that was felt on account of the greatness nf 
the power acquired by Charles at the end of the war, and CQ 

' Tlifl hifltory of the Council of Trent bos been Hrilicn by Iwq nuthontftf 
Crppoidle temper, Father Paul Earpi, aa enemy of the p&p&l puwH. %od F1ll**^ 
cini, itJi dtfendur an<i ppoLo^ist. RimlLc hpa BiibjecVcd Ui?«f iiDport&nl wofii <* 
a DCB-rching Qtitlciiica uid campanfozi. in Iho AppL-ndiv (§ ii,) of Uiq Ili**ry^ 
0*€ Papet. Ho fl*}"0 : "Both of them are pomplete partiuuka, and are Jtfifirf 
in f.h« apiril of mi hLitDrisn, vhirh u>iEea upon rJrciimBtani?^ Knd obJHta in 0\i^ 
full truth, and bJinga them diPtmcUy to vie*. Sarpi had the pri»-er (o do Bp 
but bia ooly aim hbb to attack: F^lB^iciai bad infiuitely len of thf r«qa«i* 
talentn and bia object vad to defead hb ptJty at aU haiar^" Of Sarpi, lUo^ 
obffcr^'n BgiiinF "The ■uthoriLLeH are bnrught Cugethcr with dili^iice» &rc *■ 
handled, and used vilh candiunniatf taktit: tio caDnoi nay tbat ther air ti^^ 
ficd, or- Ibat Jh*v arp frptiuently or matpriBlly altered; btit the wbok i*""* • 
colored with a liaga ol deodedeonuty lo the Papal po»*r." 






THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 



341 



It of the Interim ami the rest of his Echempp of pacifi- 

,, defeated the ends which the EEiiperor had hoped to ac- 

iplish. Not to pursue the subject into its iletaiU, tJte result 

ail of the negotiations ard struggles of the Coiindl was that 

papEd po^'cr eseapeii without curl^iln^ent. Efforts to re- 

ice the prerogatives of the Pope were ingeniously baffled. 

Professio Fidei^ or brief formula of subseription to the 

idenl.ine Creed, contained a promise of obedience to the Pope. 

*0 this formulary all ecclesiastics and teachers are required to 

'e their absent. The Roman Catechism was prepared and 

iblished under the direction of the Pope, by the authority of 

Council; the Vulgate^ which had been declared authorita^ 

tve in controverted, was issued in an authorized edition, and a 

riary and a Missal put forth for uni^'e^5aI use. The Council 

Trent did a great work for the education of the clergy, 

le better organization of the ivholc hierarchical body, and the 

dpiine of the Church. Its canons of reform regulated the 

luties of the secidar and regular priesthood, ineuleated the ob- 

ktions of bisho^js, aiid introduced a new order and eihciency 

Uie management of parishes. 

The Creed of Trent was definite and intelligible in itB dental 

the distinguishing points of Protestanliem; but on the ques- 

in dispute l>etween Augustanian and semi-Pelagian parties 

the Church, it was indefinite and studiously ambiguous. But 

le Council, both by its doctrinal formulas and its reformatory 

ions, contributed very much to the consolidation of tJie 

lureh in a compact body. It was no longer necessary to seek 

the standard of orthodoxy in the various and conflicting 

itings of fathers and schoolmen, or in the multiplied declara- 

ions of the Popes. Such a standard was now presented in a 

►ndon^icd form iind with direct reference to the antagonistic 

rtrines of the time^ 

But there was another agency of a different character, wliich 
ra« set in motion for tfie purpo?^ of eradicating heresy. This 
tiie Inquisition. It waa reorganized in Italy on the reeom- 
lenclation of CarafTa, by Paul III, in 1542, as the Holy Office 
the Universal Church. Caraffa was placed at the head of 
and in 1555 the prime author and ihe etem chief of fhis 
ibunal became Pope under the name of Paul W. Tl»e In- 
lui^tion was an institution which had its ori^n in the ^^m^'j 



84S 



THE REFORMATION 



days of the thirteenth century, for the extirp&tion of the Albi- 
gensian hpr'^sy. It is a court, the peculiarity of which lies in 
the fart that it is e?rpre-B3ly constituted for the detection ADd 
punisliment of heretics, and supersedes, wholly or in part, in 
the discharge of this function, the bishops or ordinary Author- 
itiee of the Church. It is thus an extraordinaj^ tribunal, with 
its own rul?s and methods of proceedings ita own mode-^ of 
eliciting evidence. The Spanish Inquisition, in its peculur 
form, wa» set up under Ferdinand and Taahella» in the firsl b- 
stance for the purpose of diacovering and punishing the convott 
from Judaiani who returned to their former creed- Tht atrt»- 
iUes of which it was guilty under Torquemada moke a dut 
and hloody page of Spanish history,* It grew into an institu- 
tion coextensive with the kingdom, with an extremely tyraimioJ 
and cruel system of administration; and was so intemcwn 
with the civil governmcDt, after the humbling of the oobJa 
and the destruction of liberty in the cides, that the despotit 
rule of Charles V, and of Philip IL could hardly have bcra 
mflJntainci] without it. It wa«4 an en^ne for stifling sedition u 
well as hereay. Hence it was defended by the Spanish mv^ 
eigns against objections and complaints of the Popes. Htf 
Inquisition, in the form which it assumed in Ilaly, under tb 
auspices of Caraffaj dUTered from the corresponding institTiiipa 

' UorPTitf, ffwJ, Cnlvpird* i' Inrjuttitum d' Etpoffnr (I8]7-Ifi}. Uorenip •" 
nK^rpIary of Ihft Inqnifiitmn, find having hid Ihp heni oppnrtuDiUH for ib« it 
vmEi^tlon of iU histury, epent i?Fvi?r»l yum in thr proparadon of hln trark. Tir 
Ftencii LrajiBlAtian of PelLrt hbb niBcle aader ihe i^tilhuf'fl eye- lAnn-nUi wh t 
libera] ptintj iJi sympathy with the nimo of the rrriioh Rpvolulion, abd ■ np- 
portfT of the Bonnparto rule in Bjicun, ttc bclJcvnd ihc InquiAttiaa to be*'"in>a 
iQ jt« principle, in iu conatitutiDD, uid in ita Ikwb" {Pref,, p. x.), Aud he faadt* 
■pei^iid m'Jnrence for tbt Popeir ¥#t *t the time of Eho compcwlioQ oT Uuv^ft- 
hifl rplaTlon to the Ciktholir Chuirh wbji not. u it aftprvurdlfl tvcftine, jtnUfofuilie 
The work of Uonmle bas been urfavDrably crfticiBrd by Rom&n CbLhnlrB inila^ 
npeci^ly by Hrrelp, Drt Cardinal X imma, elc- (2[1 rd.. iSdt), p. 241 e^. Hffdt 
inaJSlfl, in Ihp Qrat plKcr, tlmt llic SpacJah InquioLtioEi HBd pre J o mif iii rJ y u ^ 
Hlnmiciit of Ihc (ovcmraent, and tJiat the Popes mdfftvorftJ tc dieck ihe bp***" 
tioa fif tb« Floly OlEeo ; and, eDoondly, that the charge* of cruolly broiiAbt ■pi*' 
th& InquuitJon hnvf been greatly cnAggera(«d. Htf«lp'fl pnncifttl point ii Uff- 
tvDte'w atl^sd nLlHcaJeulatmn of the nurnber of virbma af the loquuitka. ^ 
is to he obaervpd that most of his atiimadvprsioriB upon TJoPeJit*, HpF«Jf ii nbhpi 
to Hua[«in by lufonnailoii wliich fJorenle himsdl fdmisheo, Hefele conadrn U* 
PicAcutt IiMj erred in buidf ^oiIJguIiiib, ttunu^L tlie LitflueDcc of Llorvule- Tcv 
cott's aocouat of the liiquii»i1iDri ia in hlo HUtory of the Rei^n vf PtrdiKond ^ 
Ivthdla, I. ch. \i^. Hefclr^ ha« much to »y of the diapo^itjon of ^e Jews la Dakt 
proflelylffl, vhich ha ArDflidrTB a palli&tiaD of tLe courve t&keii by thg l&qidBlil^ 
l^nt the vast uimbw of inejnf^n J«wiah toav»rI« to ChriBtiaaity, irba fujaliM 
biuinmi fo thp Tnquifiiiioii, provm that the "proaelyf«o-«iaalu4«i" «at vIV 
jHOcI) on tl)e 9]dB of t^ie Jbwh^ 



THE INQUlsmON 



»4d 



n Spain, in eorae respects, but it resembled the latter in auper- 

eding the ordinarj' tribunftls for the exercise of discipline^ imJ 

f&fi founded on the same generti] principles. Sbt cardiD&ls 

were made inquisitors general, with power to constitute in- 

erior tribunals, and with autho:ityj on both ddes of the AlpSj 

o incajcerate and try all suspected perBons of whatever rank or 

irder. The terrible machinery of this court was at once eet 

D motion in the States of the Church, and although resistance 

tas offered in Venice ami in other parts of Italy, Uie Tnqui^tJon 

radually extended its active sway over the whole pecinwula, 

lie result was that the open profeaaon of ProtcBlantism was 

QfltAHtly suppressed. The Popea after CaJafTa, cspccifllly Sistus 

T-, increased its powers and the number of its officials. In 

542, prior to the formal establighment of ihe Holy Office, 

Ichino and Pet*^r Martyr, unwilling longer to conceal their ad- 

te&ion to the I^otestant faith, and being no longer safe in Italy, 

lad left their country and found refuge v^ith the Protestants 

korth of the Alpe. Equal amazement was occasioned when, 

Q 1548, Vergerio, bishop of Capo dTstria, a man of distinction, 

rtio had been employed in important embassies by the Pope, 

allowed their example. A multitude of auapected persocfi fled 

o the Grifiona and to other parts of SwitBerhind, The acade- 

Kiiefi at Modena and elsewhere were broken up. The Duchess 

pf Ferrara was compelled to part from all of her Protestant 

rieDd8 and dependents, and was herself subjected to constraint 

iy her husband. The Protestant church of Locarno waa driven 

lUt, under circuraslancea of preat hardship, and found an asy- 

LUD In Switzerland^ Imprisonment, torture, and the flames 

sere everywhere employed for the destruetion of heterodox 

ipinions^ At Venice the practice was to take tlie unhappy 

rictim out upon the sea at midnight and to place him on a 

liiik, between two boats, which were rowed in opposite direc- 

WkoBj leaving him to sink benenth the waves. Many distin- 

Bruitdied men were banished; others, as Aonio Paleario and 

Eamesecchi, were put to death. The Waldensian settlement 

■D Calabria was barbarously massacred. One essential part of 

■be work of the Inquisition, and a part in which it attained to 

fcurprising success, was the suppression of heretical books. The 

ftooksellers were obligetl to piirge their slock to an extent that 

pras ainiost ruinous to their business. 3o vi^ant waa the 



344 THE REFORMATION 

tletective police of the Inquisition, that of the thousands i 
copies of the evangelica] book on the " BeDefite of Christ." it 
was long supposed that not one was left.^ Id a more recait 
period eome .surviving copies have come to light. As t 
part of the repressive eystem of Caraffa, the "Index'' of pro- 
hibited books was established, Besides the pajticular authors 
aud books which were condemned, there was a list of more 
than sixty printers, all of whose pubhcations were prohibitol 
Oaraffa put upon the Index the Camdlium or Advice, wliieh m 
connection with Sadolet and others he hiniaelf had offL-n^l ]o 
Paul III>, on the subject of a reformation, and in whicb w- 
clesiastical abuses had been freely eengure<l.' Later, under the 
auspices of Sixtus V., the ^'Index Expurgatorius " arosf, for 
the condemnation, not of entire works, but of particular pn*- 
sages in permitted bookn^. The sweeping persecution whidi 
was undertaken by the Catholic Reaction did oot spare Ibe 
evangelical Catholics, whose views of Justification were oth 
noxious lo the faction that had gained the ascendency. T^fff 
were regarded anil treated as little better than avowed enemies 
of the Church, Even Cardinal Pole, who had forsaken En^ 
land rather than accede to the measures of Hetiry VIIL, aad 
had been made Papal Legate and Archbishop of Canlerbury 
under Mary, was in disgrace at the time of his death, which ff»a 
shuult!ineovis with that of the Queen. Cardinal Morone, thr 
Archbishop of Mo^lena^ charged with circulating Pdeano's 
book on tlie Atonement, with denying the merit of good worb. 
and with like ofTenaes, was imprisoned for about two year*, 
UTitiJ the death of Paul TV., in 1559, set him free. The ch*i- 
acteristtc spirit of the dominant i^art}' is seen in the impraJii- 
cable demand of this Pope that the sequestered property d ik- 
monasteries in England should be restored. This party 8«^ 
ceeded in vutually extinguishing Protestantism in Italy. 

In Spain a literary spirit liad early arisen from ihe influoicr 
of the Arabic schools,' Tlie Erasmian culture found a ccrdiil 

^ MfiOkuUy, in hi3 Rennp of Ranlrt't Hulory oj tht Pcpt/i {Ed. Rn , 1^*^ 
■nic] of this book, "TI in now fej hop^lrsaly lost bb the second decad* of Lj^-" 

' For Ibc proof ol this* see McCne, p, 0!, 

' McCrit, tlialory of the ProffTvm and Supprmum of tht RrfarmariMt u 5(n* 
^1 tfte SijierrUh Cfninry (neiv td., iS5G). This wotIl is the cuiapaiiioa of Uu J^ 
/ "-ff lh/ l/ie RcJorm^Uion in lta\^, aod of acaracly Icbb valua. 





SPANIBH PB0TESTANT3 



reception, Tliere grew up an Erasniian and an anti-Eraamuui| 
Pflrty. "TTie Complutensiao Polyglot" was an edition of tl 
Scriptures tbat reflecta much credit upon Cardinal Ximenea, I 
whom it waa issued. He not only was active in the reform of 
the Dionks and elergy; he was a patron of scholars. Yet, he 
was opposed to rendering the Bible into the vernacular of the 
people, and was a siippcrt*^r of the Inquisition. The resent- 
n^ent which this odioua tribunal awakened, wherever a love of 
frcodom lingered^ predisposed some to the acceptance of the 
doctrine which it persecuted. Tlie intercourse with Germany 
BJid the Netlierlands, into wliieli nmny Spanianls, both laymen 
aud clergy, were brought from the common relation of these 
countries to Charles V., made the Protestant doctrines familiar 
lo many, of whom not a few regarded them with favor. It 
was observed that Spanish ecclesiastics who sojourned in Eng- 
bnd after the marriage of Philip II. to Mary, came back to their 
country, tinged with the lieresy which they had gone forth to 
oppose. The war of Charlea V. against Clement VII., which 
led to the sack of Rome and the iniprieonment of the Pontiff, and 
the presence of a great body of SpanltJi clergy and nobles at 
the Diet of Aug>^burg, where Uie ProU^etants presented their 
noble confession, were events not without a favorftble influence 
in the same direction. As early as 1519 the famous printer of 
Ba^l, John Froben, sent to Spain a collection of Luther'a tracts 
in Latin, and during the next year the Reformer's commentary 
on the Galati&ns, in which his doctrine was fully exhibited, 
was translated into Spanish. Spanish translations of the Bible 
were printed at Antwerp and Venice, and notwithatajiding the 
watchfulness of the Inquisition, copies of them, as well as other 
publications of the Protestants, were introduced into Spain m 
large numbers. Some Spaniards perished abroad, martyrs to 
the Prol^tant faith; as Jayme Enzinas, a cultivated scholar, 
who was burned at Rome in 1546, and Juan Diaz, who was 
■(nimrrinitrii in Germany by a fanatical brother, who had tiied 
in vain to convert him, and who, having accomplished his act 
of bloody fratricide, escaped into Italy and was protected from 
punishniPiiL It was at Seville ami Valladoliil that Protestant- 
ianj obtainetl most adherents- Tliose who adopted the reformed 
interpretation of the Gospel generally contented thcmselvefl 
witJi promulgating ttj without an open attack on the CkthoUfi 



ftM THE REFORMATIO^^ 

thoology or the Church, It wad the doctriDe of justificatioii b} 
faith alone which, here as in Italy, gained meet cummcy. h 
Seville the evangelical views were introduced by Rodrigo d« 
Valero, a man of rank and fa^ion, whose character had b«L 
transformed by the reception of them, and who promulgated 
them in conversation and in espositione of the Scripture to 
private circles. He was saved from the flames only by tbe 
favor of persona in aur-horiLy, but was Imprifioued in a conveot. 
The moat eminent preachers of the city, Dr, John Kgidius, a»d 
Conatantlne Ponce de la Fueote, who had beeji chaplain cf lie 
Emperor, enlisted in the new movement. The predomiDiiH 
opinioD in Seville was on the m\tf of this real, though covert, 
Proteslantiani. It found a receplion, also, in cloisters of iht 
city, especially in one belonging to the Hieronymitea. Both io 
Seville and Valladolld there were secret churches, fully organized, 
and meeting in privacy for Protestant worehip» In Valladokl 
the Protestant cause had a distinguished leader in the peraon 
of AugUJ^tine Cazalla, the Tm|)en:d chaplain, who was put to 
deatli by the Inquisition in 1559, There were probably two 
thousand persons in various parts of Spain who were united In 
the Protestant faith and held private meetings for a number of 
years, A large proportion of them were persona distinguishad 
for their rank or learning, Tlie discovery of th'^se secret aao- 
ciations at Seville and \'alIadolid stimulated the Tuqui^itioi 
to re<loubled exertions. The flight of many facilitated the de- 
tection of others who remained. The dungeons were filled and 
the terrible implements of torture were used to extort conies- 
fiions not only froui men, but from refined and delicately train«l 
women. In 1559 and 1560, two great aulo^ da ji were hriil 
in the two citica where heresy had taken the firmest root. TV 
ceremonies were arranged with a view to strike terror to the 
hearts of the sufferers themselves and of the great throngs thai 
gathered as spectators of the scene. The condemned were 
burned alive, those who would accept the offices of a prifsl, 
however, having the privilege of being strangled before tbeii 
bodies were cast into the fire. The King and royal family, the 
great personages of the courts of both eexes, gave counteaaace 
to the proceedings by their presence. Similar cttios ik f^ 
occurred in various other places, with every circumstaJitf 
calculated to inspire fear in the beholders. The officers of lie 







EXTIRPATION OF PROTESTANTISM IN SPAIN 



847 



InquisitioD were so active &nd vigilaat^ and so nercileas, that 
there was no hope for any who were mctiaed to Proteatart 
opinions, save in flight; and even this was difficult. Covet- 
ousness allied itself to fanaticism, for the forfeiture of all prop- 
erty was a part of the penalty invariably visited upon heresy. 
Thus Protestantism was eradicated,* Tl^e rpslrainls laid upon 
liberty of teaching smothered the intellectual life of the country. 
In Spain, as in Italy, the persecution did not spare the Evan- 
gelical Catholica. Among these was Bartolom^ de ('arranaa, 
Axchbiahop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, who had stood 
among the advocates of gratuitous justification at the Council 
of Trent, He had accompanied Phihp IL to England and 
taken part in examining Protestants who perished at the 
etake under Mary. He was denounced to the Inquisition and 
imprisoned at ValladoUd. His intimacy with Pole^ and with 
Morone, Flaminio, and other eminent Ilahans who were in- 
dined to evangelical doctrine, was one fact brought up against 
him. His catechism, partly for its allied leaning, in aonie 
poiitts, to t}»e Lutheran theolog>", and partly becauec it woa 
written in the vulgar tongue, was the principal basis of the 
accusation. He waa chargeil with not having accusetl Ltefore 
the Holy Office leading Spanish ProtestsJits, of whose senti- 
ments he had privately expreaaed his disapprobation. At the 
end of seven years he was taken to Rome, and after various 
delays, Gr^ory XTIf,, in 157ft, pronounced sentencei finding 
him violently suspected of heresy, prohibiting his rateehisinr 
requiring him to iLbjure sixteen Lutheran artlclefl, and suspend- 
ing him from his office for five years. At the expiration of 
this time, after having been for eighteen years under some 
species of confinement, he died. A part of the material of 
accusation against Carranza was derived from the words of 
consolation which he had addressed to the dying Emperor, 
Charles V., at the convent of Yuste. Kneeling at his bedside, 
the Archbishop, holding up a crucifix, exclaimed: "Behold 
Him ^0 answers for all! There is no more sin; all Is for- 
pvenT' His words gave offense to some who were present. 
Villabra, the Emperor's favorite preacher, wtio followed, re- 
minded his royal master that as he was bom on the day of St. 



■ 



■ For deUuU oT i^roHutian. aee De CfeAtrof. Spanith PnttMlanta (LoodOD, 

tuu. 



THE REFORMATION 



Matthew, eo he was to die on that of St. Matthias. With md 

mterccflflore, it was added^ he had nothing to fear. "Thua," 
writes Mipiet, "the two doctrines that divided the world in 
the age of Charles V., were once more brought before him on 
the bed of death.''* Besidefl the Archbishop of Toledo, noi 
leas than eight Spanish bishope, of whom the most had sat in 
the Coimcd of Trent, and twenty-five doctors of theology, 
amoQg whom were persons of the highest eminence for learning, 
were likewise arraigned, and moat of theni obliged to make 
some retraction or submit to some public humiliation. 

It 13 a remarkable evidence of the vitality of the Catholic 
reaction that it went forward in spite of the want of active 
sympathy on the part of certain Popes with lia favorite tnea^re^ 
or the incoiiaistency of their policy with its spirit and aimB. 
What the new movement required, and tlie result towaub 
which it tended was the union of the Catholic powers; especially 
an alliance of the Pope and Spain, ^"hen Caraffa at the age d 
seventy-nine ascended the papal throne, Kie strongest passiOD 
seemed to be his hatred of Charles V, and the Spaniards. With 
all his ze-B.] for the refonii of which he had been one of the earli- 
est promoters, he advanced hie relatives to high stations, not 
from that selfish ambition from which nepotism had previousiy 
sprung, but in order to carry out his scheaies of hoetilily to 
Spain. Hia stoutest defenders against Alva were Germans, 
most of whom were Protestants; he even invoked the help d 
the Tiarks, The defeat of his French alliea at St. Quentjn, 
followed by the complete success of Alva, forced upon him 
a change of policy. Forthwith he resumed with absorbing 
energy his enterprises of reform, and discarded bis rel&li(Ha 
whom he had found to be treaj^herous. Tliia was the end ol 
the nepotism which so long had brought disgrace and weaknew 
Upon the papal office But the war that he kindle<l aided the 
cause of ProLeBtantism in France and in the Netherlands, ^d 
also in Englnnd. His political schemes were partly responabie 
for his arrogant breatnient of Elizabeth, whom he did not wish 
to marry Philip, and whom he did ^ish Mary Stuart, the can- 
didate of the Guises, to supplant. In Pius IV, (1559-65) ve 
have a pontif! who personally did not sympathize much with 
the Inquisition, yet left it to pursue its course unhindered He 

< Rpbertunj HxH. 0/ ChorUa V. (Preacott^ ed.), iji. 4S1, 491, 




THE CATHOLIC REACTION 

labored to unite the Catholic worlds and succeeded in pacifying 
the diviBions in the Council of Ti-ent by skillfuJ n^otiations' 
I wiUi Uie different sovereigns, Pius V, (1566-72) was a devoted 
" representative of the rigid party, was zealous on the one hand 
for the reformation of the papal court, and on the other for the 
destruction of hrretica- He induced Duke Cosmo of Horence 
lo deliver up to him Carnesecebi, an accomplished literary 
man, who, influenced by Valdfo, had early favoreil Protesfant- 
ism, ajid had hini brought to Rome, where he waa bi'heailed 
and his body committed to the flames,' He approved of Alva's 
doings in the Netherlands, Gradually the Papacy eame to 
join hands with Spain in the grand effort to overcome Protee- 
tantism. Sixtus V, excommunicated Henry IV, of France 
(1585). He lent his most eanieat cooperation to the effort to 
conquer England by the Armada, He was heart and soul 
with Guiee an<l the Lcague»and upon the assassination of Guiae. 
excommunicated Henry III, If he listened favorably to the 
e^orts made to induce him to absolve and reco^ize Henry of 
Navarre, his inclinations in this direction were overcome by 
the energetic remonstrances of Philip.' It was the hostile 
attitude of the Papacy that strongly affected the Catholic 
adherents of Navarro, and confirmed them m the disposition 
to require of him a profession of the Cathohe faith. 

Nothiiig can be more striking than the change in the int<^J- 
lectual spirit of Italy, as we approach the end of the sixt^ent-h 
century.' Tlic old ardor in the study and imitjition of the 
ancients has passed away. EX'en the reverence that spared the 
architectural remains c^ antiquity is supplanted in the mind 
of SixtUH V,, for example, by the def^ire to rear etlifices that 
may rival them. A zeal for independent investigation, espe- 
eiaJly in natural science, takes the place of antiquarian scholar- 
ship; but this new scientific spirit, which often took a 
speeidative turn, was checked and repressed by tlie ecclesiastical 
rulers. Loyalty to tlie Church, and a religious temper, in the 
strict form which the Catholic restoration engendered, pene- 
trated society. Poetry, painting, and music were at once reno- 
vated and molded by the religious influence. TasaOr who 

> lfcCn«, Btf. in lta£y, p, SO. 

■ Etfike. Hiatorjf of th* Pt^pT'. i- 3S7 peq,, U- I2S Kq., liL Il£ kcii. Hubui, 
Lih */ ^ufu V. (1872). ■ Ibui., \. 4flA. 



SfiO THE REFORMATION 

choae a pioua cruaader for the hero of hia poem^ the achod ol 
Caracoi, DomenichinD, and Guido Reni, P&IeetrLna, the grcftt 
GompoEfr, suggest the revolution in public feeling and USi£ 
in t\m u^E^, in contrast wiLh the age of the Renaissance, lie 
pAp&] court, in its restored atrictness and sobriety, manifested 
its entire subjection to the new movement. In a character 
like Carlo Borroraeo, the counter-reformation appears in i 
characterUtic but peculiarly attractive light- Of noble birlh, 
and with temptatioiiR to Rcnsnal indulgence thrown in his pathn 
he devoted himself to a religious life with unwavering fidelity. 
The nephew of Pius V,, offices of the highest responsibility weit 
forced upon him, which he discharged with so exemplary cUli- 
genee and faithfulness, that sueh ae were inclined to ^nv^- or t« 
censure were eompelled to applaud. But he welcomed the U*j 
when he could lay them down, and give tmneeir wholly to hia 
diocese of Milan, where be was archbishop. Hie untiring p&- 
severance in works of charity and reform, his visit^Ltions lo 
remote, mountainous villages, in the care of his flock, hii real 
for education, his devouLness, caused him to be styled, in the 
bull that canonized him, an angel in human form. His pxertjoiu 
in making proselytes, and his willingness to persecute horsy, 
are less agreeable to contemplate; but they were eseentJAl 
features of the Catholic reaction. 

The Jesuits first eslablL^ed themselves in force in Ttal/, 
and in Portugal, Spain, and their colonies. "Out of the vis- 
ionary schemes of Ignatius/' aays Ranke, "arose an institu- 
tion of singularly practical tendency; out of the converaoDS 
wrought by his asceticism, an institution framed with all it* 
jiisl and accurate calctjlation of worldly prudejice," The 
education of youth, especially those of higher rank, quicklj 
fell, to a large extent, into their hands. Their system of inld- 
lectual training was according to a strict method; but theii 
srhools were pervaded by their peculiar religious spirit. Il 
was largely through their influence tliat the profane or seeuliT 
tone of culture, that had prevailed in the cities of Italy, wis 
superseded by a culture in which reverence for reli^on and tJii 
!^hurch was a vital element. From the two peninsulas the new 
order extended its influence into the other countries of Europe. 
They formed a great standing army, in the service of the Pope, 
for the propagation of Catholicism. The University of Vienui 



I 



THE INFLUENCE OF THE JESUITS 351 



placed under their direction; they established themselves 
lit Cologne and Ingoleladt and Prague, and from theae cenkra 
operated with great success in the Austrian doroinione, the 
Rhenish provinc*^^, and other parts of Germany, The Duk(^ 
M Bavaria, partly from worldly and partly from religious 
Motives, enlisted warmly in the cause of the Catholic reaction. 
Mid made himself its champion. In the ecclesiastical states of 
Sermany, the spirit of Catholiciam was reawakened, and the 
[oleration promised to Protestants by the Ppflce of Augsburg 
iras frequently violated. The Popes, in this period, were libej-al 
b Uieir concessions to the Catholic princes, who found their 
pro&t in helping forward the reactionary movement. In the 
bfit quarter of the sixteenth century, mainly by the lahore of 
« Je^ts, and by the violent measures which they instigated, 
e tide was turned ag^nst Protestantian in southern Germany, 
b Bohemia, Moravia, Poland, and Hungary. In these coun- 
Iriea, Protestantism had, on the whole, gained the ascendejicy. 
Together with Belgium and France, they constituted *'lhe 
btrftt debatable land," where the two confessions struggled for 
[he maatery. In all of them, Cfttholicism, with its new forces, 
Nras triimiphant. The Jeauita did much to promote that in- 
BTcased excitement of Catholic feeling in France, wiiich showed 
jtaelf in the slauj^ht^r of St. Bartholomew and the wars of the 
e. From Douay, the establishment founded by Cardinal 
illiam Allen, they sent out their emissarips int« England, 
order was active in Sweden, and» for a time, had some 
t of winning that kingdom back to the Catholic fold. 
erever they did not prevail^ they sharpened the mutual an- 
tagonism of the rival confessions. The progress of the Catholic 
rtoration was aided, ef^peclally in Gennany, hy the quarrels 
Protestant theologians. The mutual hostility of Lutheran 
ind Calviniflt appeared, in some cases, to outweigh their com- 
Don opposition to Rome. 

The question has often been asked, why, after so rapid an 
klvance of Protestantism for a haif-cenlury, a limit should then 
[five been set to its progress? Why was it unable to overatcp 
fie bounds which it reached in the first age of its existence? 
Ifacaulay has h&ndled thi^ question in a spirited essay, in which, 
^ih certain reasons, which are pertinent and valuable. i» 



THE REFORMATION 

coupled a singular denial that the knowledge of religion 15 pro* 
greBsiv^, or at all dependent upon thf general enlightenment of 
the human nund. Apart from liis paratioxical sj^eculation on 
this last point, his tflalenient of the grounds cif tlip arrest nf 
the progress of Protestantiam, though eloquent and valuable, 
ia quite incomplete. The principal causes of thia event we 
deem to be the foHowing: — 

1. The ferment that attended the rise of Protestantijin 
must eventually lea<l to a cryHtalliKing of parties; and ttiii 
must raise up a barrier in the way of the further spre^l of the 
new doctrine. Protestantism was a movement of reform, aris- 
ing ^thin the Church, At the outset, multitudes stood, in 
relation to it, in the attitude of inquirers. They were more or 
less favorably inclined to it. Wliat coiirse they would take 
might depend on the influences to which they would happni 
to be exposed. They were not immovably attached to the old 
flystem; they were open to persuaeion. But as tbe conflirt 
became warm, men were more and more prompted to taltt 
sudes, and to range themselves under one or the other banner. 
This period of fluctuation and converaon would naturally come 
to an end. As soon as the spirit of party was thus awalvcneil, 
it formed an obstacle to tbe further progress of the new opinioD3, 
for this spirit communicated itself from father to eon. 

2. The political arrangements which were adopted in dif' 
ferent countries, in consequence of the religious divhaon. all 
tended to confine Protcatanliam within the limits which it hail 
early attained. In Germany, the negotiations and tlL^^putw 
pnxluced by the reli^ous contest, issued in the adoption 
of the principle^ "eujus regio, ejus religio"; the reHpon of the 
Static hhall conform to that of the prince. Tliis principle, how- 
ever, would not have availed to arrest Protestantism, Bat 
the "eccledastical reservation" did thus avail, since the con- 
version of an ecclesiastical ruler to the new faith was attended 
with no im]xjrtflnt gain Jo t^ie Protestant cause: he must vacal* 
his ofJit-e, Tlie whole tendency of poblical arrangements In 
Germany was to build up a wall of separation betweeii the two 
confessions, and to protect the territory of each from encroach- 
ments by the other. It must be remembered that the spirit 
of propagandism did not, generally speaking, eh&racteriw 
Protegtantism. The Protestante, esperially in Germany, wh* 




ARHEST OF THE PROGRESS OF PROTESTANTISM 36S 

antas^ed if they could be left to developj without interference, 
their ovn s>'at<"m. Tiio utmoet limit of Lhdr demand was room 
for itB natural expansion.' In the Nothorlands, the separation 
of the Walloon provinces from the other states, and the adher- 
ence of the former to Spain, roidd have no other refiiilt (han 
to perpetuate their connection with the Catholic Church. In 
France, the civil wars and the poUtical flPttlemcnt to which 
Ibey led resulted in the formation of the Huguenots into a 
compact body, fcnnidable for defensCj but powerless for the 
propagation of their faith. 

3. The counter-reformation in the Catholic Church, by 
removing the gross abuses which had been the object of right- 
eous complaint, took a formidable weapon from the hands of 
the Protestants. At the same time, the apathy of the old 
Church ^^Hs })rok*>n up. the attention of its rulers was no longer 
absorbci.! in ambitious scbemea of pohticSj or in the gratification 
of a literary taste, which made the papal court a rendeavoua of 
nUiors and artists; but a profoimd zeal for the doctrines and 

Hnms of the Roman CathoUc religion pervaded and united all 
ranks of iiti tlL^iples. 

4. While thLs conceiLtration of forces was taking place on 
Ihe Catholic side, Protestants more and more epcnt their 
Blrength in contests with one another. Their mutual intoler- 
ance facilitated the advance of their common enemy. More- 
over, the wariTi, reli^ous feeling that aiiimateil the early 
Reformers and the princes who defended their cause passed away 
to a considerable degree, and was succeeded by a theological 
rigidness, or a selfish, political spirit. The appearance of such 
a character as Maurice of Saxony, in bo marked contrast with 
the Electors who lifiteneil to the voice of Luther, and even with 
the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, indicates the advent of an era 
when a more politic and selhsh temper displacea the simplicity 
of religious principle. Queen Elizabeth, with her lukewarm 
attachment to the Reformation, and her mendacious, crooked 
policy, is a poor representative of the religious character of 

■ "Wie tnr oricr b»iner1ct, d^r PraEpelantiBinid iat nirbt bnltehrvndtr \m1ur- 
Bft vifd aich jf^« ReKtifU, dw mua rebpr«eiigiing pnTaphnff, it]« ^^ne* Fort- 
pipftm HinFr ^'■I'n Sarhp frputn : lonQi kher nrhnn mf n'Nlin «pin. vpnn nur vtb^f 
rciBiATtei iaX. sitch tingf^irrt von frcmdrr Eirmirbuue £a rntTrickBlTi- Dies w»t a, 
tgnbch dip fivuigeliscliifD Funtea vam erateu AugrabZick iw ■tntjlcn," — B*akvj 



• 



THE REFORMATION 

Protest an tig m. How much more int^^ise and conmst^ot m 
the religjoLis aeal of the secular leader of the Catholic resior*- 
(ioD, Philip n.! Tlie ardor of Protestant* spent itself in do 
mestic (iificorrl, at the very Ume when the ardor of CathnliosL 
was exfrtcd. with undivided energy^ against them. 

5. The bptler organization of the Catholic Church ft» 
a signal advantage in the b&tile wilh Protestantism, which vu 
divided into aj4 many ehurehes as there were pohtical commuai- 
tiea that embraced the new doctrine. On the Catholic ^ 
there was a better chance for a plan of operationa, having rt- 
spect not to a single country alone, a separate portion of lb? 
field of conibat, but formed upon a survey of the whole atua* 
tion, and carripd out with sole reference to a united success. 

6. Another source of power in tlie Cathohc Church p^^ 
out of the hahit of avaihng itself of all varieties of religirjUJ 
tempexamcnt* of turning to the host account the wide diveratj 
of talents and character which is developed within its fold 
Tlip dinpa-ssionate and asfule [xiUtician, th»* lahorioua scholir, 
the subtle and skillful poli^mic, the fiery enthusiast, are non^ of 
them rejected, but all of them aswgned to a work suited to t)i«r 
respective, capacities. Men as dissimilar as Bellarmine lad 
Ignatius were engaged in a common cause, and were even withiD 
the same fraternity- Tliis custom of the Catholic Church it 
often attributed to a profound p<jlicy. But whatever «agantj 
it may indicate, it is probably due less to the calculaUnnft of i 
far-sighted pohcy, than to an habitual principle, or way ol 
thinking in religion^ which is inherent in the genius of Caliol* 
icism. It has Iw-en justly observed that men of the type of 
■lohn Wesley, who, among ProteslanUj have been forced lo be* 
come the founders of distinct rehgious bodies, would have found 
within the Catholic Church, had they been bom there, bospi- 
tahle treatment and congemal employment. The host th&lwu 
marflhaled under the command of the Pope, for the defend 
nf Catholirism, was like an army that includes light-anned 
skirmLshers and heavy-armed artilleryraenj swift CAvaJry, aad 
spies who can penetrate the camp and pry into the counaekcf 
the enemy. 

7. It cannot be denied that in southern Europe there wm 
manifested a more rooteil attachment to the Roman Calheli* 
ays1«ni than existed among the nations which adopted thr 



ARREST OF THE PROGRESS Or PROTESTANTISM 355 



ormation. In Germany the comjnon people gladly heard the 
hing of LutJier. ProU'sUntism there had much of the char- 
of a national movemenL In Italy and Spain it was 
y the lettered class that received the new doctriue. 
a certain grade of culture few were affected by it. Even 
France, which had something tike a middle position between 
two currents of opinion^ it was the mtelligent middle class^ 
er with M^holars and nobles, that furnished to Prote**- 
tism its adherents. In Italy and Spain the new doctrine 
not reach down to the springs of national life. Moreover, 
IS remarkable that in these nations which remained Catholic, 
many who went so far aa to receive the evangelical doctrine 
stjtntially as it weis held by the Protestants were not im- 
ed to caat off the polity or worship of the old Church. This 
iimfltance is far from ijcing wholly due to timidity. The 
vfBjd forma of Protestantism were less necessary, less con- 
to them; the outward forms of Catholicism were lesB 
.OX10U9. Even in Francp, (his srnne phenoiTi en on appeared 
the circle that f*arly gathered about Lef&vre and Bri^'onnet, 
especially in Margaret of Navarre and her followers. The 
rine of gratuitous salvation through the merits of Christ, 
inwardness of piety, as fostered by the evangelical doctrine, 
grateful to them: but they wprp not moved 1<j renounce 
government or the Sacraments of the Church, or to affiliate 
»in?>clye3 with the l^l^stant body. 
When all these cirmmetanees arc contcmplntodi it will 
to be a matter of wonder that Protestantism, after Ita 
great victories were woo, halted in its course and was at 
hgth Awi up wiMkin fi.xed bmindarie^. 
But the Catholic party were destined to suffer from internal 
rd. Before the close of the century, the followers of 
tius, who were semi-Pelagian in their theology, became 
olved in a hot strife witli the Donunioanji, who in cammon 
their master, Aquinas, were nearer to Augiastine in their 
,' of the relation of grace to free will. The theolo^CAl con- 
t that was thus kindled was of long continuance, and brought 
ouB disasters upon the Catholic Church, anJ, in its ultimate 
ect, upon the Jesuit order. This was one of a number of 
erne influences which conspired finally to paralyse the Catho- 
reaction, and to stop the progress of the countei-reformation. 



CHAPTER Xn 

TEE BTTtUGGLE OF PBOTESTA>rnBM IN TBE BETENTEEVTH 

CENTURY 

The Catholir Reaction^ of which the Pope was the Kpirityal, 
and Philip II., thp spcular chief, experienced a terrible rereise 
in the ruin of the Spanish Armada, and the failure of that ^gaD- 
tic project for the eonquest of England. TTie establifhniem d 
Henry IV, on the throne of France was a still more discouragmj 
blow. France, the Netherlands, and Great Britain were tiff 
principal theater of the efforts which had for their end the politi- 
cal predominance of the Spanish monarchy and the spiritual 
Bupremacy of Rome, The Btruggle of Protestantism continues 
through the greater part of the sevt^nteenth century". Gradu- 
ally the Catholio Reaction expended its force, and poliliral 
motiveii and ideas aitbordinated the impulses of fannticUm. 

The principal topics to be conairicred are the thirty ye*rf 
war; the English revolutions; the domealic and fore^ policy 
of Richelieu and of Louis XIV, The reign of Louis XIV. fab 
principaUy in the latter half of ihp spventeenth century, or the 
periotl following the great European settlemeiit, the Peace d 
Wefltphalia, Yet some notice of this reign is requisite for a full 
view of the conflict of Protestantism and Cathohcism.' 

Charles V. had found hiniself d<?ceived in his political calcu- 
lations, and baffled by the moral force of the Protestant fwth 
in Germany. His final defeat in the attempt to subjugate the 
Protestants left the Empire weak. It is not true that Germany 
lost its political unity through the Reformation, for this unity 
was practically gone before; rather is it true that then il sacn- 
ficed the opjjortunity of recovering its unity and of placing it en 
an enduring foundation. The Reformation in Germany, wow 

' Hiuuer. GuchifJtU dra ZeilaLiera d. ReJarmarCfm {186fty Vod R«iaBf& 
OacUicMr Europat 9tit d, Endc d- lA. Jakr-. vol. iiL IauttdI. L*» SotitifiM^ 
I- I. rh. iv, RAnke, Gemch^hie WaUeruiexnt (3d vd,, 167:1). CftTlyle. B^aary ^ 
^rvdrfio II., vol. Lj b. m., cfc>k^. "Kn.^ xvv. 



CAUSES OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 



S57 



Fflian in any other (^ountry, emanaled not from stat^emcn and 
Irulere, but from the hearts of the [x^ople. It was hindered from 
Iberng universal by the obstacles cast in its way and by its owu 
lintemal divisiona. 

I The Peace of Augsburg, uoflatiefactory as itfl proviaiona were 
' to both parties, effected itfi end as long as the emperors were 
impartial id their a^iministration, Tliis was true of Ferdinand 
Ij., wiifjse accef*<ion was resisted bj Paul IV., the enemy of his 
[House; and it wa^* true especially of Maximilian II,, who was 
rhimself stron^y inclined to Protestant opinions, a.nd vtas openly 
rdiajged with heresy by Catholic zealots. Under his tolerant 
iBway, Protestantism spread over Austria, with the ejtception of 
hhe nu-al &nd secluded valleys of the Tyrol. Charles V. had Ijeen 
Eobriged to relinquish his wish to hand down the imperiftl crown 
ho his son Philip. Philip, in bia fanatical exertionp against Prot- 
rastantii^m, did not receive countenance or support from the 
Austrian branch of bis family, Tlie cruF-lties of Alva in the 
INetherlanda, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew, were con- 
penmed and deplored by the Eniperor, Philip was eo afraid 
fahat Maximilian himself would join the Protestantc that he 
Hecmed It necessary to dissuade him, by the most pressing cx- 
UiortationSf from taking aueh a step. While the conti?st was 
mgirg in the Netherlands, and Ijetween the ITuguenotjt and Uieir 
fcncmies in France the Lutherans of Germany remained for the 
bnost part noutrah Their hostility to Calvinism had much to 
Ido in determining their poeition. They were warned by William 
n Orange and other Protestants abroad that the cause was one, 
hud that if Catholic fanaticism were not checked, Germany 
nrould be the next victim. In the latter portion of Maximil- 
B&d's reign, which wa^ from 1564 to 1576, the Jf^suitf" came in, 
pnd disturbances arose. Rudolph 11,. his succeflsor, had been 
ArDUght up in Spain, and was under the influence of this Order 
¥[\ie same spirit characterised Matthins, who followed next. In 
■Bonf^jtience r>f tJie incompetence of Rudolph, the government 
jof Austria and Hungary had, during his life, been taken from 
Bum and given to Matthias, and he in turn gave way, in like 
knamier, to hie coneln Archduke Ferdinand of Styria, a bigoted 
kbtholio fl619-37). Ferdinand and Maximilian, Duke of Ba- 
kvim, were the devotj?d champions of the Catholic Be&etioiL 
pUtthioa had been compelled to grant a letter patent to *hA 



858 



THE REFORMATION 



Boheminne, which gave them full religious toleration and fquai 
rights with the CathoUcs, Violations of the Religious Pea47P in 
Germany on the si(ie of the Catholics were frequent. Bishop; 
and Catholic cities drove out their Protestant aubjpcrts ainJ 
abolished Prot*?stQnt worship. The indignation of the Prol- 
CEtant-B throughout Germany waa excited b^' the treatment ol 
the free city of Donauworth, which was exclusively Protestant, 
and refused to allow procefisions from a Catholic eoovent, thesf 
being inconsistent with a former agreement. The city wis 
placed under the ban of the Empire^ and tlic Bavarian Dukf 
marched againet it with an over^'helming force, excluded Prot- 
estant worship, and incorporated the town with his own terri' 
toriea (1007). Complaints were made on the Catholic side ui 
infractions of the Ecclesiastical Proviso, which ordaineri tli»t 
beneBcee should be vacated by incumbenta who should embr«c 
Protestantism, Tlic Prot^atants had permitted the Kmperor. 
in the Peace of Augsburg^ on his own authority, to affirm the 
Proviso, whirh they ihemselves at the sanie time firmly refused 
to adopt; ju^t a-s Uie imperial declaration for the protectico 
of Protestant communitiea within the jurisdiction of Catholk 
prelates had been permitted by the other party. Protestant 
princes had given to benefices lying near them, which had already 
been gained to the Reformation, bisliops or administrators from 
their own kinsmen; and at the diets Ihey ui^ed the conjpleie 
abolishment of all such restrictions upon religious freedom.' 
But the Proviso was rigidly enforced in the case of the Elector 
of Cologne, who went over to Proteatantiam in 1582, Tlie out- 
rnge perpetrated against Donauworth led to the formation n* 
the E\'angelical Union (1608), a league into which, howevpr, 
all the Protestant ytatce did not enter, and which from ik 
beginning was weakly organiEod. But the Cnlholic Lcaguf. 
which was formed to oppose it^ under the leadership of HaJ>- 
milian of Bavaria, was firmly cemented and full of energy. On 
the Protestant side, in addition to other sources of discoid, ll* 
hostility of the strict Lutherans to the Calvioiats was a rr>ntiDiisl 
and fruitful cause of division, The Bohemians revolted agaiii-^ 
Ferdinand 11. in 1618, when their rehgious liberties were vio- 



^ QiMfiler, TT, i, 1, f 11, Uponthp biatoiy >ji<] intflrprvtAtioii of theEcd^ 
tieml RsHrvktion, »f RAnkc, DmUche Geadtifhir, v. 2^5. ST-1 Boq. (It' 
7aeq.), Giueltr, xv. i. \, ^IJ vm\ n. 40 



OPENTNQ OF THE THIRTY YEARS* WAR 



359 



d, and *' according to the good old Bohemian custom/' as one 
he nobles expressed it, flung two of the imperial couneUors 
of the wiadow- When, shortly after, on tlie death of Mat- 
3, Ferdinand became his aucceBsor, the Bohemians refused 
kcknowlcdge him as their king, and gave the crown of Bohe- 

lo Ferderic V,, the Elector Palatino, and the son-in-law of 
les I. of England. Ferdinand, a nursling of the Jesuits, who 

early taken a vow to extirpate heresy in his dominionj^, 
rli he liad kept, up to the me^asure of hh ability, threw hirn- 
as much from necessity as from choice, into the arms of the 
holic League. He manifested his ardor in the Catholic cauee 
kn assiduous attention to religious services. For example, he 
c part in a procession in the midst of a ^tiirm uf rain emulat- 
thus the zeal which the Emperor Julian displayed in cele- 
ting the ritea of heathenism. Thus the Austrian imperial 
se took up the work which had been laid down by Charles V., 
lefending and propagating Catholicism, in alliance with the 
irch, Tlie Catholic Reaction, which hat! found a representa- 

m Philip IT., found another leader in tlie Emperor : and the 

branches of the Hopsbiu^ family were more united in 
pous sympathies. The Elector, Frederic^ with his obtrusive 
nniam, and with a court whose cuHtome and manners were 
congeniid with Bohemian filing — receiving little support, 
■eoveFj from the Protestant princes or from E[igla]id — suf- 
d a complete defeat, Lutheran prejudices and the fear of 
Qt^nancing rebeUion and the revolutionarj' spirit deprived 

of his natural alliee. The result was that Bohemia was 
ndoned to fire and sword. In the frightful persecution which 

for its object the eradication of Protestantism^ and in the 
iracled wars that ensued upon it, the population was reduced 
a about four millions to between seveu and eight hundred 

Kd 1 It was only when the Palatinate was conquered and 
ted;^ when the electoral rank was transferretl to the 
:e of Bavaria, and with it the territories of Frederic, except 
,t was given to Spain ; and when the enterprise of banishing 
teetantism was actively undertaken by the combined agency 
he troops of the League and of Jesuit priests, that the Prot- 
nt powers took up the cause of the fugitive Elector. In 
I England, Holland, and Denmark entered into an alliance 

Tfa* UeidalbArf Libf^ry «■« vn*d off Uh Roma. 





THE REFORSIATION 



Tor his restoration. Christian IV, of Denmark was defeated, imd 
the Danish intervention failed. By robbing Frederic of the elec- 
toral dipiiLy and conferring it on the Bavarian Duke, a majority' 
in the eJectoral body was acquired by the Catholics, But the 
power and station which the Duke gained^ separated, in impor- 
tant partirulafs, his interests from those of Ferdinand- It waa 
through the aid of Wallensl-ein and hie conamnmate ability in 
collecting and organizing, as well as leading an army, that Fer- 
dhmnd was able to emancipate himself froiti the virtual c(»itnil 
cf Maiiiiiilian and the Le-ague,' Wailenstein was a Bohemian 
noble, proud, able, ajid swayed by drean^ of ambition ; imacni- 
pulous in respect to the means which might be required for Ibe 
fulfihment of hia tlaring echcniea. He had rendered valuable 
military services to Ferdinand; and^ on the suppression of the 
Bohemian revolt, had acquired vfiat wealtli by the purclmse d 
confiscated property. He offered to raise a:i army and to ma- 
tain it. He made it support itself by pillage. It ^vas a period 
of transition in the method of prosecuting war, when the old 
Hystem of feudal militia bad passed away, and the modem sp- 
tern of national fnrcen or standing armies hail not arisen. Armies 
were made up of hirelings of all nations, who prosecuted war as 
a trade wherever the richest booty was to be gained; conside^ 
ing iniliacrin)inate robbery a legitimate incident of warfare. The 
ineffable miseries of the protracted struggle in Germany w«p 
due, to a considerable extent, to tliia composition of the armiei 
Banfls of organized plunderers, with arms in their bands, wer** Irt 
loose upon an unprotected population, captured cities being givHi 
up to the unbri<lied passions of a fierce and lawless soldiei?- 
TTie unarmed people dreaded their friends hardly less than their 
foes. The gooil behavior of the Swe*lea was a marvel lo tbe 
inhabitants with whom they came in contact ; and even the 
Sweden, after the death of their great leader, sunk down towanis 
the level of the rest of the combatanle in this frightful confiirt. 
It is no wonder that Germany, traversed and trampled for a 
whole generation by these hosts of marauders, was reduceJ 
almost to a desert; that il endured calamities from which itW 
never entirely recovered. 

Victory attended tbe arms of Wallenstein and of "nily, tbi 

expKted, b IlikUIj inHtruQl,ivc on Llic vLdIg flubject of the Uijrty ytsn' %mi. 





THE EDICT OP REaTJTUTION 861 

General of the Leagues, Brunswick aad Hanover^ SHema, Schlea- 
wig and HolsU-m, feU into th^^ir power. The dukes of Mecklen- 
burg were put under the ban of the Empire, and thetr territory 
given, as a reward, to Walleostem (1627). He was anxious to 
reduce the German towne on the Baltic. But Stralaund offered 
a Btubbom resistat^ee which he could not overcome, although he 
vowed that he would have the town if it were bound to the sky 
by chains of adamant. His anibUtoua schemes were quite inde- 
pendent of the schemes of the League^ which could not count 
upon hie support. Such was their jealoufiy and animosity 
towards the commander who had made Ferdinand free from 
their dictation that they induced him to remove Walleuatein 
from his coninmnd. Shortly before this, however, they fiad 
moved the Emperor to the adoption of a meiafure equally dan- 
gerous to his cause, and one that put far dii^tant the hopes of 
peace. Tbis was the famous Edict of Restitution (1629), which 
declared that the Protestant States, afttr the Treaty of Paaeau, 
had no right to appropriate the ecclesiastical benefices which 
were under their lortlship, and that every act of secularization 
of this nature was null; that all archbishoprics and blehoprics 
which had become Protestant since that treaty must be surren- 
dered; that the Declaration of Ferdinand I., giving liberty %o 
the Protestant subjects of ecrle^astical princes, was invalid, and 
that such subjects might be forcetl to become Catholics, or ex- 
pelled from then- homee. That is, the parts of the Religious 
Peace that were odioue to the Proteatante were to be enforced, 
according lo the stricteet construction, while the parts obnoxioua 
to the Catholics were to be abrogated. Moreover, the Edict 
ordained that the Religious Peace should not avail for the pro- 
tection of Calvinists, Zwingliana, or any other dissenters save 
the adherents of the Augsburg Confession. The changes that 
had taken place since the Passau Treaty were of such a character 
that the execution of the Edict would have brought a sweeping 
ftnd violent revolution in the Protestant communities- It was 
evident that nothing less was aimed at than the entire extinction 
of Protestantism, Tlie most lukewarm of the Princes, including 
Uie Electors of Brandenburg and Saxony^ were roused by this 
measure to a sense of the common danger, 'Hius the Edict of 
Restitution and the removal of Wallenslein from his command, 
the two measures dictated by the League^ aided the Protes 



^ 



4 




THE REFORMaTIOH 

cause; the firet by aw&kerting and combimng lU supporters, 
the second by weakening the niilllary strength of their adveraa- 
nes. WollenateLD was a aacriOce to tJie Lea^e uid to the ambh 
tion of Maximtliaji. 

In the sccoikJ act of this long drama, Gustavus Adolphuf, of 
Sweden, is the hero- It had been his aim in a conflict of ei^leci 
years, with Denmark, Poland, and Russia, lo control the Baltic 
Sea. Not only wan this political aim imperiled by the imperial 
conquests, but they involved the danger of a Catholic reaction 
in Sweden itaelf. Besides this motive, the Swedish King vss 
impelled to intervene by a genuine atlAchmenl to ProtestftntiBra, 
auch as had inspired German princes, like Frederic of Saxon}', 
and Philip of Hestte, In the firi^t age of the Reformation, He 
was not a crusader, who sought to e?cterrainate the oppodng 
faiths Rathor did he wish both religious parties to respect each 
other's rights and dwell in amity. His interpositioQ, full of 
peril to himself, was regarded by Brandenburg and Saxony 
with jealousy aud repugnance. It was not until thi^ barbarmu 
sack and burning of Magdeburg by the savage troops of TDIy 
(J631), that the neutral parly was forced to side with Swedai. 
The victory of Gustavus over TillyT and the triumphant advance 
of the Swe*lHs into the South of Germany, prostrated the powef 
of the League. We lind that OusLavuH was rpgar<ipd with suft" 
picion by the princes but with coniialily l.>y the German cities. 
Whether his plan of peace, which embraced the repeal of the 
Edict of Reatitution, the toleration evei-ywhere of both religions, 
the restoration of the Elector PElatine tfl his territories and to 
the electoral dignity, and the banishment of the Jesuits, eontem* 
plated his own elevation to the rank of King of Rome, must 
remain uncertain. No alternative was left to Ferdinand but 
to call back Wallenstein from his estates, and give him absolute 
powers in the conduct of the war, — powers which nmde hitn 
independent of all control, and exempt from liability to another 
removal. The battle of Lutzen, in 1632, was a great de/est of 
Wallenstein, and a glorious victory for the Swedes; but it c<»t 
them the life of their King. 

In the new phase which the war assumed after the fall of 
Gustavua, the influence of Richelieu beeonieji more and more 
predominant. The policy of the Cardinal was to attain the enJ, 
wliich French politics had so long pursued, of breaking down 




SWEDEN AND FRANCE IXTERFERE 8tiJ 

the power of HapMbiirg, and, aL the same tinit^, of profiting by 
the intestine cGDflict in Qerman}', by extending the French fron- 
tier on the east. 

The ground on which Richplieu vindicated himself for lend- 
ing &id to Protestants wa£ that the w^ was not a religious but 
a pohtical one. It was the old content of France against 
the anibitio^is efTorL of the house of Haiwburg, to destroy the 
independence of other nations, and build up a universal mon- 
archy. This imputation was indignantly denied ; nor ]s there 
reason to think that such a design was serioUEly entertained by 
the Emperor and his partisans. Yet a complete success in their 
mixed political and religious enterprise would have given them 
a dangerous preponderance. In the warfare of Philip Tl. against 
Proteatautism, the supremacy of Spain and the triumph of the 
Catholic cauee were linked together in hia mind, Richelieu, in 
turn, was charged with cherighing an equal ambition in behalf 
of France. The accusation had so nuch of truth that be, doubt- 
less, aimed to ritise bis country to the leading place among the 
European nations. Holland helped the anti-Austrian league by 
carrying on it^ own contest against the troops of Spain, but was 
deterred from entering further into the war by appreheni^ions 
in reference to France, and the consequences that would follow 
the ftu^entation of French power. Hichelieii had refrained 
from engaging in the German war, until the quelling of the 
Huguenots and the capture of Kochello left his hands free. In 
return for the subsidies which he furnished Guetavus, be had been 
able to gain from the wary monarch no share m the control of 
the war, but only the pledge that no attack should he made upon 
the Catholic religion as such. Oxenstiem, the Swedish Chan- 
cellor, on whom the principal conduct of affairs now devolved, 
was careful to retain for the Swedes the supreme direction of 
ihe war, which was done in the Heilbronn Treaty of 1633, when 
France entered into an alliance with Sweden and the Protestant 
States. Wallenslein became more and more an object of dread 
to hia imperial master, as well as to the League. The com- 
mander, whom it was now imposablc either to remove or to 
control, was plotting to arran^ for a peace^ in which he should 
settle with France and Sweden, satisfy the Protestants, and prob- 
ably reaerve Bohemia, as a reward for himself. He had sounded 
hia officers, and confided in their fidelity to thdr l^aidet. 







3M THE REfORHATlO^ 

murder of Wollnuietn (ICM) w» the oieaEiB cfaoacD to 
hw tittmm, ftnd Avert the tJurcaUned dftager. 

The imperul victory in the bftttJe of N<nllingm, in II 
Ha^I the effnrt to ffv^ to Riche^u the pT^doiniaAace vtikh 
hjut Irjn^ sflpirefl aftpr. The Swedish fonx was broken. TW 
aid of Franre UaA now become & necessCy. France and Birala 
mn Ihrnt^'fonvftrrj tri have an equal part in the inana^eniait of 
thi^ war, Brandf>tiburg &nd Saxony, bo whom ihe <xinnectjm 
wiih Swodpn hfliJ ftfway* fx^n repugnant, made for Uierosehrn 
a M'^iATAij' treaty willi the I'-njijefor, hy which liie Edict of R<»- 
titiiljiiii, an far as they were eoncecrted. waa abrogated. IV 
treaty Ijetwf^n Saxony and \h^ Hn*peror was eondiKled at 
Pragur ill miS. Tliat the Bl^tor should enter into thla dift- 
gra*!d"ul aiTaugHiin*nt was owing, in part, lo Iiie jealousy of 
Hw4ulf<]i, mil], In part, t43 the bigoted hostiUby to Calvinism ^ that 
pf'-vailnl in his cotirt. Richelieu & d»dre to build up a Frcndi 
purty ainnng the fjcrniane seemed to be accomplished, when Ber 
Hard, of W<'imar, their foremost general, was taken into the pay 
of France. Yet Bernard could not be relied cm lo consent to a 
|M'rJiiat»f-nt cr*[v](Fn of territory Ut that country: in his t^ata- 
trjcht, hr expressly declared against it. The death of Bemanl 
in 10:(0 placod the CardinEtl at the goal of all hiii efforts; for the 
pru^'iiutioa of the war was left in the hands of the French, and 
t.lip aniiips came under the lead of French officers. The chai^ 
act^r of tlir war hail entirely changed. Protestant states wa« 
hKliHns on the imperial aide, and paying a heavy price for thdr 
demotion of their former allies. Eight more years of war wai* 
required to bring the Court of Vienna lo consent to a full am* 
ncKty and Ui the restoration nf t-!ie religious peace, involving the 
nurrender of the Ectict of Restitution: measureB wliich were 
indiMijonnable to the termination of the weary conflict. An 
ftr*|iji(*fict'nce in these necessary terms of peace was at last wrung 
froni the Emperor by his military revefBeB. 

Tlie rrucltiea inflietef] during tFiiH war, especially during the 
liiftt ycftre of it, upon the defenseless people, are indescnbable- 
The i>opulation of Germany Is siud to have diminished in thirty 
years from twpnty to fifty per cent. The population of Augs- 
hurg waa reduced from figliLy thousand to eighteen thousand. 
Of the four hundntl thousand inhabitants of Wiartemberg ai 
te Bfl 1641. only Forty>cight thousand were left. Cities, viW 



I U\ IJl 



THE PEACE OF WEeTPHALlA 



3^5 



igesj caetlefi, and hcmata innumerable had been hum«! to the 
round. The bare atatiatJcs of the destruction of life and prop- 
ty are appalling. 

The Peace of Westphalia, in 1648^ confirmed the Eccledafi- 
cal Reservation — fi-^ng, however, lfi24 as the normal year, 
t decide which fajtii should posse^ss eecle^aalical properties. It 
defied the jtis rejormandi, according to which the reh^on of 

h slaK- was to be determined by that of the prince; and in 
U8 matter, also, 1624 was made the normal year. That is U> 
y, whatever might be llie faith of the prirjce, the reli^on of 

h Stat* was to be Catholic or Prote.stant, atxording to ita 
ostion at tliat date. As to their share in the unperial admm- 
tration, the two rehgions were placed on a footing of substan- 
ial equality. Religious freedom and civil equality were also 
ctended to the Calvinista; only these three forms of religion 
ere to be tolerated in the Empire. But the Empire waa re- 
uced to a shadow by the giving of the power to decide, instead 

advising, in all matters of pc^acc, war, taxation, and the like, 

the Diet, and by (he allowanee grantc<i to members of the 
Het to contract alliances with one another and with foreign 
owers, provided no prejudice shouki come thereby to the 

jpire or the Emperor The inilependence wf Holland aud of 
witzcriond was formally acknowledged. Sweden obtained the 
erritory about the Baltic, wiiich Guetavua had wanted, in addi- 
,on to other important places about the North Sea, and the 
louths of tlie OdeT, the Weser^ aiid tlie Elbe; in consequence 
f wliich cession Sweden became a member of the German Diet. 
jBong the acquisitions of France were the three bishoprics, 
e%z, Toul, and Verdim, and the landgraviate of Upper and 
^wer Alsace; France thus gaining aceees to the Rhine. Both 
weden and France, by becoming guarantees of the peace, ob- 
Bined the right to interfere in the internal affairs of Germany. 
\o great was the penalty p^d for civil discord. 

England, during the reign of the Stuart kings, descended 
rom the lofty position whit^h it had held aioimg the European 
iatnefl, as a bulwark of Prol^staiitism. James T. (1603-1625) 
roxight to the throne the highest notions of kingly authority, 
d in connection with them, a cordial hatred of Preebyterian- 
wtdch hia experiences in Scotland led him to regard as a 



THE REF0RMAT10^ 

Ti&turaJ ally of popular government. He expressed his ccln^^ 
tion in Ihp ma-xink, *' No bishop, no king/' The contrast belwfa 
obs'^quioua prelatee on their knoca before him, and the minifltera 
of the Kirk who pulled his sleeve as they adnunistered Iheif 
blunt rebukps, delighted his soul. He found liimself Dot only 
deliverfd from his lornientons, but an objpct of adulatior. Hp 
had orce said of the *' neighbor Kirk in England" that '*it isao 
evil-said mass in English;"^ but he waa cured of this averaioii 
if it wa.a ever seriously entertained. During the reign of Jamc*. 
llie gulf between the Angliean Church and the Puintfins vtm 
widened, chiefly in con,'^uence of two changes which took pla(¥ 
in the former. The episcopal polity wliich had been reganleit 
in the age of Elizabeth, as one among various aiiiidssible fonns 
of Chureh government, came to be more and more considered a 
divine ordinance, and indispensable to the ecnstitution of i 
Church; so that, as MacauJay expres^ses it, a Church might as 
well be without the doctrine of the IVinity or the IncamatioQ, 
ai^ without bishops. The other change was the spreail in the 
Anglican body, of the Arminian theology, which iniroduce^l t 
doctrina.1 lUfTeEence that had nut existed l»efore between iJie 
established Church and the Puritans.' As the conimou enemy, 
which Anglican and Puritfln combined to oppose, became lea 
fomu^^^lable, since the great majority of the nation were coir 
hostile to the Catliolic Church, the two Protestant parties were 
lesK restrained from mutual contention, and were led by the vify 
influence of their conflict with one another to sharpen tli«r clutf* 
acteriatic points of <iiffercnce. 

James lost no lime in evincing hie hostility to the Puriunns^ 
On his way to London, the Millenary petition, signed by neariy 
a thousand rainisterSj who asked for the abolishrnent of \i£^^ 
most obnoxious to the Puritans, was not only received with oo 
favor, but ten of those who had presented the petition vm 

^ Caldtrwood, v. 106, lOfl ; Burlop, vi, 321- 

* Jud» sent dpLeg&tvfl lo the Synod of Dort, nho maile tu Uim full rvpcflUBf 
Its proccffiLTiga- Some nF thi^m hv- rcwardrrd with pmmoLiDn in. the Ctiut^h. Xn- 
HutchinBaa, n-ritirig of <hv initrx'iJ bptwLt»ii 1030 and 1641, im x.Hc iicxl iritt 
HLya of tfi? dof Innc of predesCin&tiun : " At ihet tinie thu grc&t cioctnae ctf* 
mufh om nf fimhion wiUi Ui^ prplnlAi, but wu E^nri-flriv pmbraped by oU i*^ 
glniu anri hnly penions iu Ihp linrl. " iA/f nf Col- IfiUffiinton, p. fie (Etohn^ vd-)- 
The udiujrsble picture uf FhiritaQ ctiamcttr prrspniivl Ln U^in memuir ta laar^ 
only by the writei'a ^trnnc preiinlicp ofi^iiiiLfll CromwtlL Tiif lii^^rattirv do lit 
iiialiTy of \riniEiiBni4rii in the Eoictish Church ia EJven Irj CiuiciniifliruU 
Xtformrra and thn TKuiLtgy o\ ih« RsjBrmotitm, p- 10£ seq. 



ENGLAND UNDER JAMEfl I. 



8CT 



tually imprisoned by the Star Chamber, on the ground that 

eir act tended tt> aediticn arui treason. Tlie petitioners were 

t Separatists; they made no objection to episcopacy. They 

mplained of non-residence, pluralities, and like abuses, and of 

e croEs in baptism, the cap and surplice, and a few othf^r 

remonial peeuliarities.* The opportunity was presented for a 

heme of Comprehension, which, had it been adopted, would 

lave Jiad tlie most important consequences, but that opportu- 

ity was not embraced. In the Hampton Court Conference, 

here a few Puritan divines met the biahops, the King treated 

le former with unfaimesa and insolence. He plumed himself 

n the theological learning and acumen which he fancied him- 

plf to posaesSj and which fonned one of his titlee to the distinc- 

ion, which his flatterers gave him, of being the Solomon of his 

ge. The praises lavished on him by the biahope — one of 

fhoui declared thai he imdoubt^ly spoke by the direct Inspira- 

Son of the Holy Ghost — in connection with their extravagant 

i^ory of royal authority, and of the submission owed by the sub- 

ict, filled him with delight. This Conference had one valuable 

eeult. Dr. Reynolde, one of the Puritan repreaentativea, and 

erhapa the most learned man in tlic kingdom, recommended 

Lat a new or revised version of the Scriptures should be pre- 

sred; and this suggestion James, who compl^ned of certain 

narginal observations in "the Geneva Bible," which were un- 

Javorable to the sacrednesa of royalty, caught up and caused to 

be carried out.' The desire of tJie clei^ to enhance their own 

lUthorily by exalting that of the crown appears in the ambl- 

bious sch*^mes of Bancroft, the Archbishop of Canterbmy, which 

■ncountered the resistance of Coke, the great champion of the 

■onunon law. As long as Cecil was in power, the foreign pohtics 

Eof James were not destitute of spirit; but the timidity of the 

King, joined with his desire to marry his son to a Spanish prin- 

Be88, prevented him from efficiently Bupporting his son-in-law^ 

be Elector Palatdne^ at the outbreaking of the thirty years' 

I 1 HftUun, eh. vi. <p. 178). 

I ' Tbft HunptAD Court CoDTBrencfl la lntAf«tin|! and linportvit, u prfamtini 
lib* cti&TBCtrrisljtA Df the !*□ erdniAfllird parUe* and n( Chf Aovprri^ci Moal 
kf th« UTOuiild or U are drri/ml from Dr Bferlon'i iepor(, who wu on the unU- 
ilhinUa lide. Boo PuUcr, Church Hi*tt>rv. v 205; Nnl, p. ii,, ch. i. ; CjtrdwiJI, 

nC««uf- Ntal-. q\%- vt.) luu o&bdid ftad juat nirDArks oa tba bvbftvior of Uu Idof mnd 
b| Uu bifthopa- 



L 



868 THE KKFORMATION 

wa,T. and moved him basely to sacrifice RaleLgb to the vengeancf 
of SpwQ. iiia want of common sense was manifested in lus 
attempt to impow fpispopacy upon the Scotti^ Church, His 
arbitrary principles of goveriuneni, whicb he hud not prudenrc 
enough to prevent him from constantly proclaimiitg^ preparai 
the way for the great civil cont^t that broke out in the reil 
reign» 

Charles I> (1625-1649) made the deliberate attempt to gen- 
ern England without a ParUament. There is no doubt that it 
was his design to convert the limited monarchy into aii ab«ilulr 
one- Although a ancerc Protestant, he aympaUuEed fully will 
what may be termed the Romanizing party in the English Churfi 
or the parly which stood ai the farthest remove from Puritan- 
ism, anti nearest to the religious system of the Church of Romp. 
Charles's treatment of the Papist.* was vacillating. Now t\it 
laws would be executed against them, and now the execution of 
them would be illegally suspended by the King's decree. Bat 
the occasional severities of tiie ^veramenl towards them could 
not eiTace the impre»^on wluch had been made by the sen{iiiig 
of an English fleet to aid in the blockade of Rochelle (1625), 
which the French King was seeking to wrest from the Hugu^ 
Dots. Laud^ an honest but narrow-minded and superstitioiH 
man. became Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1633, To advancf-. 
in rPsp<^cL to doctrine and ceremonies, as near as possible to thf 
Roman Catholic system, without accepting the junsdietioD nf 
the Pope, was hia manifest inclination. He recorde his drexffi 
in his diary. On one occadon he dreamed that he was recon- 
verted to the Church of Rome,* It was an unpleasant dreau] 
since it relaled tn a rlnnger that, as he doubtless felt, attpndwi 
his measures, but which he meant to escape. His impracticaljif 
character and lack oF tact even James I- accurately diflc^inKd 
"The pl^n truth is that T keep Laud back from all place of nJp 
and authority, because 1 find that he hath a restless spirit^ and 
cannot see when matters are well, but loves to toss and cbangf 
and to bring things to a pitch of reformation, floating in his owl 
brain, which may endanger the atcadfastrcss of that which is in 
a good pass," Of Laud's plane respecting the Scots, JamP* 
added: "He knows not the stomach of that people."' By 

' Burtoa, Hitf. cf SfatU^, vi. 300, 

■ The muthohly for thk tUtmiBnt of Junfia U Blihtip John Hankat. 







I 



THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 



S99 



of the Court of High Conimisaion, a epecica of Prot<*^tant 
LieitioTi, he en^a^^d with a vigilant and m&rcil^Bfi zeal m ihe 
?cution of Purilaiifl, Tljey were even prosecuted for not 
plying with cew ceremoDles which Laud himself had intrn- 
id, and for preaching CalviEiem; and they were punished 
declining to read in the churchcB, the "Book of Sports/* 
'h recommended games and pastimes, of which they did not 
trre- The Star Chamber^ and the High Conuniasioiij are 
lems, as they were effective instrumentj^, of thf^ KccleKiaitti- 
nd civil tyranny to which the English pcopJc were subjected. 

endeavor to force Ihe Englieh Prayer-book upon Scotland 
d out, m 163S, the Solemn League and Covenant of the Scots 
he defen*^ of Presbyterianisnj. In 1642 hoptilities began 
^een the Long Parliament and the King, the immediate occa- 

being the abortive attempt of Clmrles, in violation of his 
gee, to arrest PjTn and his associateSf in the House of Com- 
B- The eame year Parliament convoked the Westminster 
mbly to advise theiu lu the matter of reconstructing the 
:ch of England. At the oiit*iet, a majority of its raembera 
( not only conforming ministers, but would have been con- 

with a moderate episcopacy. It has been said with truth 

moderate Episcopalians of the school of Usher, and mod- 
» Presbyterians of the stamp of Baxter, had little difficulty 
nding a common ground on which they could unite. A 
nd party which, if not numerous in the Afwembly, was grow- 
n the nation, was that of the Indepr^ndents who held to tho 
B[ovem.ing power of the local cnngregation or churchy into 
communion of which ihey woidd receive none who did not 

proof of being spiritual or regenerated persona. Reject- 
the government of prelates and of sj-nodSj they favored 
Dtary associations for counsel end for the prosecution, in 
€Jt, of Christian work. The Independents were denied the 
ty which they strove to obtain at the hands of the Presby- 
ns; and the rejection by them of a Hcheme of comprehen- 
. which would have united both sections of the Puritan party, 
been deplored, even by Neal and Baxter, advocates of the 
byterian system, Thp Krastians, among whom in the As- 
»ly were Lightfoot and Selden, of all the members the moot 
lent for their learning, were in favor of pving the regulation 
W ecclesiastical affaire to the state. The infliiencc of the 



8T0 THE REFORMATION 

Scots, anJ the necessity of a union with them, b order 
fully t-o withBUmi Charles, were powerful coo^deraticma witb 
(he whole Puritan body, ParLiament adopted the Scotlii 
CovenaEt, ami the Assembly the Presbyterian polity, Bui 
Parliament f>(teadily refused to concede to thi^ syj^teiD a diTine 
right, or to yield up itfl own supreinacy, &s a court of ultinute 
appeal. The Cslvinistic theory of ihe Church, as a distinrt 
powerj havmg the complete right to excommunicato its mem- 
bers^ or to ioterdict conimuuioFij was not allowed. It wm a 
point which the Scottish influence waa not strong enough te 
cany. The Confession and Catechism, prepared by the Aesm- 
biy, were made the Creed of the Church of England, and thor 
"Directory'^ was put forth by authority of Parliamentj for \k 
regulation of worship, in the room of the Prayer-t>ook. Betwpei 
one and two thousand ministers who refused the new subscnp- 
tions, were deprived of their places/ The Presbyterian sysJ«B, 
similar to that in Scotland, with the exception that appeals 
might be taken from the highest ecclesiastical tribunals to F^ 
liameot, was now legally established in England, But shortly 
after the new regulations were pa^seil, the TudependenLs, nf 
whom Cromwell waa the chief, attained to aupreme power in ik 
state. The consequence was, that Presbyteriaoisni was dcw 
fully established in more than two counties, Midtlleeex and Lan- 
cashire. Cromwell set up a Board of "Triers" for the exam^ 
nation and approval of candidates for benefices, and without 
the certificate of this Board, composed mostly of Independent 
divines, no person couUi take an ecclesiastical ofhce. TTicir c«- 
tificate was a substitute for institution and induction. But ih^ 
Puritans, when they found themselves in possession of powo, 
interdicted the use of the Prayer-lxiok In private bouses as wril 
as in churches, and imitated, but too successfully, the persecut- 
ing spirit of their opponents. Cromwell himeelf, in comparwn 
with the Puritan leaders generally, waa of a hberal and tolcrafll 
spirit. The Independents were, generally speaking, favorable 
to religious toleration. Yet, it was only a few, at firat, wb 
fully adopted the principle that the magistrate should use Dfl 
coercion whatever in matters of religious belief, or the principlf 
that the Stale should leave entirely to the congregations th^ 

' Am to tliB number and chkncter of the ejeotfid. nmiuUin, sea V^ufhuL £f 
luh Soncvnfcrmits, p. 137- 




THE INDEPENDENTS 



371 



lecuniary support of the mioistry- The Hoctrine of religious lib- 
rty found, at that day. some warm atlvocate, such as Vane, 
nd John Milton, the omanieiit of the Independent party. 

The settlement of New England was a result of the religroui 

onflicts Among the Prot^'stAnts of England. In the reign of 

'ames I. a congregation of Independents escaped from persecu- 

m in England, under circumstancca of great difficulty and 

*dship, and found an asylum in Holland. A portion of this 

lurch of emigrants, at Leyden, having received the benedic- 

|ion of tlieir pastor, John Robinson, crossed the Atlantic in the 

l^ySower, and in December^ 1620, began the settlement of 

p!>'mouth. Afterward!?, in the reign of Charles L, bands of 

'on conformists from England, organized the colony of Massa- 

Lusett9. The Plymouth settlers were Sepftralists; the Massa- 

lus&lta settlers were not. But as Robinson had predicted, 

'unconformable Christians'' of both classes found no difRculty 

ftgrceing in Church principles, as soon aa they found them- 

iielvcs out of the kingdom of England, and at full liberty to regu- 

,te their ecclesiastical affairs for thenieelvea. They adopted in 

Lon the Con^ijegHtiona! systera of Church government. The 

•ttlers of MaiHsachuaetts organiKcd a State as well afl a Church- 

ley founded a rcligiou3 commonwealth ; a community in which 

political power was placet! in the hands of members of the 

E'ch; a theocratic Stale, They have been censured for the 
tice of intolerance towards opponents of their creed, and of 
■ ecclesiastical and political order. On this point, a dietjno- 
ii<»i is to be made between the scttlera of Massachusetts aiid those 
Plymouth. Among the latter, religious liberty was cherished- 
[t is important to remember that the Massachusetts colony was 
tt a full-blown cj^mmonwenltlii btit a society organised under 
charter; at most» an incipient Slatc- What may be aafe and 
ilernble in a mature, fully eBtablished political community, 
Ly be unsafe and destructive In an mfant society of this char- 
'; especially in an age of religious ferment and violent 
rifation. Yet it must not be supposed that Ihe founders oS 
lassachuselts and of the other New England colonies, except 
Ihode Island, which were soon after formed, were advocates of 
'liberty of conscience." They generally beheved that it b&- 
ODgs to the civil magistrate to protect orthodoxy. They had 
lot advanced to the more liberal doctnne as to the rights of the 





individual, to the more restricted notion of the province 
State, which Independents of the school of Milton and Vwi^ 
expressed, and which formed one of the peculiarities of Rt^ 
Williams.^ 

Under the Protector, England once more took the high and 
commanding place in Europe^ which ahe had lost sine? Uif 
death of Eliaabeth. Heavy blows were ^nick at the Spsnisli 
monarchy. Protcatfints, wherever they were oppressed, found 
in the English Ruler a defender whose arm was long enough u 
fimit€ their assailants. 

Tlie Eng]l4h people, after the death of Cromwell (1658), 
were more and more impatient of the rule of the army, aiirl 
yearned for thdr old institutions of govercmentp Hence they 
gave a cordial welcome to Charles 11. (1660)- ITic fatal mia- 
take was made of requiring from him no formal fpjarantif^ ^if 
civil and religious liberty. The restoration was effected hy a 
combined effort of the Presbyterians and the Episcopalians.^ 
The Presbyteriana had stood aloof from the extreme meawira 
of the reigning party under the Commonwealth; the Prejbj- 
terian members had been expelled from Parliament t>efore lie 
trial of the King. This party had w&rm hopes, not only from 
the agency which they had exerted in bringing baek the K%, 
but also from his promises. In the Declaration from BretU 
prior to his return, Charles had declared that do maJi shoulil 
"be disquieted or called in question for differences of opinwQ lij 
in reli^on which do not disturb the peace of the kingdonL" 
He had promised "a liberty to tender consciences" and "aa 
indulgence^' to be secured by Act of Parliament. Tlie Worcw 
tcr House Declaration of the King, shortly after the Reslora- 
tior, more than confirmed these pledges; but they were aII t* 
be falsified. TTie Presbyterians found themselves deceivfd 
Charles was himself a good-natured sensualist, secretly fondrf 

* Among the TDuIlitude oT boalca on the prinriplw of Uia founder? of ^'* 
Encluid, we ma> refer lo PAlfrpy'a lesmpd i.nd ablp History of N^U} gr-^lai^. 
vol. i. ; to Dr. H, M, Dexter, The Ctmffregalianalijim af tSx laM 300 yfcri llSff?. 
to Dr^ O. E. Ellis's rAflPuriton jifff arniifu^ in , . < AfuifvacAusrlri (iaS8>; Kolt' 
X>T. G. L. Walkcr^B Somt AtptcU of the Rdigumt Life &/ New £:ftgtand {iSt^- 
to Hwtarieal Oiteouraa. by Leonard Bacan {1830), 

' fomtet, Lifg of CromipfH, m tho Siatfjrmen of ihe Commonwallh, rfAf ^ 
and IV.; T. CarlyJe, LttUru and Sjmefut of Oliver Crom wall (:id ed., lS57), BaiJ* 
the Englbh hiitoriana, Humft, Clftrendon, Godwin, Mteaulay, and ihe oto^ 
wt bavfl, on UuB ppriod, the wnrks of niiinol, flwlanj af tXe En^Uk fttMTiiiit 
Aod Hiat. of Cromvtdi^ tht CtrmmtnviDanllKt owt <Aa Hvteratwn (iSM— ISST?- 





THE EE6T0RED 8TUART HONAROHY 



978 



the Romish Cliurch, to which he confonTiftl on his (leath-bed. 
But had hp been disposed to be indulgent to Puritanism, the 
wave of the Anglican Rc*ction^ which rose higher day by dayj 
the Reaction in which a tender sentiment of loyalty to the 
1^ family of the King wag mingled with resentm^-nt against tlie 
party by whose instrumentality his father had been brought to 
the bJock, and with love to the Church, which had fallen with 
the throDC, might have hindered him from carr>'inp out hia 
inclination. The anti-Puritan measures had the potent support 
of Clarendon, The Savoy Conference, in May, 1661, between 
twenty-one Anglican, and bs niany Pre&byterian {livhies, after 
acrimonious debates, in which the Churchmen showed no dis- 
position to come to an accommodation with their opponents, 
which would have retained in ihe Church a vast numb<T of able 
and useful minieter^j broke up without any result- Tlius 
another great opportunity for Comprehension, for converting, 
the ABglicfin establishment into a Broad Church, in which, 
with uniformity in esa^itials. tJiere should be room for fliveraty* 
in things of lees moment, was thrown away. The Episcopal' 
" system was reinstated by Parliament. It was required that' 
h11 ministers who had not been ordained by bisho[>M should 
receive episcopal ordination; that all ministers should make a 
declaration of unfeigned assent and consent to the Prayer-hook 
and to the whole syetem of the Church of England, ehould take 
the oath of canonical obedience, abjure the Solemn League and 
Covenant, and, moreover, solemnly abjure the doct.rine of the 
lawfuhicss of taking up arms against the King or any commis- 
soned by him, on any pretense whatsoever. Two thousand 
miniatera — many of whom were among the best in the king- 
dom, men like Richard Raxler — who refused to comply with 
the terms of the Act of Uniformity, were m one day, in !fl62, 
ejected from their livings/ This hard measure may, to be sure, 

' DtKamma Tflating to thu Srttleinmt oj tht Chiirdt of En^and by tht Act ^i 
Vnifarmili/. 1GG2. (Loiidoa. 1002, ) Thip u a vnEnikbti: aom}dUtioD. 0», liho, 
Gee Add Hardy, DorvmmtM lUu^atiiK of En^luM Chvreh H-iMory (1890), p- fififi 
#«). Ad evcFlUnt mccogF«|:ih od the Rnronttion in ite «d«i&flli<rk] mspetim. it 
tb« Tork nf f^loughlon. Chureh and .4(nb Ttpo Hurvdrwd Yran Affo ' Frttm 16^ tt 
lftG3 Il8fl2). Th* Lxfe /inrf T-irnea of Kirhara Batlet w a most innTrnrfivi- iiuJ 
tnf^rtAiiilng tirrtleinpurBUFuiia mullinrily. TtaxCei playnL n prnniinpnt p^i Ln Ul« 
vTFiiEji of tbe period- \i LJu Kliulbi-HMp wan not nccurKCt, bla nviltnf wwi vaat. 
Hi* miDd wb< a<:ulc knd fcrtilr. auiJ h\s pirly vk4 Kaaurvd by liit wlvcnBiirv, 
But in public nlTaii-ii, ht w qin^hilArly itrrtlitul^ of (dft. And he hhd a RW«( 
tm^ermlMl f&ith in Ihe cflickcy of dipput&tiana And of "a fvw Deevesvy dUtiri*- 
titMu," <vb*re boatile purlie* nero lo be reoooailcd. 



vr4 



THE RETORMATIOK 



be looked upon as a retaliatJon for wh&t w&s don^ to tho Epb- 
copal clergy luidpr the Long Parliament. But those wha re- 
jected tl»<> Covenant received a fifth of the income of their p1acr« 
for the supply of their immediate necessities. In their case, 
also, there waa a great political divj^on, a c.i\il war in whict 
the ejected ministers were against tiie Parliament ; while tlip 
ministers who wprp driven from their parishes in 1662 wen 
loyal supporters of Charles^ without whom lie might never hare 
obtftined his throne. 

Whoever would form a \"ivid idea of the demoralization of 
the English Court, should read the Diaries of Pepya and Evdyti, 
both of them Royalists, and the latter a man of elevated ehsT' 
af^ter, as well as of high culture. Men who had risked their livf^ 
for the falJen dynasty, but who retained some respect for mo- 
rality and decency, were compelled to hide their heads vnil 
mortification at the shameless profligacy that was encouragM 
by the example of the King. 

In 1670 Charles IT, entered into the secret treaty mih 
Louis XIV., which has been described as "a coalition againa) 
the Protestant faith and the hbcrtios of Europe," it vas 
agreed that Charles, at the fitting time, should avow himself 
a Cttthohc, and, with the help of Louis, establish a Catholic 
religion and absolute government in England. In return, 
Charles was to help Louis in his ambitious deeigna upon tic 
Netheriands, The dominions of Spain in America were, if prac- 
ticable, at a later day, to be divided between the two contraciicg 
powers. It is hardly probable that Louis expected to car?}' 
out the plot cont^ed in this treaty, so far as the forcible 
establishment of the Catholic reli^on in England is concerned. 
It was enough for him^ if the King and Parhament remained 
in a constant disagreement, and if England could be at least p^^ 
vpnted from interfering with bia schemes of conquest. The 
hesitation of Charles abcut professing bis Catholicism retarded 
the movement For the accomplishment of the treaty. Stremi- 
ous opposition had sprung up in Parliament to the King* and 
especially to his brother, the Duke of Yorkj who was an avovred 
Catholic. Fresh severities against Dissenters were undertakeo, 
for the purpose of conciliating the Anglican clergy. The real 
designs and policy of Charles became evident after the ecm- 
IDeDoement of the war agdnst Holland. In L673 a Declaration 




THE REVOLUTION OF H 



K 



of Indulgence^ suspencling the penal laws ag^nst Diasentere, 
was issued, for the purpose of winning their support or of de- 
luding them into a fake senee of security. Charles 11. died in 
1685. 

James II., with the same Bubservience to foreign powers, 
and the same arbitrary notions of government which had be- 
longed to his brother, was of a alower and more obstinate mind, 
and di^ercd from Charles in cherishing a sincere and bigoted 
attachment to the Catholic reli^on< In 1686 the Court of 
High Commission, which had been aboUshed forever by the 
Long Parliament, was revived, and the notorioua Jeffreys placed 
at its head. Finding that the Episcopalians were not to be 
won by the pcraecution of the Puritans, the Declaration for 
Liberty of Conscience was issued in 1687, for the sake of enlist- 
ing ibe Dissenters in Iielialf of his sclienie of arbitrary govern- 
ment. However just the measure might be^ it involved in 
itaelf a violent stretch of prerogative. But it was recognized 
as a part of a Bcheme, which, if aceompliehed ^ would bring upon 
Noncooformists and Churchmen ahke a renewal of persecution 
In the most unrelenting form. The combination of parties, 
which was produced by the plot of James for subverting the 
Proteatant religion and establishing Popery, gave rise to the 
Revolution of 1688, and the eetabhshment of WilUam of Orange 
upon the throne, who had married the eldest daughtJ?r of James, 
and had defended Holland and Protestantism against the assaults 
of Louis XTV, At the acrewsion of William and Mary, nays 
Hallam, "the Act of Toleration was passed with little difficulty, 
though not without murmurs of the bigoted Churchmen, It 
exempts from the penalties of existing statutes against separate 
conventicles, or absence from the establislw'd worship, such aa 
should take the oath of allegiance and subscribe to the Declara- 
tion against Poper^', and such minis ters of separate congrega- 
tion£ as should aubecribc the thirty-nine Articles of the Church 
of England, except three, and a part of a fourth. It ©ves, 
also, an indulgence to Quakers, without this condition. Meet- 
ing houses are required to be regisU^red and are protected from 
insult by a penalty. No part of this toleration is extended to 
Papists, or such as deny the Trinity." The aubscriplion to tJie 
Articles of Faith was practically dispensed with; "though/* 
adds Hallam, "fluch a genuine toleration as Christianity and 



iK TEE REFORMATION 

philosophy alike demand had no place in our statute bool 

before the reign of George III." 

The miniatry of William III., when they introduced the 
Toleration Acl^ inlrodLiccd also a Conipreh^nsion Bill, whici 
released Nonconformists from the neces^ty of subscribing thf 
Articles and Homilies^ and delivered them from the ubligation 
Ui fulfill certain ceremoniee that were most obnoxious. Had 
thi3 scheme been adopted, Presbyterians would liave bwn 
adniilted to the charge of parishe-s without reordinatloD. It 
failpd by the force of the opposition to it in Convocalion, to 
which it was referred. Moderate Chvu-cluiienj like Tlllotson, 
Buruct* Stilling fleet, Patrick, and Bcveridge, were outnumberwl 
by thoae who were resolutely averse to any modiiications of Lht 
Prayer-book. The measure was lost, partly from the etrengtii 
of this Anti-Puritan feeling, partly from the fact that Indepm- 
dents, Baptists, and Quakers were left out of the arrangementf 
which was shape<l For the benelit of the Presbyterian minislen 
exclusively^ The fear of strengthening the Church too much, 
which was apt to be an ally of arbitrary govemment, influenced 
in some degree the minds of certain statesmen. The great 
danger connectpd with this measure, a danger that was better 
appreciated afterwards, was that of giving a great augmenta- 
tion of strength to the party of non-jurors, who had forfeitd 
their benefices rather than acknowledge the new dynasty, and 
who, had the Liturgy been remodeled, might have grown into 
a powerfid sect. It Is stale<l, also^ by Halhmi and Maeaulay, 
that the I'resbyterian ministers, who at the head of largr 
churches in London had a much higher and more comfortable 
fitation than fell to the lot of the degenerate and often iU'treattd 
parish clergy, were lukewarm in favoring the adoptJon of d# 
scheme, if not decidedly apposed to it. That they took this 
position is, however, questioned by other well-infomied wrilera.' 

The Revolution of I6S8 led to the permanent catablishnieal 
of the Presbyterian as the national Church of Scotland.' Unciff 
Charles II. Episcopaey was established by law in Scotland 
althougli some latitude was granted, under the name of Indul- 
gence, with regard to the fonn3 of public worship. A fart 

1 Vbuglun, p. 461- The ohAvaoter of the echem& uid tho pnxmdmp bI 
Convomlinn uru fully devribwl bj MackqIbv, Hi- 424 aeq, 

^ Sm Hallqm, C^njit. Hut. ch nvii. MarauTM-, fiial. of England {Hm^ 
Am. ?d.), L 172; ti.lOaHcq.; Ll&n<i.; 192; m. 22a. Q22. 



THE REVOLUTION OF IdSa S77 

Kdetance was made by adherents of the Coveoant during this 
reign and in the reign of James II,, at whose instance it was 
maile a captaJ offense Ui preach in a Preshyt,enan conventicle, 
or to atteitd such a meeting in the open air. James wanted to 
have the Roman Cathohca delivered from the operation of penal 
lawB, but to allow no favor to the Covenanters, The conces- 
fiions which he was at last compelled to make to them were 
reduced to the narrowest conipase. But Ihey stood by their 
CAUse with stubborn bravery, through all thoee troubled 

"timn, 
WboH echo liDgfl thnjugh aeatluKl la ilLubDar." 

Id 1690 the system which was obnoxious to the body of the 
Scottish people was abolished, and the synodical poUty estab- 
tlsheti in its place. In the course of this revolution, the vindic- 
tive fury of the populace waa expressed in outrages upon the 
Episcopal clergy^ who suffered numerous indignities. In the 
luiguage of the timej they were "rabbled." 

Henry IV,, at the time of his deaths was just ready to inter- 
vene in the afTairs of Gerniany, in pursuance of the Lraditiunal 
I'>ench policy, which looked to the reduction of the power of 
Austria, and the enlargement of the boundaries of France, la 
the ten years that followed his deathj after Sully had retired 
from olliee^ wlien the government was in the haods of Mary de 
Medici, the factions which had been held m restraint were once 
more let loose, and the path which Henry liad entered waa for 
tlie time abandoned. 

To maintain an alliance with Spain, which was to be 
cemented by a double matrimonial connection, was the purpose 
of the Queen. Nobles who were disaffected with the govern- 
ment courted the support of the Huguenots from interested 
motives- These influences, in conjunction ^-ith the various 
sorts of peraecution to which they were constantly subject, by 
the permission, if not at the instigation of the government, 
&nd through t-he hostile preaching of the Jesuits, kept the 
Huguenot churchy in a state of perpetual alarm and discon- 
Unt. Their counsels were divided, some advising a resort to 
arms, and others, Like the aged Du Flessis Momay, advising 
patience. Tlie invasion of Lower Navarre and Beam by the 
King, in 1620, the Aeisure of Church property, which had been 



I 




philosophy &like demand had no pl&ce in 
before the reign of George III/' 

The mjnifitr}' of William 111., when they 
Toleration Act, introduced also a Comprchena 
reica^ed NoncoDformists from the ceoefisity of 
Articles and Hoiiulie*. and delivered them froi 
to fulfill cert^Ei cerenionies that were most 
this scheme been adopted. Preebyterians w 
admitted to the chai^ of paiiahes ^vithout 
ful«d by the force of the opposition to it in 
which it was referre<l. Moderate Churchinen, 
Burnet, StiHingfleet, Patrick, and Beveridge, w 
by those who were rc«oluteJy averse to any m 
Prayer-book. TTie measure was lost, partly f 
of thig Anti-Puritan feeling, parlJy from the f 
denU, BapUsls, and Quakers were left out of t 
wliich was shaped for tlie benefit of the Presbyt" 
exclu^vely. The fear of streagtbening the Chu 
which waA apt to be an ally of arbitrary gove 
in Pome degree the minds of certain state, 
danger connected with this measure, a danger 
appreciated aftf^rwarils. wa^ that of ^ving 
tioa of strength to the party of non-jurors, 
their beneSces rather than acknowledge th** n' 
who, hail the Liturg)' been remodeled, niigt 
a powerful sect. It is stat^, also, by Hjd 
tliat the Presbyterian nmuBtcrs, who at 
churches in London had a much hi^ur 
station than fell to the lot of the 
pari^ clergy, were lukewano 
scheme, if not <lecidedly 
portion is, however, q 

The Revolution of 168S 
of the Preslivierian as 
Charles 11, K 
although 
gence, with 

'V. 
Am. 9d.\ L 




THE POLICY OF RICHELrEU AND LOD18 XIV. 



379 



beople must be kept in absolute Bubjection, and be eubject to 

mrdens not so heavy as to crush theni^ uor so light as to induee 

hem to forget their suboriiinaLion, Care should rather be 

Iftd for the culture and Instruction of a part of the nation than 

}f the whole, which might be mischicvouH.' Richehcu abolished 

knarchy, but he made it possible for the eelfish and ruinous 

Jeopotlsm of Louis XIV. to arise in its place. His destruction 

)t the political power of the Huguenots left thein open to the 

leadly assaults of rulers more farmti::al than hirtLsclf. Had he 

n inclined, or if inclined, had he been able, to draw the 

uguenot power on his eide, and to use it against Spain, the 

result might have been happier for France,' In truth, 

he eapture uf f^a Rochelle gave an impulse lo the emigration 

rf ProtestAnta, and France be^n to lose the moat valuable 

tortion of its population' Abroad, Richelieu joined with 

Iwedcn and with the Proteatante of Germany in making war 

jpon the Hflpsbui^ ilynasty, and succeeded in his double pur- 

Hwe of breakiitg down the imperial power, and amplifying the 

emtory of France. The work of Tlichelieu was carried for- 

irard in the same spirit by Maaarin, in the early part of the 

eign of Louis XIV. T\\e design of this monarch wafl to make 

limself an absolute ruler in France, even in ecclesiastica) affairs, 

nithout an actual sejwiration froiEi the Papacy; in other words, 

o imitate Henry VIIL, as far as was compatible with mnin- 

ftiniikg the connection of the French Church with Rome; and, 

D relation to foreign powers, he aspired to be the dictator in 

he European commonwealth, Hia quarrel with the Pope, 

lis persecution of the Jansenists, and his persecution of the 

rHuguenots are the three principal events in his domestic 

Pehgioua policy. Hia controversy with Innocent X. grew out 

of the King's attempt to extend the right called la rigalc — that 

^ RichrlJDii^ palilii^Jil TfiaCunebt is wp3J Dpitodukcd b^ UniiBatr. p. h&ti. Of 
Ell* piferT tulc^D by Hichtlien m the eompoufian of Uie Tutvrient «-□<] UHnairi. 
ve Rsnk^, v. 137 seq., Mnnin, xi. ^t9l ip^. 

■ U^tiD taya df thff Huguenot pnrty ihtX 1l nULTdAl the encroBrhing nve 
pf dapuLiacu. "Mlpui eCit v*lu lancer It* EooliriolH our I'Espngnc que dt l« 
ll^tfuirr- RIcliidiBU a'abuoB puini Jr bb rtfrUHiF^ m&in tl rpuclil lt^:'i\e ft UD Autre 
i'ta a.h\i3nt tpria luj; Ld Rochelle dc-boul, ou ii'cAf. osi rcetaarr' T^re «Iu per- 
^utJ«iia ft r£vo<{ii«>r I'Mit de NunlfB^" xi- 3l>7, MichclM oban^n'n thai Hvtiry 
tV. and Richelieu both aimed at DBtioUftl uniTy, but by diCTrrpnl meitiu — Ihe 
BiM by the u»^, Ihp H«ond by the diw^nirtjori, of tht vita] forre*. Hint, dt Fmqafl, 
El. 461. Upon RJRh«1ieti'i [lermnil iEmil«. sev ^^moiidl* Hi4i. dn Franfou, xziiL 
1 BHi, Rankv Jud^Ffl bim more Tavorably, 

' Baul»> Thg /^i>pbfnu(« in Eikyinind. etc.. 1807- 



Mi TOE REFOEHATIOX 

ii^ th« ri^t to ^ipropnat« the rereoun of & see aad 
rvily 613 the i-ftcaDc^-, until & nev iDcambcnt rfioukl t 
oath of fiddjtjr to the King — to cztcsid due pnro^tive orv 
Bnrcuiidjr* the old Ec^idi ptjr^on of France, amd portMoa rf 
the irii^yinni wbcre the piiTiJege in questlcci belonged to the 
loeal frrlrdBoHnl auihoriti^a. He reqinml the yiiiiilr oaA 
of the bi^uifM ax these districti^ and they wen sopported a 
tbar rrfmd U> grant U by the Pope Under the poo t i fLca l e 
of Iiinooent XI. the Aaaembly of the French Clet^, tn 168^ 
eopporting the vtcw^ of the King, p&ned the famous four prop^ 
ntiow of GaUiaui liberty: that the Pope has authority oo)y 
in npiritoal matt^rH, not over kings and princea; thai the 
authority cf a General Council is above that of the Pope; that 
the Pope ia bound by the Church laws, and by the patticaitf 
instUutioDS and uaages of the Freneh Church; and that the 
doctrknaJ decisions of the Po[:>e are not irTeronnable^ unle^ tbt^ 
are supported by the concurrence of the whole Churdi. Hw 
long controvert was at lec^h adjusted by an accommodatioei, 
trader Innocent XII,, in which Louis retained hb prerogative^ 
wbldi had fonned the original subject of dispute, but ^n 
up the four propositions. He allowed bishops to retract their 
asAcnt to them, but would not suffer them to be compelled to 
do BO. Boasuct had aeeumed the poet of a literary chanapioa 
of the Galli(!an ttk^r>', in behalf of the Kinf?; but, in eoosequefMe 
of the wtUement just referred to, his celebrated work agvnst 
the ultramontane type of Catholicism did not see the H^t 
until 1730, 

Jan^niBm was a reaction within the Catholic Chur^r Against 
the theology, casuistry, and general spirit of the Jesuit onJv. 
Molina and other theologians set up a middle type of doctrine 
lietween the system of Auguitine and that of Pelagius. The 
Molinists ingeniously reaerved to the will a cooperative part in 
eonversion, Jansenism was a revival of the Aupu^tiniar t^ieia 
upon the itiability of the fallen will and upon efficacious gracfe 
In this respect the Jansenists were on the same path as tlM 
Reformers; but, unlike fhe^, instead of going back of the 
Fathere in order to abide by the teaching of Scripture, they 
rested upon patristic authority and were content to follow im- 
plicitly (lie great founder of Latin theoli^y/ Bajus, profcsam 




JANSENI3M 



361 



Lmraizi, towards the end of the alxteenlh century, led the 
\y in this reassertion of AugustinlaD principleB. But it woa 
dus, alao a professor at Louvaln and Bishop of Ypree, 
his fellow-fttudt^nt, Duvprgier, Abbot of St. Cyraii, who 
luentiy gave a new impet\ia to the movement. St. Cyran, 
,1, Amauld, Nicole, and their associates, who were colled 
►rt Royaliats, from their relation to the cloister of that nnme, 
le the leaders of the party. If we glance at the Jesuit 
,temity as it was in the niifidle of the st^Vfiitpenth century, 
find that its character had altered for the worse/ Its pro- 
members were no longer confined to spiritual duties^ 
tt shared with the coadjutors the management of colleges 
the administration of secular affairs, TTie religious fervor 
.t hati existed earlier was very much coole*!, Tlie tililiga* 
to renounce property, a& a private possession, was evaded. 
*' mercantile spirit'' crept even into the inatitutiona of educa- 
in which ho(i been eslabiiahed by tbe order. In the room of 
Fentiirig the Papacy, it generally sided with France in tin* 
[iests with the Holy See, By the policy adopted in its 
natte missions, the Teauit nrrler at length came into conflict 
ilh the Capuchins and Francbwana^ as it had offended the 
Linicans by opposing the doctrines of Thomafi Aquinas. 
le Jesuits gradually ceased to be abeorbe<! in a great object, 
le restoration of tbe Papal dominion and Ihe exlenwion of it 
rer the globe, and directcil their energies to the pre^rvation 
their own power. But it waa their lax ethical maxima winch, 
than any other cause, undermined their reputation. The 
Provincial Letters" of Pascal, In which tbeir loose casuistry 
chastised with the keenest satire, inflicted upon them a 
ly wound- While the Jansenists, who were in favor of 
le independence of the Church, in opposition to ultramontane 
■paticna, supported the King in his conflict witli the Pope, 
icy enjoyed the royal favor; but when they set themselves 
linst hirt effort, to bring the Church under bis feet, be turned 
linst them and gave hia ear to the inimical suggestions of 
Jeeuite. FinaUy, in 1710, he pulled down the cloister of 
'ort Royal, and banished the Jansenist leaders. In 1708 
lent XI. had issued a bull, prohibiting the "Moral Reflec- 
." of Quesnel, a work wbieb had been approved by Bossuet 



i 




382 - TBE REFOKUATION 

tnd by Noailles, the Archbishop of Parie. This waa folloved 
by a heavier blow at the Janaenist party in 1713, in the fono 
of the famous bull^ Unigenitm, which explicitly condemnfil 
one hundred and one propositions of the same boolc. The 
Pope was forced into this action by the French Court, unda 
the influence of Father Le Tellier^ who had declared that thoe 
were more than a hundred censurable propositions in the hcA. 
Clement was obliged to tnake good the declaration by cod- 
deiQoiDg one hundred and one. It was not the Janseoists aloiv, 
but all true Gallicanfi^ who were attacked in these proceedtng?L 
Tliia controversy was continued in the next reign, after lltf 
deatli of Louia XIV., between the Opposarits or AppeUont-^ on 
the one hand, and the Acceplatits or Con^iithtvmcires, the ad- 
versaries of the Janseniata, on the other. The Papal authoHn 
was brought lo l»?ar against the Jansenist opinions, in mib- 
servience to the dictation of the Court, and thifl coercion had a 
demoralizing effect upon the French clergy, many of wiiom 
were forced into a denial of their real convictions. The Janscfl- 
Tflta survived in the separatist archiepiscopal Church of Utrecht. 
and still more in eoriibination with tlie tendencies Lo IjberalisDi, 
out of which grew the political and religious revolutions that 
marked the close of the cight^^cnth century,^ 

Tlie Huguenots, under Richelieu and Mazarin^ had been 
protected io their religious freedom. It was only as a political 
organizrition that these s^ateiimen had made war \i\t\m them. 
After the death of Maaarin, in 1661 j a party that was hostile to 
the Protestants gained an increasing influence over the Kin^ 
whose personal viees were attended with forebodings of remorse, 
and with superstitious anxieties that sought relief iii the perse- 
cution of heresy. He fell under the influence of his Jesuit CVm- 
fesfior, La Chaise, with whom were joined the war-nnnist«, 
the Marquis de Louvoia, and even Mai.lam Maintenon, his wife, 
formerly a Protestant. Hence the great atb^mpt to inak« 
proselytes by the use of all varieties of cruelty, "For mwy 
years/' says Martin, the government of Louis XIV. "had been 
acting towards the Reformation aa towards a victim entangled 
in a noose, which is drawn tighter and tighter till it atran^e^ 
itfl prey." Declarations and edicts of the most opprcsaivc cW- 
acter had followed one another in rapid Bucces^on, At length 




PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS 



383 



p atrocbiis schcnit of tlie dTtujoTUid^, or the billeting of soldiers 
Hu^piiol fainllirs, was reaort^'d lo. Over the pretetidpfl 
aversions effected by euch means the profligate nilera of 
Uice aaiig praisoe to God. Louis XIV. ontlpavored to quiet 
own fear of hell by making a hell for his unoffending siib- 
ts. Tlie penalty of death was denoiinced against all con- 
ts who relapsed to the TTugiienot faith. In the course of 
ee years fifty thousand families had fled from the country, 
.1&S5 the Edict of Nantes, the great charter of Protestant 
itB, was revoked- The churebes of the Huguenots were 
ed; and although emigration was forbidden to the laity, 
far from a (Quarter of a million of refugees eflr^ped lo 
ich Protectant countries to which the^ removed by their 
and industry. Many reniained firm under the severest 
lis, and assembled in forests and by-placee to celebrate their 
rship. It was not until 17SS that their marriages, which 
i been treated as invalid, were pronounced legal; and they 
not gain their rights in full until the Revolution, 
"France was impoverished," writes Martin^ ''not only in 
enehmen who exiled themselves, but in those much more 
itnerous, whu remained^ in aplte of themselves, discouraged, 
ined, whether they ofjenly resisted persecution, or sufferetl 
external observances of Catholicism to be wrung from 
em, all ha\'ing neither energy in work or security in life; it 
reaJIy the activity of more than a million of men that France 
t, and of the million that produced most, " It is a signifieant 
It, in the light of auhaequexit events, that many of the refu- 
were received by the Elector Frederic, and helped to build 
Berhn, then a Bmalt city of twelve thousand inhabitants. 
After the close of tbe war of the Spanish Succession (1713), 
the instigation of Le Tellier, who had succeetled La Chaise as 
lind of minister of ecclesiastical affairs, the persecution against 
Protestants was renewed, in forma of aggravated and in- 
Mous cruelty, 

In his foreign policy Louis XlV, succeeded brilliantly for 
Hme, but was ilooiiLed to terrible disappointment and defeat. 
made himself as formidable by his power and ambition as 
ilip II, had been in the latter part of the precc^Iing century; 
rt like him he was destined to experience a mortifying failure, 
well as lo lay the foundation of untold calamities for hia 




THE RUFORHATION 

nation. His attack nti Ihe Spanit*li Nftherlands, wbidi wat 
regarded by Holland as a bulwark against h\s inroads and 
aggrts^on, Jed to the triple alliance of Holland, En^^and, aid 
Sweden, in 1668, the object of which was to compel him to eoo- 
clude a peace with Spain. The same year he concJuded wiA 
Spain the peace of Aii la Chapelle. TTie resentment of Ixne 
against Holland led him to form, in 1670, the secret treatf 
with Cliarles II., in behalf of Catholicism and absolutism, Bui 
the unpopularity of the war apainst Holland among the Ed(^ 
lieh, and the necessity under which Charles was placed, oJ 
making peace with the Dul^h, together with a like course ori li* 
part of other allies of Louis, led to the treaty of Nimegueain 
1678-1679, by which iic gained a number of towns and fortrenet 
in the Nethcrlanda, besides certain German places. HollamJ 
was left in the same stat« as before the war. The continued 
aggrcasions of Ixiuis occasioned the grand alliance of the Euro- 
pean powrra against him and the war of t^n years, in whidi 
William of Orange was the foremost leader among the allie*. 
In the early part of the previous war, when Holland was ove^ 
nm by the French armies and reduced almost to desptur, <h* 
Rppuhlir^n niugiKtrnlK^ w^re overthrown and the government 
placed in the hands of William. By him the courage of the 
nation had been roused, and, as the only means of defense, tbey 
had cut through the dykc^ and inundated the country, Thfliee- 
forward William was the most determined and dangerous antag- 
onist of Ixjuis, and the moving spirit of the cGalitions formed 
against him. In the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, Louis renounced 
his support of the Stuarts^ and admitted William III. to be 
the rightful King of Great Britain and Ireland. Tlie war of 
the Spanish succession^ in which Louis sought to supplant the 
Austrian House in Spain and to combme Spain with Francse, 
by placing his graniLson, Philip, Duke of Anjou, on the Spanlili 
throne, was closed in 1713 by the peace of UtjcchL It wm 
provided that France and Spain should never be united under 
one sovereign; the Spanish Netherlands were transferred to 
Austria; and the Bourbon Prince was left on the throne of 
Spwn, and his title was acknowledged by the allies in 1714 
liie "grand monarch" came out of the wars which had bcoi 
kindled by his ambition, thwarted and reduced to distre^. A 
significant feature of the peace of Utrecht was the reco^tioo 



TRTUMPHS AND DEFEAT OF L0UI3 XTV. 



ss.** 




f lh<? Elector of Brantlenburg as King of Prussia. Aa Sweden 
k down from Ihe eniiiientp which it lieltl for a time, as the 
BAding Protestant power m the North, PruHAia w&a rising to 
hke her place. 

Ilie reign of Louis XIV. effected tlie utter paralysis Eind 

roetrfttion of the Catholic Reaction, The Popes found Ihem- 

dves unable to contend with the temj)oral powpr/ The dis- 

oeition of several pontiffs io favor the eide of Spain and 

Ufitria sharpened the anl^onism between them and the French 

g. and subjected them to humiliation. When Clement XL 

doned the anti-FVench policy, he was obliged to Buccumb 

the threatti of Uie ini|rtTiahst3, Treaties of peace were eon- 

ded between the European nations, in which the interests 

Dd even rights of the Popes were involved, but in regard to 

rhich they were not consulted. The Church of France re- 

uuned Catholic ; it wae even guilty of a revolting persecution; 

ut it united with the monarch in abridging the powpr and 

hwartirg the dPMgns nf the Holy See. Not only wan the 

!»thoIic. world divided inio two parties^ the Austrian and 

^^nch, which the Pope could not control, but the Prot.esUmt 

tatee acquired a preponderance of power; and the Court of 

nnoeent XL naturslly sympathized with the coalition, al- 

tough its forces were predominantly Protestant, the end of 

rhich was to curb the ambilion of Louis XIV. 

Even the persecuting measures which Louis XIV. adopted 
ttensibly in behalf of Uie Catholic religion were in the highest 
egree harmful to it; for the hatred of these atrjx'ious proeeed- 
ogs contrihtited iv swHI the current oF antipathy to the ChurcJi 
nd to religion, which was gathering force in the mbds of men. 
Tie Bull Unigenitu-'^, aa it condemned Jansenism and Auguetin- 
m doctrine, brought the Jesuits into alliance with the Pajml 
se. But thij^ Bull, witli the rognate nieaj^ures, divided the 
lergy and excited all the elements of opposition to the Papal 
upremacy over the Gallican Church, The Janaeniats became 
irtual auxiliariei? of the rising party, in whom the spirit of 
onovation had full sway, 

Louia XIV, died in 1715. Voltaire was then about twejity- 
fte years old. The age of philosophy and illuminiflm, of rHi- 
bufi and political revolutions, was approaching. The third 

■ KAOktt, iii- t»0, 



ft86 



THK REFORMATION 



catftt^, the middle class, was preparing to grasp the power 
had been wr<*i>U*d from tbt nobles and concentrated in the 
throne. Free-thbiking, transplftnted from England, wa^ Latbg 
root and spreading through all orders of French society, tfafLo* 
to be diffused over Europe. The fabric of pohtical and relh 
gioua deapolism which Louia XIV. had erected, wag to go doiQ 
before the end of the century in a revoluUonary tempest. 






J 

m 
U 




CHAPTER Xm 

THE PROTESTANT THEOLOGY 

Protestantism, under whatever divRraties of form it ap- 
jed, and notwithstanding the varieties of character and of 
oion which are obsen-ed araonp; its le-adera, is distinguished 
& syetem of behef by two principles. These are justification 

faith alone, and the exclusive autliority of the Scriptures.' 
The subject round which the Protestant discustdona re- 
ved, and out of which they ori^naily sprang, is tlie recoo- 
fttion of man to God. The controveray with the Roman 
lioliee did not relate to the branches of theology on which 

ancient councils had spoken. The Apostolic symbol, the 
Bds of Nicies and Chalcedon, were accepted in common by 
h parties. In reapect to tlie Trinity antl the person of Christ 
y stood on the same ground. On the subject of Anthro- 
ogy, the doctrine of an, it is true that the Reforniers par- 
tly assert^l the Augiistinian views, in oppoation tj^ that 
dified opinion, less hontile to the Pelagian tenet, which had 

* AmoDf the boDlu of r^fr^reuae ifHTX^Dting tlie Frotalaat mnd lb« CathoUo 
jlocy «ro lUo Callcctiuna vl CnwilD; Uic Lutbtrao (cdit«d by Uive, IMA}; 

Book itj Ctmeard, or ihe Sx^mbolAcal Bonkn nf the Evongrlicai LuUirrtm CJVwA, 
si by Ptof, H, E. Jaroba <pp, 6721, Pbib^l-Jpliift. 1882. Tho Rvfornwl {hy 
M^er, 1840^; Ttf Roumn Cifclhclii' (by Bireilwotf ii. KEeiner, I84ft). 8h,a]bd. 
Jf. Thr Vrrrdt nf Chrirt^nit/nn (IST"). Taivin'i' Inntihilft anti MflhncLhon'B 

t?«fnmufu« Are ihe priniip&l drvtriuo] trpfttiHH on the Frol^atanl aide Id Iha 
cd ihe RflfDnnatLon. nellriniiiEie \a atill tbf ablodl oooliuveiwUiat oo Uie 
■oiic Bide ajpco iht Tri^lontinu Couiir:il , mtfulntifma de CrintTOPtrwiui Ctvie- 
t Fidei adr. huju Tenfnrie hrrrrlicyt (Rome, 15S1, lfiS2, 15^3), The Bblot 
gomeU of Hdl&miini^ wofp Mnrtia dicmnitfi, Kraifien Cr^eH Trid. (1595-73), 
til* Ifugupnal ttisolo^ftD. Cliiinkipr, PattMratia ColliiWinr. ale, (Gvflf^TA, 1626; 
kkfort^ 1620). A aauvvDiffot itiadua! of CnltiDlifl Th'vilogy if P*itoiib, Pro- 
in#fl TA«iftffWT' (3 vftiM., 1847). Among the modern wra-ka oti PmU«t«iiC The- 
r M.n PtDFi^k, GKh. d. pral. Lehrbr^fle (1781-1^00); Qm», Ovh. d. prof, 
tuUik (1862) : A. Scbweiicr, Die prot. Cm<^tf^dcom«I ianarhalb d. rwf. Kintw 
4) i Hrppe. Dofjrualik d. deutMcH Pra<-{lW3); Darner, Gtch. d- jrtt4. TAwJ. 
T)i acbenlid, Uu ITnen d. Prot. (1846). Knrl Hue, fjanjbu^h d. Prsln- 
weti^n Pffltrntlc (1871). Soo, bIbCh Wr-mf^, <7k^. <f. italh. ThMt.trUd. Trid.Cont. 
ft). Ta thnfl >J« to be njldAl mimcroug modgm works on Hyinbctti» fjid oO 
^latory cf TVti?trtiw» hv NpAndrr, IlKmu-k, Kl<v (Roman Csth.}. BAUmBmrfcn- 
|i». Hftfpnbach, Schn'lT, Btiir. Mohlpr (Rom. Cilh.>, Fiaher (G. P.), NltMob 

387 




I 

p 



868 THE REFORMATION 

bwD difltincfly espoused by one of the leading medireval &oh' 
the followprs of Srotus, ani.1 had afft'clcd all of the scliolaatic 
syetenis. It was in their profound fien^e of the reality of 90, 
and of itfi doiiunion in the human will, that the Prot^t&nb 
laid the foundations of their thej>log}'. Zwingli alone, of &3 
the foremost Reformers, called in question the fact of native 
guilt, as this i» ftsserteii in [.he Augustiiiian theology; and even 
he did not atlhere uniformly to his theory. But llie ric»rtritie 
of ain was only indirectly and subordinately brought into the 
debate-' The same might bo said of the Atonement, since the 
body of the Reformers rested on the Anselmic idea of £ati^fl^ 
tion, which likewise formed a part of the opposing creed.' The 
point of difference was on the vital question how the soul, bur- 
dened with sclf-condcnmation, is to obtain the forgiveness cf 
Bins and peaceful reunion to God in the character of a recon- 
ciled father. In the teachings, injunctions, services, eeremoni'^ 
of the Church, the Reformers hat) sought for this infinite gooJ 
in vflin- Tl^ey found it in the doctrine of gratititous partlon, 
from the bare mercy of God, through the mediation of CSiriat; 
a pardon that waits for nothing but acceptance on tJie pan 
of the soul — the belief, the trust, the faith of the pemleni- 
Everything of the nature of satisfaction or merit on the part 
of the oiTender ia precluded, by tJie utterly gratuilotis nature 
of the gift, by the sufficiency of the Redeemer's expijition. 
Every assertion of the necesaty of works or merit on th^ pi<ie 
of the offender, as the ground of forgiveneee, is a diBparagemeni 
of the Redeemer's merey and of his expiatory office. Faiilt 
thus laying hold of a free for^veness and ["eeonnwting the snul 
with God, is the fountain of a new life of holinessj which de- 

■ Th« PraLMtJfcnr« hpld that ths tnorml pi*rfF>ctioni — Ibit is, the holiom— ■! 

tht first man tre cnnpm.led; ihp rathnlErfi, thiil thi^y miv nnpa-iuJdvd jifHcl 
(nee. Cat- /7mu., i. ii. qu. 1G. TIiib ducirluc or tliedbnum ffuprmaf U¥ti/( is 4mn 
out in Full by Hdliu-iJiijhC-, Cmi- primi ilom , \\. T^ic i?lTiri:t of the («U ib Mid b^ 
tho Cnt^alif^fl io be thv Idsb of ihr dutvutn mtpf^rtuilurale, And a ronecquect^ thoQ^ 
indirwt, trcabciiiug of iho OBtura] powers (ru/nn-a no/hrizl ; b>- Ihs PrDlcBUabil 
wan he[d to b# « potitive deprnvatiaTi oX human ruLrur^. Birllariuiae, AmU- Git* 
Til i. ; Cttnf. Aitffvat , p. ; Ajial. A^ffutt. Cnrtf , p. Al ; Cnnf. Hflr^t , Tl- cc- vnL, H 
* Th? doctriofl rommnn to AmpIih a-nd Aijuiiuui fhni i.h<* Mdaraff^ion ai Ointf 
is J&bnolLile Ln jtivlf, luid lafinitf;, vaa dpnlrd only by Lhp E4J*hnol of SfHue. 4ta 
hrld that Ll IS Qiiile^ but it ac^rpt^d bv t^f- JiviiiH ivlll — accrpeilatv> — fi^r rnr^v 
Uiao it« iutrioflio norlh, TLe Tridcnliap tired decin ibet t>ardon cama kiUl 
If thf reiruMion of all punintinient; but WKria that thr salkAfBclion rcadnnt trr 
thr sinner \b (LVuLhblv only tbrou^ the HatiflfactiDD of Chtiat- Sq^l tJV. ^ iflL 
See fiaumgarlen-CcUBius, Degmcn^Kk-, u^ ^Ti'i. ^. a- 




JUSTIFICATION BY FAITH 



389 



Is not on fear and homage to law, but on graUtudn and on 
filiaJ sejitiment^. Christ himself nourishes this new life by 
^iiitual infldenccB that flow into the soul through the channel 
of iu fellowship with Him, Justification is thus a foreuBJc 
term^ it is equivalent to the remission of sins. To justify, 
IBgnitiPs not to make the offender righteous, but to treat him 
u if he wrre righteoui*, to deliver him from the accusation of 
the law by the bestowal of a pardon. Saving faith js not a 
virtue to be rewsrded, but an apprehensive aeL, the liand that 
t&kes the free gift. Such, in a brit'f statementj was the car- 
dinal principle cf the Protestant interpretation of the Gi>r:pel,^ 
ITic Christian life has its center in this experience of forgivcneBs, 
Virtues of character and vietoriea over temptation grow out 
pf it. Christian ethicg is united to Christian theology by thiH 
fetal bond. 

W But to what authority could the Tleformera appeal in l)chatf 
Lpf their proposition? What assurance had they of its truth? 
How did they arrive at the knowledge of it? They had found 
mhiB obscured and half-forgotten truth recorded, as they be- 
■evcd, with perfect clearness^ in the Scriptures. The authority 
mji the Scriptures was fully acknowledged by the Church in 
which they had been trained, however it might superadd to 
Bbem other authoritative sourcea of knowleilge, and however 
Bt might deny the competence of the individual to interpret 
Bthe Bible for himwif. That Christ spoke in the Scripturea^ 
hH admitted. What Ilis voice was the Reformers coidd not 
Bonbt; for the truth that He uttered was one of which they 
Hud an immedjat<r, spiritual recognition. Their interpretation 
»mi fied itself to their heart»^ by the lip;ht and peace which tlkat 
((jTith brought with it, aa well as to their understandings on a 
kritieal evarninalion of the text. Tlie Chureh, then, that denied 
■bear mterpretation and commantted them to abandon it was 
fti error; it could not be the aulhoriaed, infalUbIc interpreter 
Kf Holy Writ. Thus the trathlional belief in the authority of 
She Roman Church gave way, and the principle of the exclusive 
Buthority of the Scriptures, a>! tlie rule of faith, took its place, 
kv this process the second of the distinctive principles of Frotes- 

^^^^Hllb idva of juBtLAeAtian u the keynole ip LuthE-r'a Cammcatary oo ihv 
^^^BU to Ibc OaUtiArLB, 4nd In Md^B'thAti^ CoiametLlary on tht Epatle to ilia 
^^^Bpi. It ■■ thp djBtiac^tiw Teiitur? af (h« Protutitnt cuegait of the wridPQi 



SM 



THE REFORiLATlOM 



tantisni wa» rrached- That tho mevung of the Bible if suft 
cii?^t1y plain and iDl^ltigibk was implied in this conduaocL 
nr^iLce, the ri^jt of private judgnient is anotlier fdde of lb 
same doctrine. 

Id the a^loptjon of this, which hfls been called the fonrai. 
in diBtinctioD ^om the first, which i& termed the m&tenal. pnih 
dple of ProtesianCism, there was no dissert among theehurdff 
of the refonijp*! failh, Th<ifl tlkP Anglican IxnlVf which surpajA^l 
ftlJ other Protest&nt churches in its deference to the fa\htn 
ftnd to the hrst centune^, affirme this principle. It accfpu 
in the eighth article, the ancient creeds, on the ground eIlbi 
they may be proved by most certain warrants of Holy Scrip- 
ture; it declares, in the nineteenth article, that the Church of 
Rome, as well as the Churches of Jerusalem, Alexandria, ani 
Antioch have erred in matters of faith ; and in the twenU' 
first article it asserts that general councils may nr and haw 
erred in things* ptTtaining to the rule of piety, and that tbar 
decrees are to he accepted no farther than they can he eJiowi 
to be conformable to the sacred writings. 

The two principles are united in the fundamental idea dT tk 
direct relation of Quist to the believer as his perdonal Redeems 
and Guide. 

TTie Roman Catholic theory of Justificatioa may be eo slatM 
as to seem to approximate closely to that of the Prntf^Iaijfe: 
but on a close exanimation, the two doctrines are seen to be 
cordant with one another. In the formula which defines 
CTindition of walvation to be faith formed by love — Juies }• 
tariliiw — a 8e|iaration between faith and love is conci 
of, in which the latter becomes the adjunct of the former; 
inasmuch as love is the injunction of tho law, a door i.i open 
a theory of works and humnn Trorit, and for all the dipconitftt 
<if thsil fpgMl and inlrospeeti^'e piely from which the evanpelW 
doctrine fiu-nishcd the means of escjipe. Fjiith, in the Prntr* 
tant vicw» is necesaarily the source of good works, which flfrt" 
from it as a etream from a fountain; which grow from r 
fruit from a tree. The tendency of the Catholic gystcm l 
conjoin works with faith, and thus to resolve good works i 
form of legal obedience. Moreover, Justifieatinn does not 
flg in the Prolf^^lant theology, with the forpveness of sinn: 
the first elemeni m .^U'iUftt^atvoQ la the infusion of inward, ^ 



ROMAN CATHOLIC DOCTRINE OF JUSTIFICATION 391 

lonal rigbteouaness, and pardon follows. Justification is grad- 
lal.* By this incipient excellence of character^ the Christian is 
uaiie capable of meriting gract; aod however Lhis doctrine may 

qoali^ed and guarded by founding all merit ultimately on 
he rnerita of Christ, from which the flanctification of the diaci- 
le flows, the legal characteristic cleaves to the doctrine. But 
he wide difference of the Catholic conception from the Protes- 

t becomea evidpnt, when it is remeinbert^d tbal according to 
be former, for all ains cojiiniitted after baptismj the offender 
>wea and must render aatJsfaction — a satisfaction that Jcrivea 
le efficacy, to be sure, from that made by Christ, but yet is 
ot the less indispensable and reaK And how in Jxi^tiBcation 
mparted? How d{»ps it begin? It in communicat*:d through 
taptiem, and, hence, generally, in infancy. It is Justification by 
laptism rather than by faith ; and for all sine aubscquontly com- 
nitted, penances are due; satisfaction must be offered by the 
ransgressor huiiself. We are thus brought to the whole theory 
if the Church and of the Sacraments, in which the discrepancy 
tween the two theologies is most manifest. 

If the conflict of the two theologies were limited to this topic 
rf Justification and of the relation of faith to works; if the dis- 
Hjte could be shut up to subtle questions and tenuous dislinc- 
ions of theological science, it might he more easily settled. On 
htse questions a meeting-point might po^lbly be found. But 
Protealant interpretation of the Gospel involved a denial of 
he prerogatives of the vaet Institution which assumed to 
ntervene between the soul and God, as the almoner of grace 
d the ruler of the beliefs and lives of me-n. 

Tlie Reformers, in harmony with their idea of the way of sal- 
vation which has beeu described, brought forward the conception 
rf the invisible Church. The true Qiurch, they said, is com- 
toeed of at! believers in Christ, all who are spiritually united in 
lim; and of the Church aa thu^ defined. He is the Head. This 
the Holy Catholic Church, to which the Apostles' Creed refers, 
\nd ID which the disciple professes his belief; "for we believe/' 
id Luther, referring to this passage of the creed, "not in what 

see, but in what b invisible." The visible Church, on the 
ontrary, is a congregation of believers in which the word of 
od 13 preached and the sacraments administered essentially as 

* Coneil, Tridtat Sean. vi. a. k. 




» 



Ihey were instituted by Chriet. But 'no single visible body of 
Christians can justly assume to be thp entire Church ) much 
exelude From the pa!e oF salvalion all wha are not iDclu<ipd lb 
their number. The true Churcli is an ideal, which is realiaeJ 
but imperfectly in any existing organisation, ExK^riuil societes 
of Christians are more or less pure; they approxinmt<', in diffe^ 
ent <legrees, to a conformity to the idea of the real or inviahfc 
conjmunily. The Prtiter^tanln cnrcfiilly rpfrained from ano- 
gatmg for the bodies w!iich they organizefl an excluwve title to 
be considered the Church, When charged with being apoetaW 
from the Churchy auJ when themselves denouncing the Papari' 
as the embodiment of Aiiliehrij^t, they never denied that the 
true Church of Christ was on the side of tlieir opponents^ as well 
oa with themselves. '*! say/' said Luther, "that uiiilt-r llie 
Pope is real Christianity, yea the true pattern of Christiwuty. 
and many pious, great sainlfi." Calvin has Bimjlar cxpressicma; 
For example, in his noted Letter to Sadolet. 

Tlif' Rnmari Catholic theory affixes the attributes of unify, 
holiness, catholicity, and apostolicity to the e-xtemal, visible 
society of which the Bishop of Rome ie the chief, and declare 
that outside of this body there is no salvation. The notes of Llw 
true Church belong to this society; and accordingly the promise 
marie in the New Testament to the Church, and tlie prinl(^ 
there a.-^cribefi to it» are claimed for this body excluMvely. tlif 
Church, aays Ucllanninc, is something as tan^ble as the Repub- 
lic of Venice. In opposition to the second of the Frotestini 
principles, the traditions of the oral teaching of Christ and d 
tlie Aixu^tles, which, it is claimed, are iiifalUhly preserved in dw 
Churchy through the supernatural aid of the indwelling Spini, 
are put on a level with Scripture, and of Scripture iteelf^ tbf 
Church ie the appointed, unerring expounder. It was not aa 
uncommon thing in the Middle Ages for doctrmea to be attril>- 
uted to revelations made to the Church, aubapquenl to li« 
Apostcdic age; doctrines not supposed to be contained in thf 
Scriptures, But the prevailing Catholic doctrme since the Rd- 
onnation finds the entire revelation as a complete depoait. iiJ 
the written and oral teaching of Christ and the Apostles. TV 
connection of tlie individual with Clirist is not jjossible, excepi 
tlirough his coimection with the Qiurch» In thf Catholic iheorj 
the inviaible Church is not only included in the viaible organlfir 



TBE CHURCH AND THE SACRAMENTS 



398 



in communion with the Papal See, but It cannot exist out 

it or apart from it.' 
As an iuneimrable part of the- Catholic theory of the Church 
Aoda the Joctrme of a particular priesthood fijid of the mcra- 
lents. The idea of the sacranieota waa fully developed by the 
shoolmen, and the number, which had been indefiiiit^ and 
LTtable, was fixed at seven. It U essential to the conception 

the sacrament that it should efficiently convey tlie hidden 
ift of grace which it symbolizes. It is the channel through 
hich the grace is communicated; the ordained and indispena- 
jle vehicle by which it passes to the individual; the inetni- 
lent by the direct operation of whieh the di\Tne mercy reaches 
IB BDul.* Hence the efficacy of a sacraiitent la ^dependent of 
,e personal character of the administrator, provided he have 
e inU^ntion to perform the Bacramcntal act; for such an 
tention is requisite. The sacrament,' moreover, imparts a 
vine gift which is not involved in, nor produced by, the faith 

the recipient : it ie ex opere operato. The effect is wrought, in 
tlie recipient interjioaRs no obstacle.' The sacranients are 

Id the lat^r edilicpoa of hu Itoci, MeJaDvthizia tiralfl of Uie vaaibJt chuioh 

Ele v&B Vk-il to tiiia CDun^r, not by n chmi^' of DpLoioa fHpvolJiig ihc reality 

tlta c<inc!Dptian of thu inviaibLn (JlLurcti, but in ackOAfqucDce of the Jkbomtioaj, 

k vpiritUJiJutiF dinwliDiiH ol the AtinbapIiBtfl He u coa^^Dmed Id giiH.nl ■§■■"■1 

It HDlici] lliHT \\i(^ invisLbk' Churoh J4u nitrp ide^I, or Ls fo b& Hiugbl lor outaid* 

all pxi/iline Di^rlF^iaAticftl orfiantzaliaiiB ^ ■ mere Platooic Tppubhc. Sea 

jufl UQUur. Utf^iiii^iochi Abhaiidititujcn \D\v uiLsicUlbare Ktrcbi;}^ pp. 397) 29S. 

■ *' Plt quiE unuiu virm jualili^ vpI IhcItiiL, i~el cuepta augrtur, vgI 4inimi 
p*mtur-" (Jancil- Trid- 8oiu. vn. rru^miuin. "81 i^u^ dtitrrit BbcmmrJit* 
(Vff |f!f;i« non »<sc r^d tuklutem Dcccaaariik ;" "fi quid dixt-ril, per ipaa D0V4B l«fia 

rmiiL4?nlB tx cp^re oppfHlo ron CDiiferri grHlimni. anatbdinH mi(," Ibut-. iv. vtii. 

■ ThiB iH th« iWliiralion ni llif Tomipll nf Trpat (ftess. vb. fATir vi.) : "Si qud 
^f nl HirnLmrrilji nf»vfr> Ir^u nnn conlinpir gmlivn, 4iU(Un sJ^nificat ; ftUt cr«liun 

■m Doii ponenU1iiJ<i ubJGErii null ccmlfn- . . . BliHtbEDmBil" The later School- 
□ laii^lLE Lhiit t^ie Bbi:rafiii-ijtii arr? FfTicncjoUfl^ miltsB n mortal nn creates hi 
itwiJe in tbcRBV ol the v-orking of dmne grorf. DunsSctrtuB (I. iv- d, T qu. fl) 

1^3 "Xon rcqiiirilur ibi bonua mutua inlrrior, qm Dis'vdtar graliinn," ele, 

hbnd Bid {SpntenB, I- iv- d, 1, qii- 3-) mAint&iEiB the bkidg propoBitioii, It 14 
t*nr» whicli th* R^frirmi*rn alTarkedr After the RefoifQitlion, LteLlArminfl 

v* {[if- Sfur.^ Li- 1.) ; "VnbmtsH, tide* ei pnonilPntJA in HiHTipipnlP ftdullo np*- 
o requirtmtur ex p&rte *ubi*Tti," etc- Mohltr (Su^ttUik. c- iv- ( 281 r^ 

Imu thiB tant doctjine. One of tbi? HieI prDputiLioiis wUicb Cajeton iiMiiuimJ 

lUier lu rcUdcl waa: Nou c