Dr. ABRAHAM GEIGER.
Born May 24th, iSio, at Frankfort-on-the-Maiu.
Died October 23d, 1874, at Berlin.
REFORAIED JUDAISM
ITS PIONKKRS.
A Contribution to Its History.
DR. EMANUEL SCHREIBER.
Rabbi, Congregation Emanu El, Spokane, Washington.
" Irrevocable as is the victory of the liberty and civilization
of the Jews, is the Reform." (Zunz: Gottesdienstliche Vortraege,
p. 4S1.)
SPOKANK, WA.SHINC/rON,
SPOKANK PRINTING COMPANY
1892.
/
ENTERED ACCORDING TO THE ACT OF CONGRESS,
FEBRUARY 8th, 1S92, BY
Dr. E. SCHREIBER,
in the office of the librarian of congress,
at washington, d. c.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. ^
(j^
V^
TO THK
Memory ok mv Thrkk Tkachkrs,
Mv Dkar P'athkr,
HERMAN SCHRKIBER,
Mv Grandfather,
L IC VI SCHRKIBER,
of
LlCIl'NIK MaEHREN,
AND
REV. Dr. ABRAHAM GEIGER,
whose noble teachings have influenced my way
OF THINKING, IN DEEP APPRECIATION AND
GRATITUDE THIS VOLUME IS LOV-
INCiLY DEDICATED,
By thf: Author.
442331
PREFACE.
I present this book to the public in general
and to the American Jews — the name Jew is our only
historically justifiable name — in particular.
It is a fact that the public at large knows little or
nothing concerning ''Reform-Judaism." As to the
Jews themselves, the majority have a most superficial
knowledge of the subject-matter. Some know of it
only from the slanderous attacks heaped upon it by the
orthodox press. Others have the notion that a,
disregard for effete religious ceremonies and a denial of
exploded dogmas is all that Reform-Judaism stands
for. The fact, however, is that Reform-Judaism is not
merely destructive, but also constructive, as readers of
this book will find.
The idea to write such a work occupied my mind
already fifteen years ago while Rabbi in Germany. My
sense of justice was aroused whenever I had occasion to
read the eleventh volume of Graetz' "History of the
Jews." The way the Jewish Reform-movement and
its representatives are treated there is so contemptible,
that a man who loves truth and hates falsehood must
throw away with disgust and loathing such a miserable
apologv of " history." The whole volume is a tissue
of falsehood, slander and petty invectives against the
ablest and best Jewish men of this century. The pen
which wrote the eleventh volume of Graetz' "History"
was not prompted by love of justice and truth, but by
jealousy, envy and intentional meanness. That volume
is not history, but a falsification of history, a pasquinade,
through which its author has forfeited the name of a
historian. I have proven this by incontrovertible evi-
dence in niv book: "Graetz' Geschichtsbauerei"
VI PREFACK.
(Berlin, iSSi, Wilhelm Issleib). In io8 pages I have
demonstrated by copious extracts from Graetz'
"History," that not religious motives^ hMt personal spite
and jealousy were the ruling powers of (zraetz' unjus-
tifiable and mean attacks against the Jewish Reform-
movement and its pioneers. I have asserted and prov-
en that "die Tendenz des elften Bandes der Graetz-
schen Geschichte der Tendenz des ersten nnd zweiten
Bandes derselben Geschichte diametral entgegenge-
setzt ist." (The tendency of the eleventh volume of
Graetz' history is diametrically opposed to the tenden-
cy of the first and second volumes of the same histor}-.
See page io8 of my "Graetz' Geschichtsbauerei." ) In
the first two volumes Graetz denies the belief in reve-
lation, miracles, and treats the patriarchs, Joseph, etc.,
as legendary heroes. In the eleventh volume he
condemns the most-innocent Reforms like the "organ"
in the Synagogue, confirmation, in a manner worthy
of the Rabbi Jacob Joseph, of the Russian Congrega-
tions in New York. — I said then what I repeat now.
" Ich sell eucli zweierlei Gesichter zeigen, eins darun-
ter ist nothwendig falsch." (I see you, sir, bearing
two faces, one of which is necessarily false. )
I challenged Graetz or his disciples to refute my ar-
guments, if they coitld^ adding however, that such a
thing would be hardly possible considering the fact
that I quoted Graetz' own words for the purpose of
strengthening my evidence.* Instead of proofs and
arguments, however, they answered with mean invec-
tives and personal abuse, which since time immemorial
was the only weapon of cowardice. My book has ever
since been extensively quoted and referred to by writers
on Jewish history, who agreed with my views.
Some people may think that I had a personal
grudge against Graetz, and that my views on his "his-
toriography" are prejudiced and not shared by authori-
* "Wer mit Oxruenden widerlegen kann der thue es. Ob diess
ini vorliegenden Falle ueberhaupt moeglich ist, nachdem tvir immer
Graetz' eigene Worte als Beweis zitirten, wird abzuwarten seini "
(ibidem).
PRKFACK. VI 1
ties. I therefore feel impelled to declare, that I never
met Graetz, never wrote to him, in fact never had the
least personal reason to attack him. Love of truth,
justice and fair play alone are the motives of my criti-
cism.
Now it would make no difference at all, whether
other renowned scientists and historians agree or dis-
agree with me on the subject. For truth and one are a
majority. lu fact majorities are not often found on the
side of truth, as falsehood and hypocrisy pay better.
Still, for the sake of those who have no confidence
in their own sound judgment, I quote some authori-
ties.
Abraham Geiger has the following to say on
"Graetz' History of the Jews:" "To my regret I
must confess, that the work is by no means entitled to
the pretense of being the product of genuine historio-
graphy and research. For I would greet with true joy
a really good work on Jewish history. The work con-
tains histories, which are loosely connected, but no his-
tory. We miss the development and the moving force.
While I dislike an artificial pragmatism, I cannot favor
a history utterly devoid of ideas. Now, Graetz' his-
tory has no beginning, how can it rest on a foundation?
It is a peculiar proceeding, indeed, to begin a history
with the fourth volume, to have it followed by the
third, then the fifth. And what do we hear concerning
the character of the Talmud, the Mishnah, the Bo-
raithas, the Gemarahs? A mass of names, which are,
after all, entirely indifferent to us. The religious con-
ception of the epoch in its totality, the legal-religious
character, the development of these periods are hardly
touched upon. Thus the whole history of the later
time remains incomprehensible. We notice painfully
the absence of the dignity of historical treatment, of
that consecration, which lifts up the historian when
about to present a grand picture of humanity." — (See
Geiger's Zeitsclirift, IV, p. 146-150, VI, pp. 220, 221,
222, 291). "Graetz is utterly wanting in historical in-
tuition and intellect which can master the material,"
Vin PREFACE.
(Posthumous Works, V, pp. 293-294) "is a charlatau
of the first water" (ibid. 257). "Heine and Boerne
are treated in the eleventh volume worthy of Graetz"
(ibid. 329). IMommsen, the greatest living German his-
torian calls Graetz' "Talmudistic" historiography "a lit-
erary corner." Prof. Bresslau compares him with
Onno Klopp. Dr. Bamberger calls him the "Stoecker
of the Synagogue." Dr. Oppenheim, Prof. Cohen,
Marburg, Claude ]\Iontefiore, Emil Lehman, Prof. Neu-
bauer, Dr. Felsenthal, Chicago, Prof. Ewald, Goettin-
gen, Dr. Kohler, New York, Prof. Ludwig Geiger, Dr.
Leopold Loew, Szegedin, Prof. Lazarus, in Berlin, and
numerous other Jewish scholars have expressed similar
views on Graetz' historiography. The Rev. Dr. Gut-
heim had the following to say on Graetz' eleventh vol-
ume of his history: "It is a source of general regret,
that the learned author descended from his exalted
standpoint, by passing judgment on events and persons
that are within the memory of men still living, in the
spirit of bitter partisanship." (Translation of the
fourth volume of Graetz' "History of the Jews," New
York, 1873.)
But the wrong inflicted on the leaders of our Re-
form-movement by Graetz' misleading statements can
only be corrected by an unbiased historiography. The
following nine chapters are an earnest attempt to set
aright before the people the men who were partly slan-
dered, partly ignored, or belittled by Graetz.
"Unschuldig Verurtheilten zu ihren Rechte
verhelfen ist die groesste Mizvah, die man ueben
kann." f
I originally intended to publish the work in Ger-
man, but having removed from Bonn to this country I
concluded to write it in English, the more so, as no
work of this kind exists in the English language.*
* To set aright before the eyes of the world those men who were
innocently condemned, is one of the noblest acts. (See ni}- Graetz'
Geschichtsbauerei, p. IV, preface).
t H. S. Morais' " Eminent Israelites of the Nineteenth Century"
has a few pages on Holdheim and Geiger.
prp:kack. IX
Mv special thanks are due to Dr. luniuumel Kil-
ter, Phoebus Philippsohn, and Leopold Loew. Their
writinj^s on Friedlaender, Salomon, Chorin and Hold-
have greatlv assisted me, although I had not seldom
occasion to disagree with them on important points.
Prof. Ludwig Geiger, Prof. M. Lazarus, in Ber-
lin, and Dr. Immanuel Loew in Szegedin encouraged
me in dilTerent ways, and considered the idea of pub-
lishing a work of this kind a most happy one.
Should God grant me health and strength I shall
publish several more volumes of this kind, and con-
clude the work with a complete ''History of the Jew-
ish Reform-movement to the Present Day."
Those who are afraid that the great influx of Jews
from Russia and Poland will retard the progress of the
Reform-movement in this country, I refer to chapter
VII of this book. There they will learn that " Hold-
heim," one of the greatest of Reform-Rabbis, hailed
from Kempen, which is even to-day a hot-bed of Polish
orthodoxy. Let us trust in the power of the spirit.
It will conquer in the end.
I have consistently refrained from writing the bio-
graphies of men who still live, labor and help to make
history. While opinions may differ on the subject, and
the remark of a friend, that a' little '• taffy" during life-
time is preferable to a large dose of " epitaphy," may
contain more truth than poetry, yet I consider my prin-
ciple good. As long as men's lives are not concluded,
we cannot pass a final judgment on them. Men and
circumstances are too much subject to change. Bio-
graphies of living men, particularly when they are in-
fluential, are as a rule eulogies, hence worthless. Biss-
marck, for instance, in the last few years, after his fall,
has shown traits of character which were utterly un-
known to his biographers of former years.
:My special thanks are due and cheerfully offered
to the following men, who have taken special pains to
further the publication of this book: Hon. Jacob Schiff,
New York, Hon. Julius Rosenthal, Attorney-at-Law,
Chicago, Rabbis M. Samfield, of Memphis, Bien, of
X PREFACE.
Vicksbiirg, Bogen and Goldsclimidt, of Greenville,
Leuclit, of New Orleans, Cohen, of Mobile, Berkowitz,
of Kansas City, Grechter, of Milwaukee, Felsenthal and
Isaac Moses, of Chicago, Bloch, of Portland, Freuden-
thal, of Trinidad, Charles Weil, Pres. Congregation,
Pine Bluff, B. Wolf, of Fort Smith and Congregations
of Denver, Los Angeles, Little Rock and Spokane.
I also acknowledge with pleasure, that Messrs.
Ansell & Reeves, of the Spokane Printing Company,
have from beginning to end, in every possible way as-
sisted me in the publication of this work. I can con-
scientiously recommend them to my friends.
In thus giving the history of this publication, I
must also add an information, without which this
history would not be complete. It might be asked,
and not a few of my friends have asked the question,
why I had not given this book to the "Jewish Publica-
tion Society of America," the apparent purpose of
which, in accord with its Constitution, is to encourage
American-Jewish writers. In my own justification I
must make a statement. On June ist, 1889, I propos-
ed to send my manuscript to the "J. P. S." But no
answer came. I waited patiently several months, but
no answer came. I addressed at last, in December of
the same year, a personal letter to the President of the
Society, Mr. Morris Newburger, politely requesting
him to see to it, that my letter is answered and my
manuscript is asked for. He, like an honest, straight-
forward man, who knows no duplicity, replied at once,
and the Secretary of the Society requested me to send
the manuscript, which I did. This was in January,
1890, at a time when not yet one book of the Societ)-
was published. Again no answer came. In June of
■ the same year a Convention of the Society was held.
Not even mention of my manuscript was madethere.
Dr. Felsenthal, a jiiemher of the Publication Cotnviittee^
told me in July in Chicago, that not only has he not
been informed during all this time, of the existence of
my manuscript, but even while in Philadelphia at the
Convention, no intimation was made to him about it.
I'RKKACK. Xl
And vet, as a niciiibci of the Publication Coniuiittcc, the
manuscript, or part of it, ought to have been sent to
him. At the Convention in June it was carried, in the
face of a strong opposition, that the J. P. S. should re-
print Graetz's " History,'' while not even mention was
made of my manuscript, notwithstanding the fact, that
I had offered it twelve months before the Convention
met. Although disgusted, I addressed once more a
letter to the President, Mr. Newburger, telling him in
plain language my candid opinion about the business
methods of the Publication Committee.* I intimated
that it was controled by satellites of Graetz, who would
like to suppress the publication of my book, because I
dared to criticise a historiography, which an authority
like Mounnsen designated as a "literary corner;" be-
cause I showed up in his true light a so-called histo-
rian, whom Geiger styled as "a charlatan and swindler
of the first water" (Geiger, Nachgel-Schriften, Vol. V,
p. 257). How right I was in my supposition is
proven by the following answer of Mr. Newburger:
Philadelphia, July 21st, 1890.
Dr. I{. Sciikkibp:r,
Little Rock, Ark.
''Mv dear Doctor : — Pressure of business and ab-
.sence from the city must serve as my excuse for not an-
swering your favor of the 15th ult. sooner.
/ have carefully read your letter and zuill keep it be-
fore me. fust uoza^ when Graetz s first volume is under
consideration, the time for urging your book is unpropitious.
— Dr. Felsenthal, of Chicago, stands very high with his
* I repeat aj^ain that I have no fault whatever to find with the
President. Mr. Newburj^er. He acted from beginning to end like a
MAN. It is the Committee I blame, which, lacking the courage to
say openly that it would not publish Reform literature, made use of
the unmanly weapon of disgusting procrastination. The fact is, the
Publishing Committee of the J. P. S. is controled by two or three men
who are enemies of Reform, while the J. P. S. is supported finan-
cially by people, 95 per cent, of whom are Reformers. Such a state
pf affairs is, to say the least, ridiculous in the extreme.
xii PRKKACli.
colleagues in the coniinittee, and it may be well for you
to correspond with him on the subject. In the mean-
time why not organize a local committee * * and
add as many as possible to the membership of the J. P.
S. ? I am sure that a good effort on your part in that
direction would be appreciated by all. If you are willing
to accept the post, I shall be very glad to appoint you
Chairman of the Committee for your District.
I remain,
Yours sincerely,
MORRLS NeWBURGHR."
This letter is indeed instructive. It tells in so
many words that a Society, started ostensibly for the
purpose of encouraging home talent, would not publish
a book which criticises falsifications of our history. The
fact that I entered into correspondence with the Society
a year before Graetz's English reprint was under con-
sideration, is of course of no consequence whatever
with a committee which is controled by open and secret
enemies of Reform-Judaism, who would, if they could,
suppress every free word. Of course, at a time when
Graetz' publication is under consideration, it would not
be "propitious" to urge the publication of a book
which demonstrates beyond the shadow of a doubt
the fact that Graetz's historiography is unreliable.^
utterly zuantiiig in historical intuition.^ and influenced by
personal spite and bitter partisanship. The President of
the J. P. S. deserves the credit of being candid in ex-
posing the policy governing the Society, which
CLAIMS to encourage American authors.
That the honorable President meant well, is fur-
ther proven by his advice to correspond with Dr. Fel-
senthal, "who stands very high with his colleagues" in
the committee. It shows how high he stands, when he
was not considered worth while to be informed of what
was going on in the Society. But this passage is in-
terestinof for another reason. Hear ve then. It is not
I'RKFACH. Xlll
the ability and worth of a pul)licalion which ixx^oiu-
mends it. The author iiuist try and influence the
nienil)ers of the committee. I think if Dr. Felsenthal
had been shown my manuscript he would not have ob-
jected to its publication. When in Chicago he recom-
mended my work on the strength of his knowledge of
my literary activity, and personally induced his Chicago
friends to subscribe for my book. Twelve years ago,
in a review in the "Zeitgeist" of my " Selbstkritik der
Juden," * Felsenthal among other things said: ''Dr.
Schreiber, the author, is Rabbi in Bonn, and belongs
to the few German Rabbis of the present who do not
consider it as their whole life's work to indulge in
archaeological, philological and literary historical
studies, but who express honestly their convictions and
who do not covertly keep it back and hypocritically
denv it or turn it into the contrary. He is one of those
who are active for the progress of Jewish life, and for
its purification." +
No doubt just for this very reason, that the oppo-
nents of Reform in the Committee knew of Felsenthal' s
opinions about me, his honest, outspoken views on Re-
form-Judaism, and his hatred of hypocrisy, underhanded
work and duplicity, they shrewdly concealed from him
everything relating to my manuscript. For they know
full well that Felsenthal is on record as holding the
same views on Graetz's disgraceful historiography as
are held by Geiger and other honest historians of re-
nown.
I can give names of other members of the Publi-
cation Committee who live nearer Philadelphia, and
yet were never informed of the existence of my manu-
script. Shame on such l)nsiness methods !
* Berlin, iSo Carl Duncker, i6o pages. This is one of the very
few Jewish books which made after nine years a second edition
necessary. It was republished in Leipzig, 1SS9, b) F. Wilhelni
Friedrich, Ilofbuchdrucker. This book was quoted copiously
in the German " Reichstag" by Professor Haenel. one of the leaders
of the " Fortschrittspartei."
t Dr. Felsenthal of Chicago, on Dr. Schreiber's " Selbstkritik
der Juden," Zeitgeist of August 5th, 18S0, page 253.
xiv PREFACK.
P)Ut the most interesting part of the letter is the end.
For there a distant hope is held out, that an effort to get
a number of subscribers might possibly induce the Com-
mittee to publish my book.*
It is needless to say that after this letter I peremp-
torily demanded back my manuscript. But my book
is published, and may the unbiased reader judge for
himself whether it deserved such treatment at the
hands of the J. P. S. Let those who have read the
publications of the J. P. S. impartially compare my
book with those, and I am not afraid of their honest
verdict. I call for their unbiased judgment, because I
have greater confidence in the vox populi than in a Pub-
lication Committee which is apparently controled by
people who have personal axes to grind, who are influ-
enced by partisanship, bigotry, and that petty spirit of
inquisition which has created in Rome an '^ Index libro-
rnm proJiibitoriini.'''' There are men in the Committee
of the so-called Jewish Publication Society of Ainerica\
who would to-day suppress a reformatory publication,
just as was done by that hypocrite S. A, Tiktin in
Breslau, who, like a censor of the Inquisition, prohib-
ited the Jewish printer Sulzbach irom publishing M.
Brueck's "Rabbinical Ceremonies" (1836), because
cant and hypocrisy ^vere unmasked in that book. But
Brueck's book was published after all in Breslau, + and
was the indirect cause of breaking Tiktin' s influence.
Hypocrisy and Jesuitism are, thank God, rapidly losing-
ground in America, and its main representatives are
being shelved bv their own Congregations.
* Such a principle might be excusable in political organizations,
where the "workers" for the party are rewarded with offices. A
ru])lication Society ought to reward ability and ideal work, and
nothing else.
|- Lucus a non lucendo. For in reality it suppresses American
Jewish literature, and goes begging to England for rehashing of old
matter. Just because the "Society" published Graetz's history, the
Committee ought to have given the other side a chance to express
its views. This would have been fair play, truly American. As it
is, the "Society" is un-American, an B^nglish branch.
X See page 290 of this book.
PRE HACK. 5iV
And SO go out into the cold world, thou, my be-
loved book ! ?ilany a sleepless night and many a
troublesome day thou hast caused me. • Being a child
of truth thou hast met, like thy mother, with many
enemies, even before thy birth. Many are they who
wanted to strangle thee before thy birth. For eight
gloomy weeks I mourned thee as dead,* and wnth the
prophet of old I cried: "So have I then labored in
vain, and for years wasted my strength for nothing."
But, thank God, thou wast found again. Thou goest
on a great journey, on thy own merits. Thou
art not backed by the name of a leading publisher.
This, my dear child, requires money in this great
country. A Society, which ought to have taken pleasure
in introducing thee lias neglected this duty. ' 'The watch-
men, instead of caring for thee smote thee and took
awav thy veil." And why? Because as the child of
truth thou didst not learn to flatter, to cringe, " LO
JADAATI ACHAXEF," and because thou didst not learn
to call "good evil and evil good, sweet bitter and bitter
sweet." Thou wilt have a rocky road to travel on this
account. For only the good people love truth, and
they are, alas, in the minority. And yet, thy mission
is enviable. For "truth is the seal of God " Chothvio
Shel Hakadosh Bornch Hoo Emess. Thy purpose is no-
ble. Thou nietest out justice to those grand men in
modern Jsrael, who were innocently persecuted, because
they struggled in the cause of truth and light. "Happy
then art thou, how pleasant is thy lot, how beautiful
thy inheritance." The time will come when thy work
will be recognized and appreciated.
SCHKEIBER.
Spokane, Wash., February 25, 1892.
* Thf iiirimisrripl was lost, and by mere accident it was found
aeain.
COXTl-:XTS.
PAGK.
Prkkace, ----- v-xv
Contents and Introductory, - x\-xxxii
CHAPTER I.
Moses Mendelssohn, - - - 9"^^
CHAPTER IT.
David Eriedi.aendi';k, - - - 18-44
CHAPTER III.
Israel Jacobsohn, - - - 45-59
CHAPTER IV.
A RON CiiORiN, - - - - 60-94
CHAPTER V.
GoTTHOLD Salomon, - - - 94-^63
CHAPTER VI.
Abraham Kohn, - - - 164-178
CHAPTER VII.
Samlel Holdheim, - - - 179-254
CHAPTER VIH.
Leopold Loew, - - - 255-271
CHAPTER IX.
Abraham C.eh;er, - - - 271-381
CONTEXTS OF CHAPTERS.
CHAPTER I.
MOSKS MENDELSSOHN.
Meiulelssoliii. though claimed by the Reformers and by the Con-
servatives, was neither a Reformer nor was he orthodox. He was a
philosopher of the rationalistic type, but had no understanding for
historical criticism. Hence the conflict in his teachings. Judaism
for him was legalism. His translation of the Pentateuch into Ger-
man causes a profound revolution in the Jewi.sh religion. It opened
to the Jews the treasure-house of modern thought, weakened the in-
fluence of Talmudism, and emancipated Judaism in (Germany from
the baneful control of Polish Kabbis. Mendelssohn's disciples, the
"School of Biurists" demolish mountains of legal observances and
usher in the new era. PP- 9-'S-
CHAPTER n.
DAVID FRIKDLAENDKR.
Reared under exceptionally favorable circumstances, he enjoys
a happv vouth. A better education of the Jews is his ideal. His in-
timacv'with Mendelssohn. The " Salon." a literary center of Ber-
lin's aristocracy, breaks through the social restraints that obstructed
the intercourse of Jews and Gentiles. The "Free-school" (Frei-
schule), non-sectarian. Its influence in Germany and Austria.
Friedlaender's first translation of the Hebrew Prayer-book into Ger-
man caused a storm. His struggle for the emancipation of the Jews.
He is no Jewish chauvinist. We are Jews, not by race, but by re-
ligion. Lazarus Bendavid, forerunner of radical Reform-Judaism.
Graetz's falsification of modern Jewish history. Friedlaender's sen-
sational letter to Teller. Other literary work. Friedlaender and
Israel Jacobsohn. The Jacobsohn-Temple and the first German ser-
mons in Berlin. The orthodox party alarmed at the great success of
Reform in Berlin, denounces the Reformers to the Pru.-,sian govern-
mer.t as innovators. Friedrich \Vilhelm III, justly afraid lest a more
attractive mode of wor:;hip among the Jews might diminish the
numbe:- of Jewi.sh converts to Christianity, pleases the orthodox
Jews bv closing the Reform-Temple. wiiole.sale apostasy of the
better class of Jews in Berlin and other Prussian cities the conse-
quence. " Society for Culture of the Jews" (Culturverein). Leo-
pold Zunz. Political reaction and Judenhetze. Friedlaender hon-
ored. PP- ^^-•^-
^^y:''.* ";'• ■^- -■• I^KFORMEJ) JUDAISM.
CHAPTER III.
ISPAEI. JACOBSOIIX.
Jacobsohn, a self-made man. No scholar, but highly practical.
A successful merchant and enthusiastic philanthropist. He begins
the Reform with the school children. The "Jacobsohn School" and
"Jacobsohn Temple" in Seesen erected by Jacobsohn at at cost of one
hundred thousand dollars. First organ in a Jewish house of worship.
Ritual Reforms. The German sermon in the Synagogue strongly
opposed b}- orthodox Rabbis. Pijutim. The German sermon in
America. The Hebrew language in the Synagogue. Dedication of
the Temple in Seesen. Jacobsohn as a preacher. His energy. The
Sanhedrin at Paris convoked by Napoleon, iSo6, proves a farcical
show, utterly void of principle, and hurtful to the cause of Judaism
in France. The Central Jewish Consistory of France, as the result
of the Sanhedrin, moulded on the pattern of the secular power,
tinged with a semblance of Catholic hierarchy, is the cause of the re-
ligious stagnation of Judaism in F'rance. F'rench Jews atheistic, and
at best indifferent the whole year, but orthodox on the Day of ,\tone-
ment, i. e., Jewish Catholics or Catholic Jews. In the science and
Reform of Judaism F'rance is an unknown quantity. The little there
is was done b%' German scholars. England, under the sway of Chief-
Rabbis, offers the same spectacle. Wherever the Church is the sub
servient vassal of the State, hypocrisy and servility flourish and lib-
erty of conscience is curtailed. Consistorj- in Cassel. F'irst Confar-
mation of boys and girls in the Synagogue. Jacobsohn in Berlin.
The closing by the police of his Temple breaks his heart. The cen-
tennial of Jacobsohn's birthday fittingly celebrated in Berlin, Hal-
berstadt, Braunschweig and Seesen. pp. 45-59.
CHAPTER IV.
ARON CHORIN.
The Earldom of Maehren, a most prolific contributor to the
science and history of modern Judaism. Moses Brueck, a forgotten
radical Reformer. Chorin's youth. Unsuccessful in business. His
preparation for the Rabbinate. Rabbi in Arad. His salary four
florins weekly His " jeshibah" (Rabbinical school). His eloquence
as a preacher. His correspondence Vv'ith the leaders of Judaism in
Austria and Hungary. "Mordechai Benet, the IMoravian Land-Ral)bi,
calls him the " light and pillar of Israel." Cliorin as a Reformer.
He permits in his Congregation to eat of the sturgeon (fish). Other
Rabbis declare it an "unclean fish." Ezechiel Landau on Chorin's
side. ]\Iordechai Benet turns against his former favorite Chorin.
The literature on the sturgeon burnt. Chorin victor, but exposed to
the enmity of unscrupulous fanatics. The Pressburg clique perse-
cutes him. His book: "Reconciliation of F'aith with Practical Life"
(1803), advocates Reform, the study of philosophy, and attacks su-
perstitious customs. ]Mordechai Benet insists on the burning of the
heretical book, but Chorin is upheld by his Congregation. Disturb-
ances in the Synagogue on the Sabbath of Penitence, when Chorin is
cur.sed by an influential member of his Congregation (1804). Cho-
CONTENTS OF CIIAI'TKRS. \\i
rill's l;u-t preveiils ,i frcL' flight in tlie Syiia,i,'(),<,'iie. Duplicity of Moses
Mueiil/, Ral)l)i ot" Altofeii. Clioriii goes to Altofcn, rL-caiits his
■'heresies," is received with a volley of stones in tiie yard of the
Synagogue, and his self-appointed judges, two fanatical Ral)l)is, re-
duce his small salary. Chorin's Congregation stands bv him,
and the government annuls the verdict of the Rabbinical tribunal.
(iSos"). Chorin's pen rests for ten years. In iSiS he gives an opin-
ion in favor of the Hamburg Reformed Prayer-book The interest-
ing controversy on the subject. Owing to pressure brought to bear
on him, Chorin recants again, but soon reaflirms his views a j-ear
later in his "Word at the Right Time." Chorin attacks the Talmud
with the Talmud. M. L. Biedermau proves Chorin's influential
friend. The "\'ienna Ritual " influenced by Chorin. The Berlin
Reformers and the government of Baden appreciate him. His " Ig-
gereth Hlassaf." He pleads for a "Synod." He permits worship
with uncovered head, riding in railroads on Sabbath and Holidays,
and Jews playing the organ on the Sabbath. The organ question in
the Synagogue of (iermany. Graetz belittles Chorin, while Leopold
Zunz requests a diploma of Chorin. His " Hillel" and "Jeled Ze-
kunim." He is insulted by fanatic disciples of the Rabbi of Bosko-
witz. Moravia. He proves a friend of the Jewish women. His per-
mission to eat rice and legumes on Passover. His favorable opinion
on the second Hamburg Prayer-book (1841), and on Geiger as author
and Rabbi. In the Catholic Churches his death is announced, and
the bells toll during his funeral (.\ugust 15, 1S44). His bust unveil-
ed, 1 85 1. pp. 60-94.
CHAPTER V.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON,
Zunz on the Jewish pulpit. Salomon's youth. The "Cheder."
His rigid orthodoxy. His departure to Dessau. Salomon as teach-
er of the " P'reischule." His Jewish and Christian friends. His
first addre-ss in pul>lic. The deplorable lot of a Jewish teacher.
Salomon's literary activity. Plis acquaintance with David Fried-
laender, and first contact with the Jewish Reform-movement. The
Chief-Rabbi of Dessau condemns his pamphlet on the Jewish wor-
ship, to be delivered to the flames. His first sermon in the Jacob-
sohn-Temple of Berlin a great succe.ss. He is a born preacher. His
call to Hamburg as second preacher of the Temple. He electrifies
the Jews by his sermons, and wins back to the cause hosts of indif-
ferent men and women. E.xtracts of his sermons. He deals with
vital topics of every day life, forcibly advocates reform and keeps
many families away from the baptismal font. Graetz' unjust criti-
cism. Salomon as a <levotional poet and polemical writer. His
controversies with the Jew-haters Th. Ilarlman and Bruno Bauer.
Judaeophobia in Germany. The second Hamburg Praver-book con-
troversy. Bernays' "interdict" Thirteen famous Rabbis give
"opinions" in favor of the Reform Prayer-book. Bernays' "inter
diet" annulled. The Reform-movement in England. The West
London Synagogue. Rev. W. ^Lirx. Sir Moses Montefiore proves
a fanatic. Francis Goldsmith holds his own against ^Montefiore'
XXn RKFOKMKD JUDAISM.
;ir1)itrai V measures. Salomon's twenty-fifth jubilee as a preacher.
vSalomon the pioneer of German Jewish liomiletics. He frees the
Jewish sermon from the imitation of Christian preachers. His ex-
tensive travels. Salomon and ihe Rabbinical Conferences in Braun-
schweig, Frankfort and Breslau (1844-1846), in the interest of Re-
form. Abraham Geiger as instigator of those Conferences. Salo-
mon as a member of the liturgical commission advocates strongly
the u.se of the vernacular in the main prayers. His seventieth birth-
day. His published sermons form a library. His farewell sermon
in 1857. His death in 1S59. He was one of the last "Biurists." His
German translation of the Bible. Geiger speaks of him as "the first
and most eminent Jewish preacher," who has "made the Jewish ser-
mon a power" which "now takes the first rank among the means of
religious edification." pp. 94-163.
CHAPTER VI.
ABRAHAM K O H N .
His youth. He studies the Talmud in [ eshibahs, and devoted
secretly his time to so-called profane studies. For two years he sleeps
only four hours a night. Pie lives on dry l^read as a student in
Prague. In 1830 he dedicates the Sj'uagogue in Pisek, Bohemia. In
1833 he is called as Rabbi to Hohenems, Tirol. As an enthusiastic
Reformer he contributes to Geiger's " Zeitschrift," comes out in
favor of the Hamburg Temple, and takes Geiger's part against Tik-
tin in Breslau. His success as a preacher and teacher. In 1844 his
misfortune calles him as "preacher and teacher" to the very large
Congregation in Lemberg. His school there is a most phenomenal
success. His mis.sionary work as a Reformer in Galicia. The new-
Temple (1846). The oppressive and disgraceful special taxation of
the Jews in Galicia. After hard and weary labors, Kohn succeedes
in abolishing the taxes on meat, candles, fish, a. s. f., although Jews
opposes the abolition from selfish motives, because they have a lease
on the taxes. Out of revenge they try to hurt Kohn in ever}' pos-
sible wa}\ Failing, however, in checking his growing popularit}',
they make ruse of the despicable weapon of murder, by poisoning the
noble and good man. He dies the death of a martyr, in the cause of
Reform Judaism. pp. 164-178.
CHAPTER VH.
SAMUKL HOLDHFUM.
In Holdheim can be seen the evolution from the lowest type of
orthodoxy to the extreme wing of radical Reform. This develop-
ment is gradual. Graetz utterh' fails to understand this, and hence
describes him as a "hypocrite" and "enemy of ludaism." When a
boy he is recognized as a Talmudical luminary. In Prague, as a
man in years, he sits down on a bench with young students in the
lecture room. As Rabbi in F'rankfort, on the Oder he labors for
the recognition of Judaism by the Prussian government. He blames
CONTEXTS OK ClIAl'TERS. XXlll
the Rabbis for their iiulifference to the affairs of life. Holdheini the
first Rabbi-Preacher in I'r\issia. He opposes the dualisin. which
separates the offices of Rabbi and preacher. He pleads for decorum
in the divine service (1S37) in forcible sermons. Zunz and Geiger
greatlv influence his mode of thinking. He espouses Geiger's idea
of establishing a Jewish theological faculty for the training of Rab-
bis (1S37). In the Geiger-Tiktin controversy he breaks a lance for
Geigen Holdheini in Mecklenburg-Schwerin organizes schools and
introduces a reformed " Or.ler of Service." His visit to Hamburg,
and "opinion" on the Prayer-book controversy there. He protests
against the inconsistent and vacillating attitude of Zacharias Frank-
el. Geiger and Holdheini, their different view-points of Reform.
Holdheini, like Mendelssohn, is a dogmatic nature. Geiger de-
cidedlv historical. Holdheim's opinion on "compatibility of free
research with the ofHce of Rabbi." He strongly attacks Tiktin and his
clique. His "Autonomy of the Rabbis" creates a stir, antl causes a
literarv warfare. He is attacked by Conservatives and Radicals.
The Reform-Society at Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1S43. Their radical
platform. It is styled an Anti-Circumcision-Society. "Twenty-
eight Rabbinical decisions on the circumcision." Holdheini
and Hess the only Rabbis who defend the "Reform-So-
ciety." Holdheim's pamphlet on "Circumcision" (1844). Circum-
cision is merely one of the many Jewish ceremonies. Not circum-
cision, but Jewish parentage constitutes the necessary element of al-
legiance to Judaism. Geiger calls "circumcision a barbarous, bloody
act, based on custom and fear only, for which we are not willing to
build Temples." Holdheini discriminates between "political-na-
tional" and "religious" ceremonies. Holdheini in the Rabbinical
Conferences of Braunschweig, Frankfort and Breslau, 1844-1S46.
These Conferences popularize the Reform-movement. Graetz
ridicules them. Holdheini, next to Geiger, the most striking
figure in the Conference. His modesty and independence. Frankel
leaves the Frankfort Conference, because the majority declares
against the retention of Hebrew in the prayers. He fails in start-
ing an Opposition-Conference. Holdheini sees in the Hebrew lan-
guage a check and impediment to the development of our religious
life. The Sabbath-question in the Breslau Conference. Holdheini
favors the transfer of the Sabbath to Sunday. The Reform-move-
ment in Berlin. Dr. M. Sachs' romanticism, coupled with fanati-
cism. Dr. Sigismund Stern's lectures on Judaism inaugurate the
organization of the " Reform-genossenschaft " in Berlin. June 4tli,
1845. Bernstein's powerful "appeal" (1S45). A Prayer-book on
radical Reform principles and the transfer of the Sabbath to Sunda}-.
(ieiger declines the position of Rabbi offered him. Holdheini elect-
ed Rabbi of the Reform Congregation in Berlin. The Sabbath ques-
tion. Holdheim's and Samuel Hirsch's opinions on the subject.
FUnhorn is Holdheim's successor in Schwerin. Holdheini brings
a sacrifice by going to Berlin. His aggressiveness in Berlin against
foes from within and without. Inter-marriage (luestioii. Oath "more
ludaico." He attacks Stahl's ideas of a "Christian government."
His " History of the Jewish Reform-Congregation in Berlin" (18571.
His successful " Religions-Schule." Mis " Maamar Haishuth]' (on
marriage and divorce), which receives the impetus fioni Geiger's
"Urschrift." ceates a sensation in literar}- circles. Holdheim's ser-
mons (four vol'.mus) are models, and the clearest expositions of Re-
Xxiv REFORM Kl) JUDAISM.
form-Jiidaisin. Holdheim's death. Dr. vSachs' contemptible fanati-
cism, as compared with old Rabbi Oettinyer's tolerance relative to
Holdheim's interment. Geiger is called to officiate at the funeral.
pp. 179-254.
CHAPTER VIII.
LEOPOLD L O E W .
Born in Moravia of poor parents. Life in the Jeshibah. Hard
study in all branches of knowledge. Immigration to Hungarj-.
Rabbi of Nagy Kanizsa. Reform-Programme. Sermons in the
Magyar tougue. Rabbi in Papa, 1846. Great troubles and struggles
against fanaticism. Fair means and foul are used to make his sta}-
there impossible. Loew's " Ben Chananja," a valuable monthly in
the interest of Judaism. Loew takes prominent part in the Hunga-
rian Revolution against the government. His revolutionary sermons
masterpieces of pulpit orator}-. He and his father-in-law, Rabbi
Schwab, are imprisoned for weeks, and the only two prisoners who
are not shot, and freed for "want of proofs." Loew for years under
police surveillance. Red-tape in Austria and stupidity of government
officials. The Hungarian Jewish school fund. The orthodoxy in
Papa disappointed, that their Rabbi was not shot, attempt to supply
the government with the " wanting proofs"" and work for his re-ar-
rest, but fail. Loew called as Rabbi of Szegedin, 1850. His Reform-
programme. He enjoys peace and declines positions in Lemberg,
Bruenn, Bucharest, Buda-Pesth and Berlin. Extensive literary labors
in the field of Jewish archaeology. At loggerheads with the Austrian
government, he is nevertheless "persona grata." Geigeronthe "Ben
Chananja." Delitzsch on Loew's "Lebensalter." Loew's absence
from the Jewish Congress in Hungary due to principle. He is a
prominent member of the Synods in Leipzig and Augsburg, (1869-
1S71). He belongs to the "historical" school. pp. 253-271.
CHAPTER IX.
ABRAHAM G E I G E R .
Berthold Auerbach places Geiger's work in the nineteenth cen-
tury in the same category with Moses Mendelssohn's work in the
eighteenth centur}-. Einhorn calls Geiger "the most prominent
teacher of Judaism in our generation." Geiger descends from a fam-
ily of scholars. At the age of six he reads the Bible and Talmud,
Hebrew and German. Disgusted with the " Cheder," he is be-
sieged with doubts concerning the divine origin of the books of Mo-
ses. In 1S29 he enteres the Heidelberg Universit}', and meets there
CONTENTS OF CHAPTKRS. XXV
with such specimens of Jewish candidates for the Rabbinical pro-
fession that he is disgusted with Jewish theology. He goes to Bonn,
with the intention to study oriental languages. There he meets
with a better class of Jewisli students, and resolves to devote his
talents to tlie Reformation of Judaism. S. R. Hirsch, Gruenebaum,
Freusdorff, S. Schever, Dernbourg and UUman. He forms a Society
for the purpose of p'reaching. He pleads for the establishment of a
Jewish theological faculty. He wins the prize by his essay: "What
has Mohammed taken from Judaism?" He starts a "Society for the
Furtherance of Culture." tieiger becomes Rabbi in Wiesbaden
(1S32), introduces weekly sermc^ns and an "Order of the Synagogue."
Geiger's "Zeitschrift fue'r Juedische Theologie" (1835). Zunz, Rap-
poport, Stein, Dernbourg and other contributors. The historical
critical School, Reform-Rabbinism and a scientific Jewish tlieology
inaugurated bv Geiger. First Rabbinical Assembly in Wiesbaden
(1S37). convoked by Geiger, is attended by fifteen Rabbis. Geiger is
called to Breslau (1838), where under fiktin orthodoxy has full
sway. Hot contests. The Prussian government is urged by the or-
thodox party not to naturalize Geiger. i. e., to annul his election.
His enemies use the foul means of political denunciation, but fail.
Eight foolish charges against Geiger. Tiktin's followers excited by
his speech at a funeral want to throw Geiger into a grave. They
urge the government to depose Geiger. Geiger insists upon the
name of "Rabbi" instead of "Preacher, "as a question of vital principle
for the growth of Reform-Judaism. Geiger sacrifices his "Zeit-
schrift" as a peace-offering. Eight Rabbis of Silesia and Posen de-
clare Geiger unfit to be a witness in a court of justice. Seventeen of
the most prominent Rabbis of Germany and Austria break a lance
for Geiger and free research. The " Rabbinical Opinions on the
Compatibilitv of Free Research with the Office of Rabbi." The Re-
former Philippsohn. though requested by the Breslau Congregation
to give an opinion on the subject, does not answer, out of personal
animosity against Geiger. These "Rabbinical Opinions" belong to
the most interesting literature of responses in Jewish history.
Friedlaender's, Chorin's, Holdheim's, Wechsler's, A. Kohn's. Herx-
heimer's, Einhorn's, Hess', Guttman's, Wassermann's, I^evy's,
Aub's, Maier's, Cahn's, L. Adler's, Stein's and Gruenebaum's
"opinions." Dr. Aub calls Geiger " the first representative of the
scientific theology of Judaism."' Resolutions, signed by the mem-
bers of the Breslau Congregation, expressing their admiration for
(ieiger, are presented to him (1S42). Tiktin dies (1S43). but no
peace restored. Geiger's salary increased, and Tiktin's son elected
Rabbi of the orthodox party, but paid by the Congregation. Geiger
favors a split, which has to come sooner or later in e4-ery large Con-
gregation. Geiger declines a call to St. Petersburg, tendered him
through Dr. Lilienthal, of Riga, later Cincinnati. Geiger's Prayer-
book,' 1854. His opinion on "Sunday service." His pamphlet on
the " Hamburg Prayer-book," which he criticises as too conservative.
" Merelv outward embellishments of the service might prove to be
luxuriant death-chambers of our religion." His criticism of the
Frankfort Reform-Society. , " Revolution is not Reform." Reform
of the entire community preferable. " Reform shouUl emanate from
Rabbis and Congregations." Geiger the organizer of the Rabbinical
Conferences of 1S44-1S46. He is the President of the Bre.slau Con-
ference, 1S46. Geiger's labors for the emancipation of the Jews in
Xxvi REFORMED JUDAISM.
Prussia. His extensive literary work. His "Leo Da Modena,"
most interesting. His contributions to the " Zeitschrift tier Deutsch-
Morgenlaendischen Gesellschaft." Geiger the "hi.ehest living author-
ity on Samaritan literature." His lectures before the candidates
of Jewish theologv. They are discontinued after the establishment
of the Rabbinical' Seminary in Breslau. Although the institution
owed its existence to Geiger, he was cheated out of the position as
its Director, in violation of the desire of the founder of the Semi-
nary, Jonas Fraenkel. The institution becomes a hot-bed of Jesuit-
ism, standing for no principle, consistent only in its inconsistency.
Geiger's " Urschrift," 1S57, is next to Zunz's " Gottesdienslliche
Vortraege," the most epochal Jewish publication of this century. It
revolutionized the study of Bible and Talmud, of the ideas on the
origin of Christianity, on Sadducees and Pharisees, and its results,
are gaining ground among leaders of Christian theology. The
twentv-fiftii anniversary of^Geiger's Rabbinical career grandly cele-
brated (1857). Death of Geiger's wife Pmiilie (i860). Geiger on the
"Talmud." His sensational letter to Zunz against circumcision and
dietary laws. He resumes the "Zeitschrift," which he published
uninterruptedly until his death. The greatest literati of Europe,
Jews and Christians, among its contributors. Dr. Stein's resigna-
tion, and Geiger's acceptance of the position in Frankfort-on-the
Main. Causes of this important step. Farewell demonstrations.
Geiger in Frankfort. He is disappointed on account of his failure to
establish a theological faculty in Frankfort, which hope is the
main reason of his departure from Breslau. " Society for Jewish Af-
fairs." Literarv activity. Geiger on the Jews in Roumania. His
views are applicable to the Jews in Russia. He opposes "political
missionary activity.". "Civilization cannot be imported." "The
sources of the evil. Ignorance, fanaticism, hostility to culture
must be stopped. Out of the midst of the land itself must emanate
the forces of civilization and regeneration. Who has ever assisted
the Jews in Germany ? Did they ever ask the mediation of France,
England and America ?" Geiger in favor of the "resurrecting Rab-
binical Conference." The Conference in Cassel, 186S. The Synod
in Leipzig, 1869. Geiger compares it with the Philadelphia Conference
of the same year. The comparison is most favorable to American
Reform-Juda'ism. "Here we meet with flesh of our flesh, spirit of
our spirit." Indecision one of the great defects of the
Leipzig Synod. Philippsohn's bombastic '• resolution " devoid
of principle, betrays the desire to make a sensation and to cau.se an
effect outside of Judaism- (Jeiger's "Prayer-book, second edition,"
1870. His '-Judaism and its History" in three volumes, is most pop-
ular. Geiger's poetical genius. Call to Berlin. The assurance that
he would find opportunity to teach Jewish theological students in-
duces him to go to Berlin^ Geiger in Berlin (1S70). The Synod at
Aug.sbnrg. Geiger more in harmony with the assembly, as more
radical resolutions are passed there. The " retarding elements are
absen", and a fresh, courageous spirit pervaded the vSynod." His
activity in the " Hochschu'le fuer dieWissenschaftdes Judenthum's"
is most straining for him, but he looks upon it as the happiest period
of his life. A "band of brave, enthusiastic students" constitutes
his audience. He is troubled about the hostility of the majority of
young Rabbis to progress and Reform. "Where is the after-growth
which will replace us ? " " People want a man, who, however, should
CONTivNTS OK CI I A I'T I.RS.
\ x \- n
nol l)f ;i iiuiii." Geif^er's deatli and funeral. vSince his demise Re-
foriii-Jndaisni in Cjerniany j^oes backward. Gros.s niateriali.sui
and atheism, apostasy, on the one side, Jesuitism, hypocrisy and Ro-
manticism on the otlier, are the sad consecjuences of this deploraljle
fact. America enters upon the heritage of (ierman Reform-Judaism.
Tliere is no specific American Judaism. It is nothing less and noth-
ing more than German Reform-Judaism, or as Geiger so well put it,
"bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh. pp. 272-381.
INTRODUCTIOX.
This book does not claim to be a complete history
of Reform-Judaism. The time for such a work has
not arrived yet. As a contribution to such a history,
however, the author flatters himself to have rendered
some service to the future historian.
The history of Reform-Judaism may be di\ided
into three distinct periods.
ist. The Humanistic period.
2nd. The Aesthetical-Homiletical period.
3rd. The Historical-Critical period.
Mendelssohn, Friedlaender-, Isaac Euchel, Lazarus
Bendavid, Herz Homberg, Hartwig Wessely, Peter
Beer, the men of the ''first stage ^'' as Geiger desig-
nates them,* hold a similar relation to the Jewish Re-
form-movement that the Humanists Reuchlin, Erasmus
of Rotterdam, Melanchthon and Ulrich von Hutten
held tothe Christian Retormation.
Israel Jacobsohn, Aron Chorin, Joseph Perl,t
David Fraenkel, editor of the "Sulamith," J. Heine-
man, editor of the "Jedidjah," Wolf Heidenheim,
grammarian and translator of the prayer-book, the
Hamburg preachers and the teachers of schools and
authors of catechisms, Johlson, and to a certain ex-
tent I. X. Mannheimer were the men of the ''second
stagey Their main work and object was to make
the character of the Jewish worship less repulsive to the
* Posthumous Works, II, p. 260.
t Joseph Perl, born 'larnopol, 1773, died there 1839. He estab-
lished (1S13) a school at a great sacrifice of time and money, and
boldly attacked the Chassidim in his "Mf^alleh Tmirin," a Hebrew
imitation of the "epistolae obscurorum virornm" (1819). He enter-
tained a lively correspondence with the representatives of Jewish
culture in Germany, and was appointed honorary member of the
Berlin "Cultureverein" (Society for the Dissemination of Culture
among the Jews). See I. N. Manheimer's eulogy, and his biography
in Mush's Jahrbuch. 1S46-47, by N. Horowitz and Kerem Chemed, V,
p. 163, by Sal. Rappoport
6 RKKORMKI) Jl'DAlSM.
youiii^', to llic more educated classes of Jews and to
Christians, who ha|>pened occasionally to visit a syna-
gogue. ^
Questions of decorum and order in the service,
sermons in the vernacular, the introduction of German
hymns and prayers, music and liturgical changes were
the sharp end of the wedge. But useful and necessary
as these changes were, inasmuch as their impulse
sprang from a purely aesthetic want, they were not born
of the true spirit of Reform.* This spirit is based on
inward principle and not on a mere outward aesthetic
want. The political reaction in Prussia after the over-
throw of the Corsican Titan made the civil and political
condition of the Jews most deplorable. The better ed-
ucated Jew had to face the painful alternative, either to
forego all hope of honorably devoting his talents to the
government or to forsw^ear the religion of his fathers.
Many also were too weak to resist the temptation, and
sold their birthright for a mess of pottage. While we
cannot excuse such apostas}', it cannot be denied that
Judaism in the official form in which it presented itself,
was not of a character to inspire with enthusiam the
new generation, bred under the most refining influences
of classical Hellas and Rome, so as to make them pre-
fer the glory of martyrdom to the crown of civic
honors.
The contrast between cosmopolitan rationalism and
belief in tradition, the conflict between the philosopher
Mendelssohn, f and the orthodox Jew INIendelssohn, I
were too glaring to be smoothed by a sentimental piety, of
which the new generation knew very little. The gen-
eration, reared under the influence of Mendelssohn's
legalism, refused to lead a double life. If reason is
free, they claimed the right to be free. If Judaism is
* See Geiger's criticism of the Hamburg-Temple in his pamphlet:
"Der Haml)urger Templestreit eiiie Zeitfrage." See page 336 of this
book.
t As a philosopher Mendelssohn believed in natural religion, de-
nieil revelation, miracles, and condemned soulless ceremonialism.
i As a Jew Mendelssohn insisted on the eternal validity of every
Mosaic Rabl»inical law.
IXTKODUCTORV. 7
less than reason, then it was a stranger in the world of
modern thonghi^. Indeed, ^Mendelssohn's own children
and thousands with them, who cared more for a heart-
appearing, soul-stirring religion than for a Jewish Com-
monwealth and its Palestinian national laws left
the storm-beaten, flag, inscribed with the immortal
truth: ''Hear, oh Israel, the Eternal is One." "Do
we not find analogous cases to-day? Do we not see,
how, under the very eyes of orthodox parents, their
Jewish sons and daughters are swelling the ranks of
IngersoU and his partisans?* The few liturgical Re-
forms, which were introduced in some Synagogues in
obedience to asthetic wants failed signally to cure a
disease, which was eating into the Very heart of
Judaism. To this must be added that the better ele-
ment was disgusted w^ith the aping of Protestantism
lack of substance and vitality, the shallow moralizing
tone of. the new preachers, the superficial views of
Judaism, which not a a few of them scattered among
the multitude. It may indeed be asked, ho\v could
better things have been expected at that time? The
great facts o{ Jewish History w^ere not yet clearly known,
the philosophy of Judaism was proportionately vague
and uncertain. No Jewish author of consequbnce had
undertaken to wa'ite the annals of his coreligionists;
chaotic confusion reigned in their chronicles. To know
what Judaism is, it is of the utmost necessity to ascer-
tain in the first instance, wdiat it had been. The past
would prove the index of the future, f
This was one of the most critical epochs in the
cfieckered history of Israel. Was then Judaism doomed
to death? Was it preserved during the presecutions
of centuries at the price of the precious blood of so many
martyrs and heroes, in order to die now of inanition?
Could it only thrive and flourish in the darkness of the
*A11 those Russian Jewish Nihilists, who disgrace yearly American
Judaism by celebrating wild orgies on the Day of .\tonement are
sons of ultra-orthodox parents.
+ See a very graphic description of this period in Jost. "Das Ju-
denthu n un<l .seine Sekten," III, pp. 333, 334 and especially 335.
8 REKORMKD JUDAISM.
ghetto, -but not beaY' the refreshing and emancipating
influence of the Nineteenth Century? No, a hundred
times no. When the night is at its darkest the sun's
reviving light is nearest- In those trying days the
science of Judaism, was born. It became the Savior,
who consoled weeping Judaism in the words of the
prophet to the mourning Rachel, "Cease crying,
for there is a reward for thy work, and thy children
will return unto thee."
Two men arose, Leopold Zunz and Abraham Gei-
ger. The former was the founder of a Science of Judaism,
the latter was the founder of a Scientific Theology of
Judaism, and laid the basis of the Reform on the
adamantine rock of science.
With Geiger's "Zeitschrift fuer Juedische Theolo-
gie, " the ''third stage' of Reform Judaism,/.^., the histo-
rical^ critical period was inaugurated and conquered in
its victorious march, one citadel of orthodoxy after the
other. The triumph of Reform-Judaism in America is
due to the labors of this historical-critical school, to
which the author of this book has the honor to belong.
To this school belongs the future. The frantic efforts
which are made from one side to set Romanticism on
its throne, and from another to supersede it by shallow
sensationalism, coupled with arrogance and ignorance,
will be impotent to hurt it for any length of time. As
soon as the charm of novelty will be over, the reaction
is sure to follow.
Applying this method of treating the history of
Reform-Judaism to this book the first "humanistic-
period" includes Mendelssohn and Friedlaender. The
second "aesthetical-homiletical-period" includes Jacob-
sohn, Chorin, Salomon and Kohn. The representatives
of the third "historical-critical-period" are Geiger,
Holdheim, Loew. It must however be conceded, that
Holdheim cannot be fully counted to this last period.
It was only towards the end of his life, especially in his
book ''Maamar Haishnth" that he succeeded in apply-
ing the methods of the historical-critical School of Re-
form-Rabbi nism.
CHAPTER I.
MOSKS MEXDKLSSOHX,
Moses Mendelssoliu is generally termed the
"Father of Reformed Judaism." On the other hand
the so-called "Liberal Conservatives" or, as Leopold
Loew in his caustic style called them, the "Neuortho-
doxen Romantiker" claim Mendelssohn as their
champion. The fact, however, is, that Mendelssohn
was neither a reformer nor was he orthodox. By dint of
his philosophical and aesthetical writings, he was the
first to break through the social restraints that ob-
structed the intercourse of Jews and Christians. He
had, however, neither the aggressive temper nor the
bold self-confidence that stamp the leader of parties.
Practically, he was most sincerely devoted to the ortho-
dox form of Judaism and complied with the most
rigid injunctions of the "Shulchan Aruch." Mendels-
sohn was a philosopher of the Eighteenth Century,
somewhat tinged with rationalism, but not a historian
or a critic. His was the contemplative spirit which
instinctively shrinks from rude contact with reality.
Judaism ' was for him law and nothing but law, im-
mutable, and eternal. Religion, he claimed, is natural
to all men; Judaism, however, is a revealed legislation.
As such it is binding upon all Jews, and for all times;
its ceremonies and symbols are the bond of union of the
scattered sons of Jacob. These ideas are clearly and
unmistakably expressed in his Polemical book "Jerusa-
lem," concerning blind obedience. He says: "In-
deed I cannot see, how those born in the House of
Jacob can in any shape or manner, emancipate them-
lO REFORMED JUDAISM.
selves from the law. VVe are, to be sure, permitted to
think about the law, to search occasionally into its
spirit, and where the lawgiver has not given a reason
for the same, to conjecture a reason. The reason for
the law was perhaps determined by time, place and
circumstances. Hence the law could possibly be
changed in accordance with time, place and circum-
stances— provided it would please the Almighty, to
make known to us fiis will concerning the same, just
as loud, as publicly, and beyond every possibility of
doubt as He did, when giving the law. As long as
this does not come to pass, as long as we cannot show
such an authentical immunity from the law, our subtle
reasoning cannot release us from the rigid obedience,
which we owe to the law."* This is not the language
of a reformer. For according to this uncompromising
point of view not the least reform, ho matter how in-
significant and innocent, is justifiable. This stand-
point ignores entirely the historical development in
Judaism, for which, I repeat again, Mendelssohn, had
no appreciation and no understanding. Mendelssohn,
himself plainly says with respect to Lessing's Religio-
Philosophical conception, "I for my part, have no
comprehension of this education of the human race, to
which my late friend Lessing has been persuaded.
There is only such a thing as progress for the individ-
ual man. But that mankind as a whole should steadily
advance and perfect itself in the course of time, is, it
seems to me, not the intention of providence, "f
According to this theory Hillel, Rabbi Jochanan
Ren Saccay, Rabbi Jehuda Hannassi, Sin"ion Ben
Shetach, Shmaja, Abtalion, Johannes Hyrkan and
other prominent teachers of the Talmud, who have
changed and abolished laws of Moses, I have com-
* Mendelssohn: Jerusalem III, 356.
tGesanimelte Schriften in, 317-31S, letter to Ilenninj^s v, p. 59S.
He himself tries to explain or to jvistify this lack of historical under-
standing with the fact, that the Jews of that time were "people with-
out a fatherland." (Letter to Abbt v, p. 36S. )
} See my "The Talmud," p. 36-40. Denver, 1S84.
MOSES MENDKLSSOHN. II
mitted sins. But aside from this, Mendelssohu him-
self has expressed views, which are not at all consist-
ent with this conception, in fact utterly incompati-
ble with the exigencies and wants of Judaism of the
Nineteenth Century. As I do not propose to say more
about ^lendelssohn than is absolutely necessary for the
better appreciation of the spirit of that time, f
I have to confine myself to a few quotations from
his writings. Speaking of the Rabbinical interpreta-
tions of the Mosaic Laws, he is compelled to concede
"that the folly of men has through misunderstanding
and misleading transformed the good into evil,
the useful into the harmful'' (III, 350;) and again:
"The climate and the times make the observ-
ance of the religious ceremonies, in many re-
spects more burdensome than they are." In his corre-
spondence with Lavater he uses the following language:
"I will not deny that I have noticed in my religion
human additions, abuses and excrescences which, alas,
only obscure its splendor."
A Geiger, Holdheim and Einhorn could not have
put it much stronger, considering the time these words
were uttered, and considering the fact that Mendelssohn
had to be cautious in view of his numerous suspicious
opponents, who saw in him an Apostate and Heretic,
because he had translated the Pentateuch into Ger-
man.
Those who understand how to read between the
lines will notice that Avhenever Mendelssohn speaks of
Socrates and the "vSophists" in his "Phaedon" he
means himself and the Polish Rabbis. Just read the
following: "At that time, as in all times, the mob of
(xreece paid the highest respect to these scholars,
whose principal purpose and object has been to favor
+ More on this subject see my "Mendelssohn's Verdienste um
die Deutsche Nation (Zuerich, 18S0) translated into English in
the .\merican Israelite, Cincinnati, 1880.
12 REFORMED JUDAISM.
deep-rooted prejudices and old superstitions, and to
fortify them by all sorts of seeming reasons, sham
arguments and cunning subteleties. " *
These words fit better the Rabbis of Mendelssohn's
time than the Sophists of the Age of vSocrates. And
again: "W'e all who seek the truth recognize this
poisonous breath of hypocrisy and superstition, and we
wish to be able to wipe it off without doing harm to
the true and the good." *
But Mendelssohn had entirely forgotten or per-
haps, intentionally omitted, to point out to his con-
temporaries these "human additions, abuses" and
"superstitions," which maybe "wiped off" without
harm to the Essence of Judaism. He wisely left this
by no means easy task to his Disciples and to the re-
form Rabbis of a later period. But no unbiased
admirer of Moses Mendelssohn can gainsay that his
last passage is, to say the least, utterly at variance
with the above quoted declaration that "nobody
born in the House of Jacob, can in any shape, manner
or form whatsoever, emancipate himself from the yoke
of the law," no matter how much circumstances might
change the life of the Jew, except it be that God
Almighty Himself has solemnly, released him of the
same. In other words the alternative is placed before
the Jews, either strictly to observe every ceremonial
law — and Mendelssohn does not except the Talmudic-
Rabbinical laws — or to forego his right to be a Jew.
No wonder, that such a conception forced, as it were,
the Jew, who could not believe in the obligation of
every ceremony, and who yet shrunk from joining the
ranks of Atheism, to embrace Christianity which teaches
through the Apostle Paul, that a second dispensation
or covenant has done away with the first.
We see from these quotations, that Mendelssohn
cannot well be claimed by the reformers, and still less
i Mendelssohn: Gesammelte Schriften, von G. B. Mendelssohn,
II, p. 72.
*Ibidem.
MOSKS MENDELSSOHN. I3
by the conservatives. But he became by his very ap-
pearance on the scene a silent reformer, unconsciously,
perhaps even against his will. Especially by his
translation of the Pentateuch and the Psalms into
German, a work, originally undertaken by him in the
interest of his own sons, for their private use, he be-
came the author of a profound revolution in the Jewish
religion, the scope of which the "Sage of Dessau"
hardly dreamt.
For the Jew of Germany in those days was
German in geographical location only. In speech
and habit he was a foreigner in the land which
he inhabited. It would lead me too far to ex-
plain here the reasons of this sad state of affairs.
Suffice it to say, the Jew of that period was the pro-
duct of centuries of the most outrageous persecutions,
and entrenched behind the Cyclopean walls of Talmudic
sophistry and idle argumentation he became indifferent
to the world outside of his ghetto. Especially in
Prussia the Jews were treated most shamefully. They
had to pay a toll like animals, and when a Jew
wanted to enter the enlightened city of Berlin he could
do so through one gate only, the so-called ''Rosen-
thaler Thor." But a limited number of Jews were
permitted to marry, and had to pay dearly for this
privilege. The great infidel and friend of Voltaire
the "Philosopher of Sanssouci," I mean King Fred-
eric the Great, who is credited with the noble saving,
"Jeder Kann Nach Seiner Facon Selig Werden."
(^everybody can carve out his salvation according
to his own way) did not live up to his own preaching,
at least so far as the Jews were concerned.
I will only mention his shameful ordinance that all
Jewish young men contemplating matrimony had to
buy goods from the Royal Porcelain factory of Berlin
for a considerable amount. And what kind of goods ?
Not useful crockery of some benefit to a household.
Oh no. They were compelled to buy those wares
which nobodv else wanted — the unsaleable Sfoods.
Thus our good Mendelssohn had to buy twenty life-
14 REFORMED JI'DAISM.
sized monkeys iiiamifactured of porcelain, which can
be seen this very day anioiii; the relics of the Mendels-
sohn family. *
Hut the oppression from without is nothing as
compared to the persecution from within.
The baneful influence of Poland was holding full
sway over the Jews in Germany. Polish Rabbis relent-
lessly controlled the synagogue. Polish "teachers"
held their tyrannical scepter over the school and suc-
ceeded in shutting out from it every ray of light and
air. Their language was a terrible "Kauderwelsch,"
a hybrid Jargon of Hebrew, German, Slavonic and
God knows what. The Rabbis did not tolerate the
reading of a German book. One day IMoses Mendels-
sohn sent a boy whom he had befriended for a book.
The poor boy thinking of no evil, book in hand, was
harshly accosted by an officer of Jewish charities with
the question: "What have you here? I hope it is
not a German book." But as soon as the fanatic,
heartless and cruel "man of charity" had found his
suspicion verified, he dragged the unfortunate lad to
the bailiff, and not even Mendelssohn's interference
could save the innocent boy from expulsion from Berlin.
This was done in the capital city of Prussia in the year
1746. t
Moses Mendelssohn's German translation of the
Pentateuch sounded the first bugle call by which the
fortresses of iMediaevalism crumbled into dust. This
work was an event and holds the like relation to the
Jewish reform movement that Luther's translation
held to the great protestant reformation. The in-
fluence of this translation was manifold. In the first
place it facilitated a more correct understanding of the
doctrine, the literature and language of the Bible.
Secondly — and this is of the greatest importance,
— it served the purpose of a text-book of the German
* Hensel: Die Familie Mendelssohn I, p. 2.
t Kaiserling: Moses Mendelssohn, Sein Leben, 1862, p. 12.
MOSES -MKXDKLSSOHX. I5
for the crreat mass of the Jews, who were at that time
unable to read a book written in the Vernacular. *
Most likely for this very reason the Cierman of
Mendelssohn's translation was written in Hebrew
letters. Thus it opened to the Jews the treasure house
of modern thought. Last but not least, this trans-
lation was the means of weakening the preponderating
influence of the Talmud, which not only engrossed
the attention of the Jewish youth to the utter exclusion
of secular knowledge, but even perverted the exegesis
of the Bible and caused the study of the scripture to be
comparativelv neglected. I
The Talmud says: "The Thora had fallen into
oblivion; then came Ezra of Babylon and established
it anew, and once more it was forgotten and Hillel ar-
rived from Babylon and established it anew." We
are fully justified in saying, the Thora was forgotten,
but Moses Mendelssohn came from Dessau and bv pre-
senting its teachings in the garb of a modern tongue, he
rendered its true meaning apparent to every reflecting
mind and gave back to the Thora its proper place in
the education of the young.
The refining influence of this translation soon be-
came evident among the contemporaries, friends, fol-
lowers and immediate disciples of Mendelssohn, the so-
called "Mendelssohnians" or "Mendelssohn-school,"
which in a wider sense comprises the vast circle of all
those noble men, who, in different parts of Europe,
zealously labored and worked for the better education
of the Jewish masses. A wide field of knowledge, em-
bracing the rich results of modern science, philosophy
and art, was thus laid open to their industry. Eagerlv thev
availed themselves of the proffered opportunitv.
Schools were established in e\erv important citvofOer-
* The V. M. H. A. In New York instructs Jewish-Russian im-
migrants in English. They do for these people almost as nolile a
work as Mendelssohn did for the Jews in Germany hy means of his
translation of the Pentateuch. The V. Y. M. H. A., proposes to do
this work in all larger cities of the I'nion.
; Felix Adler: Creed and deed, page 220.
l6 RKKOR^rKl) JUDAISM.
many and Austria, (Berlin, Koenigsberg, Frankfort,
Wien, Prag, Breslan, Wolfenbuettel, Seesen (and other
cities, in which the elements of liberal culture were
iui parted to the young. Ere long we find a new
generation of Jews engaged in honorable competition
with their christian brethern for the prize of learning
and the reward of literary distinction. A new vital
energy was coursing through the veins of the Jews.
The following men may be considered as "Mendel-
ssohnians:"
Salonio Dubuo, born 1737, Died 1819; Hartwig
Wessely, born 1725, died 1805, famous for his brave
struggle in the cause of school education in Austria;
Herz Homberg, born 1749, died 1841, superintendent
of all German schools in Galicia. These men w^ere
Mendelssohn's co-laborers on the commentary to his
translation, and formed the "School of Biurists," who
undertook to read the Pentateuch with an eye to
grammar, taste and sound logic. This work proved a
death-blow to the subtle play of dialectics and idle
argumentation of the Talmud, and perhaps without
even intending it, demolished mountains of legal
Rabbinical observances. To the same circle must be
counted Isaac Euchel, born 1756, who translated the
Jewish Prayer-P>ook into good German. This was,
if I am not mistaken, the first attempt of this kind;
Aron Wolfssohn, (1756- 1835) teacher of the Wilhelms-
school in Breslau; Lazarus Bendavid, (1762-1832);
Dr. Herz Salomon Maimon, (1753-1800)^ Isaac Satnow,
(1733-1803, ) who published several books "Immanuel,"
"Meor Enajim," and others; Joel Loewe, (1790-1803,)
the grammarian; Jehuda Loeb Ben Seeb, (1764-1811,)
author of a Hebrew grammar which was quite popalur
in those days; J. Heiman, (1778-1855,) publisher of
the German periodical "Jedidjah;" David Fraenkel,
publisher of "Sulamith," a Jewish monthly; Wolf
Heidenheimer, (1754-1832,) editor of the Prayer-Book
i See Salomon Maimon's Autobiography translated into English
by Murray, (Boston, 1888, Cupples and Hurd.)
MOSES mp:ndklssohn. 17
and translator of the Machsor, quite a scholar; Joei
Bril, Peter Beer, (i 758-1838,) philosopically inclined;
and most prominent of all David Friedlaender. While
these men, most of whom were contributors to the
Hebrew Periodical "Hameassef the "Gatherer," and
therefore called "Meassefim, " one and all have done
their duty towards bringing about a better state of
culture among the Jews of that period, it is only the
last named man who is entitled to a place among the
Pioneers of Reform-Judaism. 1 will therefore proceed
to a biography of David Friedlaender, and I do it with
special pleasure, as he is most unjustly dealt with by
Prof. Graetz in his "History of the Jews," Vol. XI.''
Before proceeding to the biography of David
Friedlaender it will not be superfluous to show
his estimate of the work of the "Measseph." I do
this from two reasons: In the first place, because he,
as an untiring contributor to the periodical was fully
competent to speak on the subject impartially.
Secondly, because these words give the best insight
into the state of Judaism in those days and explain the
true inwardness of F'riedlaender's utter disgust with
it, and his consequent famous letter to Probst Teller,
which orave rise to so much sensation and comment
and produced such a tremendous commotion in the
camp of Israel. In a letter to Aron Wolfson, he said
almost despairingly: "I consider the nation, f as it is,
in spite of all show of culture, taste and intelligence,
incorrigibly bad, and I deem useless the work of en-
lightenment as carried on by the "Meassefim," and in
a vein of the most bitter sarcasm he continues: "No-
body reads our books written in Hebrew — for whom
do \\«e write them?" Somebody proposed indeed to
have placed the following sign before the Jewish
* See my "Graetz' Geschichts l)auerei," Berlin, iSSi,
t Mendelssohn always applied the expression "nation" when
speaking of the Jews. But, as we have ceased to be a "nation" after
the destruction of Jerusalem, this term is erroneous. See my
Mendelssohn's Verdieuste uui das and Judenthum Bonn, 1880.
iS REFORMED JUDAISM.
printing establishment: "Here books are printed
which are never read. This is, I think, trne in the
fullest sense of the word." Still more melanchoh'
and gloomily he expresses himself in a letter to the
same friend in the year 1805, saying: "The cause of
Judaism is done for; utterly done for."
CHAPTER II,
DAVID KRIEDLAENDER.
David Friedlaender was born in Koenigsberg in
1740 and died in Berlin in 1834. He was reared under
the most favorable circumstances, as his father,
Joachim Moses Friedlaender, was well to do, intelligent
and respected for his integrity aiid charity, and his
mother, Henriette, born Fisheles, a noble, pious and
most benevolent woman of whom Hartwig Wessely
spoke as a ''mother to the poor." His parents took
great care in securing for him the opportunities of a
good education. He spent his pocket money in the
pleasure of dispensing charity, and to practice virtue
was his beau-ideal. He could not imagine even in the
halcyon days of his youth, that such a thing as doing
wrong is in the least possible. He was greatly
worried on account of the impracticable education of the
Jewi.sh youth of those days, which was due to the un-
fortunate social, civil and political position of the Jews
in Prussia. In the "Reglement" of September 29,
1730, the King of Prussia openly and unmistakably
expressed his intention to make the laws concerning
the Jews outside of Berlin of such a character that they
would become extinct. In Koenigsberg, however, the
Jews were protected by the more liberal administration
of the Province, and in consequence they felt keener
the necessity for a better education of the young. Thus
more practicable disciplines were taught and less time
was given to the study of the Talmud and Hebrew,
at least among the well-to-do classes. Friedlaender,
20 REFORMED JUDALSM.
endowed with great talents, took advantage of the op-
portunities offered him to secure a good education.
In 1 771 Friedlaender, then twenty-one years old,
moved to Berlin, where in 1772 he married the
daughter of Daniel Itzig, one of the wealthiest and
most charitable Jews of Berlin. But his wealth and
influential connections did not, as is alas too often the
case nowadays, dampen his idealism and enthusiasm
for Judaism and Jewish knowledge. On the contrary,
they induced him to devote more time to study and
learning, to widen his sphere of activity, to broaden
his intellectual horizon and to labor untiringly for the
enlightenment, elevation and amelioration of mankind,
but more particularly of his politically and spiritually
enslaved co-religionists. It was in fact his thirst after
knowledge and his burning desire to do something for
his down-trodden brethren that caused him to leave
Koenigsberg and go to Berlin, the home of Mendels-
sohn, whose social intercourse he enjoyed daily for fif-
teen years.*
Every evening, and especially on Sabbaths and
Holidays, Jewish young men came to Mendelssohn's
house with the purpose to learn and improve intellect-
ually. Pedagogics, religion, education and Bible
formed the topics of conversation. Friedlaender,
Kucliel, Undau, Wolfssohn, Bendavid, belonged to
the most regular visitors. No wonder then, that these
and many others became in time the most enthusiastic
Apostles or Disciples of the "Sage of Dessau," or the
"Plato of the Jews" as Mendelssohn was popularly
called. But David Friedlaender was not content with
these daily conversations in the house of the philoso-
pher. He was to Mendelssohn what Mendelssohn was
to Lessing, an intimate friend, a faithful follower and
admirer, a most ardent Disciple and Apostle, and last
but not least, his confidant, to whom he revealed his
innermost thoughts and ideas on the progress and
* Moses Mendelssohn, Fragmente von ihrn und neber ihn von
David F'riedlaender, Berlin, 1819, p. 21.
DAVID FRIEDLAENDER. 21
future of Judaism aud on the most delicate questions
of religion. *
It is with him, that Mendelssohn minutely dis-
cusses the plans concerning the amelioration and edu-
cation of the young among the Jews, and other im-
portant subjects. To him the master confides his
ideas as to the measures to be taken against fanaticism
from without as well as from within.
No wonder that through the high esteem in which
Friedlaender was held by Mendelssohn the Jews in
Berlin commenced to respect and to love him. His
good humor, wit, eloquence, and kindness were quali-
ties which could not fail to make him popular. It was
to a great extent his merit to have brought about a
certain social intercourse between the more cultured
Jews and Christians. This was accomplished through
the literarv circle which met weekly in the "salon" of
Dorothea Veit, daughter of Mendelssohn, and Henriette
(De Lemos) Herz, wife of Dr. Markus Herz. This
woman who possessed a face in which the features of
Hellenic and oriental beauty were blended in exquisite
harmonv, had acquired, under the guidance of compet-
ent masters, considerable proficiency in the ancient and
modern languages, and to her great talent and mind,
stored with various knowledge, was added the charm
of a very sweet disposition. Attracted by her fame
and captivated by her genius the most eminent men of
the day sought the privilege of her society. The art
of conversation, in which the French were the masters,
and which until then had received but little attention in
the Prussian capital, was for the first time cultivated
in the "Salon" of the "Tragic Muse." For thus they
called Henriette Herz. Sparkling wit and profound
philosophy were alike encouraged. Statesmen,
princes, men of science and artists considered it an
honor to be permitted to attend these gatherings.
Xicolai, Engel, Ramler, Schleiermacher, Teller,
Zoellner, Knuth, Alexander and Wilhelm \'on Hum-
*"Unterhaltungen" in the quoted "Fragmente" p. 38-62.
22 RHKORMKD JUDAISM.
boldt, Count Alexander von Dohna-Schlobitten,
Gentz, Friedrich Von Schlegel, Mirabeau, Dorothea
and Rahel Levin, afterwards Varnhagen Von Ense,
were among the intimates of her circle. At the same
time by Fanny Itzig, sister-in-law of Friedlaender
there was opened a similar Salon in the capital of
Austria. This salon was the center of the world of
literature, art, diplomacy and nobility of birth. Such
circles contributed considerably towards breaking
throueh the social restraints that obstructed the inter-
course of Jews and Christians. Among the most inti-
mate friends of Friedlaender were Knuth, the tutor of
the two Humboldts, and later Wilhelm and Alexander
Humboldt themselves. But Friedlaender was not a
man of mere theory. He therefore founded, in com-
pany with his friends Mendelssohn, Kuchel, Daniel
Itzig and Wessely, the Jewish free school "Freischule,"
at Berlin in 1778, which was opened to pupils in 178I.
The building was given by Daniel Itzig while his son
Isaac and his son-in-law, David Friedlaender, worked
out the plan of education. In connection with the
school an oriental printing establishment and book
store were established. It deserves mention that the
Prussian government favored these institutions and
granted them freedom from taxation. In 1786 the
"Freischule" had already eighty pupils, half of whom
were instructed free of charge. David Friedlaender
and Isaac Daniel Itzig were the directors of the school.
The teachers were part Jews and part Christians. The
following were the branches taught. Penmanship,
mathematics, bookkeeping, drawing, geography,
Hebrew, German and French. Every year
a public examination was held. Within ten
years no less than six Kundred pupils were
educated in the "Freischule." But unfavorable
political circumstances, jealous rivalry and orthodoxy
did not a little toimpede the progress of that institution.
In 1805 Lazarus Bendavid was chosen superintendent
of the school. He devoted in the most unselfish man-
ner, and with untiring zeal, his labors to this school
DAVID P'RIKDLARNDER. 2^
until December 29, 1825, when it was closed, as its
})upils were transferred to the Jewish "(xenieinde-
schnle," of Berlin, which was opened in the year 1826,
It was characteristic of the ''Freischnle," that it was
non-sectarian, opening its doors alike to Jewish and
Christian i)upils. Bnt on September 15, 18 19, owing
to the spirit of re-action in Prnssia, the law prohibited
Christian children from attending the school.
The inflnence of the "Freischule" was by no
means merely local. For the light kindled sent forth
its rays thronghont (Germany and Austria. vSimilar
"Freischulen" were founded in Breslan, Frankfort,
Des.sau, Wolfenbuettel, which had the honor to number
among its pupils Dr. Marcus Jost and Dr. Leopold
Zunz, Seesen and others. But especially for Austria
the exami)le of the Berlin "Freischnle" was of the
utmost importance. In consequence of the "Toleranz
Kdict of the Emperor Joseph II, Herz Homberg was
appointed Royal vSuperintendent of all the Crerman
schools of the Jews in (ralicia and Lodomeria. In this
quality and later as "Schulrath" (counsellor of the
schools) in Prague he faithfully labored in the spirit of
Mendelssohn and Friedlaender, by making the schools
of those countries nurseries of German culture and by
introducing appropriate text-books on Judaism and its
ethics. These schools became excellent levers of pro-
gress and paved the way for the great work of religious
Reform of Judaism. Inasinuch as all those schools
were non-sectarian in character their influence in those
days can hardly be overrated. In this connection it is
but proper to mention Friedlaender' s first attempt at
literature, undertaken in the interest of the "Frei-
schnle." I mean the little "Reader for Jewish children,"
for the benefit of the Jewish Frei.schule, (Berlin, 1780,)
which contains the German, Latin and Hebrew
al])habet, the articles of the Jewish creed according to
Maimonides, and .some moral stories from the Talmud.
Friedlaender translated two German idyls of
Gessner into Hebrew. They are published in the
"Meassef, " llu- one treating of "charity" the other
24 RKFORMED JUDAISM.
of "prayer." In 1785 he wrote two essays on tlie ethics
of commerce for Zoellner's "Reader for all classes.
After Mendelssohn's death, January 4, 1786, the
eyes of the world were naturally directed towards
David Friedlaender, who more than any other of
Mendelssohn's disciples was expected to carry on the
work so auspiciously begun by his venerated master;
and he did not disappoint those hopes. Aside from
his attempts to translate into German passages from
Isaiah and Job,* he published "prayers of the Jews for
the whole year, translated and explained by David
Friedlaender, Berlin, 1786." This work was done
mainly for the benefit of the women.;*; In his "Open
letter to the German Jews" he complained greatly of
the neglect of woman in matters of Judaism. The
"Berliner Monatsschrift" in reviewing this translation
said, among other things: "It is indeed an important
step towards the furtherance of enlightenment among
the Jews."
This translation of the Hebrew prayers, however,
met with the same storm of opposition on the side of
the German-Polish Rabbis, who were at that time en-
trusted with the guardianship over j_the spiritual wel-
fare of the German Jews, as did the introduction of
Moses Mendelssohn's German translation of the
Pentateuch and Psalms and their introduction into the
schools and homes, and as did the establishment of schools
for the young, where other things besides Talmud
were taught. Even "Dikduk" (Hebrew Grammar)
and Bible-reading in the original text were regarded by
those Rabbis, at least as a waste of time, even if not
sinful. A certain Eleasar Fleckeles in Prague in a
pamphlet" "Olath Zibbur" declared in all earnestness
the translation of Hebrew into German "the greatest
of all sins," which is followed by the most horrible
curse. In answer to this Friedlaender published his
*Jedidjah, vol. VI, p. 3.
t Every attempt at Reform in Judaism started with the emancipa-
tion of woman.
i)A\in kriki)I.akni)i-:k. ^5
''open letter to the (ierniau Jews," (Berlin, 178S.) In
this little pamphlet he treated Rabbi Landau and his
Satellite Fleckeles without gloves. He said, among
other things, that they did not care for the ''Holiness
of the teeachings, the enlightenment of the spirit of the
holy scriptures, but for the dead letter of scripture
only. If I do not understand one word of the prayer
which I prattle, as long as it is in Hebrew, it will —
according to the ideas of these men — produce devotion,
knowledge of God\s benevolence and resignati(m to the
divine will. If I do not know what the prophets and
the teachers of the law have said and taught, as long
as I repeat often mechanically their words, it will make
me better, wiser and more rational." He also tells
, them in as many words that their opposition to Ger-
man translations is not so much based on zeal for relig-
ion as on their fear of losing their authorit\- and pres-
tige.
In 1788 David Friedlaender published mainly for
pedogogic reasons, "Koheleth" (Ecclesiastics) into
German. In connection with this appeared an essay on
"the best of the Holy Scriptures, from a pedagogic
point of view," in which he pointed out the necessity
for a compendium of the Jewish religion and ethics
(catechism.) This, he said, must be based on a
thorough understanding of the Biblical literature, and
must be more than a mere slavish imitation of similar
products in another religion. His earnest admonitions
in this respect did not fall upon barren ground, as he
lived to see men forthcoming, who have done noble
work in this direction.
In 1787 Friedlaender published in Hebrew "Hane-
fesh" (the soul,) for the use of pupils in the higher
classes of Jewish schools. In this he comprehensively
summarized the proots of the immortality of the soul as
laid down in Moses Mendelssohn's "Phaedon.',
As this present work is in the main devoted to
the history of the Jewish Reformation we can only
incidentally dwell on the great struggle for political
and civil emancipation of the German Jews, in which
26 REI-'ORMKI) JUDAISM.
Kriedlaender had taken so prominent a part. In this
connection must be mentioned his "Ontspoken
thonghts of a Jew abont the proposition, that the Jews
abolish the Pnrini Festival.*" It had been claimed by
a Christian writer that the Pnrim fosters hatred
against the Christians among the Jews, which state-
ment P'riedlaender strongly refnted.:[ Another publica-
tion of the same character, is his "Answer of the Jews
in the Province of Lorraine to the petition offered to
the National convention by all the communities of the
city of Strassburg," translated from the P'rench into
German by Kriedlaender, October, 1791. The com-
munities of Strassburg were opposed to the grant of
equal rights to the Jews.
In 1793 Kriedlaender published "Documents con-,
cerning the reform of the Jewish colonies in the
Prussian states." He succeeded in setting aside many
burdensome and disgraceful laws, to which the Jews
in Prussia were subjected. To his ulitiring labors is
in the main due the famous edict of 181 2, granting to
the Jews equality of right with other citizens.
In this document he said to the state: "Do not
wait with the grant of the emancipation to the Jews
until they are all cultivated and reformed. No. On
the other hand he urgently admonished the Jews, not
to delay the reformation until they should have gained
their emancipation; for the reformation is in itself the
noblest and best part of the emancipation, while the
emancipation is the most effective means to make use-
ful citizens of those Jews, who were by legislation de-
prived of the privilege and the opportunity to serve
their country. This is, by the way, the best refuta-
tion of the trite argument brought forth by the
enemies of reform in Judaism, that the Jewish reform
movement owed its existence and origin wholly to the
*Berlinische Monatsschrift, June, 1790.
i The book "Esther" gave rise to this accusation. It is a novel
composed during Maccabean era, and naturallly reflects the senti-
ments of those years of religious persecution and irreligious
apostasy.
DAVID FRIKDI.AKNDKK. 2/
desire of the German Jews for emancipation. Tin's
shameful argument which is even to-day used by the
"new orthodox romantics," as represented by Dr.
Hildesheimer, and others, against reform, finds a mo.st
crushing refutation in the powerful Jewish reform
movement iu Free America, where, thank (xod, a
struggle for emancipation of the Jews was never
necessary.
Another merit of Friedlaender's "documents" is
the unbiased and impartial spirit pervading them. He
did not belong to the Jewish Chauxinists, who always
sing loud praises in favor of their race, and never tire
of reiterating the myth of the superiority of the Jewish
talent. All he conceded was, that in consequence of
long oppression in certain branches of business, from
which he was not debarred by law, the Jew developed
greater shrewdness. This may be a hint to some of
our "great orators" in "Bnai Brith" conventions and
even in the pulpits, to indulge a little less iu their
spread-eagle speeches about the superiority of our race
and to pay more attention to the actual needs of Juda-
ism. It is not the race but the religion of which we
ought to feel proud. D' Israeli's declamations about
our race have been paraded too often to be effective,
even if they were true. Let us not delude ourselves.
When we look more critically, and less enthusiastically,
upon those passages of Lord Beacon.sfield's work, where
the mental superiority of our race is so eloquentlv de-
scribed, we will find that they are full of inaccuracies.
Just look at that "grand passage" iu "Coniugsby" iu
the dialogue between Coningsby and Sidonia, on
which our Jewish new.spapers still harp with great
relish. How incorrect: How far rcnu)te from histori-
cal truth; it is not true, that the prime ministers and
leading diplomats of Europe have been at any time iu
this centun,- composed of Jews. Such unfounded
statements instead of doing good, create envv, jealousy,
ridiculous overrating of the power of the Jews and pro-
duce in its wake Antisemitism: Neither can it be
historically proven, that artists like Rossini and others
28 RKFORMED JUDAISM.
were Jews. Kiit "granted they were desceiidents of the
Hebrew race, they manifested no interest in the cause ot
Judaism. On the contrary, instead of glorif\ing them
we ought to reproach and denounce them, that they,
endowed with great talent and genius, have, like Esau,
sold their birthright for a mess of pottage; have de-
serted our stormbeaten, but never surrendered flag:
have gone over to the enemy and thus set the bad
example of apostasy and treachery to their contem-
poraries and to the youth. It is high time, that our
orators and journalists should cease to laud to the skies
men who were, or are, successful in the domain of art,
science and politics, simply because they were acci-
dentally born of a Jewash mother, although they have
never shown the least interest in our cause. If you
are afraid to denounce them or to remind them of their
duty as Israelities, to struggle in the cause of God, be
it so and ignore them, but cease to lionize them. Sup-
pose Lord Beaconsfield, Gambetta, Sarah Bernhardt
and other eminent persons were Jews or of Jewish
descent? What of it? One Riesser, Zunz, Geiger,
Cremieux, Jacobsohn, Friedlaender or Kosch has done
more for Judaism than all those great politicians, artists,
millionaires and professors combined.
A worthy ally of Friedlaender was Lazarus Ben-
david, who in his pamphlet, ''Something on the Char-
acteristics of the Jews," urged upon his coreligionists
in Austria not to b^ idle in accomplishing their own
emancipation, and in proving that their real faults
originated from their oppression. This pamphlet cre-
ated so great a sensation that Bendavid was summoned
before Cardinal Migazzi on a charge of assailing Chris-
tianity. I
Bendavid proved that he did not attack Christianity,
as his traducers asserted. But he spoke his mind very
plainly on the Jewish ceremonial law in a manner
i It is greatly to be regretted, that the attention of the Cardinal
was called to Bendavid's so-called onslaughts on the Christian religion
by men, who claimed to be orthodox Jews. But history repeats it-
self. Maimonides underwent a similar experience.
DAVID KRIEDLAKN'I>KR. 29
which reminds one ot the inodern reformers. He said
aiiion^i^ other things: "If in Austria an excellent
prince (Emperor Joseph II) has committed the error of
commanding t the enlightenment of the Jews as a duty
of the state; * * * if the outward change is to
have a salutary effect, the Jews themselves must create
the reform from within. They must learn to under-
stand, that their ceremonial laws have become inap-
plicable and senseless for the present time, and thev
must have a purer religion, more worthy of the com-
mon Father of all mankind." He complains that
there are four classes of Jews: Those who observe
strictly every ceremonial law; those who neglect the
ceremonial law out of mere convenience and frivolity,
and are the cause of the antipathy against enlighten-
ment on the side of the first class; those who, while in
favor of progress, practice the old ceremonies out of
mere weakness; and those who, while they do not
practice the old observances, are God-fearing, highly
moral and virtuous, but are placed in the .same category
with the second class. '' Oh!" exclaims Bendavid,
who belonged to this last mentioned class, "do away
with the senseless ceremonial law; tell your children
that it was once placed as a useful hedge around the
garden, but that what has served for the slavish sense
of past centuries, for the sake of saving and preserving
the inner kernel, has to be given up as inappropriate
to-day. Then they will recognize and understand,
that it only depends upon this inner kernel. Guard
you then this inner kernel by bettering and ennobling
the character of man. Show yourselves to be believ-
ers in the one, eternal, benign Being who has created
all men, preserves all, has endowed all with the feel-
ing to acklowledge Him, and has laid upon this beau-
tiful world the charm which impels us to adore Him."
These were remarkable words spoken almost one
t Bendavid apparently means, that mental, moral and spiritual
progress cannot be enforced, and is a result of slow preparation and
gradual development, as Isaiah said: "Can a whole nation be re-
generated with one stroke?"
30 REFORMED JUDAISM.
hundred years ago. They were words in the wilder-
ness, and yet germs planted into the soil of history,
buried for a time only, destined, however, to bear ripe
fruits in later years. But let us never forget that it
was Lazarus Bendavid, a disciple of Mendelssohn, who
dared to speak thus in 1790 at Vienna. He deserves
a prominent place in the history of reform-Judaism,
although GriEtz deems it necessary to state: " Auf den
gang der Juedischen Geschichte in der Neuzeit hat Ben-
david nur unmerklich eingewirkt."* It cannot be too
often and too strongly urged that it was a great moral
movement which lay at the bottom of the Jewish
reform movement. While Bendavid' s words might
not immediately have exerted their deserved influence,
they surely became the general conviction of all en-
lightened Israelites. Like all great leaders in the
world of thought, who exerted seemingly but little
influence upon their own generations, Lazarus Ben-
david's prophetic words were addressed to generations
yet unborn, and have been taken up and woven into
the accepted teachings and opinions of our own days.
Many a great reformer, who was decried and mis-
judged by the masses of his time, is remembered and
honored to-day, while his traducers, who condemned
him or belittled his just merits, are forgotten, or looked
ujjon as narrow, small-minded and bigoted people.
As the mists of superstition and error disappear, the
heretics and infidels of ages gone by are coming to be
appreciated. Time is a better judge than a partial and
biased historian. It plays havoc with many a great
name, and it likewise brings us to a true appreciation
of the services rendered to mankind by men long
ignored and disparaged. "They who make up the
final verdict are not the partial and noisy men of the
hour, but a court of angels. A public not to be bribed,
not to be entreated and not to be overawed, decides
*'-Bendavid's influence upon the development of Jewish history
in modern times was hardly noticeable." Hist, of the Jews XI, 152.
Not noticeable to — Graetz! How true are the words of the
Psalmist, "some people have eyes and do not see, have ears and do
not hear!" (Ps. 105, 5-6.)
DAVID KRIHDI.AKND?:k. 3I
upon every man's title to fame." While these tru-
isms are of general interest under all circumstances,
they apply with special force to the unjust way in which
men like Kendavid, Friedlaender, Zunz, Geiger, Hold-
heim and the great galaxy of Israel's noblest leaders
of the nineteenth century are dealt with in the last vol-
ume of Graetz's "History of the Jews" for no other
reason than that they had the misfortune to father
and foster what was then very unpopular in Ger-
numy, the Jewish-reform movement. In this connec-
tion I call attention to my book where I criticised
Graetz's unjust historiography.*
I come now to a very serious crisis in Judaism, to
a struggle of despair within the camp of modern Israel
in general and of the Jewish community of Berlin in
particular. A tidal wave of apostasy hurled itself
upon Judaism in Germany. The reasons for this sad
state of affairs were manifold. In the first place young
men eager for advancement in life found their Jewish
creed an insuperable obstacle in their way. The pro-
fessions, the army, the offices of the government were
closed against them. On the threshold of every higher
career the Jew was placed before the painful alterna-
tive, either to forego all hope of honorablv devoting
his talents to his countr}% or to forswear the religion
of his forefathers. In the second place, Judaism of
those days, with its netw^ork of legal trivialities, with
its " Beth-Hamidrash,t" "Cheder" and 'Schul,f' with
a worship utterly incompatible with the culture and
civilization of the age and repulsive to the aesthetical
requirements of the rising generation, had no charm or
interest for the youth rai.sed under the refining in-
fluence of the classic thought of Hellas and Rome.
Let us further place ourselves in the position of
*Graetz's Geschichtsbauerei von Dr. E. Schreiber, Rabbiner in
Bonn. (Berlin, 1881, Wilhelni Issleib.)
{So-called higher .\cadeniy for the purpose of studyiui^ the
Talmud.
tLiterally "school." It is however, used as ;i term for house of
worship" (Synagogue.)
32 RKKORMKD JUDAISM.
those intelligent Jews, who, in their conversations
with enlij>"htened Christians ha\-e fonnd more points of
atrreenient than of disagreement; and yet they were op-
pressed and repelled as members of the same conntrv,
althon^h knowint^ and feelintr themselves belonoin^ to
it with every fibre of their heart.
Add to this that rationalism stri])ped the positive
religion of mnch of its substance and individuality.
Schleiermacher, the same preacher, who delivered the
famous "discourses on relijj^ion for the educated in-
fidels," (reden ueber die religion an die gebildeten
unter ihren veraechtern,) although the author of the
protestant revival in Germany, spoke the language of
Pantheistic teachings. Theological dogmas, according
to him are not true in the sense of scientific proposi-
tions, but approach the truth only so far as they typify
emotions of the most noble and exalted character.
His ardent sermons full of depth, and appealing fer-
vently to feeling, sentiment and emotion, could not fail
to greatly impress those Jews who never had heard a
stirring Jewish sermon. Take all these causes com-
bined and the example set by Moses Mendelssohn's
offspring. His datighter, Dorothea Veit, embraced
Catholicism, left husband and children and married the
immoral Friedrich von Schlegel.
It occasions but little surprise, that intelligent
Jews, allowing Christianity to be what its expounders
have defined it to be, found it not very difiicult, to as-
sume the name of Christian, without adopting the
creed of Christianity. That fidelity to the faith of
their forefathers which had so long marked the con-
duct of the Jews, began seriously to waver, and in
many instances gave way. Many were led to the
baptismal font by ambitious parents, who prized the
crown of civic honors more highly than the glory of
martyrdom. Many of the most illustrious names of
contemporaneous German history were thus lost to
Judaism. The Jewish communities of Berlin, Breslau,
*Author of a frivolous novel, "Lucinde."
DAVID KRIKDI.AKXDKK. 33
and Koenigsberg suffered most 1)\- tliese wholesale eon-
versions. The Apostates were as a rule wealtlu' ])eople,
and well educated. Not indeed, that the new converts
became true and loyal Christians. On the contrary,
they considered the rite of baptism a mere hollow form,
and left it to the state, which had insisted upon their
conformity to justify the deep dis^^race that was thus
brought upon the Christian sacraments. Those who
left the old, the storm-beaten flag of Judaism from
mercenary motives deserve, of course, much more blame
and reproach than those who have surrendered it, be-
cause Judaism failed to satisfy their innermost cravings
and longings. The great mistake of the latter class —
and they were in the majority — was two-fold: In the
first place they were lacking the historical sense which
teaches that great movements can only take place
gradually after a long and very slow preparation, that
history does not jnmp and that the parents have to do
hard, very hard work, before their children, and not
seldom their grand-children, are permitted to reap the
fruits of their untiring labors. Secondly, they did not
understand the idea of a progressive development and
hence did not believe in nor appreciate the possibility
of a Reform of Judaism.
But need I reiterate here that Mendelssohn him-
self, in fact the whole generation, labored under this
same want of understanding of a historical progress
and development? Was not this wild haste, this im-
patience, this restless tearing down of all and every-
thing that centuries had built up, characteristic of the
era of Rationalism of the epoch of the French Revolu-
tion, which like a hurricane swept over France, and
with bloody hands tore down not only the ancient
bulwarks of superstition, but destroyed the fortress
of every religion and society. The inert ma.s.ses, who
did not want to follow their rapidly advancing leaders,
who in their enthusiasm had lost their due ai)precia-
tion for those who could not follow them, must bear
the res])onsibility for the deplorable conx'ersion cra/.e of
that period. Then it was, that Da\id Friedlaender
34 RHFORMED JUDAISM.
created a sensation by publishing an "Open letter of
Jewish fathers to Councillor Teller of the consistory."*
In this letter in behalf of himself and some co-religion-
ists he offered to accept Christianity in case they might
be permitted to omit the observance of the Christian
Festivals, to reject the doctrine of Trinity of the
Divinity of Jesus and whatsoever is commonly regarded
as essentially and specifically Christian. In fact he
wanted a Christianity with Christianity left out.
Judaism, Friedlaender claims, recognizes three eternally
true principles: The Unity of God; the immortality
of the soul; and the mission of man to strive after moral
])erfection and happiness. The ceremonial laws are
perishable, and wdiile they conveyed at one time moral
lessons, they are valueless now. The belief in a Mes-
siah, as contained in the prophets, has been misunder-
stood and misrepresented in the Talmud. We do not
hope or wish to return to Jerusalem and to establish there
a Jewish kingdom. Teller' s answer was as could not other-
wise have been expected, discouraging in the extreme.
Some Christians saw in the "Sendschreiben" an at-
tempt of the Jews, allied with Christian rationalists, to
destroy positive Christianity and to introduce in its
stead the religion of reason. § Schleiermacher looked
at it in the light of a satire on intolerant Christianity,
which excluded the Jews from the enjoyment of their
rights of citizenship. While Friedlaender doubtless
made a serious mistake in publishing the "Sendshrei-
ben," his intentions were good. As he himself puts
it, in said letter, he was afraid that the younger
generation would fall a prey to orthodox Christianity,
and therefore he wanted to save what could be saved
on the principle that half a loaf is better than no bread
at all. It was an act of despair and the fact that it has
proved a failure, is the best that can be said of it. We
*Sendschreibeii einiger Juedischen Hausvaetcr an den Probst
Teller, 1799.
1^ J. A. De L,uc "Lettre aux Auteurs Juifs d'un memoire addresse
a Monsieur Teller," Berlin, 1799.
DAVID FRIKDLAENDRR. 35
fulh' endorse Cieiger's opinions on this subject: "He
(Friedlaender) entertained to the end of his life the
deepest aversion to the acceptance of Christianity.
But it cannot surprise us in the least, that he became
downhearted at times and was prepared to make certain
concessions, which, while in full accord with his
conscience and honesty, he ought not to have made.
But this extravagance is only a" characteristic of that
restless self consuming epoch,"* Graetz, however, in
his "impartial" history accuses Friedlaender in connec-
tion with this "letter" of impure motives, cowardice,
selfishness" and "ambition." It is w^ith due apprecia-
tion of such epithets, that Geiger says: "Whosoever
is impudent enough to attack the venerable Fried-
laender on account of some expressions of impatience
and disgust sins against the noblest aspirations of
Judaism. ">; Friedlaender labored untiringly for fifty-
five years in the cause of Judaism. Such a man can-
not help making mistakes. The literature on the
"Sendschreiben" was quite extensive. The following
phamphlets appeared in rapid succession: "An
Einige Hausvaeter Juedischer Religion, by a preacher
in Berlin," Beantwortung des an Herrn Probst Teller
erlasseneu Seudschreibeus, nicht von Teller;" "Beant-
wortung des Sendschreibens" by Teller himself;
"Moses and Christus," by a protestant pastor; "Lettre
aux Auteurs Juifs," by J. A. De Luc; "Briefe Bei
Gelegenheit der politisch — theologishen Aufgabe und
des Sendschreibens Juedischer Hausvaeter." though
published anonymously is conceded to ha\'e been
written by Schleiermacher; "Gespraech Ueber Das
Sendschreiben." Beitrag zu den Ueberzeuguugen
einiger Hausvaeter Juedischer Religion, by Dr.
Kochen. (Jena, 1800.)
On March 11, 181 2, was published the famous
edict according to which the Jews were declared
citizens of the Prussian state. The Jews naturally
*Geiger; Wissensch. Zeitscbrift, vol. IX. p. 24S,
ijibideru.
^;6 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Icll liapp)-. Tlicy were anxious to show their grati-
tude and patriotism. When the Corsican Titan, the
heir of the revolution, marched with iron heel over the
writhing bodies of dowaicast Royal Al^solutism, sweep-
ing away the frail cobwebs of Autocratic presumption
and humiliating Prussia in particular, the people rose
iu arms against him, and among the fighters for Ger-
man independence was the flower of the Jewish youth
of the Fatherland. Their blood irrigated the battle-
fields; their graves opened by the side of the tomb
which sheltered the mangled corpses of their Christian
comrades. Had not the King appealed to their
patriotism? They equipped a volunteer regiment at
their own expense and in a letter to Count Von
(xrote, dated January 4, 1815, the Prussian Minister,
Prince Von Hardenberg, says among other things:
"The history of our late war against France has proven
that the Jews have by faithful adherence become
worthy of the state which had made them citizens.
The young men of the Jewish faith have been the com-
rades of their Christian fellow citizens and we have
among them examples of true heroism, of the most
praiseworthy contempt for the dangers of war; and the
Jewish inhabitants, especially the ladies, have vied
with the Christians in sacrifices of all kinds."* Fried-
laender recognizing that the outward emancipation
without the inward reorganization of the Jews would
prove a failure, and be accompanied by the most dire-
ful results, commenced seriously, his untiring work
in the cause of Jewish reform, the more so as the edict
of 1812 w^as the outcome of his indefatigable labors
during thirty years. He published a phamphlet en-
titled "A word at the right time," on the necessary
reformation (umbildung) of the service in the syna-
gogue and the educational system of the Jewg. (Berlin,
181 2.) Although he did not sign his name, everybody
knew that P'riedlaeuder was the author. The follow-
*See my Prinzipien ties Judenthum's, verglichen mit denen
des Christenthum's Leipzig, Baumgaertner, 1S77, p. 60.
DAVID FRIEDLAEN'DRR.
^7
ing passage in this pamphlet was not only the right
word for that time but has not lost its force in our
days, seventy years later: "Concerning the cult every
religious Israelite must say to himself that many
things in the prayers are incompati])le with the wishes
of his heart, and that they are therefore an 'abomina-
tion of the Lord,' as Scripture puts it. Here I stand
before (lod, I pray for my King, for my fellow-citizens,
for myself and mine, not for return to Jerusalem, not
for the restoration of the old Temple and Sacrifices. My
heart has nothing to do with these wishes, their
realization would not make me happy, my mouth shall
not utter them.'' Friedlaender appeals then to all who
value truth and conviction, to unite in creating a
rational divine service in a language intelligible to all.
He further claims that too much time is devoted in
the Jewish elementary schools to the study of Hebrew
at the expense of other more important and more
practicable disciplines. But he most urgently pleads
for the publication of suitable text-books of the Jewish
religion, in accordance with a scientific spirit.* Strange
to .say, notwithstanding the thousand and one text-
books which have been published in the German, Eng-
lish, French and Italian languages since that time, this
desideratum is still a pious wish. Our Sabbath-schools
are still wit4aout a good text-book. It was also Fried-
laender, who pleaded foi a thorough religious instruc-
tion of the girls. At that time he found an ally in his
work in Israel Jacobsohn, of whom more shall be said in
the following chapter. Although Jacobsohn was more
conservative, less thorough and capable than Fried-
lender, they worked harmoniously together on various
occasions. The prayer-book of the Jacobsohn-Temple
and the "Sermons devoted to the edification of educated
Israelites," edited by Friedlaender, >j are the fruits of
this co-operation.
These sermons were not delivered by Friedlaender
*I read a paper on this very subject in the Cleveland Rabbinical
Conference of I S90. (See Conference papers, etc., Cincinnati, 1S91.)
^'Berlin, 1S15, first series.
38 REFORMED JUDAISM.
himself, but by younger men, who often used them as
a basis for their discourses. The following passage of
a sermon on "religion and reason" is not yet antiquated.
Starting with a sentence of the philosopher Ibn Ezra,
' 'reason is the angel which mediates between God and
man," he continues, "Reason and religion can never
contradict each other; religion teaches us our relation
to the creator and our duties toward him, while reason
enables us to discriminate between the good and the
evil, between the true and the false — The contempt of
reason has produced religious cranks on the one side
and scoffers on the other, both because people laid
greater stress upon the letter than upon the spirit. He
who judges the life of the present by the letter of the
scripture, is a dreamer and visionary; he who judges
the letter of the Bible by the measure of his own days,
by the standard of his age, becomes a scoffer. Both
do not enter into the spirit of the Allegorical expression
of the Bible; they do not know how to discriminate.
Therefore the blind believer does an injustice to the
f)resent, while the scoffer wrongs the past."
Alas! Friedlaender's last years were embittered
by the shameful way in which his co-religionists were
duped by the Prussian Government. Kings are slow
to learn the lesson of history, but quick to ^rget their
promises when exacted under the dire necessity of dark
hours. Hardly had the last sound of the musketry
rattled along the lines, hardly had the last cannon peal
died away among the echoes of blood-reeking moun-
tains, when, once more, the Jew was told that to him
the state owed no debt of gratitude and was under no
obligation. The doctrine of the "Imperium in Im-
perio" once more raised its hydra-head, and was pro-
mulgated even by the philosophers' cringing sycophants
who occupied the chairs at the universities.* The
victories of Waterloo and Leipzig completely upset the
feelings of the Germans. The novel sense of power
intoxicated them; their mind lost its poise; romanticism
*Emil G, Hirsch, The basis of reform, a discourse, jSSo, p. 5.
D.W'Il) KKIKDI.AKNDKK. 39
flourished; the violence of the middle ages was mis-
taken for manhood and held up to the emulation of
the present generation. Whatever was not German
was not considered jj^ood; whatever was foreien was
despised, or, at best ignored,* and the Jews were made
to feel the sharp sting of this feverish vanity.
The hints which Friedlaender pointed out in his
pamphlet, entitled "A word at the right time concerning
reforms in the Jewish worship," were most severely
criticised by the orthodox Jews in Berlin, who were at
that time in the majority. The King of Prussia in-
tended to send a "cabinets order ' to Friedlaender,
couched in language by no means amiable, in which
he would have given him to understand his opposition
to reform. Minister Hardenberg, however, prevented
this message. In the meantime Jacob Hertz Beer, the
rich father of the highly talented ^Michael and Mever
Beer, had established in his house a private synagogue
with a service in accord with the plans mapped out in
Friedlaender' s brochure. So did Israel Jacobson, wdio
had moved from Cassel to Berlin. Jacobsohn con-
firmed I his son and delivered German sermons and
oomilies. The following enthusiastic young men:
Isaac Auerbach, Edward Kley, K. F. Guensburg and
Leopold Zunz, officiated as preachers in the Jacobson-
Temple.f But the Prussian Government in its
"parental care" for its Jewish subjects closed this
Synagogue in 18 17. The same fate would have be-
fallen the Beer-Temple, had it not been for the acci-
dent, that the old Synagogue of Berlin had proved too
small for the increasing membership and needed repair-
ing badly, so that the Temple of Beer was used as an
Interim-Synagogue by the congregation. Thus the
"*Deutsch Christlich ist mein Streben, unci wer nicht Deutsche
Roecke traegt ist nicht vaterlaendisch." See niv Principien
(les Judenthunis, 1S77, p. 56. The same causes are at the root of
modern German Antisemitism.
J This was, the first Jewish confirmation in Berlin.
t Isaac Noah Manheimer, later a power in Vienna, was {<dded to
the number of preachers.
40 RRKORMKD JUDAISM.
congregation was compelled to accept the Temple as
it was with its preachers, its German sermons, its
prayers, and scngs, accompanied by the stirring peals
of the organ. Now, while the progressive party and
the rising generation were happy over this state of af-
fairs, the old conservatives, assisted in their opposition
by the Rabbi Meyer Simon Weyl, strongly denounced
this kind of worship. As both parties insisted on
their right, the matter came before a Governmental
Commission. The proposition to have on the Sabbaths
and Holidays first the Hebrew old fashioned service
and then the German prayers, songs and sermons,
which was sustained by the ministers of the Govern-
ment, was also opposed by the intolerant zealots.
They brought their grievance before the narrow-
minded king, who, disregarding the just claims of the
reformers, ordered the private synagogues to be closed,
prohibited the erection of a new Temple and inter-
dicted most severely innovations in the mode of wor-
ship, especially in the language and form of prayers.
(1823.) It ^s claimed by competent authority that
Frtedrich Wilhelm HI was afraid lest a more attrac-
tive mode of worship among the Jews would diminish
the number of Jewish converts to Christianity.
Strange agreement between Jewish fanatics and
Christian bigots. It reminds one of the time when
Jewish zealots requested the Dominicans in France to
burn the writings of Maimonides, which was done at
Paris and Montpellier in 1242. Thus stagnation and
stability were sanctioned, and the police made an end
to a reform movement which had promised so much.
In 1814 Friedlaender was entrusted with the work
of a new edition of Mendelssohn's "Phaedon, " to
which he wrote the introduction. In 18 16 he was re-
quested by the Bishop of Warschau to make to the
government "Propositions concerning the reform of the
Israelites in Poland," which he cheerfully did. These
plans are published with introductory remarks in a
pamphlet, "On the Amelioration of the Israelites in the
Kingdom of Poland. "(Berlin, 1819.) Friedlaender laid
DAVin KRIEDLAEN'DER. 4^
much stress on the discrimination between the Ethical
and Ceremonial laws and said among other things:
Ceremonies and customs are only temporary, capable
of change, demanding abolition as soon as the welfare
of society renders it imperative. When symbols and
religious observances fail to influence the sentiment
and actions of the people, then religion and reason de-
mand that they be publicly declared void of authority.
He then decries in the strongest terms the baneful in-
fluence of Rabbinism in Poland, and treats the Polish
Rabbis without gloves. He describes their ignorance
in all things but the Talmnd, and shows how by means
of their great civil authority, with which they were
vested by the government they hindered the enlighten-
ment of the Polish Jews. So long as their sanction of
reforms is necessary nothing can be expected, as it is
to their interest to shut out every ray of light from
their dominion. They have nothing to do with the
worship in the Synagogue. Twice a year, on the
Sabbath before Passover, (Sabbath Haggadol,) and the
Sabbath before the Day of Atonement. (Shabbath
Shubah,) they deliver a kind of a di.scourse, such as it
is.
These Rabbis do not propose to give moral instruc-
tion and to produce religious elevation, but they display
their art of sophistry and of idle disputations even at
the expense of logic. In fact, the only practicable
labor of those Rabbis is their advice in matters con-
cerning the dietary laws. They are naturally staunch
opponents of every reform, fearing the loss of their
authority. While they are good, moral men, they are
utterly incapable of raising and elevating their co-
religionists in the least to a higher standard. Fried-
laender proposed, as indispensable towards bringing
about better results, the introduction of the language
of the country in the daily conversation; the abolition
of the jurisdiction of the Rabbis and of the Jewish laws
concerning money matters. All those who favor a
modern mode of worship must have the right to
42 REFORMED JUDAISM.
establish it. Good schools, educated teachers and able
preachers would do the rest.
While these publications were a source of joy to
Friedlaender, he was not a little mortified to be com-
pelled to write in defense of his co-religionists against
the literary crusade which was inaugurated against
them from all sides, a subject of which I have spoken be-
fore. Thus appeared his "Open letter" to an old
friend of his. Von Der Recke, ' 'Contribution to the
history of the persecution of the Jews by Literati in
the Nineteenth Century." f As an answer. Prof. Voigt
published a pamphlet, "Open letter to Mr. David
Friedlaender," which is full of mean invectives against
the venerable Septuagenary.
Another fruit of the "reaction" was the "Society
for the promotion of Christianity among the Jews,"
whose appeal was the cause of Friedlaender' s last
work: "To the admirers, friends and disciples of
Jerusalem, Spalding, Teller, Herder, Loeffler, Leipzig,
1823." * Prof. Krug, the philosopher of Leipzig,
wrote the preface to the book. Krug laid bare
the inconsistency of which Protestantism makes itself
guilty by an attempt to convert the Jews. Friedlaender
thought that the "society" would only serve as a spur
and inducement to the Jews to study better their own
religion and to continue the reforms in school and
synagogue, so auspic ously commenced by them. He
said among other things, "ihat again ■;t the theory of
supernaturalism, which bluntly declares the acts
closed, Judaism cannot enter into a struggle, as it is
merely a question of dogma and blind belief with the
supernaturalists; as to the advocates of Rationalism,
they themselves agree with the Jews, that the so-
called Prophecies in the Hebrew Bible contain not the
least allusion to the founder of Christianity. And as
the only disagreement between Rationalists and Jews is
+ Beitrag zur Geschichte der Verfolgunag derjuden im Neunzchn-
ten Jahrhundert, durch Schriftsteller, 1820.
*An die Verehrer, Freunde und Schueler Jerusalem's, u. s. w.
DAVID FRIEDLAENDER. 43
to be found iu the "means" and "method" towards at-
taining happiness, what is the use to quarrel about
forms and ceremonies ? He was sorry to hear, even
from Rationalists, bitter words against Jews and
Judaism. He conceded that Jiidaism too, like other
religious, had its periods of decline. "It is for this
very reason, that the new age is working with might
and main for a restoration; hence the attempt to banish
all abuses which, like the rust, cover the gold of the
eternal truths, from synagogue, school and home."
In spite of old age, Friedlaender's warmest
interest in the cause of Judaism never faltered. When
the "Freischule" was merged in the "Gemeinde-
schule," of Berlin, he was entrusted with the working
out of the plan of instruction. When the "Society for
culture and science of the Jews," (Culturverein, ) was
started by Zunz, Gans, Moser and others, and a
"Magazine for the science of Judaism," (Zeitschrift
fuer die Wissenschaft des Judenthnms, Dr. Zunz,
editor) was published, Friedlaender was one of the
contributors. He published three "Letters on the read-
ing of the sacred scriptures" and a "Translation of the
sixth and seventh chapters of ]\Iicah," where he shows
the relation of religious reforms to the Bible.
Although Friedlaender was strongly denounced
by the Rabbis, he never attacked them personally.
He simply criticised the system of Rabbinism which
was then in opposition to every religious progress. Had
he lived to see the time when Rabbis, headed by
Geiger, have become themselves leaders of the reform
movement, he would doubtless have modified his judg-
ment on Rabbinism.
Thus Friedlaender towers among the great and
noble galaxy of Mendelssohn's disciples and friends as
a bold, courageous reformer, consistent from beginning
to end. He died, December 25, 1834, highly honored
and respected by all who knew him. He died at the
age of eighty-five, two years after the appearance of a
work which marks an epoch in the history of Reform-
41 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Judaism, I mean Zunz's "Moiuimentum aere
perenniiim," "Die Gottesdienstlichen Vortraege der
Juden."* The Jewish congregation of Berlin passed
resohitions, highly appreciative of Friedlaender's works.
Among other things, his zealous labor as elder of the
congregation in the cause of the emancipation of the
Jews in Prussia, his charity, humanity, inflexible
honesty and his literary efforts, are greatly appre-
ciated.
He could lay down his head to rest, fully satisfied
that the future of Judaism was safe as long as men like
Leopold Zunz labored in its cause.
*Liturgical lessons of the Jews (Berlin, 1832.) I do not claim,
that this translation of the title of Zunz's Magnum Opus is
fortunate. Not even the German title conveys an edequate idea of
the work.
CHAPTER III.
ISRAKL JACOBSOHN.
Israel Jacobsohn was born at Halberstadt, October
17, 1768; died at Berlin, September 13, 1828. Al-
though, by no means the equal of David Friedlaender
as a philosopher and scholar, Israel Jacobsohn exerted
a most decisive influence in the direction of Reform
Judaism.
The zeal of the cultivated and educated class of
Israelites during the period of transition, manifested it-
self in two different directions:
First: Emancipation from the bondage of re-
strictive laws against them.
Second: Emancipation from the thralldom of
mediaevalism and Talmudism.
The first aim was easier to accomplish, the more
so, because a great many Jewish men made their mark
in science, art and industry, particularly so in Holland
and France, where they found considerable encourage-
ment from all sides. But not so easy a task was the
internal enfranchisement from the yoke of Talmudical
authority and Rabbinism. Here a struggle became
necessary, a hot and hard fight indeed, which is not
yet ended. The governments in Germany did not
encourage Jewish Reform, knowing too well that it
would stem the tide of apostasy in the ranks of Israel,
and that it would awaken and strengthen the spirit of
progress and liberalism, not only in religion, but in
politics, and thus weaken despotism and monarchical
46 REFORMED JUDAISM.
absolutism. It therefore required great minds and
strong manhood to accomplish this object. A man
possessed of those valuable qualities was Israel Jacob-
sohn, a merchant, not belonging to the literary pro-
fession. He was from his nineteenth year the son-in-
law of the strictly orthodox Rabbi in Braunschweig.
By no means a scientist or scholar, he replaced this
want more or less by his practical talent, his good
common sense, his bold spirit of enterprise and energy,
by a natural versatility in social intercourse, inex-
haustible kindness and self-denial, glowing fantasy,
swift activity, a pleasant imposing and prepossessing
appearance. He read a great deal, studied hard, and
thus became finally a thorough, I might almost say,
American self-made man.
He was of the conviction that the service and mode
of divine worship in the Synagogue of his days was of
a character to displease even the strictest adherents of
the Jewish traditions. He did not like at all the cold,
philosophical naturalism, the negative rationalism and
sovereign criticism characterizing the so-called Jewish
aristocracy of Berlin at that time. He was a true
hearted Jew in the noblest sense of the word. But,
alas ! he lacked scholarship and that deep knowledge
and understanding so necessarv for a successful Re-
form, the right and justification of which even the
most pious could no longer deny.
Therefore he at first began the work with the
youth, the school children; and he lavishly spent his
time and wealth for that purpose. It is superfluous to
mention that he used his influence to alleviate his co-
religionists socially by abolishing a great many restric-
tive laws and statutes. He erected at his owai expense
in 1801 a Boarding School (Bilduugsanstalt) for poor
boys in Seesen (Braunschweig, ) and, what is indeed
remarkable for that time, this institution, which is to-
day considered one of the best in Germany, has never
been sectarian. From the very start Christian pupils
were received, and to-day the school has an attendance
of more than three hundred pupils, half of whom are
ISKAKL JACOHSOHN. 47
Christians. Jacobsohu spent more than 100,000
thalers for this school which is called the ' 'Jacobsohn-
Schule." In 1810, Jnly 17th, he dedicated in the
town of Seesen a Temple, which he had erected at his
own expense. He introduced certain modifications,
innovations or reforms into the service, which was the
first attempt at Synagogical reform in Germany.
He introduced regular weekly sermons in the Ger-
man language, which had not previously been
customary, prayers in the vernacular by the side of
the Hebrew, a choir singing with organ accompaniment,
and a Confirmation as a fitting close of the school
career of the boys and girls. In order to make room
for the sermon, the ritual, encumbered by the weeds of
Synagogical poetry, (mystical Pijutim, ) most of which
was couched in a barbaric language, were abbreviated.
Other measures to correct abuses of long standing
followed, so that little by little the outward appear-
ance of divine worship assumed a more dignified
character. Israel Jacobsohn, always mindful of the
welfare of his co-religionists, transplanted in 1815 the
reforms of worship to Berlin. He erected there at his
own expense a Temple, (Jacobsohu Temple,) and in 18 18
assisted in founding the Temple at Hamburg, which
soon became a leading stronghold of Reform in Ger-
many.
Let me state right here, that it was by no means
an easy task to introduce sermons delivered in the
pure German language into the Synagogue. This re-
form was opposed by all the Rabbis at that time, who
held public lectures twice a year, wherein they, for
the benefit of the learned, explained some difficult
passages of the Talmud, and then for the general
public gave expositions of some Haggada. t They
spoke the language of the Ghetto, "Juedisch Deutsch,"
and considered the use of the pure German as a profana-
tion. I am of the opinion that they would not have
i "Haggada" comprises the ethics and poetry of the Talmud.
48 REFORMED JUDAISM. ,
opposed it, if they themselves had been able to deliver
sermons in a correct langnage. We have analogies in
this country, where, although at least three-quarters
of the Jewish population were born in Germany, or in
countries where German is spoken, Jewish preachers
can be found strongly opposing German lectures. But
strange as it ma}' seem, it is a fact, that not one of the
opponents of German is able to deliver an acceptable
German lecture. There are no less than eight
hundred German Christian preachers in this country,
in whose churches no other word than German is heard
either in prayer and song, or in sermon and lecture.
Are they therefore not good American citizens ? From
the moment we oppose the use of the German language
in the Synagogue on the ground, that it is not the
language of the country, we are bound to take the next
step and abolish the Hebrew language also; not only
on this ground, but on another more important one,
that the majority of all the Jewish worshippers and at-
tendants of divine service throughout the United
States do not understand, yes, I accentuate this
sentence, do not understand the Hebrew prayers, no
matter to which congregation they may belong,
whether Portuguese, English, Orthodox, Reform or
Polish.
In every congregation of this vast country there
are, with the exception of a very few Portuguese-Eng-
lish congregations, more worshippers who do not
understand Hebrew than who do not understand Ger-
man. The German language is especially important
for Reform Judaism, because Jewish Reform originated
in Germany; all its great men were and are Germans;
the vast literature on the subject is German, and even
in this country the leaders are born Germans. It is a
notable fact, however, that a praiseworthy reaction is
setting in, in this respect, in America, inasmuch as
German sermons are still required in most of the
congregations and the most favored preachers are those,
who are able to preach in both the English and Ger-
man languages.
ISRAEL JACOBSOHN. 49
In this connection it deserves to be mentioned,
that the first German sermons were written by Moses
Mendelssohn, two on fhe occasion of the battles at
Rossbach and Lenthen, one in celebration of the peace
of Hnbertsbnrg. The first ones were delivered by the
chief Rabbi Aaron Moses in the Synagogne of Berlin.
German sermons were a horror in the eyes of the
majority of the Jews at tliat time, and were looked
upon as a sinfnl innovation, and almost as a desecra-
tion. The first German Jewi.sh preacher was Joseph
Wolf in Dessau, a di.sciple and admirer of ^Mendelssohn.
In 1806 he founded, in company with David Fraenkel, .
the German monthly "Sulamith." In 1808 he de-
livered his first German sermon in compliance with the
wish of the Jewish Congregation of Dessau on the oc-
ca.sion of the Fiftieth Jubilee of the Count Leopold of
Dessau. The embarrassed man became sick on ac-
count of the great excitement, but his sermon de-
livered in the presence of the Count, the officials of
the government, of the city, and of a large assembly of
Christians and Jews proved a success; so much so, that
the congregation engitged him to preach on importaut
Sabbath- and Holidays and actually paid him one and a
half thaler, a little over a dollar, for each sermon.
Later he was appointed as preacher and secretary of
the Congregation, with a fixed salary of ten thaler, (not
quite eight dollars, ) monthly. And the good man
gave the full value for the money received. These
first six sermons, translated into Hebrew, were in 181 2
published at Dessau.
The first sermon delivered on the feast of weeks
contains no less than twenty-seven printed pages.
Our American Jewish Congregations pay larger salaries
to their Rabbis, and are fully satisfied with a sermon
which takes twenty minutes to deliver.
Jacobsohn delivered a sermon in honor of the dedi-
cation of his School and Temple at Seesen in 18 10.
He adopted the costume of a Protestant pastor and all
the bells of the town were ringing during the ceremony.
His sermon elicited great applause; and a Princess of
50 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Brunswick, a sister of Count Karl Ferdinand surprised
him with a wreath of oak, wound by herself, and a
highly flattering poem which was recited by the
daughter of a Protestant minister.
Like Friedlaender, Jacobsohn was convinced, that
only the rising generation was susceptible for the
better. He said in this sermon among other things:
"Nur aus einem anfangenden und aufbluehenden,
nicht aus einem verbluehten Menschenalter kann eine
dauernde Umwaelzung des Geistes hervorgehen. ' ' *
Israel Jacobsohn' s reforms implied a revolution in
Jihe character of Jewish worship. The purely de-
votional element acquired a prominence which was
never before heard of. The very word employed to
designate the purpose of Temple service. "Erbauung,"
(edification,) was something strange to the vocabulary
of the Jews. Thus Jacobsohn became an important
factor in the history of Reform Judaism. He ac-
complished much by correcting the abuses which had
been allowed to grow np unrestrained in the glooms-
period of mediaeval persecution. He won back to
Judaism those whose affections had been estranged by
the barbarous form in which it appeared.
Israel Jacobsohn was a man of wonderful energy,
restless activity and a great flow of language. With
his natural eloquence he now touched his audience to
tears, and now moved them to the highest pitch of
enthusiasm. Had his knowledge kept pace with his
fertile imagination, he would have become a great
preacher.
The Jews of Braunschweig, Lueneburg and Baden
are indebted to him and to Wolf Breidenbach for the
abolition of the disgraceful "LeibzoU," a tax exacted
from their bodies which placed them on an equal foot-
ing with animals. (April 23, 1803.) In a letter to
*"A lasting spiritual revolution can arise only from a blooming,
and not from a decaying generation." (Sermon delivered at the
dedication of the Jacobsohn-Temple at Seesen, July 17, 1810, See
Sulamith" III, I, 303).
ISRAEL JACOBSOHN. 5 1
Napoleon, Israel Jacobsohii proposed the appointment
of a council for the Jews in Europe with a Patriarch at
its head. Romantic as this idea appeared, it perhaps
influenced Napoleon to convoke the Sanhedrin at
Paris. The great Corsican convened in 1806, a
Parliament of Jewish Notables at Paris, in order
definitely to settle the relation of the French Israelites
to the state. Soon after an imperial decree convoked
the Grand Sanhedrin for the purpose of ratifying the
decisions of the Notables.
The glories of Jerusalem of old were to be renewed
in the modern Babylon on the Seine. On February 9,
1807, the Sanhedrin met in the Hotel de Ville. Great
care was taken to invest its sittings with all the pomp,
solemnity and outward show so necessary .for a per-
formance utterly devoid of truth, sincerity and inmost
conviction. The seats of the members were arranged
in crescent shape about the platform of the presiding
officers, as had been customary at Jerusalem. The
president was saluted with the title of Nassi (Prince)
as in olden times. The ancient titles and forms were
copied with scrupulous exactness. The first meeting
took place on a Sabbath and most of the members came
ostentatiously in carriages and did not abstain from
writing on that day. This, as was the whole proceed-
ing, was done to please Napoleon. The servility mani-
fested in the speeches was disgusting in the extreme.
Bonaparte was simply deified. Twelve questions
were laid before the Sanhedrin, and the answers were
nothing but shrewd evasions or downright falsehoods.
Especially must this be said of the affirmative reply to
the question : Is a divorce according to the F'rench
law valid without a religious divorce ?
The answer to the question, whether Judaism per-
mitted inter-marriage between Jews and Christians,
was a tissue of untruth and hypocrisy. Just think of a
gathering of no Jews in 1807, two-thirds of them
Rabbis, encouraging intermarriage of Jews and
Christians. For this is just what the declaration
amounted to. They declared that only marriages be-
52 RKVORMKD JUDAISM.
tweeii Jews and idolaters were forbidden, that the
European nations, (Christians and Mohammedans)
were not regarded as idolaters, not even by the
Talmudists. Hence, there can be no prohibition against
intermarriage from the standpoint of the Talmud.
Nevertheless, they (the Rabbis) could not solemize
such a marriage on account of the ceremony on such
occasions. But this would not matter much, as the
civil marriage is valid any way, because the state
recognizes its validity. Even the Rabbis cannot help
recognizing a Jew or a Jewess, who has married a
Christian, as full members of Judaism in every respect.
I ask every unbiased reader, whether such an answer
is worthy of a Jewish representative body ? No
wonder, that although the opening of the Sanhedrin
attracted universal attention in Europe, its proceedings
were void of interest and beneficial results. Parturiunt
nioutes, nascitur ridiculus mus. — David Friedlaender
and his friends were right in calling the Sanhedrin a
''farcical show,', given by Napoleon to his sensation-
loving Parisians.* Dr. Geiger in his "Allgemeine
Einleitung in die Wissenschaft des Judenthums,"
(General introduction into the science of Judaism,)
speaking of the vSanhedrin says:
"The whole thing was a great lie, at least a show,
the questions were prematnre, the answers merely
.shrewd serpentine curves altogether without conse-
quences, "f
"The only fruit of the great .show in Paris was the
creation of a new constitution for the French Synagogue,
elaborated by the joint efforts of the Imperial Com-
missioners and the Notables. The form of govern-
ment adopted was moulded on the pattern of the
secular power, tinged with a semblance of Catholic
hierarchy.
*David Friedlaender: Ueber d. Verbesserung der Israelitea in
Koenigreiche Polen, introduction, p. 32.
tNachegelassene S'chriften, volume II, Berlin, 1875, Louis
Gerschel, p. 239.
ISRAEL JACOBSOHN. 53
A system of consistories was oro^aiiized throut;;hoiit
France, culminating in a Central consistory at Paris
with a (jfand Rabbi at the head, who appears in the
Synagogue — in the attire of a Catholic Bishop.
This Central consistory watched over the consis-
tories, Rabbis, Synagogues and Congregations. They
in turn were to form a sort of police for the individual
Jews who watched and saw that the resolutions of the
Sanhedrin were carried out, that the practice of usury
was prohibited, and furnished to the French govern-
ment every year the number of Jewish young men, old
enough to do military service. What a disgrace for
the Rabbis to play the part of spies and detectives, and
what an insult to the young Frenchmen of Jewish
persuasion, even to insinuate their intention of evad-
ing their patriotic duty of serving their country, and
to suspect them of cowardice. The introduction into
Judaism of a species of graded hierarchy dependent upon
temporal rulers for its support was, as could
not have been otherwise expected, fraught in
its wake with consequences fruitful of evil re-
sults. If it is true that the supremacy of the
church over the state has proven since times im-
memorial the disturbing element of the peace of nations
and has endangered the very existence of governments,
it is equally certain that no religion can long continue
to maintain its purity when the church becomes the
subservient vassal of the state. Hypocrisy and
servility flourish, liberty of conscience is curtailed, and
a .spirit of petty, base time-serving eventually prepares
the dawnfall of institutions whose perfect safety is con-
sistent only with perfect freedom.
The French Synagogue with its consistorial
system presents .a case in point. During the past
eight}- years, just in that period, when a refreshing and
quickening spirit enlivened Judaism in Germany, it
has stagnated. No single ray lights up its dreary
record, no single luminous thought, no single whole-
souled effort to appropriate the larger truth of our pro-
gressive age dignifies its annals. Hence, the majority
54 REFORMED JUDAISM.
of the Jews in Paris are atheistic the whole year, but
strictly orthodox on Rosh Hashana and Yomkippur.
As a rnle the French Jewish press make a great ado over
the fact that the Rothschilds and other millionaires and
dignitaries of the army, attired in their military snits,
their breasts decorated with medals and crosses, have
paid a visit to Jehovah once a year.* The young
generation is worldly and estranged from Judaism. The
following extract from a letter of the famous Parisian
banker, L,. R. Bischoffsheim, to Dr. Abraham Geiger,
dated September 7, 1872, fully corroborates the above:
"I have been for a long time a faithful reader of your
periodical and am in full accord and sympathy with
the views you express on the mission and future of
Judaism. It however, seems to me, that the time has
arrived, when the word should become action.
The majority of the forty thousand Jews of Paris
have severed almost every link connecting them with
Judaism ritually, so that virtually they are Jews in
name only. Many of the best and wealthiest families
attend no more the Synagogue — very likely, becanse
the service is too orthodox for them, and what is still
worse, permit their daughters to marry Christians.
And while these daughters do not embrace Christianity,
which means here Catholicism, their children are with
but few exceptions, raised as Catholics. The education
of the children, so far as religion is concerned, is al-
most zero, and when religious instruction is given, it is
in such glaring contradiction to the life and practice of
their parents at home, that the inconsistency cannot
remain hidden from the sight of the children. ' ' f
*If Isaiah would live to-day, he would tell such gentry: "When
you come to be seen by me who asks this of j'our hands, who cares
for it, whether you enter my courts? Cease' to offer unto me an
offering of falsehood and hypocrisy, it is an incense of abomination
unto me "(Isaiah, chapter I.) Your new moons and holidays are
hateful unto me, I am tired of them. And though ye may fold your
hands in prayer, I turn away my eyes from you, and no matter
how nmch you pray, I do not listen to you." (Ibidem.)
tGeiger, Nachgelassene Schriften, vol. V, p. 345-46, and my
Abraham Geiger als Reformator des Judenthums Loebau, 1879, p.
147-148.
ISRAEL JACOBSOHN. 55
In the science and literatnre of Judaism, P'rench
Judaism is an unknown quantity. Whatever has been
done in this respect was done by German scholars
there, by Frank I)ern])urg, Darmstaedter, Munk and
others.
If Paris offers such a sad spectacle, what can be
expected of the small congregations in the interior ?
In the history of the Jewish Reform movement France
merits no mention. The same, if not a worse state of
aflfairs, we find in F^ngland where, under the sway of
a fanatic Chief Rabbi every attempt towards a pro-
gressive development of Judaism in Great Britain and
the Dominions was and still is most relentlessly stifled
and checked. Germany and America, * offer the only
oasis in the desert.
After this necessary digression let us return to
Jacobsohn.
After the humiliation of Prussia, Napoleon created
the "Kingdom of Westphalia" under his brother
Jerome, who, in an edict of January 12, 1808, declared
all the Jews of the kingdom without exception,
citizens and the equals of his Christian subjects. He
abolished the so-called Jew-tax, and granted to foreign
Jews the right to settle in his land under the privileges
enjoyed by Christians. The capital of the Kingdom
of Westphalia was Cassel.
King Hieronymus (Jerome) made Israel Jacobsohn
his "Geheimen Finanzrath" (Secret counsellor of
finances. ) Jacobsohn had held the same position under
Count Karl Ferdinand. In memory of the day of
emancipation of the Jews of the Kingdom of Westphalia,
Jacobsohn ordered a golden medal to be made emblema-
tical of the Union of the tw^o so long hostile creeds
upon which the following words were coined in Latin:
"To God and the Fatherly King united in the
Kingdom of Westphalia. ^^j^
*American Retorm Judaism is nothing original, but the offspring
of German Reform.
t The work was done by a Jewish artist, named Abramson, of
Berlin. See Spieker: 'The position of the Jews in Germany,"
page 287.
56 REF'ORMED JUDAISM.
Jacobsohn urged the King to convoke twenty-two
notables at Cassel and to organize the Jews of West-
phalia after the manner of those in France, which was
done. Jacobsohn was elected President of the Com-
mission and entrusted with the working out of a plan
for a Jewish consistory in the Kingdom of West-
phalia. The seat of the consistory was Cassel, Jacob-
sohn its President, while Loeb Meyer Berliner, the old
Rabbi of Cassel, later Grand Rabbi of Westphalia,
Mendel Steinhardt, Simon Kalker, and the two lay-
men David F'raenkel of Dessau and Jerome Heine-
mann were members of the consistory.
While the consistory in France has done next to
nothing for the cause of a progressive development of
Judaism, the consistory of Westphalia, inspired by the
ever active and energetic Israel Jacobsohn, has better
understood and practically carried out its mission. It
has accomplished much in giving indirectly to the
Jews of Germany a service in the Synagogue more in
keeping with the wants of the nineteenth century, al-
though what was called "Reform" then, is considered
almost orthodox to-day; at least in this free progressive
country of ours. Graetz himself, who treats Jacobsohn
no better than he does Friedlaender, and who in-
sinuates, that whatever Jacobsohn has done was
actuated by the motive of vanity, conceit, and a desire
for notoriety, is compelled to make the following con-
cessions :
" Jacobsohn' s impetuosity was necessary, in order
to do away successfully with the rubbish and trash,
which had accumulated in such gigantic proportions,
especially in the smaller congregations. It would have
been of no avail to handle it with delicate fingers. *
Among other things the Rabbis had to preach in
German, and to perform the ceremony of Confirmation
of the young.
This ceremony took its origin in the Jacobsohn-
school of Seesen, and Jacobsohn was one of the first, if
* Graetz: Geschichte der Juden. XI, p. 310.
ISRAEL JACOBSOHN. 57
not the first, to confirm his son in 1814 or 1815 in
Jacobsohn's Betsaal, (private Synagogue) in Berlin.
This ceremony is one of the institutions introduced
by the Reformers, which, in spite ot great and kmg op-
position, has strongly seized upon the popular heart
and is to-day, at least in America, generally accepted
even by the orthodox Jews.
This reform is the best refutation of the frequent
reproaches against the Reformers, that they destroy
and abolish without creating anew. Indeed it is only
fit and proper at the age when children's character
begins to assume definite outlines, when reason unfolds
and temptations of life approach nearer, that we utilize
the impressiveness of a great public gathering, the
sympathetic presence of parents and friends and the
earnest monitions of a wise and reverend teacher, in
order to confirm them in the virtuous endeavor to
strive after moral perfection and assist them to the best
of their ability in building the kingdom of righteous-
ness. The Confirmation /^r se is not a theatrical show,
as Graetz and others style it, as long as it is not made
so by the folly of some parents who outvie each other
in exhibiting their daughters laden with jewelry, in an
attire more adapted for the ballroom than for the house
of worship. x\nother great mistake is made by ignorant
preachers, who, in imitation of the Catholic or
Episcopalian Confirmation, exact formal vows, some-
times even in the form of an oath, from children at the
age of thirteen years, who cannot reasonably be ex-
pected to answer for their convictions fifteen or thirty
years later. The great desideratum in this respect is that
the Confirmation should take place at the age from
fifteen to seventeen years when the confirmants are
better able to comprehend the fundamental questions
of religion.
David Friedlaender was a great assistance to Jacob-
sohn as an adviser, but Jacobsohn himself had to be
very careful about reforms, as King Jerome like all
sovereigns sided with orthodoxy.
58 REFORMED JUDAISM.
One day he reproached Jacobsohn on account of
his "Sectirerei" without giving him a chance for ex-
planation. *
The closing by the Prussian Government of his
Temple was a terrible blow for the good man and
enthusiastic Jew. Dr. Herzfeld, Land Rabbi of
Braunschweig, says this on this deplorable subject:
''The Temple in Berlin was closed, the "pious
ones" (die Frommen) did not rest with their calumnies
in honor of God. This not only broke the heart of the
noble Jacobsohn, but drove hosts of Jews out of the
pale of Judaism, so that the Rabbi of Berlin on his
death-bed said: "I wish this had never happened. It
is far better to proclaim Shma Jissrael in German than
not to recite it at all." f It goes without saying that
Jacobsohn might have lived longer, had his hope in
this regard not been so mercilessly blasted.
Jost, a personal friend of Jacobsohn, said of him :
,,He breathed new life into the form of the dead; with-
out language he acquired the gift of oratory; without
music he created melodies conducive of devotion. ' ' I
The centennial of Jacobsohn' s birthday was
solemnly celebrated in the Temples of Berlin, Halber-
stadt, Braunschweig, and especially in Seesen where
the director of the Jacobsohn school. Dr. Arnheim de-
livered a touching eulogy of which we excerpt the fol-
lowing passage:
' 'Jacobsohn never wavered, never was despondent,
though his eye conld not behold the fruits of his
labor. The belief in God furnished him with the be-
lief in himself, and he felt himself amply rewarded that
he was permitted to see the dawn of the coming day,
to direct his eyes from the top of the mountain to the
promised land. He knew no difference of person. The
needy man stood near to him, no matter what his
. . -i-\
*Jost: Das Tudenthum und seine Sek'ten, III, p. 326, note.
t Herzfeld: sermon on the religious Reform delivered in Nord-
hausen, September 13, 1845. (Nordhausen, 1845.)
* Jost: Israelitische Annalen, 1839, p. 235.
ISRAEL JACOBSOHN. 59
social standing. He preferred to practice charity in
secret, hidden from the eyes of man, but whenever his
example would induce others to emulation, he did not
shun publicity. Small and mean people only cannot
appreciate, in their narrowmindedness, true goodness."
Followino; are the names of those who were
present as delegates at the celebration in Seesen:
Professor Dr. Steinthal, representing the Jewish con-
gregation of Berlin; Dr. Ehrenberg, representing the
Samson School in Wolfeubue;tel; Dr. Baerwald, repre-
senting the Congregation and Philanthropin School in
Frankfort on the Main; Rector Horwitz, representing
the Boys' School in Berlin, and Assessor Kruse of
Gandersheim, representing the S tate of Braunschweig.
The five sons of Jacobsohn sent in memory of the day
500 Thaler to the Jewish Congregations of Berlin,
Halberstadt and Braunschweig, to be distributed among
the poor irrespective of creed. Services in honor of the
centenary of Jacobsohn' s birth were held by Grand
Rabbi, Dr. L. Herzfeld in Braunschweig, and by Dr.
Joseph Aub, Rabbi of Berlin. The latter said on that
occasion, that the most fitting way for the Jews of
Berlin to honor Jacobsohn, would be the establishment
in Berlin of an institution for the education of
Rabbis, who favor progress and Reform in Juda-
ism. Such an institution was opened in Berlin,
May 6, 1872, under the name of "Hochschule fuer die
Wissenschaft des Judenthums," * in which Dr. Geiger
was the leading spirit. Dr. Immanuel Loew, Rabbi
in vSzegedin, the author of this book, and Professor
Felix Adler, New York, were the first three students,
matriculated in May, 1872, in this seat of learning.
Jacobsohn died in Berlin, September 13, 1828.
* The institution was foundefl by Prof. M. Lazarus and other
generous Jews. Since May 7th, 1SS3, the name of "Hochschule" had
to be changed to '•Lehranstalt" (institution of learning.)
CHAPTER IV.
ARON CHORIN.
Born iu Weisskirchen, Maehren, August 3, 1766,
died on the 27th of August, 1844, in Arad, Hungary.
Chorin as a pioneer of Reform-Judaism deserves
greater consideration than the men, of whom I have so
far spoken, from the fact that he was the first Rabbi,
who, more than half a century ago, in his capacity
of Rabbi, was in favor of Reform. For a Rabbi to do
so in those days demanded not a little courage.
Friedlaender and Jacobsohn were wealthy and
independent merchants. Chorin, however, was a poor
man, with a large family dependent on his small
salary.
As I do not suppose that Aron Chorin is so well
known as the other pioneers of Reform-Judaism, from
the fact, that he had not the good fortune to live and
labor in Germany, where his work would have been
better appreciated, I will begin at the end and intro-
duce this fearless champion of Reform with an extract
from one of the four funeral sermons delivered at his
burial. In these words, spoken by Rabbi Daniel
Pillitz, of Szegedin, we find verified the maxim of the
Talmud. "The way that a man is spoken of after
death is the best criterion of his life." I It is as
follows:
"Chorin taught as he believed and acted as he
taught. While his teachings were ahead of his
generation and his contemporaries were not ripe for
i "Mehesspado shel .\dam Nikkar Shaboo Adam Japhai."
ARON CHORIN. 6l
his doctrines, he had the courage to stand for his con-
victions, to fight for them at a time, when he stood yet
entirely alone and in opposition to a world which was
bitterly opposed .to him. He was not afraid of the
diflficuit struggle; he came forward and manfully en-
dured the hot day's work."
The ''Markgrafschaft (Earldom) of Maehren
(Moravia)" small though it is, has contributed largely
to the history of modern Judaism. Some of the most
celebrated Rabbis, authors, and preachers of Europe
were born, or have labored in Maehren. Jonathan
Eibeschuetz was born in Eibeschuetz, Maehren, where
his father, Nathan Natia, was Rabbi. Rabbi Elieser
Trietsch (a town in Maehren) was considered a great
authority.*
The most renowned Jeshibahs (Rabbinical schools)
of the last and even of this century were located in
Leipnik, Nickolsburg and Boskowitz. In the first
mentioned town, where the author of this book was
born, men like Rabbi Baruch Fraenkel, called "Baruch
Taam" on account of his work bearing this name, had
sometimes as many as two hundred disciples,
("Bachurim,") f ranging from the age of fifteen to
forty years. After his death men like Rabbi Shlome
Quetsch and Rabbi Moses Bloch, shed lustre upon
Judaism. Rabbi Moses Bloch, my teacher, is Professor
of Talmudic and Rabbinical disciplines, also President
of the "Landes-Rabbiner-Anstalt" (Rabbinical Semi-
nary )in Budapesth, the capital of Hungary, and
author of several important works on Rabbinical lit-
erature. Mordechai Bcnet (Marcus Benedict), whose
name will be mentioned in connection with the sub-
ject of this biography, was Chief Rabbi of Maehren and
had a large Jeshibah in Nickolsburg. He and three
others, Akiba Eger ( Posen), Jacob Lissa and Moses Szofer
♦See his decision on the Hamburg Prayer-book, of which I
speak later on.
f'Bachur," the singular form of "Bachurim" means "young
man." It is however used to designate "young students of the
Talmud in a Jesbiba." (Talmudical school. )
62 REFORMED JUDAISM.
(Pressburj^). succeeded in gathering around them a large
numberof "Bachurini," atatime when the Jeshibahs in
Germany (Fuerth) Frankfurt A. M., Halberstadt,
Altona- Hamburg, Metz and others), were dying of inani-
tion. Samson Raphael Hirsch, the leader of modern
orthodoxy, the originator of the school., which Leopold
Loew so fittingly characterized as the ''New-orthodox
romantic," was also Chief-Rabbi of Maehren. But it
must be stated, that he did not feel at home among the
great Talmudists of Nickolsburg, because he could not
cope with them as an equal in Rabbinical lore. Aside
from this all these Moravian "Lamdonini" (Scholars)
were, notwithstanding their piety and zeal for the
preservation of Judaism, not at all pleased with that
small, petty orthodoxy which makes a fetich of the
"Schulchan Aruch," and whose only knowledge of
Judaism consists in knowing by heart the "Beerheteb,"
(a compendium of Jewish ceremonies.) For an
orthodoxy of the Hirsch-Lehman-Hildesheimer stamp
Maehren was already too far advanced sixty years ago.
Hirsch therefore preferred to accept the call tendered
him by the then very small Congregation in Frankfurt
on the Main, * where he hoped to, and in fact, did find
the proper field for his ultra-orthodox notions. That
he accepted this call is the best proof of our statement
concerning Maehren. Of prominent men in modern
Jewish history as authors, preachers and reformers I
will only mention a few:
Dr. Leopold Schwab, Rabbi of Prossnitz, Maehren,
later Chief- Rabbi of Pesth; Rabbi Fassel, of Prossnitz,
later Rabbi of Gross-Kanissa, • Hungary, a great
scholar, profound Talmudist, an important writer on
Jewish law and a reformer; Professor Dr. Moritz
Steinschneider, of Prossnitz, one of the greatest Jewish
bibliographers living; Dr. Leopold Loew, Rabbi
of Papa and Szegedin, justly called "The Hungarian
Geiger, " one of the greatest and most interesting
*The congregation consisted then of only eleven members. It
must, however, be borne in mind, that one of the Rothschilds and
other very wealthy men were among, the number.
ARON CHORIX. 63
Rabbis of this century, and very prolific as an
author of Jewish literature, especialh- on archaeology.
In this connection I must mention another Moravian
who was very little appreciated in his life-time and
who deserves an honorable page in the history of Re-
form-Judaism. I mean Moses Brueck. * He was
born in 1812 in Prerau, Maehren, one mile from
Leipnik, studied in Prague, traveled through Germany
and emigrated to Hungary. In 1848, he took part in
the Jewish Reform movement at Gross-Becskerek, He
died in 1849, as an officer of the Hungarian army, and
was buried with military honors in the Jewish cemetery
at Hold-Mezo Basarhely. He was radical in his Reform
ideas, and published the following works: "Rabbiuishe
Ceremonialgebraeuche,'' "Pharisaeishe Volkssitten"
and "Reform of Judaism," in one hundred theses, com-
mented on and explained. He says on page 76: "This
book was commenced and completed in one month,
but contains the material collected in twenty years."
He says more in one page than a great many others
say in fifty pages.
These one hundred theses deserve more than
passing notice. An appeal to the Jews precedes them,
of which we excerpt the following:
Reform is the motto of the glorious year 1848.
For eighteen hundred years the better class of Lsrael
demanded Reform from their Rabbis, but we see still
the same Babylonian monster. The masses of the
people were therefore compelled to do this work them-
selves, and the consequence is that Judaism is reduced
to the attendance of the Synagogue once a year. * *
* * * Now is the most favorable moment for a
thorough Reform in Judaism; the better class of Jews
favor a conciliation of religion with the demands of
life. Do not wait for the results of some Rabbinical
Synod, from which at best, some insignificant con-
cessions but no salvation can be expected. Manifest
your will, and the yoke which for two thousand years
* See my article in the '•American Israelite," August, 1889.
64 REFORMED JUDAISM.
almost oppressed us with its burden, the fetters which
were forged in the centuries of spiritual slavery will fall.
The sanctuary of Israel, which was laid in a grave as
a mummy, will resurrect; the domestic and public wor-
ship, now dead, will again be revived. They all will
awake, who by fanaticism were intimidated in their
struggle for light and truth; they all will awake, who
so far have fought in vain for the right of Israel, and
in legions our brethren will rally around the unfurled
banner of religious Reform, and the sound will be
heard: Israel is redeemed.
Of the one hundred interesting theses I mention
the following most striking ones:
7. All prayers, with the exception of the Shma,
are recited in the vernacular.
9. Male worshippers have to uncover their heads.
12. The reading of the Thora can take place out
of a neatly-bound Bible.
13. After the reading in Hebrew follows the
reading and explanation in the vernacular.
14. Nobody is called to the Sefer Thora.
15. Three years' cycle and no Haphtarah.
29. The Kaddish prayer is abolished, memorial
services (haskarath neshamoth) being sufficient.
22. On New Year, during the Mussaph prayer,
cornets are blown, and the blowing of the Shofar is
dispensed with also after the Neila prayer on the day
of Atonement.
26. The Lulab on Succoth is done away with.
39. The week begins with Monday, and the
weekly day of rest is celebrated on Sunday.
The dietary laws are abolished (51-59-)
60. Only on the eve of Passover the eating of un-
leavened bread is required.
Very elaborate explanations concerning the justifi-
cation of those radical reforms are given.
See Fuerst's favorable criticism in the Allgemeine
ARON CHOKIN. 65
Zeitung des Judentluinfs 1837, I, page 324, and
Geiger\s Wiss. Ztsch, III, 426."
The recognized authority on Cabbalah and Jewish
religious philosophy, the pioneer and pathfinder in the
field of Modern Jewish Homiletics, the great master in
the treatment of the Talmud and Midrash in the pulpit,
the eloquent orator, in short, the man who justly en-
joys the reputation of being the best Jewish preacher
in the German tongue, namely, Dr. Adolf Jellinek, in
Wien, was born in Ungarisch-Brod, Maehren. The
philosopher and physician. Dr. Gideon Brecher, hails
from Prossnitz. Rabbi Bruell, who published a
splendid book on the Talmud, scientific and critical,
hails from Kojetein. So do his sons; Dr. Xehemias
Briiell, the successor of Dr. Geiger in Frankfurt on the
Main. He was editor of the "Juedische Jahrbuecher,"
devoted to Jewish history and literature, and one of
the very few honest Rabbis and outspoken Reformers
in Germany. + His brother, Dr. Adolph Bruell, editor
of the "Wissenschaftliche Monatsblaetter," is well
versed in oriental, especially Samaritan, literature; the
late Rabbi, Dr. Ph. Frankel, an eminent scholar and
writer, preacher in Berlin; Leopold Dukes, Dr. David
Kauffman, an able writer on Jewish philosophy in the
middle ages and Professor of the Rabbinical Seminary
in Buda Pesth; Professor Wolf, the Historian, Vienna;
Dr. Porges, Rabbi of Leipzig; Dr. Gustav Karpeles,
the well known author, and a great galaxy of able
younger scholars, writers, physicians and lawyers,
especially in Vienna, they all hail from the little Earl-
dom of ^Nlaehren.
Aron Chorin was born in Weisskirchen, about a
mile distant from Leipnik, so that I have the right,
and I feel proud of this privilege, to call him almost
my townsman. His father, Kalman, though making
a scanty living only, saved no expense to secure the
i He (lied February 5, 1S91. See my obituary of Bruell in the
"Reform A(lvocale,"of March 20, 1891, also Dr. E;mil Ilirsch's edi-
torial in tile s.TUie number.
66 REFORMED JUDAISM.
best teachers of the small place for his son Aron. Ac-
cording to the cnstom of those days, Talmud, Thora,
Rashi and some Hebrew Grammar, taught in the
most unscientific manner, composed the curriculum.
In 1780 the parents of Chorin moved to Deutsch-
Kreuz, Hungary. But as the opportunities for the study
of the Talmud in that place were limited, the boy,
then fourteen years old, was sent to the neighboring
town of Mattersdorf, where a "Jeshiba" was flourish-
ing under the supervision of Rabbi Jeremias, a Talmu-
dist of great renown, who was honored with the title
"Gaon." § During the two years of his sojourn in
Mattersdorf, the boy studied so faithfully and zealously,
that he was able to prepare himself, without the assist-
ance of a teacher, for the Talmudical lectures of the
great Rabbi, Ezechiel Landau, of Prague, whither in
1782 our ambitious Aron had directed his steps. In
the classical capital of Bohemia he first commenced to
study Hebrew Grammar and German. It is claimed
that he lived in Prague in a family suspected of
Sabbataism, 1| and that there is to be traced the
germ of his reform atorv ideas. After three year's
sojourn in Prague, Aron, then nineteen years old, went
home in ordes to marry, (1785.) According to the
rules of Orthodox Judaism, a man ought to marry at
the age of eighteen years. That modern orthodoxy
sets aside this law is one of its inconsistencies. The
name of Chorin' s wife was Rebecca and this marriage
was blessed with seven children, three sons and four
daughters. Chorin embarked in business, but, like the
true scholar he could not make a success of it, because
he was not designed to be a business man. He accepted
the call extended to him by the Congregation of Arad.
So we meet him as Rabbi in Arad, where he went in
^ Literally "pride," but in this connection a title for exceptional
scholarship in Rabbinical lore.
II Sabbathai Zebi, (born 1625, died 1677,) a Kabbalist who
claimed in 1655 at Jerusalem, to be a Messia. He adopted in
Abrianopel, in 1665, Islamism and died in 1677. He was the founder
of the great sect of the Sabbathians.
A RON CHORIN. 67
the Spring of 1789, the year of the French revohition.
His salary \vas fonr Rhenish Gnlden a week, free
rent and the customary perquisites, but in the months
of Nissan, Sivan and Tishri the salary was doubled.
A vear later his salary was raised to five Gulden
weekly. I mention this fact without fear that the
American Jewish Congregations of 1892 will try to fix
the salaries of their Rabbis according to the standard
of Hungary, one hundred years ago. But small as
Chorines Congregation was, they felt so proud of its spirit-
ual guide, that they were willing to keep a "Jeshibah"
for him, which meant quite a sacrifice for a small
Congregation, where the burden of supporting the
students naturally fell upon a few members. It was
the rule, that the ''Bachurim," (students) took their
meal.s in the houses of the wealthier members of the
Congregation. The poorer classes had a "Bachur"
for the Sabbath, once every month or six weeks.
Chorin was painstaking both as a teacher of "Bachurim"
and in his own studies. The Talmud, Bible, Hebrew
Grammar, the Philosophers of the middle ages, Sohar
and Midrash engaged his special attention. He was
an eloquent preacher (Maggid) and won soon golden
opinions, not only from his own Congregation, but
from the Jewish merchants, who came to Arad on
business. His teachers, R. Jeremias, and Moses
Muentz, of Altofen, corresponded with him on Talmud-
ical topics. :Mordechai Benet, Chief Rabbi, ofMachrenof
whom I have previously spoken, called him "a great and
prominent Rabbi, the light of Israel, a pillar." I
mention this intentionally, because Prof. Graetz, true
to his method of belittling every man connected with
the Jewish Reform-movement, speaks of Aron Chorin
as ''an equivocal character and tedious prattler, of
varnished education, and mediocre Talmudical
scholarship. He favorod the new movement without
having a clear judgment." I Graetz's judgment of
t History of the Jews, vol. XI, p. 421. Hegallshim "Choriner,"
not Chorin.
68 . REFORM?:d JUDAISM.
Choi'in is, to say the least, dimmed by partisan-
ship and prejudice, from which a historian must
emancipate himself. The fact that Chorin favored the
new movement, so antipathetic to Graetz, is no justifi-
able reason for disparaging his merits. As Graetz
raises to the skies the Chief Rabbi, Mordechai Benet,
of Nickolsburg, (Ibid., page 419,) on accoimt of his pro-
found scholarship in the Talmud and his noble
character, we are surely entitled to believe more in
Mordechai Benet's opinion of Chorin than in Graetz's.
We come now to Chorin' s struggles in the cause of
progress and Reform in Judaism.
In 1792 Rabbi Hirsch, of Temesvar, inquired of
his former teacher, Rabbi Ezechiel Landau, of Prague,
whether the sturgeon, a species offish called "sterlet,
storchlein," belonged to the clean fish which were per-
mitted to be eaten by the Jews. The Jews in the
Orient were in the habit of eating these fish and the
Sphardish members of Hirsch' s Congregation wanted to
do the same. Rabbi Hirsch sent two samples of the
fish to Prague and Rabbi Ezechiel declared them
"kosher," i. e., fit to be eaten by the Israelites, (Levit.
XI, 9. ^ Thus the aflfair seemed to be settled and
from that time on the Jews of Temesvar gave the
sturgeon a place in their bill of fare. Chorin, on
hearing of it, permitted his Congregation the same
luxury, not, however, before he had seen the declara-
tion of the renowned Rabbi of Prague. This incensed
the Rabbi Isac Krieshaber, Krakau, (Galicia,) who was
in charge of the Congregation at Paks (Hungaria)
and who was a bigot and fanatic of the worst type.
He became in later years the cause of great trouble to
Chorin. At first he directed a polite epistle to the
Rabbi of Arad, requesting him to retract his declara-
tion concerning the sturgeon, (1798.) Chorin flatly
refused to do so. Krieshaber then called a number of
Rabbis to his assistance and tried to induce them to
declare the sturgeon an "unclean fish" on the strength
of a fine distinction made by Nachmanides in his
commentary to the Thora (In the year 1266,) as to
AK(1X CHORIN. 69
what constitutes the eleineiits of "scales." His main
objection was, however, the trite argument of ortho-
doxy in all ages and climes, that old custom prohibits
the use of sturgeon at the table of Jews. He called
the Oriental Jews, who were in the habit of eating the
fish, "frivolous Sabbathaians." This Rabbi
Krieshaber went, however, further in order to carry
his point. Knowing only too well that the generally
esteemed Ezechiel Landau, of Prague, who was con-
sidered authority, had also decided in favor of the
sturgeon, he wrote to Chorin, that Rabbi Ezechiel had
in the meantime recanted his decision. This was a
downright falsehood, invented by the "pious" Rabbi,
who, like a good many of his stamp, lay greater stress
upon the religion of the pot and kettle than upon the
lessons of ethics, truth and righteousness. However,
this untruth did not help his case, as the Rabbis of
Prague, Michael Bachrach, Rleazar F'leckeles and
Samuel Landau were not slow in giving the lie to
Krieshaber' s false statement with respect to Ezechiel
Landau's recantation of the decision.
In the meantime the Chief Rabbi of Maehren,
Mordechai Benet, took sides against Chorin in the
question cf the sturgeon, prevented the publication in
Vienna, of a polemic treatise written by Chorin, and
warned the Congregation of Arad not to eat the fish in
question. On the other hand the Rabbi of Altofen,
Hungary, sided with Chorin and declared that
Krieshaber was guilty of a falsehood. This document
was signed by the Rabbi, Moses Muenz, Wolf
Rappoport, Samuel Kann, Jacob Benet, Michael
Rechnitz and Samuel Rausnitz. The Rabbis of
Prague came forth again with a similar declaration. It
must be borne in mind that it was not a question
ot a Rabbinical, but of a Mosaic law, which created
this controversy. According to the decision of the
Chief Rabbi of Maehren, he who would eat of the
sturgeon was unfit to render testimony in a court or
to take an oath. In a pamphlet published by Kries-
haber this Rabbi of Paks thanks God that he never de-
yo REFORMED JUDAISM.
voted himself to such studies as Choriu was eu^aged.
The literature on .this question was to a great extent
destroyed by the enemies of both parties.
In 1798 appeared the first pamphlet of Choriu in
Prague under the title: "Imre Noam." (Pleasant
words.) In 1799 the same author published a
brochure entitled "Sirjon Kaskassim," (The scaled
coat of mail,) doubtless alluding to the scaled fish.
(Levit. II, 9.) This pamphlet is a reply to the
"Markkel Noam" (Pleasant Rod) of Rabbi Krieshaber,
of Paks, and contains, among other things in its sixty
pages, the vehement declaration of the Rabbis of
Prague against Krieshaber. The latter however felt
by no means discouraged, but tried to place R.
Eleazar Flekeles of Prague on the defensive, demand-
ing of him a recantation of his decision, and threaten-
ing in all earnestness that all those permitting the
sturgeon to be eaten by the Jews will not enjoy the
great privilege of partaking of the banquet which God
Almighty will give to his thirty-six chosen and pious
ones in the world to come, where the fabulous
Leviathan f will constitute the main and most favored
dish in the bill of fare. But the Rabbi of Prague re-
joined him saying:
"You make yourself ridiculous indeed; it would be
'far better if you would cease to indulge in such useless
and sophistical disquisitions in order to invent new
burdens. Did not the old Palestinian, Rabbi Isac,
declare: Be satisified with the prohibitions of the
Thora, and do not lay upon yourself new limitations,
of which the Thora knows notning?"
The controversy concerning the fish came to an
end, but Choriu, though coming out a victor, had con-
jured up the enmity and bitter hostility of the great
t Leviathan is a monster of the sea, which drinks daily all the
water of the oceau, which God replaces. This fish can converse in
seventy languages, and had been salted by God on the first day of
creation for said banquet. It is needless to state that this legend
is one of the numerous Talniudical hyperboles which contains more
poetry than truth.
AROX CHOKIN. 71
majority of his colleagues. Chorin and the noble
galaxy of the outspoken, honest and courageous Re-
form-Rabbis of the nineteenth century, learned to their
sorrow what this means. For the Kricshhabers
type of Rabbis are not dead yet; they are still
stubbornly fighting against the cause of a pro-
gressive development in Judaism, and what is
deplorable in the extreme, they are to this very
day not at all particular in their methods. To-
da\-, as a hundred years ago, they do not care whether
the means to be employed in the work of checking the
Reform-movement, are fair or foul. The opportunity
to be revenged on Chorin was soon offered his enemies.
Several merchants of standing, who were in the
habit of visiting Arad, strongly encouraged Chorin to
go to the Soniogy, where they thought he would be
elected Rabbi of the entire district. He went there in
the spring of 1802, and received from all sides definite
assurances of his election. On his way home he
preached in Gross-Kanizsa, where his manners and lec-
tures found such great favor that the President of the
Congregation, Moses Lackenbacher, a man of great
wealth and influence in Hungary, not only offered him
his hospitality for three weeks, but promised to secure
his election as Rabbi of the district of the Somogy,
which was an important and influential position.
But, alas! the words of the Psalmist proved once more
to be true: " Do not put your trust in nobles, in the
son of man, in whom there is no salvation." (Ps. 14:
63.) The friend turned a foe. After Chorin' s depart-
ure, Lackenbacher we^t on a business trip to Pressburg,
where the hatred against progress and reform was
fierce, and the leaders of Judaism there succeeded in
influencing him against Chorin to such an extent, that,
instead of working in the Somogy in lavor of Chorin,
he did all in his power against him, in consequence of
which Chorin failed to be elected. But greater troubles
were in store for our Reformer.
In the year 1803 he published another book at
Prague under the title, " Emek Ha-Schaveh," which
72 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Fiierst translates, "Reconciliation of Faith with Prac-
tical Life," a philosophical treatise. It is divided into
three parts, " Rash Aniana; Neshaina Chajah; Diratli
Aron."* In this book Chorin accnses the Rabbis who
prolong the service in the Synagogne by their loud
recitation of a large part of the prayer "Shema," of
making the service tedious to the people. He shows
in the work his acquaintance with the rudiments of
astronomy, geography, physics, grammar, things
which were a terra incognita at that time to the
Rabbis in Hungaria. Chorin's opinion on the princi-
ple of the "oral law" (Thora She-bal-peh) of tradi-
tion, in the third part of this book, is very important.
He gives as a reason why the old teachers and scribes
did not write down the "oral law," the fact that by
doing so they would have prevented the teachers and
Rabbis of later times and coming ages from making
new laws or establishing changes and innovations in
accord with the exigencies and wants of new epochs.
This conception is a full justification of the introduc-
tion of reforms, and, coming as it did, from a Rabbi
in Hungary, eighty-six years ago, is remarkable in-
deed. He tried also to prove in the same work that
the study of philosophy is by no means incompatible
with the Talmud, and that often the noblest lessons
were conveyed in, apparently, very insignificant pas-
sages of the Talmud. He tried also to interpret phil-
osophically the Kabbala. Theoretically not opposed
to the Kabbala, he most emphatically denounces "the
mob, who believe that there are men who, by means
of senseless combinations of spoken or written letters,
are capable of forcing the laws of nature to be changed
from their regular course. It is, however," he con-
tinues, "clear that this belief is incompatible with
sound reason; for 'shall the axe boast over him, that
heweth therewith?" (Isaiah 10.15.) The fact that
the Talmud speaks of the efficacy of amulets (Sabbath,
i "Principle of faitl'., livingsoul, dwellingof" Aron are literal trans-
lations of these titles.
ARON CHORIN. 7;^
6r) does not influence Cliorin in the least. He thinks
that such efficacy is only imaoinary and should be
ascribed to the phantasy of the patient.
This book, which, as will be seen, caused Chorin
annoyances and persecution, is well recommended by
Rabbi Moses Muenz, of Altofcn, and by Moses Knnit-
zer, Rabbi of Ofen, who praised Chorin in a Hebrew
poem and encouraged him to continue unterrified in
his good course. It is probably on account of this
and because of Kunitzer's decision in favor of the
reformed Prayerbook of the Temple in Hamburg,
(1819) that Graetz represents Kunitzer as a "queer
fellow" and a '^fool."^
Chorin had intended to publish a second edition of
the book, augmented, revised and enlarged, but the
orthodox party succeeded in preventing its publica-
tion. The copy, prepared as it was for the printer, is
now in the possession of Dr. Immanuel Loew, Rabbi
and successor of his father, Leopold Loew, in Szegedin.
I mentioned before, that since the controversy on
the sturgeon Mordechai Benet, the Chief Rabbi of
:\Laehren, had changed his friendly attitude toward
Chorin. But after the appearance of the " Ro.sh Am-
ana," he took the part of an open enemy. In a letter
to Chorin' s Congregation in Arad he said that the book
contained heresies and must be burnt. The Congrega-
tion of Arad, however, supported their Rabbi, and
demanded of the Rabbi of Nickolsburg proof of the
heretical character of the book in qnestion. But
Mordechai Benet' s letter sufficed to create a faction in
the Congregation opposed to Chorin. One fanatic, a
very rich and influential member of the Congregation,
became the leader of the opposition party and went so
far in his bitterness that on the Sabbath "vShubah''
(Sabbath of Penitence) of 1804, he demonstrated his
feelings of penitence and contrition by uttering the
most insolent curses against the Rabbi during his
sermon in the Svnagogue. Several members of the
i History of the Jesvs, XI p. 421.
74 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Congregation, incensed at such unprecedented impu-
dence, commenced to murmur and were ready to
avenofe the insiilts offered to their beloved Rabbi and
punish the desecration of the Synagogue. But Chorm,
hearing the murmuring and seeing the threatening
storm, ordered the Synagogue to be closed from within
and, like a true priest of peace, pacified his Congrega-
tion with the words of the Psalmist: "May our ene-
mies curse, thou, O God, w-ilt bless," (Psalm 109:28)
and continued his sermon.
Such occurrences were quite frequent in the his-
tory of the Jewish-Reform movement. In 1871 I was
present at the Heidenreuter Synagogue in Berlin when
a man by the name of Lachman loudly cursed my late
revered teacher. Dr. Abraham Geiger, during the de-
livery of his sermon. On April 3, 1842, wdien Geiger
was about to deliver his funeral sermon at the grave of
Heyman Oppenheim in Breslau, the orthodox mob,
incited against Geiger by the funeral sermon of the
"pious" Rabbi Tiktin, who preceded Geiger, screamed
and yelled and were about to throw Geiger into the
grave. He, however, like a true follower of Aron,
mindful of the word of the wise Hillel, "Love, peace
and further peace," did not insist upon the right to
speak, but concluded his hardly begun eulogy with
the words: "I do not want to disturb the rest of the
dead. Go in peace." I
All attempts at conciliation failed until the leader
of the opposition declared that the testimony of the
Rabbi of Altofen, relative to Chorin's book would
satisfy him. On August 8, 1805, the Rabbi of
Altofen gave his opinion to the effect that, while the
author of the "Rosh Amana" had written some things
which must appear strange to the mob and concerning
which disputes had arisen in centuries gone by, he is
unable to find heresies in the book and holds, that, the
Congregation of Arad is in duty bound to honor and
i See my "Al)raham Geiger als Refonnator desjudenthum's," p.
71, Tvoebaii, 1S79.
AKOX CHORIN. 75
respect their Rabbi. But this docuiiieiit, though made
out by Rabbi Moses Muentz, was uot signed by him.
While kindly disposed towards Chorin, he was so niueh
belabored In- Chorin' s enemies, that he wanted if
possibly to remain neutral. The orthodox -party insisted
on his condemnation of the book and the infliction of
an exemplary punishment upon the author. He then
invited two fanatic Rabbis of Assod and Zsambek to
come to Altofen on September i, 1805, in order to
sit in council over Chorin, who was also summoned.
The opposition party in Arad was represented by
three meml)ers. The Rabbi of Altofen did not ap-
pear at the meeting. The narrow-minded Rabbi
Samuel Butschowitz, of Assod, announced to Chorin,
who was received in the yard of the Synagogue with
insults, that unless he recanted his heresies set
forth in his book, his beard would be cut off. In
vain Chorin asked, that the passages, upon which
the charge of heresy was based, be pointed out.
Disgusted he signed the following words:
''Having been informed that my book, 'Emek
Ha-Shave' has created an excitement among some
Rabbis, I declare, that I submit my opinions to the
judgment of the sages of the present time. Altofen,
September 2, 1805. Aron Chorin."
It was a great mistake on his part that he went
to Altofen at all, as he must have known the character
of his self-constituted orthodox tribunal. Every
recantation is an error.
After leaving his inquisitors he was received by a
volley of stones from the promising youth of the
Jewish communit)- of Altofen. His wise judges
usurped also the right to reduce his salary, although
the Congregation of Arad, paid it. I mention this in
order to show the mean, contemptible and vindictive
spirit which animated those watch-dogs of Zion, who,
not content with his recantation, tried to starve a
poor colleague, who had to support on a small salary
a family of seven children. But they did not succeed in
their nefarious scheme. The Conofreoration of Arad in-
76 REFORMED JUDAISM.
digiiantly refused the verdict, and bitterly reproached
the RaV^bi of Altofeii on account of his duplicity.
Chorin at last did the right thing by appealing to the
Hungarian Government, (Statthalterei,) and request-
ing the same to annul the verdict of the Rabbinical
tribunal, in which appeal he was successful. Not
only did the Government cancel the decision of the
Rabbis, (June 24, 1805), but sentenced the ringleaders
of Chorin' s opponents to pay the cost of the law suit.
Chorin pardoned his enemy and declined to accept the
payment of expenses. But it was no victory for
Chorin, as the sentiment of the Hungarian Jews was
against him, and his opponents in Arad were by no
means conciliated. In order to be free from annoyances
and in deference to his aged father, Chorin' s pen
rested for about ten years.
It rested but it rusted not. For on October 18,
1 818, the famous Temple in Hamburg was dedicated
and a reformed ritual with German prayers and
hymns accompanied by the organ, and sermons was
introduced. The prayers concerning the coming of a
personal Messiah were partly omitted, partly modified
in accord with the requirements of the new age. This
induced the Rabbinical College of Hamburg, composed
of the Rabbis Baruch Meyer, Moses Jacob Jafe and
Michael Speier, not only to publish an interdict against
the new ritual on account of its innovations, but to
prevail on the Senate of Hamburg to close the Temple.
The consequence was, that the different Rabbinical
authorities ol Europe were asked by the officers of the
new Temple in Hamburg, to give their opinions on the
justification of these Reforms. Chorin, in spite of his
sad experiences a decade ago, had the courage to en-
dorse most of those Reforms. (April 7, 1818.) Moses
Kunitzer, of Ofen, and two Italian Rabbis, Shem-Tob
Samun, of Livorno, and Jacob Vita Recanati also ex-
expressed themselves in favor of the Reforms. These
opinions were published by Elieser Liberman, of
Austria, w^ho added them to his own arguments, under
the name "Nogah Zedek" and "Or Nogah." (Dessau,
ARON ClIOKIN'. 77
1818.) In consequence of this the Rabbis of Ham-
burg asked the opinions of other Rabbis and these
were published under the name "Eleh Dibre Habrith,"
(Altona, 18 1 9;) and transhited in a German extract by
Shalom Kohen, who himself was a Reformer. The
opponents of Reform had no men in their own ranks
capable of translating those Rabbinical opinions into
German. Following are the names of the Rabbis who
condemned the Reforms of the "Hamburg Temple:"
Salomon Cohen, of Fuerth, Hertz Schoyer, of
^lainz; Moses Szopher, of Pressburg; Mordechai
Benet, Chief Rabbi of Maehren; (Nickolsburg;) Rabbis
of Prague, (Elieser Plekeles, Samuel Landau, Levin
Melisch;) Rabbi Elieser, of Trietsch, Rabbi Abraham,
of Bresslau; R. Elieser Levi, ofTriest; Akiba Eger,
of Posen; Aron Joschany, of Ravitsch; Rabbi
Maseltob, of Modena, Italy; the Rabbis of Padua
(Mnachem Asaria Castelnuovo, Jacob Ascher Luzzatto,
Israel Mordechai Cunion, ) ]^Ioses Ahage, Rabbi of
Mantua; Rabbi Samuel, of Amsterdam; the Rabbis of
Livorno, (Salomo David, Chajim Malach and ten
more signatures. ) ^ Rabbi Moses Tobias, of Hanau;
Rabbi Jacob, of Lissa; Rabbi Hirsch Katzenellenbogen,
of Winzenheim, a member of the consistorv in Ober-
Elsass. Moses Szopher, Elieser of Trietsch and
Mordechai Benet sent each two letters. The language
used by these Rabbis is not very polite. Cohn, of
Fuerth accuses the Reformers of arrogance and atheism
and applies to them the words of Isaiah; "When ye
make manv prayers I shall not hear," (I, 19,) which
that prophet applies to murderers only, "whose hands
are full of blood." The fact that the Temple people
had no services on week days was sufficient for the
Rabbi of Fuerth to advise them not to have any
service at all. In the same strain continues Moses
Szopher: "Oh that they would abstain from all wor-
ship." He calls the Reformers "infidels," "small
i It must, however, be remarked, that not all the signers were
Rabbis. Many of them were "Dajanim." (Assessors.)
78 REFORMED JUDAISM.
foxes wliich destroy the vineyards." His objection to
an organ or other nuisical instrument is based on the
fact that on account of our mourning over the destruc-
tion of the Temple in Jerusalem, music, as expressive
of joy and pleasure, must be excluded from the
Synagogue. But from this point of view R. M'oses
ought to have objected to music at home and in
concerts. His argument for the retention of the
Hebrew language in the Synagogue to the exclusion of
any other language is amusing. "In court," he says,
"when appearing before the king we have to converse
according to etiquette in the language of the king, not
in our own, though the king might understand it.
Now God's language is Hebrew, hence Hebrew must
be the language of prayer." The good Rabbi had
only forgotten to prove that Hebrew is God's language.
We would have expected a better argument from the
President of the largest Rabbinical school of his age.
The Chief Rabbi of Maehren brings forth a remarkable
"historical" fact, which if true, would furnish new
material to the modern anti-Semites. He claims that
the Jews had been expelled from Spain and Portugal
on account of their Reformatory inclinations. How
religious fanaticism can dim the judgment of men is
best proven by his harsh and unjust words against
Aron Chorin, At the conclusion of his "opinion," he
said, "as to the approbation of the RablDi of Arad,
Rabbi Aron Chorin, who spoke favorably of the Ham-
burg Reforms, far be it from us to accept from him
any teachings concerning religious matters, as this man
po-sesses only a very moderate knowledge of Talmud
and Rabbinism and devotes his time to worldly
sciences only." This was written December 31, 1818.
But the same Rabbi, Mordechai Benet, in a letter of
March 23, 1793, twenty-five years before this time, be-
stowed upon Chorin the epithets, "a great and promi-
nent Rabbi;" the "light of Israel," the "right
pillar." But so it was at all times, that "Ssineah
Mkalkeleth Hashurah," (Hatred clouds the* judg-
ment.) R. Mordechai Benet's argument against the
ARON CHOKIX. 79
use of German or the veruacular in the prayer-book
is, to say the least, very peculiar. "The psalms,"
he argues, "must be recited in Hebrew, because the
sense of some verses can be explained indifferent ways
while the translation admits of but one sense only." *
He also claims that the use of music during divine
service is inadmissible because it disturbs the worship.
The Rabbis of Prague decided that the Hamburg
Temple people "were neither Jews nor Christians, but
individuals without faith, whose prayers were sinful and
whose only purpose in introducing Reforms was to
make themselves liked among the Christians."
(January i, 1819.) A quarter of a century later, in
1844, no less a personage than the celebrated Rabbi,
Salomon Jehuda Rapoport, of Prague, was not afraid
to eive officiallv the following decision:
"Those Reformers who pray in German and
abandon the Hebrew language are our brethren, inas-
much as in doing so they have, as is well known, not
violated the precepts, which are contained in the
Mishna and in the casuists." f E. Elieser, of Trietsch,
calls the Temple people "apostates' and 'Chorin a man
who intends to tear down entirely the barriers and
bounds of the ancient teachers." Sarcastically he al-
ludes to the fact that the Reformers had to go to
Hungary and Italy for the sake of getting approbation and
with respect to them he applies the rather strong passage
of the Talmud, "Harozeh Leshaker Jarchik Edatho,"
(He who intends to lie looks for witnesses from a far
distance.) He also advises the Hamburg Rabbis to
prevail upon the Senate of Hamburg to close the
Temple of the Reformers, and- — I use his own expres-
sion— "to paralyze the arm of the evil-doers." He
says, he will pray, that God may overthrow those
blasphemers, who threaten to shake the pillars of our
holy religion. (January lo, 1819.) In his second
♦See: Weil "Aron Chorin," page 59.
t Rabbinische Gutachten ueber die Beschneidunt^, Frankfurt,
1S44, page 120.
8o RKKORMKD JUDAISM.
letten- he is nntch exasperated on account of a pamphlet
by Lazar Riesser of Altona, the son-in- law of Raphael
Kohn, and father of the famous lawyer Gabriel Riesser.
This pamphlet was published in the form of an "Open
letter to my co-religionists in Hamburg." f It not
only defends the Reforms but deals harshly with the
Hamburg Rabbis, who oppose them. They are called
"hypocrites and tartuffes" who "sow discord in Israel,
and bar the way to the sons of those who are anxious
to return to the grace of the father." Riesser compares
the devotion, order and decorum reigning supreme in
the Hamburg Temple with the disorder and noise in
the Synagogues. Such words spoken in elegant Ger-
man by a man whose scholarship was recognized, and
whose family connections were imposing to both parties,
could not fail to create a sentiment in favor of the new
movement, the more so, as truth was on his side. Rabbi
Elieser, of Trietsch was especially incensed, because in
order to give his pamphlet a larger circulation, Riesser
published it in German. Here again we find proof of
the partiality pervading Graetz's "History." He de-
clares that Riesser' s motive in publishing his pamphlet
was revenge against the Rabbis of Hamburg. I Why,
is it so unlikely that Riesser spoke as he did from con-
viction ? Suppose somebody should say that all the
Rabbis who opposed the Hamburg Temple Reforms
were actuated by personal motives ? Would that be
unbiased history? No! it would be "Tendenz-
Geschichte." (Partisan History.)
Aside from this, it is next to impossible for the
historian to trace men's motive of a fact. It is wrong-
ing the dead, who have no chance to defend themselves,
for a historian to speak with certainty of their motives.
The wrong is greater, when as in the present case, the
motive is represented as bad. Or does Joshua Ben
Prachia's maxim "Judge every man charitably, kindly
and favorably," (Abot I, 6,) not apply to the historian?
+ An meine Glaubensgenossen in Hamburg, 1819.
J Hist, of the Jews vol. XI, p. 423.
AROX CHORIN. 8t
I dwelt at some length on the "decisions" of the
recognised European authorities of those days concern-
ing the Hambiirg prayer-book, in order to demonstrate
to the Jews of America, that the so-called conservative
Congregations and Rabbis of this country are to some
extent included in those bulls and excommunications.
For the Reforms of the Hamburg Temple of 1818
have been introduced in almost every conservative
Synagogue of this country. The prayer-book of Dr.
Jastrow and Dr. Szold, which is considered conserva-
tive in America, goes further in its expression of the
principles of Reform-Judaism than the old prayer-book
of the Temple in Hamburg. This proves that
"hersey" is in the main a question of chronology and of
geography. The heretics of fifty years ago are the
saints of to-day, and those who are considered conserva-
tives Jews in this country are numbered among the
radicals by the conservatives of the Samson Raphael
Hirsch, Hildesheimer and Lehman type in Germany.
Whenever controversies are necessary, let us therefore
be more tolerant and less bitter. Fortiter in re,
suavitcr in modo.
After this digression let us return to Chorin. No
sooner was it known that his '"decision" favored the
Reforms of Hamburg, when Rabbi Muenz of Altofcn
directed a strong missive to Chorin, in which he
placed the alternative before him, either to recant his
opinion or to lose his position as Rabbi. Chorin was
poor, the father of a large family, and well aware of
the fact, that he conld not expect under the circum-
stances to get another position. He would not permit
his family to starve on account of his advanced ideas,
and — recanted in February, 1819. Who will condemn
him ? Has Prof. Graetz a right to call him on this ac-
count "an insincere character?" * And what did
recantations ever amount to ? Ask the annals of
history. Galileo may recant, but his lips nevertheless
drown the clanking of the chains, however faintly they
* History of the Jews, XI, p. 421.
82 RKKORMHD JUDAISM.
quiver, "e pur si muove." (and still she moves.) In-
deed but a year later, Chorin reaffirmed his views in
the "approbation" on the Hamburg Temple Re-
forms, in a book entitled, "A Word at the Right
Time." * This book is divided into two parts: Gate
of the doctrine, containing the duties to our fellow-
men, no matter whether Jews or Gentiles; gate of wor-
ship, in which Chorin advocates a Reform of the
divine service, on the basis of his "decision" in the
matter of the Hamburg Temple-Reform. He is the
first Rabbi who attempts to justify Reforms by citing
Talmudical passages, and the utterances of Rabbinical
authorities. This method which has been, and is to a
great extent still followed by progressive Rabbis, at-
tacks the Talmud with the Talmud, and wages war
against orthodoxy with its own weapons; thus, on the
one hand sustaining the claims of modern Judaism by
arguments from the armory of the Talmud, but on the
other pre-supposing the authority of the Talmud. It is
rather poor policy for Reform-Judaism to play the part
of the beggar of alms from orthodoxy. Geiger was
the first to see this and to place Reform-Judaism on an
independent footing, on the basis of science and histori-
cal criticism.
Chorin closes his pamphlet with an appeal to the
Rabbis (pages 55-61), urging upon them to be tolerant,
warning them most impressively against persecution,
and imploring them to further agriculture and trade
among the Jews. M. L. Biederman, of Pressburg, be-
came Chorin' s friend and admirer, and the progressive
party among the Jews in Pressburg and Vienna were
urged by their friends in Germany to further Chorin' s
interests in every respect. The consequence was, that
the Censor, Loeb Hatzfeld, of Vienna, translated
Chorin' s "Word at the Right Time," into German
and had it printed. Had it not been for the political
state of affairs in Hungary, Chorin would have been
elected preacher in Vienna. Rabbi Mordechai Benet
*Dabar Beitto, Vienna, 1820.
ARON CHORIN. 83
had prevented the introduction of the Hamburg Temple
Ritual into Vienna. Chorin's suggestions had no
little influence towards establishing the present
"Wiener Cultus," which, while not based on the
principles or Reiform-Judaism, is a great improvement
on the orthodox style and is now introduced in hundreds
of Jewish Congregations in Austraia, Hungary. The
decision of the Vienna Congregation to have marriage
ceremonies performed by the preacher, was also Chorin's
work.
Chorin's 'Word at the Right Time, "shared the
fate of the prophet who is the more appreciated abroad,
the less he is recognized at home. While in Hungary
the pamphlet would have been excommunicated had it
not been for ^^lichacl Lazar Biederman's influence, it
created a sensation in Germany from the fact that its
author was a Rabbi. The advocacy of ''Reform" by
merchants, (Friedlaender, Jacobsohn, ) teachers and
preachers, (Zunz, Salomon, Kley, Wolf. Guensburg,
Auerbach, Bendavid,) was a matter of daily occurence,
but to see "Reform" defended with Rabbinical
weapons was unheard of before, and it was a great and
pleasant surprise to all the friends ot "Reform."
Israel Jacobsohn sent Chorin a tabatiere as a token of
appreciation, and assured him of his esteem and friend-
ship. The Government of Baden asked for the opinion
of Chorin "as to what belonged to the duties of a Rabbi
and what has been done in Austria towards an im-
provement of the Jewish cult ?"
In June 23, 1820, the new Temple in Karlsruhe
was dedicated and therefore the Government, which
favored a Reform movement among the Israelites, but
wanted to do full justice to all its Jewish subjects,
ordered Banker Haber, the agent of the Government,
and President of the Congregation, to communicate
with Chorin.
Chorin requested his friend Hatzteld in Vienna to
answer the second question, while he tried to give a
satisfactory reply to the first in a pamphlet "Iggereth
84 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Elassaf.":^ The drift of his answer is, that the laws
of the Thora can be temporarily suspended by a
religious body. The so-called customs and usages,
however, can be abolished even by the Government,
provided Jewish experts and scholars favor such aboli-
tions. It was a good thing that the small Govern-
ments of Germany, (Baden, Anhalt, Braunschweig,
Hessen, Oldenburg, Schwaben, Thueringen, Hessen-
Darmstadt,) have, as a rule, taken kindly to the intro-
duction of Reforms in Judaism. For without this sup-
port the success would have been questionable be-
cause the movement was in its infancy. To-day the
Reformers would be the first to oppose even the most
favorable interference of the Government. Wherever
ideal aims are at stake, the words of the psalmist must
hold good: "In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat
thy bread;" through struggles, and not seldom hotly
contested ones, we should gain to victory. What we
conquer inch by inch will be a lasting gain. This has
been proven in the wonderful success and astonishing
achievements of the Jewish-Reform movement in
America. Nowadays it is in Germany and Austria the
orthodox party that finds favor with the Governments,
and it is not slow in using its influence with the
Government towards checking Reform, wherever there
is a chance to do so. It is better so than vice versa.
For, "not by physical force, not by material power,
but by my spirit says God." (Zach., 4-6.)
Chorin was strongly in favor of a "synod" with
jDower to decide questions concerning the Jewish relig-
ion and its relation to the exigencies of the new age.
He said among other things that a synod could permit
writing or travel on the Sabbath. f In 1837 Chorin
published a pamphlet "Hillel," which is divided into
three parts, to-wit: Humanity and love of self; laws of
Moses concerning our duties to our fellow men, irre-
spective of creed ; comments on the thirteen articles of
*Prag, 1826, M. I. Landau, pages 28-46.
t Zir Noam, Prag 1831, M. I, Landan.
ARON CHOKIX. 85
creed. His ideas on, or rather a^i^ainst, fasting are re-
markable indeed, (pp. 46-47.) On page 90 he says,
"that according to the Talnmdical principle, all those,
who believe in Cyod and His Revelation, will share the
blessings of eternal salvation.* On pages 160 and 161
he invests every Sanhedrin with the right to change
or to institnte ceremonies in accord with the reqnire-
ments of time and circumstances. (Dent, 17, it.)
The first Synod in Leipzig, (1869,) and the second in
Augsburg, (1871,) would have, it seems to me, fully
come up to Chorin's ideal. Chorin was in favor of rid-
ing in railroads on Sabbath- and Holidays, of a Jew
playing the organ on Sabbath, of shortening the time
of mourning for the dead, and of permitting the head
to be uncovered during divine service in the Synagogue
which while customary in almost every Reform Con-
gregation in America, is even to this very day, con-
sidered an unheard of heresy in Europe. I know of
only one Jewish Temple in Europe where the male
worshipers remove their hats during divine service.
This is in the Reform Temple of Berlin in the Johan-
nisgasse, where Dr. Holdheim was Rabbi, and where
the Sabbath was transferred to Sunday. Chorin was,
like all idealists and enthusiastic Reformers, an
optimist, and the first Rabbi who called attention to
the necessity of elevating the Hungarian Jewish Con-
gregations. He deserves the same recognition on ac-
count of his labors in the cause of the emancipation of
the Jews of Hungary. The Pressburg clique, did not
even desire a thorough and total emancipation, as Moses
Szopher was afraid lest such a consummation might
deal a deadly blow to the rule of uncompromising,
fanatic orthodoxy, who.se representative he was. We
find analogous ca.ses in Jewi.sh history in France in
1789, and long before that time in Holland. Owing
to Chorin's influence, Arad could boast in December,
1832, of no less than fifty-nine Jewi.'^h handicraftsmen,
* Sanhedrin 105, see Zunz: Zur Gaschichte und Literatur, page
3S5.
86 KKKORMED JUDAISM.
representing almost every trade. This Congregation
possesses to-day one of the best Jewish schools in
Hnngary. Chorin had to nndergo great and fierce
struggles in promoting this school. At that time only
three large Congregations, Pressburg, Altofen and
Pesth supported schools. Chorin could not, however,
succeed in introducing his strongly- advocated Re-
forms in his own Synagogue. His advice was sought
for from outside by men like IMoses Israel Landau and
Peter Beer of Prague. The former was the editor of
the periodical "Bikkure Ittim," (first ripe fruits of the
times,) published in Vienna. These two men had
formed a "Society for the elevation and improvement
of the worship in Prague." Chorin recommended the
introduction of the organ. In a letter of June i6, 1835,
he writes:
"I hear good news from Prague. In September the
new Temple will be opened and the celebrated Dr.
Zunz, of Berlin, is appointed as preacher. I hope this
Temple will tend towards the true glorification of the
worship. In Vienna they have only beautified, not
essentially improved the divine service. If, as I hope,
they will carry out in Prague my suggestions, their
Temple will become the pattern for less wealthy Con-
gregations that cannot afford to imitate the glittering
pomp of Vienna."
In 1803 Choiin composed "Selichoth," (prayers
of penitence, )and became the only composer of Selichoth
in Hungary. They were printed at Ofen, in 1819.
Chorin also introduced the performance of the marriage-
ceremony in the Synagogue. Marriage-ceremonies
were performed according to old orthodox custom in
the yard of the Synagogue or on the street. In 1868,
I saw my former teacher. Dr. Israel Hildesheimer, the
present leader of the new orthodoxy in Berlin, per-
forming a marriage-ceremony on the street in Eisen-
stadt Hungary. .In 1827, Chorin delivered the
prayer for the emperor and country in the German
language. In 1839 Chorin advocated Congregational
singing and the use of the organ. In 1840, he had
AROX CHORIN. 87
after all these struggles the great satisfaction of hear-
ing the stirring peals of the organ resonnding every
Sabbath in his Synagogue.
The introduction of the organ into the Synagogue
of Arad in 1840 must be looked upon as a very im-
portant step towards Reform. Some readers of this
book may not feel inclined to think so, from the fact
that the organ is introduced into a number of orthodox
S>nagogues of America. But America in 1892 is not
what Europe was in 1840. The following facts will
prove my assertion. In Vienna, with a Jewish com-
munity of 100,000 souls there is even to-day not one
Jewish house of worship in which there is an organ.
Dr. Guedeman, preacher of the Vienna Temple in the
"Leopoldstadt," in 1871 denounced an organ in the
Synagogue ''as the worst kind of idolatry," and com-
pared it with Simri's act of the most shameful
licentiousness.* Professor Graetz, who denies the
supernatural origin of the Pentateuch in the first two
volumes of his "History of the Jews," strongly opposes
an organ in a Synagogue."! Dr. Israel Hildesheimer,
a leader of orthodoxy in Germany, publicly revoked a
few years ago his Rabbinical certificate given to his
disciple. Dr. Goldschmidt, because the latter favored an
organ in the Synagogue. Indeed an organ in the
Synagogue is regarded even this day as the "Shibbolet"
of the orthodox and Reform-parties in Germany.
The "Hirsch-Lehman-Hildesheimer" school de-
clares a Synagogue in w^hich there is an organ — "Anti-
Jewish." Wherever in Germany in the last two de-
cades an organ has been introduced into a Synagogue,
it was the signal for a split in the Congregation and
for the establishment of a new orthodox Congregation.
In the Temple of Prague the organ is permitted to be
played on week days only at weddings and similar oc-
* See Guedeman' s sermon: Jerusalem, Opfer unrl Ort^el Wien,
1871, (Herzfeld und Baur.)
tSeevol. XI of Graet/.'s "History'" and my "Graet?;'sGeschichtSi
bauerei," Berlin, 18S0, (Issleib.)
88 RKFOKMED JUDAISM.
casioiis, not, however, on Sabbath- and Holidays.]; In
other Congregations of Germany, they wonld not per-
mit a Jew to pla)- on the organ on the Sabbatli- and
Holidays. They have therefore as a rnle Christian
organists. These instances show the importance of
the introdnction of an organ in 1840 by Chorin in
Arad. If I am not mistaken this was the first organ
introdnced into a Synagogne of Anstria - Hnngary.
From a letter dated 1842 it can be seen how optimistic
Chorin was in the matter of the Reform of worship.
He said among other things: "I hope to introdnce
(in Arad), the Hambnrg cnltus, which, however,
takes time, as we have not the prayer- and hymn
books. ' '
It speaks well for Chorin that no less a man than
Dr. Leopold Znnz received his "Hattarath Horaah"
(diploma of Rabbi) from him. It was dated Arad,
November 18, 1834. It shows that Znnz, the recog-
nized nestor and pioneer in the science of Judaism
entertained a higher estimate of Chorin than the prej-
udiced historian, Graetz. The following is a rendition
into German of this document, by the translator, Johann
Zimmerman, in Prague. "I offer my public thanks to
God for having fulfilled my cherished wish, that the
wise men in Israel should emulate our great Maimonides
in harmonizing the Mosaic law with philosophy and
thus fortifying and spreading more and more by this
means truth, peace, goodness and virtue. Praised be
God, who has shown me such a pure source of joy in
my beloved friend, the most erudite scholar and sage,
Morenu, Lippman Znnz, in whom are united thorough
knowledge of Israel's Thorah with other disciplines and
branches of science. Therefore I consecrate him to be
a Rabbi and bestow upon him the authority to act and
decide in accord with his wisdom and superior
knowledge of the Thorah in all matters relating to
what is permitted or prohibited, particularly consider-
ing marriage and divorce according to the laws of
*On account of the desecration of the Sabbath.
ARON CHORIN. 89
Moses. Aside from this he takes upon himself the
duty to instruct and enlighten the Congregations of
Israel, by means of sermons, in the fear of God and in
the duties of men, in order that they may draw near to
God and practice his teachings and commandments.
"May our Father in Heaven assist him and grant
him strength in his office so that it may accrue to his
own honor and to the honor of Israel at large.
Arad, November 18, 1834.
Aron Chorix, Chief Rabbi."
It is a pity that Zunz did not stay in Prague
longer than one year. He left because the Govern-
ment had subordinated the preachers of the Reformed
service to the so-called "Oberjurists," and Zunz was
too independent to permit himself to be harassed by
men whose superior he was in every respect.
In the pamphlet "Jeled Zekunim" (child of old
age), which Chorin published when 74 years old, he
gives a kind of autobiography. Once more, so he re-
lates, iu 1827, clouds threatened to obscure his clear
sky. "A rabbi took it upon himself to incite a
regular revolt against me. He came to Arad, Decem-
ber 18, 1827, armed with several letters from different
Rabbis, who have hurled bulls of excommunication
against me and against all who follow me. He
succeeded in causing many scenes of trouble and dis-
turbance, until the Congregation with the aid of the
civil authorities put an end to them. The uncalled
Rabbi had to leave the city and the ringleader of this
scene, one of the members of the board of trustees, was
suspended."
Chorin was the recipient of great honors in
Vienna. On his way to Czernahora* (Maehren) he
called on the Rabbi of Boskowitz, Abraham Placzek,
who presided over a large "Jeshibah." (Rabbinical
.school.) Two Bachurim had the arrogance to
* The objects of his trip were to visit the grave of his grand-
father Isaias Donat, and to see Moses Loew, the learned father of
Dr. Leopold Loew.
90 REFORMED JUDAISM.
insult grossly the venerable Chorin by suddenly
invading the room where Chorin and his com-
panion had just taken a seat, vociferously
screaming: "Does the Rabbi intend to talk to this
Apikores?" (Heretic, the original meaning is "Epi-
curean"). To the shame of the host be it said that
he had not the manhood to reprimand his impudent
disciples, but cowardly ran away. This scene created
at the time a great sen.sation in Maehren, and, in
justice to the Jews of Boskowitz, it must be stated,
that very many of them most emphatically condemned
such uncalled for fanaticism and tried their best to
make Chorin forget this rude treatment from his
colleague.
The Jewish married ladies of a little town, Mako,
in the county of Csanada, Hungary, hold Chorin no
doubt, in grateful rememberance. It was on the
second day of Shabuoth, 1840, when the wise Rabbi,
and still wiser board of trustees of the Jewish Congre-
gation in Mako ordered several ladies who appeared
in the Synagogue with their own hair instead of the
"Scheitel" (perruque,) to leave the gallery. The
ladies, or better their husbands, had the courage to
seek recourse at the law against the perpetrators of this
act of fanaticism. The learned Bishop of Csanada
(named Lonovics), who had to decide the question,
asked for Rabbi Chorin' s opinion and, as can be im-
agined, it was given in favor of the women.*
In 1841 Chorin declared that rice and legumes are
permitted to be eaten on Passover, f A similar de-
cision had already been given January 18, 1810, by the
consistory of Cassel in a circular to the Rabbis of the
kingdom of Westphalen. Reference is made there to
the fact, that already R. Zebi Ashkenassi and his son,
Jacob Emden, the great opponent of Jonathan
Pvybeshuetz, had given this permission. Rabbi Isak
* See Leopold Loew, Der Juedische Congress in Ungarn, Pest,
1S7], page 158.
t Orient, Literaturblatt, vol. II, page 33.
A RON CRONIN. 9 1
B. Schescheth (in the fourteenth century) and R.
Saul, of Berlin, (eighteenth century) have done the
same thing. The consistory of Westphalia circulated
on the same day another letter permitting the use of
sugar, syrup, candy, tea and tobbacco. These letters
were signed by Israel Jacobsohu, Kalkar, Steinhardt,
D. Fraenkel, of Dessau, editor of the "Sulamith" and
Jerome Heineman. In 1841 Chorin gave a favorable
opinion on the revised Hamburg prayer-book. In
1842 he was also called upon by the administration of
the Jewish Congregation in Breslau, in order to give
a decision on the question, whether free research is
compatible with Jewish theology, and whether a Rabbi
has the right to treat the Jewish theology, in a critical
and scientific manner. The answer of Chorin, then
seventy-seven years old, was in favor of Geiger and
free research. More will be found on this important
subject in the last chapter of this book on "Abraham
Geiger.'' In a letter to a friend in Gross-Kanissa he
said: "This labor was such a strain upon me, that I
had to go to the mountains for a few days of recrea-
tion."
Chorin heard of the Rabbinical convention of
Braunschweig in 1844, and saw in it the realization of
his favorite idea concerning the synod. In August, 1844,
he was invited to a Rabbinical convention in Paks, to
which he sent an encouraging letter in the hope that it
would be of benefit to the cause of Reform. But this
convention was a perfect failure. Twelve days later,
August 12, 1844, Aron Chorin breathed his last in the
seventy-ninth year of his active and eventful life. The
Congregation of Arad, in which he had labored fifty-six
years, made known this fact to the most important
Congregations in a letter written in the German and
Hungarian languages. The funeral was very impos-
ing, not only the Congregation, but the whole city of
Arad attended the same. The news of his death was
announced in all the churches on Sunday, August 25.
Chorin lay down to his final rest on the Sabbath, after
having conscientiously accomplished his work. During
92 RKFORMED JUDAISM.
the funeral the bells of all the churches were tolling.
Funeral sermons were delivered by Daniel Pillitz,
preacher of Szej^edin, Lazar Skreinka, Rabbi of
vSimand, and Chorin's intimate friend, Leojeiteles. A
Christian lawyer, Adam Viser, published a most touch-
ing eulogy in the Hungarian language. Memorial
services in the Synagogue of Arad were held twice, on
September 24th and October 21st, when orations were
delivered by Skreinka and Haskel Silbermann. Chorin's
name is always mentioned first during the "Haskarath
Nshamoth" (Memorial services for the dead) four times
a year, on the last day of Passover, on the feast of
Weeks, on ' 'Shmini Azereth' ' and on the day of Atone-
ment. On the anniversary of his death, (sixth day of
Ellul) a suitable memorial service is held. His Con-
gregation still holds him in high respect. In 1850 it
was resolved, to place on the grave of Chorin his bust,
which was solemnly unveiled June 18, 1851. It was
well executed by a protege of Chorin, the sculptor
Jacob Guttman. Not only the whole Congregation,
but the civil, military, city and county authorities, and
delegates of neighboring Congregations honored
Chorin\s memory by their presence on this occasion.
Chorin's succes.sor, Dr. Jacob Steinhardt, delivered the
memorial address.
While in Hungary, especially in the large Synago-
gues, Chorin's death was ignored, he was, like all true
prophets, appreciated in other lands. The Jewash
Press of Germany, "Zeitung des Judenthum's" and
"Orient;" of France: "Archives Israelites;'' and,
what is of greater importance, men like Jost, Geiger
and Zunz, appreciated Chorin's labors. In Jost's
"History of Judaism and its sects," (III, page t,^7)\
in Zunz's immortal works. "Die Gottesdienstlichen
Vortraege der Juden," (Berlin, 1832, page 467-79, ) and
"Zur Geschichte und Literatur," (Berlin, 1845, page
385); in Dr. Stern's "History of Judaism," page 225; in
Geiger' s "Nachgelassene Schriften," (II, page 260);
in the "Bibliothek Juedischer Kanzelredner," by
Kaiserling (I Beilage, page lo-ii); and by Leopold
A RON CHOKIX. 93
Loew, whose biography of Chorin rendered me j^reat
services in this work, Chorin is most honorably
mentioned and very highly si)oken of. The silence of
Hnngarian Congregations and the detractions of
Graetz could not belittle Chorin's established name as
one of the pioneers of Reform-Judaism, who under the
greatest difficulties, confronted by the most trying and
provoking circumstances, and living isolated and re-
nu^ved from civilization, carried aloft single-handed the
banner of progress boldly and courageously; who paved
the wav through howling deserts to the mountain of the
Lord and brought us, the later generation, to the very
border of the land of our promise, which, true enough,
we ourselves have not fully conquered.
CHAPTER V.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON.
"As the living word will never cease to be the
great lever of progress and civilization, the growing
influence of the pulpit has been and is still the most
potent factor in the history and development of Re-
form-Judaism— Be the lecturer called Rabbi, preacher,
teacher, orator, if he understands how to find the true
gold in the Bible and Haggadah, to spread and diffuse
it, he surely wall bring the light spirit and enthusiasm
into the Temples. The spark once kindled will not be
extinguished, persecutions will only fan it into aflame;
for irrevocable as is the victory of freedom, of civiliza-
tion, of equality of the rights of the Jews and of their
scientific culture, is the triumph of the inspiring word,
revealing the Reform. This word of the enthusiastic
and inspired preacher and teacher of religion will con-
sole, enlighten, teach, elevate, edify, and thus become
a blessing not only to emancipated Israel, but to all
the inhabitants of Europe. * "When nations grow
old and lose their liberty the prophets die out." f "I
listened to the voices of the prophets and heard the
whispered words of their successors, so few and far
between, and from the ages of the past I let my eye
wander back to those regions, where the scattered Con-
gregations of Israel dwell in joy and in sorrow, and
* Zunz: Gottesdieustliche Vortraege der Jiiden, page 4S1, Berlin
1832.
t Zunz: Synagogale Poesie wachrend des Mittelerlters, Berlin,
1855, page I.
GOTTHOLl) SALOMON. 95
might not the voice of enthusiasm, of love and piety,
the voice of peace and knowledge which I had heard
with delight, sound on and bring salvation to many!"*
Such words uttered by no less a man than Dr.
Leopold Zunz suffice to prove, if proof were necessary,
the great influence which the Jewish pulpit has
exercised upon the development of Judaism. And in-
deed, the introduction of the German sermon into the
Svnagogue has proven to be the most important and
the most effective step in the direction of Reform. The
services which the first pioneer Jewish preachers have
rendered to the cause of Reform -Judaism cannot be too
highly appreciated. Such men are: Joseph Wolf,
(1762-1826); Kari Siegfried Guensburg, (1788-1860);
Isaac Levin Auerbach, (born 1785); Eduard Kley,
(1789-1867); L Wohlwill. (1799-1847); Naphtali
Frankfurter, (1810-1866); Abraham Alexander Wolff,
(born 1 8 10, in Darmstadt, died Dec. 2, 1891, as Rabbi
of Kopenhagen where he entered upon his position.
May 16, 1829); Klias Willstaetter, (1796- 1842);
Samson Wolf Rosenfeld, (1780-1862). They, and a
host of other men, who belong to the period of the
transition of Judaism from the darkness of the ghetto
to the light of the new age,t will always be con-
sidered b)- thoughtful and impartial men as able and
noble generals in the army of modern Israel, who have
rendered yoemen service in the cause of Reform-
Judaism. Unbiased readers of Jewish history will not
deplore with Graetz the "influence of the preachers."]
As it is impossible to dwell at length in this book on the
lives of all those men, I have selec':ed the best known
and most representative preacher of this epoch, nameh',
Gotthold Salomon, of Hamburg, because it was in the
main his merit to have placed Jewish Homiletics upon
an independent basis.
*Zutiz: Vorrede zu seinen PredJKten, Berlin, 1846, second
edition, page 3.
tGeiger fittingly styles these pioneers "men of the second
stage," (Nachgelassene Schriften, II, page 260.)
i(i?schiche dfrjulen. Vol. XI, page 417.
96 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Gottliold Salomon was born November, i, 1784,
in Sandersle])en, in the duchy of Anhalt-Dessau.
Dessau is a well known name in Jewish history.
Salomon's father was well versed in the Talmud; his
mother was the dauj^diter of Raphael Rothschild, the
Rabbi of Bernburg. His parents wanted him to be-
come a Rabbi, which position was at that time the
beau-ideal of Jewish parents. He was educated in the
strictest obserxance of the most minute precepts of the
Schulchan Aruch., At the age of three, he commenced
the study of Hebrew in the most unsystematic manner
in the "Cheder;" at the age of seven, Salomon could
fluently read whole portions of the Pentateuch and
translate them into the Jewish-German Jargon. The
transition to the study of Rashi, (commentary of R.
Jarchi), and the Mishna was soon accomplished and at
the age of ten the poor boy was tortured with the
dialectic argumentations, and intricacies of the Talmud
((xmarah). At the age of twelve his teacher in the
Talmud was forced to confess his inability to continue
his instruction. Fortunately his uncle. Rabbi Joachim
Heineman, took care of his further instruction and, un-
like the Talniudists of those days, he devoted much
time with his bright nephew to the study of the Bible,
which greatly influenced Salomon's later mode of
thinking. Four years he enjoyed the privilege of
Heineman' s tutorship and he emulated his almost
ascetic piety. Salomon observed not only the pre-
scribed fasts, (Tishea Beab, Zom Gedalia, 17th of
Tamuz, loth of Tebeth), but fasted on the so-called
ten days of Penitence between the New Year and the
Day of Atonement. (Shobebim). In the three weeks
between the i7tli day of Tamuz and the 9th day of
Ab he recited nightly the lamentations over the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem. (Chazoth). Those ascetic exercises
did not hurt Salomon. At the age of sixteen Salomon
attended the elementary school of Caplan Bobbe.
Biit Salomon's thirst for knowledge could not be
quenched in the little town of Sandersleben and, on
being presented one day to his distant relative, the
CrOTTHOI.D SALOM()>f. 97
preacher Joseph Wolf, of Dessau, it was settled that he
should goto Dessau, where a Jewish "Gymnasium"*
existed. With eight Groschen in his pocket young
Salomon started upon his journey.
The well known charity of the Jews, especially
towards those who are engaged in the study of the
Thorah, was also verified in the case of Salomon. In
the "Beth-Hamidrash," presided over by Rabbi Sabel,
he studied in company with other "Bachurim" the
Talmud, but he did by no means neglect other disci-
plines. In a comparatively short time he acquired a
commendable knowledge of history, geography, Ger-
man literature and even of the German classics. He
studied frequently all night. As he was compelled
later on to make a living by giving lessons he acquired
a pedagogic talent. In 1802 this talent secured him a
position as teacher of German and Hebrew in the
"Freischule" of Dessau. He composed a systematic
catechism of the Jewish religion in the form of questions
and answers. This method of teaching religion
theoretically met with some opposition. He relates
the following: A boy, stationed in the house of an
orthodox Jew, made notes of his lessons in religion.
Questioned by his host as to what he was doing and
answering accordingly, the pious man quite shocked
exclaimed: "What has a Jew to do with religion?"
But in time even the most orthodox Jews gladly entrust-
ed the religious education of their young to his care. As
a reward of their ability Salomon delivered interesting
little addresses to his pupils on Jewish subjects. These
addresses were fully adapted to the child's comprehen-
sion. The children sometimes shed tears when
listening to him. Here Salomon laid the foundation
of his future fame.
♦Gymnasium in Germany is a high-school or college, where the
pupils study nine years, before they have a right to enter a
I'tiiversitv. " After a rigid examination they receive the "testimonium
niaturitatis," which entitles them to call themselves students. There
are very few American Universities, which can compare with a
German "Gymnasium," so far as thorough studies are concerned.
98 REFORMED JUDAISM.
In company witli his colleagnes and friends: David
Fraenkel, Moses Philippson, Joseph Wolf, Richter, Dn
Toit, Tillith, Olivier, and Spieker, he developed his
thoughts and ideas on religion, education and Judaism.
The annual examinations in the "Franz-Schule" af-
forded him the opportunity to speak in public. Ou
May 30, 1806, he delivered his first public address in
the presence of several Christian scholars. Professor
Du Toit said: "The address deserves to be printed." *
This was saying a great deal in Germany. For there
it Was not as here a matter of daily occurrence that
every ignoramus who could get a place in a Congrega-
tion, called himself Rabbi, delivered stolen lectures,
palmed them off as his own productions and, to crown
the nefarious work, published them as original. In
1808, December i, on the occasion of the school
examination in the presence of the duke, Salomon de-
livered an address f on the "Aim of Education and the
Reward of the Educators." Salomon said that the re-
reward of educators, is in the main the inward re-
ward. For their compensation is hardly sufficient to
keep them from starvation. Their co-religionists, in-
stead of showing them respect, look down upon
them. This is done by two classes. In the first place
by those who possess that "little knowledge," which
is said to be "dangerous," and is so fittingly styled in
German "Halbwisserei." To the second class belong
the ignorant rich, who exert a tyrannaical and
autocratic power over the poor "Meshubodim."]; The
following words of his address contain some very whole-
some food for reflection, in particular for a certain class
of "Parnassim,"§ who, especially when rich, treat the
salaried officers of their Congregations, the minister in-
cluded, like mere employes of their stores. "The
teacher of Judaism must renounce riches and con-
*See "Sulamith," Vol. I, page 64.
tSulamith II, i, 76.
i"Meshubod" is a salaried officer of a Jewish Congregation.
^Literally "supporter," plural form of "parness. " It is used as
technical term for ''president of a Jewish Congregation."
GOTTIR)LI) SALOMON. 99
venieiice as rewards of his labors. He cannot count
npon honor and esteem except in a small circle ot truly
educated men. He may have ears, but must not hear
the insults of the masses; he may have eyes, but he
must not see how disagreeably he is treated; he may
have a heart, but he must not feel the humiliations to
w^liich he is subjected — Vet, the man of spirit and power
must not be deterred by all this, but confidently and
courageously go on in the work which he has begun
for the welfare of his brethren.
Salomon had another opportunity to influence the
rising generation by delivering every Saturday after-
noon lectures before the "Society for the relief of poor
brides." Some of these addresses arc published in the
''Sulamith."*
Pastor Demarees, of Dessau, assisted Salomon in
his studies, by furnishing him the homiletical works
of eminent Christian preachers, and by correcting his
sermons. Salomon attended once in a while the
services in the different churches, in order to hear the
sermons. There were no Jewish models of Homiletics
at that time. This accounts for the fact that not a few
of the first Jewish preachers in Germany have rather
overdone their excusable imitation of the Protestant
preachers. At any rate it had the advantage, that in
point of order and logical division of the material, the
Jewi.sh sermons of the first three decades of this
century were models. The eminent Jewish preachers
ot later periods, Geiger, Stein, Manheimer, Jellinek,
Joel, Sachs, Holdheim, S. Hirsch, Kinhorn, Gold-
schmidt, L. Adler, Gruenebaum, Formstccher, Locw,
Bruell, etc., have succeeded in making the Jewish pulpit
independent of Christian Homiletics.
Salomon without the aid of a teacher mastered
sufficient Latin to understand the exegetic literature
written in that language. (Vulgata and others.)
*See Vol. III. 2. 327; IX. i, 28, 2, 361. He lectured on "vanity
of vanities," in 1815 at the anniversary of the society. See his
Answahl von Pretiigten, Dessau, iSiS.
lOO KEKORMKD JUDALSM.
In 1804 he was requested by Moses Pliilippson to
take part in the new German translation with
Hebrew letters and Hebrew coninientary of the
"Twelve minor prophets" (Trai Ossor). Salomon took
the books of "Haggai and Sacharia." The whole
work was entitled "Mincha Tehaurah" (Pure offer-
ing). The work was well received and re-published
in Prague and Vienna.
In 1809, Salomon published the "Eight chapters
of Moses Ben Maimon." which form the introduction
to Maimonides' commentary on the Talmudical
treatise "Abotli" (The fathers). Salomon offered a
good translation with very valuable notes. Of his
essays in the "Sulamith," the following deserve
mention: "On Rationalism and Rationalists,"! where
he explains religious enlightenment as "purifying our
faith from the additions and excrescences of dangerous
re very and foolish prejudices;" "Rabbi Moses Ben
Maimon, " * an interesting historical essay on the life and
works of this Reforn^r; "Review of Herz Homberg's
Jewish Catechism." Salomon gives in this article a
vivid characteristic of the old time. But he is not
blind to the dark side of the picture. "Among the
balmy plants in this garden of religion, the poison of
superstition and disbelief was not wanting, of which
the youth have partaken, and their effects were felt
most painfully in maturer age, when they cursed the
chains in which those tyrants had fettered them."
In 1 810, Salomon married Rosette Colin, a "pious
maiden of a highly respected family of Dessau." As
his income was limited, he established a boarding-
school, (Pensionsanstalt), which in time was patron-
ized by the sons and daughters of the first families from
far and near.
*Sulamith, 1808, Vol. II, i, 207.
t Sulamith, 1809, Vol. II. 2.
i The title of Homberg's book is "Imre Shafer," Wien, 1S08. See
Sulamith 1810, Vol. II.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. ' lOI'
111 1813 David Friedlaeuder, of Berlin, forwarded
to Salomon his pamphlet; "On the Reform of the
worship,"* and reqnested him to express his opinion
on the subject. This was the first time that Salomon
was drawn into the circle of the Jewish-Reform move-
ment. Salomon expressed his views in a little pamph-
let: "Light and truth, concerning the Reform of the
Jewish cult, a correspondence between two friends of
truth," Leipzig, 1813. Although Salomon did not
sign his name, it is known that the letter of S to
H meant Salomon. He dealt some hard blows
to the "obscurants and blind adherents of the old — ."
Thev were, incensed against the author, and the Chief
Rabbi, of Dessau, Michael Speyer, declared the pamph-
let "heretic." He made a motion to the effect that
the board of trustees of Dessau order the burning of
the same near the entrance of the Synagogue, which
was, however, not done. In 18 14 Salomon published
a "Biography of Moses Philippson, teacher of the free
school at Dessau."
In 1815 Salomon, who never lost sight of his calling
as a preacher, went to Berlin for the purpose of seeing
what was going on in the ''Jacobsohn-Temple." In
consequence of his pamphlet on the "Reform of wor-
ship," he was well received by Friedlaeuder, Jacob-
sohu and other friends of Reform, and was invited to
preach on the feast of conclusion in Beer's Temple.
This was the first time of his preaching in a house of
worship. The sermon was .so well received, that Jacob
Herz Beer, the father of Meyerbeer made Salomon a
fine present, and sent him a letter of admiration. He
also requested him to have this sermon printed. It is
published among a "Selection of several sermons."
(Dessau, iSiS). This sermon, although by no means
free from imperfections, gives a deep insight into the
spirit, the religious conviction and the very innermost
being of the man who has become one of the most
eminent Jewish preachers of this century. The subject
was:
*See page 36 of this book.
I02 REFORMED JITDAISM.
"What are the main sources of infidelity." Text
Isaias II, 3: "Come let lis ascend the mountain ol the
Lord and walk to the House of the (lod of Jacob."
"As at one time the law came from Zion and the word
of God from Jerusalem, — so shall instruction come to us
from this place devoted to the service of God. Certainly,
in a well and practically established divine service we
find the divine instrument to attain piety and virtue.
Yet while a well established service is liable to
lift a man up to his higher nature, to God and to
virtue, the worship as such will always remain only
the means to the great aim, but not the aim itself.
What is the advantage, if you fold your hands in
prayer towards Heaven and these hands are soiled with
the stain of vice; what is the profit, my brother, if
your heart is lifted up towards God when within it sin
yet dwells? What is the use, my sister, if your foot
hurries to the House of God, but your own house is
not managed in accord with order, morality and love;
what is the use if your steps are standing within the
sanctuary, but before entering and leaving it, they are
pursuing the paths of vice? What is the use if the
most pleasant sounds of gratitude towards the God of
truth emanate from your mouth, and yet ingratitude,
falsehood and malice dwell therein? Can it make you
better, my brother, if your eye, filled with tears, looks
to the Father of kindness and love, while the eye of the
poor, miserable brother sheds tears of sorrow and pain
on account of the wrong you have done him? Can we
then learn God's ways and walk in his paths? Can we
boast of our virtue when we carry the Lord merely on
our lips, and our hearts are far from Him?"
Speaking of the main sources of infidelity, andof pre-
vailing indifference towards religion in general, and to-
wards Judaism in particular, he continues his argu-
ments, which hold good in every respect in our own pro-
gressive age and country, as follows: "In the first
place, it is one-sided Rationalism. I mean that
superficiality of thought and that inclination to reject
everything old, be it ever so good and venerable, and
GOTTHOI.l) SALOMON'. IO3
to grasp anything new withont choice and discrimina-
tion. I mean that recklessness, with which persons,
who have gathered st)me knowledge from pamphlets
and new.spapers without earnest study, and without
understanding or comprehending the sense of these
things, sit in judgment over the sublimest matters of
religion and ethics. I mean that licentiousness, with
wdiich, not only the religious ceremonies, but also the
eternal truths of Judaism are trodden under foot.
Many of the children here and el.sewhere will
tell you about the history of ancient nations, which
have long since passed away; but the history of their
own people remains unknown to them."
These extracts from Salomon's first sermon show
his bold, outspoken character, his courage of
opinion, his forcible sty".e, his sincerity and religious
fervor, his strong convictions and purity of motives. It
was no trifle for a young man, who had never preached
before in a house of w^orship, to speak thus in his first
sermon, to touch, and without gloves at that, the
most vital questions of modern Judaism.
Salomon acted not like many young ministers of
our days, both in Europe and here, whose only pur-
pose seems to be, that their lectures please the Congre-
gation; no, his principal object was to instruct, to en-
lighten, to elevate his hearers. We gladly miss in his
first sermon that diplomatic reserve and politician-like
shrewdness, that catering to the vanity of the audience
and that careful overcautiousness, which, alas,
characterize so many trial-sermons of young can-
didates for the office of minister in our days. Salomon
spoke, as he felt, the truth, irrespective of what people
thought of it, whether they liked or disliked it, and,
like the prophets of old, he was not afraid, kept not
back, but '^proclaimed to the house of Israel their sins
and transgressions." (Isaiah, LVIII, i ).
This was the great secret of his wonderful success
in later years. For justly, our Sages say in the Tal-
mud: ''Only words that emanate from the heart will
find entrance into the heart;" or, as Goethe puts it:
104 REFOR.MKD JUDAISM.
"What you don't feel, you'll never catch by
hunting,
It must gush out spontaneous from the soul,
And with fresh delight enchanting,
The hearts of all that hear control."^
In the preface to this sermon Salomon said: "The
truth is of God and they who diffuse it are His
servants. His servants, however, of the tribe of Levi,
think more of the truth than even of their father or
mother.":;:
His sojourn in Berlin was a still greater incentive
for Salomon to devote himself with might and main to
the study of Homiletics. As he could not yet preach
from the pulpit, he preached through his literary labors,
especially through the publication "Selima's Stunden
der Weihe," (Hours of devotion) a moral-religious
treatise for the educated among the women (Leipzig,
1816). This book was a success, touching, as it did,
familiar chords in the hearts of the mothers and
daughters of Israel. The lorm of the book was most
appropriate. A young lady, Selima, the daughter of a
wealthy merchant, lays down in a diary her thoughts
and sentiments on the most important religious
truths, on the Jewish Holidays, and events in the
family life. A spirit of pure, enlightened piety, far
remote from romanticism and superstitious mysticism
permeates ever)- line of the little volume. It has con-
tributed not a little towards diffusing a better appreci-
ation of our religion among intelligent Jewish women,
who, disgusted with the official Judaism of those days,
were tempted to forsake the religion of their mothers.
The best proof of the intrinsic value of this book is a
venomous pamphlet in the Jewish German Jargon
directed against it by a certain Meyer Elkan Fuerth
*"Wenn ihr's nicht fuehlt, ihr werdet's nicht erjagen,
Wenn es nicht aus der Seele dringt,
Und niit urkraeftigeni Behagen,
Die Herzen aller Hoerer Zvvingt."
Goethe Faust, I Theil.
*Salotiion apparently alludes to Deut., 33, 9.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON*. IO5
under the title: "Makhsheboth Haleb, (Thoughts of
the heart).
Salomon published, in conjunction with j. Wolf,
a pamphlet; "Character ot Judaism," (Leipzig, 1817).
This publication was mainly polemical, and strongly
and ably refuted the venomous accusations heaped
upon the Jews by the Hep-Hep criers of (xermany,
particularly Professors Friedrich Ruehs, of Berlin, and
I. F. Fries, of Heidelberg. Berthold Auerbach said
that this book, "Character of Judaism," is not only
defensive, but clearly and systematically lays dowm the
positive foundation of Judaism. Through the argu-
ments set forth and fortified by original sources, it has
become a standard work. *
In 1 81 8 Salomon published, together with Wolf,
a Hebrew Reader, with a complete register of Hebrew
and Chaldaic words, and, in conjunction with ]\Iaimon
Fraenkel, a German anthology under the name
"Teutonia."t
No wonder that Salomon's fame was spreading,
and that, when the Temple in Hamburg was in
search of a second preacher he was selected for this
important position. Dr. Eduard Kley was the first
preacher, but the new temple, wdiich was dedicated
October 18, 18 18, nuide a second preacher necessary.
Salomon's sermons, published in 1818 in Dessau and
his knowledge of the Talmud, by means of wdiich'
he could better disarm the opponents of Reform and
fight them on their own ground, had not a little to do
with his call to Hamburg. On the 7th of November,
he delivered his inaugural sermon in Hamburg from
the text: "My heart belongeth to the Legislators of
Israel." (Judges, V, 9). This sermon produced a
most favorable impression. His second sermon on
Lsaiah 64, 5-6: "We wither like a leaf, all of us, and
our iniquities, like the wind, will bear us away," con-
*Gallerie' der ausgezeichnetsten Israeliten aller Jahrhunderte,
Stuttgart, I S3 1, vol. V, page 40-41.
tLeipzig, 1812, second edition 1815, third edition 1S24.
Io6 REFORMED JUDAISM.
tains the following beautiful closing passage "Now
while the leaves fall from the trees, I take leave of you
and return to my home; but when everything begins
to bloom again, at spring-tide, which is full of song, I
will return again if I myself will not then be withered
like the grass.''
In Dessau he published his '.'Sermons, delivered
in the Temple of Hamburg," (1819). As usual his
work was better appreciated in Dessau after his de-
parture than during his stay. It was mainly his work,
that the almost decaying Jewish free-school was trans-
formed into the "Herzogliche Franzschule," and that
an annual subsidy of several hundred Thaler and free
fuel was given to the school by the duke. Salomon's
reception in Hamburg, was very enthusiastic. His
sermons created a furor among the Jews and Christians
of Hamburg. The Temple was crowded with appre-
ciative audiences. It was a matter of surprise in those
days, to hear from a Jewish pulpit a rational concep-
tion of religion, expounded with great oratory and in
classical language. Here the question may arise, why,
in our days, especially in Germany, even the best
preachers, — and there are some who surpass Salomon
— cannot boast of a success similar to his. The answer
is at hand. The age in which Salomon lived, at the
beginning of his career, might be styled a "Homilet-
ical era." The sudden, and unexpected downfall of
Napoleon Bonaparte and the consequent redemption of
Germany from foreign despotism and French rule
tended to remind the Germans, who were always in-
clined towards religious laxity, of their gratitude to
God, and revived their religious sentiment. True,
this "reaction" soon took the form of romanticism,
pietism, mysticism and bigotr)- among the Christians
and often exhibited itself in fanaticism, hypocrisy, in-
tolerance, and hatred against the Jews. But upon the
Jews themselves the effect was by no means so dis-
astrous. The orthodox Jews were not in the least dis-
turbed about the Hep-Hep cries and the loss of the
emancipation, as they considered oppression the
GOTTHOIJ) SALOMON. IO7
natural state during the "Galuth."* The more en-
lightened and educated Israelites, however, were bent
upon showing to the world the purity and sublimity
of their religion, thus refuting and annihilating the
false accusations heaped upon them by their enemies.
In this respect the spoken and printed sermons of the
"new" preachers and a reformed and better worship
have done invaluable service, as the non-Jewish world
could convince itself, that Judaism need only to be
understood, to be appreciated. No wonder the Jews
felt proud of their new preachers, who could vie with
the best Christian pulpiteers. Aside from this the
worship in the orthodox Synagogue naturally repelled
the new generation, bred under the refining in-
fluences of good schools, Gymnasiums and Universities.
It is therefore not surprising, that a great many Jews,
who hardly dreamt of entering a Synagogue on ac-
count of its uncultured Chazonim, f Shamossim, I and
its tedious, incomprehensible Derashoth, (so-called
lectures on Talmudical topics) which were delivered
in a barbarous Jargon by Polish Rabbis, now flocked
to the Temple. There the stirring peals of the
organ, the songs of the choir, the prayers in the ver-
nacular, the hymns, and the timely sermons appealed
to their hearts.
The number of Salomon's published sermons is a
library in itself. We select some extracts, which will
suffice to show that his main attention was directed to
touch the heart of his audience, and that he had the
couragfe " to call things bv their true names." The
first sermon in his collection of "Sermons m the new
Israelitish Temple at Hamburg, P'irst Series," (Ham-
burg, 1820,) on the text, ''House of Jacob, come let
us walk in the light of the Lord," (Isaiah 2, 5,) was
delivered on the Feast of Weeks, 1819. It treats on
*"Galuth" means literally "exile." As a terminus technicus it
stands for "oppression of the Jews." According to orthodox doctrine
the "Galuth" will last until the Messiah will redeem Israel.
+ "Chazan" means "Cantor" "perceutor," also "reader."
J"Shanimass" is "janitor," servant of the Congregation.
io8 rp:fokmed judaism.
religious eiilightcniiieiit. Tlit- following passages will
always remain gems of Jewish pulpit-oratory: "Light
is synonymous with reason. If, then, God calleth
upon us to walk in his light, he calleth upon us to
seek to know Him according to reason and truth. *
* * We should correct false representations and
opinions, we should- oppose superstition and fanaticism,
in order that there may be light within us and around
us." * * Religious enlightenment consists in purifying
our belief, in freeing it from the additions heaped upon
it by pernicious fanaticism and silly prejudices, in
forcing upon us the conviction that true religion is not
a matter of memory, but a question of the heart." To
those, however, who oppose enlightenment, because
"skepticism, sensuality, folly follow in their train." he
fittingly replies: "Is light then indeed pernicious
because the unpracticed hand of the suckling knows
not its use? Is truth injurious because it is misused
by fools? Shall the sun not warm, the rain rot refresh
the earth, because the poisonous plant grows near the
' herb that is food for man?' Is enlightenment to be
rejected because the frivolous understand not its aim
and end? No, ye shall learn to distinguish by their
characteristics, true and false enlightenment. * *
Religious enlightenment makes the race of man
more virtuous, more humane, more truth-loving, more
moderate, more modest, more indulgent to the faults of
others, more watchful over their own defects. * ^
How differently does false enlightenment manifest
itself! Without inquiry they reject the old, be it ever
so venerable, ever so sacred, and blindly seize on what
is new, be it ever so pernicious and unholy, only be-
cause it glitters and dazzles. While heathenism and
other religions teach asceticism, regard flight from the
pleasures of existence in the light of piety, consider
God as a malicious spirit, delighting in mi.schief, to
whom the permanent happiness of man was repugnant,
Judaism strongly repudiates such Puritanical teach-
ings. God forbids us not, to partake of innocent joys.
CxOTTHOLD SALOMON. IO9
Heconimands us not, to devote our days to gloom aud
sorrow."
Another sermon of Salomon, delivered in 1821, is
considered a masterpiece, and is entitled: " Prophet-
engeist und Pr.opheten\vandel." (The Prophet's
Spirit and the Prophet's Course.) The following are a
few extracts which will surprise many of our younger
readers, who are under the impression that Reform-
Judaism is a matter of recent date only:
"In all times there have been narrow spirits who
have cjnsidered it dangerous to instruct and enlighten
the people on matters the most important to them.
They held the selfish opinion — and many still hold it —
that a troop of blind are more easily led than a body
of clear-sighted men. The point on which the sages
and philosophers of all nations have been, and are
even now, still at variance, whether the moral and
intellectual standard of the people .should be raised,
whether thev should be enlightened, was decided
thousands of years ago by thee, great teacher of man,
noble instructor of the people. *'The people saw that
the skin of thy face sh(me (Kxod. 34, 33,) whilst thou
wavest ihem in commandment all that the Lord had
spoken.' A wise lesson for you, public instructors!
To cause thv light to shine, such was thine aim, thine
endeavor. All, all .should be taught, enlightened;
their powers of heart and head should be so raised that
they should all learn to distinguish the true from the
false, the eternal from the tran.sitory; that they should
glorify God, all become prophets of the Lord. * *
Would you ask me whence the prophet obtained
his strength, his courage? He derived them from the
consciousness of having acted according to duty aud
righteousness. Because he was blameless, therefore
was he fearless. This guileless, childlike, innocent
heart vv^as the armory, whence the hero drew weapons
ofdefense in the conflicts of life. * * Reasonable and child-
*Salonion alludes to Moses' e.xclaruation: "Would to God that all
the people of Jehovah were prophets." (Number 11, 29).
no REFORMED JUDAISM.
like truth is the prophet's shield; the hope of brighter
hours, eveu in the darkest day, is the prophet's hel-
met; justice even towards those who injure him, the
prophet's coat of mail; unspotted innocence, the
prophet's breastplate; the love of God .his standard and
w^atchword. * * To want little, to forego willingly, to be
moderate in his demands, modest in his wishes,
temperate in his enjoyment; such was the prophet's
wealth. * * Had those chosen of the Lord indulged in
many wants, in much outlay, in extravagant preten-
sions, they would have been false prophets, venal
servants of mammon, worshippers of the golden calf.
How could they chastise the rich and the powerful
with the breath ot their lips, with the arrows of their
words, if they themselves had trembled and worshipped
before the same idols? How could they have dared to
approach the throne and to call aloud unto the
princes: Your thrones totter, and with them ye will
also be cast down, because the firmest supports,
justice, benevolence, virtue and truth, are wanting
alike to them and to you? He who would hold such
language must possess the strength of truth, must bear
treasures in his bosom, must require little, must be
rich in inward wealth. * * If all the people are to be
prophets unto the Lord, then must they all pursue
their course through life with a cheerful and contented
mind. 1 do not mean that love of pleasure, whose
followers live in one uninterrupted whirl, who prepare
the hall for a second festival ere the first is ended. But
it was forbidden to the high priest to induge uselessly
in sorrow. Neither should prophets resign their hearts
wholly to sadness; always prepared for the service and
calls of his holy office, the prophet should preserve an
unclouded brow, a serene temper of mind, a cheerful
demeanor. * * Were the present ever so stormy, it
caused him not to tremble; in the haven, in which he
sought refuge, there was naught to fear. And the
future! To the prophets, from the greatest to the
smallest, it appeared radiant and bright as the
meridian sun. The prophets stood on high,
GOTTHOLU SALOMON'. Ill
listening and watching; waiting, even though it tar-
ried; listeiMng, though but a whisper was heard;
watching, tht>ugh it hiv remote. * * Without this divine
• 11
spirit your learning cannot make you wise, your wealth
cannot make you rich, your strength cannot make you
powerful, your pleasures cannot make you glad. Why
does there exist among men, so much that is deformed
and feeble in their houses, in their institutions, in their
provinces, their nations, their governments? Because
a lying spirit rules among them, as among the
prophets of old; an idol and no God. They patch
together miserable rags and term them priest's gar-
ments, a heavenly mantle. But wherefore should I
speak in metaphor? They declare, their own spirit to
be the spirit of God. What they desire not themselves
they forbid in the name of the Lord. * * The fool would
conceal his folly and says: 'What has the world
gained by the spreading of light? Were not the
earlier ages better than the present?' This is a spirit
of darkness, but not a spirit of the Lord, who is light
and truth. Unwise teachers, false prophets, would
declare their intolerant spirit and their darkness to be
light and testify in the name of religion against all
whose belief differs from their own; they would preach
religion and forget its first precept: 'What thou dis-
likest, do not unto others; love every man as thyself.'
What do these babbling hypocrites? They prune and
twist and turn the words of the Bible and the law, be
it the earlier or later law, be they the words of Moses
or of them who have drawn their knowledge from his
writings, till such meaning be accepted as they think
it good to apply to them. This is a spirit of night,
but not the spirit of the Lord. The word 'Nabi' is
used for the prophet, and really signifies Speaker,
Orator — but it is not the lips, the tongue, it is the act
that speaks; it speaks louder than the organs of speech.
And if God's spirit really rests on you, you will not
desire to be a mere orator, you will not merely declaim
of virtue in fine words and metaphors and you will not
bear your religion on your lips, without feeling it in
112 RKKORMKD JUDAISM.
your hearts or showing it in yourselves. Speakers like
unto those should your actions be. Your whole life
should be one sound. * * What the inspired have spoken
will one day be fulfilled. One day, and though that
day should tarry, await it; that is the prophet's spirit.
Let us follow their example and never rest, till each
has fulfilled the command of his Father, to be a prophet
unto the Lord."*
The following are some extracts from Salomon's
sermon on "the spirit of the Mosaic religion," delivered
on Shabuoth, 1826. The feast of weeks asks of the
Israelite: "Does your religion, such as you
have it at the present day, offer all that is required to
make the life of man happy?" He answers with the
text; Deut. IV, 5-10: "For this is your wisdom and
understanding in the sight of the nations," as follows:
"The religion which I profess gives me all that is re-
quisite for a happy human life, as long as the welfare
of humanity is more than a dream, as long as human
virtue is more than a delusion. Israelites, if to be
happy is to be conscious of your greatness and dignity
as men, as the images of God, as immortal beings, then
your religion will suffice for you so long as human
reason will and can think. The very life-breath of our
religion is love and the image'of the creator, which we
bear in ourselves, can never manifest itself more
worthily and more completely than in acts of love. For
it is only by love that we can become like him who
loveth all mankind. But you pause to reflect. Is it be-
cause perchance, another town, another country,
another continent lies between you and your fellow-
men? Ought a foreign city, or a strange land, or an
unknown region, then to be deemed a barrier between
hearts formed alike? Are not both they and you still
the creatures of God? Are you not still brethren? And
though one may dwell where the sun rises and another
where the sun sets, is not God the God of the whole
*Salomon: Twelve sermons translated by Anna Maria Gold-
vsmith, London, 1839, Charleston, S. C, 1841.
GOTTHOLU SALOMON. Il3
earth? Is not His name to be praised from the rising
of the snn to the going down of the same? Love tlie
stranger also as thou lovest thyself. Do you again
hesitate? There lies between you, perhaps, something
more than a continent — a different creed. But say,
ye, who have feeling hearts, suppose, that of two,
born of the same parents, the elder is tall enough to
embrace their father while the younger can only clasp
his knees, must not the older and stronger assist him
who is yet too little and weak to climb to the parental
bosom? Should difference in strength cause difference
in fraternal love? My heart answers no, and so also
speaks religion. This love will be meek and ready to
assist enemies and offenders, tender and compassionate
to the wretched and unfortunate, forbearing and in-
dulgent to the weak and infirm, gentle and kind to
those of lowly condition, who have the more need of
love from their fellow-men, the more they appear to be
without the love of their father in this, their earthly
life. * * It is very possible to observe most punctually
all the laws of Scripture, and yet to be as far removed
from virtue as the east is from the west. * * The govern-
ment commands yon to do this and that, but what you
may be thinking or feeling during your performance of
the' required action, or from what motives the
deeds and actions may spring, is totally in-
different to it. It is not so with religion. The
religion that is worthy of the name, demands
something more than good deeds; it requires pure
motives and holy feelings, for it is the aim of religion
to purify our inward life. * * The Israelite is
admonished to be holy, because God is holy (Levit.
XIX, 2). You need but to peruse the laws that Moses
delivered, to be convinced that they insist on the
purest morality;* and hence this moral law of reason,
will subsist to the latest age, however far mankind
have advanced in science and' civilization. Israelites!
So long as virtue among men is something more than
*See especially Lev , Chapter 19.
114 REFORMED JUDAISM.
a vain illusion, so long will your religion be capable of
ensuring to man a happy existence."
"It is the aim of the Mosaic religion to make of
us good and useful members of society. Men, however,
ignorant of the world and human life, act and speak as
though Israel still formed a separate and distinct state;
consequently they observe as parts of the universal
religion of Israel, institutions, which possessed value
in Palestine only, because there only they had spirit
and life. They require and inculcate the strict observ-
ance of these ceremonies, although by such observances
much of our own power to act usefully as citizens
must necessarily be destroyed. Besides this they envelop
the jewel of religion in so many folds, that numbers
of our brethren who cannot, or will not, penetrate the
covering, see not the jewel itself. Ignorance would,
perhaps, be pardonable; but there is — obstinacy.
Many, I grieve to say it, belong to the hypocrites, who
have more regard for their own wilfulness and
advantage than for our religious weal. They care not
whether some treasures may yet be saved from the
wreck, or all be lost in the bottomless abyss. Were
you real servants of God, true shepherds in Israel, like
those who have gone before you, your care would be
to save what is essential. You would be the first to
improve our Temples and the form of worship; you
would be the first to prepare for our youth books of
religion in which the husk should be distinguished
from the kernel. * * But, alas, you are like the woman
who feigned a mother's afi"ection before the judgment
seat of Solomon, for ye say respecting the child that
was not destroyed in the night time, neither of us
shall have it. Yet you know what the real mother
did. She yielded the claim willingly to save from
destruction the child that had lain on her bosom.
(I Kings, III, 16-28). If religion really lies near
your hearts, teach it, and preach it in real purity
and simplicity, and divest it of all that can make us
ridiculous in the eyes of other nations. Divest it of all
excrescences and additions, so that it may again be
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. II5
what it originally was; and all truly rational and wise
men may be forced to exclaim, in the words of onr
text: 'Surely this great nation is a wise and under-
standing people.' "*
Such words, spoken in Europe sixty-four years
ago, are remarkable indeed.
The following extracts from his sermon on "The
Israelite's confession of faith," are timely. (Text,
Dent. VI, 4-9):
"But what should be the nature of this love of
God? The heathen thought they loved their divinities,
while they sacrificed to them their own children.
Many, even among those who acknowledge but one
God, have represented the destruction and annihila-
tion of self, as the proper proofs of love to Him. There
are many at the present day, who consider a disinclina-
tion to active life to be the same thing as devotion
towards God. Far be it from you, to entertain ideas
so erroneous. " +
" 'Ye shall teach them diligently to your children.'
The word, in the original is used in reference to a
sharp-pointed arrow, t which pierces the heart easily,
but is very difficult to extract. Teaching and preach-
ing are useless in themselves. Though you had
prophets like Isaiah for your preachers, men who
could speak with the tongues of angels, and though
each discourse were a master-piece, they could not
form you into perfect men. * * You must then impress
well on your children the truths of religion — at home.
For there the perversions of the world reach you not,
there you have no need to do homage to the absurdities
of the age, for fear of appearing in the eyes of men to
be 'behind the fashion,' or 'the improvements of the
times.' It is here that vou can show your children
♦Twelve sermons by Salomon, translated by Anna M. Goldsmith,
1839, pAges 146, 148, 149, 150, 104, 155, 156, i^i, 165. 166.
tTwelve sermons, page iSi.
JDeut. 32, 41 "veshinantom," Piel-form of "Shannan" Denom.
'shen" i. e. " tooth" or "sharp edge," "arrow" which pierces the
heart. See Ps. 64, 4, Isaiah 5, 28, Prov. 25, 18.
Il6 RKFORMKD JUDAISM.
true examples of pious meu aud believing Israelities.
And this is the pointed dart that enters the heart
readily, but will not so readily be taken out."*
In the sermon: "Outward aids of religion," de-
livered in 1826, Salomon said among other good things
the following, on the text. Dent. VI, 8-9:
"We are well aware that the same, or similar
passages occur in the writings of the prophets, as also
in the Psalms and Proverbs, which cannot be inter-
preted according to the letter, but are to be taken
figuratively." (Ibid., page 192).! "In the holy
Temple poetry, music and song were combined to
elevate the moral feeling. Such physical aids do pro-
duce beneficial effects on the spirit. I need only re-
mind you of the good that has been realized among us
since the establishment of this, our house of God. * *
The religion of the Israelites is great, is pure in its
doctrines and truths; the ceremonies by which that
religion is expressed must be in accordance with that
greatness, that purity. That which is surperadded, and
manifestly opposed to its spirit, that which offends the
moral sense, shocks the feelings and disregards the
laws of order and beauty, should not be accepted and
practiced either in our domestic, or in our public
worship. * * If reason is not exercised, then customs and
ceremonies come to be considered as religion itself.
Men then delight in vague feelings, and are satisfied if
the heart is touched for a time, but not permanently
improved. Many among the educated classes are dis-
posed now to this mysticism, this visionary and dreamy
state. (Pages 205-6). * * In Israel there are but too
*Twelve sermons, pages 185-189.
t Rabbi Samuel Ben Meir, (Rashbani) remarks to Exod. XIII, 9,
which passage is also contained Deut. VI, 8-9, the following: Ac-
cording to the natural explanation the passage means to convey the
idea, that the exodus from Egypt should be a memorial, a reminder
as if it were written "upon thy hand," as we read in a similar
passage, Salomon's Song, VII, 6: "Set me as a seal upon thy
heart." The same, "between thine eyes," like jewelry, which a
person wears as an ornament on the forehead." See also Ibn Ezra's
note to Exod. 13.9. and to Deut. 6.8, and page 56 of my "Talmud"
(1880, Berlin, Issleib).
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. II7
many men and women, who arc satisfied with this half-
light and consider it piety. * * They adhere to empty,
snperstitious cnstoms, to cabalistic mysteries and say-
ings and reject snitable and appropriate aids to virtne.
Do you desire examples? I will give you some. The
holy solemnization of the Sabbaths and Festivals, is to
many among >ou, a matter of indifference; but you
fear, ye observers of times, to commence a business, or
to remove into a dwelling on certain days. Some of
you consider prayer and devotion as objects of small
import, but when you do pray, you fear to pray in any
language except Hebrew, which you do not compre-
hend. You disobey the Mosaic ordinances for the Day
of Atonement, without self-reproach, but you fear to
be present at the service of the dead, (Haskardth
Xeshamoth) lest it should injure your parents, who
are still living. Religious customs that would exalt
the life, remain unobserved, but in cases of death,
customs are observed which owe their existence to
])rejudices, which, probably, originally sprang from
heathenism.* Why is this? Whence is this? Be-
cause imagination rules, and reason is become her
handmaiden. Who can deny, that the outward dis-
tinction of festivals and fast-days may give a pious
tendency and tone to the heart, and in this way lead it
to religion. But if you do not also employ your
reason, you might even thus find an excuse for dis-
honesty, when in fact it would be better even to make
the day of the festival a day of work for honest main-
tenance, than thus to render religion a pretext for a
recourse to fraud.} There ever were and are yet many
♦Similar things are found even in this countr}'. It is appalling,
how superstitions many so-called enlightened Jews are, whenever
death enters -their house.
+This reminds one of the passage in the Talmud "Make
thy Sabbath a week day, but ask not for the assistance of
men." In the same spirit Salomon said: "There is no law
in the religion of the Jews to hinder you from devoting your powers
to the state to which you belong, to the fatherland which protects
you, at whatever hour or whatever day your services may be indis-
pensably necessary." "Twelve .sermons." (page 160 ). The principle
Il8 REKORMKD JUDAISM.
individuals in Israel, who imagine themselves to be
pious and better than the rest, because :hey observe a
vast number of ceremonies, whose whole meaning has
long since been forgotten; because they keep many
fast-days, utter many prayers, read much and often in
the sacred writings, as if the dead letter could open
heaven to them. And these things are held to be
reli":ion, while religion itself is disregarded. Thence
the ridiculous blindness, with which so many look
down with contempt, on- such as think differently
from themselves. Pride is concealed beneath their
tatters. The words in the Midrash are remarkable:
"Do not add to his words." (Proverbs). This means,
according to Rabbi Khijah: "Do not make the fence
around the garden a matter of greater import than the
garden itself, else it might fall in and destroy the
plants." Oh, deluded ones, they hope to be healed,
merely because they read the prescription of their
physician and frequently comprehend not the language
in wdiich that prescription is written. No! To over-
value these means is just as sinful as to neglect their
use altogether."* Salomon was often compared with
Klaus Harms, and was also called the "Jewish
Draeseke," which was considered a great compliment
in those days.
It is impossible to ennmerate here even the titles
of all the sermons of Salomon. Many of them ap-
peared in pamphlet form, while the most select ones
were published in book form, as "Sammlungen,"
(selections of sermons). Thus appeared "Sermons in
the new Israelitish Temple at Hamburg, by Dr. G.
Salomon, first selection."!
is, however, not as new as it might seem. Mar Samuel taught more
than fifteen centuries ago "Dina DemalkhutaDina": "The law oi' the
Government is law," See also Talmud Joma. 85: "The Sabbath
hath been delivered unto you, not you unto the Sabbath." (Cf "my:
"The Talmud," page 36.
*Twelve sermons, pages 205-269.
t Hamburg, 1820, Hoffman and Campe.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. IIQ
In 182 1, followed a second and in 1825, ^ third
"selection" ot Salomon's sermons.
By special reqnest of the ladies of his Congrega-
tion, Salomon pnblished in 1825, a pamphlet: "The
family life," in three sermons. Salomon relates in his
"antobiography" that he was urged by his Congrega-
tion to publish weekly sermons delivered by him and
by his colleajjjue. Dr. Kiev. Thus three volumes were
published entitled: ,
"Collection of the newest sermons delivered in
the Israelitish Temple at Hamburg, edited by Dr.
Eduard Kley and G. Salomon.* The first volume
contains fifteen sermons. The fifteenth sermon on the
"Separation from those we love," based on Numbers,
XXVII, 12-23, ^s beautiful in the extreme. In fact
Salomon's greatest force as a preacher is manifested in
sermons which appeal to the heart rather than to the
mind, hence, in sermons dealing with sorrow and
death. t
The second volume contains also fifteen, and the
third volume thirteen sermons. In 1829 a new volume
was added to these "collections," entitled "Festpredig-
ter, fuer alle Feiertage des Herrn,";^ which Salomon
himself considers his best efforts. These sermons,
twenty in number, are indeed models of simplicity and
conciseness. § Among the sermons published in
pamphlet form, is one in memory of Israel Jacobsohn, ]|
and another on, "Add nothing to it and take nothing
away from it."*^
Salomon's sermon "The desecration of God's
name, in word and deed," delivered in 1846, created
♦Hamburg 1826-27, Ahrons.
tTwelve sermons, translated by M. Goldsmith, p. 229.
tSermons for all the Holidays of the Lord, Hamburg, 1S29,
Nestler.
§This volume is dedicated to Dr. Leo Wolf, Philadelphia.
llSept. 13th. 1820. "The pious Lsraelite does not die.'. Text
Isaiah 51-3, "An Israelite in whom I glory."
•TAug. 2'.\'\, 1S20, text, Deut. p. 6. reprinted in Kaiserling's Bibl.
Jued. Kanzelr, page 220.
120 REFORMED JUDAISM.
quite a sensation, and was published at the request
of his Congregation. In this sermon he uttered
among other things the following words on
blasphemy: "If there are houses in Israel, in which
the youth is instructed in everything but religion, or
houses and schools in Israel, in which religion exists
in nothing but a mere mechanical work of memory, of
formulas and usages, a heartless occupation, oppressing
rather than reviving, then be sure, in such houses are
bred — from such houses come — blasphemers. How
then can we best conquer blasphemy?" To this he
answers: "Truth above all! Truth in particular in
the house of truth, before the God of truth! Do not
utter in your prayers wishes, for the fulfilment of
which you do not care; do not pray for things which
in reality you do not want, do uot praise God for the
giving of laws and the promulgating of statutes, which
he never commanded. |. 'No liar and no hypocrite
shall appear before God.' Thus scripture informs us.
And should there be found in your prayer-books
wishes, supplications and benedictions of that sort,
then do not rest until you have purified and purged
your devotional books. "^
Salomon was a pioneer in the sketching of Biblical
characters in a series of sermons from a Jewish point
of view. The first collection in this line was his
":\Ioses, the man of God," in twenty-one lectures at
Hamburg, 1835. IMost of these discourses were de-
delivered in the year 1827
Two years later a second ' 'collection' ' was published,
entitled:
tWhat sense is there in praising God by a special benediction,
because he had commanded us to wash our hands, to light the
Chanuccah candles, to read the Megilla, when we can find no
passage in the Thora where such orders were ever given? I could
add many more instances of this kind.
tSee Kaiserling: Bibl. Jued. Kauzeledner, Berlin, 1S70,
Springer, Vol. I, page 275, and my "Selbstkritik der Juden," second
edition, Leipzig, W.' Friedrich, 1890, pages 8-9 and note.
tSee Kaiserling Bibl. Jued. Kanzelredner, Geiger: Zeitschrift
fuer Juedische Theologie, where these lectures are reviewed by Dr.
B. Wechsler, (Vol. Ill, page 91-102).
GOTl'liOLD SALOMON. 12 f
"David, the man after the heart of Cod." in
twenty-six lectures.
The third collection of this kind made its appear^
ance in 1840, and is entitled:
"Elijah, the enthusiastic prophet, the champion
of light and truth," in nineteen lectures.
In all these lectures Salomon often draws the
moral lessons from the historical material in an in-
genious manner. Salomon edited, in company with
Rabbi Dr. I. Mayer in Stuttgart, the "Koeniglichen
Kirchenrath of Wurtemberg," another "Collection of
Sermons for the Holidays and Other Occasions."* A
certain AI. Lowengard, writing under the nom de
plume of "Judah Leon," an orthodox student of
theology made himself "immortal" by a most ridiculous
criticism of these sermons from a .so-called "philo.sophi-
cal" point of view, f
In April, 1847, Salomon was called to Strelitz, in
order to dedicate the Synagogue, where he delivered
two sermons; one on the text. Psalms LVIII, 2-5,
the other on Leviticus XIX, "Holy ye shall be." The
sermons were dedicated to the noble Grand Duke
George, who had received the Jewish preacher most
cordiall)'.
Salomon deserves the undisputed credit of having
given to the Jewish sermon its specific Jewish
character by the good use he made of the Talmud,
Midrash and the later Rabbinical literature.
Another characteristic of Salomon's pulpit work
is his practical sense. He always deals with the vital
topics of every day life and with the burning questions
of the hour, which nowadays are painfully neglected,
evaded or ignored by the majority of the Jewish
preachers in Germany. They are, also, too smart, too
well versed in the arts of diplomacy, and afraid to take
a manly, bold stand on the questions of the day. There
was nothing of the least interest in the family, Con-
*Fest-un(l Casualprefliijten, Stuttgart, 1813, Metzler.
tjudah Leon: Beitraege Zur Kritik der Refonnl)estrebungen
in der Synagoge, Stuttgart, 1S41.
122 REFORMED JUDAISM.
gregation or in ])ublic life, on which Salomon did not
preach. Hence his great inflnence inside and outside
of his immediate field of activity. Many charitable
institutions, societies and liturgical reforms owe their
origin to the pulpit of Salomon. Many families were
kept back from the baptismal font through his inspir-
ing sermons; many Jews, who were indifferent to their
religion, were won again for our cause by the impetus
received from the Temple in Hamburg, because there
they were taught that notwithstanding their lax practice
of the Jewish ceremonies and forms they could still be
good Jews. There they heard for the first time, that
right living and good conduct constitute the essence of
our religion. The words of the prophet seemed to
have been fulfilled: "Behold, days will come, when I
will send a famine, not a famine for bread, nor a
thirst for water; but to hear the word of the Lord."
(Amos Vni, II.)
Therefore we most deeply deplore the fact that
Prof. Graetz has hardly a good word to say for Salomon.
While, foi instance, men like Heine and Boerne, who
have nothing to do with Judaism, inasmuch as they
were apostates, occupy a space of forty pages, *hardly
ten lines are devoted to Salomon, and these abound
in ridicule, bitter sarcasm, scorn and detraction.
While the professor concedes that Salomon was an
"able preacher, well versed in Biblical and Jewish
■literature," (Ibid., page 417), he accuses him .of having
given to the Temple a perfectly Protestanical appearance
and in consequence of his (Salomon's) self-com-
placency and want of modesty, a defiant character. " In
vain we look for the learned professor's proofs of these
assertions. Again: "With Salomon commenced the in-
fluence of the preachers in Germany; the pulpit took
the place of the house of learning and from it not
seldom the hollow-sounding word was heard, which
concealed the thought or the want of thought. The
*Graetz's Hist, of the Jews, Vol. XI, pages 368 to 408. Forty
lines would have more than sufficed for theni in a "History of the
Jews".
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 1 23
peals of the organ produced shallow emotions and
pushed into the background the earnestness and the
wealth of thought of the original Jewish doctrine."
(Ibidem). In this country and even in Germany the
organ is a popular institution of almost every, even
the conservative Synagogue. Further: "The eternal
'preaching' " — Graetz uses the sneering expression
'Gepredige," which is no German at all, — ''became
disgusting to deeper natures." "They did not
prophesy a long existence to the Temple." As it is
still flourishing, they were false prophets. "A would-
be wag characterizes the little confidence the
friends of the Temple had in its lasting suc-
cess:" "The preachers in Hamburg are growing
rich, and can, if things turn out badly, buy a
Congregation. (Minjan i, e. worshippers)." Now,
even if this, by no means good joke, had origi-
nated among the friends, and not, as was the
case, among the enemies of the Temple, it would still
be out of place in a "History of the Jews," which
ought to deal in facts only. Yet, Graetz himself can-
not help stating, that "now and then the Temple suc-
cee led indeed, m bringing back to the fold some Jews,
who were about to join the church." (Ibid., page
417). Is this fact in itself not sufficient to treat the
Temple and its preachers less irreverently and more
respectfully? It almost appears as if the learned pro-
fessor had felt some regrets, some compunctions of
conscience on account of the sneers and ridicule which
he had heaped upon the Temple, its preachers and up-
holders on page 417 of his "History." For on page
418 of the sime work we are unexpectedly treated to
the following highly appreciative and complimentary
passage concerning the Temple: "Nevertheless the
merit of the Hamburg Temple is not to be underesti-
mated. It has removed from the House of God with
one stroke and without many scruples, the trash which
had gathered around it during many centuries; it has
swept away in youthful impetuosity the holy spider-
web, which nobodv had dared to touch, and it has
124 REFORMED JUDAISM.
awakened a sense for a regulated form of decorum,
order, taste and simplicity during divine service." We
now ask in the spirit of fairness, whether it would not
have been in better taste, and, moreover, in the
interest of historical justice, if Prof. Graetz had
omitted the sneering passages quoted. On the occasion
of the hundredth anniversary of the birthday of Moses
]\Iendelssohn, September lo, 1829, which was
celebrated in Berlin, Breslau, Hamburg, Dresden,
Leipzig, Frankfurt, Dessau and other large cities of
Germany, Salomon published a sermon, "Light and
Blessing," and a book: "INIonument of Remembrance
of Moses Mendelssohn." (Hamburg, 1829). The first
part is devoted to an interesting biography of the" Sage
of Dessau," while the second part forms a selection of
systematically arranged extracts from Mendelssohn's
writings in eight chapters. The publication is dedi-
cated to Joseph, the only one of Moses Mendelssohn's
children, who remained faithful to the religion of their
fathers, and to David Friedlaender, whom Salomon
fittingly designates "the truest disciple of the immortal
master." Joseph Mendelssohn highly complimented
Salomon on his conception of his father's life. Asa
token of his appreciation he sent the author the
autograph of IMendelssohn, containing a notice of the
"Hamburg Correspondent," written in Mendelssohn's
handwriting. That newspaper announces to the world
that "in July, 1779, the Chief Rabbi of Altona had
excommunicated all those Jews, who would read
Mendelssohn's translation of the Pentateuch."*
Salomon was a religious poet. He belonged to
the commission which was authorized in 1833 to
publish a new hymn book for the Temple in Hamburg.
Dr. M. Fraenkel and Dr. Wohlwill were members of
the same committee. Up to this date the Temple had
used the "Religious Hymns and Songs for Israelites,"
published in 1818 and 1821 by Dr. Kley. Among the
*His name was Raphael Kohn, born in 1722. died in i8o3. He
\vas the grandfather of Gabriel Riesser,
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 1 25
four hundred and seventeen hymns of the new hymn
book, ninety-five were composed by Salomon.* The
full title of the book is: " General Israeiitish
Song Book for Houses of Wor.ship and Schools,"
Hamburg, 1S33. This hymn book, while an ex-
cellent selection of religious songs, has one
ereat disadvantage. The songs are, as a rule, too
philosophical, deep and tran.scendental, a mistake
which characterizes not a few Jewish hymn books.
This fault of our Jewish devotional literature reminds
one vividly of Zunz's witty remark: "Der Jude Singt
Logik und Betet Metaphysik."t But in justice to
Salomon it must be stated that the songs composed by
him form, to a great extent, a praiseworthy [exception
in this respect, because they are, as a rule, plainer,
simpler and appeal less to the mind than to the heart.
In resrard to hvmns it might not be amiss to remark
that the Jews could learn a great deal from the
Christians, whose Congregational songs on account
of their plain form and substance are often inspiring.
Our Temple-music is, especially in the large Temples,
highly artistic. We sometimes pay extravagantly
high prices to our choirs, and yec a less expensive
Temple-music and a few more inspiring Congregational
sono;s would considerablv diminish the chilliness so
characteristic of our worship and might increase the
attendance in our Synagogues. The aiidience would
then become, instead of an inactive critic, an active
participant in the service. How much less expensive
would- such an arrangement be for smaller Congrega-
tions!
The following hymn composed by Salomon may
find a place here. It has seven stanzas in the original
German. This translation is contained in the "hymns
and anthems," adapted for Jewish worship, selected
and arranged by Dr. Gustav Gottheil, Rabbi of
Temple Kmanuel, New York, (1887) on pages 98-99:
♦Salomon's Autobiography, page 31.
+The Jew sings logic and prays metaphysics.
126 RKKORMKL) JUDAISM.
SOUL, WHY ART TIIOU TROUBLED SO?
"Soul, why art thou troubled so?
"Soul, why art thou so sore afraid?
"Feelst thou not the Father nigh,
"Him whose heart contains us all?
"Lives no God for thee on high?
"Loving, while His judgments fall?
"Look above!
"God is love!
"Soul, why art thou troubled so?
"Heart and eye
"Lift on high!
"Every tear that on earth flows,
"God, the world's great ruler, knows."
"Soul, why art thou troubled so?
"Why art thou so sore afraid?
"Art thou then of all forsaken,
"Standest thou on earth alone?
"All thou loved' st from thee taken,
"Nothing thou canst call thine own?
' ^God is with thee,
"Eternally.
''Soul, my soul, shake off thy dread!
"Firmly trust
"God the just!
"Never shall His word betray.
"Never shall His love decay."
"Soul, why art thou troubled so?
"Why art thou so sore afraid?
"From thy heart has fatal death
"Torn the loved ones thou wouldst save?
"Sawest thou them, with anguished breath
"Sink into the gloomy grave?
"Death's last blow
"Endeth woe.
127
GOTTIIOLD SALOMON.
''Soul, have comfort in the Lord!
^ 'Tears, take flio^ht,
"For in liglit
"Walk the hosts that (iod adore,
"Blessed, blessed evermore."
Salomon proved himself also a religions poet in
his "Parables."*
Bnt his monnmentnm aere perenninni is his
"German Bible for the People and the Schools of
Israel."! Salomon thus gave for the first time into
the hands of the Jews a German translation of the
whole Bible from a Jewish point of view.
It is a testimony to Salomon's intense persever-
ance and painstaking work. The translation, while
ignoring in most cases the results of modern Biblical
research, especiallv of philology, is based on the con-
ception of the best Rabbinical commentaries and does
full justice, both to the spirit of the Hebrew and Ger-
man languages. Salomon's "Volks und Schulbibel"
especially the Pentateuch, was criticised by M. Hess, of
Trier and by Rabbi L. Schott, of Randegg.
In the answer to these critics and in his polemical
writings, Salomon gives ample proof of his great
controversial powers. Anton Theodor Hartman,
professor of theology in Rostock, a prominent scholar
in the field of oriental languages, :J: found in Salomon a
foe worthy of his steel. In a pamphlet: "Eisenmen-
ger and his Jewish Opponents," and in the fifth and
sixth volumes of the "Archives of the Newest Legisla-
ture," in an essay: "vShould a perfect Equality of Civil
Rights be granted to all the Jews at present?" Hart-
man, an uncompromising enemy of Israel, threw
suspicion on the oath of a Jew. Salomon replied
in "Open Letters to Mr. Anton Theodor Hartman :"§
♦Leipzig, 1S19.
tDeutsche Volks-uiid SclinlbibeL AUoiia iS] 7, Zweite Auflage
183S, Hamnierich.
iSee his "Die Ilebraeerin am rutztisch."
^Offene Mriefc.in Herrii A. Th. Hartman, Hamburg, 1S35.
128 REI^ORMED JUDAISM.
These five letters are . remarkable for the thorough
knowledge of Jewish literature he displayed, for the
logic, and keenness of argumentation, for his shrewd-
ness in discovering every weak point of his opponent,
for the quick wat, irony and merciless sarcasm, with
wdiich Salomon unmasks the ignorance, littleness,
miserable bigotry and animosity of the assailant of his
co-religionists. To Th. Hartman's statement, based on
the book of the orthodox Rabbi Loewenstein in Emden,
that the Talmud is the code of laws for the Jews,
Salomon plainly answered, "No!" "And if a hundred
Rabbis," thus he continues, "should say so, what does
it prove? Our Rabbis, even the oldest and most
learned of them, are neither bishops nor popes." The
conclusion of the fifth letter, where Salomon reminds
the professor, or better the Christian world, of what
the Jews cheerfully forget, provided the Christ-
ians forget sortie foolish expressions in old Jew-
ish books, which not even the Jew^s — except a
few scholars — understand, is a masterpiece of eloquence.
He concludes thus: "Practice the love, of which in
word and deed is preached so much in churches, and
which is so often spoken of outside the church. * *
Be thou a Christian, as I am a Jew, in this sense,
and it will not be necessary to make our future salva-
tion and present welfare dependent upon books, for the
letter killeth the Christian and the Jew, but the spirit
maketh them both alive."
These letters created at the time such a tremend-
ous sensation that Hartman was compelled, by his
students, to defend himself. They plainly told him
that they would no longer attend his lectures in the
University, if he should keep silent after having been
publicly accused of ignorance. Hartman was thus put
on the defensive, instead of the offensive. He then
came out with a pamphlet: "Principles of Orthodox
Judaism," to which Salomon replied in a "Second and
Last Letter." He conclusively refuted Hartman's ac-
cusations concerning the national pride of the ' 'chosen
people," concerning their hatred of the adherents of
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. I 29
Other religions, recklessness in taking an oath, and
cowardice. He showed by nnnierons quotations from
the Biblical and later Jewish literature, that Jehovah
is considered the father of the whole human family,
irrespective of nationality or creed,* and that the king-
dom of truth will slowly, gradually, but surely gain
universal dominion in the whole world.
In those days Judaeophobia, Jew-baiting, or "Anti-
semitism," as modern phraseology styles this idiosyn-
crasv, was nurtured, fostered and fanned by the Ger-
man professors, who, sailing under the false colors of
theological rationalism and political liberalism, made
the Jews scapegoats and targets for their own narrow-
mindedness. A Ruehs, Fries^ Hartman and even a
Bretschneider were not ashamed to attack Judaism
with the rusted ammunition used by an Eisenmenger,
Schudt, Wagenseil, and others. The school of the so-
called "Jung-Hegelianer, '' with their merciless
''criticism," commenced to attack Judaism and Jews
under the guise of philosophy. The most prominent
exponent of this clique was Bruno Bauer, w^ho by his
scathing and corrosive criticism of the "Evangelical
History of the Synoptics" deprived Christianty of every
historical basis, and regarded religion as the enemy of
all development in the spirit of freedom. No wonder
that he was expelled from the chair of the theological
faculty for the expression of such views.
In 1842 he published in the "German Yearbooks of
Science and Art," which was the official organ of the
"Young-Hegelians," an essay on the "Judenfrage." +
Bauer desired to prove, that Judaism and the modern
government of nations are incompatible contra.sts,
hence, the emancipation of the Jews must be made de-
pendent on their giving up their religion and
nationality. It was the old sophistry in the garb of
^Leviticus XIX. iS, 19, 2^, Exo.l. XXIII. 4-5. Proverbs XXV,
21-23, Sch.
+See Deutsche Jahrbuecher fuer Wissenschaft uml Kunst, 1.S42,
pages 274 and 2S2. It appeared in pamphlet-form in 1S43,
(Braunschweig. )
130 KEFORMKl) Jl'DAISM.
New-Hegelianisin. It is the old story "les extremites
se touchent." Here is an outspoken enemy of every
religion, yet he would have the Jews give up their
religion for — what? For the right to be possibly
chosen to the office of a policeman or town-crier? Had
Bauer taken the trouble to study the history of the
Jews in middle ages, he would have known, that their
religion was dearer to them than life itself.
Bauer's pamphlet elicited many telling replies
from leading Jewish scholars, among others, a pamph-
let from Gustav Philippson.* More thorough were the
answers of Dr. Abrahm Geiger, Samuel Hirsch and
the always ready champion, Gotthold Salomon.
Geiger treated the relation of the Jews to the state in
the diflferent epochs from the historical-critical point
of view and most cleverly refuted every one of Bauer's
sophistic arguments.! Samuel Hirsch published a
pamphlet: "Judaism, the Christian Government, and
the Modern Criticism, Letters concerning the 'Juden-
frage' of Bruno Bauer, Leipzig, 1843." Hirsch hav-
ing been a Hegelian himself and endowed with a mind,
eminently trained for philosophical argument, and
having been well versed in the theological, historical
and Rabbinical literatures, was especially fitted to
demolish Bauer with his own weapons. This he most
ably did, although his style of writing was a little too
deep for the masses. This, however, was also the
case with Bruno Bauer's style. Sentences containing
from eight to tw^elve lines are by no means of rare oc-
currence in Bauer's pamphlet.
Salomon published a strong and popular pamph-
let: "Bruno Bauer and his Superficial Criticism on the
Jewish Question. ":J: Common sense, knowledge of
Jewish history and Rabbinical literature are the
weapons which Salomon most cleverly used to destroy
the unfounded hypotheses of Bauei:. He shows the
*"Die Judenfrage, von Breuno Bauer," naeher beleuchtet.
Dessau, 1S43,
tGeiger's Wissenchaftliche Zeitschrift fuerjueische Theologie,
Vol. 5.
i Hamburg. 1843, C- Rosenkranz.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. I3I
inconsistency of Bauer, who, while denying Christianity,
still clings to the hyper-orthodox notion that "Christ-
ianity is the fulfillment of Judaism." The prophecy
which Salomon jokingly made, that he should not be
surprised to see the iconoclast Bauer in the role of an
editor of an orthodox Christian paper, became, indeed,
later literally fulfilled. Bauer, the merciless de-
molisher of the Evangelical history of the
"synoptics," joined hands with the pietists and
feudalists as a contributor to the notorious
"Kreutzzeitung.f He also published anti - Jewish
articles in the conservative "State-Lexicon" of
the inveterate Jew-hater Wagener, and advocated the
theory of the "Christian Government." (Christlicher
Staat). Still, Bruno Bauer and his ilk are forgotten
and could not prevent the emancipation of the Jews.
A vear later Salomon's polemic pen was again put
to good use in the publication of a pseudonym pamphlet:
"The Blue Book of Gottfried Sigismund," (Hamburg,
1844.J as a rejoinder to a most scurrilous publication:
"The Black Book, by B. Carlo." The booklet is spicy,
sprightly, witty and amusing in the extreme. It
begins as follows:
"The greatest misfortune that the Jews have
brought upon Germany in general and the good city
of Hamburg in particular, consists in the large swarm
of ignorant, good-for-nothing scribblers, whom the great
question of Jewish emancipation has produced."
We come now to one of the most important periods
in the history of the Jewish Reform-movement,
namely, to the famous "prayer-book controversy,"
which, though originally a local affair ot Hamburg
Judaism, was destined to exercise the greatest influence
upon the development of the Jewish worship. That
Salomon did not remain inactive in this controversy
will be seen.
In Chapter IV of this book, the reader will have
noticed what a stir the first Hamburg prayer-book,
♦This Berlin daily is the mouthpiece of the "Altcouservative" or
"Junkerpartei," the organ of Feudalism and Antisemitism,
132 RKKOKMHD JUDAISM.
"Order of Public Worship of the Whole Year," had
created. Partly on account of the scarcity of this book,
but more especially in due consideration of the pressing
wants of a new, more advanced generation, the officers
of the Temple concluded to publish an amended prayer-
book. The title of the new prayer-book was ' ' Seder
Abodah," and it was introduced in 1841 in the Temple
of Hamburg and in its branch-synagogue in Leipzic,
where divine service was held during the annual fair,
(Messe.)
While the members of the Temple were in full
sympathy with the new prayer book, Bernays* of the
"German Israelitish Congregation," of Hamburg, came
out with three warnings, published in the three Syna-
gogues of Hamburg, against the use of said prayer-book.
(October 16, 1841.) He literally interdicted it; declared
it "un-Jewish" and "sinful" to make use of it for the
sake of prayer, without, however, giving one valid
reason for this prohibition. It deserves special men-
tion that Rabbi Ettlinger, of Altona, did not sign this
document, f Rabbi Bernays had proved his hostility
to the Temple on another occasion. After the resigna-
tion of Dr. Kley as preacher of the Temple, in 1839,
and Dr. Frankfurter's election as his successor, the
administration of the Temple passed the resolution
to build a more spacious new Temple. As the permis-
sion of the Senate of Hamburg was indispensable for
such a step, the Senate inquired about it of the officers
of Bernays' Congregation, who in turn asked for
Bernays' opinion on the question. The "Chacham"
took the opportunity to prevent the grant of the desired
permission on the ground that the Temple-society was
sectarian. He even went so far as to induce the Christ-
ian authorities to prohibit the use of the new prayer-
book,, and thus to annihilate the Temple-society.
But he could not succeed in making the Senate a pliant
*In his attempt to imitate the Portuguese Jews he preferred the
pompous title of "Chacham" (sage).
iLater however, due to the pressure brought to bear on hmi, he
took sides with Bernays.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 133
tool of his tanaticisin. That these doings, especially
Bernays' "interdict," did not fail to create a painful
sensation, is a matter of course. Bernays' antecedents
were not at all in harmony with conduct so fanatical,
and so utterly unworthy of a man, trained in German
Universities and well versed in philosophical literature.
No wonder that people attributed his action to personal
spite against the Temple-society, which had drawn
away the best and most intelligent younger members
from Bernays' Congregation and had thereby increased
the membership of the Temple to the imposing number
of eight hundred ! It cannot'be denied that Bernays had
not justified the great hopes of the orthodox party and
that his inactivity and the peculiar style of his so-called
philosophical sermons had utterly failed to attract to
him the rising generation. More even than the ''inter-
dict" itself did its inconsiderate, insulting tone incense
the members of the Temple. Bernays charged the offi-
cers of the Temple with "fri\-olity and irreligious-
ness."* Even such calm, moderate and generally dis-
passionate men as Gabriel Riesser became indignant.
Thev saw in Bernays' step a flagrant violation of their
rights, ''because the Chacham had no jurisdiction over
the Temple." The board of directors of the Temple
in a counter-declaration, (October 24,) charged Bernays
not only with "arrogance, impotent partiality, mali-
cious ignoring of the contents of the prayer book," but
even with "ignorance in the theological-liturgical sci-
ence." Bernays and his Congregation flooded the
Jewish Congregations of Europe with copies of the
interdict. This in turn compelled the Temple admin-
istration to call forth the opinions of modern Rabbis
and preachers on the subject. It shows the growth of
the Reform-movement, that, while twenty years pre-
*Beriiavs said in his "interdict" among other things, that the
"most arbitrary mutilation of our main prayers, intentional devia-
tion from the Jewish mode of prayer and the most irresponsible
destruction of the spirit of prayer by abolishing and changing of
passages concerning our religious (.M future, " Redemption,"
• Messiah" ' "Resurrection, ' ' and a frivolous treatment of future hopes'
are manifested in the prayer-book.
134 REFORM KI) JUDAISM.
viously, during the first ''Plaiiiburg prayer book con-
troversy," only three foreign Rabbis had dared to come
forward publicly in favor of the prayer book,* no less
than thirteen, and the most famous Rabl)is of Germany
at that, at this time boldly espoused the cause of
reform and progress. Aside from the two preachers of
the Temple, Salomon and Frankfurter, the following
Rabbis gave fa\orable opinions on the prayer book: J.
A. Friedlender, Holdheim, Levin Auerbach, Geiger,
Guttman, Kohn, Maier, Mannheimer, Philippsohn
and Stein. Zacharias Frankel, in full accord with his
"mediating" disposition and his customary indecision
gave an opinion which satisfied neither party. Gei-
ger's and Holdheim' s opinions are the most thorough
of all.
Salomon's opinion is contained in a small pamphlet
which thoroughly discusses the matter, f
The tone of this publication is earnest, and digni-
fied. Salomon refuses the charges brought against the
authors of the prayer book, that in it they ignore the
three doctrines of Redemption, Messiah and Resurrec-
tion. He proves by numerous quotations from Biblical
and Rabbinical literature, that the prayer book is not
inconsistent with Mosaic-Rabbinical Judaism. In this
he proves too much, as it is not at all the province of
Reform-Judaism to be in every respect in harmony with
Mosaic-Rabbinical Judaism. The omission of theMussaph
prayer which refers particularly to the ancient bloody sac-
rifices in the Temple of Jerusalem, of the prayer "Velani-
alshinim,";J: (against the apostates) is, he continues, in
full harmony with the spirit ot our age. He concludes
as follows:
*See chapter IV "Aron Chorin," page 76 of this book.
tDas neue Gebetbuch und seine Verketzerung, sine ira at cum
studio, (Hamburg, 1841.)
iThe following is a literal translation of the prayer: "O,
let the slanderers have no hope; all the evil-doers may be
annihilated speedily and all the tyrants may be quickly cut off,
humble thou them speedily in our days. Blessed art thou, oh God,
who destroyest enemies, and humblest tyrants:" This is the
twelfth of the sc-called ^eighteen benedictions. (Shenioneh
Essreh).
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. I35
"Whether the author of the anathema thought
more of his own cause than the cause and honor of
God: whether he is 'not at home,' as many people
claim, in the liturgical and theological literature, so
necessary for a clear judgment in this matter, or
whether he did not carefully read the work, so merci-
lessly condemned by him, we do not know. But we do
know that since the existence of the Jews and Judaism
no Jewish teacher has ever come out with a similar
interdict. * * * We are convinced, however, that
even this event will contribute ultimately to the promo-
tion of enlightened religiousness in Israel.'"
Salomon devoted also a special sermon to the
prayer book controversy, entitled: "It is dangerous to
a^ccuse a whole community of irreligiousness," delivered
February 7, 1842. The text: "Abraham said, I
thought there is no fear of God in this place," (Gen.
XX, 8-1 1 ) is most appropriate for the occasion.
Dr. L. Auerbach, (Leipzig,) said: "The step of
Bernays was not only hasty but also superfluous and use-
less; superfluous for his own orthodox Congregation; use-
less for the members of the Temple, who had been accus-
tomed to a similar prayer book for twenty-three years
in spite of the interdict of forty Rabbis." Auerbach
protests most emphatically against Bernays' words, that
"it had never entered the mind of a Jew to make use
of this prayer book." This, if true, would exclude
every member of the Hamburg and Leipzig Temple-
people from the pale of Judaism! And yet, the most
respected, most charitable and best educated men,
(Gabriel Riesser and others,) were active members of
the Temple! How much more tolerant w^ere the Tal-
mudists, who teach: "As long as a man does not wor-
ship idols, he has a right to be called a Jew. *
Such prayers only were eliminated as might tend
to throw suspicion upon the patriotism of the Jews.
*See Mainionides on "Idolaters, II, 4, Talmud IMegilla 13; my
"The Talimi 1," passes 34-40, and my Prinzipien des Judenthum's
chapter \II.
136 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Similar passages are omitted in the Portuguese prayer
book, which is considered strictly orthodox. For
instance; the passage "And bring us back in peace from
the four corners of the globe," or "Return, oh God, to
Jerusalem, Thy City, in peace." ]\Iaimonides said:
"Prayers can be recited in any language," and "The
Mussaph prayer is not absolutely necessary."
The Messianic idea is well represented in the
prayer book, hence Bernays' talk about "a frivolous
treatment of the future of Judaism," amounts to
nothing.
Joseph Friedleander, then eighty years old, comes
to the conclusion that Bernays' utterances are not
based on legal causes or liturgical reasons; and that the
prayer book, which does justice to a piirified and digni-
fied service in accord with the demands of the age
deserves to be recommended to every Jewish Congrega-
tion. He closes with the following beautiful senti-
ments: "I am the same for truth and justice from youth
to old age."
Abraham Geiger gives the following opinion:*
According to the Talmud the short prayer "Habinenu"
is sufficient, so far as fulfilling the daily duty of prayer
is concerned. Hence the omission of some prayers in the
prayer book of the Temple does not justify Bernays'
interdict, not even from the strictest Talmudical point
of view. The omitted prayers were among those, that
owe their origin to a later period. The ritual is differ-
ent in German, Polish, Portuguese, Spanish, Provencal,
Italian, Greek and other Congregations, and even in
Fuerth, F^rankfurt, Vienna, Metz, Bohemia, Bavaria,
Wuertemburg and Russia, the mode of worship differs.
Hence the discrimination as to what must be called a
Jewish prayer book is arbitrary in the extreme. Aside
from this there are no radical changes in the prayer
book ot the Temple, and even those pointed out in the
'.'interdict" concerning Redemption, Messiah, Resur-
*See Qeijjer: Der Hamburger Tempelstreit, eine Zeitfra^e,
Brtslan; 1S42, Leiiokhardt, and Nachgel, Schrifteii I, pages 113-197.
GOTTHOI.D SALOMON. I37
rection, — which, however, have nowhere been desig-
nated as essential elements of the prayer — are very
tame indeed. Hence the verdict is purely subjective
and arbitrarv, and the prohibition of the iise of said
prayer book is wholly unfounded and in glaring contrast
with the laws of the Talmud concerning prayer.
In his pamphlet on the "Hamburger Templesteit,"
Geiger takes the Temple people to task for not going
farther in the Synagogical reform than they did, and
accuses them of inconsistency, half-heartedness and
want of decision.
Dr. Samuel Holdheim, Land-Rabbi of the Grand-
Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, has also published
his opinion on the prayer book in pamphlet-form, enti-
tled: "On the Prayer Book and its Use in the Tem-
ple, "Hamburg, 1 84 1. He proves that the custom of the
Hamburg Templers, not to repeat the Shmoneh Essreh*
twice, but to recite it with the reader, was advocated by
Rabbi Gamaliel f and by Maimonides, who had intro-
duced the same reform t in a Congregation where he
resided.
In answer to an attack made upon him in the
"Zeitung des Judenthums" Holdheim published an
article >; on the question of authority from which the
following is an extract:
"I have, as Rabbi of my generation, the same
right which the forty Rabbis had, who twenty-three
years ago decided against the prayer book. The impos-
ing number of forty proves nothing. Every one of
them was only one, * * That these forty Rabbis
voted against, and to-day only a few Rabbis vote for
the prayer book is a problem easily solved. Although
an impartial, liberal opinion is no longer considered
lieresy in our day, its advocacy has nevertheless for
many a Rabbi unpleasant con.sequences, to defy which
*HiKliteen Benedictions.
tMishna Rosh hashana IV, 9.
i(iei}(er: Wissenschafte Zeitschrift fiier Jiieil Theolotiie, Vol.
II, pages 347-348.
ijZeitung des Judentluini's, 1842, No. 8, February 19th.
138 REFORMED JUDAISM.
not everybody has the courage. These forty Rabbis,
who iu 1 8 19 denounced the Hamburg prayer book,
reaped glory and honor, a kind of veneration from their
contemporaries, and as long as the advocates of Reform
make themselves unpopular by their course, the numer-
ical strength proves nothing for the truth and justice
of the cause in question."
Abraham Kohn, Rabbi of Hohenems, Tyrol, Aus-
tria, said:* "Judging from Bernays' interdict I expected,
indeed, that the prayer book — which I had not yet seen
at the time I read the interdiction — contained most
radical views on our religion. But how surprised was
I when I saw the prayer book. What a bold statement
it was that "the spirit of our prayer had been destroyed
there!" I found indeed that the changes were inten-
tional, but by no means "arbitrary." On the contrary,
that they gave due consideration to the genuine and
pure spirit of Judaism as well as to the exigencies and
demands of our age. Only such passages are elimin-
ated and changed as are liable to foster intolerance, to
nourish conceit and false pride. Furthermore, such
passages as are not compatible with refined taste, dis-
turb order and decorum, and hinder devotion, are omit-
ted. Lastly, ideas, which the majority of our co-relig-
ionists do not believe and whose realization they do not
wish, are not contained in the new prayer book. On
the other hand the prayer book strives to elevate the
sentiments of Judaism and humanity. That the
lamentations on account of the loss of Palestine, Tem-
ple and sacrificial rites are partly omitted and partly
changed does not at all constitute a dogmatic question.
For it is known how little the prophets and psalmists
cared for the sacrificial worship. The great Maimon-
ides regards the ideas of Redemption and Messiah as
conveying the lesson that a time will come when the
knowledge of God will be universal and the kingdom of
righteousness and truth will be established on earth, f
*December 19th, 1841.
tMaimoindes hilchot Teshnba, chapter IX and Melachim
cha])ter XII.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 1 39
That our oppressed ancestors never forgot a prayer for
Israel's restoration was due to their persecution and
oppression by the surrounding nations. Where is then
the raison if ctre for us to recite such prayers? Who
expects or wishes in our days the re-establishment of a
Jewish monarchy? The amelioration of the civil and
social position of our co-religionists in Germany is
nearer to the heart of the Jew in Germany than the
restoration of the Davidian dynasty in Palestine.
Aside from this it is an irrefutable fact that to a large
majority of our co-religionists the belief in a Messiah
means the hope, that all men, irrespective of creed,
will recognize in Jehovah the Common Father of all
mankind. The Talmud informs us that Jeremiah and
Daniel changed a formula of prayer instituted by
Moses, because they did not consider it right to utter be-
fore God, who is the embodiment of truth, convictions
which they did not hold, because they did not want to lie
before Him {Joma 6g b.) I deem it therefore my duty
to recommend the prayer book to every Israelite and
to express my heartfelt thanks to the Temple-society
for its highly meritorious endeavor to give more life and
truth to our liturgy. May it triumph over sanctimo-
niousness and indifferentisni. While we regret that in
manv places nothing is done, to heal old wounds, it is
still more deplorable, that even there, where a change
for the better has already gained firm ground and borne
noble fruit, a fight is made against it at the expense of
truth and peace. But let us not fear their impotent
efforts, for God is with us, the God of light and truth."
Dr. Isaac Noah Manheimer, of Vienna, passed the
following judgment on the prayer book:(Vienna Decem-
ber 23, 1841).
1. "According to Rabbinical principles it is per-
mitted to recite all the prayers — except the priestly
blessing — in the German or in any other generally
intelligible language."
2. "The abolition of the Pijutim and Selichoth is
an indispensable condition of the complete restoration
of our Divine service to its pristine dignity."
140 REFORMED JUDAISM.
3. "Vehu Raclium"* (a loiij^ prayer for Mondays
and Thursdays,) all JeJii razon\ \ the alphabetical reg-
ister of sins committed during the year, "^/ chait'^''\
which plays so important a part in the prayers for the
Day of Atonement, may be unscrupulously abbreviated
or even entirely abolished."
4. "The only prayers for which the Rabbis of
the Talmud claimed authority, integrity and validity
are the Shema,§ with the prayers preceding and suc-
ceeding it; and the Tefilla."||
5. "The only important change in the Hamburg
prayer-book, which has, however, already taken place
in the edition of 1819, is in the so-called Mussaph
(additional) prayer for Sabbath-and Holidays. There
the supplication for the 'restoration of the sacrificial
service' is changed into "Hear our prayers, in the
place of sacrifices."^ Manheimer candidly confesses
that a restoration of the sacrificial service and particu-
larly of the bloody sacrifices does not belong to our
Messianic hopes and expectations. He cites the
prophets and Maimonides, who designated the sacrifi-
cial service as belonging to a childish stage of the peo-
ple of Israel."**
He therefore considers Bernays' interdict as un-
justifiable. The fact, that Bernays deems it necessary
*This prayer is composed of Biblical passages. Jarchi, Abudi-
raham and Midrash Shoclier Tob to Psalms 22, speak of this pra} er.
Translated literally it means: "And He, i. e., God, is mercifnl."
tPrayer beginning "May it be Thy will, Oh God."
iLite'rally "For the sake of the sin." This prayer was already
known to R. Amraem and originated in the time of the Gaonim.
The Portuguese have not so many "Alchait" as the Germans.
Maimoimdes knows only of one. R. JeehudaBarzelloni (1130 p, C.,)
was opposed to this prayer. (Zunz: Ritus, page 13). Many Rab- .
binical authorities object to the public recital of a detailed con-
fession of sins, justly remarking, that it belongs to private devotion.
The form of the "Al Chait" proves its late date.
§"Hear, oh Israel, the Eternal our God, the Eternal is one." It
is our Credo. Talm. Berachot 13.
ir'Thefilla" literally "prayer," is used for the eighteen benedic-
tions on week days and seven benedictions on Sabbath-and Holidays.
H Manheimer is not quite correct. The old form is also retained
in small print.
•'■*Moreh Nebuchin (Guide of the perplexed), Vol. III.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 141
to modify and to weaken the interdict of the Hamburg
Rabbinate in 1819, shows that he is not so sure of the
justice of his cause. But liad he simply warned his
own followers, without attacking- and throwing suspi-
cion upon the honor and reputation of the Temple-
Society, which, in the twenty-two years of its existence
had shown itself worthy of Judaism, his course might
have been excused to a certain extent. But now it is
the duty of all those, who entertain the least hope for
the restoration of our religion and of a revival of the
spirit of our people, to raise their voice most emphat-
ically against the narrow-mindedness, one-sidedness,
usurpation of authority and arrogance manifested in
his interdict by Bernays, who, being himself a child of
the new age, ought to have been the last person to be
guilty of such actions. The more indifferent the Rabbis
of Berna}-s' stamp have shown themselves in the
cause of improving our worship, and the more they
have looked on, while thousands upon thousands in
Israel have thus been estranged from the House of
God, the less right have they to give themselves the
appearance of heroes and champions of our faith in the
face of those, who, in order to stem the tidal waves of
apostasy and of threatened dissolution, were the first to
set bounds to the religious anarchy and lawlessness in
things divine. Manheimer, who was married in 1824
by a preacher of the Hamburg Temple according to
the ritual of the Temple, and who for two years, 1823-
25, had officiated as preacher in the Temple, says that
he is indebted to it for the richest everlasting im-
pressions. There he received his inspirations for his
successful labors in one of the most influential Congre-
gations of Germany. He says that he will never for-
get the sad impressions which the abstruse lectures of
Bernays and the utter deterioration and decay of the
service in the Synagogue, under the spiritual guidance
of Bernays, have made upon him, impressions which
have not left his mind to this day.
If the question of authority is to be considered of
greater import than argument and scientific result,
142 REFORMED JUDAISM.
then he may safely place his authority based on the
confidence which he enjoys in the Congregations of the
Austrian monarchy, in matters pertaining to the Jew-
ish rite of worship, in opposition to that of Mr.
Bernays.
Dr. Frankfurter, in a pamphlet: ' 'Standstill and
Progress," with special reference to the Hamburg
prayer-book controversy, (i84i)said: "The prayer-book
controversy is the old struggle between progress and
standstill. There was a time, when religious observ-
ances were a matter of inheritance from father to son.
Nobody thought of questioning their meaning and
significance; they were practiced, but they were dead
all the same.
"But with the awakening of a better spirit of the
age the Jews who took an active part in this awaken-
ing naturally had the pardonable ambition to rouse the
religious life from its stagnation. Hence parties were
formed, the one representing standstill, stagnation and
indolence, the other advocating progress, development,
change. The former opposed every deviation from
beaten paths. To them Mendelssohn was an infidel,
because he had translated parts of the Bible into pure
German instead of making use of the Jargon. They
cursed Wessely, because he had put himself on record
in favor of a better education of the Jews. The Talmud
and its commentaries constituted their world. Be-
longing to the past, they had no eye for the present
and future. Hence ever\' argument set forth in favor
of the new wants and considerations was ignored by
them. They have done nothing because they were
fully convinced that no action w^as necessary.
' 'The friends of progress tried to enter into this new
spirit of the times, sought and found more appropriate
and timely forms for a religious life. The movement
was a strong, irrepressible demand of the time.
"What are the opponents of progress doing in this
second phase of spreading Reform? They sigh, lament,
complain of the decline of religion, while the repre-
sentatives of progress are up and doing, to bring back
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 143
to the fold those who went astray. As a reward they
are styled 'heretics,' 'infidels,' and ' neologuists,'
by those who idly look on the ' decline of Judaism.' "
Frankfurter says of the Hamburg Temple: ''Ituever
intended to oppose the Synagogue in its imperishable
truth; on the contrary it aims to strengthen our faith.
''And now a closing word to the opponents of prog-
ress. With lamentations, sighs and excommunications
you cannot change the current ot the age.
''You utter the reproach, that among the men of
progress everything is not as it ought to be. But have
vou the right to overlook the real improvements for
the better accomplished by those men? Is your idle-
ness excusable in times like ours, when the religious
apathy, indifference and indolence of the masses, so
far as Judaism is concerned, are the rule of the day? Is
it right, that instead of opening the eyes of the
masses you try to deprive them of the light they have
and to lead them backwards? Our Synagogues decline;
what are you doing to support them, and to fill wor-
shippers with the love of God and of His doctrine?
The herd is scattered; what are you doing to gather
them?
"If you want to accuse the present you must not
yourselves do a crying wrong against it; when you ac-
cuse others of tearing down you must be able to show
what you yourselves have built up, established, re-
paired. Where then are your works, which ought to
testify for you and against us? Where?"
The following is the opinion of Dr. Joseph Maier,
Kirchenrath, of Wuertemberg, and Rabbi of Stuttgart,
(December i6, 1841.)
Dr. Maier is very systematic in i)ointing out most
accurately in nine paragraphs the difference between
the Hamburg and the old orthodox prayer-book. He
then goes on to give, in four additional paragraphs, the
principles which apparently have guided the authors
and compilers of the Hamburg prayer-book, as follows:
r. The restoration of the dignity and simplicity
of the ori Mual Jewish worship, hence the abolition of
144 rkformp:d judaism.
Pijutim, and the removal of abuses. He criticises,
however, the Temple for its inconsistency in many
things. Such as the Kiddush* retained in its prayer-
book, although according to vSchulchan Aruchf it is
unnecessary. Nevertheless the prayer-book is a good
attempt at a returning from the abuse to the good old
usage. \
2. Revival of the devotion, which, in consequence
of the long duration of the service and of the unintelli-
gibility of the prayers, had almost utterly disappeared
from the Synagogue. Hence the abbreviation of the
many prayers, and of the reading portions from the Pen-
tateuch; the introduction of German prayers, hymns
and responses, which stimulate the activity of the
whole Congregation in the service.
3. Elimination of all prayers and utterances, ex-
pressing intolerance and hostility against the adher-
ents of other religions. §
4. Elimination of passages expressive of the de-
sire of a return to Palestine and the restoration of the
Temple in Jerusalem with its sacrificial cult. Now,
while it is much to be regretted that in this respect the
prayer-book is very inconsistent || it must be taken into
consideration, that a radical separation of the national
from the merely human elements in our prayer-book is
rather premature.
*A prayer spoken on the eve of Sabbath- and Holidays over
the wine. "Kiddusli" literally means "sanctification" of the
Sabbath- and Holidays. It does not belong to the Synagogue at all,
only to the house. By mere chance it was introduced into the
Synagogue, (Pessachim loi, b, )<ind the Gaon Hai, and even Karo,
(Tur. I, 269), favored its abrogation from the house of worship. In
Palestine it was never introduced in the Synagogue.
tOracli Chajim, chapter 269, 94.
l"Voni Missbrauche zuni guten alten Branch." Zunz was the
first to make use of this phrase in his "Gottesdienstliche Vortraege.'.'
§The prayers "Velamalshinim" "Av Harachmeim" and several
passages in "Abinu Malkenu," belong to this class.
I! As one instance I mention, that while passages like "Rebuild,
oh God, Thy Temple as it was formerly," "Bring us back to our
country, Palestine," were changed in accord with the principle,
prayers like " Yaale Vejavau," which express the same senti-
ment, remained unchanged.
GUTTHOLl) SALOMON. 145
As long as the Slienia and the Tefilla are not
eliminated from the prayer-book, the Reforms touch
onlv the Minhag (usage), concerning which, in all
times, Congregations differed one from another.
We possess not one prayer in its original form. *
The three years cycle in the reading from the Thora is
already mentioned in the Talmud,! and deserves
recommendation, because the too long Perikopest
make the service a burden. For the same reason the
abolition of the ''Haphtara"§ is in order, as the begin-
ning of the reading of the "Hapthara" was usually a
signal for the people to run out of the vSynagogue.
Aside from this the Haphtara was introduced only very
lately as a substitute, at a time when it was forbidden
to tlie Jews to read the Thora, which prohibition has
long since been revoked.
The Talmud (Berachot 13) permits the recitation
of the Shema and Tefilla in the vernacular. In a time as
critical as ours the words of IMaimonides ought to be
taken to heart: ''The religious authorities of every age
have the authority to set aside temporarily even
ordinances of the Mosaic law, whenever the preserva-
tion of the whole religion demands it, just as the
physician is in duty bound to amputate a diseased limb
in order to save the rest of the body."
In connection with the prayer-book controversy,
The following passage from a sermon of Dr. Baernhard
Wechsler, Chief-Rabbi of the Duchy of Oldenburg, de-
livered on the occasion of his inauguration into office
in 1842, deserves mention: "How can our pretentions
and our hopes of a recognition of our religion as a
religion of the spirit and truth, be fulfilled, when men
who occupy the position of leaders of large Congrega-
»As proof of this statement, see Zunz: Gottesdienstl. Vortraege,
page 369.
tMegilla 29 and Maimoniries on "Prayer," XIII.
JPerikope or "Sidrah" means the weekly portion whicli is read
from the IVntateuch every Sabbath.
^"Haphtarah" from "patar," "dismiss," "make free," ^Christ-
ian-Catholic Missa). means the reading of a chapter of the prophets
after the reading of the Thorah.
146 RKFORMED JUDAISM.
tioiis, intend to enslave religious opinions and to con-
trol them by force?" It is needless to say that the
provoking steps taken by the Hamburg Rabbis against
the prayer-book are most particularly alluded to.
* * "I do not deem it right to keep silent here in
this matter. For it is not the question of admitting a
single Reform, but of the freedom of the whole spirit-
ual process within Judaism. When they again com-
mence to disturb the conscience with the old rusted
weapons of the 'Issur/ (prohibition) and of the excom-
munication— then it is the duty of every Rabbi to
warn in his circle and to defend the right of free
religious conviction.'''
In the meantime the senate, under date of Janu-
ary 12, 1845, had publicly made known its decision,
that the much talked ot proclamation of Bernays,
against the prayer-book must be removed by the ad-
ministration of the Congregation of Altona. The
Chacham and his followers resisted as long as possible
compliance with this ordinance, but on the 2nd day of
February, the "Modaah" (proclamation) was removed.
A few days later, however, they affixed the closing
passage of the said proclamation as a new "Modaah"
near the entrance of the Synagogue, which read thus:
WARNING.
It is forbidden to recite the obligatory prayers out
of a book, which was published here last year under
the title: "Prayers of the Israelites."
Hamburg, Erev Shabbath | Isaac, son of Jacob Bernays,
(eve of Sabbath,) loth | Chacham of the German
Shebat, 5602. j Israelitish Congregation of
I Hamburg.
This prayer-book controversy had thus brought
the Hamburg Temple into more than local prominence,
had weakened the influence of orthodoxy, not only in
Hamburg, but throughout all Europe, and has even
compelled the Synagogue to do something in the way
of making the divine worship more attractive to the
young generation and the female sex.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 147
A similar struggle took place at the same time in
England. Some German Congregations of London
had introduced the sermon in the Synagogue in 1838
and were about to inaugurate other reformatory
measures, when members of the Portuguese Congrega-
tion had resolved to "purify the worship from all
prayers and usages not based on the original revela-
tion."* But they did not intend to do things by
halves, and therefore they applied in 1840 to Germany
for an able preacher and scholar who would lead their
steps in the right direction and who would defend the
Reforms to be introduced with weapons from the
armory of Jewish theology. They were, however,
disappointed, as no German Rabbi possessing those
qualities was willing to go to England. They then
selected a young talented Englishman, Rev. W.
Marks, who, in company with the well-known scholar
Heimann Hurwiz, elaborated a new prayer-book. It
was resolved to build a new Synagogue. This was
the signal for a great storm. Influenced, no doubt, by
the example of Bernays and his followers, the Rabbi
of the German Congregation of London, an ignorant
man, and the Portuguese Rabbi, Raphael Meldola,
published an interdict against the prayer-book and its
defenders. (May 10, 1841). In this proclamation
(Azharah) the "Form of Prayer used in the West
London Synagogue of British Jews," f is styled "a great
evil," "which should not be brought into a Jewish
home." To recite the prayers from this prayer-book
was called, "a sin and an abomination." This
document was signed by some other Rabbis hailing
from Lissa, and Krotoschin. The Reforms were so in-
significant indeed, that the prayer-book would be con-
sidered orthodox to-day. With the exception of a few
*Jost. Geschichtedes Judenthuni's and seiner Sekten III, page
375-
+Edited by D \V. Marks, printed by J. Wertheinier, 5601, A. M.
It shows, how little reformed the prayer-book was when even the
date of publication was "Anno Mundi."'
148 REFORMED JUDAISM.
abbreviations,* the old Portiignese prayer-book re-
mained unchanged. This interdict was sent broadcast
to all British Congregations and accused the new Con-
gregation of heresy and schism. But no attention was
paid to this act of fanaticism. Liverpool and Man-
chester returned the document, while in Portsmouth
it was solemnly delivered to the flames, although those
Congregations belonged to the London Rabbinate-dis-
trict, f
After the West London Synagogue with its prayer-
book had become an established fact, the members of
the new Congregation did not intend to withdraw
from the Mother-Congregation. But the "London com-
mittee of British Jews," at the head of which stood
Sir Moses Montefiore, refused to recognize the new
Synagogue as a Synagogue, and to register the same
(February 8, 1842). The object of this intolerant and
unjust action was to prevent the members of the Con-
gregation from entering into wedlock — according to his
interpretation of the English law on Jewish marriages —
or to make their marriages illegal. To this Francis H.
Goldsmith, one of the directors of the West-End Syna-
gogue, answered politely but firmly, that Sir Moses
Montefiore is mistaken when he thinks that Jewish
marriages need his consent. Notwithstanding the fact
stated by Montefiore, that "our spiritual church
authority" does not regard us as Jews, no court of law
can be convinced that a Synagogue, which has in its
ritual the hymn "Jigdal,"+ has forfeited its claim to
be a Jewish institution. Mr. Montefiore could have
well afforded to testify that the house of worship on
Burton street is a Synagogue, although he does not
consider our Judaism as genuine as his. Were I the
*Ezeh ISIekkoman, Pittum Haketoreth, Bammeh Madekin
Lecho Dodi, Velamalshinim, Velo Nessatto. In the Mussaph-
prayer a few benedictions in the Thefillath Sheba {seven benedic-
tions) are condensed.
f'London Globe," 1842, E'ebruary.
jThis hymn contains the thirteen creeds, of Maimonides, which
were reduced to three: Belief in God, Revelation and Eutnre
Recompense, by Joseph Albo, (^Ikkarini),
GOTTHOLI) SALOM(JX. I 49
president of the committee of deputies of British Jews,
I would not in the least hesitate to attest that members
of a certain Synagogue are Jews, although their
Judaism is not identical with mine in all points. In
answer to this Montefiore re-affirmed his position once
taken in the matter.
To this Francis Goldsmith replied, that he still
misses the reasons for Montefiore' s decision and hence
is logically compelled to surmise that he cannot give a
reason for it.* The only reason why the committee
deemed it worth while to ask for the certificate must be
sought in the fact that they intended to live in peace
and harmony wtih the entire Jewish community of
England. Knowing, as they did, that they were Jew\s,
it did not so much as enter their mind for a moment
that anybody who acts as president of the committee of
British Jews would dare to dispute such apparent facts.
Neither have the members ot the new Synagogue asked
for your testimony because of difficulties which they
might encounter in the performance of their marriages,
and without such attest. For such difficulties do not
exist at all. We do not go with our grievances before
parliament or before the courts, in order to .spare the
public the spectacle, how Jews fight againstrjews in the
courts. Our committee is still more afraid to furnish
to the opponents of the Jewish emancipation the weapon
that a prominent individual among the Jews, who had
rendered on one occasion! to the Jews an important
service, should surpass the most fanatic of these oppo-
nents in intolerant zeal, by denying to those who differ
a trifle in their religious opinions from his views, the
benefits which the legislation had guaranteed to them,
I mean the liberty to have their marriages performed
and registered according to their wishes. Therefore
the committee will not further insist on their rights.
But it has authorized me to inform you, that it protests
*Since times immemorial orthodox Jews when asked for
reasons of a ceremony, have given the answer: "Man darf nicht
fragen." (It is forbidden to ask questions).
+He alludes, no doubt, to the Damascus-affair.
150 REFORMED JUDAISM.
agaiust Moiitefiore's refusal as an illegal act, preserving
for itself the right, either to deny the legality of such
action, or to ask parliament to take awa)' from ]\Ionte-
fiore the authority which he had so greatly abused.*
iSIontefiore forwarded the whole correspondence to
the Chief-Rabbi Hirschel and to the Beth-din for action.
(February 7, 1842). On the same date the answer
was sent to ]\Iontefiore urgently requesting him not to
grant the certificate to David Wolf Marx as Secretary
of the West London Synagogue, because the Rabbi and
Beth-din "do not consider it a Synagogue." This was
signed by S. Hirschel, Chief-Rabbi, David IMeldola,
A. Haliva, Israel Levy, Aaron Levy and H. L. Bar-
nett. This action of Montefiore was in opposition to
the accepted Jewish law, which most emphatically ob-
jects to the appointment of a man as judge in his own
cause. Montefiore could hardly doubt that the men
who stated in their interdict "that no power on earth
had a right to change one jot of the ritual and that the
members of the new Synagogue are no longer Jews,"
would endorse his opinions. On February 14, 1842,
the committee of British Jews passed a resolution rat-
ifying Montefiore' s action, although he had not asked
them before* as was his dutv. In consequence of this
the West London Synagogue openly rejected the "va-
lidity of the oral law," and declared it a one-sided in-
terpretation. This question naturally produced quite
a lively controversy.
The prayer-book of the West End Synagogue was
published in two volumes and with the exception of
the omission of the prayer "Velamalshinim," differs
but little from the old prayer-book. * * *
The abolition of the second holiday and of the calling
people to the Sepher, and the introduction of the Por-
tuguese pronunciation cannot well be numbered among
the "prayer-book reforms." And yet, though these
reforms w^ere so insignificant, the fanaticism and the
intolerance employed against those who attended the
*Zeitung des Judenthum's, Vol. VII, pages 180-183.
CiOTTHOLI) SALOMON. 15 I
new West End Synajj^ogne was something fearful. Poor
people who attended the new Synagogue were deprived
of the benefits of charity, and the sister-in-law of
Montefiore was refused burial in the Jewish cemetery
because her child was circumcised • in the West-End
Synagogue. It was even hinted by the orthodox Jews
that her death was a punishment of God because she
had belonged to the new Synagogue.*
Let us, after this digression, return to Salomon. In
his practical spirit he took the prayer-book controversy
as a basis for a forcible circular letter addressed to the
"Rabbis, preachers and teachers, in German Israel,
concerning the revision of our prayer-book, "f
On October i8th, 1843, the twenty-fifth anniversary
of the dedication of the Temple and of Salomon's in-
stallation into office was celebrated. Dr. Frankfurter
delivered on the evening of the 17th of October an ora-
tion which gave a history of the struggle and success
of the Temple, paying a deserved and high tribute to
the labors and talents of Dr. Kley, Dr. Salomon and to
the directors of the Temple. The celebration was con-
cluded by a cantata, consisting of fourteen numbers,
lasting an hour and a half, no doubt the longest musi-
cal piece ever rendered in a Jewish service. Next day,
the 18th, Salomon delivered the jubilee sermon, in
which he touchingly reviewed his experiences in Ham-
burg. Coming home from the Temple he found the
directors and a majority of the members of the Temple
at his house, waiting to offer their hearty congratula-
tions. The president of the congregation. Dr. Mai-
mon Fraenkel, addressed him and presented him with
resolutions signed by the directors and a delegation of
one hundred and sixty members, and a costly and sub-
stantial token of their admiration in the shape of a
solid silver piece, representing the interior of the Tem-
ple, pulpit and tabernacle. On the curtain the follow-
ing words are written: "Dem Herrn Dr. Gotthold Sal-
omon, zu seiner 25 jaehrigen Amtsfeier als Prediger am
♦ZeituiiR fles Judenthuiii's, April 30, 1842. No. 18, page 363.
+Zeitun,i,' (Ins Jinleiith's. TS42, No. 14! 19, 22.
152 REFORMED JUDAlJiM.
neuen Israelitischen Tempel zu Hamburg, am 18 Octo-
ber, 1843, vonseiiicii Verehrern.'' (To Dr. Gotthold
Salomon 011 the occasion of his twenty-fifth anniversar\-
as preacher of the Israelitish Temple at Hamburg,
October 18, 1843, 'from ^^^ admirers.) On the pulpit
the words were written: "The Lord Eternal hath
given me a tongue for teaching, that I should know
how to strengthen the weary with the word." (Isaiah,
1. 4.) There were other artistic inscriptions on a sil-
ver pillow: Salomon's German Bible and the verse
Nehemiah vii, 8; the prayer and hymn book, with the
Hebrew inscription of Psalm xlii, 9; a vivid represen-
tation of 1 Kings, viii, 4-6, is given with the inscrip-
tion: "And Salomon turned his face and blessed the
whole assembly of Israel."
Aside from this Salomon was made the recipient
of a beautiful album containing the most excellent
maxims in poetry and prose, written m various lan-
guages, by his friends and admirers all over the world,
each bearmg their signature. The following are only
a few of the names, represented in the album: Diaes-
eke, then the most popular Christian preacher, (Bre-
men); Boeckel, Rupp, Jacoby, Amnion, Niemeyer,
Rosenkrantz, Minister Von Struve — all prominent the-
ologians or philosophers. Of the Jews I mention:
Cremieux and Salvador, in France. At the banquet
in the evening, Dr. Gabriel Riesser made an eloquent
toast. The "Zeitung des Judenthum's," of October
i8th, 1843, says among other things: "It is Salomon
who has elevated the German Israelitish homiletics
from the stage of infancy to the high dignity, the
praiseworthy development and energy which it pos-
sesses to-day. He freed the Jewish sermon from the
imitation of Christian preachers and was the first to
make it an original product, belonging to Judaism. * *
He was the first to conquer the respect of Christians for
the German-Israelitish pulpit oratory. From Odessa
to Philadelphia the German sermon is an integral part
of the Jewish worshi]). Where is the Jewish preacher
wl.o has not learned from Salomon?"
ao'l^THOLl) SALOMON. 1^3
On vScptc-inbcr 5, 1S44, vSaloiuou had llic privilege
to dedicate the new Temple which- his Congregation
had bnilt. He preached on the highly appropriate
text: "(ireater Will be the (xlorv of the vSecond Teni-
pie than the First." (Haggai, II, 9).
He called it a ''Beth Tefilla," (Honse of prayer),
a ''Heth-Hamidrash," (Honse of Learning), and a
''Hfth-Haniikdash," (Honse of Sanctification). He
jjnblished also for this anspicions occasion, with notes
and docnnients, which contain a veritable mine of his-
torical facts, a short history of the new Israelitish Tem-
ple at liambnrg dnring the first twenty-five years ot its
existence, (Hambnrg, 1844).
Salomon traveled a great deal. In 1822 he visited
Copenhagen, where he gained the friendship of Man-
heimer, with whom he was intimate, nntil death parted
them. He preached in Copenhagen on Friday even-
ing, 1822,* in the honse of Nathanson, and so arou.sed
the people that on the next day he was offered
the position of preacher in the main Synagogne. In
1828 he received a call as Rabbi and preacher of the
then mnch larger Congregation of Copenhagen; but
owing to the urgent entreaties of the Temple people
he remained in Hamburg and recommended to Copen-
hagen Dr. A. Wolff, of Giessen.
In 1829 vSalomon visited his parents, whose old age
he sweetened by his filial love. He also visited Des-
.sau, after an absence of eleven years. He was deeply
disappointed at the decline of the Congregation after
Wolff's death and gave vent to his feelings on the sub-
ject in a sermon before the Congregation.
In 1834 he went to the sea re.sort of Heligoland
for his health — and in his joy over his perfect cure he
published: "Memoirs of the sea-bath at Heligoland,"
(Hamburg, 1834). In 1837 he visited Switzerland
and in 1844-46 the Rabbinical conventions of Braun-
schweig, Frankfurt and Breslau. He preached in
*If I am not mistaken tliis was the first time that a Jewish ser-
mon was hekl on Friday evening.
I 51 KKFORMKl) J r DA ISM.
I'^rankfuit in the scliool-huildiii^- (called "Real-
schnle," also "Pliilanthropin." ) In 1846 lie preached
several times in the Temple of the ''Reform-Genos-
senschaft," of Berlin. A fine reception was tendered
him in Hreslan. He said he had never fonnd a Congre-
gation whose members were better educated, more
refined and whole-souled than that presided over by
Geiger at Breslan. Culture has not deprived the Jews
of Breslan of their heart and naturalness as is the case
in Berlin.*
In i«S5i he \isited the Industrial Exposition in
London. Among other places he attended there the
West-London Synagogue and he speaks in the most
glowing terms of its preachers, Marx and Loewy.
There he preached in (Tcrman on August 12, 1851. That
sermon was published in an Knglish translation enti-
tled: "The Three Elements of Israel's Welfare,'' and
dedicated to H. L Montefiore, E. Moccata, and Jacob
A. Henriquez.
In 1853 Salomon visited Dresden, Prague and
Vienna. ' He was surprised at the progress made in the
German Synagogue at Prague, where he heard a hymn
as sung in his Temple. In Vienna he was cordially
received by his friend Mannheimer and was invited to
preach on September 17, 1853. He preached on the
significance of the month of "Ellul" and was honored
by a flattering letter and present in the .shape of a
golden tabatiere from the Vienna Congregation. The
letter is signed by Joseph Wertheimer, who has a name
in Jewish history, Heinrich Sichrowsk)', Joseph Bieder-
man and ]\Ioritz Goldschmidt. The date of Salomon's
sermon in the Vienna Temple was engraved on the
tabatiere. He greatly enjoyed the company of Werthei-
mer, Szanto, f and the historian Wolff.
The idea of Rabbinical conventions originated with
Dr. Abraham Geiger, who was to my knowledge the
first Rabbi in this centnrv who convoked a confer-
*See Salonioii'.s letter to Mrs. Dr. Beer, of Dresden.
tvSzanto was the founder and editor of the Vienna "Neuzaeit,"
one of the best and most advanced Jewish weeklies of lunope.
GOTTHOLD SALOMON. 1 55
ence of Rabbis at Wiesbaden, as far back as 1837,
"Zur Krhaltung und Fortbiluiig des Judeiithum's und
znr Belebiuig des Religioesen Siniies."* But in 1844
Dr. Ivudwig Philippsohn took up the idea of Geiger,
without, however, giving credit to him, and brought
it prominently before the public is his "Zeit. des Ju-
denth's," as something brand new. He did the same
with Geiger' s idea, on a Jewish theological faculty,
advocated by him as far back as 1835 in his "Zeit-
scrift fuer Juedische Theologie," while years later
Philippsohn palmed it off as an entirely novel scheme
of his ow^n. I do not in the least intend to detract
from Philippsohn' s merits, but in the interest of histo-
rical truth I deem it necessary to do justice to my
teacher, Geiger, because in the able biography of Gott-
hold Salomon, published by Dr. Phoebus Philippsohn
— which has rendered me a great service in writing this
book — the credit for the idea of "Rabbiuervesammlun-
gen," is given only to Ludwig Philippsohn. Philipp-
sohn sent out an appeal to the Rabbis, urging them to
hold during the summer of 1844 a convention in a cen-
trally located city of Germany. The first encoiirage-
ment came from Dr. Herxheimer, Land-Rabbi of Bern-
burg, Anlialt; Herzfeld, Land-Rabbi of Braunschweig;
Geiger, Rabbi of Breslau; Holdheim, Land-Rabbi of
Mecklenburg-Schwerin; Kahn, Chief-Rabbi of Trier,
who promised to be present. The Congregation of
Braunschweig, induced by its Rabbi and in full accord
with the government, declared its willingness to receive
hospitably the representative Rabbis of the nineteenth
century, and thus the first Rabbinical convention was
held in Braunschweig, from the I2tli to the i(;th of
June, 1844. Besides the Rabbis already mentioned,
the following were members of this first convention:
Dr. Mayer, Stuttgart; Dr. Salomon, Hamburg; Gold-
man, District-Rabbi, Eschwege; Samuel Hirsh, Lux-
emburg, later Philadelphia; Schott, Randegg; Sobern-
heim, Bingen; Wechsler, Oldenburg; Jolowicz, Koen-
*"For the preservation and development of Judaism, and for
the sake of the revival of the religious sentiment."
156 KEFORMHI) JUDAISM.
igsberg; Hodenliciiiier, Land-Rabbi, Hildesheini; Ben-
Israel, Coblentz; Samuel x\dlei-, Alzey, late Rabbi of
Temple Emanuel, New York; A. Adler, Worms;
Hoffmann, Waldorf; Heidenheim, Sandershausen; Ed-
ler, Aachen.
These Rabbinical assemblies had the purpose to
strengthen and encourage morally the Jewish Reform-
movement. Salomon and his colleague, Frankfurter,
were among the very few members of the convention
who from the nature of their positions in a Congrega-
tion, every member of which was a Reformer, could
afford to be more independent and outspoken than the
rest of the Rabbis, who were compelled to be more or
less guarded in their votes and utterances on account of
the many conservative members of their Congregations.
Salomon belonged to the extreme wing of Reformers
in the convention.
Rabbi Goldman made an earnest plea in the con-
\'ention for the retention of the Hebrew language in
prayer. In this plea he pointed, by way of argument, to
the devotion which reigns supreme in the Polish Syn-
agogues, while in the Temples of Hamburg and Leip-
zig decorum only is to be found. Salomon replied to this
argument as follows: ''There are, I do not deny, pious
people among those who regularly attend the Polish
Synagogue, but is their fear of God the result of the
disorder in the Synagogue, of the unbecoming beha-
vior, lack of decorum, the screaming, the noise and
the dead Hebrew letters, which are recited there? I
further ask, are there no scoundrels, no rascals, among
those who attend only the old Synagogue? ''• *
Alas, I know many of those, who, after having wel-
comed the Sabbath in the manner described by Ral)lii
Goldman with the greeting: 'Come in Peace,' mal-
treat their wives and children a few minutes later and
incite quarrel and discord; I know a good many who
literally recite their 'Tikkun Shabath'* in the Hebrew-
Chaldaic-Svrian language, * * and even the twent\-
*A collection of devotional songs for the §abb&th.
GoTTHoLI) SALOMON. I57
four Mishnas of the tract Shabbath and who neverthe-
less immediately after the first 'Jeziath hashaboth shta-
jim shenen arbah' — readers, who are Talmudists, will
aDpreciate the sarcasm — sell two yards for four yards,
i.e., neglect the Biblical command 'not to do wrong
bv false measure,' (Lev. and Deut.) And Mr. Goldman
wishes to recommend to us that kind of worship.''
He then enumerated the beneficial effects of the
Hamburg Temple, which Goldman had assailed, a;id
declared that the female part of the Congregation is not
benefitted by a Hebrew worship, and that even the
bovs of the present generation have not the time to en-
gage in the study of the Hebrew language, without
neglecting their other studies.*
In the same year Salomon published a polemical
pamphlet. + a defense of the Braunschweig convention
against its numerous enemies. He uttered a manly
piotest against Philippsohu, who attempted to play the
Pope, and against that spirit of his, which is so well
expressed in this country by the phrase "rule or ruin
policy." It is a deplorable fact, that Philippsohn's
undisputable merits in the cau.se of Judaism were not
a little overshadowed by his excessive egotism, which,
ba.sed on the autocratic principle, " I and none besides
me," opposed every measure which did not originate
with him, or did not turn out just as he anticipated.
This opinion about Philippsohu was led by Abraham
Geiger, bv Dr. Leopold Stein, of P'rankturt, and by a
great manv other leading Rabbis of rrcrmany. My per-
sonal intercourse with him in Bonn, during the three
vears of my ministry there, from icSyS to iSSi, had
.convinced me that those opinions were not the result
of personal bias and juejudice.
vSalomon closes his pamphlet with the hope that
in the future ''the staff of command and despoti.sm
would be taken out of Philipp-sohn's hand."
♦Protokolle der ersteii Rabbinerversaniiiiluiij:, Braunschweig,
1S44, pages 56-57.
+Die Rabbinerversamnilung und ilire Tendeuz. hine Beleucli-
tung fuer ihre Freunde und Feinde, Hamburg. 1S45.
I5<S KKFOKMEI) JLDAISM.
Salomon delixcred also a seniioii in the Temple of
Braunschweig during the Rabbinical convention, the
following extracts of which may find a place here:
"Experience teaches us that persons who have
never permitted this or that food for religion's sake to
pass their lips, have not been able to guard them
from uttering wicked ness, lies, slander, curses and
false oaths; experience teaches that men who are able
to afflict their bodies with fasting did not possess the
strength to fast in accord with the conception of the
prophet, that is to loosen the fetters which wickedness
has forged for the poor and unfortunate; that is, to
give bread to the hungry, a roof to the homeless and
to take care of those who are of our flesh, who are hu-
man beings and fellow men. * * God is most per-
fect, free of human frailties. * * A weak, imper-
fect (rod does not lay stress on a perfect and pure con-
duct. If God is acknowledged as holy, then he re-
quires holiness of us. If (rod is holy, then he does
not permit himself to be bribed. * * It is not so
easy to satisfy a holy God. We cannot win such a
God by means of beautiful words or glittering actions,
we must sanctify and glorify Him through every feel-
ing of our breast, through every thought in our soul,
through every work in our life. * * This is our
divine service. * * vSuch divine service is more
difficult than the one which is limited to the House of
God or to ceremonies, be they over so imposing. Thou-
sands of rams, myriads of rivers of oil, repeated devo-
tions and daily fasts are a far easier sacrifice than the
sacrifice of one bad passion, and of one destructive, fa-
\-orite desire upon the altar of the purified heart. Not
one, and not ten high priests can consecrate yoii
througli their merits; not one and not ten saints can
sanctify you through their virtue. Only your own
piety, your own character can open the heaven unto
you and plead your cau.se before the throne of God."
Salomon was also present at the Rabbinical conven-
tion of Frankfort-on-the-Main, (July 15 to 28, 1845).
This convention was made more outspoken in its re-
COTTHOLD SALOMON. 159
fonnatory ttMulcncy lliau tlif first. Salomon had
belonged to the important commission on liturgy,
whose report * engaged the attention of the greatest
number of meetings. He took part in the di.scussion
concerning the Hebrew language in the prayers and
said among other things: "Not a single one of our
religious works or codes of law makes it obligatory for
us to pray in Hebrew. Holy vScripture does not com-
mand us to ])ray at all, it leaves this holy occupation to the
heart. Alishna and Talmud say plainly enough:
'Shenia and Tefilla may be recited in every language.
Even the Shulchan Aruch f permits the public service
in every language. 'The Book of the Pious, '| recom-
mends the recital of the main j^rayers in the vernac-
ular, which people understand, and says that it is tar
better not to pra>- at all than to pray in a language
which peoT)le do not understand.
"Kven the Cabbalists hold the same opinion, §
hence there is actuallv no religious obligation to pray in
Hebrew."
Concerningthe questionof the "Messiah," hemost
emphatically declared, that we do not believe in a per-
.sonal but a spiritual Messiah, and showed by quotations
from the prophets and later Rabbis f that the belief in
a Messiah has always been considered figurative, signi-
fying the far remote age of universal truth, light, peace
and brotherly love.
Salomon attended also the third Rabbinical con-
vention at P>reslau.* The subjects under discus.sion
were the laws concerning Sabbath-and Holidass. Sal-
omon said that the words, "Ood hath made man
plain, but they seek so many artifices," (Koehlet 7-29),
*Salonion was the only one of the committee who made a re-
port.
tOrach Chajim 1014: "Vakhol lehisspallel bekhol lashon."
jSefer Chassidim, paj^es 58S and 7S5.
^The author of the Shelah, which is an abbreviation of "vShnai
Ivuchoth habrith" (two tal)lets of the covenant). The book forms
an Ivncych)piL*dia of Jewish-religious knowle<lge, and encourages
asceticism.
llSanhedrin, 96 a, Jebamoth, 62 a, Maimoni<les.
•"It took place from Inly 13th to Julv 2.|th, 1S46.
t6o KI>:K()KMKD JUDAl.^M.
have never been better verified than in the Mosaie laws
of the Sabbath. Later Rabbis have added nionntains
to the ph\in words of Kxodns XX, 8 flf.
Salomon had an interesting family of five children.
One of them, Dr. M. G. Salomon, was a phycician in
Hamburg. Salomon was charitable in the extreme,
not only to his own kin but to strangers. In his ser-
mons he always advocated the cause of charity and was
instrumental in the establishment of many benevolent
societies and institutions in Hamburg, which are still
existing and in a flourishing condition. Especially the
class who were ashamed to beg had always a good
friend in Salomon.
His correspondence was very extensive, especially
with Dr. Mayer, of Stuttgart; Manheimer, of Vienna,
and P. Beer, of Dresden.*
For a time he was quite an enthusiastic Mason,
the fruit of which was his "Stimmen Aus den Osten.'^f
But he could not help finding out that mere talk about
humanity is not humanity in fact. He saw with sor-
row the exclusion of the Jews from Prussian lodges,
and gradually kept away from his Masonic brethren.
His "Decalogue ot the Mason," in poetry, is quite inter-
esting. In the year of the Revolution, 1848, in Ham-
burg also a ''constituting assembly" was formed on the
basis of democracy, and Salomon was elected one of the
representatives. But politics was not his sphere.
In 1854 Salomon celebrated his seventieth birth-
day, surrounded by his children, grand-children and
friends. Congratulations poured in from all sides.
Dr. Leopold Stein, Rabbi of Frankfort-on-the-Main,
honored him with an excellent poem for the occasion,
and appreciative of his merits.
The last collection of his sermons was entitled:
"Sermons for all the Holidays of the Lord," (Ham-
burg, 1855). It cannot be denied that the warmth
*See Neuzeit, Vienna, 1862, No. 61-52, 1863, No. 1-4, pulilished
by Dr. Wolff, where some letters of Salomon to Beer are published.
t"Voices from the East," a collection of Masonic discussions,
Hamburg, 1S45.
(;OTTH()LI) SALOMON. l6l
and enthusiasm which characterized his first sermons
are absent. These last sermons address them-
selves more to the mind than to the heart.
Already at that time a disease of the nerves made
it.self noticeable to Salomon. His memory grew
weaker. On March 13, 1856, his beloved wife, his
companion for forty-seven years, died. It caused him
a great inward struggle to resign his post on
account of the rapid progress of his disease. April 16,
1857, he delivered his last sermon, on the subject:
"Universal Good Will and Love of Family,". He
selected his text from Isaiah XII, 3, "And ye shall
draw water with gladness out of the springs of salva-
tion," and said among other things: "I part after hav-
ing preached the word of Cxod for nearly four decades.
* * From our Zion, from our Temple, light has
spread over Israel. * * On the evening of my life it
is granted to me to behold Israel occupying a worthier
and nobler position within and without. Man has
grown, and thou, beloved Congregation, hast also con-
tributed towards this progress. Thou hast practiced
and furthered the work of genuine humanity and of
true Israelitish religiousness."
In beautiful words he took leave of the adminis-
tration of the Temple, which has always been ready "to
realize the sublime idea of genuine religion, and to sep-
arate the noble metal from the dross and the essence
from the rigid form." With enthusiasm he encour-
aged and blessed his colleague and successor in office,
Dr. Frankfurter, and the whole Congregation.
After his resignation the administration of the
Temple sent him a long and highly complimentary
letter, dated April 12, 1857.*
Salomon lived until his seventy-ninth year, but,
alas, his mental faculties were gone. After a sickness
of twelve days he died, November 17, 1862. His suc-
cessor, Dr. Jonas, delivered the funeral sermon at the
*This flocument was signed by Dr. H. Frankfurter, at the time
President of the Commission on "Cnltus," by Dr. M. Wolfsohn, R,
A. Simon, M. Isler and Dr. Leopold Reiss.
l62 RKFOKMKD JUDAISM.
cemetery and immediately after the burial a memorial
service was held in the Temple, where Dr. Frank-
furter officiated. His oration* was worthy of Salomon
and of his eulogist, full of deep sentiment and dignified
appreciation of the activity of his deceased colleague as
man and preacher. German and Hebrew mourning
chorals concluded the impressive memorial service. In
several Jewish Congregations of Germany and other
countries memorial sermons and eulogies were deliv-
ered from the pulpits on the Sabbath after his death.
The press of Hamburg f and of other cities, I paid the
highest meed of praise to the memory of the famous
preacher.
With Salomon died one of the last "Biurists, " i. e.
one of those who, following Mendelssohn's example,
have translated parts of scripture into pure German on
the basis of the Jewish tradition and older exegetists,
and have added to it a Hebrew commentary. He was
also the first who furnished to the people a perfect
translation of the Bible into German, printed in Ger-
man letters. His powers of labor were immense, and
perhaps the cause of his later brain disease.
The following estimate is given of Salomon by a
man, who, as a critic, is recognized by every Jewish
.scholar of this century, I mean by — Abraham Geiger.
In his "Zeitschrift fuer Wissenschaft und Leben," in a
necrology on "Salomon," he said: "Salomon was the
first and most eminent Jewish preacher. Mighty and
pleasant words burst from his heart and found entrance
into the hearts of others. He felt more than he could
scientifically construe, what treasures the knowledge of
Judaism of all ages contained, and he knew how to
*It was published by Nestler and Melle, Haniburs, 1S62, under
the title: "Rede bei der von der Direction veraustalteten
Todtenfeier fuer den seligen Herrn Dr. Gotthold Salomon am 20
November, 1S62, gesprochen von Dr. Frankfurter."
fDas Neue Hamburg, No. 104, "Hamburger Nachrichten,"
"Freischuetz," "Reform," from November i8th to 20th.
tNationalzeitung, Berlin, November 20th, 1855, Zeitung des
Judenthum's, 1S62, December 9th, No. 50, Geiger's Z. F. W. U. L.,
1S63, Vol. IT, pages T2S-129.
GOTTHOLl) SALOMON. 163
find and to make use of them. The Jewish sermon
trained a perfect mastery through Salomon." * *
' 'The Jewish sermon, ' ' which was very unpopular among
the Jews, when Salomon appeared on the scene, "has
now become a power in the midst of the Jewish Con-
gregation; It now takes the first rank amoiig the means
of religious edification. That it has become so is the
merit of Salomon and his compeers." (Vol. ii, p. 128-
29, Breslau, 1863, Schletter), I refer to the following
publications, to the authors of which I am greatly in-
debted in my labor: Salomon, "Selbstbiographie,"
Leipzig, 1863; Phoebus Philippsohn, "Biographisc^ie
Skizzen," 3 Heft, "Gotthold Salomon," Geiger's
''Zeitschrift,^" F. W. U. L; "Gotthold Salomon and
Gabriel Riesser," vol. ii, pp. 125-29; Kaiserling, "Bi-
bliothekjued. Kanzelredner, " vol. i, pp. 142-73; "Zeit-
des Judeuth's," 1842; "Unsere Zeit, Jahrbuch zuni
Conversations Lexicon," \ol. vii, p. 396, Leipzig,
Brockhaus; Jost, "Judenthum und seine Sekten," vol.
iii, pp. 336, 365, 370; "Selbstkritik der Juden," pp.
3-10, Berlin, 1880, Carl Duncker, second edition, Leip-
zig, iS()o, Wilhelm Friedrich.
CHAPTER VI.
ABRAHAM KOHN.
Abraham Kohn's biography deserves special men-
tion from the fact that, like a trne priest (Cohen), he
died in the service of God, in the canse of Jndaism, a
sacrifice upon the altar of conviction and devotion to
God and humanity. He suffered the tragic death of a
martyr, inasmuch as he was poisoned by his fanatic
enemies, because he was a — Reformer. Born in 1806
(27th of Sivan) at Zaluzan, a little town in Prachim
county, Bohemia, of poor but highly respected parents
he had already as a child the desire and ambition to
become a Rabbi, and to lift up his co-religionists. In
accord with the custom of those days he studied the
Talmud with the assistance of a tutor. But soon he
knew more than his teacher, and at the a":e of twelve
the youth, endowed with great talents, indomitable
ambition and desire to learn, left his home in order to
continue his Rabbinical studies at the feet of great
Rabbis and masters in Talmudic lore and Jewish litera-
ture. Secretly, however, he devoted time and atten-
tion also to so-called profane studies, so that for two
years he seldom slept more than four hours nightly.
In Pisek he went most successfully through the exam-
inations of the gymnasium, after which he studied
philosophv, at the University of Prague. Like many
Jewish students before and after him, he had to live for
a long time on dry bread. Our present students of the-
ology, especially in this country, have no idea what
the pioneers of Reform Judaism had to undergo, as
students, in the hard struggle for existence; and as
ABRAHAM KOHN. 165
Rabbis in the both contested battle for their ])rinciples.
The strain on Kohn was at hist of such a character that
it threw him upon the sick-bed, where he was for a long
time in danger of death from brain fever.
In 1830 he appeared for the first time in public as
a preacher. The occasion was the dedication of the
Svnagogue in Pisek. The effect of his sermon, in
which he depicted the beauty of peace and harmony in
the most glowing colors, can be best imagined by the
fact that it induced two of the first families of the
place, who had been enemies for years, to become
friends again. Those who know from experience iiow
intense such hatred is, especially among Jews in small
communities, will best appreciate this incident. In
Prague he preached quite often, until in 1833 he ac-
cepted a call as Rabbi of Hohenems (Tirol).
Although his Congregation had only ninety mem-
bers, he found a good field, because just at that time
the question of Reform commenced to interest the bet-
ter class of Jews in (xerinany and Austria. Abraham
Geiger came out at this time with his Zeitschrift
fuer Juedische Theologie (Magazine for Jewish Theol-
ogv, Wiesbaden, 1835), which was devoted to an earn-
est, scientific discussion of Jewish customs and ceremo-
nies. Kohn was a contributor to this magazine, and
his essav on the "Mourning Customs of the Jews" is
not without interest yet. In his articles in this maga-
zine, as in the ''Zeitung des Judenthums," "Syna-
goge," by Dr. L. Adler, '^\nnalen," by Jost; in
Buscirs ''Kaleuder," and in the ''Centralljlatt," he
urged the abolition of observances which had no basis
in Bible and Talmud, and are therefore detrimental
rather than beneficial to the true interests of Judaism.
He himself was, however, most strict in the observance
of the ceremonies. He organized charitable societies
and a society for the furtherance of trade and handicraft
among the jews. He introduced choir and other re-
forms in the Synagogue of his Congregation, who.se
best members considered it an honor to sing in the
choir. He was particularly active in the school, and
l66 KKKOKMKD JUDAl.SM.
took especial delight in the education of the young, the
future banner-bearers of Israel. His relation to the
Congregation was that of a father rather than of a sala-
ried officer. His sermons were attended by Jews and
Christians. In this patriarchal state he lived and
worked, when misfortune knocked at his door in the
shape of a call tendered to him in 1(^43 by the very
large and influential Congregation of Lemberg, Galicia,
Two large Congregations of Germany honored him with
a call at the same time, but his ardent longing to bring
progress, light and reform to a section so benighted as
Galicia induced him -to prefer Lemberg. He would
not have left his Congregation had he not known that
the way there was sufficiently paved by him for reform
and progressive development in order to make smooth
sailing for his successor, whoever he might be. He
felt within himself the power, energy and strong will
to labor in a large sphere. In July, 1843, he went to
Lemberg and impressed all the friends of progress and
reform so favorably that his entrance upon his position
was agreed upon for the next spring, as he did not
want to leave his Congregation before he had secured a
worthy successor. He left Hohenems in April, 1844,
and arrived in Lemberg May 4th. The regret at his
departure from Hohenems was general and sincere.
His position in the capital of Galicia was quite dif-
ferent from that in Hohenems. Here he had, it is
true, the better and more intelligent classes on his side,
but ^las, they were not in the majority. In Hohen-
ems he was Rabbi, and as such entitled to speak free-
ly on all religious questions, and to attack authorita-
tively all abuses and superstitious customs which had
crept into Judaism. His position in Lemberg was onl\
that of '; preacher and teacher of religion,'' while the
Rabbinate there was orthodox in the extreme. In ad-
dition to this the great masses could not understand
and sufficiently appreciate his philosophical sermons,
and were not yet ripe for a Reform-movement. They
had to be prepared for it by schools. Supported by the
well meaning administration of his Congregation, Kohu
ABRAHAM KOHN. 167
was enabled to open in the year 1845 an excellent nor-
mal school, with a staff of efficient teachers. He him-
self took chartre of the religious instruction in the high-
er classes, and acted as superintendent of the school.
The success of this institution was .so phenomenal, es-
pecially from the fact that girls received instruction in
religion and Hebrew, things unheard of before, that the
school rooms could not accommodate the numerous new
applicants, many of whom had to be turned away.
Kohn's other duties consisted in the immatricula-
tion of every birth, marriage, death and divorce within
the Jewish community; in the supervision of all benev-
olent institutions and in delivering sermons at least
twice a month. Though it can be .seen that he had
much more work than in Hohenems, he sought every
opportunity to increase the sphere of his usefulness by
addressing the people on all proper occasions, dispelling
erroneous views, abolishing abuses of long standing,
and enlightening them on the most important subjects.
He did missionary work in the highest and noblest
sense which this term implies. Two dozen of such
Kohns to-day in Russia and the Russian-Jewish quar-
ters of New York, Philadelphia and other cities would
make Russian Jewish (xhettoes in America a thing of
the past. His words, coming as the}- did from the
heart, could not fail to enter into the hearts of his
hearers, and created an enthusiasm for him which can
be better imagined than described.
Meanwhile a new Temple was finished in 1846,
and there Kohn preached. It was the rendezvous of the
progressive element, at who.se expense it had been
built. At that time Kohn was appointed District
Rabbi, which was a position of far reaching influence.
He strove with his utmost zeal toward the elevation of his
Congregation. The many tokens of esteem and appre-
ciation shown him by high officials, and the wonderful
growth of the so-called Reform party are the best proofs
of his increasing popularity. But all this did not sat-
isfv his holy zeal to become the benefactor of his peo-
ple. Unlike others who, after having once attained
1 68 RKKORMKI) JUDAISM.
the goal of their ambition, bask in the sunshine of their
glory and self-sufficiently rest upon their hard earned
laurels, he was, like Mordecai, an "Isli, ' ' a true man, and
hence a true Jehuda. Not satisfied with being "great
among the Jews and acceptable among the multitude
of his ])retliren'' (Ksther, X, 3), "he was a promotor
of good to his i)eople" (Ibid). He was not like some of
our co-religionists who, as soon as they l:)ecome promi-
nent in a certain sphere, "see the resting place that is
good" (Gen. XLIX, 15), indulge in their ease and with
a certain indifference look down from their lofty
heights upon the struggles of the poor unfortunate
dwellers in the valley. Abraham Kohn followed the
example of Moses, who, "just at the time when he was
greatest in Egypt"-I translate "vajigdal" in this sense
— went out to see after the welfare of his brethren and
looked on their burdensome labors," (Exodus II, 11.)
Kohn was greatly grieved to see that the Jews of Gal-
icia were subjected to the most shameful, humiliating
and oppressing taxes for no other reason than that they
were Jews. The most outrageous and disgraceful was
the tax on meat and the candles used for the Sabbath
lights. The worst feature of these taxes was the dis-
gusting fact that they, were the hardest on the poor
people, inasmuch as they doubled the market price and
made living so expensive for them that many of the
poor Jews in Galicia did not eat meat during the whole
year. Following was the tax: For a pound of meat,
lYz kreutzer; a pigeon, or chicken as large as a pig-
eon, 2 3/^ kreutzer; a rooster, hen or duck, 7 kreutzer;
a goose, 17 kreutzer; a turkey, 27 kreutzer. The tax-
es on candles were: A tallow candle for the Sabbath,
5 kreutzer; a wax candle, 15 kreutzer; a Jahrzeit can-
dle on the anniversary of a death, 3 to 6 kreutzer; a
Chanukah candle, i to 2 kreutzer; a candle for the da}'
of Atonement, 12 kreutze'r; a candle for a wedding, 2^
florins; so that as two candles were necessary, it meant
a tax of five florins. Each famil y had to use two can-
dles on the Sabbath, or at least to pay taxes for them,
no matter whether they were used or not. Another
AI'.RAllAM KOHN. 1 '^x;
evil ill connection with this tax was that those who
were taxed the highest were eligible in the directory of
the Congregation. In conseqnence of this the number
of candles determined in the Congregations their pres-
idents, and in further consequence those who made it
a business to lease the taxes, managed to elect their
creatures and pliant tools into the administration of
the Congregations. Even strangers and visitors had to
pav this tax. At the least suspicion of false statements
concerning the candles used in the house, the lessees
had a right to demand on oath of the renter, attired in
the garments for Jom Kippur (Reinigungseid), in the
Synagogue, in the presence of the District Rabbi and
District Commissary. 15^
Alas, too true, Jews could be found who paid a
high price to the government for the yearly lease of
those contemptible taxes, and in order to make as
much money as possible out of them, they were
merciless in theii collection. They employed a most
despicable system of espionage; set paid spies into
the kitchens of poor Jews, or into the dining-rooms on
Friday evenings in order to find out the exact amount
of meat or of candles used for the Sabbath, and stooped
so low as to bribe the Christian servant girls of well-to-
do Jews, in order to prevent their employers from so-
called "cheating" the government. Now Kohn re-
solved to abolish this disgraceful, and, what was still
worse, demoralizing tax, and he succeeded. How
dearly he paid for it, future events will show.
In conjunction with the leaders of his Congrega-
tion and other influential Jewish communities of
Galicia and Austria, he went to work for the ac-
complishment of this aim. Twice in the fall of 1847
and in the spring of 1848 a deputation composed of the
most prominent Jews in Galicia, headed by Kohn, was
delegated to Vienna, in order to effect the abolition of
these taxes, which were a dark stain on the civiliza-
*Jost: Neuere Geschichte der Israeliten, Vol. III. page 33S,
note.
lyO RHl'OR.MKK Jl'DAIS.M.
tion of Austria. The delegates had a difficult task,
because, sad and deplorable as the fact may be, it is
nevertheless true, that from a Jewish, and of course
interested, side, every lever was set in motion, and no
stone was left unturned in order to throw every imag-
inable stumbling-block in the way of the deputation.
Yes, hear it readers, in amazement! Jews, nay, so-
called strictly orthodox Jews, brought every influence
to bear upon a government in order to induce it not to do
justice to the Jews; not to set aside one of the most
disgraceful and tyrannical laws which the meanest
kind of Antisemitism and mediaeval fanaticism could
desire against the hated Jews. It was not the first
time in our history that the \vords of the prophet
Isaiah, "Thy destroyers, oh, Israel, come from thy
own m-idst," were verified. But after a year of in-
cessant and effective work Kohn and his supporters
were victorious. The taxes on kosher meat and Sab-
bath candles were abolished. I mentioned the dear
"penalty" which Kohn had to pay for this victory in
the cause of the Jews. The enemies of progress com-
menced to be afraid of his growing popularity and in-
fluence. They had forwarded a counter-petition to
Vienna stating that the abolition of these taxes was
not at all necessary. Having failed in their purpose
to influence the government, they resolved to make
Kohn's stay in Lemberg unpleasant and burdensome
in the extreme. The history of the Jewish Reform-
movement is full of proofs that the enemies of a pro-
gressive development in Judaism have a most remark-
able talent for the art of embittering the lives of Reform
Rabbis. They insulted Kohn personally, but as this
proved of no avail they heaped upon him the meanest
and most ridiculous charges before the courts. Among
other things he had to answer to one of those peculiar
"saints" why he carried on the Sabbath-day his
handkerchief in his pocket instead of binding it around
his body as the orthodox Jews do. All sorts of false
accusations were also manufactured against him,
which amounted to nothing. Naturally the better and
ABRAHAM KOHN. I/I
educated classes vied with each other to make him
foiget these chicaneries and adversities, and the more
the opposition showed itself in its true colors the
more it lost its followers, and dwindled down to a
small, insiojnificant clique. It was utterly discomfited
by the additional blow that it met with a contume-
lious rebuff from the courts on account of its foolish and
malicious charges against Kohn. One of the persecu-
tors was even arrested on account of malicious slander
and inciting the populace against Kohn. No sooner
had the latter heard of this fact than he, like a true
"priest who loveth peace and promoteth it,'' employed
every means at his disposal to free his enemy from
prison, and he succeeded in doing so by his personal
interference and entreaties. But this act, instead of
pacifying the scoundrels, embittered them the more,
and seeing that all their wicked designs and miserable
machinations against the noble man had failed, they
did not stop at unirder uiost foul and cozvardly.
This is, to my knowledge, the only instance in
Jewish history where fanaticism and religious bigotry
were carried to such an extreme, for the attempt of
murder against Baruch Spinoza was, at least, not suc-
cessful. Toward the end of the summer of 1840 Kohn
was about to publish a weekly under the title of "Der
Israelitische Volksfreund" (The Israelitish Friend of
the People). On the 6th of September, while busily
engaged in this work, a villainous scoundrel poisoned
his dinner. The Sabl^ath previous he had preached on
the commandment: "Thou Shalt Not Murder."
While the members of his family recovered, he
twent\-four hours later (September 7th), after painful
sufferings, succumbed to the effect of the poison,
and died in the bloom of vigorous manhood, full of
resignation to the will of God, a martyr to the
principles of Reform-Judaism, a sacrifice upon the altar
of his unshakable conviction in the ultimate victory of
truth and justice.
Eight years later a \olume of his sermons on the
"Ten Commandments, '' together with a short sketch
172 REFORMED JUDAISM.
of his life written by his son, Jacob Kohu, to which I
am largely indebted for this biography, was published
in the first volume of the "Jeshurun," a magazine ably
edited by a pupil of Dr. Kohn, Dr. Joseph Kobak, for-
merly Rabbi of Bamberg, Bavaria. These sermons
were all delivered in Hohenems, with the exception of
the one mentioned above, on the sixth commandment
(vSeptember 2, 1848), which was delivered to his Lem-
berg Congregation. I deem it right and proper to
place before the readers of this book a few extracts from
this, in some respects remarkable, last sermon of
Kohn. I sav remarkable, because he could hardly
have preached otherwise had he known that one of his
fanatic enemies would murder him four days after the
delivery of his sermon.
"To murder a creature like ourselves, to kill a
human beino;, to shed the blood of an innocent man,
must still be prohibited to the shame of humanity I
There are wild beasts which tear other creatures,
which drink the blood of animals, but only against
strange species are they so cruel. * * Man only,
who is so proud of his privileges, calling himself the
crown of creation, the master-work of God, rages
against his own genus. * * You feel horrified at
this picture, yet it is not overdrawn in the least. Even
according to Biblical literature the first quarrel was ad-
justed by the murder of a brother. * * Pity, reason,
conscience, ought to preserve human nature from the
most horrible crime of destruction of human life. But
no ! The Lawgiver and Judge of the Universe must
exclaim: 'Thou shalt not murder.' In order to in-
.stil each and every one with disgust of murder and
bloodshed. The Mosaic law inflicted punishment even
upon the unintentional murderer. He had to flee to a
City of Refuge. Nay, more. In a city where mur-
der had been committed and the murderer could not be
discovered, the elders had to wash their hands and to
proclaim aloud: 'Our hands have not shed this blood,
and our eyes have not seen it. Grant pardon unto thy
people Israel, whom thou hast redeemed, and lay not.
ABRAHAM KOHX. 1 73
oh, God, innocent blood in the midst of th>- people
Israel.' Happy are we that we obey such law. It is on
account of this obedience that murder and bloodshed
are of such rare occurrence, are unheard of among us.
Yes, we can say it with pride, there is no nation, no
religious society, which entertains such high regard for
human life as does ours. Among us even the deadiest
foe is safe; his life is sacred to us. Hut fanaticism is
capable of doing anything. What is there which ha-
tred, wickedness, malice, are not liable to do? * *
But is he only the murderer who suddenly ends the life of
a fellow-man with a deadly weapon? 'He who deprives
his fellow-man of the means of existence kills him,'
said Ben Sirach. Sorrow, grief, affliction, neglect,
mortification, disregard, wound no less than daggers
and arrows. For anger, vexation and griefs are slow,
lingering poisons which gnaw on the marrow of life;
poisons which they only can administer who are very
near to us. How often do children thus shorten the
lives of their parents I Israel has been guilty of a sim-
ilar crime since times immemorial against her best
friends, against her faithful teachers and guides, whose
lives are shortened by the eternal struggle with mean-
ness and wickedness. In this sense Jeru.salem was in-
deed a 'city which murdered her prophets.' Who had
surpassed IMoses in' sacrificing love for his people? But
how did they reward him, how often did they rebel
against him, and were about to stone him? The same
fate befell the prophets of God, because they did not
talk sweeth', because they saw things in their true
light, called things by their right names; because thev
did not mind the exclamation of those who 'said to the
seers: Ve shall not see; and to the prophets: Re\eal
not unto us true things; s])eak unto us smooth things;
reveal deceits.' (Isaiah XXX, lo). The last of these
men of God, Jeremiah, could hardly escape death, as if
he had caused the destruction of the Jewish common-
wealth. That it was not better in later times is proven
by the remarkable opinion of the Talmud concerning
the 'popularity' of theologians and preachers. 'If
174 REFORMED JUDAISM.
you find' thus the Tahiiud puts it, 'a Rabbi who is
liked well among all the people of his town, then do
not imagine that he is worthier and better than others;
but be sure that he is derelict in his duty to reprimand
them whenever the occasion demands it.' "
Aside from this volume of sermons, Kolin pub-
lished ''Six Sermons, Delivered in Hohenems, Prague,
1834," on the following subjects: i. The Divine
Blessing; text, Deuteronomv, VII, 13-15. 2. Prayer;
text, Psalm LXXXIV. 3.' The Power of Faith; text,
Sachar, IV, 4. 4. Meaning and Significance of the
Sabbath; text, Isaiah, LVIII, 13-14. 5. Charity; text,
Leviticus, XXV, 35-39. 6. Israel, a People Chosen
by God; text, Exodus, XIX, 3-6." He further pub-
lished a sermon on ' True Heroes,"* and on "How Can
We Purify Ourselves Before God."f His inaugural
sermon delivered in Lemberg, 1845, was based
on the text: Maleachi, II, 6.
In Geiger's Zeitschrift he contributed scholarly
essays on the "Jewish Mourning Customs," on the
"Necessity of Popular and Juvenile Jewish Literature;"
on "Music on Holidays ;"|: on "The Removal of
Leather Shoes on the Day of Atonement."^ He was
also among the progressive Rabbis who gave favorable
opinions on the question propounded by the Congrega-
tion of Breslau, which was presided over by Dr. Gei-
ger, concerning the compatibility of Judaism with free
research. II
In a sermon on the Second Commandment Kohn
said: "Another still more dangerous idolaty is the wor-
ship of luck. The heathen had a Goddess of Fortune,
*The sermon was delivered in 1S37. on Chanukkah, and was
pnblished in Dr. L. Adler's "Synagoge," Vol. I, pages 193-207.
tit was delivered on 1838 on the eve of the Day of Atonement,
and published in "Synagoge" Vol. II, pages 326-336.
iSee Geiger's "Zeitschrift fuer Jued. Theol., Vol. Ill, page 214,
IV. pages 29, 76, 165.
llSee "Rabbinische Gutachten ueber die Vertraeglichkeit der
freien Forschung mit dem Rabbineramte, Breslan, 1S42, (Septem-
ber). It contains opinions of Kohn, Herxheimer, Friedlaender,
Ghorin, Einhorn, Hess, Guttman, Wassermann. Kohn's opinion on
the Hamburg prayer-book, see page 138 of this book.
ABRAHAM KDIIN. 175
whom they called 'l-'ortuiui/ and whom they repre-
sented standing on a wheel with her eyes blindfolded,
thus conveying the idea that fortune is blind and
fickle, offering its favors often to the unworthy, and
again overturning those whom it had raised. Temples
and altars were erected to this Goddess. It is no long-
er the fashion to erect temples and altars. But has
this Goddess not gained strong following in our days?
Is she not to manv the highest power, in which alone
they believe? 'Oh, if I had only luck!' 'If luck
would follow me,' is their daily devotion. 'If luck is
lacking, all endeavor is in vain,' this is their wisdom
and their confession of faith'. * * A man has
risen by industry, per.se verance, talent, cleverness and
mental strain. They do not ask, 'How is it that the
man was so successful,' becau.se for them it is a firmly
established fact, 'that he owes it all to hi.s — good
luck.' * * They must reap the fruits of
their doings, are punished for their recklessness, their
carelessness, inability, dishonesty and extravagance.
Whatever they commence does not go forward, they la-
ment and accuse not themselves, they know well
whence it all comes — fortune does not favor them, they
have ever been per.secuted by ill luck, were the target
of its maliciousness. Instead of bettering their conduct
and changing their mode of living, they try to concili-
ate their luck by gambling in the lottery, sacrificing
their last kreutzer ( 'j a penny), to the hostile moloch
of play. * * Are you Israelites ? Do you
believe in the one living God?"* In a sermon on the
Third Commandment Kohn .said: "The name of God is
uttered most particularly in prayer, and considering
this the third commandment is referred to not only by
myself but also by the teachers of the Talmud. Is it
not contemptible blasphemy to utter lies before the
Holy One, to deny His benefactions and to complain
about sufferings, which we do not feel ? And let me
be candid, such blasphemies are freely uttered by Isra-
*Dr. Kohak'sjeschurun, Lemberg, 1856, Vol. I, pages 34-35.
176 KP:K0RMED JUDAISM.
elites who are numbered among the pious of the land.
F'or many of the antiquated prayers contain legends
which nol)ody to-day accepts as facts, complain about
sufferings and persecutions, which God has ended long
ago. * * Well may we exclaim to those who,
without devotion, and in an ii reverent position, recite
formulas of prayer — I cannot call it praying — well, I
say, may we exclaim: Why do you blaspheme God?
Why do you take His name in vain ? * * *
It is not the mass of words which constitutes prayer.
Let the words of our ancient sages suffice us, 'God
requires only the heart.' "*
In a sermon on the Fourth Commandment Kohn
made the following timely remarks: "I am inclined
to translate the pas.sage: 'It is your duty to work six
days in the week.'t That laboriousness belongs to
piety and fear of God can be easily proven. * *
Where is the least resistance against corruption and
vice? Jn the heart of the idle person. Laziness is the
beginning of all vices. 'The Eternal, thy God, will
bless thee in all thy labors and in all the works of tin-
hands,' (Deut. XV, 10). Shall he also bless idleness,
laziness and carelessness? * * A lazy man
will envy his fellow^ man, and in his jealousy hate his
successful brother. * * He will rob, steal,
and defraud, he will borrow and not repay, in short he
will live like a freebooter at the expense of other peo-
ple, until the arm of justice overtakes him. * *
In the best case he will be dependent on charity and
alms. * * Is this not a crying wrong against
the burdened dispensers of charity and against the
really helpless, old, feeble and frail people, who are
thus injured? * * *
"I explain the pas.sage of the Talmud: 'He who
would not teach his son a trade, teaches him robbery, 'f
as follows: He commits robbery on human society by
*SeeJeschurun, Leinberg, 1826, pages 91-93. .
+Tt is generally translated: "You can labor," i. e., if you are in-
clined to do so.
iiKidduschin 29.
ABRAHAM KOHN. 1 77
not training his son for a iisefnl occupation. This
concerns us Israelites most particularh". It is well
known that we are reproached with the vice of shun-
ning manual labor. Alas, a portion of our co-religion-
ists cannot be acquitted of this accusation. This re-
proach is made use of in order to deprive us of our civil
rights. It is, however, our duty to defeat this ob-
jection by our deeds, to encourage by material support
a useful activitv among our poorer classes. It is a fact
that Israelites, who spend the week days in idleness on
the street, give not only offence, but bring about in the
true sense of the term chillul hashem (desecration of the
name of God)."*
Such was Abraham Kohn, whom Dr. B. F. Manu-
heimer, justly calls "a martyr of our time.'"! And
yet Prof. Graetz, who devoted no less than forty pages
to the. Jewish apostates and renegades, Heine and
Boerne, has not a single page, not a single sentence,
not a single line, not a single word to say about poor
murdered Abraham Kohn. No itinerant "schnorr-
Rabbi" is too insignificant for a place of honor in
Graetz' s "History," if he has published the least He-
brew pamphlet on the most foolish question. But a
mart\r like Kohn is ignored. Why ? Echo answers,
'AVhy?" Most likely for the same reasons that
P'riedlaender, Jacobssohn, Chorin, Salomon and others,
are disparaged. Had Kohn been orthodox or conserva-
tive, and had the Reformers poisoned him, Graetz would
most likely not have utterly ignored the historical
fact. That the learned professor utterly ignores men
like Geiger, Loew, Einhorn and Samuel Hirsch in his
work might be excused on the plea that, like the au-
thors of the "Encyclopedia Britannica, ' ' he hesitated
to pass judgment upon persons who were yet living, al-
though he made some .slight exceptions from this
praiseworthy rule. But Abraham Kohn had been dead
♦Jeschiirun, .sermon of Kohn on the "Fourth Coniniandnieiit,'
passes 105, IK), III. 112. 113, II-}, 115. 117.
tHiooraphy of A. Kohn. (Stettin, 1S59). I am sorry to say. that
I was vmahle to obtain a copy of this publication.
178 KKKORMKl) JUDAISM.
twenty years at least before the last volume of Graetz's
history was written. Even partisan historians on^ht
to do a little justice.* I consider it a great privilege to
have been instrumental in bringing the name of the
noble martyr, Rabbi Abraham Kohn, before the Eng-
lish reading public.
*See niv: Graetz's (resrhichtsbauerei, Herlin, iSSi, Issleih, pa^es
79-S3 ff.
'%W%'
CHAPTER VII.
SAMUEL HOLDHEIM.
Born ill iSo6, in Kempen, Poseu; died as Rabbi of
the Reform Congregation of Berlin, Angust 22, i860.
Sanmel Holdheim was one of the most remark-
able characters in the history of Reform-Judaism. In
his life we see the gradual evolution from the lowest
tvpe of Jewish orthodoxy, such as to-day can be found
in Russia and Poland, to the extreme wing of Radical
Reform. He verified the saying: ''Les extremes se
touclienty But this development was not by a single
bound, but the result of a hard, inner struggle within
his heart during a period of twenty years. The best
proof of his sincerity can be found in the fact that in
everv stage of hisieligious growth he warmly and most
ablv defended the opinions then held by him, as if the
possibility of ever changing them M'ere out of the ques-
tion. This is a praiseworthy trait of character, which
is not found among time-servers and hypocrites.
Few of our young Rabbis, especially in this country,
have an idea what a consuming strain such a mental
struggle must be for the mind and heart of a conscien-
tious Ral^bi. It is greatly to be deplored, that Prof.
Crraetz so utterly ignores this phase of character in
Holdheim's career. Had he not done so he would
never have spoken of him as "a man without an ideal,"
as of a 'Mephistophelian nature," who ''per.sonified
the spirit i)f negation," who "considered the Rabbini-
cal profession as a milking cow."* He would not
♦Graet/-.: History of the Jews, Vol. XI, page 563.
l80 KKl'OK.MKl) JUDAISM.
have represented Holdhciiii as a hypocrite, because he
observed conscientiously tlie Jewish ceremonies during
his ministrations in Frankfort on the Oder, and because
in the first few )-ears of his Rab])inical career he was
not yet a Reformer. He would not have reproached
him with "want of earnest conviction," '(p. 564). He
would not have been guilty of such unhistorical, bi-
ased and unjustifiable passages as, for instance, the fol-
lowing: "Holdheim, who formerly had no idea that
the divine service should be dignified, found all of a
sudden the disorder which had distressed him very lit-
tle in Frankfort inappropriate in the Synagogues of
Mecklenburg-Schwerin, and was bent upon removing
everything from the worship which was not in har-
mony with the spirit of the age." (Ibidem). Now it
is, to say the least, a broad assertion that Holdheim
''had no idea," when Rabbi of Frankfort, "that the
divine service should be dignified." Even a superfi-
cial perusal of the little volume of Holdheim' s sermons,
published in Frankfort in 1839* will convince the
impartial reader that Holdheim had already at that
time pretty strong opinions on the subjectof our worship.
But, granting he had no decided convictions in Frank-
furt, does he deserve to be reproached for introducing
the VVurtemberg (Reformed) order of the Synagogue in
his district? (Ibid, P. 565) And suppose the orthodox
Congregations of his district did not like it, win-
was this more of a "violence done to the conscience"
than the interdict of Bernays against the Ham-
burg prayer-book, against which Graetz had nothing to
say? Had the Professor treated the character of Hold-
heim with less hostility, he would never have penned
the following lines: ''Since Paulus of Tarsus, Judaism
never had such an enemy within its own fold, who had
shaken its whole structure to its very foundations."
(Ibidem). Holdheim, who is compared by Graetz to
*See pages 10, 12, 13, especially the introduction to Hold-
lieim's sermons, and the discourse on: "The Two Important Institu-
tions of Salvation," pages 8-10.
SAMIKI. IIOI.IIIIKIM. iJ^I
the actual founder of Christianity,* has done more
through his reformatory activity in Berlin towards check-
ing the tidal wave of apostasy than Graetz and all the or-
thodox Rabbis of Prussia combined. The truth is, the
latter, bv their uncompromising attitude and stubborn-
ness, have driven to the baptismal font not a few of the
youno- ireneration. On the other hand it is statistically
proven that since the establishment of the Radical-Re-
form Congregation in Berlin, with Holdheim at its
head, Jewish conversions to Christianity became few
and far between. Hence the comparison with Paulus
of Tarsus, is, to say the least, not well chosen.
In the light of such patent facts it sounds almost
like ironv when (xraetz assures his readers on page 566
of his '"History,'' that in the time of the Maccabees,
Holdheim, like Menelaus, would have advised the
Jews to worship the Greek Zens; that in the age of
Hadrian, like a second Acher, f he would have recom-
mended to the Jews the worship of Jupiter Capi-
tolimus; and in the period of Philipp, of Spain, and
Emanuel, of Portugal, he would have considered it a
praiseworthy thing on the part of the Jews to worship
the cross. A real historian deals only in facts and re-
lates what a person has done. It is beyond the pro-
vince of a historian to attempt to say what anyone
would or might have done under certain circumstances.
"The hidden things belong only to God." Had Hold-
heim, indeed, been without character and principle, as
he is represented by Graetz, then like many of Graetz's
disciples and other time-.servers and sycophants, he
would have cast his lot with the powerful majority,
where honors, influence, material advantages and
*Not Jesus, but Paulus was iu reality the fouuderof Christianity.
See iiiv '•Principles of Judaism compared with those of Christianity,"
pages 1 1 S- 1 36, on the subject: "Origin of Christianity," chapter IV,
and my e.ssav on "Jesus of Nazareth," in the "Meuorah," .\ugust,
1SS9.
t".\cher" is a sarcastic name fur Elisha Ben Abujah, who, ac-
cording to a 'I'almudical tradition, became a skeptic, pantheist or
atheist. Literally translated the Hebrew word "Acher" means
"another."'
t82 KEKORMED JUDAISM.
chances of promotion were beckoning. But what has
he done? He left an influential position for life as
Land-Rabbi of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, where he, as
an officer of the government, was independent of the
will and whims of his Congregations. In the hope of
becoming a power for good on his own merits, he ac-
cepted the call of a small Reform Congregation at Ber-
lin, which was hardly organized, and was surrounded
by enemies from within and without.* He thus cut
loose from old associations and cherished bonds. He
was cursed, reviled, sneered and laughed at, he became
a butt and by-word among the majority of his co-reli-
gionists. H.aving been recognized, even by his most
bitter opponents, as the greatest Talmudical scholar of
his time, he most assuredly could have done better
from a material point of view by playingf the "conser-
vative" Rabbi. But no, he preferred to travel the
rocky road. He went to Berlin, thus passing the Rubi-
con and burning, as it were, all bridges behind him.
For "Kol Bauaihoo lau Jeshubun." Those Rabbis,
who in the forties had run the risk of affiliating with the
"Reform-Genossenschaft, of Berlin," which is the
most radical Jewish Congregation in the world, with,
perhaps, the exception of the Sinai Temple of Chicago
— could not return to a Rabbinical office in another
Congregation in case of failure in this field of labor.
And yet Holdheim went to Berlin in order to build up
a radical Reform Congregation; he went there on the
strength of what? Was he a young man of prepossess-
ing appearance, of fine physique, endowed with great
*The Prussian Govennnent has been, on general principles, op-
posed to the Jewish Reform-movement.
tGraet/.' school i. e., the disciples <)[ the " Breslan T^abbin-
erseminar" have reduced hypocrisy to a fine art. With very few
exceptions they are masters in the unenviable art of "playing" the
"conservatives," in public and being radicals to the core. Graetz,
himself covered himself with the "Talith" during divine service,
while by word and pen he mercilessly attacked the belief in the
divine origin of the Bible. And such a man dares to call Holdheim
a "hvpocrite" and "enemy of Israel." Kol hapossel beniumau
possel." (Some people blame in others their own shortcomings^
(Talmud).
SAMrF.I, IIOI.DHKIM. I «'^3
oratorical powers, social attainments, pleasant delivery,
personal magnetism and all those little artifices which
generally make the snccesstnl preacher? Oh, no.
Yet he went to Berlin, simply on the strength of his
ardent enthnsiasm for the canse of Reform-Jndaism, of
his nnshakable trnst in its ultimate triumph and victo-
ry, of his unl)ounded confidence in the power of his ar-
gument and in the force of what he considered truth.
Now I ask every im])artial man, no matter how little
he .sympathizes with Holdheim's convictions, whether
such a man deserves to be ranked among vile traitors,
who, like Menelaus, have bartered away their religion
for gold and sold their birthright for a mess of pottage?
But let us turn away from such historiography to real
historical facts concerning the life and the works of the
much abused and little appreciated Radical Reformer,
"Samuel Holdheim."
Samuel Holdhcim was born in Kempen, Duchy of
Po.sen, in 1806, and was educated according to the
rules of the strictest orthodoxy of Poland, which suffi-
ciently accounts for the great struggles within his own
breast, before he arrived at his advanced ideas on reli-
gion.
He was .sent to the "Cheder" (Hebrew school), ac-
cording to the usual custom, and stealthily, only, he
dared to read a German book, to do which in those
parts of the world was considered sinful. Even the
study ot Hebrew grammar was regarded as a waste of
time. Thus Holdheim devoted almost all his time to
the study of the Talmud, in its dialectic and pilpulistic
method. How successful he was in the art of wending
his way through the labyrinth of the Pipul* is proven
by the fact, that when a little boy, to the utmost sur-
prise of the learned Rabbi, and the recognized lumina-
ries of the famous Congregation of Kempen, he solved
*'Pilpul" is that rabulistic and sophistic manner of argumenta-
tion, which permits the logic to go astray, and acuteness of mind to
take a crooked route. (See my Talmud. Denver, 1884, page 13).
Heine calls it a "Fechtschule" a "Gedankenjagd um Mucken zu fan-
^-c:i" (a hunt after thoughts, in order to catch midges).
184 RKKORMHl) Jl'DAISM.
a most complicated Talmudical problem. No wonder
that he soon acquired great fame as a distinguished
P)achur, and that he was called to different places in
order to instruct boys in the Talmud. But the great-
er his fame as a Talmudist became, the more he found
out how little he knew of other things outside of the
Talmud, and how \'ery limited was his kn<jwledge in
the field of so-called "profane" science and literature.
Like all self-taught men he improved every opportuni-
ty to study, tried to read every book within his reach,
until he came to the resolution that he must study sys-
tematically. To accomplish this purpose he directed
his steps toward Prague, which was the seat not only
of Talmudical scholarship but also of a University.
With a zeal and energy, of which only a Bachur is
capable, he studied day and night, so that, in a com-
paratively short time, he mastered the classics and be-
came well versed in historical and philosophical litera-
ture. Although a man in years, in order to quench
his thirst for a higher knowledge, he did not deem it
below his dignity to sit on a bench of the study halls
with young students.
After several failures in his efforts to get a posi-
tion, he was in 1836 elected Rabbi of Frankfort-on-the-
Oder. This position he held until 1840.
At that time the position of Rabbi in Prussia
was owing to the fact that the Rabbis as a
rule were opposed to all progress in the domain of
Judaism, most difficult. The tendency towards check-
ing and curtailing the privilege and influence of the
Rabbis was then general among the administrations of
Congregations in Germany. In 1823 — the same year,
the Jacobsohn Temple had to be closed by order of the
Prussian government, a ministerial rescript had de-
prived the Rabbis of all influence upon the Jews."*
This measure was greeted with applause by the better
tThis rescript was based t'u ihe verdict of (imnpertz, an elder
of the Cont(regation of Berlin, wiio called tlie Rabbis "Kausher-
waecliter," (Guardians of kosher-meat), thus conveying the idea
that they were good for nothing else.
sAMi'Ki. ii()i.i)iii;iM. 1H5
class of Jews, because a check of Ra])])inical authority
was looked upon as a triumph of progress. No won-
der, as a progressive Rabbi was unusual in those days.
The care for the stomach, the performance of marriages,
divorces, Chalizah and similar coremonies were about
the onlv functions of the Rabbi "and other servants of
the Synagogue." They were strictly prohibited from
''teaching religion and instructing the youth." Simi-
lar reasons have caused the Jewish Congregation of
Frankfort-on-the-]\Iain to check the influence of the
Rabbi, especially in the religious school, to such an
extent, that Dr. Leopold Stein resigned his position
rather than endure such a humiliating state of affairs.
The same rescript plainly says: "Jewish Rabbis are
no teachers of the Jews and cannot be looked upon by
the state as teachers of religion in the sense of Christ-
ian clergymen." Hence the inspection or supervision
of a "religious school," which is nowadays one of the
main duties of the Rabbi, was refused to the Rabbis by
the government.
Holdheim did his best towards bringing about a
change for the better in this respect; towards over-
throwing the wrong principle that "the Jewish religion
is only tolerated." In the preface to the "Sermons,"
(1839), he bitterly complained of the humiliation to
which the Rabbis of Prussia were subjected by the gov-
ernment and demanded the relegation of "this sad
legacy of a dying age," to the past. While the Jews of
Prussia were emancipated in 181 2, their religion is liot
at all recognized, but is, on the contrary, still resting
under the bane of mediaeval disgrace. He concludes,
however, that the Rabbis themselves have created the
erroneous impression that they had no interest in
worldly affairs, and were utterly indifferent to the
efforts, victories and defeats of the new age. He ad-
mitted that they lived in the dead past only, have be-
come mummies without life and warmth, and were rep-
resentatives of stagnant ceremonies. And yet Graet/-
wants to make the public believe, that a man who
writes in this strain as Rabbi of Frankfurt in
l86 RHFOKMKI) Jl'DAISM.
ICS39, had "110 idea that the di\ine service should be
dionified." Holdheim coiitiiines: "The modern Rabbi
must protest against such shameful conceptions. His
Congregation must bear witness in his behalf, that de-
cisions on the ceremonial law and performance of mar-
riages and divorces do not fill the whole sphere of his
usefulness. His main task and duty is, and will be, to
teach religion and morality, not onl}- theoretically, but
through his example and character. This is of greater
importance to Judaism than the explanation of the cer-
emonial law and the rendering of ritual decisions."
Holdheim was opposed to the usual custom of sep-
arating the office of preacher and teacher from that of
the Rabbi. He was one of the first Rabbis who com-
bined the functions of both in his person. In Prussia
he surely was the first Rabbi-preacher. He, like Gei-
ger, saw a danger to Judaism in that dualism, accord-
ing to which two men, representing opposite religious
views, should manage the religious affairs of the same
Congregation; the one being identified with orthodoxy,
the other standing for the principle of progressive de-
velopment. *
In the pulpit Holdheim became the compromising
mediator between the old "Derasoth"f and rationalistic,
moral discourses and philosophical addresses. While
the latter were excellent and fraught with. good results
in their day, it cannot be denied that their shallow
moralizing tone, coupled as it was, with superficiality,
lack of substance and vitality, did no longer satisf)- the
demands of a critical age. Holdheim's first sermon
was delivered in 1836 in his native city, Kempen.]; In
a sermon on "Religion, Legality and Peace," delivered
in P'rankfurt, March 4, 1837, Holdheim advocated the
necessity of Rabbinical Conferences and urged the
*See Geiger: "Ansprache an meine Gemeinde," Breslan, 1842,
and Geiger's Nachgelassene Schriften, Berlin, 1S75, L. Gerschel,
Vol. I, pages 52-112.
fFrom "Darash" "seek, search." Dialectic argumentations on
the Halacha.
*It was published in Berlin, (1S36). The text was taken from
Genesis I, 26.
SAMUKL HOl.DHKI.M. 187
Rabbis to heal the breach between the past and present
of Israel. The sermon was favorably criticized.*
The following .sermon on "Prayer and Instruction
combined are the essentials of the Jewish divine
.service," (Frankfurt, 1S37) is of special interest to
those who were informed in (xraetz's ''History" that
lloldheim had no idea in Frankfurt that the divine
service should be dignified." (Page 564) In an.swer
to this charge, which, if true, might stamp Holdheim
as a hypocrite and time-server, the following pas-
sages, which could be greatly augmented, are quoted:
"What would Isaiah say should he happen to enter
our Synagogue on Sabbath or New Moon; what would
be the result of his impressions? A, by no means,
small part of the Congregation he would not see at all,
and in relation to them he would address his words
contained in chapter 29, 11. But among those present
he would meet with a spirit of disorder, of stubbornness,
of confusion. He would see how the practice of the
most sacred ceremonies during services is disturbed by
conversations and discussions about the most profane
things; how the old people set the most destructive
example to the young; how during the recitation of the
prayers by the cantor, noise and unbecoming be-
havior reign supreme. He would notice things which
would not be tolerated in a public place of amusement.
He would see, how the most sacred of our religious
functions, the reading from the Thorah, is ignored,
and treated with contempt, inasmuch as during this
part of the service the majority of the Congregation
leave the Synagogue, while others indulge in conver-
sation and laughter."
Now, if such words, which, by the way, furnish
a most excellent and true picture of the Synagogue-
worship in almost every orthodox Congregation of
Europe, are not yet proof sufficient for Graetz, that
Holdheim had, e\'en in Frankfurt long before he went
*See: Literarisches and homiletisches Beiblatt zur Allg., Zei-
lung (ies Judenthum's, 1S3S, July 21st.
l88 REKORMED JUDAISM.
to Mecklcnburg-Schwerin, au "idea that the Jewish
worship ought to be dignified/' perhaps the following
passage will be convincing: "The Prophet Isaiah
would see how the calling to the Thorah (Aufrufen),
is offered at auction to the highest bidder and is re-
garded as a performance, which furnishes the oppor-
tunity of showing favors or spite. He would see that
the public instruction from the holy place is, to many,
a stumbling block; that they try to give public annoy-
ance by a-11 sorts of disturbances and that thev fill with
disgust the attentive and devoted audience."
However, not only in his own Congregation, but
whenever a measure was advocated, which promised to
benefit Judaism at large, Holdheim supported it with
might and main. Thus, when Geiger's idea of
establishing an institution for the training of Rabbis
was taken up again, Holdheim agitated the measure
most forcibly in his sermons. He tried to interest the
many merchants, who happened to be in Frankfurt
during the mass, in the subject.
His sermons, entitled, " Gottesdienstliche Vort-
raege,"* are symbolical in nature. Even at that time
he was already opposed to a "blind veneration of tradi-
tion." Among other things he ..said that we should
not subscribe to doctrines which expect us to abjure
all reason, to believe without research and to accept
without the least investigation everything as holy and
divine which has been given out as such by human be-
ings.^
vSuch utterances show that Holdheim, even in
those days, was by no means an orthodox Rabbi.
Holdheim was engaged at that time in a controversy
with Dr. Freystadt, who attacked Moses Mendelssohn
on account of his statement, that the Jews have no
dogma. In an article: "Have the Jews Dogmas?" f
Holdheim tries to prove, that Mendelssohn had
simply stated that the divergences of opinion in
*Frankfurt, 1839.
tSee Zeitung des Juclentuhija's, i8^S. Nos. 4-9 and Sulamith,
Vol. VIII, ■--,,. H ^
SAMTKl. HOIJ)HKIM. 189
Judaism concern cereinouial laws only and not doc-
trines of religion.
Another interesting article by Holdheini appeared
in Jost's "Israelit. Annalen,"* on the "Oath of the
Israelites in Criminal Cases."
In the mean time the Geiger-Tiktin controversy
in Breslau has set many a theological and other pen in
motion. Among others a Dr. Lowositz had published
a pamphlet: ''The Klection of Rabbis," (Breslau,
1840), strongly condemning every progressive develop-
ment in the domain of religion and consequently tak-
ing part against Geiger's election as Rabbi in Breslau.
In reply to this pamphlet Holdheini published his
brochure: "The Religious Progress within German
Judaism."! He held the opinion that religious in-
struction ought to pave the way for Reform. "The
way and method of teaching religion has always been
subject in Judaism to the exigencies of the age, but the
word of Cjod was the same in every epoch of our
history. Moses taught otherwise than the prophets,
they otherwise than the men of the Synagoga Magna,
they otherwise than the teachers of the Mishna,
they otherwise than tlie sages of the 'Gmarah,' they
otherwise than the Gaonim, and they otherwise
than the later theologians and great men in Israel."
Dr. Lowositz in his reply* to Holdheini spoke of
him in terms of great appreciation and the high-
est esteem. In the meantime the title "Doctor of
Philosophy" was bestowed upon him by the Univer-
sity of Leipzig. He was soon recognized as an
authoritv by both parties; by the conservatives on ac-
count (jf his immense Talniudical scholarship, by the
progressive Jewish element on account of his modern
education and apparent friendliness to tlit-ir ideas.
Jost pointed to Holdheini as to an important authority
whenever a defense of Reforms and innovations from
*iS39, No. 3.J-32.
tDer Religioese Fortschritt ini Deutschen Judentuui. (Leip-
zig, 1840).
iOrient. 1S40, No. 29-40.
190 REFORMED JUDAISM.
the basis of Tahniulical and Rabbinical literatnre was
necessary.* The Congregation of Posen asked for
his decision on the question, whether the son is entitled
to inherit the office of Rabbi made vacant by his
father's death. The ''Orient'' discn.s.sed his .sermons
in seven successive numbers.!
In a "Memorial Sermon on the King Friedrich
Wilhelm III," June 23, 1840, Holdheim laid special
stress on the fact that the Jews of Prussia demand not
only equal rights but equal duties.
In his farewell address, August 15, 1840, he urged
his Contrregation to elect as his successor a man who
was in full sympathy with the requirements of the age.
There are those who reproach Holdheim for his
rigorous decisions on religions questions. He answered
as a rule such queries strictly in accord with the Shul-
chan Aruch.] Those who censured him were wrong.
A judge or lawyer, who is asked to decide a question
in accordance with the law of a certain state, will give
his decision according to the law of that state and not
according to his private opinion on the siibject, which
might be entirely different.
So, even so, a Rabbi is in duty bound to decide a ritual
question in accord with the Shulchan Aruch when
asked what the code teaches on that question. If,
however, he is asked for his individual opinion, he is
then at liberty to decide according to his own judg-
ment.
*Jost: Aunalen, 1S40, No. 36. 1841, No. 51.
tSee Literaturblatt des Orient, 1840, Nos. 35, 36, 37, 39, 47, 49,
50. J. A. Fraenkel. critic.
i" 'Shulchan Aruch" means a "A table set." The work is divided
into f6ur parts: (i). Orach Chajim (The Path of Life), which con-
tains ordinances concerning the daily religious life of the Jew,
comprising 697 chapters. (2). Joreh Deah (The Teacher of
Knowledge), treats mainly on the dietary laws and contains 403
chapters. (3). Eben haezer (The Stone of Help) treats particularly
on conjugal life, marriage and divorce, in 178 chapters. (4). Choshen
Mishpat ("Breast Shield of Justice") in 427 chapters, treats on civil
and criminal lavi', comprising the entire field of jurisprudence.
(See more on this subject in my article the "Shulchan Aruch"
"Jewish Reformer," 1S86, Nos. 12, 13, 14, 15).
SAMri-;i. noi.nnKiM. 19'
The ''Hezogthmn," Mecklenburg-Schwerin, had
granted to the Jews in 1839, a constitution, which was
favorable to a progressive development of their religion.
The "Statutes 'for the Religious Interests of the Israel-
itish Subjects" ordered the election of a "Land-
Rabbi,"* who would receive two hundred thalers as
an appropriation from the government, provided he
should prove to be a man of modern culture. Negotia-
tions with Holdheim led to good results, and on Sep-
tember 19, 1840, he was solemnly introduced into his
new office as Land-Rabbi.
This position was more difficult and complicated
than the one in Frankfurt, and the field of activity was
larger: For Holdheim took charge of a combination of
several Congregations, which vastly differed in their
religious ideas. The "Israelitish Oberath," consist-
ing of two officials of the government and five mem-
bers elected by the Congregations, was a great support
to hi.m, but still there were opposing forces to pacify,
and selfishness and apathy to combat.
The organization of schools, and especially the in-
troduction of religious instruction for the young, were
his first care, in Schwerin as it was in Frankturt.
This was no easy task, as the education of the young
had so far been managed by ignorant "Shochtim"
(slaughterers of animals), and "Chazanim" (readers
of the prayers). The opening of the Jewish Congrega-
tional vSchool in Schwerin, January 10, 1841, was,
therefore, an important event in the history of Jewish
culture in Mecklenburg. Holdheim called an able
pedagogue and theologian as su])erintendent of the
school, and the success of the institution was assured
after the first splendid examination of the pupils.
The example of Schwerin induced other Congregations
to do likewise, and after a comparatively short time
the Congregations of Wahren, (Tuestrow and Huetzow
could boast of good schools, which they maintained at
great .sacrifices. As a matter of course the teachers ol
*Laii 1-kabhi means the Rabbi of a whole state or province.
192 Rl':i"OKMKl) JIDAISM.
those schools did their ])est to improve and dij^nify the
worship in tlie Synao^ogue, which had ])een most sad-
ly neglected. A report of Dr. L. Alarcus, one year
after Holdheim's arrival in Schwerin, bears testimony
of the good work done by the Land-Rabbi.* Two
years later Holdheim introdnced a "Synagogenor-
dung, " (Order of the Synagogue), after the pattern
of the one introdnced in Wuertemburg, which caused
some opposition, especially in the country Congrega-
tions. Holdheim visited, at that time, Hamburg.
While he admired the Temple and its service, f he
could not help noticing some inconsistencies in the
Hamburg Reforms. F'or instance, the abolition of the
daily worship, of the "Haphtarah" on the one hand
and the retention of the "Second Holiday" on the
other. He felt what Geigerso ably demonstrated, that
the prayer-book of the Temple was not based on scien-
tific principles. :|; He also expected of the Temple
that it would eventually transfer the reforms from. the
worship to practical life.S
Holdheim' "opinion" on the prayer-book is spoken
of on page 137 of this book. In consequence of an
anonymous article || and a pamphlet,* Holdheim
felt called upon to write again on the Hamburg-
prayer-book.** He also published a pamphlet:
"Accusation of Heresy and Liberty of Conscience, a
Second Vote on the Hamburg Temple Controversy. "ff
In a thorough, sarcastic manner he shows the utter
ignorance, arrogance and boundless fanaticism of the
■ ^ '■
*Jo.st's Annalen, 1891, page 359.
tjost's Annalen, 1841, Nos. 45-46. "The new Israelitish Temple
at Hamburg."
iGeiger: Der Hamburger Templestreit, Breslan, 1S42. See also
Nachgelassene Schriften, 1S75, Vol. I. pages 1 13-197.
§Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift fuer Juedische Theologie, Vol.
Ill, page 151.
llZeitung des Judenthum's, 1842, No. 4.
•Ijude und Nichtjude, eine Erwiderung auf die Schriften der
Triple-AUianz der Herren Doctoren Holdheim, Salomon and
Frankfurter, Amsterdam, 1842.
**Zeitung des Judenth's, 1842, No. 8.
tt"Verketzerung and Gewissensfreiheit ein zweites Gutachten
neber den Hamburger Tcmpelsbreif, 1843.
SAMUKL HOI.DHKIM. I93
pamphleteer, and takes occasion to protest against the
inconsistent, vascillating and wavering attitnde of
Zacharias PVankel. In his polemics Holdheim made
use of a shrewd strategem, to accept seeminglv an ar-
gnment of his opponent in order to conquer him witli
his own weapons, and then to demolish him entire!)-
l)y proving the falsity of the argument. This he had
learned from the Talmud. At that stage of his devel-
opment he was of Mendelssohn's opinion concerning
the ceremonial laws, especially so far as tire Biblical
precepts were concerned. Herein we see the main dif-
ference between Holdheim andGeiger, for whom, both
as a scholar and a man, Holdheim had always held the
highest admiration and reverence.*
For the sake of a inst appreciation of both these
great men, who take the front rank in the history of
the Jewish Reform movement, I quote Geiger's words
on Holdheim: "In our relation of love and high es-
teem during a quarter of a century, we most readily
agreed on the justification of our divergent opinions,
conceding to each other honesty of purpose both spirit-
ually and morally, yet we knew always very well how
to find the line where our views differed. Holdheim
was of a dogmatic, dialectic nature; mine was, and is,
decidedly and preponderatingly historical. Holdheim
gained gradually an understanding of the progressive,
.spiritual life.f My labors in this direction have
found in him, not only a zealous, but a penetrating,
and, I dare say, sympathetic reader. Nevertheless he
was not fully capable of entering into this way of
thinking on subjects connected with historical religion.
♦See Holdheim's estimate of Geiger in his: "History of the
Origin and Development of the Jewish Reform-Congregation in
Berlin." (Berlin, 1S57: Julius Springer, pages 6S-69). Geiger's in-
fluence on Holdheim's religious development was very great, and
was gratefully acknowledged and appreciated by the latter. See
Holdheim's "Gutachen" in "Rabbin, Gutachten I'eber die
Vertraeglicnkeit der frelen Forschung mit dem Ral)bineramte,"
Bre^lau, 1.S42; Ritter: "Samuel Holdheim," page 79 ff.
tGeiger' Wissensch. Zeitschrift, Vol. HI, pages 216-17. i^*^^
also (ieiger's letter to Zunz, Xachgel Shriften, Vol V, page 1S2, and
my Graetz' Geschichtsbauerei, page S2.
194 RKFOKMKD JUDAISM.
Therefore he was often compelled to change his views.
Guided b)' his clear judgment, he always very readilv
yielded to progressive ideas, and indefatigably strove
after tne attainment of a new theological basis.
Hence we cannot be surprised that on page 76 of his
pamphlet ''Verketzerung * und Gewis.sensfreiheit,"
Holdheim decidedly advocates the belief in the divine
inspiration of the Bible.*
The great conflict in the ''Geiger-Tiktin" contro-
vers}- at Rreslau exerted a powerful influence on
Holdheim' s religious development. More about this
.struggle in Breslau, which is the most important in
the history of Jewish Retorm, will be found in this
book in the chapter on "Abraham Geiger. "
Before reviewing Holdheim' s important work:
"The Autonomy of the Rabbis," we deem it proper to
mention that it was Zunz's "Gottcsdienstliche Vort-
raege" which has influenced Holdheim in the direction
of Reform, a fact which Holdheim candidly and
plainly confesses, f
Holdheim' s literary labors were, as a rule, the
outcome of some outside occurrence, and the work under
consideration forms no exception to this rule.
In Mecklenburg-Schwerin the old practice of hav-
ing all cases concerning marriage, divorce and in-
heritance, decided in accordance with Talmudical law
was still prevailing among the Jews. To this Hold-
heim, on account of unavoidable difiiculties arising
from it, justly objected. x\side from this Geiger,
Wechsler, M. Guttman, Karo, I. A. Fraenkel, had
just then discussed the questions of "Chalizah"];
(Lev. XV, 8; Num. XH, 14; Deut. XXV, 5-10),
marriage and divorce. Added to this, new reactionary
*On page 65 of this pamphlet Holdheim seems to agree with
Mendelssohn's opinions on the ceremonial law. (See chapter I,
page iS of this book).
tSee Holdheim: History of the origin and development of the
Jewish Reform-Congregation in Berlin, 1S57, page 77, note.
iSee Lev. 15, 8, No. 12-14, Deut. 25, 5-10. See also: (ieiger's
Zeitschrift III, 1-13, Ansprache a. m. G. p., 26; Zeitschrift IV, 7.. D.
J., I, S7, qn, 93; I.iteraturblatt, Orient I, 20-22.
SA.MUKL HULDHEIM. 195
laws aoainsl the Jews were about to be promulo;ated
by the Prussian Government. All these causes com-
bined induced Holdheim to publish his '\\utonomy of
the Rabbis and the Principle of the Jewish Marriage/'
(Schwerin and Berlin, 1S43).
In the preface to this work Holdheim declared
that the best proof that the Jews have no separate
nationality is the fact that they do not want it. They
feel insulted whenever their enemies accuse them of
"national isolation." Just as the Jewish right of
''excommunication" had been set aside by the
Government at Mendelssohn's instigation,* because it
had lost its vitality, so had the entire Jewish juris-
prudence been abrogated. This was the basis of the
politicalemancipation.of the Jews, inasmuch as, instead
of Palestinians and Orientals, they have become Ger-
man and Europeans. He demanded from the Rabbis
a "consistent separation of the religious precepts of
the Pentateuch from the political and civil laws of
Moses." The principle of Mar Samuelf iu
Xehardea, which was endorsed by the President of the
School, Mar Ukbah, "The law of the Government is
under all circumstances valid," must govern us. Hence
in questions of marriage and inheritance the civil and
not the Rabbinical law ought to be decisive. Even the
ancient Rabbis, Holdheim goes on to say, made a
distinction between obedience to the Mosaic law within
and outside of Palestine, inasmuch as they allo\ved
those observances which were especially applicable in
that land, to fall into disuse after the exile. But
they ought to have said whatever Jewish rite or law
concerns Palestine is inoperative in other countries.
Our duty to-day is to effect a consistent separation be-
tween matters of religion and civil or political affairs.
The three leading principles of Holdheim' s
"Autonomy of the Rabbis," are the following:
*Jerusalem 11. 120-121.
-"Dina demalchutha dina."
196 REFORMED JUDAISM.
1. "The Autonomy of the Rabbis must cease.
Religion, and religion only, is their domain. They
have no title to be judges and lawgivers, or to usurp
the rights of the state.
2. "Separation of the religious precepts from
the political and civil laws. In Palestine, where the
Jews were a political body, religion and state were one.
Hence Palestinian laws have no justification in the
midst of the modern state.
3. "]\Iarriage is a civil act according . to the
doctrine of Judaism. Hence the law of the state at-
tends to its civil and legal side. Religion, however,
has the mission to be only the guardian of the home,
and of the ideal side of marriage. Hence the forms
ought to be of a more dignified and less business-like
character."
This book created a stir in Jewish circles of Ger-
many. Among the progressive element it was greeted
with great applause. To many the idea that Judaism
does not in the least collide with the demands of the
modern state appeared almost a revelation, although
the prophet Jeremiah had a ready expressed the same
views long before Samuel of Nehardea, and Samuel
Holdheim. Jeremiah exclaimed: "And seek ye the
welfare of the city whither I have banished you; for in
its welfare ye fare well." (Chap. XXIX, 7). Still
the mere fact that a Rabbi had come out so plainly and
boldly was a matter of pleasant surprise to the friends
of religious Reform.
Vet they objected to several propositions and de-
ductions of Holdheim. The idea that marriage is a
purchase and barter was distasteful to all those who
looked upon marriage as upon something more solemn
and sublime. They disliked also the idea of the state
meddling too much with the religious affairs of the
Jews. They knew only too well how prone a govern-
ment is to abuse power, and how very diflficult it is to
wrest from its grasp what it has once taken. Thus A.
Bernstein, a publicist of prominence, who wrote under
the pseudonym Rebenstein, criticises the "Auton-
SAMUEL HOLDHKIM. I97
oniy."* While fully recognizing Holdheim's scholar-
ship, ingenuity and acute penetration, he regrets that
he cannot find a better remedy for the reform of the
Jewish laws on marriage than the expedients offered b\'
Talniudism on the one hand and by the intervention of
the state on the other. All that was necessary towards
bringing about a better state of affairs, would be, that
the modern Rabbis should show the same courage in
coping with difficult questions, which was manifested
by the Rabbis of old. Have they not abolished old,
even Biblical laws, and have they not instituted inno-
vations whenever circumstances and the exigencies of
the age rendered them imperative? The state, which
is Christian, will never be a friend of Jewish Reform,
hence we do not want its assistance,! because a solution
of such i)roblems is possible only on the basis of a full
emancipation of the Jews, which the state is, as yet,»
unwilling to grant.
Bernstein claims that it is about time to
confess openly what is meant by "revelation,'' "au-
thenticity of the Pentateuch," so that our children may
be spared the same conflict and inner struggle through
which we have gone. Christianity cannot do without
the belief in a supernatural origin of the Pentateuch,
and in miracles. Judaism is better off in this respect.
The Pentateuch is, not a revelation, but a testimony
that our forefathers were imbued with the conscious-
ness of God. The Pentateuch came into existence
after the return of Israel from the Babylonian exile
through the school of P^zra, and we, ourselves, after
an exile of almost two thousand years, are living wit-
nesses of a living consciousness of the sublime rela-
tionship that links us to God. Herein we find the.true
criterion for the measure of Reform. Tho.se ceremon-
ies and symbols which tend to strengthen this con-
sciousness of God, deserve to be preserved, while all
*See Freund's Zaitschrift: Zur Jiidenfrage, 1S44. Vol. II. pages
7. 25, 65-icS.
+ 'Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes "I fear the Greeks, especially
when they offer presents.'"
198 KKKORMKD jmAISM.
those- which fail lo promote the lite of jiuhiisin shoiihl
be removed and those which have been impaired shonld
l)e changed or reformed.
Bernstein's criticism of Holdheim created a great
stir. Holdheim replied in Freund's Monthly,* in
which he, while dogmatically adhering to the old views,
plainly and boldly took leave of all those ideas wdiich
he could no longer harmonize with the whole ten-
dency of the age. He comes to the conclusion that the
Rabbis of the Talmud, whenever yielding to the press-
ing demands of an age, have done so from necessity
and not because they were animated by ''a true reform-
atory spirit.'' They believed that the Bible in its in-
tegrity had been given for all time to come, and that
even those laws which are now^ out of practice would be
reinstated in due time. According to Geiger's theory
the divine law has become a product of the creating
spirit of man and tradition has been placed above ' 'the
Word of God." Here we see that Holdheim could not
fully enter into the spirit of historical criticism. He
was in danger of becoming a Karaite. He wanted to
"save the supernatural conception of Mosaism and
Prophetism." For he could not understand how it was
possible to "declare the Bible as a work revealing the
consciousness of God in man" and yet "speak of reve-
lation." He emphatically believed in a positive reve-
lation. And yet Holdheim was more reviled by
orthodoxy than any other Rabbi of this century. It
has been pointed out at the beginning of this chapter,
how Graetz speaks of him, the same Graetz, who, so
far as the Bible is concerned, holds views so radical
that, compared to them, Holdheim's opinions w^ere con-
.servative in the extreme, f
As to marrriage Holdheim said, in his reply to
Bernstein, that only so far as the right of property can
be called holy, marriage is considered sacred in Judaism.
*See his article, Unsere Gegenwart, (Our Present). 1S44, pages
149-171, 231-258, 313-340.
tSee my: Graetz's Geschichtsbauerei, Berlin. i.SSi, Issleib,
pages 8S-108 and 79-83 ff.
SAMrEI. IIOI.DHHI.M. I99
In his definition of Reform he still clinj^s to Mendels-
sohn's view on the ceremonial laws, with this modifi-
cation onh\ that whenever laws have lost their meanintr
on account of the exigencies of the age, then God him-
self, who has changed the times, has, as it were,
caused the change or abolition of those laws. This is
very ingenious, but a little too far fetched. Holdheim
thinks that the institution of marriage would lose
nothing of its dignity by being placed under the super-
vision of the state.
Dr. M. Hess, a warm friend of Holdheim, also ob-
jected to his "Autonomy" on the ground that it was not
radical enough.* R^bbi Hess claimed that, as long as
Holdheim believed in supernatural revelation and the
literal inspiration of the Bible, he had no right to sep-
arate the religious precepts from the political laws of
Moses. The idea of revelation must be regarded more
philosophically.
Samson Raphael Hirsch, the champion of uncom-
promising orthodoxy, attacked Holdheim strongly, f
Holdheim replied in a dignified manner. | He in-
forms Hirsch that it is necessary to concede the purity
of motives, even in an opponent, and that he was too
profuse with his unjust suspicions. According to
Hirsch' s arguments it would be a religious duty of the
Jew to obey the behests of the state, even if the state
should prohibit him from keeping the Sabbath and Hol-
idays; from circumcising his sons and from honoring
his parents. Holdheim gradually abandoned the great
Rabbinical mistake of the equal validity of all the Mo-
saic enactments and laws.
Zacharias Frankel was another opponent. In the
Geiger-Tiktin conflict, when the question came up as
to whether the persons who rudely disturbed Geiger's
*See Iless's Israelii des ly, Jahrhumlerts, 1S45, No. ly.
+See Hirsch: Zweite Mittlieilungeii aus einem Briefwedisel
neber (lie iieiieste Juedisihe Literatur, 1S42.
tHoIdheiin: Literaturblatt zum ( )riein, 1S44, No. 2S, 29. 31),
Zweite Mitteilunj^en, beleuhet von Iloldheiiii, Schwerin, 1844:
Das Ccrcnionialjiesetz im Messiasreich by Holdheim, Berlin, 1S45,
2oo rkforMed Judaism.
ininistratious at the cemetery were to be punished,
both Fraiikel and Holdheim decided in the affirmative,
as a cemetery is a sacred place according to the Jewish
law. (1842). But now he attacked in a most scurri-
lous manner not only Holdheim' s "Autonomy,'' but
its author. His strictures are full of personalities and
resemble those of Graetz in his impartial "His'ory."
And yet the bitterest invectives against Holdheim had
to be omitted, because the censor did not permit the
article to pass in its original composition.* Frankel
accuses Holdheim of being, like Bruno Bauer, a Jew
hater, a juggler, a traitor to our religion, who would
sell Judaism for a mess of pottage,' i. e., for the advan-
tage of the emancipation of the Jews, and, to cap the
climax, he calls him a liar and a denunciator. If
calling names could demolish a literary and religious
antagonist, then Frankel would most assuredly have
triumphed over his adversary. Holdheim replied in a
pamphlet entitled "The Religious and Political in
Judaism." (Schwerin and Berlin, 1845).! Hold-
heim's answer, though quite severe, was more dignified
than Frankel' s. He begins his reply with the asser-
tion that Frankel reproaches him with having commit-
ted two crimes, one of which is the opposite of the
other. Holdheim is accused of having sacrificed the
ideal advantages of Judaism to the material welfare of
the Jews, and in the same breath his utterances are
called "denunciations," which tend to injure the mate-
rial interests of the emancipation of the Jews. The
fact, however, is, that he deems it necessary to give up
false religious conceptions in the interest of religion it-
self, even though material advantages may be connect-
ed with these innocent views, which is just the oppo-
site of Franker s insinuations. He shows that Frankel
had committed the mistake of S. R. Hirsch with regard
to Jewish jurisdiction. His onslaught on the authority
*See Franker s Zeitschrift fuer the religioesen, Interessen des
Judenthums, 1844, Heft.V-VlII, and Hess's Isr., des 19, Jahrh's 1845,
page 56.
tThe title of the pamphlet is rather lengthy.
SAMUKL HOLDHKIM. 20i
of the Talmud and the Ra1)bis makes him as little an
enemy of Judaism, like Kisenmenger, as have Lu-
ther's attacks on Popery made Luther an enemy of
Christianity. The preservation and progressive devel-
opment of Judaism is possible then only, when our re-
ligion is purified from false conceptions, which are
bound to hurl it sooner or later into the open abyss. *
A correspondent from Prussia gives a very favor-
able review of this pamphlet, f He praises Hold-
heim's indefatigable efforts to develop, to grow and to
rise to a higher religious standard. The want of de-
cision and outspokenness which is one of the charac-
teristic features of F'rankel is laid bare in all its naked-
ness with a dignity which favorably distinguishes the
enthusiastic friend of truth from the hero of medio-
crity.
' Raphael Kirchheim, of Frankfurt, took the same
stand as Frankel in his criticism of Holdheim's ' -Au-
tonomy, "t to which Holdheim replied. The
controversy created such a sensation and set so many
pens in motion, that the editor of the "Orient," Dr.
Julius Fuerst, had to refuse place to many contributors
on the subject. Able articles were written by Dr. L
Gebhardt, Rabbi in Wreschen, later in Bromberg,
(Poseu), Dr. Wessely, a lawyer in Prague; Leopold
Zunz, Adolph Jellinek, then at Leipzig; Leopold Loew,
to whom Holdheim replied in an article entitled "The
Ceremonial Law and the Kingdom of the Messiah,"
Orient, pp. 150-52. A Hebrew pamphlet: "Answerto
the Kvil-doers, Holdheim and his Friends, in thirteen
Letters," P'rankfurt, A. D. 1844, by a certain S. M.
Heilpern, of Poland, contains 72 pages, and is full of
very ingenious ironical onslaughts. The writer con-
ceals, to a certain extent, his own views, but prefers
Bernstein's outspoken, rationalistic denial of revelation
♦Holdheim: Das Religioese and Politische ini Judenthuni, p. 88.
Tisraelit des 19, Jahrh's, 1845, Mdrch.
tOrient, Literaturblatt, pages 321 ff 405 ff, and Isr.des 19, Jahrh's
1S45, No. 29. See also Orient Ltbl., 1844, No. 2. and pages 444, 749,
1845, page 25 ff.
202 RKKORMKI) JUDAISM.
to Ploldheim's belief in revelation, accompanied b>' his
destructible and sarcastic criticism of the tradition,
with his belief in the revelation.
Thus we are justified, in considering the "Auton-
omy of the Rabbis," the most prominent Jewish lit-
erar\- event of the year 1843.
In the Jewish communit)' of Krankfort-on-the-
Maiu a Reform-movement took place at that time
which could not fail to create a great sensation.
Frankfort was distinguished among the Congregations
of Israel, not only by its wealth, but more so by the
high degree of intelligence and culture of its Jewish
citizens. This was due, to a great extent, to the
"Philanthropin"* and its scholarly, progressive and en-
lightened teachers, who, through the instrumentality
of the "Andachtssaal" have exerted a most powerful
influence in the direction of Reform. Of renowned
Jews of Frankfort I mention: Abraham Geiger, J.
Johlson, INI, Jost, Michael Creizenach, Jacob Auer-
bach, Raphael Kircheim, Jacob Weil, E. Carmoh',
Siegmimd Stern, Leopold Stein and M. Stern, who
have become part and parcel of F'rankfort Judaism.
Since 1815 the "Andachtssaal" has become the ren-
dezvous every Sabbath of all those Jews who constitu-
ted the educated classes. Hence the tidal wave of apostasy
which had swept over Judaism in North Germany did
not strike Frankfort- to any great extent. Neither
could religious indifference play such great havoc there
as in other Jewish communities, because congrega-
tional life there was always active. Those things com-
bined may, in some measure, account for the fact that
the most radical Reform movement in modern Judaism
had taken its start in Frankfort. History proves that
wherever indifference reigns supreme, interest for
Reform-Judaism is seldom found. Quite natural. We
try to improve, to repair only those institutions in
which we are interested. Those who care nothing for
*"Philanthropin" is the name of the Frankfurt Jewish '"Real-
Sohnle," which is presided over at present bj' Dr. Baerwald.
SAMl'KI. HOI.DHKIM. 203
Judaism, the atheists, the agnostics and materialists
will always oppose Reform; in many cases they plead
the canse of orthodoxy, becanse orthodoxy i^ives them
a good excnse for keeping aloof from Jndaism which
they do not consider worth while reforming. Reform
wonld make it obligatory for them to labor in its cause,
and to offer sacrifices in its behalf — sacrifices of time
and money. This accounts for the apparently sur-
prising alliance we often meet with in history between
orthodoxy, atheism and materialism. Talmudists will
recognize the phrase "Jireoo ad shejisstaavoo," which
was employed by the enemies of everything Jewish.
This phrase, the translation of which would necessitate
a detailed explanation of a complicated old sacrificial
law, conveys figuratively the idea, that, as Judaism
has no future, the sooner it goes to ruin the better.
Hence it would be foolish to try to galvanize and to
revive the corpse by attempt at Reform. It is a well
known fact, that the Ethical Culture ^Movement, inau-
gurated by Prof. Felix Adler, with whom I sat at the
feet of Abraham Geiger in Berlin (1871-73) takes this
view of Judaism. Hence it is easy to understand why
the learned Professor, in his arraignment of the Pitts-
burg Platform, 1886, sided with Orthodoxy against Re-
form. History repeats itself. This also accounts for
the fact that the Reform-movement is not more power-
ful than it is in Europe, although the majority of
modern Jews do not better observe the ceremonial laws
in Europe than in America. It is simply more con-
venient to "he let alone, or to pay dues to a Congrega-
tion, and to be done with the demands of Judaism by
attending the Synagogue once or twice a year. Ex-
pressions such as "Why should I bother with Reform
of the worship, I attend service only on Rosh-
Hashana and Jom Kippur, any service will suit me
for two days," are the answers one receives in the
large cities of Europe from the majority of Jews, when-
ever one broaches the subject of Reform.
After this digression I will state that in the
Frankfort of those davs — I am sorrv to sav that things
204 KKFORMKl) JIDAISM.
have changed there also, considerably for the worse
since that time — indifference to the canse of Judaism
was almost unknown. There were three parties: the
moderate reformers, the radical reformers and the
strictly orthodox. The radicals formed, in the fall of
1842, the Frankfort "Society of the Friends of Re-
form." (Verein der Reformfreunde), and came out
with the following declaration of principles : —
1. We recognize, in the Mosaic religion, the pos-
sibility of an unlimited development.
2. The collection of controversies, treaties and
precepts, usually called "Talmud," has no authority
whatever for us, neither dogmatically nor practically.
3. We neither expect nor desire the advent of a
Messiah, who would bring back the Israelites to
Palestine; we recognize no father-land except the one
to which we belong by birth or civil relation.
In the programme accompanying these resolutions
the framers of the same say that the past attempts at
Reform have proven too insignificant. They agree
that their principles are only theoretical and negative.
They emphatically protest against the insinuation that
they had been actuated by a desire to gain civil
privileges over those who still cling to the old ortho-
dox notions.* They want to preserve the Mosaic faith
against stagnation and decay. They do not intend to
establish a new sect, or even to disrupt the Jewish
community. Their platform simply gives expression
to the views which are shared already by a great mass
of Israelites and publicly protests against many things
which the world had been accustomed to regard as be-
longing to the religions confession of the Jews. They
do not mean to destroy, but to save the kerntl and
essence of Judaism, even at the expense of priestly-
theocratic ceremonial laws.
These declarations were sent broadcast to the
Israelites of Germany and other countries, but the
*Already in the time of David Friedleander accusations of this
character were hurled by the orthodoxy against the advocates of Re-
form (See page 25-26 of this book. )
SAM IF. I. UOLDIIia.M. 205
orthodox party did not take notice of them until a
member of the Frankfort Reform-Society omitted the
circumcision of his son on the strength of those decla-
rations. Then the "Reform-Society" was looked
upon by its opponents as an "Anti-Circumcision-
Society. "
Now a fearful hue and cry was raised by the old
and new orthodoxy. Salomon Abraham Trier im-
plored the aid of the Frankfort senate in order to en-
force the circumcision of Jewish children and quoted
the Choshen Mishpat, (Chapter XXXIV, 24), according
to which a father who neglects the circumcision of his
son is unfit to be a witness in a court of justice. But
the senate refused co decide this purely religious ques-
tion. Trier, following the example of the Hamburg
orthodox Rabbi, in 1819, sent circular letters to
Rabbis, requesting them to give their opinion on the
subject of the "New Sect" and as to what should be
done with a "man, who from wicked motives, does
not permit his son to be circumcised." Forty-one
Rabbis gave their opinion in favor of circumcision, but
differed greatly as to the measures to be applied against
recusants, some regarding them as atheists, others as
Jews. It was surprising to many that Isaac Noah
]\Ianheimer, in Vienna, who had taken the part of
Reform in the "Hamburg prayer-book controversy,"
had sided with the most fanatic orthodoxy on this
question. He went further than Michael Sachs and
Zacharias Frankel, although they expressed themselves
quite forcibly on the subject. Manheiiner called the
neglect of circumcision on the part of a Jew "treach-
ery," "breaking the covenant," and threatened the
recusants with expulsion, refusal of Jewish burial and
loss of salvation hereafter. S. D. Luzzatto, of Padua,
condemned the "Reform-Society," although he con-
cedes that the aim of Judaism is the establish-
ment of a universal religion, and morality for the
whole race.* S. L. Rappoport, F. Gruenebaum, S.
♦Literaturblall Orient I843, No. 51.
2o6 REFORMED JUDAISM.
R. Hirsch, M. Adler, A. A. Wolf, and even out-
spoken Reform-Rabbis like Samuel Hirsch, Hinhorn,
M. Guttman, and Leopold vStein were dissatisfied with
the Reform- Societ}-. Kinhorn* complained that the
vSociety was a disturbing element m the ^development
of Judaism wdiich, just then, was about to enter on a
successful career. In a time when unity and harmony
among the friends of Reform was so very necessary,
the Frankfort Society was disrupting the forces with
its anarchistic "Confession of Unbelief " (Unglaubens-
bekenntniss). Twenty-eight of the" Rabbinical "decis-
ions'' on the question of circumcision were published
in manuscript. (1844). Geiger, wdiose "Zeit-
schrift" was the indirect cause of the declaration of
principles, and of the formation of the Reform-
Society, could not agree with its methods, The only
Rabbi wdio lent his aid and the columns of his paper to
the uncompromising support of the Frankfort "Re-
form-Society" was Mendel Hess, the Land-Rabbi of
Weimar and editor of the "Lsraelit. d. 19, Jahrh's."
He too concedes that the platform does not appreciate
the "sanctity of history," and decidedly underrates the
"living development in the Rabbis of former ages, "
but in substance he agrees with the Society. "It is
high time," he said, "to speak out our minds. The
opponents claim that the 'declaration' does not say
enough, but something is better than nothing, and it
was a good beginning anyhow. The foundation has
been laid." As to the reproach that the platform is
merely negative he ingeniously answers that all those
who "do not believe" that our religion is rooted in the
spirit and ethical kernel of the Mosaic teachings are
"negative." He sees, in the lack of definitive asser-
tions and positive formulas of the declarations, a re-
*Einhorn was opposed to the course of the "Reform-Verein"
mainly because he considered inopportune. In his decision on "cir-
cumcision" in the case of a father, who in 184.7 at Teterow, in the
Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin omitted on principle, the circum-
cision of his son. he took the part of the father. He did the same
in a similar case at Horic, Bohemia. See Einhorn "Sinai."" (Vol.
II 699-763, III, 796-955)-
SAMIKL HOLDHKIM. 2o7
deeming feature rather than a cause of reproach.
The platform does not ''disuirb the peace." This is
always done bv fanaticism. The plank on the Me.s.siah
casts no suspicion on orthodoxy, which is by no mean.s
indifferent to the interest of the fatherland, (xabriel
Riesser, Creizenach, (roldschmidt, and M. A. Stern
were strong supporters and enthusiastic members of
the Society. Riesser advocated the idea that no
father should be compelled to have lii.s son circum-
cised. A neglect on his part in this respect .should
not be accompanied by evil consequences, so far as
political or civil advantages are concerned. Freedom
of conscience, Riesser claimed, must be respected
under all circumstances. Leopold Zunz, in a pam-
phlet on the "circumcision,"* (1844) warns abso
against church discipline and so-called penalties for
heresy. He recognizes as an Israelite him who has
not been circumcised and would not debar him from
the use of the Synagogue. But he regards the
circumcision, not as a' ceremony but, as an "institu-
tion" which belongs to the essence of Judaism. It is
with regard to this decision of Zunz, that (xeiger
wrote his famous letter to him in which he called the
circumcision "an act of barbarism. "t
Under such circumstances, at a time when public
sentiment was so strong against the "Reform-Society
of Frankfort," it required great courage to come out
publicly in its favor. But Holdheim was the man to
do it.
He published a pamphlet: "On the Circumcision
in its Religious-Domestic Relations. ":J: He formulates
the three following questions:
I. Is the circumcision of such great importance
for Judaism that a child, born of Jewish parents, but
♦His characteristic words are: "A Jew who is uncircumcised is
an uncircumcised Jew." (Zunz Gesatnmelte Schriften 1875) Frank-
furt, 1844.
tGeiger, Nachgel Schriften, Vol. V. page i8i-i82;also page 202-
203.
jSchwerin an<l Berlin, 1S44.
2o8 REI^ORMED JUDAISM.
not circumcised, cannot be considered as belonging to
Judaism?
2. Is the father, who neglects the circumcision
of his son, or he, who, though not circumcised when a
child, neglects the performance of this act in later
years, to be considered an Israelite?
3. What have the Jewish religious authorities to
do in such cases of neglect of circumcision; can they
directly or indirectly interfere in the matter; have they
the right — where they have the power — to enforce the
circumcision or to cause the authorities of the state to
enforce it?
He ingeniously proves, from Genesis XVII, 14,
that all those Rabbis, who see in this passage that
circumcision holds the same position for the Jew as
baptism does for the Christian, were grossly inistaken.
"For," argues he, "if circumcision is the condition of
allegiance to Judaism, how can he, who, born of Jewish
parents, neglects the same, be threatened with the
penalty of extermination for this transgression, when
the whole ceremony concerns Jews only? How can
such a* one be called "destroyer of the covenant,"
when he did not yet belong to the covenant at all
until he had been circumcised? This demonstrates be-
yond any doubt just the contrary of what Frankel,
Manheimer and all the opponents of the Frankfort
Society claimed; namely, that it is not the circumcision
but the fact of being of Jewish parentage which makes
the Jew, as far as law is concerned. "It is strange,"
he continues, "that Moses speaks once only of the
Abrahamitic circumcision, not even mentioning it in
the Ten Commandments; fixing no civil penalty for its
neglect in the penal code; while the Sabbath is
mentioned dozens of times as a "sign of the covenant."
But even the Talmudf considers the circumcised Jew
still a Jew. Hence circumcision is a ceremony only
like many others. He arraigns Manheimer, who,
though at one time an enthusiastic admirer of David
*Chulin 4, Abodah Sara 27, A.
vSA.MrKi. ii()i.i)iii;i.M. 209
Friedlaender, and Israel Jacobsohn, has gone
over to the camp of the fanatic obscurants. The
fact that circumcision may be performed on the Sabbath
is no proof of its higher significance because the
sacerdotal and sacrificial rites were also -performed on
the Salibath, rites, the restoration of which ]\Ianheimer
had excluded from the Messianic hopes. * The
argument that during the Syrian persecutions the
Jews became martyrs for the circumcision, proves no
greater importance for this ceremony, as they had al.so
become martyrs for the dietary and other laws. The
antiquity of the ceremony proves nothing as it was
practiced among other Oriental nations long before it
was instituted in Israel, and demanded of them a
greater sacrifice. It was and is still performed, not on
children eight days old, but on adults. According to
strict Rabbinical consistency Manheimer and his
friends could also be excluded from the pale of Judaism
on the plea of heresy. The fact, however, is that only
the idolater who denies the belief in one God, is ex-
cluded from the fold by the Talmud. f He answers
Manheimer most forcibly and gives him a lesson in
religious tolerance. Manheimer, to the surprise of
many, who would never have deemed him capable of
penning such lines, said, in his "opinion" on the
Frankfort Society, that if a Jew should intentionally
neglect the circumcision of his son he would de-
cline to register this boy in the books of matriculation;
that he would not admit him to the confirmation and
not permit him to be called to the Thorah; that he
would refuse to perform the marriage-ceremony at his
wedding and that he would not permit his body to be
buried in a Jewish cemetery.
Holdheim sarcastically asks the Vienna preacher
whether he thinks that things were now the same as
in the middle ages, whether he has forgotten that a
*Seepage 139 of tliis book, Chapter V. "Gotthold Salomon" and
Rabbinnische Gutachteii ueber das Hamburger Gebetbuch," 1842,
page 97.
tChulin 5 a, Megilla 13 a, Maimonides en Idolatr\- II 4.
2IO KKFOKMKl) JUDAISM.
Jewish ' 'religious authority, vested with worldly power,
was, thank God, a thing of the past." The Schul-
chan Aruch, "a code, which has today archa^logical
and antiquarian interest only can no longer be made an
object of practical jurisdiction. Do not condemn, do
not accuse people of heresy, do not use force, if you
do not want to be laughed at in your inipotency as igno-
rant mountebanks. How can you dare to play the part
of judges in the Judaism of to-day which recognizes
only teachers? * * And why is it just the question
of circumcision which has so resistlessly animated you
with hierarchical and inquisitorial desires, that you
seem to have lost all calm reflection? Do you not
know that Rabbinical jurisdiction in former times was
empowered to enforce not only the circumcision but
the practice of every other Jewish ceremony?"
Holdheim recommends to Manheimer, Rappoport
and their associates, the reading of the Boraitha Keth-
ubot, 85, where it is ordered that he, who would neg-
lect the observance of Succah and Lulab, should be
punished with thirty-nine lashes for the first offence
and be whipped to death for a continuation of the
same.* According to "Sefer Hamizvoth" the same
penalty ought to be applied to transgressors of every
other observance. Holdheim then goes on to say, that
such intolerance and attempted fqrce in matters of con-
science means a step backwards far behind Moses Men-
delssohn, who has proven beyond the shadow of a
doubt, that the Mosaic penal code had nothing to do
with the ]\Iosaic religion; that force is out of the ques-
tion in matters of religious conviction. It is one thing
to attack theoretically the "Frankfurter" and another
thing to put into practice an opinion entertained
against them, and to refuse them the privilege of regis-
tration and confirmation. The mere fact that a person
desires to be confirmed in the Jewish religion is in itself
proof sufficient that he w^ants to be a Jew in his own
*According to this very few Jews in America would escape whip-
ping, not even the members and some of the Rabbis of "orthodox"
Con<;re5ations.
SAMUKI, HOLDHHIM. 211
way.* As to marriage it is a well-known fact that a
Rabbi is superfluous in this matter from the Jewish
point of view. Refusal of marriage and burial smacks
entirely too much of Catholicism. The Rabbis of the
Talmud, who even permitted non-Jews to be buried in
a Jewish cemetery "for the sake of peace" were far
more in accord with the spirit of our humanitarian age
than the half-Reformers: Mannheimer, Sachs, Fran-
kel and their associates. The resume of Holdheim's
writings on this subject is that it is not the circumcis-
ion but the birth, which constitutes a necessary ele-
ment of allegiance to Judaism; that hence the father
and the son who have neglected this ceremony have
not ceased to be Jews, and that the only mission of the
Jewish teachers of religion is to — teach. There was,
to my knowledge, only one other Rabbi who expressed
himself even stronger than Holdheim on the subject of
circumcision 'and that Rabbi was Dr. Abraham Geiger.
It has become the fashion to consider Holdheim more
of a radical Reformer than Geiger. Even Dr. Kohler,f
in his lecture on "Geiger, Holdheim and Einhorn, the
three pioneers of Reform-Judaism"* holds this view, but
Geiger' s ideas on Biblical criticism and circumcision
show that he was, de facto, the most radical Reform-
Rabbi of his time. In a letter to Zunz, written almost
half a century ago Geiger designated the circumcision
as "a barbarous, bloody act which causes anxiety to
the father and a sickening feeling to the mother." He
holds "that the rough idea of sacrifice, once connected
with this rite had vanished in our days when the cere-
mony is based on custom and fear only, and for these
we are not willing to build temples. "§
*He who rejects the belief in idols deserves the name Jew (Me-
gilla; 13 a; Chulin 5 a; Maim., Idolatry II 4).
tDr. Kaufman Kohler, the worthy successor of his father-in-law
Dr. ICiiihurn, is one (jf the most prominent leaders of Reform-Juda-
ism in .\merica. He is one of the very few American Rabbis, who
are recoj^nized as scholars by scientists in Europe.
tZeitgeist, 18S0, page 173 and 190, H'
^Geiger: Nachgel, Schriften V, page IS1-1S2,
212 RKFORMKl) JUDAISM.
Ill 1849 Geiger proposed, in a letter to a friend,
(Weciisler) to bless the mother in the presence of the
child, which ceremony mij^ht, in time, supplant cir-
cumcision— it will be dropped by and by — ^jusL as the
introduction of confirmation has done away with the
"foolery" of the Barmizvah.* Holdheim, however,
ranges the circumcision among the ceremonies which
are not of a "political-natjonal,"' but of a religious na-
ture and which, therefore, will always possess valid-
ity, t
The following most remarkable question, which
according to the Midhash, a heathen philosopher had
laid before Rabbi Hosaia, deserves a, place in connection
with this subject. " If circumcision is of such great
importance, why then was it not enjoined on the first
man?" (Midrash Rabba, Genesis, chapter 10).
But Holdheim did not agree with the platform of
the "Frankfurt Reform-Society" in all points.]: In
1845 Holdheim published the "Ceremonial Law in
the Kingdom of Messiah." The Talmud, he argues,
claims for the Mosaic law validity for all time to come,
the laws connected with Jerusalem, Temple service,
sacerdotal and sacrificial rites are simply suspended.
The consistent logical application of this system is the
basis of a thorough reform. He strongly criticises the
Rabbinical view of the validity of the ceremonial law
for all time to come and claims that it is inconsistent.
For, if it be true, that all heathens will become mono-
theists in the Messianic age, what then is the use of a
ceremonial law wliiph separates Israel from the rest of
the nations? He also criticises Dr. Herzfeld, who, in
his sermons on the Messiah, claimed that the Talmud
itself advocated the abolition of the ceremonial law in
*lbideni V, 205-203; "Bar-Mizvah" is celebrated by calling a 13-
years-old lad to the Thorah, in order to recite, parrot-like, two He-
brew benedictions, which he seldom understands.
tHoldheini: On the circumcision and Ritter: Samuel Holdheim,
page 159; note.
iSee Holdheim: Reden Ueber dd. Mosaische Religion fuer denk
hude Israeliten, Schwerein, 1844, where the Reform-Verein is criti-
cised.
SAMUKL HOLDHKIM. 213
the time of the Messiah, which HoUlh(.iin denies. It is a
weakness of modern Ra])bis to shiekl their advocacy of
liberal views on religion by quoting certain passages of
Rabbis in the Talmud, which, in most cases, do not
express the ideas which they are said to convey. It is
much better to advocate liberal views, even in spite of
the Talmud. God has abolished all laws connected
with Palestine and the Temple in Jerusalem, by the
fact that he has taken away the land from our ances-
tors and has permitted Jerusalem and the Temple to be
destroyed.
Herzfeld in an open letter to Holdheim* replied
that passages in the Talmud, ^such as "all ceremonies
will lose their validity in the Messianic age;" f or "all
holidays w^ill cease at that time,'' cannot be gain-
said. It is no less true that a great many laws, ob-
servances, statutes and precepts have been revised,
amended and even abolished bv the Talmudists.J;
The sentiment of this century is also entitled to be
called a revelation. Holdheim rejoined again, J;
saying, that it is a delusion to make the people think
that their religioits sentiment and that of the Talmud,
which is diametrically opposed to that of the prophets,
were identical. We must not judge the Talmud by a
few phrases of the Haggada, which had very little
practical .significance, but by the whole system and
combination of the Halacha|| and its practical conclu-
sions. The Talmud has developed the political-na-
*Isiaelit des 19 ten jahrunderts No. 25 and 33.
tNidsli, 6r. "Mizvot betailot leathid lavau."
iSec Numbers 18,27 compared with Chulin 131, Lev. 26, 13 com-
pared with Maaser Sheni 5, 15; Kxod. 12, 2 compared with Shalshel-
eth-Hakkabalah 14; Exodus 21, 24 compared with Baba Kamma.
sSIsraelit des 19 Jahrhunderts, 1S45, No. 45-50.
ll"Halacha" literally "'way, rule," means a discussion and Icj^al
commentar} on the "Law." It was gathered by Ral)l)i Jehuda Han-
assi, about 200 B. C. Although Moses emphatically interdicted any
addition the 613 laws of the Pentateuch, ( Deut. IV. 2-5), they have
been augmented to the number of 13,602. The final decisions, which
the Rabbis and students had to commit to memory on account of
their practical bearing, were called "Ilalacha." See my "The Tal-
mud," (Denver, 1884), pages 17-18.
214 RKFORMKl) jrDAISM.
tional side of Judaism, the basis of our reform must be
uni\ersal monotheism and the sacred laws of ethics.
Holdheim doubtless meant what is called nowadays
"ethical monotheism."
One of the ablest and most penetrating^ criticisms
on Holdheim' s "Ceremonial Law and Kingdom of the
Messiah" was written by Dr. David Kinhorn, Rabbi of
Ho^jstaedten, near Birkenfeld.* He demonstrates phil-
osophically and theologically by means of telling argu-
ments and quotations that the Talmudists were not so
inconsistent as Holdheim represented them to be. Dr.
Bernhard Wechslerf calls attention to the fact that we
owe a certain gratitude to the Talmudists for the re-
forms inaugurated by them, no matter what the mo-
tives might have been. Holdheim replied in No. 12-
13 of the Israelit.
Holdheim was a very prominent figure in the
" Rabbiner-Versammlungen," (Conventions of Rabbis)
at Braunschweig, 1844, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1845
and Breslau, 1846.
We have seen that the first jniblic demonstration
of Reform-Judaism was made by the "Frankfort Re-
form-Society." It was composed of highly intelligent
and well educated Israelites whose aims were worthy,
but whose undertaking failed, because it was not
backed by Jewish theological scholarship, and hence
laid itself open to justifiable criticism.
A far greater influence was exerted by the "Rab-
binical Conventions," because the slow but sure path,
of science and research was their guide.
These conventions were of very great significance
for the beneficial development and healthy growth of
Reform Judaism. Graetz's ridiculing remark, | on the
first Rabbinical con\-ention is in full accord with his
*Literaturblatt Israelit d. 19, Jahrh. 1S46, No. 37, 38, 40.
tisraelit d. 19. Jhrh's 1846, No. 3. "Refornien iin Judentliuni."
i"At that time the fashion of conventions and meetings came in
vogue. The establishment of railroads had facilitated travel to
larger cities. Thus the call for a Rabbinical convention received
attention." Graetz' "History of the jev^s," XI. page 560. An ex-
cellent histriography. The railroads did it all.
SAMIKI. IIOI.DHKIM. 215
customary unjust conception of Reform -Judaism, but
will hardly influence thoughtful men. While it was
naturally not quite possible for these conventions to
solve all religious problems, they have done much to
popularize the Jewish Reform-movement, to stir up the
wavering and" indifferent Jews, and to guide progressive
Congregations in doubtful questions of religion. They
represented the Jewish scholarship and were attended
by the pillars of progressive Rabbinism. That the
meetings were public is a fact worthy of notice. Every
member of the convention was bound to introduce
practically the results of the convention in his respect-
ive Congregation. The debates were remarkable for
the very advanced ideas held by some Rabbis, who
gained courage in the company of so many enthusiastic
colleagues and felt inspired by the electrifying power
of the free word spoken in public. It was not yet
time to formulate a "declaration of principles,"* and
attention was given to the practical questions of the
day. Th us the :\Iecklenburg ''Synagogue-Ritual," com-
posed by Holdheim, was sanctioned by the convention.
The resolutions of the Paris Sanhedrin of 1807, con-
cerning marriage and divorce were adopted and espec-
ially in the question of mixed marriages, a more ad-
vanced position was assumed. The Sanhedrin declared:
"Marriages between Israelites and Christians are bind-
ing and valid from a civil point of view" and deemed it
necessary to add "that although such marriages cannot
be invested with the religious forms, they shall not en-
tail any disciplinary punishment,! (Anathema). This
clause was simply a clever evasion of the main issue,
as Napoleon's question w^as entirely different from the
one they answered. The Braunschweig conference
♦See Geiger's: Sendschreiben zur Rabbinerversammhmg in
Braunschweig, 1S44, Nachgelassene. Schriften I, page 197.
f'Hien (ju'ils ne soient pas susceptibles d'etre reyetus des lornies
relijiieuses, ils n'entrainerot aucun anathenie." (A. K. Halphern: Re-
cueil des Lois, Paris 1S51, page 25). (ieiger: Nachgel. vSchriften li,
page 239, Dr. Miel/.iner: the Jewish Law of Marriage and Divorce,
Cincinnati i,SS4, page 47-4S). As the Cherein liad at that time not
the least authority in France, this declaration was nothing but a
blind and was made for effect.
2l6 REI^ORMKI) JUDAISM.
maufuUy and decisively declared as follows: "The in-
termarriage of Jews and Christians, and in General the
intermarriage of Jews with adherents of any of the
monotheistic religions, is not forbidden,* provided that
the parents are permitted by the law of the state to
bring np the offspring of such marriage in the Jewish
faith, f The motion of Holdheim to appoint a commit-
tee for devising timely Reforms of the Jewish law on
marriage, which was an amendment of a similar mo-
tion of Jolowicz, was carried, and Herzfeld, Geiger,
Maier, of Stuttgart, president of the Conference, Hold-
heim and Bodenheimer were chosen members of this
committee. Bodenheimer' s motion that the Confer-
ence protest against the oath More Judaico,j which cast
suspicion on the trustworthiness of a Jew, was also car-
ried. The beneficial result of this protest was practi-
cally shown in the fact that soon after the conference
the oath More Judaico was abolished in the Duchy of
Braunschweig. Holdheim' s resolution to abolish the
prayer "Ko Nidre, "on account of the many false conclu-
sions drawn from it concerning the sacredness of the
Jewish oath, was also carried. Committees were also
appointed on Maier' s resolution to consider and report
the needed reform of the prayer-book and liturgy, and
on Dr. Samuel Hirsch's motion concerning the "re-
vision or abolition of numerous dietary and Sabbath
laws."
Next to Geiger, Holdheim was the most striking
figure in the conference. An eye-witness praises in
*It is of interest to know that it was Philippsohn who moved this
resolution. Philippsohn porposed also the introduction of solemn
Sunday-services for the benefit of those who work on the Sabbath-
day. (See "Kley Noch ein Wort zur Israelitischen Reform frage"
Hamburg, 1S45, page 26, note.)
tProtokolle der Rabbinerversmmlang in Braunschweig 1844,
page 23.
iLiterally in accord with Jewish law. A Jew was not permit-
ted to take an oath except in the Synagogue in presence of the
Rabbi, who had to admonish him regarding the sacredness of the
oath. In some places the scrolls of the law were taken from the ark,
during the solemn admonition, and the one who took the oath had
to be clad in the garments worn on the Day of Atonement.
SAMUEL HOLDHEIM. 21")
particular his modesty and kindness, independence and
earnestness. He never stubbornly insisted on his opin-
ions, but modified them and stood corrected whenever
the occasion demanded. Hess, Samuel and A. Adler,
Herzfeld and others surprised the public by the bold-
ness of their advanced views on prayer, ceremonies,
dogma and Talmud. The Conference declared unre-
servedly, that the "right of living, progressive develop-
ment is deeply rooted in the Synagogue.'' Holdheim
justlv remarks that this Conference has paved the way
and given directions for all similar assemblies.*
A protest from seventy-seven orthodox and con-
servative Rabbis — their number was later swelled to
ii6 — against the resolutions of the Braunschewig Con-
ference had only the effect ot calling greater attention
among the large number of educated Jews to the Con-
ference and its aims. The Conference was even honored
with an old-fashioned Cherem.t
A foe worthy of the steel of such champions as
Geiger and Holdheim arose in the Rabbinical Con-
ferences in the person of Zacharias Fraukel. He,
like a shrewd general, gathered around himself all the
reactionary and conservative elements of Judaism, who,
while opposed to Reform-Judaism, were ashamed to
sail under the flag of uncompromising orthodoxy as
represented bv Samson Raphael Hirscli and others.
He opened wide the door for a by no means small class
of people, who, vacillating and afraid of every decisive
step, are always on the fence. I mean the so-called
"Halben" (half-hearted men).
It cannot be denied that not a few of those called
in the Talmud "Zabuim,"+ (literally ^'colored" but de
facto hypocrites), have found a convenient shelter in
*Israelit d. 19. Jhrh. Literaturblatt, 1S46, No. 20, review of Herz-
feld's resolutions on the Reform of the Jewish laws of marriage.
+An excommunication was hurled against the Braunschweiger
Rabbinerversammlung by the Rabbi Schreiber of Krakau, Galicia.
Jit means, "sail under different colors." A pas.sage in the Tal-
mud reads as follows: "Fear not the Pharisees, nor the Sadducees;
we know them, but fear the 'colored' ones who act like Simri and
demand reward like Pinehas."
2l8 RKKORMHD JUDAISM.
the party led by F'rankel, a party which to-day is pow-
erful ill Germany and is the cause of the decline of
Judaism there. Starting from the basis of the "Volks-
bewusstsein," (sentiment of the people), claiming that,
whatever is still living in the consciousness and senti-
ment of the people, must not be given up, Frankel,
without offering proofs, jumped to the false conclusion
that the people are conservative. He said that as soon
as the people reject the Hebrew prayer, they must be
given another language of prayer, even though the He-
brew prayer were recommended by the earliest teach-
ers of the Mishna. He failed, however, to prove his
bigoted assertion that the people are in favor of the old
traditional customs. Judging from the fact that with-
in the last five decades the Jews, not only in America
but even in Europe, have discarded most of the ceremo-
nial laws, every unbiased observer must come to the
conclusion that the sentiment of the masses, the
''Volksbewusstsein,'' is rather opposed to the conserva-
• tion of every old usage. Frankel, as a man of science,
wielded a greater influence than the uncompromising
and fanatic representatives of orthodoxy in Frankfort,
Pjerlin or Vienna. But Frankel was half-hearted in
whatever he advocated, whether it was a progressive
or retrogressive measure. Therefore Geiger, Hold-
heim, Hess and their associates who wanted essence
and not semblance, firm principle and not transient
sentiment, mercilessly attacked his propositions, which
they designated as lacking in firmness, manliness, con-
sistency and character, and in which they saw at-
tempts at introducing a hierarchy into Judaism.
Frankel attempted to usurp the role of the public
lawgiver, censor and infallible Pope. He acted as if
no one who differed from him could be influenced by
pure motives. He blamed the Conference, which he
himself had not attended, for having held their meet-
ings in public, which criticism was in full accord with
his lack of manliness and his hierarchal notions.
Holdheim published a strong rejoinder under the title :
"The first Rabbinical Conference and Dr. Frankel."
SAMUEL HOLDHEIM. 219
True to his method in controversy, he attacks Frankel
with his own weapons. He shows FrankePs incon-
sistencies in the most glaring light. Frankel claims
on the one hand, that the "sentiment of the people" is
the sole criterion tor the jnstification of reforms, yet he
accnses the Reform-Rabbis of Jesuitical laxity, as soon
as they yield to the "sentiment of the people" and
abolish a ceremony which has lost its hold on this very
sentiment.* Holdheim condemns, in strong terms,
Franker s dictatorial attempt to call a halt to those
who go further than he, and to fasten upon them im-
pure motives. What right, he asks, has Frankel to
abolish the "Second Holiday," the "Meziza"t after
the circumcision, to modify mourning customs, to per-
mit the eating of legumes on Passover if the "senti-
ment of the people" has to be considered ? If Frankel
considers the sentiment of the ignorant, the reformers
have a right to consider that of the intelligent and edu-
cated people whose sentiments run in another chan-
nel.:
On March 8, 1845, an appeal to the "Second Rab-
binical Conference" to convene July 15th at Frankfort-
on-the-Main, was sent out by a committee, at the head
of which was Dr. Leopold Stein. In the meantime
Holdheim published his propositions concerning a Re-
form of the Jewish laws on marriage, and his studies
on the character of the Rabbinical oath. The liturgi-
cal and ritual question took up almost the whole
time of the second Conference. The attendance was
larger than it was at Braunschweig, and several Con-
gregations sent to the Conference letters of congratula-
*See Frankel: Ueber Die projektirte RabbinerversainluiiK i"
the "Monatsschrift fuer diereligioeseii Inteiessen <les Judeiiths."
Ijuni, 1844), "Die Rabbinerversamnihin^ in Braunsch\vei.i;, Novem-
ber, 11844; "Die Symptonie der Zeit., (January, 1845).
t"]Mezizah" is called that disj^usting performance after the cir-
cumcision, when the Moliel sucks the blood, by which contagious
diseases are often imparted to the poor, suffering child
iSee on this subject: "The First Rabbinical Conference and its
Foes," by Dr. Maver, President of the Conference; Frankel: Letter
to Dr. Mayer, Stuttgart and Salomon: "The Rabbinical Conference
and Its Tendency," Hamburg, 1S45.
2 20 RK FORMED JUDAISM.
tion, expressing hearty sympathy with its objects and
ideas. The Reforni-vSociety of Frankfort, and of a
siniihir organization, jnst then started in Breslan, ex-
pected of the Conference more than it conld reasonably
do; inasmuch as it was the main purpose of the Confer-
ence to influence the whole community of Israel in the
direction of Reform, and inasmuch as it had to contend
not only with the opposition of the ultra-orthodoxy,
but also with that of Frankel and his followers. The
Frankfort-Society published a "third circular letter,"
(Drittes Ruudschreiben). The "Breslau-Society"
sent an address accompanied by i68 signatures, in
which they asked of the Conference the abbreviation of
the prayers, introduction of the vernacular and revision
of the Sabbath laws. The Berlin Reform-Society was
represented by three delegates. Dr. S. Stern, A. Bern-
stein (Rebenstein) and Simion. No less than twenty-
two letters were addressed to the Conference. As can be
seen from all this, the Convention at Frankfort had to
contend with greater difficulties than that held at
Braunschweig. The Conference lasted from July 15th
to July 28th and had eighteen meetings, six of which
were devoted to the question of the ritual, especially
the language of prayer. The report of Dr. Maier on
the liturgy was in the main accepted, German prayers
and hymns, the use of the organ during divine service
were not only permitted, but strongly recommended.
A heated discussion took place on the question of the
use of the Hebrew language in the service, which
caused the withdrawal of Frankel from the Conference.
He claimed that the retention of the Hebrew in the
ritual is not only opportune and advisable, but neces-
sary, legal and religious.. The majority however, among
whom were Geiger, Kinhorn, the two Adlers, Hold-
heim, Salomon, Auerbach, Kahn and Maier, declared
that the Hebrew language as the language of prayer,
is neither legally nor absolutely necessary. These
Rabbis added, however, that inasmuch as Congrega-
tions were not yet ripe for a total abolition of the He-
brew in the worship, it is opportune as an accommoda-
SAMIKI. HOLDHKIM. 221
tioii of the Congregation to retain for the present cer-
tain parts of the Hebrew service, but that it should be
best to introduce a strict German Ritual as soon as the
Congregations are ripe for it. Holdheini stated that
the Hebrew language, far from being now a national
bond of the Jews, is at present rather an impediment
and check to the development of our religious life.
Were Krankel right, then the Jewish law would not
have permitted us to pray in any language but the
Hebrew. Adler warned the people not to be guided in
such important questions by sentiment but by truth.
Talk aboiit the holiness of the Hebrew language I
What makes a language holy ? Surely not the form,
but its essence. A hypocrite and liar who prays in
Hebrew deescratcs this language, and he who expresses
the purest and noblest sentiments in a German prayer
sanctifies that language by its spiritual character. The
fear that our Biblical literature would vanish from our
midst, as soon as Hebrew ceases to be the language of
prayer, is idle. The works of Homer and Hesiod are
not forgotten, although people do no longer pray in
Crreek. It is not the language which immortalizes a
work of genius, but vice versa.* As to the argument
that the unity of Israel would be imperilled by the
abolition of the Hebrew Ritual, he must answer that it
is not the common language, but the common religion,
the common confession of faith which truly unites the
Israelites all over the globe. But there are weight}-
reasons for the introduction of the vernacular tongue
in the divine service. It would do away with that lip-
service which Isaiah so strongly condemned. It would
stimulate the reading and studying of the Bible in the
vernacular, while at the present time the people neg-
lect the study of the Scripture in Hebrew as well as in
Crcrman.
*He could also have a(lde<l that the Hihle is beinj^ studied more
/.ealously auionvj the Christians, though they do not pray in Hebrew,
than among the Jews, who do pray in Hebrew. Two magazines are
published by .\mericau Christians for the purpose of fostering the
studv of Hebrew.
222 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Frankel withdrew from the Conference as soon as
he saw himself defeated by the majority, and convoked
a Conference of his own, which failed, however, to ma-
terialize. The F'rankfort Conference recommended
also the elimination from the prayer-book of every allu-
sion to a political INIessiah and to the sacrificial cult.
Some minor matters on the abolition of Mikvah* and
other laws concerning women, reports on the Sab-
bath question, on a home prayer-book, were partly
discussed, partly consigned to committees for the next
Conference.
The Third Rabbinical Conference was held in
Breslau, July 13 tojuly 24, 1846. Holdheim at that time
Rabbi of the Berlin Reform Congregation took a most
radical stand on the Sabbath-question and declared in
favor of its transfer to Sunda}-, wherever it has out-
lived the sphere of its usefulness and has succumbed in
the struggle against the demands of life. He advo-
cated this theory on the principle that the preservation
of the Jewish religion is of far greater import than the
claim of a certain day. In an "Open Letter" on the
Third Rabbinical Conference,! he goes so far as to re-
proach the Conference, because it had not recommended
a transfer of the Sabbath wherever such a radical
change was identical with a restoration of a dignified
and impressive celebration of divine service.
Quite a number of Holdheim' s publications were
the immediate result of the Rabbinical Conference.
"The Oath in the Old Rabbinism";[; was published by
him in consequence of the abolition of the "Kol-
Nidre-Prayer' ■ g by the Conference in Braunschweig. He
stated, in this article, that the Rabbinical conception
cannot be fully acquitted of the reproach that by its
permission to annul a vov>- or an oath it encourages, to
*"Mikvah'" is Hebrew, and means a ritual bath.
tisraelit d. 19, Jahrh's 1846, No. 46-48.
ilsr. d. 19 Jahrh. 1844, No. 35 and No. 41.
^Israelit 1844, No. 47: Kircheim's reply to Dr. Holdheim; Isra-
elit 1845 No. 2, Holdheini's answer to Einhprn; Orient 1S45, No. it,
Holdheim against Kircheim.
SAAlUEL HOLDHEIM. 223
some extent, a certain unconscious laxity with regard
to an oath. He reproached Frankel with having
rather concealed than uncovered the whole truth on
the subject of his book, "The Oath of the Jews."
This created a very animated controversy between
Holdheim, Kinhorn, ' Kirchheim, Frankel and Rappo-
port. P'rankel and Rappoport called him the worst
names and represented him as a bitter enemy of the
Jews, as a malicious slanderer and spiteful defamer of
Israel.
Rappoport even insinuated that all Holdheim
aimed at was the abolition of the Kol-Nidre- Prayer in
his Congregation in Schwerin, while it was (^e facto
abolished long before the publication of Holdheim' s
articles on the oath of the Jews. Holdheim justly re-
marks that an attack on the Talmud must not
necessarily be prompted by hatred against Judaism,
but that an impartial, unbiased criticism of the Tal-
mud can, in no way, affect the morality of the Jews.
Holdheim' s "Propositions for a Timely Reform of
the Jewish Laws on Marriage," (Schwerin, 1845), were
laid before the "Second Rabbinical Conference." They
contain ideas similar to those expressed in his
"Autonomy." He claims that marriage and divorce
are simply civil acts from the Jewish point of view and
therefore badly in need of a reformation. He pleads
for the abolition of Chalizah, which has no meaning
for our times. He discussed the same important sub-
ject on the occasion of the Third Rabbinical Conference
with regard to Herzfeld's propositions.* He criticises
Herzfeld's proposition that the Kohanim (priests)
.should no longer be prohibited from marrying a
divorced w^oman, but that they should be bound to
marry women of good moral reputation.! Every
privilege of a special priesthood ought to cease. Mar-
riages forbidden to the priests should be forbidden to
all Israel or not at all.
♦Israelit d. 19 Jahrhhunderts, 1846, No. 20-21.
tProtokolleder Zweiten RabbinerversammluuK. page 334-34'^-
vSee Talmud Sabbath, 33,Maimonides Hichoth Talmud Thorah, I, 31
224 REFORM l-:i) J r DA ISM.
With ret(ard to S. Adler's Hebrew essay on the
position of woman in Jndaism, Holdheini pnblished
"The Religions Position of Woman in Tahnndical
Jndaism," (Schwerin, 1846). He cannot agree with
Adler, that the Tahnnd prohibits woman on acconnt
of her lack of earnestness from taking part in religious
worship. Women were placed in the same category
with slaves, deaf-mutes and little children.* They
were even excluded from reading the Shmah on Sab-
bath-and Holidays. Adler is right in declaring that
women are entitled to complete a quornmf for the
divine service, but it is vain endeavor to try to find
this artificially in the Talmud. Not even Adler's
great Tahnndical scholarship could succeed in proving'
this, simply because it is impossible to find our modern
religious sentiments and consciousness in the Talmud.
Another important publication is Holdheim's:
"The Principles of a Ritual, in Harmony with the
Present Religious Consciousness.]; In ^lay of the same
year he was asked by the Congregation of Toeplitz,
Bohemia, concerning his views on the abolition of the
Second Holiday. It is needless to say that he declared
in favor of the Reform.
In the meantime the Reform-IVIovement entered a
quarter from which it had been forcibly banished two
decades before by the order of the government, I mean
Berlin, where Mendelssohn, Friedleander, Jacobsohn
and Zunz had labored. Since the enforced closing of
the Jacobsohn Temple in 1823 by authority of King
Frederic William III, Jewish orthodoxy in Berlin has
had full sway, because it was justly regarded by the
Christian "pietistic" party as the best ally in its prose-
lytizing schemes. Even to-day, in this free country the
*Seemy article: "The Schulchan-Aruch and Rabbinical Law on
the Position of Women," Jewish Reformer, 1886, New York, No. 15,
reprinted in the "Jewish Spectator."
tTen men constitute a quorum in a Synagogue (iVImjan), but
even 10,000 ladies according to Schulchah-Aruch cannot form a
quorum.
Jlsraelit d. 19, Jhrh's 1846, No. 8-13, 24-31.
SAMria. IIOLDHKIM. 225
missionarv-fiends, mainly recruitinj^ themselves from
Russian-Polish Jews, and the conversionists do all their
business in the Russian- Polish Jewish Ghettos of New
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago and other large
cities. There existed in Berlin, so far as Judaism was
concerned, only uncompromising orthodoxy and indiffer-
ence. With the ascendency to the throne of Frederic
William \\\ a more liberal .spirit made its entrance
into Berlin. This fact was proven by the victory ot
Geiger in Breslau against Tiktin and other enemies of
progress, who tried their utmost to influence the gov-
ernment against the P'rankfort Reformer. Naturally
the progressive element in Berlin considered the mo-
ment opportune for action. Even the administration
of the Berlin Congregation made the attempt to .secure
for the Rabbinate a man of modern education in the
person of Dr. Zacharias Frankel, Chief-Rabbi of
Dresden. But Frankel did not accept the call, be-
cause he wanted to be Chief-Rabbi with full power to
act in all things pertaining to the spiritual affairs of the
Congregation. Thus Dr. Michael vSachs, of Glogau,
preacher in Prague, was called to Berlin, not as Rabbi
but as "Rabbinate- Assessor." He could drown the audi-
ence in a vast sea of flowery phrases, never ending per-
iods, and romantic, mystic effusions. His Talmudic-
al-Rabbiuical knowledge was, however, limited.
Sachs proved a fanatic of the w^orst type against Jewish
Reform and Reformers, .so much so that his too marked
zeal was looked upon by many Reformers as artificial
and not quite sincere. His was a romantic nature; his
eye was dimmed by the mist of mystic illusions and there-
fore blind to the requirements of the new age. He could
have done great things in Berlin had he lived less in
the past and more in the practical present.* The fact
is, that the election of i\I. Sachs by the Berlin Congre-
gation did not prove a fortunate acquisition, for the
conflict within the Congregation, instead of decreasing,
extended in intensity. The progressive element,
*See niv Graetz's Geschichtsbaueri; Berlin, 1881, page 84-8S.
226 KKFORMKD JUDAISM.
which was utterly ignored in the whole affair, pro-
tested to no avail against the hasty election.* Of what
benefit was the sermon to them if it was used as a
weajion against progress and Reform? The same or-
thodoxy which triumphantly had pointed to the cabi-
net-ordinance of 1823 prohibiting the Jewish sermon in
pure German, found all of a sudden in Sachs their
mouthpiece. The (rerman seimon which so long had
been condemned as a Reform, was taken in the service
of orthodoxy against Reform and Reformers. All
gushes of verbosity, all the tinsel of glittering plati-
tudes, all outbursts of .sentimentality, all the ballast of
Rabbinical quotations could not conceal the fact that
the prayers were recited without feeling, thought and
sentiment, and that the pulpit did not even attempt to
become a power for good in the cause of progress and
enlightenment.
The worship in the Synagogue, the system of
education of the young, .so far as Judaism was con-
cerned, was worse in the large Jewish community of
Berlin than in the smallest provincial town of Bavaria,
Wuertemberg, Hessen or Baden.
In consequence of this sad state of affairs several
influential heads of families in Berlin resolved to form
a society of their own and to devise ways and means
towards the realization of their hopes of perpetuating
Judaism in its es.sential purity among their children.
Dr. Siegmund Stern delivered a course of lectures,!
which electrified the large audiences and filled them
with new enthusiasm for Judaism and its glorious
future. These lectures created a profound sensation,
not because of their originality of ideas, — for the ideas
were not new, — much less because of the deep scholar-
*The election of preacher took place in accord with an old retju-
lation of 1750 and was contested. No less than two hundred of the
most prominent and influential members of the Congregation have
signed a document, which energetically pointed out the conse-
quences of this step.
tSee two volumes of these lectures on: "The Religion , of Juda-
ism" and "The Task of Judaism" (Die Mission des Judenthums,"
and "Die Aufgabe des Judenthum's," Berlin, 1845-46,
SAMUKI. HOI.nHKIM. 22/
ship contained tlicrein, but on account of the popular
attractive style, the wonderful delivery with which
Stern presented to the people the ideas, sentiments,
thoughts and feelings which so fully and fittingly ex-
pressed their own convictions. The success of those
lectures is mainly due to the time of their delivery, and
to their appeal to that which moved and filled the
heart of the audience. ''Worte, die vom Herzen
kommen, gehcn zum Herzen." They have reawakened
the pride of the Jews in their glorious past and
future and filled them with new enthusiasm for the
sublime mission of Judaism. Religion and life, said
Stern, are not, cannot and must not be in conflict, and
a religion not in harmony with the demands of life is
not religion, but pietism. This conflict is only ap-
parent, not real. Judaism does not reject the justifia-
ble and urgent claims of the progressive age, but ap-
preciates and recognizes them. Reform is aggressive
against those only who try to conceal the existing con-
flict between the present and past religious conception
ot Judaism. We have to come out openly and boldly
before our co-religionists with our sentiments, feelings,
opinions, wants and urgent demands. Aside from these
lectures. Stern published essays: "Judaism as an
i^lement of the State-Organism," and, ''The Present
Movement in Judaism, its Justification and its Signifi-
cance."*
Stern's lectures were cc^ncluded on February 15th,
1S45, and in the beginning of March meetings were
held for the purpose of forming a "Religious Associa-
tion" on the basis outlined by vStern. A committee of
three was appointed to formulate an ".Vppeal to our
rierman co-religionists," in which the tendencies of
the new association should be clearly defined. Stern
and Holdheim give Bernstein due credit for having
greatly contributed towards making the "appeal"
largely instrumental in bringing about the wonderful
success attending the same. The appeal was published
*See Freund's Monatsschrifl; Berlin 1S45.
228 KKh(3RMKn JUDAISM.
April 2, i»S45, and axoidcd the fatal mistake of the
"Frankfort l'ro<^rani" by layin^^ the main stress on
])ositive conviction, religions fervor and entlinsiasm.
The appeal was signed by thirty prominent Israelites
of Berlin. No less than twelve of them were Doctors of
medicine or of philosophy, a title which in Germany
is indeed a proof of superior knowledge and higher
education.
The appeal gives a graphic descrii:)tion of the
existing conflict between inner religion and the out-
ward form of its representation. It says: The conse-
quences of this deplorable state are: Skepticism, in-
difference, pain and fear lest the rising generation
should throw away both the shell and the kernel, the
husk and the fruit. It is now high time for action.
Before it is too late, steps must be taken to save the
essential and important parts of Judaism at the ex-
pense of its dead, antiquated and superfluous forms
and ceremonies. We yearn for a larger faith, we
yearn for Judaism, we yearn for positive religion. We
cling firmly to the spirit of the sacred Scripture. We
cling firmly to the conviction, that Judaism will be-
come the future religion of mankind. But we want to
destroy the citadel of the dead letter, we do not want
to pray for an earthly Messianic Kingdom, we do not
care to observe forms which belong to the dead past.
Imbued with the sacred essence of our religion we can-
not maintain it in its inherited form, much less be-
queath it to our posterity. And thus placed between
the graves of our fathers and the cradles of our
children, we cannot be deaf to the voice of the age
calling upon us, the last ones of a great heritage, to be
the first ones who shall lay the foundation for a new
structure for us and for our generations yet to come.
We advocate no secession, no breaking away, from the
Jewish Community at large, no schism, no split, but
unity is our motto. We call upon all those who think
as we do to unite with us in truthfulness, in persever-
ance in our struggle, and in fidelity to ourselves."
SAMn-.i. Hoi.DHF.ni. 229
This appeal could not fail to create a great sensa-
tion in modern Israel, not only in I^erlin, but wherever
the Ik-rlin papers were read. Six months after its ap-
pearance no less than fifty-one Jewish organizations of
Germany had given their joyful consent to the declara-
tions, and manv Rabbis and Jewish scholars had ex-
pressed their appreciation of and full sympathy with
the movement. The manifesto fell like a bombshell
into the camp of the romantic-orthodox school, which
was suddenly made to realize that it did not control
the field in the capital of Prussia. The fact that the
movement for a thorough Reform originated within
the Jewish Congregation of l>erlin, and was backed by
the best representatives of Jewish culnre, naturally
caused great consternation among the open and secret
enemies of Refonn. For the first time substantial
proof was offered, that the ideas of progressive Rab-
binism* were shared by the intelligent and cultured
members of Jewish Congregations in Germany. The
manifesto and its effect was a blow to Frankel and his
consorts, who sneeringly exclaimed that the "re-
ligious consciousness of the people" (Volksbewust.sein)
was decidedly against Reform.
Quite a number of Congregations and individuals
had joined the Berlin movement, and even Conferences
of deputies preparatory to a Synod were held. The
new Congregation increased rapidly, so that in a short
time it numbered in Berlin alone two thousand souls.
The second day of April, 1845, .saw the foundation of
the ''Reformgeno-ssenschaft." Jnne 4, 1845, it was
resolved to compile a temporary prayer-book for the
approaching Holidays, and in a short time Stern,
Bernstein, Simion and Lesser accomplished this work
with great credit to themselves. The effect ot the
first service was .so overwhelming, that it was resolved
to have instead of a temporary a regular divine service,
which resolution was carried into effect April 2, 1846.
*Geijier, Holdheiin, Einhorn, Samuel Hirsch, Samuel and A.
Adler, Hess, Wechsler and others.
230 RKKOK.MKl) JUDAISM.
Dr. Stern's impressive recitation of the prayers, the
music under the direction of Professor Julius Stern,
the excellent organ, the inspiring sermons of visiting
Rabbis tended to create enthusiasm for Judaism, not
only among the members of the new Congregation,
but among the visitors, many of whom attended the
services only from curiosity. The service was in the
main in German. Very few Hebrew sentences* were
in use. In sentiment, thought and feeling the wor-
ship was thoroughly Jewish, though not Palestinian.
The uncovering of the head during prayer created
more opposition at the beginning than all the other
Reforms. The Reader recited the prayers in an
oratorical form without any melody, the choir, com-
posed of men and women, executed the singing part.
Geiger, Samuel Hirsch,t Gotthold Salomon and Frank-
furter took active part in the arrangement of the new
prayer-book. All prayers expressing the hope of a re-
turn to Jerusalem, the restoration of the sacrificial
rites, and the transfer of the merits of the ancestors to
posterity were omitted. The spirit of sacrifice, which
is so strong in modern Israel, and the priesthood of all
Israelites found emphasis in the prayer-book. Israel's
mission among the nations was forcibly expressed, as
was the idea of the Messiah in its historical significance
in accord with the prophetical conception of the
Messianic age. Instead of lamenting the fall of Jerusa-
lem a Thanksgiving-prayer was substituted expressive
of the sublime mission with which Israel was entrusted.
During the Holidays Dr. Philippsohn,] of Magdeburg,
delivered the sermons, six in number. The effect of
the solemn service silenced all opposition and hostility.
The future of the Congregation was safe and the
*Shniah, Kaclosh and a few more.
tin a conversation held with him December, 188S, in Chicago, he
informed me, that the resolntion passed by the Reform Genossen-
schaft to worship with uncovered head is due to his work. I refer
to my articles in the "Jewish Reformer," 1S86, on this subject.
iPhilippsohn was in those days more radical than in later y ears.
He was in 1S46 in favor of Sunday-services,
SAMi'i-;]. iioi.DHiaM. 231
Minister of Prussia Kichlioni tVlL so friendly inclined
towards it tluit no danger threatened from that side.
On the 2nd of April, 1S46, a pernument service was
instituted in a hall with a seatin.t; capacity of more than
one thousand persons, and solemnly dedicated by
Holdheim, whose sermon was publislied. (Berlin,
1846, Behr). Holdheim dwelt on the passaj^e of the
first appeal: "We yearn for a laroer faitii, we yearn for
Judaism, we yearn for i)rotjressive religion/'
The Reform Congregation tried hard to induce
(reiger to accept the position of Rabbi. But he an-
swered that he would not be the Rabbi of a part of the
Jewish community. In accord with a resolution of
September 10, 1846, Holdheim was called as Rabbi
of the Berlin Reform -Congregation, and he accepted.
Thus Holdheim left a position in a state where Juda-
ism enjoyed the same official orivilegesas did Christian-
ity. He gave up a position of "Laud-Rabbi" which
was paramount to that of a Bishop in the Church, and
which was duly recognized by the government. When
we bear in mind that in exchange he accepted a posi-
tion in a society which had not even the privileges of
an average Jewish Congregation, which was merely
tolerated, and was looked upon with suspicion and dis-
trust from all sides, we cannot help admiring his
courage, firm principles and great self-confidence.
At this juncture it is desirable to point out the most
distinguishing characteristic of the Ik-rlin Reform-Con-
gregation, a characteristic which no doubt was the
cau.se of so little imitation outside of Berlin. This is
its pcsition on the Sabbath question, in which Hold-
heim had no part. The question of vSundav services
had been settled in that Congregation long befo're
Holdheim took charge of the Congregation, and Hold-
heim did not like the idea of abolishing the Sabbath
.services. He expressed himself on this subject as fol-
lows: "Concerning the Sabbath service, the i)rophecv
of Dr. Bressler, that it would not be able to maintain
itself and that the Sunday would be its heir, has also
2-^2 RKKORMKI) JIDAISM.
been fulfilled.''* In the Third Rabbinical Conference
in Breslau (1846), Holdheini had favored the idea of a
transfer of the Sabbath, where it is necessary for
the sake of saving our religion from certain de-
struction.! His speech at the Conference on the
Sabbath question created a great sensation. He said:
"The main idea of the Mosaic Sabbath is the word
'shavath,' i. e. rest. * * * The public sacri-
fice on the Sabbath was double as large as that of
every day. Beyond this the law knows of no other w^ay
of celebrating the Sabbath. But rest is strongly urged,
and to labor on this day is most severely prohibit-
ed.^ Even apparently necessary and insignificant
labors like the gathering of mannah, and the making
of fire were forbidden."
He then shows that the Mosaic law does not enjoin
the celebration of the Sabbath by divine service. It
was onlv in the later course of historical development,
in the prophetical, and more so in the Talmudical
period, that aside from the negative side of the Sab-
bath by rest, a positive, active celebration, consisting
of the reading of the Scripture and of divine worship,
was introduced. Hence from the Mosaic point of view
rest on the Sabbath was indeed a confession of Judaism,
and the desecration of the Sabbath by labor was para-
mount to denial by act of the fundamental doctrines of
the Jewish faith. § Now our modern age, he continues.
*Holdheim: "Histor}- of the Jewish Reform-Congregation of
Berlin;" (Berlin, 1S57, page 180).
tProtokoUe dei Rabbinerversannnlung in Breslau i846,page 159-
73; See also Holdheim's "Predigten Ueber die Juedische Religion,"
Berlin, 1853, Vol. I, page 277.
iExodus XXXI, 14-15; Numbers XV, 32-36.
§Exod. XX, 8-ir; Gen. XI, 2-3. Exod. XXXl, 12-17; Levit. XIV,
3-4; Ezech.XX. 16-20; XXlll 36-39. Three reasons: i, God as Crea-
tor of the world: 2, God's Covenant with Israel: 3, Redemption from
slavery of Egypt, are given for The Sabbath observance. Accord-
ing to this tile Jews of America have given up long ago the Sabbath.
And the so-called "Conservatives" are no better in this respect than
the Reformers. These are and remain stubborn facts. See Dr. Sam-
uel Hirsch's telling answer to the U. A. II. C, to the question as to
what could be rlone towards arousing interest in American Judaism.
(Report of U. A. II. C, 1886, page T026).
SAMri-;!. IK )i.i»i(i' iM. 233
docs not share this view. The Israelite of our (hi\-
who works on the Sabliath, does 1)\' no means den)- the
truth of his religion. Were this the case, then the
great niajorit)' of the Jews in large cities would ])e her-
etics. The celebration of the Sabbath b\- mere rest
from labor, as Mosaism will have it, does not convey to
us the true idea of the Sabbath. For mere idle rest on
the Sal)l)ath cannot lift us u]) religioush' or morallv-
Rest per se is for us only the means and condition for a
celebration of the Sabbath by a spiritual elevation.
Now as to the question what kind of labor is to" be pro-
hibited on the Sabbath, the answer is at hand. While
from the l^iblical point of view every labor disturbing
the Sabbath-rest is prohibited, we from our point of
view ought to prohibit every work which disturbs the
Sabbath celebration. The Rabbinical Conference of
Frankfort has given up the sacrificial worship, by elim-
inating every allusion to sacrifice from the prayer-book.
In doing this the Conference has placed the higher con-
ception of prayer above the outward symbols of bloody
sacrifices. Has the Conference thus placed itself in op-
position to the Bible ? No. It simply maintains the
view of a historical development. I also am not afraid
to come before you with the expression of the last con-
sequences of my opinion, although I shall not put it in
the shape of a motion. I know^ full well that the large
majority of the Jews will repudiate my words with in-
dignation. But truth and conviction have a right to
be heard in our convention. All our endeavors toward
the restoration of a worthy celebration of the Sabbath
are, alas, in vain, and there exists no thorough reme-
dy, to harmonize the conflict between the celebration
of the Sabbath and the demands of civil life, except the
tran.sfer of the Sabbath to a civil day. I protest against
any concession to Christianity which might be inferred
from this. I have only in view the possibility of a dig-
nified celebration of the Sabbath. The wounds from
which the religious life suffers, cut deep into the heart
of each of us, and we will stand in need of good council
234 RKKORMKD JUDAISM.
and advice until the time shall have arrived which will
pronounce the only possible remedy."
Characteristic is Holdheim's argumentation on
this e^uestion from the basis of the Talmud. Accord-
ing to the Rabbis of old, the Sabbath laws have to
yield wherever and whenever a hunuui life is in dan-
ger. Now, argues he, inasmuch as the Sabbath
is defeated in the great struggle against modern life,
the duty of self-preservation imperatively demands its
transfer to another day, in order to save it from
certain death. He claims that only they who observe
the Sabbath are justified in their protest against the
transfer of the Sabbath, because for them religion is not
imperilled, inasmuch as the Sabbath conies out a vic-
tor in its battle with life. Those not celebrating the
Sabbath are wrong in their opposition to a transfer,
because for them religion is in danger. They de facto
abolished the Sabbath, they do negatively, what the
friends of the transfer are doing, namely: They do not
observe the historical Sabbath. But they have to do
some positive act, provided they do not want to be ut-
terly estranged from our religion. He proves from ex-
amples of Jewish history that such transfers had
been made without the least harm to religion, as in the
case of the Passah-sacrifice in the interest of those who
were unclean or in a far country. The Sabbathical
)ear and the year of Jubilee, which were based on the
Sabbath idea, have not been celebrated in the last two
thousand years. Yet this has done no harm to Juda-
ism. While in this address he still maintains that
"the Sabbath has a determining influence on the pre-
.servation of religion," he goes a step further in his
sermons published in 1852 and 1853, in which he treats
the Sabbath as a "ceremony and institution" like other
ceremonies and institutions, which are subject to
change as soon as they do not fulfill their task and mis-
sion. "Judaism is not embodied in the Sabbath. The
vSabbath is a ceremony, an institution, one of tlie many
ways leading to the aim of sanctity, but it is neither
the onlv wav nor the aim itself. * * * The
vSAMlKL HOLDHKIM. 235
embodiment ot'Jiuiaism is solely and merely its ethical
law. The precept: Holy ye shall be, for holy am I
the Eternal, your God. * * Wc see in the
Sabbath a dav for our self-sanctification, but by no
means the svmbol and sign of our covenant with
Cxod. * * The celebration of the. .seventh
day historically handed down to us is in conflict with
all the relations of our civil life. ^ Were Judaism em-
bodied in the Sabbath, then we would have to .sacrifice
our life for that day. But this is not the case accord-
ing to our conviction. * * The Sabbath is
not the body of Judaism, without which it can not live.
It is one of the many institutions which have under-
"fone a chany-e in the course of time. * *
Temple, sacrificial and sacerdotal .service stood at one
time higher than the Sabbath, and wherever they
clashed with each other the Sabbath had to yield.*
The temple evolved into the house of worship, the sac-
rifice into the prayer, the priest into the teacher. *
* And so the vSabbath-celebration of the seventh day
is transferred to another day of the week. * *
Shall Judaism, wdiich has already experienced such
manifold changes of form without injury to its life, die
on account of this single change of a day ? No. We
think nobler, better of the divine power of Judaism.
* * We are the historical Reformers, we re-
pair the rents and cracks in the House of God.f In a
sermon on the Sabbath he says: "The seventh day,
the historical Sabbath is de facto not being celebrated,
and the question is not whether we should celebrate it
or not, but whether, inasmuch as the seventh day is
not ob.served at all, we should sanctify it on another
day or not at all. * * In the Synagogue the
celebration of the Sabbath is made use of for the pur-
]>u.se of decrying us as destroyers of Judaism, becau.se
we celebrate the weekly .service on Sunday instead of
Saturday, while the largest portion of the members of
*Abo<lali (loche Shahbath.
fHolrlheim: Predij^len, 1S53. "Die Risse and Spalten im
Gotteshaiise, Vol, II, paije 274-277.
236 KKFOKMKl) Jl'DALSM.
the Synao;ogiie can only boast of the fact that they at-
tend divine worship neither on Saturday nor on Sunday.
The words, 'In every place, where I shall permit my
name to be mentioned, I shall come unto Thee, and
bless Thee,' (Exodus, XX, 21), apply also to this very
day. And while this day might not have the same
power as the old Sabbath for the present generation, it
wall have it for your cljildren and your children's child-
ren. *
*Holdheini: Predigten, 1852, Vol. I, pages 212-217; I^r. Sanniel
Hirsch in his replv to a circular letter addressed to the Rabbis by the
U. A. H. C, May'i, 1S85, (XII Annual Report of the U. A. H. C,
page 1626), said among other things of the Sabbath question: "What
is the Sabbath idea? Certainly no one thinks of transferring Satur-
day to Sunday. That would be as sensible as if you would transfer
Monday to Wednesday. Further, nobody thinks of interfer-
ing with those who observe Saturday as Sabbath." "When
or where Jews were persecuted, it was easj' for them to cel-
ebrate Saturday as Sabbath. Every occupation was denied them,
except such as were so much despised that a Christian would not
undertake them. Therefore the Jews had a monopoly in their occu-
pations, and people needing what could only be found
among the Jews, had to choose a Jewish working day.
"But how is it today? Thank God, every honorable calling is
open to us, but we have a monopoly of none. In most cases — this
cannot be denied — not working on Saturday would be the ruin of
the whole business. In no case would and could the Jews fulfill
their whole duty — that great dut)' to work six daj's for the good of
humanity. Judaism proclaims two first and fundamental principles:
First, man is on earth to work. Working constitutes his nobleness —
distinguishing him from all other earthly creatures, who find their
food prepared. (Moses I, 28): You shall conquer the earth. You
shall overcome by your working the resistance put against you."
"These Sunday services were not proclaimed a Sabbath service. No
vSabbath prayer, no "Be Pleased O God With Our Rest" was prayed.
These Sunday services must have been decried as an imitation, as a
concession to Christianity. Friday evening lectures was the watch-
word, and it was declared, "Let people work seven days; God has
to be satisfied with fifty out of a hundred." In a similar strain
.\braham Geiger, although an opponent of a transfer of the
Sabbath to Sunda}-, said some forty years ago: "We have a
week day which is especially adapted t\)r divine service, namely, the
Sunday. Let us make use of it, if not every week, so from time to
time. ^ * Let us not go too far through fear of concession to an-
other creed. * * You make the Sabbath a day of work, the Sun-
day a day of recreation. Religion, however, should yield entireh'
on the Sabbath to the urgent demands of the present and on the
Sunday to a stubborn clinging to the past? This is self-deception,
through which the religious life is being wholly extinguished."
(Ggiger's " Nachggl - Schriften," Vol. i, page 226). In a
SAMIKL HOI.DHKI M. 237
On April 10, 1S49, the "RelijJ^ious-School," of the
Reform - Congregation, which had been temporarily
conducted 1)\- Bernstein, was definiteh' estal)lished and
dedicated by Holdheim, who had come tor this special
purpose from Schwerin. He took as his text the ap-
propriate passage: "We shall advance with our young
and with our old, with our sons and with our
daughters/' (Exod. X, 9). He urged that it was
high time to include the girls in the religious instruc-
tion, that this was a duty too long neglected in Israel.
On August 28, 1847, Holdheim deli\ered his farewell
address in Schwerin and as a token of the appreciation
of him, a tablet of bronze was hung in the Temple
bearing the inscription: "Dr. Samuel Holdheim,
Land-Rabbi, 1840-47, has erected an imperishable
monument for himself bv his endeaxors in the cause of
religion, worship and school."
The promise of the grand-duke, that the cause of
religious progress should be supported, and the convic-
tion that his able successor, Dr. David Einhorn, would
follow in his wake, made his departure less regretful
to him. Einhorn entered upon his position on
September 4, and Holdheim delivered his inaugura-
])aiiii)lilL't of Julius Rosenthal: "Kxtract from I'roceedin^s
of Chicago Sinai Conj^rej^ation. March 26 and April 9, 1SS5," Dr.
Hniil Hirsch sai<l the followinji: "The Sabbath is a luitnan want.
Rej^arilless of historical associations, it is plantetl in human neces-
sity. Men need the periodical rest it brings. And as the day of rest
it is the best opportunity to impart instruction on the higher prob-
lems of our nature — instruction which requires a teacher trained to
impart it — the .services on that day again correspond to a human
want. The old Jewish Sabbatli is dead. To successful]}- revive it,
seclusion on the ])art of the Jews from the outer world in a new
(rhetto would be the price. We cannot afford to pay that price.
.\nd therelore, to .satisfy a purely natural craving, we utilize the day
of rest — commonly obser\ ed — for the purpose indicateil. Our Sun-
ilay service.sare not a transferred Sabbath, but a new creation. Ein-
horn had the following to .say on the vexed question: "This we can,
should anil must do in order to arrest the evil, viz: Introduce a
montlily Sunday service of a non-Sabbatarian character. Such a
measure cannot, justly, be attacketl from any point of view and will
at the same time bring great blessing." Einhorn: Sermon deliv-
ered Shabuoth 1S71, in the Temple Adath Jeshurun. (pages 312, 313,
New York, Steiger).
23*^ KKKoKMKl) JI'DAlSiM.
lion seniion in Berlin on Scpttinhcr 5. l!oth sermons
were published, Kinliorn\s at Sclnverin ( Kuerscliner),
Holdheim's at Berlin. (B. Belir).
It was no small thing for Holdheim to <;ive np a
position as Land-Rabbi of Mecklenbnrg-vSchwerin for
one in an organization which was composed of so man)'
intellectual and influential leaders, that it was a
difficult task to be their leader. Aside from this the
Berlin Jewish Congregation (Juedische (lemeinde) was
in possession of wealth, power, of all charitable and
educational institutions, basked in the sunshine of the
Prussian government, and had in addition an eloquent
preacher in the person of Sachs, who was most strongly-
opposed to Reform in general and to the new Congre-
gation in particular. Aside from this the leaders and
originators of the new Congregation, who had almost
finished the whole work before Holdheini\s arrival in
Berlin, were jealous of their prestige, and by no means
so ready for changes and modifications.
Holdheim published "The Religious Principles of
Reformed Judaism, Recommended for the Examination
and x\cceptance of the Reform-Societies."* Concern-
ing the Sabbath he expresses in this publication the
views, that the "Reform Genossenschaft" in transfer-
ring the Sabbath-celebration from Saturday to Sunday
has not departed from Judaism. He declares, that the
"Genossenschaft" celebrates the same holidays at the
same time as do the other Congregations. It is, how-
ever, strange that the most radical Jewish Reform-Con-
"■regation celebrates two davs of Rosh Hashna to this
very day, and that Holdheim could not influence it to
do away with the second day of new year. Tranfer-
ring the Sabbath to Sunday and observing the second
day of Rosh Hashaha i. e., the second first day of the
year, is an anomaly indeed.
Holdheim was not only progressive, but extremely
aggressive. Like the true Reformer he was not
satisfied to rest on his laurels, but he made strong and
*Berlin, 1847 in seven chapters.
SAMri:i. noLDIIKIM. 239
successful propaganda for Refonii-Judaism. He was
not onlv preacher, but Rabbi, and endowed with the
same fervor and enthusiasm for his views as the most
orthodox Rabbi is for his opinions. Thus he created
i^rcat opposition to Reform on the one hand, but saved
it from the bane of "indifferentisni."
In 1849 the board of trustees on motion of Simion
passed a resolution to send a memorial to the Prussian
t^overnment pertaining to the oath More Judaico.
Holdheim was commissioned to compose this document.
He fultilled this task by his publication, ''Memorial of
the Society for Reform," January 15, 1850, in which
he asked for the abolition of the Jewish oath and pro-
posed the formula: "I swear by God," with the clos-
ing sentence: ''So help me God."*
Sachs, who before Holdheim' s arrival in Berlin
had been in favor of a Reform of the worship, became
after Holdheim's election as Ral^bi of the Reform-Con-
gregation a fanatic opponent of Reform, and introduced
into Berlin Judaism a sort of "Jewish Pietism," cant
and sanctimoniousness, which, aided by bombastic
eloquence and flowery, mystic phraseology, did not
fail to exert great influence upon sentimental women. f
Holdheim's only weapons were the honest word of
truth, of sound logic and genuine Jewish theological
scholarship. No wonder he had to deal with great
difficulties, yet sincere and conscientious opponents
gradually commenced to respect and even to appreciate
him, though they could not agree with his ideas.
\ decisive victory was won by H(jldheim over
Sachs and others on the inter-marriage ([nc-stion. The
♦That he was successful in Ijriii^iii}^ aliout the aholilioii of the
Jewish oath in Mecklenburij has lieeii mentioned.
+See: Israelit. iles, 19 (. Jahrhunderts, 1.S44, No. 3, Correspoml-
ence from Berlin In his "opinion" addresseil to the administration
of the Conjjreyation (1S46), Sachs considered the "lively and ur-
gent demand of a Reform of the divine service" not only justifiable,
but saw in it the welcome testimony of re-awakened interest for
what had been overlooked before. In the second report he recom-
mended the introudction ofCierman sonj^s in the service. See Ein-
horn's Sinai, iSji, and "Schil>l)oleth," a word to the JewishjConi^re-
i^ation of lierlin," (Berlin, 1S65, Spaeth ).
240 UKl-OKMl-:!) JIDAISM.
state attorney of Koeiiigsberj^, Prussia, prosecuted Dr.
Ferdinand P'alkson, a prominent Jewish physician, who
had married a Christian kidy, on account of the de-
cisions on the question rendered by the consistory ot
Koeni^s])erg and the Rabbinate of P>erlin. Hoklheim
in his: "Mixed Marriages Between Jews and Christ-
ians," (Berlin, 1850), strongly criticised the decision of
the P>erlin Rabbis. His manhood is aroused against
the "sentimental romantics of the Jewish orthodoxy,"
"denen eine schoen klingende Phrase, ein poetischen
P>lumenkranz, mit dem man die Ivcichendes Juedischer
Mittelalters verziert, lieber ist, als gesunde Nahrung
und lebenskraeftige Befriedigung fuer Geist und
Herz." (Who prefer a well-sounding phrase, a
poetical wreath of flowers," with which they adorn the
corpses of the Jewish middle ages, to wholesome food,
and to a vital, vigorous satisfaction for mind and
heart).
In all his writings and in the Rabbinical Confer-
ence at Braunschw^eig Holdheim laid stress on the im-
portant fact, that the Talmudical-Biblical prohibition
of mixed marriages has only in view foreign nations,
but not the followers of another creed. He treats the
subject as a question of liberty of conscience. In this
spirit he wrote also against Dr. Schwab's "decision,"
concerning the "Reform-Genossenschaft of Pesth,"
which was presided over by Einhorn. It may be
mentioned on this occasion that Holdheim was one of
the few German Rabbis,* who officiated at mixed
*I)as (Jutachan des Herrn L. Schwab Rabbiner's zu Pesth ueber
(lie Reformgnossenschaft daselbst, Berlin, 1848, page 17; See also
my Open Letter to Prof.Maass, in Breslau. Koenigsberg, 1877, Prange.
See also Iloldheim's Autonomie der Rabbinen (1843), "Ueber das
Religioese Li. Politische (1845), Dociunenle Ueber (ienuschte Ehen,"
edited by Dr. Falksohn (Hamburg, 1847). The following Rabbis
in this country officiated at marriages between Jews and Christians:
Dr. Samuel Ilirsch, his son Kmil Hirsch, Someschein, Isaac Mo-
ses, and if I am not mistaken, Dr. Schlesinger, of Albany. Dr. Ber-
kowitz' case in Kansas City cannot be called a "mixed marriage,"
as the groom endiraced Judaism. The case created attention because
Berkowitz received Mr. Gelat into the fold of Judaism without the
rite of circumcision
SAMIKI, HOLDIIKlM. 24I
niarriao;e.s. In the fourth voliuue of his "Sermons"
edited by Dr. Imiiianuel Ritter, the twenty-second and
last address is entitled: ''Sermon at a Mixed Mar-
riage," on the text "Whither thou goest I will go."
(Ruth I, 16-17).*
In 1854 Holdheim published anonymously a very
instructive and interesting school book: "Religious and
Ethical Teachings of tlie Mislina for the Use of
Jewish Religious Schools." This text-book contains
practical hints for every teacher of the Jewish religion.
In 1857 followed the catechism entitled: "Haamuna
\'ehadaa," (Faith and Knowledge), which is not free
from the shortcomings of so many similar text-books,
namely, that it is written for philosophers and not for
children. In the ''Programmes" of the religious school
of the Jewish Reform-Congregation Holdheim
published in 1853 and i860 two essays on Jewish
religious instruction. His: "Prr^yersand Hymns for the
New Year and Day of Atonement," (Berlin, 1859), are
also too philosophical to become popular. Aside from
this religious poetry was not his forte.
Not onlv within the limits of his Concrreoation,
but m all important questions atfecting Judaism.
Holdheim exerted a great influence. He stronglv op-
posed the idea of a Christian government, which, was
advocated by the baptised Jew Stahl in his publica-
tion: "Christian Tolerance." Stahl maintained that
Christianity had entered the stage of history as the
religion of intolerance, and must necessarily be agres-
sive towards all other religions. The government
may be tolerant towards individuals but never towards
religious communities. Being sure of its divine truth,
how could it l)e tolerant towards the error which de-
prives God of His honor and robs man of his salvation?
Holdheim, in his pamphlet: "Stahl's Christian
Tolerance," Berlin, 1836, repudiated such an argu-
ment. He shows the great mistake of Stahl, who,
looks upon justice, humanity and freedom of conscience
*Hol<lheini: Predigten ueber die Juedische Religion, Berlin
lS6y, Julius IJeu/.iaan vicrter Baud, pavje 207-210.
242 rki<'ok:\iKd Judaism.
as the result of atheistic philosophy. The Jewish
j^overninent of Palestine had to be exclusive at the
start, when it declared ethical monotheism as the
relij;ion of the nation. It had to be first strengthened
and iortified in Israel in order to spread later as the
religion of mankind and as a blessing for future genera-
tions. But during eighteen centuries Judaism has
preached liberty of conscience, and ' 'long before Jesus
Hillel taught: 'What is hateful unto thee, thou shalt
not do unto others,' this is the essence of our religion.
The Roman Catholic Church had entered into the in-
heritance of the old exclusive Jewish theocracy, and
now the Jewdsh apostate Stahl desires to introduce it
into Protestantism.'"
In this book: "Moses Mendelssohn and the F'ree-
dom of Thought and Belief in Judaism, Berlin, 1859."
Holdheim shows conclusively that Mendelssohn's state-
ment that Judaism has no dogmas, simply means,
that our religion protests against blind belief, encourages
faith based on reason, a rational creed, the pillars of
which are knowledge and conviction.
Holdheim's "History of thejewish Reform-Congre-
gation in Berlin"* gives an excellent insight into the
origin of this organization. It is by no means an easy
task to write such a book without bias and prepossess-
ion, especially when the author is an actor in the
drama. But under the circumstances the author has
done ample justice to his subject. One of the most im-
portant passages in this book is on pages 251-54, where
he enumerates the results of the Reform-movement in
Cjermany in general and of the Berlin Reform-Congre-
gation in particular. He first points out the moral
power of the very existence of the Berlin Reform-
Congregation in those days. It checked in the first
place that shameful and disgraceful apostasy, which
was for a long time all the rage in the so-called high
toned Jewish society circles of the Prussian capital,
when parents were not ashamed to sacrifice their inno-
*lk-iiiii, 1S57, Julius Sprini^er, 251 pages.
SA.Mn-i. IK •i.niii-.iM. 243
cent children to the Moloch of political advancement,
greed, social position and convenience. Thns the
Reform-Congregation became de facto the savior of
Jndaism in the Berlin of that epoch. While it was in
Berlin a matter of daily occurrence that Jews sold their
birthright for a mess of pottage at the baptismal font,
it is a notable fact that among the members of the Berlin
Reform-Congregation, in twelve years only one case of
this kind had occurred. And wh\? Because the Con-
gregation, composed of the best educated men and women
of Berlin Jewish society, had formed a strong public
opinion against renegades. People who cared little
what the orthodox and more or less Jewish masses
thought of such a step, were not at all indifferent to
the opinion of men and women who occupied great po-
sitions in the mercantile, scientific and artistic world of
Berlin, and who were members of the Reform-Congre-
gation. Men and women who had the moral power to
withstand temptations were of course very severe in
their judgment against those who proved too weak
against the allurements of sin. Those who looked with
etiuanimity upon the verdict of the religious forum of
orthodoxy were mightily afraid of the verdict of the
moral forum of the Reformers. Thus the Berlin Re-
form-Congregation had exercised its beneficial influ-
ence in the direction just mentioned even upon the old
Berlin Congregation.
Another proof of the influence of the Reform-Con-
gregation is that the directory of the old Berlin Con-
gregation, owing to the great success of the religious
school of the Reformers, felt impelled "to establish a
similar school. They had to do it, because the most
prominent members of the old Congregation had sent
their children to the school of the Reform-Congrega-
tion, where Bible, catechism and Jewish history were
tauirht.*
*I refer in this connection to an excellent article of Holdheini
in Einhorn's "Sinai," iS^S.Vol. Ill, pajjes 901-929; "Der verbesserte
Religion sun terricht."
_:44 Ki-:i'()mii-:i> jui)Ais:\i.
Anollicr important work of Holdlieiin was ])ul)-
lislied after his death, on the subject of marriage and
divorce, and similar topics, written in Hebrew, and en-
titled: ^'INIaamar Haisuth/'lUerlin, 1861. Its conclud-
ing portions w^ere corrected by Dr. Geiger after Hold-
heim's demise. The idea of Sadducees and Pharisees,
resurrection and kindred subjects are ingenious. The
work owed its impetus to Geiger's "Urschrift und
l^ebersetzungen der Bibel," Breslau, 1857, ^^^^^ in the
cpiestion concerning Sadducees and Pharisees, reaches
a different conclusion from Geiger. The book created
a stir in Jewish literary circles.
I call attention to a review of the valuable work
by Dr. Herzfeld, in the Zeitung der Judenthum's
(May, 1861). Holdheim himself regarded this work as
the result of his most diligent studies, and sacrificed
his health by his efforts to see its publication. He did
not live to see it. A friend of Holdheim — I think I am
not mistaken in saying Samuel Adler of New York —
wrote to Einhorn concerning this book, as loUows:
"Holdheim is great and marvelous just on the subject
of historical criticism, as is seen in the appendix to the
book, which is of the greatest value to me. His theory
on resurrection, which is for him the key to the un-
derstanding of the history of the Sadducees and Phar-
isees, is a veritable inspiration. And how he masters
the Hebrew language ! I am anxious to see whether
the vacillating conservative school, which carries
water on both shoulders^ will have the courage to ig-
nore this treasure." To this Einhorn remarks:
"They will have this courage. They showed still
greater courage by insulting Holdheim in his grave."
(P^inhoru's "Sinai," Philadelphia, September, 1861,
vol. VI, page 266. )
Occasionally Holdheim was, like all great men,
very sarcastic and unsparing, especially when hypocrisy
had to be unmasked. Selig, later, Paulus Cassel, by
the way, one of Dr. Sachs' most confidential friends
and satellites, a few years before his "conversion to
Christianity" had published an "Open letter " to the
SAMli:!. IIOI.DHIU.M. 245
Congregation of his native town, (iiogan, in which he
denounced in the strongest terms the appeal of the Ber-
lin "Reforni-Genossenschaft." He claimed that their
desire to imitate Christianity and their ignorance of Ju-
daism weie the onlv motives of the Reformers. Instead
of all criticism, Holdheim simply quotes Cassel's own
words in this publication, which read thus: "Our re-
ligion did never care to keep those who forsake it; she
di^^missed the traitors either with regret or with con-
tempt." (Holdheim Gesch. d. Jued. Reformgem, pp.
70-71, note; and Zeit. d. Judenth's, 1845, No. 26).
Dr. David Cassel said in the pamphlet: ' 'Woher ?
Wohin?" (Whence? whither? 1845), that the ha-
tred of Talmudical Judaism is mostly found among
those, who, in their early youth had devoted their time
exclusively to the study of the Talmud, by which re-
mark no other than Holdheim of Mecklenburg was
meant, who, at that time, had nothing to do with the
Berlin Reformers and their "appeal." Holdheim pays
his respects to the zealous critic of the "Reformgenos-
senschaft" in his "Geschichte, d. Jued. Reformgem,"
and savs among other things: "Mr. D. Cassel had
published his 'Woher? Wohin?' in 1845. Gne year
before that time he requested the author to give him a
Rabbinical diploma (Hattarath Horaah), and expressed
in his letters his great joy on account of the reformato-
ry work, 'The Autonomy of the Rabbis,' which pro-
claimed so clearly the principles and sentiments which
he (D. Cassel) had always darkly felt in the recesses of
his heart. Out of this dark feeling of radical Reform
has l)roken forth the light of new orthodoxy." (Ibid,
p. 71, note i). See also Dr. Beer's scathing criticism
of Dr. Cassel's pamphlet.*
We have seen in Holdheim, as it were, a giant
wrestling with the demons of prejudice and supersti-
tion, and conquering them. The development from
the Jeshiba-Bachur to one of the most radical Re-
♦Frankels "Zeitschrift fuer flie religioesen Interessen des Ju-
flenthums," Rreslau '1845.
24^J RKFORMKI) JUDAIS.M.
form-Rabbis of his ai;e was a remarkable evolution in-
deed, the outcome of j;reat inner struggles and fierce
battles within his own heart, and with enemies from
without. Holdheim was always learning, and looked
upon Geiger and Zunz as upon his teachers.* He well
knew how to discriminate, even in heated discussions
between principle and person, although he himself was
treated most outrageously by his opponents, who often
enough were his personal enemies, f Knowing that
his motives were always pure, he could hardly compre-
hend, judging as he did others by himself, how men
could suspect him of impure motives, and was naturally
deeply mortified at the attacks so often made upon him
by orthodox and half orthodox enemies.
Geiger said in the preface to a sermon of Hold-
heim published after his death: "Rarely was a man
so suspected or attacked, reviled and treated with arti-
ficial contempt as Holdheim, but it was as if he had
not noticed it; as if all the noise outside had passed
over him without any trace. * * With all earnest-
ness he defended his position; he never reviled his op-
ponents, and never in his writings or sermons was he
bitter."
In his later years he concentrated his main activity
upon his sermons. They were systematic, logical,
clear, concise, void of empty phraseology and verbos-
ity, and Jewish to the core. He thus assisted his au-
dience greatly in making easy the comprehension ot his
sermons, wdiich were replete with philosophical and
sublime ideas. He was accustomed to read his ser-
mons, but in licrlin he memorized them. His voice was
weak and his delivery not pleasant. But so far as sub-
stance is concerned, his sermons are among the best of
the German-Jewish pulpit. They are published in four
x'olumes. The first volume (Berlin, 1852), is dedicated
*See his "Geschiche der Juedishen Refornigenieiude," Berlin,
1857, pp. II and 70.
+It is, alas, still a dark stain on the escutcheon of Judaism, that
especially Jewish theologians have not yet learned to separate in
th.ir controversies persons from prin^^iples.
SAMIKI. HOT.DHKIM. 247
to Dr. David luiihoni, llie Rab1)i of the Refonn Coii-
i^regations of Pesth, IJaltiiiiore, Philack-lphia and New
York; the second volume (Berlin, 1H53), dedicated to
the directory of the Jewish Refonn-Conj^regation at
Berlin, contains twenty-eight sermons; the third vol-
ume (Berlin, 1855), dedicated to Dr. Gotthold Salomon
at Hamburg, contains thirty-one sermons. After
lioldheim's death appeared eleven sermons prefaced by
Dr. Geiger, and in 1869 Dr. Immanuel Ritter, his bio-
grapher, published a volume of twenty-two sermons of
Holdheim.*
Holdheim's sermons are doubtless the clearest,
best and most outspoken expositions (;f Reform-Juda-
ism. An intelligent man unacquainted w'ith the prin-
ciples and doctrines of Reform -Judaism will find in
these .sermons a veritable mine of solid instruction and
convincing argument. These sermons must be read,
re-read and studied, in order to be fully appreciated.
Holdheim's ideas of the Jewish Holidays will never
lose their interest. His last sermon, which he was to
preach on Rosh-Hashana, i860, could not be delivered
bv him, as he died August 22d. His text was from
Genesis, XXH, 14; "God Will See." The sermon
was published wdth a preface by Geiger. In this ser-
mon can easily be noticed his presentiment of death,
and his consciousness of sinking vitality. But with
the true calmness and resignation of a hero he speaks
of the perishability of human life, of our perpetual
work of grave-digging, in which we cover the impress-
ions of yesterday with the solemn events of to-day.
But "God seeth." He opens the graves, and the en-
deavor to make of to-day the grave of yesterday is vain,
becau.se the "Day of INIemoriar' lifts the cover from the
coffin, in which the past life was hidden Irom us.
This day opens before us our acticms, tears the veil,
which selfi.shuess has woven around onr eve, and calls
*Berlin, 1S69, Julius Benziaii. Kitjhteen of these seruiuiis treat
on the Jewish Holidays, one on Stern's departure, one is a Thanks-
givinj^-sernion after a cliolera-e])ideinic, one a niarriat^e-sernion, and
one a sermon al .1 mixed marriaue.
24H . RKh'ORMKl) JUDAISM.
to ns, , 'Crod seeth.'" But also many a good angel as-
cends out of the graves of the past and joyfully greets
us. Let us keep him firmly, in order that he may ac-
company us into the new year, and let us not cease to
strive further after the good and noble, and if we feel
ourselves misjudged b\- men, who blacken what is pure
and darken what is glittering, let us always say to our-
selves, "God seeth."
This sermon is also published in Einhorn's
"Sinai," Vol. VI, pages 302-310. The following are
the closing words of Geiger's preface, which
lose much of their force in an English translation.
Hence they may find here their place also in the
original: "Ueber den Graebern der Vergangenheit und
der Gegenwart wird die Zukunft immer mehr zur
reinen Erkeuntniss erzogen werden. Was durch die
mit uns und nach uns Lebendenals Wahrheit hervorge-
arbeitet werden wird, das jetzt bestimmen zu woUen,
waere vermessen, ein solches Abschliessen waere der
ofanzen Richtung des Verklaerten am Meisten wider-
strebend. Wer aber unter den vor und mit uns
Eebenden redlich, uneigennuetzig, geisteskraeftig und
mit wahrhafter, micht kraenkelnder Gemuethstiefe
mach Wahrheit geforscht, daskoennen wir heute schon
aussprechen und die unbefangene Zukunft wird es
immer mehr bekraeftigen. Und unter ihnen nimmt
eine gewichtige Stelle ein: Samuel Holdheini."*
Alas, Ploldheim did not live to see the hour, in
which this sermon was to be delivered. On the 22nd
of August, he departed this life. It was on this oc-
casion, that the intolerance of the so-called new-ortho-
Followin^ is a translation- "Over the graves of the past and
the present the fntnre will l)e more and more edncated towards
a pure recognition. It would be presumptuous to determine now
what will be worked out as truth by those who live with and after
us. This would be mostly incompatible with the principles of the
deceased. Still, even to-day, we are permitted to point out those
who, living before and with us, have honestly and unselfishly
searched after truth. And the unbiased future will more and more
confirm this. And among these men Samuel Holdheim occupies an
important place." •
SAM r HI. HOI.DHKIM. 249
doxy and llie tolerance of the old school manifested
themselves.
Following article of the '^Zeitnnj; des Jndenlhunrs
from Berlin on the snbject, may find a place here:
"A nervons disease of long standing and the excessive
mental strains cansed by the labors of the departed
lioldheim on his Hebrew book {''Marriage an<l
Divorce") brought about a weakness, and consequent
death. In his delirium his spirit was continuallv at
work searching and investigating. In his dreams he
saw himself in the pulpit and at his desk, and when
he awoke he regretted to be unable to write the
newlv discovered truths. On the evening of August
the 22nd the directors of the Reform-Congregation
met, in order to consult about the funeral. It was
suggested, that the Congregation of I'erlin should be
requested to permit Holdheim to be l)nried in the row
appointed for Rabbis. Dr. Waldeck conferred with
Mr. M. who was of the opinion, that according to
section 14 of the constitution of the ''Hurial-Societv,"
Dr. Holdheim is entitled to a place in the row ap-
pointed for the Rabbis. He added, however, that it is
appropriate to ask for the opinion of the hoary Rab-
binats - Assessor, Oettinger. Mr. M., accom-
panied by Dr. \V., went to Oettinger, informed him
of Holdheim' s death and of the desire of the Re-
form-Congregation. The venerable sage, over eighty
years old, arose and slowly in short intervals spoke as
follows:
"Holdheim is dead? — I>on/c/i dajjon euiiues
(praised be the judge of truth). He was a great
Lamden (Talmudical .scholar). I have no objection to
his interment in the row designated for Rabbis.'' On
the evening of August the 23rd a letter of the directors
was addressed to the "Burial- Association" requesting
them to make the necessary arrangements for Rabbi
Holdheim' s interment in the row designated for the
Ralibis of Berlin. Dr. Oeiger, of lUeslau, was invited
to deliver the funeral oration at the grave and the
sermon at the memorial S(.-r\ice on vSuuda\, Auirust
250 RKKORMEl) Jl'DAISM.
26th, in the Temple. This service was attended by a
lai'tre nnniber of orthodox Jews. While at the grave
(leiger dwelt on Holdheim's personal (pialities, his
oration at the Temple was an exposition of the
])rinciples of Reform-Judaism, for which his deceased
friend so enthusiastically labored more than a quarter
of a century. The sermon created a deep impression.
"It must be remarked, that Dr. Sachs was at the
springs, while all this happened. After his' return to
Herlin he took occasion in his first sermon to arraign
forcibly the Berlin Congregation for having permitted
Holdheim to be buried iu the row of the Rabbis, and
sent in his resignation to the directors of the Congre-
gation. The directors answered Sachs iu a dignified
manner and left it with him to giv.e them within three
weeks a definitive declaration concerning his resigna-
tion. I, however, and with me thousands hope and
trust, that the time will never come in Israel, when
the Congregation will give up its autonomy and the
Rabbi will be more than a venerated, experienced
adviser." So far the "Zeitung d. Judenth\s.
The Berlin correspondent of a New York paper
had the following to say on the subject: "In mention-
ing Christian bigotry, I cannot omit for the sake of
justice, to speak of the same quality manifested by a
Jew. Dr. Michael Sachs, preacher of the Jewish Con-
gregation, sent in his resignation because the Rabbi of
the Reform-Congregation, Dr. Holdheim, had found
his last resting place in the row of honor at the ceme-
tery of the Jewish Congregation, which fact is looked
upon as sacrilege by Dr. Sachs. * * He was
doubtless convinced that his Congregation would rather
exhume the body and rudely violate the honor due to
the dead, than to do without his services. As soon,
however, as Sachs noticed that he was mistaken in this
supposition, he repented of the step. The New York
correspondent of Einhorn's "Sinai" continues as fol-
lows: "Well may we ask with surprise how a man
can permit himself to be carried away by* the demon of
arrogance to such an extent, especialh- in the metro]:)-
SAMIKI. HOI.I'H l-.l.M. 251
olis of intelligence, and in a state where the Jews had
to wage such hot struggles against Christian fanaticism?
We ask surprisingly, how Dr. Sachs, who once remark-
ed from his pulpit tliat the "Pijutim were food (Futter)
for the people, and who in spite of his show* of ortho-
doxy, before the tribunal of genuine orthodoxy is con-
sidered no less of a heretic than Holdheim, could com-
mit such a nonsensical act, by which he attacked in a
most comical manner the orthodoxy of the eighty
vears old Rabbi Oettinger, with whose consent the
Berlin Directory acted? * * This is one more
proof that the representatives of radical Reform are less
hated bv the genuine than by the half hearted ortho-
doxy, because those who are outspoken in their con-
victions honor themsehes by showing respect to their
opponents. They, however, who have no firm convic-
tions, attempt to replace the lack of self-esteem by a
false halo, by a hierarchical noise and bluster. A Ber-
lin jester made the following remark on this subject:
He hoped that the heretic Holdheim may be saved
from the bitter lot of giving to Sachs after a hundred
years, lessons in the Talmud. f
In this article Hinhorn speaks of Holdheim as of a
"star of first magnitude," and informs us that an inti-
mate friendship of fifteen years duration existed be-
tween him and the departed friend. The first volume
of Holdhcim's Berlin .sermons (1852) is dedicated to
Hinhorn. As proof of Holdheim' s character, Hinhorn
*Ur.M. Pinner in two pamphlets proves, that Sachs was first a Re-
former then orthodox, then again a Reformer. He says: "Sachs be-
lame, all of a sudden, verital)]y fanatic in his orthodoxy. So he pro-
hibited the most insi»inificaiit change in the worship of a temporary
Synagogue and denounced tlie Reformers in the most insolent man-
ner from his jjulpit. thus fanning the flames of partisan strife. But
as soon as a new regime obtained power and the Reformers captured
all the offices in the Congregation. Sachs not only advocated Re-
forms in the worship, but arraigned from his pulpit the opponents of
the Reforms just as mercile.ssly as he u.sed under the old regime to
assail the Reformers. But this is not surprising, as Dr. Sachs was
originally a Reformer, and his agreement with the orthodox direc-
tory was merely artificial and necessary for the attainment of cer-
tain purposes." Graetz extols Sachs, of course!
Jlt is a well-known fact, that the Talmu<l and Ral)binical lore
were not Sachs' forte.
J ,J Rl'.l-OKMl'.l) JUDAISM.
rchiles the following : In spite of a bitter controversy
which was carried on among them in 1845 concerning
the oath, in which Ivinhorn had made nse of many a
harsh word against Holdheim, the latter approached
him at the Conference of Frankfnrt-on-the-Main, say-
ing: "We both are struggling in the cause of Judaism.''
— Nothing was further from him, than to force upon
others his opinion. He combined the keenest criticism
with kindness and leniency. He preferred the crudest
orthodoxy to the negations of a philosophical panthe-
ism, because, as he wittingly expressed himself, i)ov-
erty is preferable to a burden of debt. Holdheim man-
ifested the greatest interest in the Jewish Retorni-
movcment on American soil, as is seen by his man)'
contributions to ''Sinai." The main purpose of his
^'^ Maiunar HaishutlC was to carry the Reform-move-
ment into quarters where German is not read. ''And to
such a "•Gadol BejissracT^ (great man of Israel) Sachs
denies a place of honor in the Jewish cemetery, the ro-
mantic Sachs, whose only merit consists in putting to-
gether nice phrases. Holdheim gained not only a
place in the "house of peace" ( "Friedhof" ), but a
place of honor in the battlefield of the modern history
of Judaism, where his name \\\\\ radiate long after the
winds will have carried aw^ay the flowers of Sachs' so-
called poetry. Sachs, the haughty fanatic in kid
gloves, wdio has acquired some gold-dust from the
gold mines of Judaism, has only brought upon
himself the curse of contempt and ridicule by his inten-
tion to insult the mortal remains of the great dead, who
like his name-sake the prophet Samuel, standing at the
frontier of two worlds in Israel had buried with one
hand the corpse of Judaism, and had dug with the
other the richest treasures from the deepest recesses of
his mountains. In the detestable action of Sachs is
shown even his fear of the dead lion. He heard Ba-
laam's cry of anguish.*
*"Oi mi jichjah niishmuel." See Geiger's ingenious explanation
in his "Urschrift," page 367. Einhprn alludes to the fact that Hold-
heim's name was also Samuel.
SAMl'HI. IIUI.DIIKIM. 253
"TliL- Hcrlin Con^^rcgatiou ami tlic eij;htv year old
RablH Oettiuger honored only themselves by honoring
the mantle which had fallen from Eliah, who had as-
cended to heaven." (Sinai, 1861, voL \'I). Yet
Ciraetz raises to the sky the fanatic Sachs (History XI,
p. 571-578), and slings nind at noble Holdheim, which
pro\es beyond a shadow of a doubt that Graetz was no
historian in the trut- sense of the word. Holdheim
was buried among the Rabbis of Berlin, much to the
discomfiture of a clique composed partly of romantic
cranks and ionoramuses in Rabbinical lore, partly of hy-
pocrites, who were not worthy to be mentioned in the
same breath with Holdheim. The orthodox and con-
servative Jewish press gloated over the demise of this
great champion of Reform-Judaism, and cowardly in-
sulted the dead lion. Hut the better Jew ish newspapers
eulo5iized Holdheim as he deserved. Kinhorn in his
"Sinai" spoke of him as follows:
"Samuel Holdheim is dead. The great master in
Israel, the high priest of Jewish theological science,
the lion in the battle for light and truth no longer
walks the earth among the living." In the number of
November* Kinhorn gave an interesting sketch of
Holdheim' s life and labors.
Cxeiger was called from Breslau to deliver the tu-
neral oration at the grave and in the Temple. Dr.
Immanuel Ritter, for nine years a colleague of Hold-
heim, and A. Bernstein spoke on the life of their great
friend and master before the members of the Reform -
Congregation. In a letter to Wechsler dated Breslau,
September 6, i860, Geiger speaks of his sincere friend-
ship for Holdheim, although he did not approve of his
unhistorical methods.
In spite of persecution, slander, hatred, malice and
fanaticism, which even at this late date do not tire in
belittling Holdheim's merits, the impartial historian
cannot help placing him in the front rank of the pio-
neers of Reform-Judai.sm. His character was pure and
*'Sinai," 1S60. Vol. V. page 2SS-29.S.
2;, 4 KKI-OK.MKD JUDAISM.
unsiillicrl, and his most iiiiplacalilt- cneinie.'- — and the}'
arc numerous — have to concede tliis fact.
In the preparation of this chapter I am laroely
indebted to Dr. Ritter's ''Samuel Holdheim." P>ut a
careful study of Holdheim's writings, of the Reform lit-
erature of those days, especially ol Ciciger's works, of
the Jewish papers of this period, of the reports of the
Rabbinical Conferences in the forties, and of the pam-
phlets on the orio;in of the Berlin Reform-Congrega-
tion, have taught me to be more just and less biased
in my historical judgment, than were Graetz and Rit-
ler. The former was prejudiced against, the latter too
much prepossessed in favor of Holdheim.
CllAl'Tl-.R \"in.
LF.OPOIJ) I.OKW.
TRANSI.ATKl) FROM THK HUXCrARIAN OK DR. IM-
MAXIKI. LOKW, BY DR. WILLIAM X. I.OKW,
ATTORXKY AT LAW, XKW YORK.
The biographical dates here giYeii are authentic.
Thev aie taken from Rabbi Loew's diary, from tamily
letter.s and memoranda in his own handwriting, all of
which are in the possession of the author of these
lines.
Leopold Loew was born in Czernahora, a little Yil-
lage in MoraYia, one of the Provinces of Austria, on
Mav 2 2, 1811. He was the first born son of a poor, plain
couple, the onlv Jewish family in the village. From
his father's side he was a descendent of the famous
Rabbi Loew Ken Bezallel, of Prague, the hero of the
well known Gomel folk-lore or fable of olden times.
(1660). From his mother's side he was descended from
Mendel Krochmal, Chief Rabbi of Moravia.
He received a better education than usually fell to
the lot of Jewish boys in those days in Moravia. A
private tutor engaged for him and his younger broth-
ers, taught him. The Roman Catholic priest of the
village, who had taken a liking to the bright, wide
awake . boy, taught him llu- national language and
music.
Loew showed a great iuclinati(;n t<j\varil music and
had nuuli natural abilit\- in mastering it. Music and
256 RKKORMKD JIDAISM.
song he always regarded as great educational aids, and
in his earliest Synagognal Reform ])rograninie, publish-
ed in 1839, he dwells on their importance in the vSyna-
gogne and the school.
At the age of thirteen, he left his father's house to
enter the "Yeshivah." (High school for Rabbinical
lore).
The institution of the " Yeshivah" is fast dying
out. Theological seminaries are rising in their place,
but the Yeshivah of olden days was the fountain at
which gigantic minds and heroes of deep thought and
learning like Loew, acquired that immense and pro-
found knowledge of Talmudic lore for which they were
known. He frequented three of these Yeshivahs;
Rabbi Joachim Deutschmann's at Trebitsch, later at
Kollin; Rabbi ]\Ioses Perls' at Kismarton; and Rabbi
Baruch* Fraenkel's at Leipnik. In the year 1835 he was
made the recipient of his first "Hattarah," (certificate
of authorization to act as Rabbi), from Rab])i
Deutschmann, who described him as "the most intelli-
gent scholar he ever had." His other hattarahs Loew
received later on from Chief Rabbis S. L. Rappaport of
Prague, Loew Schwab of P)uda-Pesth and Aaron
Chorin of Arad.
In addition to his Talmudical studies he devoted
earnest and close attention to Hebrew grammatical
learning, so that he was able to write Hebrew with
classic beauty and power. He wrote Jewish poetry
with easy grace, and many of the classic poems of
Schiller were rendered by him into the language of the
di\ine psalmist.
In 1830 he left the Yeshivah and went to Bosko-
vitz to relatives, where he remained only a few weeks.
In September of that year he removed to Prossnitz, be-
coming the scholar of Loew Schwab, then the
Rabbi there, who, later on, became his life-long
friend and father-in-law. Here did he begin his stud-
ies of foreign languages such as French, Italian and
the ancient classics of Rome and Atht-ns.
LKOPOIJ) L()K\V. 257
In all of these he acquired more than superficial
proficiency, and a complete bibliooraphy of his works
must name articles of literary and scientific merit writ-
ten in Hebrew, (ierman, Hunoarian, PVench and
Latin.
In Prossnitz he received the appointment as Hebrew
teacher. One of his pupils, Louis Schnabel,* of New
York, at one time Superiutundent of the Hebrew Orphan
Asylum of that city, puldished in the "Deborah" a
series of interesting reminiscences of those days, pay-
ing a tribute of grateful love to the memory of his be-
lo\ed teacher. Mr. Sclinal)el cannot find words suffi-
cienth' eulogistic of Loew's great success as a teaclier,
leader, guide, and as a man of amiability and geniality.
Instead of the stereotyped, long 'trodden way of teach-
ing "Lainen"* and "Rashi," he taught the I>ible
pure and simple, in a manner which enal)les the stu-
dent to understand and to appreciate it grammatically,
aesthetically and arcluieologically.
In 1835 he emigrated to Hungary. The year be-
fore that he decided upon this step, because the
"Landes Rabbiucr" — i. e., Chief-Rabbi of Moravia, had
refused him a Hatarah on the ground that he, Loew,
should never become a Rabbi with his, the Chief-Rab-
bi's aid, deciding that a man like Loew, who can read
and write German and other languages, is not fit to be-
come a Rabbi.
Loew went to Budapest, Hungary, and here he
formed the acquaintance of Loew Schwab, the Chief-
Rabbi of the large Congregation. He acted as pri\'ate
tutor in several Jewish families and in addition he pur-
sued his studies.
In a table of hours showing his division of time it
is made to appear, that his first lessons began at three
♦Louis Schnabel, a Moravian, is the author of several interestinfj
Ghetto-stories, which were jnihlished in the "Jewish Messenger" of
New Vork. Sch.
t"Lainen" is a corrupt (iennan expression for roailinj£ from tlie
Sefer Thora (scrolls of the law). It desiKnales also the attempts
of younjj students of the Talmud, to "read" or find out the meaniui;
of a Talinudir passage. Sch.
25'^ RKK<>K^rHI) JUDAISM.
o'clock in the inorniiig. For five years he worked
very hard. Every branch of human knowledge was in-
cluded in his curriculum. He studied mathematics and
geometry, dogmatics, theology and philosophy, exegesis
and hermeneutics, logic and psychology, ethics and met-
aphysics, the classics and the interpretations of the
Scriptures, history and languages, natural history and
natural philosophy, oriental languages and archaeol-
ogy. None of these were taken up haphazard, but
methodically and systematically.
One-sided philological, historical, philosophical
studies then commanded and even now command al-
most the exclusive attention of Hebrew scholars. Loew
was a close student. Dogmatics, ethics, catechetics
and homiletics were fields on which he culled
with observing eye, adapting their systems to his own
studies.
In 1837 he graduated from the Lutheran Lyceum
of Pressburg, and in 1840 he passed his examination as
''HauptschuUehrer, " at Vienna.
In the year 1840 he accepted a call as Rabbi of the
Jewish Congregation of Nagy Kanizsa in Hungary and
1)egan his useful career of Rabbi, teacher and
preacher.
One year previous he had begun his literary career
with the publication of a Rabbinical -Reform pro-
gramme, which caused men like Holdheim, Manheimer
and Schwab to regard the young author with high ap-
preciation. This programme was a preface to the great
Aron Chorin\s ''Jeled Sekunim." It bears the name:
*'Die Reform des Rabbinischen Ritus auf Rabbinischeni
Standpunkte."* Thirty years later as the biographer
of Aron Chorin and in a critical study — published un-
der the pseudonym: "Dr. Weil," — Loew erected a suita-
ble and worthy memorial to his great friend and fore-
runner.
*vSee page S9, of this book, also I^oew's Nachgelassene Schrif-
Icn. Vol. II, ediled by his learned son and successor in office, Dr.
Jniinanuel I,c>e\v, (Szegedin, 1S90). Seh.
LEOPOLD l.OKW. 259
In Nai;v-Kaiiis/,a he be,i;aii to carry oil I his Rclorin-
prograninic. vSviiagoj^uc and school, the two fields ol
his labor, soon showed the results of his beneficial ef-
forts. Instead of the jari^on sanctioned by custom,
orauiuiar and a correct language were introduced. The
language of the country was taught, trade schools and
girls' schools were opened.
In the year 1844 he began to preach in the Magyar
tongue and to write articles in that language. He pub-
lished them in the famous "Resti Hirlap," the foremost
Mag\ar newspaper, edited by the Historian Szaki)-
and later on by the world -famed Louis Kossuth. One
of his articles was an answer to the latter, then only a
lukewarm advocate of the rights of the Jews, for
which lukewarmness and especially for some derogatory
remarks Loew held Kossuth responsible. His
Hungarian literary work of those days was almost ex-
clusively devoted to awaken in the Magyar Jew a
patriotic spirit and to educate and ripen his people for
that position, which to attain, was the highest ambi-
tion of his life: the emancipation of the Jews in
Hungarv. His next efforts were directed to awaken a
spirit of love and appreciation in the hearts of the
Hungarian people and nation towards the Jews in
Hungary. During these years he also began his agita-
tion for a correct translation of the Hebrew PJible into
the Magyar, a work finished about thirty years after-
wards under the auspices of the ''Hungarian Jewish
Societ\". "
Another aim of his life, set then, and ever after-
wards most faithfully kept before his view, was to be an
ever watchful guardian of his people and his religion
against the attacks of the enemies of Jews and Judaism.
In the month of August, 1846, he moved to Papa,
a city in the County of Veszprin, Hungary, having ac-
cepted a call from the large and important Jewish Con-
gregation of that city. But the Jews of Papa, intimately
connected with the jews of Pressburg, could never for-
give Loew for his audacity in spending almost two
vears in Pressburg, and instead of attending R. Moshe
26o RKl'C)K.Mi:n JIDAISM.
Szoter's Jeshiba, * studying at the Lutheran Lnxxuui.
Here began Loew's religious martyrdom.
It is impossible to draw a correct picture of the
fight, which his call to Papa caused to break out. To
understand it full}', one must know the condition of
civilization of the Magyar Jews and Magyar Christians
of those days; one must have a clear insight into the
political organization of the Hungarian Comitatus-
System of that time. The protest against his election;
— the numerous charges against him, based principalh-
on the ground that he was a Reformer, caused a stir in
the town- and county meetings, went to the" Statt-
halterei" in Ofen, were referred to "Obergespans"
and Vice-Gespans to the "Lord of the Manor"
and ended finalh' with the election of Loew being con-
firmed and the numerous charges against him all being
dismissed. Some of his calumniators were even sent
to prison.
Loew's days in Papa were full of sorrow, full of
l)ilterness, but he felt no discouragement. He worked
indefatigabl}-. He began his labors by consecrating
the new Synagogue and followed it up by organizing a
new school of four classes. He published the "Ben
Chananja,' ■ a monthly dedicated to the interests of Jews
and Judaism in Hungary, which publication he renewed
several years afterwards and continued for a decade,
making the "Ben Chananja" one of the foremost re-
ceptacles of Jewish thought in Europe. His "sermons"
were delivered in German, and occasionally in
Hungarian. While at Papa he became also Professor
of Hebrew at the Protestant Collegium of that city.
This was one of the causes that brought about such a
fierce opposition against him. His Congregation con-
sisted also of people in whose eyes the very fact, that a
Rabbi should teach men who were to become "Gallochs"
(priests), or that a Rabbi should be seen in modern
*See about Moshe Szofer, page 77,of tliigbook; alsQ Loew: "Der
Jueil. Congress" and, "Die Lebensalter."
LEOPOLD LOKW. 261
dress* side ])y side with a Catholic or rrotestaiit
minister was considered a sacrilege. In the opinion of
those fanatics, a Rabbi must shun society.
The Hungarian revolution caused the political
nuirtyrdom of Leopold Loew.
Loew became a chaplain of the national guard and
went into the field of battle. His revolutionary ser-
mons were by order of the government distributed
among the army. Kvcn to-day they are considered
masterpieces of ^lagyar pulpit-oratory, and in hand-
books of Hungarian eloquence, in Hungarian literary
histories, they are referred to and cited as some of the
best works of their kind within the range of Hungarian
literature.
At the close of the war, Loew and his father-in-
law, Schwab, the Chief-Rabbi of Pesth, were arrested
bv the Austrian military authorities and were sent to
prison. Loew spent several weeks there. One by one
his fellow prisoners were taken out and — shot or hung.
The two Rabbis, however, were finally saved. The
efforts of their faithful wives (mother and daughter)
proved successful, and they were set free "for want of
proof." But Loew was placed under a kind of police-
supervision and was ever surrounded by ''Spitzeils."
(spies). In addition to the fact related below, show-
ing how severely Loew was being watched by the
police of Austria, the following anecdote is of interest:
When Loew was pardoned he was ordered to include
into the regular prayer for the emperor and the imperial
family, a prayer for Haynau, the military commander
of Hungary. Loew promised that he would do so.
Years afterwards one morning, Loew, taking the news-
papers into his hands, finds a telegraphic dispatch stat-
ing that Haynau had died. On the Saturday following
Loew left out the prayer for Haynau. Within an hour
after the close of the service of that dav he was taken
*IvOew always wore the picturesque dress on the Magyar: Top
boots, an "Attila" reaching below his knees, a "Kossuth" hat with
a tassel dangling over the rim of the hat.
262 K1',1<()KM1',)> [IDA ISM.
before the military authorities and char<red with havin^;
broken faith by having; neo^lected to deliver the usual
prayer for Hungarv's military commander, who had
saved his life. Loew tried to justify his act by show-
ing, that Haynau being dead and buried, it would be a
stupid thing to pray for him the same prayer as when
he was alive and in office. The military authorities
were "generous" enough not to punish Loew, but only
to "reprimand" him, and ordered him to continue his
prayers for Haynau until he (Loew) would be
"officially" notified that he need not do so any longer.
The Jews of Hungary, however, their two fore-
most men being saved, were ordered to pay one
million Gulden as a fine for their participation in the
national cause! When Francis Joseph I had become
king of Hungary, de jure, (1867), Loew became the
spokesman of a committee which appeared before the
king and requested him to remit the then still unpaid
portions of this fine. The fine was remitted, and set
aside as the National Jewish school-fund, out of which
among other institutions of learning the Rabbinical
Seminary in Buda-Pesth is supported.
Loew\s participation in the Magyar revolution,
his pamphlets and public letters, his inspiring sermons,
that had been published and distributed broadcast
throughout the land, were greatly instrumental in
causing the independent revolutionary government to
promulgate a law emancipating the Jews of Hungary.
•It was in 1849, when Minister Bartholomew Szmere
read from the balcony of the Szegedin City Hall, then
the seat of the government, the order: "The Jews of this
land are recognized as citizens of this land."
A few days later the disastrous revolutionary war
came to an end.
Loew returned to Papa, but remained there a short
time only. Within a few hours after his almost
miraculous release from imprisonment, his enemies be-
gan to embitter his life and to take steps to supply the
"proofs" against him that were wanting before. He
received a call to Szegedin, the great Magyar city of
T.Koi'oi.D L()i:\v. 263
the Magyar lowlands, and accepted it. In the days
following the Hungarian revolution it was for him not
a matter of course to receive such a call, as it was not a
matter of course for the Congregation to issue it. Roth
parties had to petition the government until finally
the necessar)- consent was obtained. In Decem[)er,
1850, he assumed the Rabbinate of Szegedin and filled
it for a quarter of a centur\-.
His salutatory, a sermon of great force, was
l)ublished under the title "Die heiligen Lehrer der
Vorzeit," and is a bpld and manly Reform-programme
of an enlightened mind and a truly religious soul. Two
editions thereof went through the press.
lu Szegedin Loew enjoyed the peace he had not
known for years and his educational, literary and
theological labors showed the beneficial influence of
his happy surroundings. His foremost works were
written there, and the longer he lemaiued there, the
more closely connected he became with his Congrega-
tion, which loved him, and with his city which honored
and respected him as one of its most prominent
citizens. While in Szegedin he received .several calls
Irom other Congregations. Vet, his answer was in-
variablv, that he could not leave his Con^reofation and
his city. Among these calls were tho.se extended to
him by the Jews of Lemberg, Galicia, the Congrega-
tion of Bruenn in Maehren, the Congregation of
Bucharest, Roumania.
In 1871 he was called to Berlin to the " Hocii-
.scliule fuer die Wis.senschaft des Judenthums," just
then opened, and in 1873 he was offered the Directory
of the Rabbinical Seminary of Buda-Pesth.
The ''Mafteach, an Introduction into the Holy
Writ," was his first greater work ]Miblished in Szeg-
edin. It is a very com])reheiisive work of Jewish
exegi.ses.
In 1858 Loew began the publication of his
"P.en Chananja," at first as a monthly, later on as a
weekly journal, dedicated to Jewish theology. For ten
years this magazine, published in a corner of Hun-
264 KKKOKMED Jl^DAISM.
gary. was one of the ])est exponents of Jewish thoujj^ht
and Jewish science.
In 1863 he was cited before the military trilounal,
as Hun,o;ary was then nnder military rnle. The j^ov-
ernment had issued an order relating to the consent
necessary to be obtained from the political authorities
before Jewish weddings were allowed to be celebrated,
and ordered also a revenue tax to be paid in the form
of stam])s on and for the ''Kethuba" (contract).
J^oew criticised this movement of the government
in unmeasured terms, and though his criticism caused
a repeal of the order to tax the " Kethuba," he was
.sentenced to two weeks imprisonment, which impris-
onment, however, the military commander of Szegedin
suspended. "The orders of the government'," he was
told by the military auditor, "are not issued for the
purpose of being criticised by you." "And yet," Loew
replied, "the Minister of Finance repeals the rescript
in consequence of this very criticism of mine."
Similaily did he fare when in 1863 he protested
against the orders of the government appointing special
Jewish overseers of schools, to be paid by the Jewi.sh
Congregations. In his protest he used the following
language: "The Jews of Hungary do not beg, they
ask not for charity in their religious or in their educa-
tional matters. They demand only what is their due. ' '
The government again felt itself constrained to retrace
its steps. In spite of the fact that he was considered a
"suspect," and that to every sermon of his, even at the
graveyard, the military authorities sent a "controller,"
Loew was still a "persona grata." The purity of his
character and his great learning were held in high es-
teem by ' ' the powers that were, ' ' and on numerous
occasions the government, which watched his very
words, referred to him important questions relating to
Jewish law, Jewish ritual, cult, customs, arising in
Congregations, or before courts of law.
His written opinions upon these subjects, which
fill a mighty volume, are perfect gems of deep thought
and ju'ofound learning.
LOEPOLD i.OEW. 265
In consequence of these requests of the govern-
ment, he edited a number of school books for elemen-
tary schools and wrote a Biblical history which his son,
Dr. Tobias Loew,* rendered into Hungarian, and of
which five editions went through the press. In re-
sponse to similar requests, Loew published his famous
study on the "Jewish Oath," being an exhaustive
critical essay on the history of the oath of the Jews.
Count Coloman Tissa read this essay at a meeting of
the Royal Academy of Sciences of Hungary, and the
'^Jewish Times," (Editor, Moritz Ellinger, New York,
1872), published an English translation thereof in its
columns. Another of his more important opinions fur-
nished to the government was "The Jewish Cult," an
historical and critical essay, which appeared also in
English translation in the columns of the "Jewish
Messenger." (Rev. Dr. Isaacs, editor, New York).
To name here all his works in this field would ex-
tend the boundaries of this biography beyond the al-
lotted space. The " Augsburger-Allgemcine Zcitung"
compares Loew's activity upon this field to that of the
Gaons of old.
The "Ben Chananja" championed not only the
cause of reformed, purified Judaism, but also the
rights of the Hungarian Jew. When in August, 1862,
Trefort, later :\Iinister of Cult and Education in Hun-
gary, in an academic lecture made a remark derogatory
to the Hungarian Jews and to Jews generally, Loew
addressed him in an open letter, which created astir all
over Europe. The great daily papers reprinted it and
from the most distant parts of the civilized world came
letters of thanks for his splendid defense.
In 1867 the Hungarian parliament emancipated
the Magyar Jew. "Ben Chananja" had achieved one of
the great objects for which it had been founded.
Its literary and scientific merits were recognized
by the great Abraham Geiger, in his ''Juedische Zeit-
*He held the oflSce of Deputy Attorney-General of Hungary ami
(lied June 6th, iSSo.
266 RKKORMRD JUDAISM.
sclirift fucr Wisseiischaft mid Lebeii," in the following^
"But 'Ken Chananja' confines itself by no means to
the important occurrences of the day; it enters earnest-
ly into deeper scientific questions and has furnished
many a noteworthy contribution to religious and to his-
toric learning.
"The opinions of the editor upon manifold ques-
tions which not only touch matters of daily life, but
also imj)ortant rites of religion, bear witness to his deep
insight into Jewish life and his profound learning on
historical and theological subjects. Such contributions
are of enduring value. 'Ben Chananja,' in almost every
one of its numbers, proves that in spite of all rigidity,
the later teachers, and not only the philosophically
educated ones, never sacrificed their own independent
convictions. This serves to enlighten history and to
strengthen the ajjpreciation of the fact, that in Judaism
the free decision according to one's own convictions
never subjugated itself to the dead letter of the Tal-
mud."
When in 1868 "Ben Chananja" ceased to exist it had
secured as co-laborers and contributors some of the very
foremost representatives of Jewish learning in all Eu-
rope, even the United States of America giving their
share (Dr. M. Milziener and the late Dr. Huebsch), to
the brilliant list. It ceased to exist, because, L<oew
said, the Jews in Hungary being emancipated, it is not
fair that a newspaper devoted to their interests should
be published in the German language.
He devoted his time to his historical studies.*
Some of his articles relating to the history of the Jews
in Hungary are published as early as 1841 in Bush's
"Jahrbuch fuer Israeliten" (Isldor Busch of St. Louis,
Mo.) and in other periodicals and weeklies. "Die Jue-
dischen Wirren in Ungarn;" " Der Judische Con-
*ne was a member of several Hungarian Historical Societies and
one of the judges designated to read the prize-histories of the City
of Szegedin.
LKOPOLD LOEW. 267
gress;" "Juedische Dogincii;" " Das neueste Stadium
der Uiig. Jued. Organisation frage," the ten vohnnes
of his Ben Chananja, are rich repositories of his histor-
ical and critical studies in this field.
In 1870-71 he published his first volume of his
''Beitraege zur Juedischen Alterthums-kunde/' being
two volumes of "Graphische Requisiten u. Erzugnisse
bei den Judeu," which were followed soon after by an-
other volume "Die Lebensalter."
These two works crown his efforts in the field of
Jewish archaeology, a subject upon which he was au-
thority. In the ''Literarisches Centralblatt," his"Le-
bensaiter" was reviewed by the great critic Franz Del-
itzsch, who said: The author, among the Rabbis of Hun-
gary the most prominent and also one of the most in-
fluential members of the Synod, proves in the work
before us, not only his magnificent intimacy with the
whole range of Jewish literature into its very narrowed
corners, but also a rare knowledge of history which re-
minds one of D' Israeli's curiosities of literature; he is
a surprisingly well read mind, who has a saying of
Clans Harms as well as a passage of Heinrich Heine
at his command; he masters his subject, which in its
form, as built by him, is an architectural beauty, and in
its style is an artistic gem, which teaches pleasantly
and changes even abstrusities into playthings of charm-
ing causeries."
In April, 1889, the "American Hebrew,'' in an ar-
ticle on "Children in Jewish Literature," by S. Schech-
ter, cites "Die Lebensalter" of Loew as authority upon
the subject and says of Loew: "Dr. Loew was not
very familiar to English Jews, but he was among the
few Rabbis of the modern school who, besides their
secular attainments, posse.'Jsed a sound knowledge of
the Talmud both in its Haggadic and its Halachic lit-
erature."'
His third work upon the subject of Jewish archae-
ology, which was to appear under the title "Der Syna-
gogen-Ritus," he did not complete. Part of it ap-
peared after his death in "Frankel's ^lonatschrift."
2^)8 KKHORMKD JTDAISM.
A collection of his Magyar sermous published un-
der the title "Beszedek" (speeches), received a full and
very laudatory review in the "Jewish Times." The late
Dr. Anthony Hofer — an attache of the New York Herald
— was requested by the editor to review it.
Closely connected with Loew's Rabbinical life was
the national life of his country. A collection of his
])ublished sermons, would show the political history of
Hungary during the years of his Rabbinical career. I
point to his addresses: ' 'The Dawn of the Revolution,"
(1840-48); "The Heroic Struggle," (1848-49); "Vae
Victis" (1850-63); "The Dawn of Constitutional Free-
dom," (1 863- 1 867); "Constitutional Liberty and Jew-
ish Emancipation in Hungary," (1868-1875).
He loved to celebrate national-political events in
his Temple. His commemoration sermons, delivered
on the deaths of Gabriel Klanzal, Baron Joseph Et-
voes, and Szechenyi, three famous Magyar statesmen,
were greatly admired.
Other occasions, as the opening of the first Hunga-
rian Parliament, the coronation of the King, a wed-
ding of one of his children, the dedication of
a new Synagogue, (he dedicated fourteen S}'nagogues
in Hungary), furnished themes for eloquent sermons,
which were published and widely read.
His position in Szegedin was one of compara-
tive ease and comfort, yet of constant struggle and care.
A three-fold martyr: Political, religious and lit-
erary, he was ever engaged in fight, now against igno-
rance, now against arrogance, now against the blind
zeal of Chassidim, now against the impetuousness of
the so-called Parnassim.
The Jewish Congress of or in Hungary knew him
not among its delegates. This Jewish Congress was a
pet scheme of the then minister of cult and educa-
tion, Baron Joseph Eotvoes, a truly warm friend of the
Magyar Jew. To bring about a concentration of the Jew
and the Jewish Congregations of Hungary under the
paternal care of the government was his plan, and the
Jewish Congress was to discuss and prepare for it.
LKOPOl.U LOKW. 269
A verv interesting condition of affairs arose in
Hnni;arv. Loew, the very foremost of Reformers, and
the most orthodox Chassidim, were for once of the
same opinion, to-wit: Both were opponents of the
Jewish Congress. The motives of their objections were,
however, different. Loew's opposition to the centrali-
zation of Jewish Congregations was based, amongother
reasons, on the fact, that, "the historic conditions nn-
der which a Jewish Congress in Hungary could and
should organize the Jewish Church in Hungary, are
not yet understood, and that the matter is in the hands
of dilettants, who, however kindly disposed, forget,
that the divine command 'in the sweat of thy brow
shalt thou eat bread' applies here also and was not
meant to refer to the bread we actually eat."
Loew was a member of the Jewish Synods held at
Leipzig and at Augsburg. The New York World's
correspondent said of him, in a pen picture, that his
patriarchal appearance made him worthy the brush of
a Rembrandt, while his learning and eloquence, his
kindness and geniality, made him a beloved member of
that noteworthy gathering. His reports to the Synod,
as for instance his opinion upon the subject of rid-
ing on Sabbath- and Holidays,are full of profound learn-
ing and show a most scrutinizing examination of the
subjects of which they treat.
Loew's social status in Hungary cannot very well
be described by me. Jew and Christian loved, hon-
ored and esteemed him, and vied with each other to
show and to prove it on every possible occasion. Gen-
erals of the army, ministers of the state, dignitarie.-; of
the church called on him to pay their respects to him.
When Szegedin wanted the Roman Catholic Bishop
Horvath to represent it in parliament, the city ap-
pointed a committee to urge the prelate to accept. As
leader and speaker of this committee they named the
Rabbi. On numberless occasions, at count v meetings,
political festivals, bani[nets of public bodies, it was
always Loew who was invited and honored to be the
spokesman. It was in Czegled, where he had dedi-
270 RKFORMKl) JUDAISM.
cated the Tenipk-, that the city and county authorities,
headed by the Catholic and Protestant clergy, honored
him with a torchlight procession. This very city of
Czegled, ten years later, was the scene of a most dis-
graceful anti-Semetic riot.
Old peasants and peasant women, school-boys and
school-girls would gather around him and happy was
he or she who could get hold of his hand to press it
with a reverential kiss upon it. He knew everybody
and everybody knew him. With the clergy of the
other denominations of his city he stood on terms of
intimate friendship. The "piobst" of Szegedin, hoary
Anthony Kremminger, was happy, when, on an impor-
tant occasion, — the installation of the Vicegespan* of
the county, — he had a chance to toast his friend, the
Rabbi, calling him b\- names of endearment and
reverential respect.
Loew's Reform-programme was based on the
teachings of what he called "the historical school."
Beneath a picture 'of his, he wrote the following
sentence: "Patience! the future of Judaism belongs to
that school which can best understand the past."
No changes and innovations were even attempted
by him, without educating his people to the high
standard of intelligence and learning necessary to
understand and to appreciate them and to know the
why and wherefore thereof. On the 13th of October,
1875, he died.
Whenever a Hungarian Jew steps up to the ballot-
box to exercise his constitutional right to vote; when-
ever he sees a co-religionist occupying a responsible
position of honor and trust in public life; whenever he
takes an oath without being compelled to humiliate
himself; whenever Jews all over the world see Jewish
learning appreciated, Jewish schools blooming, Jewish
manhood and Jewish womanhood honored, they will
*An office similar but more iufluential than that of County-
Judge in this country.
LEOPOLD LOKW. 27 I
think of Leopold Loew,who did so much toward Ijrini^-
ing about these happy results.
They will think of him, who was the greatest
Hungarian Jewish patriot, the deepest Hungarian
Jewish thinker, one of the most indefatigal)lc and most
successful workers for truth, light and justice. His
memorN' will ])c ])lessed.
CHAPTER IX.
ABRAHAM C'rKIGKR.
While comparatively little has l)eeii published on
the lives of the majority of the leaders of Reform Juda-
ism, especially in the English language, Abraham Gei-
ger forms an exception to the rule. Already in 1842 a
short biography of Geiger was published in the Silesian
lexicon of authors (Nowack's "Schlesisches Schriftstel-
ter-Lexicon," Breslau, 1842). The Brockhaus "Con-
versations-Lexicon" of 1846 and 1876 and Meyer's
"Lexicon" third edition, (Leipzig, 1876), contain in-
teresting articles* on Geiger, as does also the Encyclo-
paedia Britannica. Berthold Auerbach published a
most excellent article on Geiger in the "Gegenwart,"
(Berlin, 1874, Vol. H, pp. 291-93), Professor L Deren-
bourg, of Paris, in the last number of Geiger's "Jued-
ischeZeitschrift fuerWissenschaft undLeben" (Breslau,
1875, Vol. XI, pp. 299-308), and Karl Emil Franzos
in the "Neue Freie Presse," (Wien, January 12, 1879),
reprinted in the "Israelitisches Germeinde-und Famili-
enblatt," (Nos. 12, 13 and 14, 1879), which I had pub-
lished while Rabbi in Bonn. The "Jewish Times" (New
York) of 1874 and 1875 contains quite a number of
memorial sermons delivered in this country in honor of
(jeiger. Dr. Itinhorn's most excellent sermon is pub-
lished in the collection of Einhorn's sermons edited by
Dr. K. Kohler (New York, 1870-80, Steiger). Dr. N.
*The articles of 1876 in both Encyclopedias were amended and
augmented hy (leiger's learned son, I'rof. Ludwig Ueiger.
274 RKKOKMl-:!) Jl'DAISM.
Briiell, late Rabbi of Frankfort-oii-the-Main, published
also his sermon on "Geiger, " delivered during a me-
morial service. Prof. Ludwig Geiger published "Abra-
ham Geigcr's Life in Letters" (Vol. V of " Posthumous
Works," P>erlin, 1875, Gerschel; also a special edition,
Breslau, 1885, W. Jacobsohn & Co.) I published in
1879 '.'Abraham Geiger as a Reformer of Judaism."
In the English language a short .sketch of Geiger' s life
can be found in Henry S. Morais's "Eminent Israel-
ites of the Nineteenth Century" (Philadelphia, 1880),
from page 92 to page 96. I am very much pleased to
see that this conservative author thus commences his
sketch: "Great among the greatest for originality of
thought and masterly ability in treating a variety of
subjects is Abraham Geiger. An imperishable evidence
of the depth of his understanding and versatility of his
powers he has left in his works upon which scholars
will long ponder, not only for the broad knowledge
they disclose of Hebrew^ literature, but also for the in-
sight into Semitic languages that the author affords
the student. No better characterization of Geiger can
1)e given than the words which Dr. Herzfeld, of Braun-
schweig, once said to me: "Geiger was the teacher of
the teachers." Dr. Nehemias Bruell said of him :
"Later generations will look upon him as upon one of
the greatest teachers of Judaism, as the father of a new,
purified conception; as a man who, though at the be-
ginning single-handed, whom a few only followed,
against whom many fought, yet, undaunted and sure
of victory, had advanced in the path of truth, and has
become a guide to all who strive higher, and a blessing
to all Israel. * * Side by side with the names of
Hillel, R. Jochanan b. Saccai, Saadia b. Joseph, Mose
ben Maimon, Asaria de Rossi, Moses Mendelssohn, will
radiate forth in all its brilliancy to the remotest times
the name of Abraham Geiger."
No less an authority than Dr. David Einhorn called
Geiger "the most prominent teacher of Judaism in our
generation" ("Sermons," page 91). As it is not easy
to do full justice in an English translation to the fol-
ai;kaiia.m ckighk. 275
lowing classical passage of Kiiiliorirs sermon on "Gci-
ger," I also quote il in the original German: "Undander
Spitze der Maenner solchen glorreichen Strebens und
Gotteskampfes stand Abraham Geiger; er, der mit dem
Schwerte seines reichen W'issens wie kein Anderer es
verstand, Wege durch Felsen zu br'echen und die eiser-
nen Riegel vor der Pforte nnserer Schatzkammen zu
sprengen; er, der mil dem Zauberstabe des Genius, in
unserem innersten Heiligthum. in der .Bibel, neue
Welten der Wahrheit erschloss, und mit tiefblicken-
den Seherauge in die verborgensten und entlegensten
Theile nnserer Geschichte eindrang, um das Juden-
thum zu verherrlichen und den Nachweis zu liefern,
dass, und in welcher Weise aus den vSplittrn des juedi-
schen Geistes der Reichthum der Religionen aller geb-
ildeten Voelker geflossen." ("And at the head of the
men of such a glorious ideal and struggle in the cause
of God stood Abraham Cxciger; he who understood bet-
ter than any other how to break paths through and to
\n\rst open the iron bars before the gate of our treasure-
houses; he who disclosed with the magic wand of genius
new worlds in our innermost sanctuary in the Bible,
and who with eyes of a penetrating seer entered into
tile most hidden and remotest parts of our history, in
order to glorify Juddism and to offer the proof that and
how the wealth of the religions of all intelligent nations
had come from the splinters of the Jewish spirit."
But the mere fact that Einhorn in speaking of Geiger
had taken as his text, "And there was light — that
means Abraham Geiger,"* proves more than anything
else what a high opinion this great Reform-Rabbi of
America must have entertained of the hero of this chap-
ter, whose disciple the writer of this book had the
]nivilege of being from 187 1 to 1874 in Berlin.
A most remarkable pamphlet, "]\Iodern Judaism,
its Emancipation and Reform as brought about by the
Merits of Lessing, Moses ^Mendelssohn and Abraham
'^xeiiier,"' bv the Danish Professor P'rederic Xielson,
*He alludes to the naint- "Abraham' and to Isa. LI, 2.
276 RKl''t)K.MI'.l» JIDAISM.
translated from the Danish into German by I{. Schnh-
macher (Arensburg, 1880), while written in an orthodox
Christian spirit, does full justice to Geiger, and is im-
portant for the keen appreciation it manifests for mod-
ern Judaism.
Abraham Geiger was born in Frankfort-on-the-
Main, May 24, 18 10. His father, Rabbi Michael Laz-
arus Geiger, was a scholar and highly respected in his
Congregation. Every Sabbath he delivered a "Drasha"
(lecture), which he usually read before young Abraham
on Thursdays. Geiger's mother, "Roeschen" (nee
Wallau), while not agreeing with the religious opin-
ions of her son felt ver^^ proud of him and greatly
rejoiced in his fame. His brother Salomon was his
teacher, and is always spoken of by Geiger in terms of
deep reverence. The great talents of the bo)- mani-
fested themselves very early, ilt the age of two years
he was already well known among the Jews of Frank-
fort for his wonderful brightness, and when three years
old, he could do what the majority of American-Jewish
boys cannot accomplish — namely, read Hebrew and
German. At the age of six years he studied the Bible,
the Mishna and the Talmud. When nine years old he
created a sensation in the city of Mayence,
and was honored by excellent testimonials from
the Rabbis of that city. Of plays, he knew nothing,
a fact which he deeply regretted in later years. From
his .sixth to his eighth year he attended a .school, the
teachers of which were ignorant and the pupils naughty
in the extreme. They hated and envied him on account
of his "pride" — he took no part in their mean tricks —
and prominent faculties. Hence he left that school
where he could profit nothing and only lose his good
manners. Mathematics and the Talmud were now his
favorite studies. His father and brother Heyman were his
teachers. The Talmud engulfed his whole attention
to such an extent that he would not even read a book
written in German. Touchingly he writes in his diary
concerning this time: "Woe, woe! How have you fled,
the years of my childhood! Neither were lessons of
AiiKAiiAM c;i-;ic.i-:k. 277
morals inculcated into me, nor was my body strength-
ened by means of physical exercises, nor was my soul
ennobled by instruclion and education. WocI they
are gone! Come back, that I may make use of you!"
Geiger was strictly orthodox up to his tenth year. But
already in his eleventh year doubts began to awaken
in his breast. He was prohibited from reading the
history of the Jews. He obeyed this instruction, but
he read Becker's ''Handbook of History," and the
reading of Greek and Roman history caused him to
pause and think. So, for instance, his orthodox
conscience was troubled by the question whether it
might not be possible that, just as well as Minos had
ascribed his doctrines to Jupiter, Lycurgus his to Apollo,
Numa Pompilius his to Kmperia, so might Moses have
ascribed his to Jehovah. But, in accord with Talmud-
ical dialectics, he answered these questions satisfactorily
to himself claiming that those heathen legislators in
ascribing their laws to their Gods had imitated Moses,
who was inspired by God. At the age of twelve he was
' 'loved by fools, respected by ignoramuses, honored by
the orthodox," but "pitied by the educated classes of
Jews," as he graphically puts it. The Rothschilds paid
for his instruction in Latin and Greek. At his "Bar
mitzvah" he delivered a "Drasha" (essay on a Halachic
subject) which was full of Talmudical subtleties, and
a German sermon, during the delivery of which some
pious men had covered their faces with their hands.
After his father's death in 1823 he became utterly dis-
gusted with the Talmud, and his friends, Ludwig
Brauufels (his nephew), Max Loeb, S. Bruehl and
Ignatz Elissen confirmed him in his views. On the
other hand, his family wanted him to become a Rabbi,
without, however, being aware of the change which
had taken place in his views. Thus he was very
unfortunate indeed, as he was not fashioned for a
hypocrite, and yet had felt within himself the ambition
for theological activity. It must be said, however,
that his mother did notice the change which had taken
place within him.
2"]^ KHFUR.MKl) JUDAISM.
April 28, 1829, Geiger arrived in Heidelberg,
where he devoted himself in full earnest to the study
of classical philology and Oriental languages, under the
guidance of Professors Umbreit, Creuzer and Herr-
mann. Aside from this, he studied the Syrian language,
without in the least neglecting his Talmudical studies,
and continued his labors on the ]\Iishna, which he had
commenced July 21, 1827. At that time already he was
aware of the fact that the spirit of the Mishna is
different from that of the Gmara, inasmuch as it does
greater justice to the rules of sound logic, and does not
indulge so much in rabulistic sophistry and idle argu-
mentation. He also studied anthropology under Daub,
aud history of literature and culture under Schlosser.
Nevertheless, he was not satisfied with the opportuni-
ties for study offered to him at Heidelberg, and left,
therefore, for Bonn, where the celebrated Orientalist
Professor Freytag, filled the chair of Oriental
pliilo.sophy. On his way to Bonn he stopped at
Carlsruhe, where the Jews greatly displeased him.
There he met Dr. Berthold Auerbach, who remained
his lifelong friend. Geiger's original intention was to
give up the study of theology in Bonn; but his short
stay in Frankfort, where new interest was just then
manifested in religious matters, induced him to devote
his life to the enlightenment of the Jews. He did not
want to go to the Wuerzburg Jeshiba, which he called
in his diary the "well-known Jesuit institution;" .^o he
wended his way to Bonn, where he arrived Oct. 28, 1829.
The causes of Geiger's wavering irresolution as to
the continuance of his theological career were two: —
In the first place the conditions of Judaism in Frank-
fort, where he found two extremes, the radical and
hyper-orthodox Jews (Nachgelassene Schriften, \"ol.
I, pp. 298-299) were far from encouraging. Secondly,
the few Jewish theological students, whose acquaint-
ance he had made in Heidelberg, disgusted him entire-
ly with the Rabbinical career. In a letter to Prof.
Paulus, he speaks thus on the subject: "I found
Jewish theologians in Heidelberg who walked in dark-
Ar.KAIIAM (iKICxKR. 279
ness, and the thoiioht of the many obstacles which
would be laid in my way by such theolo.^ians, and the
battles I would be compelled to fight with them, em-
bittered me against the study of theology, and Oriental
languages engrossed my attention." (N. Schr. Vol. V,
p. 47.) If he could have known of the struggles
awaiting him in Breslau, he could not haxe written
better and more to the point.
In Bonn life began to be more interesting to him.
He mingled more with the people, although he shun-
ned the well known societies of the students as they
flourish in every German University, because he want-
ed to study and not merely to be called a "student."
But he met there Jewish theologians, who brought
back his taste for and reconciled him again to the
Jewish theology. I mention as belonging to this cir-
cle, S. Scheyer, Samson Raphael Hirsch, his intimate
friend, but later his most fierce and bitter opponent,
Ullman, later Rabbi in Coblentz; Gruenebaum, still
Rabbi in Landau (86 years old); Frensdorff, later Di-
rector of the "Seminary for Teachers" in Hannover,
Rosenfeld, Hess and others. "Hirsch," Geiger said
in his diary, "has been dragged into a peculiar mode
of thinking, through Bernays in Hamburg, has ac-
cepted his excessive veneration of the Bible, and his
after-philology, in the explanation of the same."
The.se students had formed a Society December 6,
1829, in Geiger's room, the object of which was to
preach every Sabbath alternately, and to criticise rigid-
ly these sermons. It was to my knowledge the first
.society of its kind in modern times. Geiger prai.sed
Hirsch' s extraordinary eloquence, keen penetration
and quick perception. Hirsch spoke well of Geiger' s
sermon (January 2, 1830), and for a year they read to-
gether cursorilv the treatise on sacrifices in the Tal-
mud (Sebachin). "Thus," the diary continues, "a
mutual esteem and love has grown. I esteemed his
excellent faculties, his rigid virtue, and loved his good
heart; he respected my talents, loved my frankness and
mv vouthfnl cheerfulness." I nuntion this on account
28o KKFOR^rKD JUDAISM.
of the fierce opposition which sprano; up later among
the two friends. Geiger mentions that he redeemed
Ullman from his orthodoxy.
How zealously he had studied can be judged from
the following curriculum. He studiously attended the
lectures of Brandis, on logic, of Calcker on introduc-
tion into philosophy, of Freytag on the Arabic lan-
guage and exegesis, of Welker on classical philology,
of Niebuhr and Huellman on history, of Haase on an-
thropology, of Bobrik on philosophy. Aside from this
he studied metaphysics, physics, rhetoric, psychology,
read Herbart's writings with Scheyer, and in company
with FreusdorfF and Rosenfeld devoted a great deal of
time to the study of the Talmud. And yet, he found
time to give private lessons, partly gratuitously to his
friends, partly for the sake of improving his financial
condition ; to read thoroughly the German classics, and
to take interest in political questions which necessitated
a more than superficial reading of the daily press. He
was a great enthusiast for political liberty. Concerning
the affairs of Judaism in those days, he complains of
the atheism and immorality, of the lack of religious in-
struction and of the general ignorance of the young.
He denounces the worship of the dead letter and the
materialistic tendency which was en vogue among
students of theology who considered the office of Rabbi
as a milking cow. The following is an interesting
characteristic of his friends in Bonn, of Samson Raph-
ial Hirsch he says, that he indulges in philosophical
speculations in the pulpit; of Ullman, that he is too
sentimental; that Hess has no idea of what a sermon
is,thatFrensdorff preaches to scholarly, and that Rosen-
feld is shallow, continuing : ' 'We have no inspiring pat-
terns, no masters whom we could follow. If only a
Jewish Seminary should be erected at an University
where exegesis, homiletics, Talmud and Jewish history
should be taught in a true religious spirit, it would be
the most fertile, and most instructive institution."
This was written August 22nd, 1832, which proves
bevond a shadow of a doubt, that Geiger was the very
ABRAHAM GEIGER. 28l
first among all the Jewish theologians of the nineteenth
centnry, who advocated the important idea of found-
ing a Jewish Theological Faculty or Seminary, for the
edtication of Rabbis. This is a significant historical
fact, because the versatile editor of the "Zeitung des
Judenthums," Dr. Ludwig Philippsohn, tried fifteen
years later to claim the origination of this idea for
himself. See also an article of Geiger on this subject
in his "Wisseuseleaftlishe Zeitschrift fuer Juedische
Theologie" (1835), which was published later in
pamphlet-form. In the meantime he continued his
grammatical and lexicographical labors on the :\Iishua.
Lessing's theological writings, had an inspiring effect
on him, and his "Wolfenbuettel Fragments'' awakened
in Geiger the thought of a similar work in the domain
of Jewish theology. Indeed he published in 1856 a
work, "Leon Da Modena," which reminds one forcibly of
Lessing's "Wolfenbuettel Fragments." Gabriel
Riesser's little pamphlet "On the Condition of the Pro-
fessors ot the :\Iosaic Faith in Germany," exercised a
great influence upon Geiger, and iii a letter to S. R.
Hirsch, then Rabbi at Oldenburg, he expressed him-
self in the most sanguine manner as to the effect of
this book in creating a spirit of union and in eradicat-
ing the demoralizing usury among the Jew^s. It is
significant that Geiger deemed it necessary to add,
"Do not consider this matter too worldly and not be-
coming your position." (Nachgel. Schriften, VI, page
49). How times have changed! Geiger the student
an enthusiast for harmony and union among the
German Jews, while S. R. Hirsch devoted the labor of
his life to dismember and to tear asunder the Congre-
gations of Israel, a work which his disciples and
followers still pursue. It speaks well for Geiger, that
already as a student he felt disgusted with Heinrich
Heine's sneering and jeering railleries, while Boerne's
earnest love of liberty was sympathetic to him.
(Nachgel. Schriften V, page 39). Yet the so-called
historian Graetz speaks enthusiastically of the
apostate Heine. Geiger was highly esteemed by the
282 REFORMED JUDAISM.
celebrated Orientalist Prof. Kreytag, on account of his
proficiency in the Arabic and other Semitic languages.
Mostly on Geiger's account the University of P>onn
offered a prize for the best work on the question:
"What has Mohammed taken from Judaism.''* The
prize was awarded to Geiger, August 3rd, 1842. This
excellent book secured him also the diploma of Doctor
philosophiae in 1835.
To his intimate friends belonged the Oppenheimer
family in Bonn; Elias Grunebaum, then a student at
Bonn, who was for the last fifty-six years District
Rabbi of Landau, — Geiger speaks of him as a " philo-
sophical head full of earnest will and warm zeal for
theological studies;"- — I. Dernbourg, of Mayence, now
Professor of Hebreu Rabbinique on the Ecole des
Hautes Etudes and membre de I'Institut in Paris, and
Heinrich and Solomon Hertz, of Cologne. In spite of
his lack of time Geiger started a ' ' Society for the
Furtherance of Culture among the Jews in Bonn."
This society drew him into controversies with the
fanatics of that old community.
Now the question arose with Geiger, how to find a
suitable field for his activity. F'or a Reform-Rabbi of
Geiger's calibre, sixty-one years ago in Germany, this
was by no means an easy task. He applied for the po-
sition of Rabbi, then vacant at Hanau, and preached
there June 16, 1832, but was not elected on account of
his advanced views. He did not belong to the class of
the "smart" Rabbis of to-day, who in their trial-ser-
mons follow the maxim of that French philosopher
who said that "the language is given for the purpose
of hiding the thoughts." Still, in November of the
same year (1832), he was elected Rabbi of Wiesbaden.
He was at that time engaged to be married to Emilie
*The original question of the philosophical faculty was formula-
lated as follows: "Inquiratur, in fontes Alcorani seu leges Moham-
edicae eos, qui ex Judaisnio derivandi Sunt." The Commentary of
the English Orientalist Sale, and a few extracts of Beidhavi's Com-
mentary, made by Prof. Freytag during his staj' in Paris, were all
of the material of which Geiger could make use in his difficult
work.
AHRAIIA.M CrKIGKK. 283
Oppenheiin, ol" Bonn, a highly educated lady, on May
25, 1833. But he did not marry before July i, 1840, as the
salary in Wiesbaden — four hundred Gulden (about one
hundred and thirty dollars), per annum — did not per-
mit him the luxury of marriage.
Though the Congregation was small, it contained
quite a number of intelligent Jews, who were in favor
of progress and Reform. Geiger had to preach, to give
religious instruction to the older pupils, to supervise
the elementary instruction of the teachers, to perform
wedding-ceremonies in neighboring places, and to offi-
ciate at funerals. He preached every Sabbath, because,
as he expressed it in a letter to Gruenebaum, "he want-
ed the sermon to be regarded as a necessary part of the
divine service." (December 29, 1832). We must not
forget that a sreat manv Tews considered the sermon sim-
ply in the light of an unnecessary addition to the service.
Geiger was a fiery, enthusiastic and forcible preacher,
for whom preaching was no labor, but a pleasure. He
was beloved by his Congregation, established in 1835
an "Israelitschen ^laenner-Krankenverein," (Society for
the Purpose of attending to the Sick), published an
"Order of the Synagogue," which abolished abuses in
the worship, and fought against the obsolete form of
the Jewish oath. Through teaching the Confirmation-
class he gained great influence upon the youug. He
had several Conferences with his Frankfort friends
Creizenach, J. S. Adier, Jacob Auerbach, Dernbourg,
P\ Flehinger (Rabbi of Merchingen), Darmstadt and
others, in which important questions concerning the
welfare of Judaism were discussed. This was virtually
the first Ral)lMnical Conference of modern Judaism, and
surelv the forerunner of all succeeding Conferences.
This fact is also of historical importance, as Dr. Lud-
wig Philipp.sohn claimed to be the instigator of the
modern Rabbinical Conventions in the interest of
Reform -Judaism.
But all this was not sufficient for Geiger's scope of
action. He studied most zealously the philosophical
and theological literature of the day, especially " The
284 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Life of Jesus," by David Friedrich Strauss. He
divined fully in his letter to Jacob Auerbach on this
work, . that this Strauss would revolutionize the
Christian Church (January 9, 1837). Geiger intended
to publish, in company with FrensdorfF,Dernbourg and
others, the works of the Jewish philosophers of the
middle ages.
But the time was not yet ripe for a work mapped
out on such a grand scale, although Geiger was ready
to do his share of the work.
He was, however, more fortunate -with his other
venture, the publication of his "Wissenschaftliche Zeit-
schrift fuer Jeudische Theologie," (Scientific Journal for
Jewish Theology), although he had very little encour-
agement. September, 1832, before he had occupied a
position, he wrote to FrensdorfF on the subject of this
periodical. Starting from the valuelessness of "Sulam-
ith," which had outlived its usefulness,* he claimed, that
the time had come for a scientific treatment of Judaism,
no matter what the results might be.
In spite of disappointment and discouragement the
Zeitschrift was published, the first three volumes from
1835 to 1838. The first two numbers of the fourth
volume were printed in Frankfort (Sauerland's Ver-
lag) and the last two numbers in Stuttgart (Brodhag).
Following is a partial list of the contributors to the
Zeitschrift: Salomon, Kley, Rappoport, ]\Iannheimer,
Creizenach, Zunz, Abraham Kohn, Bloch, (Buchau),
Herxheimer, and Joseph Aub (Rabbi of Bay reuth, Mainz,
Berlin), Leopold Stein, Gruenebaum, Dernbourg and
Jacob Auerbach. The fact that such a galaxy of the
brilliant intellects of Israel contributed to the periodi-
cal is the best proof that it had really filled a long felt
want. It advocated the progressive development of
Judaism, and tried to prove historically the origin
and growth of the Jewish ceremonial law. By this
*The tendenc}- of the Sulamithisthus characterized in his letter.
"It says to the Christians: 'We Jewish children are no more as
naughty as we have been. We behave better, we imitate you, and
are, therefore, worthy of our rights.' "
ABRAHAM GKIGER. 285
critical method it was easily shown how a great many
of the ceremonies, customs and usages of the Jews and
their raison d^ etre in certain circumstances, had out-
lived the sphere of their usefulness in our age and
amidst occidental surroundings. Reform is nothing
new, as changes have taken place in all ages and climes,
in accord with the demands and exigencies of the times.
On account of the dispersion of Israel among all na-
tions, their religious institutions were by no means free
from non-Jewish influences. It was in particular
pointed out where Reform was needed. This system
is justly designated as historical-critical, based as it is
on scientific research and investigation. Therefore
Geiger deserves to be styled the creator of a scientific
Jewish theology, which has placed the Jewish Reform-
movement on the firm basis of science. The little there
was of this movement before Geiger, was merely the
result of an aesthetic want in the service of the Syna-
gogue. It simply touched the surface, but did not en-
ter into the very spirit of Judaism. Thus practical
questions of Jewish life were treated in the Zeitschrift,
for instance the "Jewish Customs of Mourning, " "Mu-
sic on Sabbath and Holidays in the Synagogue," "Re-
moval of the Shoes on the Day of Atonement and on
the Ninth of the Month of Ab, and during the Blessing
of the Priests," by A. Kohn; "The Holidays," by
Bloch; "TheChalizah," by Guttman; "The Position of
Women in the Synagogue," by Geiger, and others.
These things may appear insignificant to-day, but they
were momentous questions in those days, and the mere
fact that Rabbis often of small Congregations had the
courage to give freely their advanced opinions on these
subjects has done wonders toward establishing the
principle of a scientific Reform and toward creating a
warm interest in this movement, even in circles where
Reform was either utterly unknown or was not deemed
worth while thinking of. For, so long as the Reform-
movement was in the hands of a few preachers, school-
teachers and private men, the official Judaism, as rep-
resented b)' the Rabbis, took hardly any notice of it.
^S*^, REFORMED JUDAISM.
Gciger's agitation, however, emanating as it did, from
a Rabbi, aided and abetted throngli his Zeitschrii't by
Rabbis, did not fail to call attention and to produce a
certain consternation in the camp of orthodoxy. Just
imagine for a moment that at a time when to be a
Rabbi and to be strictly orthodox were identical terms,
quite a number of young Rabbis, under the leadership
of Geiger, dared to throw the gauntlet to the powerful
and influential orthodoxy of Europe, and to advocate
Reform in their official capacity as Rabbis, thus invest-
ing the despised and hated Reform-movement with
Rabbinical authority. This was a very bold step in-
deed sixty years ago, because unheard of before in the
checkered histor}- of Judaism.
But the Zeitschrift, while in the main devoted to
the internal affairs of Judaism, and to a scientific re-
search into its history and literature, did not neglect
to fight valiantly for the emancipation of the Jews. I
only mention Geiger' s forcible and classical refutation
of A. H. Hartman's hostile assaults against the Jews.
Geiger justly held the opinion that outward oppression
is always the source of stagnation, stability and retro-
gression within.* A glance at the miserable state of af-
fairs of Judaism in Germany to-day, where officially
orthodoxy holds sway, wdiile practically atheism and
indifference are rampant, prove the truth of this view.
Geiger' s prize-essay: "What has Mohammed
Taken from Judaism?" was published in book form in
1834 in Bonn. The celebrated Orienialist, Sylvester
de Sacy of Paris, and other eminent scholars spoke
highly of it, and helped to establish Geiger' s literary
reputation. He published also interesting articles in
the "Universal Kirchen Zeitung, " of Darmstadt, and
in other journals.
But his main object to bring the progressive Rab-
bis of Germany together in convention, was not lost
sight of and he worked undaunted by obstacles, until
*See Zeitschrift, I., 552-567, 340-357: II-. 78-92, 463-473, a°(l '"3'
"Der Fortschreitende Rabbinisnius." (Konigsberg, 1S77). and page
130 of this book.
A15RATIAM CxKIGKR. 287
he succeeded. Thus, iu August, 1837, the first Rab-
biuical Coufevcuce was held at Wiesbadeu. It was at-
teuded by Drs. Geiger, Kohu, of Hoheuems; Mayer, of
Stuttgart; Bloch, of Buchau; Wasserman, of Mueh-
ringen; Wagner, of Mannheim; Herxheimer, of Bern-
burg, Aub, of Beyreuth, Stein, of Burgkunstadt; Gutt-
nian, of Redwitz; Loewy, of P'uerth and Wechsler;
Friedlaender, of Brilon, then eighty years old, Gruene-
bauni, of Landau, Hess, of Eisenach, came too late;
Selz, of Uehlefeld and Neubuerger sent excuses, but
declared their sympathy. While we cannot chronicle
great tangible results of this Conference, the mere fact
that the most intelligent and cultured Rabbis of Ger-
many had assembled to discuss subjects pertaining to a
Reform of Judaism, was in itself a result of important
consequences for the future. True, their orthodox
opponents ridiculed it, saying, that nothing was done.
The same thing was said by the orthodoxy after every
similar assembly in the last fifty years. But it was, to
say the least, a proof of courage, and self-denial, that
those Rabbis were not afraid to attend such an assembly
which was called together lor the purpose of advanc-
ing the cause of progress and Reform among the Jews.
Loewy, Guttman, Kohu, Bloch, Wechsler, Herx-
heimer and Aub are complimented by Geiger in his
letter to Jacob Auerbach, (August 22, 1837), for their
zeal and activity. It was resolved, that practical ques-
tions should be discussed in the Zeitschrift and that
the Rabbis should give their opinions and final votes
on them. Loewy, ?ylayer and Stein were appointed a
committee to publish a home prayer-book in accord
with the demands of the times. The report spread by
the orthodoxy, that the members of the Conference
were ordered by the government to disband proved of
course untrue.
But it cannot be denied, that notwithstanding the.se
results Geiger did not occupy the position to which he
was entitled. Not only was his salary so poor, that
he could not afford to marry his beloved Emilie Oppen-
heim, of Bonn, but neither his literary nor his Re-
288 RKFORMED JUDAISM.
form aspirations could find realization in the small
Conc^regation of Wiesbaden. (See Geiger's Nacligel-
Scliriften, pages 77, 80, 81 and loi.)
No wonder that he applied for the position in
Gothenburg (March 6, 1835). But owing to the de-
nunciations of his orthodox "friends" he was not
elected on account of his "heresy." It must be said
that Geiger, in his application for the position, did not
in the least attempt to conceal his ideas. In 1838 he
gave up his position in Wiesbaden, to the great regret
not only of the government, but also of the Congrega-
tion, which is proven by the letters addressed to Gei-
ger by the two bodies.
But now the time seemed propitious to Geiger's
orthodox enemies to vent their spite and to wreak
their vengeance on him. In the Zeitung des Juden-
thums of August 18, 1838,* he was slandered by
an anonymous, who said that Geiger was compelled to
resign his position in Wiesbaden on account of his ' 'im-
moral character. ' ' This coward went so far as to sus-
pect him politically. Gabriel Riesser and the Board
of Trustees of the Wiesbaden Congregation felt called
upon to answer that contemptible correspondence in a
manner highly flattering to Geiger. When the office
of ' 'Land-Rabbi' ' was created in Wiesbaden, the position
was again off"ered to him. His relations to his Con-
gregation was always most pleasant. When he cele-
brated his twenty-fifth jubilee as Rabbi, (November 21,
1857), he was made the recipient of an elegant present
and of a complimentary letter from his former Congre-
gation in Wiesbaden, and when the new Temple was
finished, Geiger was called to Wiesbaden in order to
dedicate it August 24, 1869. His sermon on that oc-
casion, "Israel's Spiritual Life," was printed and repub-
ished in his "Nachgel.Schriften, Vol. I, pp. 434-444."
*It was in bad taste on the part of Philippsohn, the editor of
the paper, to publish an anonymous slanderous correspondence
against Geiger, the successful candidate in Breslau. The very fact,
that Philippsohn was also a candidate for the Breslau position,
ought to have prevented him from publishing the libel.
ARRAHAM Crl-.KiKK. 2.Sq
Shortly before his departure for Wiesbaden he
published in his Zeitschrift an article "The Author
and the Rabbi," (Vol. I, pp. 492-504), which may be
considered as the programme of his comin^^ strno;gles.
Tile drift of this article is, that the author has the
whole community of Israel as his audience. Therefore
he has not only the right, but the duty to consider the
disagreements and divergencies of the entire commu-
nity of Israel. He has the privilege to express r.is
opinions, no matter how much they may differ from
those generally accepted, and time must show whether
his arguments are convincing. He is bouu'l to call
forth opposition, but this will only help the cause he
represents. Absolute truth and the eventual dominion
of the idea must be his ideal. But the same author
will have to employ a different method in his quality
as Rabbi of a single Congregation. Then and there,
he must accommodate himself to the desires of the
members, and in view of his success in practical work,
he will be satisfied with what he can accomplish. He
will make use of existing circumstances to the best of
his ability. A man of peace, he will labor in the field
which is not at all touched by partisan strife. While
as author he may oppose certain customs and usages,
he will make good use of them for the same purpose in
his quality as a Rabbi. In short, while the aim and
object of the Jewish author and Rabbi are identical,
the means to be employed are naturally different. As
long as both labor in the cause of the ultimate realiza-
tion of the Jewish religious idea, they fulfill their mis-
sion. It is, therefore, not hypocrisy or incon.sistency,
if a man, who as author advocates progressive measures
of Reform, is conservative in his Congregation.
This view was sustained by the most prominent
Rabbis of Europe during Geiger's troubles in Pireslau.
GKIGKR IX BR?:SLAr.
Xotwithstanding the fact that Hreslau could boast
of a comparatively large number of cnltured Jews,
orthodoxv in its strictest form had still full control there
2qo RKKORMKl) J l' DA ISM.
in the l^eginniiig of the fourth decade of this centurv.
Rabbi S. A. Tiktin held full sway in the Jewish Con-
gregation of Kreslau. As an instance of the tyrannical
way in which Tiktin availed himself of his power, I
call attention to the following fact. A Jewish printer
by the name of Sulzbach, was about to print M.
I>rueck\s reformatory publication on the ^'RaVjbinical
Ceremonies," but S. A. Tiktin, like a censor of the in-
quisition, prohibited Sulzbach from doing so. This
was possible in Breslau in the year 1836. The book
was published, anyhow, by the bookseller Schultz at
the instigation of the lexicographer, Dr. W. Freund,
and did not fail to create a great sensation on account
of its bold criticism of the Rabbinical additions to the
the laws of Moses. Geiger published a thorough and
favorable review of this book in his ' 'Zeitschrift, ' ' ^' which
fact was the cause of numberless annoyances and evil
consequences for the young Rabbi.
When the desire to introduce German sermons,
and a reformed service in the Synagogue of Breslau
could no longer be suppressed, the general attention
was directed upon Geiger. He declined, however, to
accept the position ot a mere preacher; he wanted to
be Rabbi. I have tried to explain in the chapter on
Holdheim, that it was not a question of vanity, but of
principle, why Holdheim as well as Geiger, insisted on
the title of "Rabbi." In the meantime the "Rab-
binats-assessor" Falk of Breslau died (1838) and the
vacant position was advertised. The advertisement
called for "theologians endowed with Biblical, Tal-
mudical and scientific scholarship," who were "capable
of delivering instructive and edifying sermons on each
Sabbath." Of twelve applicants for the position, four
were found worthy of special consideration, namely:
Drs. Luduig Philippsohn, Samuel Holdheim,
Solomon Herxheimer, and Abraham Geiger. At the
instigation of the committee, the latter was invited to
stop in Breslau on his trip through Germany and to
*See pages 63-65 of this book.
AI'.KAIIAM CI'.IC.MK. 2CJI
delivt-r SLVcial sermons in the vSvnaj^o^ne. (iciger
replied that it is not his cnstom to deliver
trial sermons, but that he would be willing to
preach once. He arrived in Breslau July 17th, and
was invited to preach July 21. Rabbi Tiktin received
also an invitation to be present on the occasion of
Geiger's sermon. But Tiktin's party lost no time in
trving to prevent the sermon. They called the atten-
tion of the Chief of Police Heincke to the fact that the
king had ])rohibited the delivery of German sermons in
a Jewish house of worship.* He referred them to the
government, went to hear Geiger's sermon, and com-
ing home from the Synagogue, found the answer from
Berlin, that Geiger should not preach. Geiger's ser-
mon was electrifying, and produced the greatest en-
thusiasm, although very many of his audience had be-
come utterly indiflferent to religion. He preached on
the text ''Generation goeth and generation cometh, but
the earth stands forever" (Kohelet I, 4), and pointed
out that in the midst of eternal change the spirit only
is immutable. Israel is always the same, so far as the
basis of its spiritual existence is concerned, although
the manifestation of this fundamental thought has
been different at different times. Israel, in the times,
of the prophets, was another than the Israel in the
dispersion, and the Israel of to-day is again another, so
far as customs, usages and observances are concerned.
Therefore the outward form must not be idolized, be-
cause it is changeable. The prophets say: "It has
been said unto thee, oh man, what is good, and what
thy God expects of thee, nothing but 'o 'do justice,
love kindness, and to walk humbly before they God.' "
(M call VI, 9). Now, suppose you would answer: I
have practiced numerous ceremonies, but I was not
always just, then you have neglected the eternal tor
the sake of the perishable. Straw, stubble, chaff and
wheat disputed once, each of them exclaiming: 'For
mv sake was the field sown.' The wheat, however,
*This was clone after the Jacobsohii Temple in Berlin had been
clo'iefl in 1^27,.
292 KI-:K0KMK1) JUDAISM.
said: 'Wait until the owner of the field arrives/ As
soon as he came, he threw away the straw, burnt the
stnbble, and let the chaff fly away. But he most care-
fully gathered the wheat. Now it is not necessary to
throw away the chaff before the wheat is ripe. Thus it
is with the forms and ceremonies, the bearers of the
spirit. As soon as the spirit has departed from
them, they are like straw, stubble and chaff, useless
in the cause of piety. Institutions change with the
times. When you gather water in a reservoir and shut
it up carefully, you will find after weeks the same
drops. But is it the same water? Why no! It is a
stagnant pool. The taste is gone. So it is with the
lifeless form, which cannot be preserved, after its
spirit has departed. (3nly the husk changes, not the
kernel and essence."'^ In consequence of this sermon
Geiger was elected as second Rabbi and "Rabbi-
natsassessor" of the Breslau Jewish Congregation, July
25th, 1838.
Now one might think that the election excitement
Ijeing over, things in Breslau went on quietly and
smoothly. But this was not at all the case. On the
contrary, the machinations of the enemies of progress
■in general and of Geiger in particular, were just now
commencing in full earnest, and on a most extensive
scale. Before Geiger's election his opponents found
fault with him on account of most ridiculous trifles.
Thus they objected to the gown he wore in the pulpit,
because it was made of velvet and not of silk, which
was the fashion among the Polish Rabbis. They found
fciult with him because he folded his hands and directed
his eyes heavenward while praying, and because he
said '^ 'Abraham" instead of "Avrohom," "Isaac" in-
stead of "Jizchak," "Moses" instead of "Maushe,"
and so forth.
After his election, -however, these comparatively
harmless tactics were changed, and a fierce, bitter, yea,
+This sermon was published in pamphlet form (Breslau 1838,
Friedleander) and is reprinted in Geiger's Posthumous works; Vol.
I, pages 355-369.
ADRAIIA.M GKI(;i:k. 293
desperate fi<^lit was made aj^aiust liiin, in which means
most foul were employed to serve the end, all of course
^''ad majorcm dei gloriatn.^''
All efforts were made to prevent the sanction of
Geiger's election by the government. In Prussia, the
goxernment has the power to veto the election of any
clergyman. In Geiger's case such a nullification of his
election was the more plausible, as he was considered a
foreigner in Prussia — he was a Frankforter — and was in
need of naturalization papers. Four individuals had so
far forgotten every sense of decency and shame, as to
make themseives guilty of political denunciation, which
is called ''Messirah" and is considered in the Talmud one
of the worst crimes, equal to murder, incest and idola-
try (Talm. Jerusch. Peah i, 13). Now these- four
champions of the Talmud importuned the Prussian gov-
ernment not to naturalize (leiger, because he was not
only an innovator, but a dangerous demagogue-, who
aimed at the destruction not only of the church but of
the state. These "Watchmen of Zion" added the sin
of bearing false witness against their fellowman to the
crime of denunciation. But not satisfied with this
dirty piece of work, Rabbi Tiktin and his henchmen
hired a baptized Jew, Franz Karl Joel Jacoby, to write
a promemoria against Geiger. The Prussian ministry
demanded of Geiger an explanation of the charges of
heresy brought forward against him. Geiger answered
thoroughly, and proved to the satisfaction of the
government the ignoranceand maliciousness of his ac-
cusers. The following passage of Geiger's excellent
reply may find a place here: "What, however, demon-
strates, be\"ond a doubt, the malicious intentions and
the evil designs of the traducers, is the manner of their
attempt to bring into disrepute in the eyes of the gov-
ernment, all those who happen to be opposed to their
private opinions. Not capable of doing battle with
the spirit, they would like to make use of the sword of
the laws, by stamping every view differing from theirs,
as the result of re volutionaiy ideas. It is revolting in
the extreme, that people should arrogantly impute to
294 KKF()KMl';i) JI'DAISM.
men whom tlie\' owe their better civil condition in the
state, a 'passion lor innovations' and 'malevolence;' that
people in their malicions cowardice and mean deceitfnl-
ness dare to say of men who always defend them
against hostile attacks, that they cause themselves to be
used as tools for a revolutionary movement.
Geiger went in the meantime to Bielefeld and
Frankfort, where he came in contact with the Prussian
ambassador, whose opinion was required as to Geiger's
political record. He answered that nothing of any
damaging character could be found in the records at
Mayence, and that having read the " Zeitschrift" he
could not help being astonished at the ability and vast
scholarship of Geiger as manifested therein.
In order to be nearer Breslau, Geiger went to Ber-
lin, w^liere he remained from September, 1838, to De-
cember, 1839. He conferred with the ministers Alten-
stein and Rochow, and with Alexander von Humboldt,
whose powerful influence greatly benefitted his case,
and who remained his life-long friend. Among other
acquaintances of note, which Geiger had formed in Ber-
lin were: Bettina v. Arnim, ]\Iax Ring, who wrote an
excellent poem on Geiger, while presenting him in
Breslau with a costly cup in the name of the Congrega-
tion; H. D. Oppenheimer, Ludwig Bamberger, and
Leopold Zunz, in whose house he was always a wel-
come guest. The leading men of the Berlin Jewish
Congregation had done absolute!}- nothing, although
they were requested b}^ the Congregation of Breslau to
interest themselves in behalf of Geiger and his just
cause, which was also their cause. This fact is in
keeping with the character of the Berlin Jews, who
deemed themselves very crafty in doing — nothing.
The following extracts of Geiger's letters during
his stay in Berlin will alwavs remain interesting read-
ing. In a letter to Jacob Auerbach he says among
other things: " Neither the government nor the Jews
will weaken me in my firmness. The former would
like to get rid of me in roundabout ways. But this
will not do, they have to say clearly and definitely,
Ar.RAHAM (IKKiHk. - 295
' We do not want you,' or they have to accept me.
I o-ive a year of inv life and even more, '' * that
the Prussian government may speak out clearly and
decisivelv as to its measures toward Judaism without
subterfuges. * * They would like very much to
tire me out, so that I should throw away the pittance,
which would give them a chance to pose as the lovers
of justice; yes, I would go, would have gone long ago
if it had been only my own affair. As it is, I will
carrv the matter through to the very last moment.
These gentlemen, as well as the faint hearted Jews, are
mistaken in me. My perseverance is a cause of em-
barrassment to their weakness and to their tricks, and
thev confess already that they are embarrassed. * *
I am much too proud to attack Philippsohn as an op-
ponent of mine. * * That I do not like the Jews
of Berlin you know by this time through Mr. :\I. It
is here where a person learns to know what indifter-
entism means. * They are here very strong in nega-
tive action only. * ' * They say that the cancer
must not be cut out, a little scraping is sufficient.
This mav look nice for a time, but the cancer contin-
ues to eat. * * I know that I will accomplish
more in creating religious interest and in weakening
indifferentism than all these men who talk so positive-
ly. * * Please give my pamphlet on the 'Es-
tablishment of a Jewish Theological Faculty' nc
further attention. Let it sleep as does the faculty.
The latter walks, thank God, in the realm of the
sainted souls, and has fled from his friend Philippsohn
and his con.sorts. Its enemies would not have done it
any harm."t
In a letter to M. A. Stern, dated August 2, 1839,
he savs: '^The embarrassment of the government
grows on account of my perseverance, aided by the
constancy of the Congregation in P>reslau. The latter
*Thi.s remark is just exactly as true to-day as it was fifty-one
vears ago.
tLetter to Jacob Auerhacli, dated Ik-rlin, June i3-2ist 1S39 (Post-
huniou- \Vork>, Vol. V, pages 140-142).
O
296 RKFOKMKI) jri'AlSM.
acts indeed nobly. No trouble and no costs are avoid-
ed— you can well imagine that I do not live here at
my own expense — in order to bring about a favorable
result. Even if the decision of the government should
turn out against me, the attention and sympathy which
the matter has produced, cannot help bearing fruit.
But should the result be favorable, great things have
been accomplished, and I hope to do much in a Con-
gregation of such importance as the one in Breslau.*
Of his relation to Zunz, Geiger says in another
letter to Stern, dated November 1 4th- 1 6th: "My per-
sonal intercourse with Zunz I would not give up for
any price. 1 have indeed learned of Zunz very much,
and to have won in him a friend, not only a literary
associate, is saying a good deal, and is also of import-
ance. * * While I always paid serious attention
and love to the history of Judaism, I have made it
more of a specialty, owing to the impulses of Zunz and
my intercourse with him." From different reasons
Geiger discontinued the publication of his " Zeit-
schrift" temporarily (1839). But he hoped that others
would follow in his footsteps, but in vain. He writes
to Stern in the same letter. * * "The main thing
is that most of these Rabbis, and just the ones who oc-
cupy prominent positions, and who could exercise great
influence upon others have learned too little. * *
Philippsohn, for instance, possesses practical sense and
versatility, but ability and the purity of character are
lacking."
In a letter to Stern, dated December 6th, 1839, he
informs Stern of his final success in the matter of nat-
uralization, and continues: "I must confess I am
proud of the fifteen months spent here and of their
successes; many others would not have had the perse-
verance and the self denial necessary for such a pro-
tracted stay."
Geiger' s enthusiasm for his chosen field was so
great that no matter how things might have turned
*Geiger: Posthumous works, Vol. V, pages 142-145.
AHkAHAM (;KK1KR. 297
out, he would have reuiaiued Rabbi. He expressed
himself ou the subject as follows: ''Should I fail, owiu<;'
to the slow course aud to the stupidity of the people, I
will kuow how to jret throu^^h the world, but I shall
reiuain Rabbi, eveu without au office. I kuow so well
how I can be a useful member in the. history of Juda-
ism, that uothiui^ can perplex me now."*
November 6th, Geiger was officially notified that
his election in Breslau was sanctioned by the goxern-
ment. On December 24th he went to Breslau, and on
January 2nd, 1840, he entered npon his position. He
bound himself to preach almost every Sabbath, to su-
pervise the educational institutions of the Congrega-
tion, and to care for the religious instruction of the
young.
On January 4th he delivered his inaugural sermon.
Not a few of his former opponents became his friends.
He married July ist, 1840, in Frankfort, where he was
invited by the Congregat on to preach, and was pre-
sented with a diploma as Rabbi. His trip to Breslau
via the cities along the Rhine, and by way of Berlin
was a triumphal march. His reception in Breslau
July i6tli was a grand affair, giving testimony of the
sincere affection which united Rabbi and Congregation,
a bond which in consequence of mutual struggles in a
sacred cause becomes always firmer.
Geiger' s wife, Kmilie, understood perfectly how
to make her house the social center of the Congrega-
tion. For years the members of the Congregation,
old and young, rich and poor, assembled on the first
Wednesday evening of every winter month, and on
Purim evenings, and these receptions or jours fixes
were looked forward to with the greatest pleasure by
the best element of Breslau Jewdoni. Geiger' s mar-
ried life was blessed with two daughters and two sons,
Dr. Berthold Geiger, Attorney at Law, in Frankfort-on-
tlie-Main,son-in-law of Dr. Jacob Auerbach, and Doctor
*(ieij<er: Posthumous works, Vol. T, pages 7-25; see, also
Dr. Geiger's pamphlet: "Die Ivetzten Zwei jahre" (Breslau 1840,
Friedleander).
29?> RKK0KMP;D JUDAISM.
Ludwify Geiger, Professor of History at the University
of Berlin. He is the author of numerous historical
works, and editor of his father's posthumous writings.
At present he is editor of a magazine in the interest of
the history of the Jews, which periodical is subsidized
])v the " Deutsch-Israelitischen Gemeindebund," (The
Confederation of German-Jewish Congregations). The
fact that Ludwig Geiger and not the so-called historian
Graetz was intrusted with this important task, shows
the true importance which is entertained in Germany
of Graetz' s historiography.
But those who think that Geiger had smooth sail-
ing in Breslau, after his victory over his unscrupulous
and fanatical enemies, are very much mistaken. In-
spired by S. A. Tiktiu and his satellites, an anonymous
pamphlet was issued, entitled: "The Election of
Rabbi in Breslau." The author of this stupid publica-
tion was a certain Davidsohn, who was paid by the or-
thodox party of Breslau for his tirade against Geiger.
In reviewing the libelous pasquinade, Geiger alludes to
a Talmudic passage, and sarcastically translates it as
follows: "David's son comes then only, when the
intellect is gone and when the money has given out."*
Geiger refutes in the strongest possible terms the
foolish fashion — :and this may be a hint to the ortho-
doxy of our days — of introducing into Judaism terms
which belong to Christianity exclusively. Judaism knows
no" 'orthodoxy" or "heterodoxy," because the questions
agitating the diflferent parties within Judaism do not
touch dogmas, but the ceremonies. Since time imme-
morial even those Rabbis who most strictly complied
with the practice of every observance and usage, held
the most radical views on inspiration, revelation, mira-
cles, personality of God, resurrection, immortality of
the soul, supernaturalism, and so forth, f
*This obscure passage speaks of the coming of the Messiah, who
is called in Talniiidical phraseology: "Son of David."
+ It would lead nie too far to give even a small number of pas-
sages proving this important assertion. They can be found on pages
127-128 of my "Principles of Judaism compared with those of Chris-
tianity" (I^eip/.ig, Baumgaertner, 1S77): andin my "The Talmud from
ABRAHAM (;KICrKR. 299
The writer of this pasquinade reproaches the
Prussian Ministry in unmeasured terms for having
sanctioned Geiger's election. He is convinced that if
the just (?) complaints of the orthodox Jews had
reached the throne of the king, and if the dissenting
opinions of Geiger had been known to the highest
authorities, it would have been needless for him to
write on the subject. The fact of the matter is that
the enemies of Geiger had left no stone unturned in
order to oust him. At first they appealed to the
government of the province of Upper Silesia, then to
the point of view of Modern Judaism" (Berlin, Issleib, 18S0). But
some instances niav find a place here: "Who knows, who ascends
the heaven, returns and tells us'MTalm. Makkoth. 23I. "Atinie will
come when all religious laws and ceremonies will lose their validity" '
(Niddah, 61). "God never came down from heaven to earth, Moses
and Elijah never ascended the heaven" (Succah, 5)r "Israel has no
longer to expect a Messiah, for the prophecies concerning the Mes-
siah were fulfilled through Hezekiah" (Sanh, 99). Many Christians
and a great many orthodox Jews are of the opinion that the so-called
Biblical criticism is the work of modern theologians, a product of
the Nineteenth century. Nothing of the kind If they will please
go back fifteen centuries, they surely will be nearer the cradle of
this so-called "new science." In the middle of the third century
Simon ben Lakish, the great Talmud teacher, decided that Job never
existed but was a poetical creation, aud furthermore, that the names
of the angels were borrowed from a foreign people (Babylonians,
Persians), by the Jews during the exile. By the wa_\ it may be men-
tioned, the highly-gifted Gaon Saadiah, who flourished in the ninth
century, unequivocally placed reason above the Bil>le and the Tal-
mud, and explained away many of the "miracles," for instance the
speaking serpent in Paradise, Balaam's ass, the witch of Endor, and
so forth. His contemporary, Chivi of Balk, explains the crossing
of the Red Sea by the Israelites as "ebb and flood," the manna as a
sort of resin emitted by the sweating of certain trees, the radiant
face of Moses as caused by too much fasting, and he plainly denies
supernatural revelation. Isaac ben Salomo, another contemporary,
maintains that Gen. XXXVI, 31: "These are the Kings of p:(lom.
who reigned before kings in Israel existed," had not been written
by Moses, but at the time of King Josaphat. Moses Gikaiilia brings
prophecies of Isaiah in connection with the events of his own time.
S.imuel ben Chofni, -Vlnilwalid (Jonah ben Ganach), ben Jasus (Jiz-
chaki) belonged to the same critical school. Abraham Ibn Esra,
(born 1093, died 1167), is tha first who boldly acknowledges the Bab-
ylonian origin of the so-calied "Second Isaiah" (chapters 40-66), and
hinted at ditlicult passages of the Pentateuch, thus attacking the
authenticityof the same Spinoza explained these interesting pas-
sages. (See my lecture on "Spinoza," Chicago Inter-Ocean, Decem-
ber, 1SS3, and my "The Talmud," a series of lectures delivered
jh Denver, pages 40-41. Denver, 1SS4).
300 Ki':i'()RMi':i) jidaism.
the minister of the interior, then to the king, then
they attempted to effect Geiger's removal from office.
He then accuses the representatives and members
of the Breslau Congregation of frivolity, because they
had elected Geiger, arraigns them that money leads
the fashion with them, and contradicts himself in
the following sentence, where he concedes that they
possess a higher education and are imbued with a
strong religious sentiment. Geiger was right in saying
''Davidsohn came after he had lost his senses."
The author comes then to Geiger, and brings
forth eight accusations against him, which would be
entitled to a place in the "Curiosities of Literature."*
First Accusation: — Geiger has approved the
abolition of the Fast of the Eve of Passover, for the
benefit of a first-born son. Now, ]Maimonides and
numerous Rabbis of the middle ages, disregarded this
usage.
Second Accusation: Geiger does not observe the
customs of mourning between Passover and the Feast
of Weeks. The observance, not to shave one's beard
in the "Sephira," i. e., the seven weeks between
Pessach and Shabuoth, is of very late origin, and
meaningless.!
Third Accusation: — Geiger disregards the custom
of holding vigil on the night of the Feast of Weeks.
This is a foolish cabalistic usage, which is not even
mentioned in the latest codices. -
Fourth Accusation: — Geiger called the observance
of Tashlich;!; an invention of the people, which was
not deemed worth while to be mentioned in the codex.
*There is no conservative Rabbi in America who is not t^uilty of
the offenses of which Geiger is here accused.
tSee Ur. Landsberger's "Heathenish origin of the custom not to
marry between Passover aud the Feast of Weeks. (Breslau, 18S9,
Schletter: also Geiger's Zeitschrift, Vol. VII).
tSome of the hyper-orthodox Jews go in the afternoon of New
Vear (first day) to a river or dyke and throw pieces of bread or cake
into the water, reciting the verses, Micah Vll, iS-20. On account of
the expression "cast all their sins into the depths of the sea," the
ceremonv is called "Tashlich."
Al-.KAHA.M CEIC.KR. 3OI
Fifth Accusaliou:— Cknj^cr should have said that
the processions, with branches of pahns and myrtle-
branches on the Feast of Booths, were nothing but ex-
pressions of joy, as the whole festival is the "time of
our jov." Geiger has proven this assertion.
Sixth Accusation; — Geiger should have said that
the washing of the hands after leaving a house, where
a corpse lies, is meaningless. Horrible s n, this!
vSeventh Accusation: — Geiger had said, that the
praver at sight of the moon should be shortened thus:
'Traise'd be he who always reneweth the moon.'' The
onlv wrong I can see in Geiger, is that he did not de-
nounce such a prayer as idolatry and moon-worship.
Eighth Accusation: — Geiger had asserted, that
the removal of the shoes is no act of reverence and re-
spect among us, on the contrary, ill-mannered. Hence,
is the custom that the Aaronites remove the shoes
while blessing the people (Duchenen) objectionable. He
also mentioned that the Biblical command that the
priests .should bless the people daily, was practically
abolished and limited to three holidays only.
I have mentioned these "accusations" in order to
show how ridiculous they were.
He finds also fault with Geiger' s criticism of S.
Raphael Hirsch's "Nineteen Letters, ""^^ in which
Geiger strongly arraigned the disgusting idolatry of
the Jewish ceremonies, which is mentioned in these
letters. Among other things, Geiger said; "It is
very funnv indeed to call a man an atheist because he
writes two words or touches a candle on the Sabbath."
The pamphleteer further accuses Geiger of "wicked
superciliousness" and of "conceited rationalism," be-
cause he expressed doubts as to the Biblical origin of
the custom to have "Mezuzoth"! on the door, and of
*The.se letters appeared. 1S36, under thepseudonMii "Hen I'siel,"
second edition, 1SS9, Frankfurt.
tDoorpost. (Deut. XI, 20.) On a piece of parchment are writ-
ten the passages, Deut VI, d-9; XI, 13-21 (inclusive), and on the
back the word "Shaddai" (Almighty). According to Isaiah
LVII, 8, its origin seems to be heathenish.
302 Kl<:i'()RMl'.l) jri»AISM.
laying- "Tcfillin"* (phylacteries) cm the head and hard.
A less ignorant writer would have known that already
Rabbi Samuel Ken Meier, f the grandson of Rashi]:, not
only expressed such doubts eight hundred years before
Geiger, but went further than Geiger by declaring
plainly and unmistakably, that the passages, Exodus
XIII, 9, Dent. VI and XI, must not be taken literally
but figuratively, just like Canticles XIII, 6, "Engrave
them like a seal on thy heart." The Samaritans do
not lay "Tefillin" and have no "Mesusoth."S
In conclusion, Geiger censures most severely all
those who talk for pay about things of which they
know nothing. His biting sarcasm against the "Beer-
hetebll scholarship" of the modern orthodoxy, which,
utterlv devoid of tflie knowledge of the origin and
history of religious customs, is always at hand with the
hue and cr\-: "It is a Mizvch; it is written," must be
read in order to be appreciated. He calls this sort of
learning a "curse to Judaism."^
The struggle in Breslau became more intense and
made the suspension of Tiktin necessary (1842). But
this was rather the signal to a renewed fight, in which
*Tefilin, "Tefilla" (prayer). There are two kinds, "Tefillin shel
'f ('Jad" (of the hand) and "Tefillin shel Rosh" (of the head). On pieces
of parchment are written the following passages: Exod. XIII, i-ii;
K-xod. XIII, 11-17; Deut. VI, 4-10; Deut. XI, 13-22.
tHe is known as "Rashbani," and complemented the Talmudical
lal)ors of his grandfather, Rashi. He was one of the "Tossafists"
(Baale Tossafot) and a clear sighted commentator of the Bible,
which is best proven l)y his rationalistic explanation of Mesusa and
Tefillin
jriis name was vSalo;nen ben Isaac [1040-1105], a disciple of Ja-
cob 1). Jakar in Woinis, and Isaac b.Juda in Mainz. He commen-
tated the entire Bible and Talmud, and it has always been a matter
of surprise how one man could accomplish such a gigantic work
and tremendous task all l)y himself. Zuuz was the first to do him
justice.
^Because the}' take the passages in a figurative sense, like Prov.
111,3; VI, 22; VIII, 3; Isaiah XLIX, 16. See Geiger, Zeitschrift der
Deutsch Morgenl. Ge.sellsch., Vol. XX, page 570.
IILiterally, "well explained." The book is a compendium con-
taining the numberless Jewish customs and observances.
IfSee (jeiger, "The last Two Years; Letters to a Befriended
Rabbi."
AP.KAIIAM CKK'.KR. 303
fair incaiis and foul were used to harass Oei^er. Tik-
tin's followers were espi-cially enil)ittered on account of
the ovations offered to Geiger by his Con.ij;regation.
Here is the translation of an address presented to (yei-
ger and signed bv every member of the Breslau Con-
gregation: "(Konr own accord we approach you from
the midst of vour Congregation, which highly reveres
you, and which feels happy on account of your pious,
(xod-fearing activity, in order to express to you plainly
and candidly, our deep veneration and love in a time
when, alas, yon have to fight hard struggles against
the unholy weapons of those who accuse you of heresy,
and against the poisoned arrows of slander and cal-
umny. We also give vent to our deep indignation on
account of the unworthy attacks with which blind pas-
sions overwhelm you. The pure and holy fire of en-
thusiasm for the genuine Judaism, wdiich inflamed you
to show, with scientific keenness and clearness, the
eternally tiue kernel of our own faith, will encourage you
to continue your Rablnnical activity, which you have
begun so gloriously and carried on so happily in the
interest of strengthening the religious spirit in our
Congregation and in the community of Israel at large.
Vou will accomplish your noble work in spite of the
hostilities with which earthly interests and passions
obstruct your wa\-. You may be sure of the thanks
and the veneration of all noble men and of the
blessing of God, who is a God of life and light, and
who will grant all-powerful protection to your work.
So mote it be. Signed, The Members of the Israelit-
ish Congregation of the City."
No wonder that such an address, signed by every
member of the large Congregation, did not fail to fill
the hearts of Geiger's enemies with fierce wrath and
violent anger. Did not this address unmistakably
convince them, that all their tricks and machinations
had produced the contrary effect ? Instead of depriv-
ing him of the respect and confidence of the people,
these intrigues had made him most popular, and his
name a h'>useh(jVl word in P>reslau. We can easily
304 RKFORMl-,1) JIDAISM.
understaiul that such a feeliiio- must have been <;alling
to the small hut active band of fanatics and hypocrites
who constituted themselves as the saviors of Breslau
Judaism in those days. Their impotent rage knew no
limits. They became desperate, lost their heads,
committed one foolishness after another, and simply
made themselves ridiculous. For, was in not foolish-
ness— yea, madness on their part, even to dream of the
possibility that the Prussian government would remove
Geiger from his position as Rabbi of so prominent a
Congregation, which had just as one man publicly de-
monstrated that they loved and worshipped him ?
Was it not ridiculous to imagine for a moment that
the government which two years before, at a time when
Geiger was comparatively a stranger in Breslau, had
sanctioned his election, would now undo its actions in
order to please a few fanatics who had an axe to grind?
And yet Tiktin and his party petitioned the Prussian
ministry to remove Geiger, after a most successful
activity, from his office, in the face of the fact that he
had done more for the Congregation and lor the cause
of Judaism in two years, than Tiktin and all Silesian
and Polish Rabbis had accomplished during their life-
time. If ever it proved true that " Queni Deus vult
perdere eum dementat,"* it proved so in this case. In
order to succeed, eight Rabbis of Posen and Upper Si-
lesia— Eger,f Israel and David Deutsch, J. Caro and
others, — were induced to declare that Geiger was not
only unworthy to occupy a position of Rabbi, but even
to be admitted as a witness in a court of justice.
*Whoiii God wishes to destroy, hiui he makes mad.
tHis father, Rabbi Akiba Eger, born in Eisenstadt, November,
1751, was Rabbi in Maerkisch-Friedland, and Posen. He could have
wielded apowerfwl influence for good but he used his influence in or-
der to prevent the regulation of the school system among the Jews
of the province of Posen. He thought he had done a great thing in
freeing the Jews from military service, not knowing that he had in
this way hurt the cause of the Jews in Prussia, by giving rise to the
belief in the accusation that the Jews were cowards and unwilling to
shed their blood for their country. While he was considered a saint
by the ignorant masses, he was not able to make Posen a prominent
seal of Jewish learning. His scholarship was limited, his "opinions"
ABRAHAM GKICiER. 305
These eight pygmies acted as if Judaism had a tribu-
nal of inquisition, and as if they had constituted
this tribunal. In two pamphlets : " Darstellung des
Sachverhaeltnisses in seiner hiesigeu Rabbinats- Angel -
egegenheit," by S. A. Tiktin;* and " Entgegnung
auf den Bericht des Obervorstehercollegium's der hie-
sigeu Israeliten-Gemeinde ueber die Rabbinats- Angel-
egenheit an die Mitglieder/'f by the same author,
Geiger is most mercilessly attacked as a man who sys-
tematically works to destroy the pillars of Judaism in a
manner never done before, and who, in spite of all this,
"does not blush and is not ashamed to officiate as
Rabbi." (p. 16). :More than this, Geiger is branded
by these eight zealots as an infidel, who must be de-
spised, shunned and separated from the community of
Israel, and whose word as a witness before a court of
justice is unworthy of belic-f. (p. 26).
To such an outrageous insult Geiger had to an-
swer, and answer he did in a manner worthy of a
Geiger. He delivered an address before his Congrega-
tion, which he published under the title, "Ansprache
en meine Gemeinde.";):
One of the great complaints of Geiger' s enemies
has been that he was not satisfied with the position of
a "preacher" or "lecturer," but that he insisted upon
the title "Rabbi." Geiger was right in his action, as
was Holdheim in a similar case in Berlin. Had the
Reformers given up their titles as "Rabbis," the Re-
form-movement would have gained no stronghold in
on religious subjects did not betray a man of brains. He was one
of those Rabbis who strongly condemned the Hamburg temple ser-
vice. (See Geiger, Posthumoes Works," Vol. II, page 259). His
son simplv inherited from him the position of Rabbi in Posen. al-
though he was a — nonentity. See page 190 of this book. Chap VIII,
Holdheim. Akiba Kger died Oct. 12, 1S37.
♦Presentation of the affairs pertaining to liis Rabbinical office.
Breslau, 1842.
tReply to the report of the Board of Directors of this Congrega-
tion, in matters of the Rabbinical office. Addressed to the mem-
bers. Breslau, June 19, 1S42.
iAddress to niv Congregation, (Breslau, 1S42), also published in
Geiger's Posthumous Works, Vol. I, pages 52-112. (Berlin. 1S75,
Ivouis (ierschel, London, Asher & Co.)
3o6 REFORMED JUDAISM.
the Congregations. Geiger, when coming to Breslan,
acted like a gentleman toward Tiktin, while the latter
behaved like an ill-mannered, nneducated ''Rebbele."
Geiger called on Tiktin in company with Robert
Dyhrenfnrth, president of the Congregation. Tiktin
requested Geiger to call on him again next day, but
alone. Geiger complied with this reqnest, but was
told that Tiktin was not at home. Geiger left his
card there, and before leaving Breslan, he took leave
of Tiktin. As soon as Geiger had entered upon his
duties in Breslau, he asked of Tiktin, through Scheyer
Eliason, when his visit would be most welcome.
Tiktin' s rude answer was that he did not desire
Geiger' s visit. Who then disturbed the peace of the
Congregation, Geiger or Tiktin?* When Geiger was
requested to deliver a sermon at a wedding, at which
Tiktin was to officiate, Tiktin staid away. Although
Geiger never failed to attend Tiktin' s addresses, which
were full of insulting allusions to Geiger and the
officers of the Congregation, Tiktin always absented
himself when Geiger preached, although his sermons
were utterly free from personal polemic. Even on
holidays he did not attend the Synagogue, notwith-
standing the fact that the directors of the Congrega-
tion proposed to him to preach on the first day, pro-
vided he would come to the Synagogue on the second
day, when Geiger preached. Nevertheless did Geiger
not tire in trving to bring about a more harmonious
feeling. At a banquet wdiere both Rabbis were
toasted, Geiger answered the toast, saying among
other things, that while he and Tiktin may differ in
their religious views, both of them are laboring in the
interest of the preservation of our religion. After the
speech he approached Tiktin. But all this was of no
avail with that haughty and conceited Rabbi, whose
*It is, however, a mistake to imagine for a moment, that Tik-
tin's ungentlemanly conduct towards Geiger was influenced by the
difference of religious opinions. No, it was simply meanness and
jealousy. P'or Tiktin had treated his colleague Falk, fifteen years
before, in the same wa)-. Falk, however, was orthodox.
AKRAHA.M (iKIOKR. 307
scholaisliip was b}' no means great. Whenever Rab-
binical functions like Chalizali and Get (ritual divorce)
made the presence of both Rabbis necessary, Tiktin
intentionally slighted Gciger, in order to show him
that he did not recognize him as a Rabbi. These in-
sults occurred so frequently that at last the board of
directors of the Congregation was compelled to inform
Tiktin, that a continuation of these gross insults to his
colleague, would be followed by Tiktin' s suspension
from his office. And, as Tiktin stubbornly refused to
carry out these directions, he was suspended (1842).
It was a principle with Geiger and with all other
Reform-Rabbis to oppose strongly the division of the
functions of the Rabbi and of the preacher. Wherever
such divisions existed, the Rabbi was regarded as the
representative of stability and stagnation, and the
preacher as the representative of progress, develop-
ment and Reform. This state of affairs was bound to
create and to keep alive two opposing parties in the
Congregation; the party of stabilism, represented by
the Rabbi; the party of progress, led by the preacher.
Thus discord and dissension were perpetuated and
nurtured. How right Geiger was, is best proven by
the fact that nowadays such a division of the Rabbini-
cal office is almost unknow^n.
Geiger was peaceably inclined. He even sacrificed
his Zeitschrift "for the sake of f)eace," but having
found out too late, that his peace-offerings were not
appreciated by his bitter enemies, he commenced its
publication again.
The following is another proof of the "piety" of
Tiktin and his henchmen. On April 3, 1842, the
funeral of Heyman Oppenheim, a prominent member
of the Congregation, took place. Geiger was requested
to deliver a funeral sermon. Whether Tiktin was
also asked to do so, is not known. Still he spoke, but
instead of delivering a funeral address, he cowardly
abused his privilege in order to vent his spite against
Geiger and. his friends, whom he insulted in the most
outrageous manner. He incited the mob to such
308 RK FORMED JUDAISM.
an extent, that, when Geiger was abont to begin his
sermon, the tnnmlt became so tremendous, and the
wild noise and excitement so fearful, that Geiger was
almost thrown into the grave. With his usual calm-
ness and tact, he simply said: "I do not wish to dis-
turb the rest of the dead; depart in peace." Who
then disturbed the peace? It was not until after this
scene, that Tiktin was suspended. Geiger preached a
sermon on the Sabbath following this outrage,
admonishing the hearers to preserve peace, and warn-
ing them against the "unholy fire" of fanaticism and
selfishness.
Sunday following this impressive sermon, three
so-called "messengers of peace" made their appearance
in Geiger' s house. Naturally he thought that they
had been sent by Tiktin, in order to apologize in his
behalf for the affront offered to Geiger by Tiktin' s
miserable behavior at the funeral. But how disap-
pointed was Geiger when these messengers revealed
their mission. The}- — or better, Tiktin — had the af-
frontery to ask of Geiger that he should declare his
willingness to give up in future, his co-operation in
the functions of Chalizah and ritual divorces; in other
words, Geiger should resign his prerogatives, privileges,
rights and duties of Rabbi for the sake of pleasing an
ignorant fanatic and malicious enemy, who was his in-
ferior in ev'ery respect. One of the Jesuitical mediators
proposed as a kind of a compromise, that if Geiger
would promise never to be present at such functions,
Tiktin — how gracious! — would grant him the right to
be present, would even condescend to eventually invite
him to attend, knowing, of course, beforehand, that
Geiger would not come. Geiger, an honest, straight-
forward man, who despised crookedness and trickery,
most indignantly declined such an arrogant pretension,
and emphatically declared that a peace based on hostile
sentiments cannot last. He said that Tiktin possessed
not the least authority to grant or refuse him Rab-
binical rights and privileges after the directory of the
Congregation had decided the matter. At the same
AliRAHA.M tiKIOKR. 309
time he was willing to forget Tiktiu's insults and even
to go to him, or to meet him on neutral ground, in
order to offer him his plan of reconciliation. Again
Tiktin declined. Geiger nevertheless proposed to him
the plan, that they should alternately officiate in Rab-
binical functions, which arrangement, however, need
not interfere with the members of the Congregation,
should they perfer Tiktin or Geiger for the performance
of their function. Even this plan, whicli had formerly
met with Tiktin\s approval was now rejected by him.
Such systematic stubbornness on the part of Tiktin,
forced the directory of the Congregation to enlighten
the Congregation as to the true state of affairs. Thus
appeared the "Report of the Obervorstehercollegium
to the ^Members of the Congregation on the question of
Rabbi," (Breslau, 1842, May 25),* in which Tiktin is,
of course, blamed for his unjustifiable action. The
fact was, that Tiktin wanted no rival and no competi-
tion. Geiger's so-called "heresy" served Tiktin simply
as a cloak to conceal his selfishness. This is proven
by the fact that he already rai.sed the cry of "split in
the Congregation" when for the first time the question
of engaging a second Rabbi came up, who, "by his
religious conduct, would be able to gain the approval
of Tiktin."
We have mentioned how Geiger was excommuni-
cated by eight Rabbis of Upper Silesia and Posen.
Geiger sarcastically asked those Rabbis whether it is
not both foolish and wicked to use in our enlightened
age bulls of excommunication instead of instruction
and conviction ? "Are these Rabbis, Tiktin and con-
sorts, so utterly blind as not to know that by using
such means and weapons, their contemporaries will
leave them more than ever before to their isolation?
Do they still imagine that all they have to do, in order
to make harmless the destructive critici.sni of their
system, is to wrap themselves in their Polish gowns?
*Bericht des Ohervorstehercollef^^ium's an die Mitglieder der
hiesigeii Israeliteiigemeinile ueber die gegenwaertigvorliejiede Rab-
binats-.\ngelegenheit. Breslau, 1842.
310 KKKOR.AIlil) JIDAISM.
Of what a\ail were the bulls of excouiniuiiication and
the biirnin.i;- of the writings of IMoses IMendelssohn and
Hartwig Wessely ?
''They failed, although the Rabbis who in those
davs undertook the battle against progress and cul-
ture, were men who did not step directh' from the dry
goods shop and slaughter house into their Rabbinical
chairs,* but had devoted a whole life-time to their
studies." Such pygmies as Tiktin and his abettors
were the last ones who could check the wheel of pro-
gress with their impotent hands, by mere noise and
the cry of heresy. Those peculiar saints of Posen,
Beuthen and Lublinitz accused Geiger of being a
"Karaite" and a " Sadducee," which proved their
recklessness and ignorance in judging men and things.
P'or Geiger was all his life-time the strongest opponent
of the "Sadducees" and "Karaites," just because
"the Sadducees idolized the letter of the Bible," and
the "Karaites" clung to the letter without paying the
least regard to the spirit, f The other reproach that
Geiger had attacked the: "tradition" is another proof
of the ignorance of his opponents regarding Jewish his-
tory, as the principle of "tradition" is simply the prin-
*Geiger alludes apparently to the despicable manner in which
ignorant sons inherited in those degenerate daA's of orthodoxy, the
Rabbinical positions of their fathers — Tiktin was one of this spe-
cies— by means of nepotism, and even by the lavish use of money,
in order to corrupt voters, just as it is done in political primarj- elec-
tions in this country. In Hungary, Poland and Russia, these meth-
ods are still en vogue in many Congregations. This deplorable sys-
tem is well described in the following forcible language: "We do
not find fault with the views of these men (Abraham Bing, Wuerz-
^^"rg; Jacob Lissaer, Lissa; Akiba Eger, Moses Sopher, Pressburg),
as they could not entertain others and were honest, but it is foolish
to find in this, greatness and holiness. Consistency is easy when we
do not see, or do not want to see the other side of the ques-
tion. P3'gmies only take their places, reduced storekeepers or the
sons, according to the principle of heredity. Whenever a system
has become rotten, but is not yet entire!}' subdued, these are its last
supports. (Geigei: Lectures on Jewish history, from 1S30 to the
present da}', meaning 1850, delivered in Breslau in the winter of 1S49-
50; Posthumous Works, Vol. II, page 259.
tSee Geiger: "Wissenschaftliclie Zeitschrift fur Juedische Theo-
logie" Vol. I, page 36; Vol. II, page 114; "Judaism and its History,"
Vol. I, Lecture VII, (Breslau, 1S64, Schletter) translated into Eng-
Al?RAIIA^r GKKiKR. 3II
ciplc of continuous progress and development, as op-
posed to the slavish worship of the letter of the Bible.
We, who live within the Jewish Reform-movement
and labor in its cause, are not only adherents of the
tradition, but the rings in its long, endless chain.
The eight " infallible" Rabbis claimed also that the
contents of the Talmud are "eternally binding." No
man who has the least conception of the science of
Judaism would be guilty of such a ridiculous utter-
ance, as the Talmud never was and never intended to
be considered as a code of laws. * These "scholars"
must have felt the weakness of their faulty argumenta-
tion, for at the end of their brochure they say that
their system needs no defense against a Dr. Geiger,
and can be as little shaken by him as can a rocky wall
be shaken by a little boy fDarstellung, p. 29). History
proves that the ' ' rocky wall ' ' has become very shaky
indeed. On page 31, they threatened "measures which
would be incalculable in their consequences." Very
convincing arguments, indeed ! Justly, Geiger replied:
" It is very convenient to envelope ignorance with the
nimbus of holy inviolability, but such love of conven-
ience must not be looked upon as conscientiousness and
religious zeal."
Geiger was a worker; he preached more, instruct-
ed more, delivered more lectures than was his duty.
What has Tiktin done in the seventeen years of his
ministration in Breslau ? He quarreled with the Con-
gregation because they wanted him to deliver twelve
lectures during the year. He insisted that, in accord
with his contract, six lectures — addresses on different
occasions included — was all they had a right to expect.
Such were the " saviors of Judaism" in those days.
lish by Dr. Maurice Mayer (New York, t866, Thalmessinger &
Cahn)". The "Karaites"' were the followers of Anan, son of David,
of Babylonia. They worshipped the letter of the Hible to such an
exagj^erated extent, that they would freeze for twenty-four hours each
Sabbath, and wouM sit in the dark I-'riday ni^ht, because it was not
permitted to kindle tire on the .Sabbath in Jewish dwellings.
*See my "Talmud." (Denver, 1SS4), pagesj-S.
312 refor:med Judaism.
The directory of the P>reslau Congregation did
not remain idle, bnt sent circnlar letters to the most
prominent Rabbis of Germany and Austria, asking
them for an expression of their views on the compati-
bility of Judaism with free research, and whether a
man who holds a free, scientific, Jewish-theological
conviction, and advocates the same in his Congrega-
tion, school and publications, is fit to officiate as
Rabbi.
Seventeen Rabbis, all recognized as great schol-
ars, answered in the affirmative.
These "opinions," which we consider among the
most important contributions to the literature of "Re-
sponses" on Jewish subjects,* have been published by
the Breslau Congregation in two parts. The first partf
contains the "opinions" of Rabbis, Drs. Friedlaender, of
Brilon; Chorin, of Arad; Holdheim, of Schwerin;
Wechsler, of Oldenburg; Kohn, of Hohenems; Herx-
heimer, of Bernberg; Einhorn, of ,Birkenfeld; Hess, of
Stadt-Lengsfeld; Guttman, of Radowitz; Wassermann,
Muehringen,now "Oberkirchenrath" of Wuertemberg,
Stuttgart. The second part (Breslau, March, 1843),
contains the opinions of Drs. Levi, of Giessen; Aub, of
Baireuth (later Mainz and Berlin); Cahn, of Trier;
Maier, of Stuttgart; L. Adler, of Kissingen, later Cas-
sel; Stein, of Burgkunstadt, later Frankfurt; Elias
Gruenebaum, of Landau. Loewy (Fuerth), Schlesin-
ger (Sulzbach), Gosen (Marburg), had also sent
"opinions" and answers, but requested the Breslau
Congregation not to publish them. Frankel (Dresden),
Rappoport (Prag), had sent evasive or condemning re-
plies. Ullman (Crefeld) declined to express himself,
"in order not to give new fuel to the flame." Phil-
ippsohn was the only one who did not consider it worth
while to even answer the request of the Breslau Con-
*The "opinions" on the Hamburg Temple prayer-book-contro-
versy pale into insignificance when compared with this collection.
tRabbinische Gutachten ueber die Verraeglichkeit der freienFor-
schungmitdem Rabbineramte. (Compatibility of Free Research
with the Olhce of Rabbi.) Leopold Freund: Breslau, September,
1S42.
ABRAHAM (;eu;kr. 313
gregation. The fact is, that Philippsohn has proven,
during his long career, a secret enemy of Geiger, al-
though he did not deem it good policy to come out
openly against him as long as Geiger was living. But
hardly had he closed his eyes when he attacked the
dead lion, saying in his "Zeitung des Judenthums" that
Geiger was no theologian. I have resented this cow-
ardl V insult, promptly and most forcibly, in my ' 'Jued-
ischeGemeinde-Zeitung" (Bonn, 1879), duringmy min-
istration in Bonn, where Philippsohn lived. In his
jeview of my book, ^'Abraham Geiger as Reformer of
Judaism" (1879), Philippsohn made the above remark,
and this, too, in the face of the fact that authorities
like Prof. Dernbourg, Berthold Auerbach, David Ein-
horn and numerous other scholars had justly ranked
Geiger as the most prominent theologian of the nine-
teenth century. Philippsohn could never forgive Gei-
ger his mental supremacy and recognition by all the
leaders of thought. Like all small men, he was vin-
dictive and conceited in the extreme. His maxim was:
"I and none besides me." His motto was "rule or
ruin." From the very moment when Geiger was
elected Rabbi in Breslau, for which position Philipp-
sohn was a candidate, the latter proved hostile to the
former. This animosity had increased with every new
success which Geiger attained, and it capped the cli-
max in the statement that Geiger was no theologian.
The Talmudic passage: " :^Ien blame in others the
faults which they themselves possess," applies well to
this case. For in theological Jewish circles it is well
known, that while Philippsohn was a classical philolo-
gist, a most versatile journalist and quite eloquent as a
preacher, Jewish theology and Rabbinical lore were
not his forte. Hence, he was surely the least compe-
tent man to criticise Geiger in such a sweeping way.
Geiger occasionally expressed himself quite strong-
ly concerning Philippsohn' s shallowness and lack of
principle and character; but he gave him credit for
what he had accomplished. In his lectures on Jewi.sh
historv, delivered in Breslau in the winter of 1849-50,
314 REFORM Kl) JUDAISM.
Geiger, after having given an analysis of the scope of
his Zeitschrift,* said among other things: "Thus
several newspapers were established, the Universal-
Kirchenzeitnng of Hoennighaus (1837), and in the mid-
dle of May of the same year, the Allgemeine Zeitung
des Judenthums, by Philippsohn, in Magdeberg. But
it wanted to be a paper, more in order to satisfy than to
stir up. Hence, it avoided decision and outspokenness
in those points where it feared to lose a part of its
readers. Aside from this, the personal notice of the
editor was pushed forward too much, while the paper,
with ill-concealed animosity, opposed notice of other
persons of whom its editor was afraid, lest they might
overshadow him. But the merits of versatility and
industriousness cannot be taken away from the editor,
who also took hold of other questions, delivered in
1848 lectures for workingmen, became secretary of the
board of trade and published a commercial paper, by
whtch, however, no Jewish Reformer is lost.^f
The "Rabbinical opinions" on the question of
the compatibility of free research with the office of
Rabbi, are of the same importance for modern Judaism
as were the "theological opinions" on Bruno Bauer's
heresy for modern Protestantism.
Dr. Friedlaender (Brilon), then eighty-five years
old, declared that neither the Mishna nor the Talmud
contained divine revelations, and the laws found there
are simply subjective views of individuals, without
the least binding authority. , The oldest Rabbis have
introduced reforms and have even abolished laws of
Moses. Hence is Geiger fully entitled to be a Rabbi,
even though he attacked the Talmud. Chorin (Arad),
seventy-seven years old, expressed himself even more
forcibly. Truth, not ceremonialism, is the irrepress-
ible demand of the age; hence, free research and un-
trammeled investigation are necessary. Reforms were
introduced already in Biblical times. The circumcision
*We call attention to the fact, that Philippsohn's "Zeituns; des
Judenthums" was published two years later than the Zeitschrift.
tGeiger: "Posthumous Writings," Vol. II. page 271.
AHRAllAM (iKIGKK. 315
was set aside under Moses* and the Day ot Atonement
under King Solomon. + The prophet Elijah, although
no priest, offered sacrifices on hills, which was an in-
fraction upon the law of Moses. Hillel has abolished
the year of release (Shmittah), an important Mosaic
law. Rabbi Gershom ben Judah prohibited, in the
eleventh century, in the Rabbinical Synod at Worms,
the Levirate marriage.
One of the first and most thorough opinit)ns was
given by Holdheim. As Rabbi Eger, of Posen, was
the representative of the most rabid opposition to
Reform, Holdheim took his opinion as a starting point
for his argument. . Eger declared everyone who does
not subscribe to the Talmudical interpretation of the
Bible a heretic and unfit to be a witness, in fact an out-
cast from the community of Israel. In a masterly and
irrefutable manner, by means of the Talmud, Hold-
heim proved the fallacy of Eger' s views. He showed
conclusivelv how Eger had confounded Talmud and
tradition. He further demonstrated how Geiger, in
his struggle against the Jew-hater, Prof. Hartman, at
a time when his orthodox traducers had indulged in
their dolce far nieiite, not e\en knowing of the danger-
ous assaults against Judaism, had already scientifically
explained the difference between Talmud and Tradi-
tion. The principle of Tradition is not stagnation. It
has not a tendency to make us slaves to the dead letter
of the Bible, but rather disposes us to enter into its
spirit and is in itself the result of a progressive de-
velopment within Judai.sm. The Talmudists them-
selves never claimed infallibility for their views. There-
fore they tried to find in the Bible a stipport {Assmachta)
for their opinions. Now the same genius which moved
them moves the Rabbis of our days. And if they could
find support in the Bible for their innovations, the
*He doubtless means that the "generation of the wilderness"
were not circumcised; and yet Moses made a covenant at the end of
his life, with those uncircumcised Israelites. (Deut. XXIX. S).
+He apparentlv alludes to I Kings, VIII. 2-6. The Talmud re-
marks that in that vear the Dav of Atonement was not celebrated.
3l6 RKKOR.Mia) Jl'DAISM.
Rabbis of our days will also, if necessary, find such
support. Geiger, is, therefore, not a Karaite, who
denies Tradition, but he heartily favors and scientific-
ally advocates its growth and spiritual development.
Holdheim arraigned the nine Rabbis from Upper-
Silesia, who, in contradiction to their motto: "Love
truth; love peace," instead of trying to refute and con-
x'ince Geiger, insulted and denounced him. He
censures those bigots who, in their contemptible spirit
of hatred and revenge, were not ashamed to demand of
the directory of the Breslau Congregation the removal
from office of a man whose scientific writings they
were too ignorant to understand and too stupid to ap-
preciate. In answer to Tiktin's "Darstellung,"
(representation), in which he had accused the direc-
tors of the Congregation of having elected, as second
Rabbi, a man who "denies the Traditional Judaism and
whose vocation seems to be to eradicate and to destroy
it forever," Holdheim gives a true estimate of
Geiger. To Geiger, who had abandoned the method
of narrow-minded casuistry, in order to promote a
higher and more scientific study of the Talmud, be-
longs among the Rabbis of the new era the merit of be-
ing the first critical investigator.
He it was, who had recognized in Rabbinical
Judaism a historical growth, and he, endowed with a
thorough knowledge of the material and with critical
acumen, had the ability to bring order and system into
the chaotic mass of details, and to find out the moving
spirit of every epoch. The directory of Breslau deserves,
therefore, credit for having called such a man to take
charge of the spiritual welfare of the Congregation, the
more so, as Tiktin, like the rest of the orthodox Rab-
bis, had done nothing to revive and to lift up its declin-
ing religious spirit. A man like Geiger among the old
and the young will awaken enthusiasm, and inspire
ardent love for our time-honored heritage. A man of
science, who, like Geiger, is imbued with religious
earnestness and fervor, is the right man for the place
in a large and intelligent Congregation. Geiger is just
ABRAHAM GKIGKK. 3^7
the mail, who "in a time when religious indifference
and materialism go hand in hand, combines in a rare
degree great power of mind with warmth of heart, pro-
found scholarship with a popular style, (ieiger is the
right man to fan the spark of religion to a burning
flame and to repair the damage which had been done in
consequence of long neglect and of an utter want ot
every spiritual care."
Dr. Wechsler said that to deny to our age the
right of introducing reforms, is to drive away the intel-
ligent Jews from Judaism. Theology is a science and
demands free research. Kohii (Hoheneins) thinks that
the lamentations of orthodoxy about religious decline
are false and greatly exaggerated. The many new
Temples which are being erected yearly, and the great
interest which is generally taken in the introduction of
reforms and improvement in the service, give the lie to
these hollow pretenses. Indifferentism is the result of
rigid Rabbinism. The Talmud is not law, but merely
a source of theolog)-. Herxheimer makes the distinc-
tion between Geiger, the author, who has the right of
applying full criticism on religious questions, and
Geiger, the Rabbi.* Einhorn (Birkenfeld, late Balti-
more, Philadelphia and New York), said: " The Tal-
mud is neither infallible, nor was it at any time ac-
cepted as Jewish law; hence, not even a practical dis-
regard of a traditional ceremony by a Rabbj could
make him unfit for the office, as long as it is the out-
come of his scientific research." Hess (Weimar) de-
fended the most radical reform by the necessity of the
progressive development of tradition. Not only the
religious authorities, but even the masses have a voice
in the introduction of reforms. Stabilism decays in
consequence of its inconsistencies. Guttmau (Redwitz,
Wuertemberg), finds the term "tradition" too far ex-
tended, inasmuch as the Talmud had increased the 613
laws of Moses to no less than 13,602. Geiger's activ-
*This is Geijier's own point of view. Zeitschrift, (Vol I pages
492-504; Posthumous Writings, Vol. II, page 267).
3l8 RKKORMKl) JUDAISM.
ity deserved the highest recognition, considering the
fact that his tradncers, who style themselves "the pil-
lars of Jndaism," are a set of lazy drones. Wasserman
calls attention to the fact that from the point of view
of Rabbinism, nobody can be now-a-days an orthodox
Jew. Ill the olden times, liberal Rabbis have criticised
the most essential doctrines of Judaism, but no attempt
was made to read them out of the fold. Hirsch
Fassel* (Prossnitz, Mrehren) proves from the point of
view of strict orthodoxy, that free research is not only
permitted, but is demanded by the Jewish theology.
Nobody has a right to expel a Jew from a Congrega-
tion. Levy (Giesseii) considers free research and
timely innovations in the domain of Judaism necessary.
Aub looks upon the largest portion of the Talmud as
upon human work, which has never been made a law.
Calm claims that though the office of Rabbi necessi-
tates the execution of prescribed forms, it is needless
for him to believe in the necessity of those observances.
Full of righteous indignation, he arraigns Tiktin and
consorts as follows: " You act as if you were the sav-
iors of Judaism. Conscienciously and boldly we say:
You have done nothing for the preservation of our re-
ligion. Yes, you are the cause of the frivolous spirit
which here and there is found among the Jews in mat-
ters of religion. The following passage in Tiktin' s
'Presentation' is without doubt true: 'But what
more could I do at the sight of the fatal destruction not
only of traditional but of Mosaic Judaism, in order to
check the raging torrent of religious and moral annihi-
lation— what else could I do than protest ? ' Does he
not condemn himself by his own words ? Lo ! such
dangers threatened Judaism, and he could do nothing,
and has done nothing, except protesting within the
four walls of his room! If it was indeed so bad as all
this, and he was really in earnest to check the "raging-
torrent," w^hy, then, does he trade and barter with the
directory of the Congregation about the number of ser-
*His "opinion," on account of some technicalities was not pub-
lished in the "Rabbinische Gutachten."
ARRAIIA?^! GEIGER. 319
moiis he is bound to preach during a year ? Why does
he object to preaching twelve times during the year?
Suppose the by-Laws of the Congregation call only for
six sermons during the year ? Can six sermons during
the whole year suffice to check such evils as they exist
in Breslau, according to Tiktin's own statements? In
this case he ought to have delivered sermons continu-
allv, every Sabbath, every new moon, every fast- and
holiday,' whenever an opportunity arose, in order to
admouish and encourage the people, regardless of cir-
cumstances, to preserve morality and religion. He
ought not to have rested, and the pulpit ought never
to have been vacant on those days. He ought not to
have been satisfied with "examining a few poor child-
ren in his room," but ought to have instructed the
young in the truths of our religion, in order to guard
it from the destructive spirit of the age. This he
ought to have done by all means, instead of laying the
hands in his lap, merely looking on, regretting, crying,
lamenting and protesting. Is he not ashamed before
his own followers to pose as the preserver and pro^
lector of our religion? What has Tiktin and consorts
done ? Nothing ! What for the elevation and moral-
ity of the Congregations? Nothing! What for the
schools ? Nothing ! What for the divine service ?
Nothing I What for eradicating prejudice against the
adherents of other religions ? Nothing, nothing at
all I These are no idle charges, but all Congregations,
officers and governments must agree with us in this.
We modern Rabbis do not claim, like Tiktin and his
consorts, to be the only saviors of Judaism. Far be
this from us I We are free from such conceit. But
we can claim, that we strive after the good, and that
we work with might and main, and do our best in
order to further and establish it on a firm basis. We
can truly say that we zealously labor in the cause ot
education and divine worship; that we do not neglect
our duties; and that we do more than merely take our
salary. This, too, will be attested by all Congrega-
tions where modern Rabbis officiate, and by all officers
320 RKKORMKD JUDAISM.
and governmeuts. Ihit they could accomplish much
more, and their activity would be a still greater bless-
ing were it not for the deplorable fact that, alas, in
almost every Congregationt here can be found just such
men as Tiktin and consorts, who impede our every
step forward, disturb us in our good work, and when
we make the least attempt for a beneficial change,
they suspect us as infidels and belittle us in the eyes of
the masses. Acting on the maxim, ' To sit idh' by and
do nothing is the best,' they pose as the saints of the
land, as the thirty-six pillars of the earth, with whose
demise the world will go to ruin."
In order to justify himself for not delivering Ger-
man instead of "jargon" sermons, Tiktin said on page
7, that "such sermons are prohibited by the Prussian
government;" and then he jesuitically adds: "It is
not my business to investigate the fact that German
addresses are deliveied in the Synagogue nevertheless,
in some Jewish Congregations of the Fatherland by
preachers who are expressly engaged for this purpose,
m^en where the Rabbi stands at the head of the cnl-
tus." To this Dr. Calm pointedly remarks: " Had
Tiktin excused his failure to deliver sermons in good
German, on the plea that lie was not capable of doing
so, because he belonged to the old school of Polish
Rabbis, he would have been honest,, even if he had
argued that in his opinion sermons delivered in the
'jargon' were more effective than classical German dis-
courses; and nobody would have found fanlt with him.
But his attempt to represent all modern preachers,
Rabbis and theologians as criminals who break the laws
of the land on every Sabbath and holiday, or whenever
they deliver a German sermon,* is most cowardly,
fanatical, contemptible and worthy of a disciple of
*The prohibition of German sermons in the Synagogues in Prus-
sia after the forcible close of the Jacobsohn-Temple in Berlin, (1S23),
was caused by the Jewish orthodox}-. The government cheerfully
complied with this request, in the hope of disgusting the educated
Jews with the Synagogue worship and of driving them into the fold
of Christianity. Alas, this hope has not proved to he an idle one.
See "David Friedlaender," pages 33-36, this book.
AHRAHAM GKIGKR. 321
Loyola. The purpose of this hypocritical remark was
the wholesale suspension from their offices, by the gov-
ernment, of all modern Rabbis and preachers, a con-
summation which would have made again ignorant
Polish Rabbis such as Tiktin, Eger and consorts, mas-
ters of the situation in Prussia."
It is interesting that Cahn speaks in his "opinion"
of Chalizah and Get as of "meaningless, senseless and
most burdensome precepts for our time."]: He also
mentions that the modern Rabbis are more scrupulous
in the performance of ceremonies in strict keeping
with the old laws, than are many orthodox Rabbis;
although the moderns may hold advanced opinions on
the validity of those ceremonies.] He calls attention
to the humbug which is practiced, for a consideration,
of course, with the so-called "Kosher-letters," for
wine, etc., by a number of orthodox Rabbis. To-day,
half a century after Dr. Cahn's publication, this
swindle with "Kosher-letters" is carried on in our en-
lightened age, in the city of New York, by a so-called
self-styled Chief Rabbi, who is recognized as such by
not one intelligent Jew of America. Could Dr. Cahn
have foreseen how the henchmen of this "Chief Rab-
bi"— Ulcus a non lucendo, a man who is utterly
ignorant of any living language, and has, so far, not
even given proof of his supposed scholarship in Hebrew
and Talmud — like a horde of voracious wolves, pounce
upon the poor dupes and innocent victims of supersti-
tion, in order to divide the spoils acquired by means
of a shrewd design, the "plomb," he would have ex-
pressed himself still stronger on the subject than he
has done.
*"Rabbinische Gutachten," Vol. II, page 27.
tin this connection I mention that while Rabbi in Bonn, a
"Shochet" wanted the Kabbalah (permission to kill animals
accordinji to Jewish rites). As he was ii,'norant of Ililkhoth vShechi-
tah, 1 refused to give him the permission. vSurprised, lie asked me
for my reasons, as I was known to belong to the Reform-Rabbis, who
do not consider vShechitah "niin hatorah," which fact had, of course,
nothing to do with the case. The strangest thing, however, was,
that the orthodox Rabbi Auerbach gave him the Kabbalali for three
chickens anrl a few thalers. This hapj)ened in 1S79.
322 REFORMED JUDAISM.
Dr. Maier, of Stuttgart, styles Tiktiii's defense of
the neglect of his official duties toward his Congrega-
tion, ''unworthy," which cannot but fill with indigna-
tion even his friends and followers. "Was perchance,
]\Ioses hunting up cabinet orders and old rescripts of
the government, prohibiting him from instructing his
people when thf y came to him, mornings and evenings,
in order to hear his teachings and decisions? Did he
look for rusty statutes, on the strength of which he
could get out of the fulfilment of the duties toward the
people? Did he anxiously deduct the lessons and in-
structions which he had given to them? Tiktin is no pastor
in accord with the word of God; for such a shepherd
feeds his flock with knowledge and intelligence (Jerem.
Ill, 15), and does not refuse the nouiishment for which
it craves." Maier ably refutes the argument of Tiktin
and followers, with the good Jewish maxim that
Judaism has never in its history punished opinions,
ideas, views and doctrines, but actions, deeds, practices
and performances. Not one of these fanatic Rabbis,
even charges Geiger with an action which might be
regarded incompatible with the position of Rabbi. All
they claim is, that his principles are heterodox. While
it must fill a man with pain to see that men utterly de-
void of scientific culture, who do not even occupy a
standing as Talmudical scholars, have the brazen im-
pudence to give a verdict against purely scientific re-
searches, to deprive the author, on the strength of their
onesided judgment, not only of his honor but of his salva-
tion; it is very pleasing indeed to know that one lives
outside of the range of such zealots. If these people
had the power, as they have the will, they would de-
clare as dishonorable the best and most intelligent
portion of Israel, and would deliver them to the funeral
pile.
Mendelssohn has demonstrated* that Judaism
grants to the scientific inquirer the widest scope, the
*' 'Jerusalem," pages 14 and 52.
AIJKAHAM (JKIC.IvK. 323
fullest freedom of research. Josephus* informs us that
the Sadducees, though differing widely in their relig-
ious views, from the Pharisees, were never deemed un-
fit to hold offices, as long as they performed their
functions in accord with Pharisaic custom. On the
eve of the Day of Atonement the high-priest had to
take an oath that he would perform the ceremony of
the Abodah in accord with Pharisaic, and not in ac-
cord with Sadducaic usage. (Mishna, Joma I, 4). How
much less then could Geiger be removed from his
office when his actions did not justify such fanatic
measures? True, the people stoned once a priest on
Succoth, because he poured out the water upon the
earth, instead of pouring it upon the altar. f Had he
poured it upon the altar, no harm would have befallen
him, which shows that actions and not opinions were
l)unished. Rabbi Joseph Colon, + the great fanatic, de-
ix)sed Rabbi IMoses Capsoli of Constantinople from his
office, not on account of his disbelief in Talmudical
principles, but on account of his illegal performances
in matters pertaining to Jewish marriage laws.§ But
this was done at a time when Rabbinical power and
tvranny had reached its zenith. Hence, the removal
of Geiger would be a matter unheard of in Jewish his-
tory. Aside from all this, Geiger is neither a Sadducee
nor a Karaite, neither a Copher (atheist) nor an
Apikores-ll This is another reason why the accusa-
tions of Tiktin and consorts Tall to the ground.
*Josephus, "Antiquities," Vol. III. paj^e 12.— The Saducees de-
nied tlie V)elief in future reward and punishment. See on this im-
portant sul)ject: Geij^er: "Judaism and its History," translated into
Knglish by Maurice Mayer. Pages isS-iyn.
+Talinud Succah, page 46.
ijoseph Colon (V)orn in France) was Rabbi in Mantua, Italy, in
the fifteenth centurv. He had a bitter controversy with :Me.-ser Leon
(Judah ben Jechiel^, a physician and philosopher in :Mantua in 1S40,
who published a Bible-rhetoric (Nofeth Zufim). Both were expelled
from Mantua by the Duke, on account of their quarrels. Colon pub-
lished a commentary on the Pentateuch.
^SSec "Responses of Joseph Colon," No. 83, 84; and "Responses
of Rabbi vSalomon ben .Vdereth," No. 180.
IIApikores, from the (ireek, "I^jjicur." means in Rabbinical lan-
tiuage. "skeptic."
324 RKl'ORMKD JUDAISM.
Rabbi Eger, whose only merit it was to be the
son of Akiba Eger, who inherited the Rabbinical chair
of Posen, proved both his contemptible character and
his ridicnlons ignorance by applying the following pas-
sage of Maimonides to the case of Geiger: ' 'He who does
not believe in the oral tradition * * belongs to
the class of infidels and free thinkers (Apikorssim)
whose life is in eveiybody's hand, /. ^., it is permitted
to mnrder him.* Now this coward actnally incited
fanatics to kill Geiger. Is it then any wonder that
during the notorious funeral sermon of that other
worthy, for whose person Eger entertained such affec-
tion (" birds of a feather flock together "), the mob was
about to throw Geiger into the grave ? No, it was
simply the natural consequence of Eger's second argu-
ment, which reads thus: "As soon as it is known
that a man denies the tradition, it is permitted to
throw him into the pit. He who would kill such a man,
fulfills a holy duty by putting offense out of the way."
But it would be an insuit to the memory of the
great philosopher Maimonides to imagine for a moment
that he meant what men like Tiktin, Eger and others
of this ilk inferred from his words. This clique, which,
thank God, has lost its influence upon the better class
of Jews, would treat Maimonides not a whit better
than they treated Geiger. For the writer of the
" Moreh Nebuchini"f was, for his time, to say the
*Maim., Hilchot Mamrim, Chap. Ill, Sec. 1-2.
t"Guide of the Perplexed," published 1191, deals with the per-
plexities of religious belief, tries to haruionize belief with reasou.
In this work, Maimonides opposes the tendency to materialize God
and to localize his favors. He holds sacrifice to be a lower state of
religious worship, and that the sacrificial system of the Jews had
only the object in view, to wean a people living in the midst of
idolatrous nations, from worse, and to lead them to better things.
But in his opinion the value of sacrifice, like the value of prayer,
lay in the fact that it was merely a means to an end, and not the
end itself. Sacrifice, he held, was at one time designed to teach
self-denial and practical repentance. Prophecy he explained as
a natural development of man's intellect, a kind of genius, or inspir-
ation. He expressed similar rational views on the belief in angels
and demons. Now, it was just such fanatics as Tiktin, Kger, Caro,
Deutsch, who bitterly persecuted the philosopher Maimonides.
Just as these Polish Rabbis called the aid of a Christian govern-
ARKAHAM GKIGEK. 325
least, just as enlijijlitened and liberal in his religious
vie.ws as was Geiger for his time.
The alleged passage of Maiinonides applies only to
those men who deny the oral law, in order to indulge
nndisturl)edly in their levity and the lust of their
heart. * But Maimonides did not speak of men who devote
their life-time to the study and research of the Thora,
who practice its precepts, although their scientific con-
viction compels them to doubt the justification of cer-
tain ceremonies. Were Kger and the other Polish
zealots right, then Maimonides would be the first to
deserve all the penalties which these worthies wanted
to inflict upon Geiger.
Blind belief has never been encouraged by Juda-
ism. Even with regard to the doctrine concerning
God, which is surely very important, we are command-
ed: Know, therefore, and reflect in thy heart, that the
eternal is God (Dent. IV, 39). Mark well, " Know,"
not blind belief. The Hebrew language has not even
a term for '' belief.'' And we should blindly believe
in the infallibility of human traditions ? "I, for my
person," continues Maier, "consider the belief in the
authority of a man just as much idolatry as any heath-
enish idolatry. For where is the difference, whether I.
l)end my knee before a lifeless idol of wood or stone,
or before the dead letter of a Rabbi Akiba, or Rabbi
Tarfon?" The most prominent teachers of Judaism
ment to remove Geiger from office, so the bigots in Maimonides'
time denounced him to the Catholic Dominicans, who burned his
writings. But Maimonides and Geiger are immortal, because "the
works of the pious and righteous men bear fruits," while "the
actions of the evil-doers bear no fruit. "The name of the wicked
rots." Were it not for Maimonides, the names of his contempo-
raneous persecutors would have been forgotten long ago. Were it
not for Geiger, not a human being would know to-day the exis-
tence of such ol)Scure individuals like Tiktin, Eger and other non-
entities. As to Maimonides and Geiger. every impartial and hon-
est historian is bound to appl> the Hiblical passage: "And the
wise shall shine like the brilliancy of the expanse of the sky, and
they that bring many to righteousness shall be like the stars for-
ever and ever." — Dan. XII, 3.
§See Sec. 3 of the chapter quoted l)y Eger. This "honest"
"servant of the Lord" has no doubt "forgotten" to quote also the
third section. See also Ikkarim, I, 2.
326 KKKORMKI) JCDAISM.
ieco<;nize the authority of reason in matters of reli-
gion.*
And does not the Tahnud itself contain the strong-
est criticisms? If the Talmudists always ask: ^'■Mina-
/an^''^ " Why is this," "whence follows its justifica-
tion ?" then we surely have the right to the same criti-
cal inquiry. There was never a time in Jewish history
when the authority of the Talmud was officially recog-
nized by the community of Israel. The same Maimo-
nidesf whom Geiger's enemies cite against Geiger,
plainly says, that only the precepts of the Bible, and
not those of the Talmud, can claim divine origin. In
conclusion Maier said: ''The best refutation of the
slanders against Geiger was offered by the Breslau Con-
gregation, which threw them into the waste basket.
The efforts of the obscurants, from Upper Silesia and
Posen, to prevent the religious and scientific regenera-
tion of Judaism, can do no harm. When in the last
century among the Jews an attempt was made to stop
the only well-spring of science, it proved a dismal fail-
ure. And yet, the combined influence of the most
prominent Rabbis of Germany and Poland, among
whom were giants of Talmudical lore, was brought to
bear in order to check the movement of the Mendels-
sohn school. How much less can pygmies of the
Eger type expect to succeed in a similar undertaking
at a time when science has become a powerful stream
in Israel ? It will carry them away and bury them in
the depths of its floods."
Dr. L. Adler, Kissingen (he was thirty-five years
Land-Rabbi of Hessen-Cassel), pleads for free research
*Bachja ibn Bakiula: Introduction into "Chobotli halevovoth,"
Sadia Gaon in his "Emunotli Vedeoth" (Faith and Knowledge)
Eliah Del Medigo in his "Bechinath Hadatli" (Examination of tlie
Jewish law), and others.
+ Sefer Haniizvoth, second radix, with notes of Nachnianides
and Hurwitz. See commentary page 7b. The same opinion is ex-
pressed even more forcibly by R. Jehuda Halevi, Kusari III; 39.
The Talmud itself is the best proof against stagnation and stabilism.
Hillel denied the belief in the coming of the Messiah. Fortunately
for him Tiktin and Eger were not living then, else they would have
insisted upon his removal from the Rabbinical office.
ABRAHAM (iKIGKR. 327
and proves that even the Tahniulists had introduced
reforms.
Dr. Leopold Stein strongly arraigns Tiktin for his
attack on the German sermon and for his neglect to
preach every Sabbath and holiday. He solemnly pro-
tests against Tiktin' s attempt to represent the Reform
Jews as a new "sect." Only dogmatic differences make
the formation of "sects" necessary. There existed only
one sect in Jewish history, namely, the "Karaites."
Jews who do not observe many ceremonies, have not,
on this account, ceased to be Jews, and are no separate
"sect." The learned Rabbi, Dr. Geiger, far from de-
nving the "tradition," has proven in his Zeitschrift,
that we owe to the Talmudists, in opposition to the
"Sadducees" and "Karaites" the principle of a pro-
gressive development of Judaism.* Only such people
as practice sinful idolarty with every letter of the Tal-
mud, can place the critic of the tradition in the same
category with him, who denies it.f Stein says, that
the time for merely protesting, as Tiktin and followers
do, has gone by long ago. Since fifty years, when the
old Rabbis protested against the reading of Mendels-
sohn's translation of the Pentateuch, protest is the
only weapon of orthodox Rabbis, but this weapon has
become rather rusty in our days. For time is mightier
than their protests. A man once saw a carriage with-
out a coachman, slowly passing by him, instead of
taking the seat of the missing coachman and becoming
master of the horses, he cried "halt! halt!" So
often did he repeat this cry, that the horses began to
be aware of their power and freedom, and in a wild
dash they ran away with the carriage, caring little for
the calls "halt! halt!" which that foolish man kept
on repeating long after the horses were out of hearing
of his voice. Even .so have the old Rabbis acted in the
last fifty years. It was in their hands to make them-
selves masters of the situation, by becoming leaders of
♦Zeitschrift fnr Juedische Theologie I, 36 ff.
+We consider the very expression "denial of the tradition" a
proof of ntter ij^noranre as to the meaning of "Irailition."
328 RKKORMKl) JUDAISM.
the Reforiii-inoveinent. With a little discretion and
tact they conld have directed its conrse more snccess-
fnlly. But they have missed the excellent opportunity.
They did not move along with the tide, but remained
standing on the same spot calliiig "halt! halt!" to
the wheel of progress, protesting, lamenting and cry-
ing. They have made a most egregious mistake.
The horses left to themselves without a master ran
away. Now it is too late. Their cries "halt ! halt !"
have no effect at all; are not even heard.
Under such deplorable circumstances the younger
generation of Rabbis, had to do something in order to
save the carriage from utter destruction. Seeing the
poison of apostasy and indifferentism spreading and
well nigh eating up the marrow of Judaism, beholding
the empty benches in the Synagogues, the neglected
schools, the flocks going astray without the care of
wise shepherds, they went to work, to repair the great
damage, to stem the dangerous tide of apostasy, and to
save what could be saved. And, thank God, their ef-
forts are crowned with success. Thousands of our co-
religionists, who felt themselves strangers in the House
of God, find themselves again at home, wherever
beneficial Reforms in the worship have been introduced.
In all our Reforms we have the welfare and perserva-
tion of our religion at heart. We believe with Maimon-
ides, that there are times when a member of the body
has to be sacrificed in order to save the whole body
from utter decay. The demand for Reform is so general
among the masses, that not even the unanimous dictum
of all the present Rabbis would be powerful enough to
check it. The attempt of Rabbi Eger and his associates
to exclude the Reformers from the pale of Judaism, is
therefore, to say the least, foolish, in the extreme.
Thank God, these men are powerless. Such men as
Dr. Geiger are of the greatest benefit to the cause of
Judaism, which is badly in need of just such men in
our days. The more burdensome we make Judaism
for the people, the less they will care for it.
ABRAHAM (IKKiKR. 329
Dr. CTriieiiebauiii, LaiuUui, proN'cs that the very
stupendous growth ot the ceremonial laws from 613 in
the Pentateuch to several thousands in the Talmud* is
a most radical Reform. For is it not in contradiction
to the words of the Pentateuch: Ye shall not add and
ye shall not take away? (Dent. IV, 2).
Tly the citation of about a dozen instances t he con-
clusively proves that the Talniudists have abrogated,
not only Rabbinnical, but Mosaic laws, consequently
Tiktin and consorts, who claim that "no human
authority is permitted to set aside or even to modify
Talmudical precepts and prohibitions" are sadly mis-
taken indeed. Just the contrary from what they so
apodictically assert is true. P'ar from doing a wrong it
is the duty of Rabbis to follow the good example set
by the great teachers of old and to introduce beneficial
changes and Reforms in accord with the urgent de-
mands of the times and the necessities of localities.
In a most thorough manner he demonstrates his-
torically the utter ignorance of Tiktin and consorts as
manifested by their unscientific statement that the Tal-
miulical explanations of the Piiblical laws are of divine
origin." P'reedom of research was valued so highly
even after the establishment of the Sanhedrin in
Jerusalem, that it was forbidden to write the interpre-
tations of the law, in order to give a chance to other
hermeneutics, in cases where the exigencies of the age
rendered them imperative. It was only owing to out-
side oppression that the Alishna and later the two
Talmuds were permitted to be collected and written.
P^'anaticism from without palsied every free activity
and productive power of the Jews. "The misery and
barbarism of the times, which made beggars even of
the Greeks and Romans," said the scholar and genius
Zunz, "exercised the same influence upon the Jews.";);
*See Maimonides Sefer Hamizvoth, rad. I on this subject.
tMishna Rerachotli, Chap. I, Maasser Sheni II, 2, Tahii. Beza,
fol 5, Tosafoth Jebanioth .S61), vSota 4Sa.
iDer Zeiten Noth uiul Barbarei, die selbst Griechen und Roe-
iner /u IJeltlern machten, uebte auf die unj^luecklichen Juden glei-
cheii liinnuss.
330 REFORMED JUDAISM.
This simple historical statement must take away
from the Talmudical laws the nimbus of divine origin.
But as the Rabbi of Posen belongs to the class of peo-
ple who cannot comprehend the plainest historical
argument, it is a good thing that the Talmudists them-
selves corroborate the truth of this argument. If then
Tiktin and consorts condemn Geiger, they must also
condemn Maimonides, Albo and a host of the greatest
leaders of Jewish thought in all ages and climes.
Hence Dr. Geiger is more in accord with the "tradi-
tion" than his traducers of Lissa, Posen and Liiblinitz.
They are guilty of the sins which, in a spirit of
ignorance and arrogance they imputed to Geiger.
We have dwelt at some length on these "opin-
ions" because they are of the greatest importance for a
thorough understanding of the Jewish Reform-move-
ment, and because it is the first time that the English
reading public will have the opportunity of getting a
clear insight into the struggles which the leaders of
modern Rabbinism in Europe had to undergo. For
Geiger stands for the principle of Reform-Rabbinism.
He was the sun, the other Rabbis were satisfied to be
considered the stars, and gladly received their light
from him. In the conclusion of his opinion Dr. Aub
appropriately used the following phrase:
"Rabbi Dr. Geiger, in w^honi we venerate the first
representative of the scientific Theology of Judaism, "f
As is often the case in history. an event took place
just at that critical time, which gave room for the
general belief that peace would be established once
more in the Breslau Congregation.
On March 20th, 1843, Tiktin died, and Geiger did
honor to his memory in spite of all that had happened.
The Prussian Ministers Eichhorn and Arnim re-
*Rabbin. Gutachten II, page ii, "Dr. Geiger in dem wir den
ersten Repraesentanten der wissenschaftlichen Theologie des Jii-
denthunis verehren." The fact that Philippsohn, envious of Gei-
ger's greatness, was not ashamed to write that "Geiger was no the-
ologian," changes nothing in the matter.
tSee Israelii of the 19th century, I843, page 64.
A15RAHA.M (iKICKR. 331
jccted the petition of his opponents and refused to re-
move Geiger from office.
But peace was not restored, owing to the agita-
tions of the orthodox party. They wanted a second
Rabbi. On Geiger' s recommendation Dr. Fassel was
invited, preached on trial and was elected (February
25th, 1845), but did not enter upon his position.
Now the opponents of Reform worked with might
and main, to dismember the Congregation by inducing
the members to refuse their payment of their dues.
As the radical element of the Congregation was
also in favor of a split as the only means of a lasting
peace, G. Tiktin, the son of S. Tiktin, was elected as
Rabbi of the orthodox party.
Geiger' s salary was materially increased in con-
sequence of this arrangement. But the conservative
element was so well represented in the administration
of the Congregation, that it retarded the work of Reform.
This fact became partly the cause of Geiger' s acceptance
of a call to Frankfurt, his native city. Geiger him-
self was also in favor of a split in the Congregation.
He was convinced, that it had to come sooner or later
in every large Jewish community. As early as 1842
he expressed these views in a letter to Jacob
Auerbach, dated April i8th. "The healthy portion
even if numerically small will, develop in time
in its solidity and harmony with the age, while the
sickly and unsound portion will be swept away by the
waves of the new era. In London the split is a fact,
in Hamburg it cannot be kept back, and in Frankfurt
it will come to pass in a short time."*
In 1843 Geiger received a call to Petersburg
through Dr. Max Lilienthal of Riga, later of Cincin-
nati. But Geiger refused to leave Germany. In his
letter to Lilienthal he said: I love Germany, although
its institutions exclude me, the Jew. Does love ask
for a reason? I feci mvself interv^jven with its science
(/ciger: Posthumous works Vol. V, page i6i.
332 RKKORMKD JUDAISM.
its spiritual earnestness, and who will cut in twain the
nerve of his being?*
In 1849 Geiger was requested by his Congrega-
tion to publish outlines and a plan to a new " Prayer-
book, "f In accord with the principles contained in
this pamphlet the famous prayer-book of Geiger ap-
peared in 1854. +
The spirit of progress, with due regard to the
historical basis permeates this prayer-book. All
prayers are eliminated, which do not express the true
sentiment of the worshipers. The service is shortened
considerably. The second edition of the prayer-book,
which came out 1870 is more reformed than the first.
It is used in Frankfurt, Bonn, where the author of this
book had introduced it under great difficulties, and in a
very few other German Congregations. Geiger' s
principles on the Jewish service are thoroughly ex-
pressed in his "Theses to the Synod at Leipzig," 1869.
A few points, however, which are not contained in
those theses, may find their place here. The exodus
from Egypt can no longer occupy such an important
place in our prayers, as it used to occupy. The same
is the case with Amalek, Haman and the sufferings in
middle ages. As the language of prayer, Geiger con-
cedes, that the Hebrew is not our mother-tongue. The
second holiday is not Biblical.
Of special interest to our readers will doubtless be
Geiger' s opinion on the vexed question of Sunday-
service. I therefore copy in full an article, which I
published five years ago on this important subject in
the "Jewish Reformer, "§ January, 1886, and which
*Posthum. Works, V, page 165.
tThe)- were published only for the Congregation. ( Breslau,
1S49, Leop. Freund, 36 pages). In 1S61 they were reprinted under
the title: "Necessity and Measure of a Reform of tlie Jewish Di-
vine Service."
l"Israelitish Prayer-book for the Public Worship of the Whole
Year, Sabbath and Holidays Inclusive," with a new German adapt-
ation (not translation). (Breslau, 1854, I. Hainauer 570 pages).
§Dr. Kohler, New York, and Hirsch, Chicago, were the editors of
that excellent weekly.
Ar.RAHAM GKIGEK. 333
was at the- time extciisi\-ely copied by the Jewish press
of this country:
ABRAHAM GKlGKK OX SLXDAV-SKRVICK.
Dr. Geiger said in his pamphlet "Nothwendigkeit
nnd Maass einer Reform des Jnedischeu Gottesdienstes, "
— ''Necessity and Limitation of a Reform of the Jewish
Divine Worship," (Breslau, 1861):
"The holidays, when celebrated in a more dig-
nified form, will surely attract a large part of the Con-
gregation to the houses of worship, but I do not expect the
same from the Sabbath. It will always remain a com-
paratively small circle, which will attend the divine
service, even if it should be conducted so as to answer
all the demands."
These prophetical words, although spoken twenty-
six years ago in Germany, corro])orating the saying
"the wise man is more than a prophet," cannot be
taken as a weapon against Reform. For Geiger ex-
plains this utterance as follows:
"Here in particular, we must exclaim in relation
to Reform the fatal words, 'Too late!' If in the
generation preceding ours the needs of the spirit and of
the heart had been considered, if the divine service had
not been made entirely indifferent, yea repelling to the
thinking, intelligent classes, the inclination of the heart
might perhaps have been powerful enough to draw
people to the house of worship on the Sabbaths in spite
of many obstacles. But now the stream of life has
overflowed its dams. Complaints or reproaches, will
not be strong enough, to lead it back again to its old
channel. The grown people attend to their business,
the children go to school,* and the House of God has
to rely upon a small, firm circle, of accidental visitors.
* * Now we ask ourselves: Shall we there-
fore bear ill-will against life? Shall the I louse of God
not offer its blessings, because they are not appreciated
as thev ought to be at the time and hour when thev
*In Germany the Jewish children attend school on Saturdays.
334 RKFORMKD JUDAISM.
are ofi'ered? Shall the youth be pimislKd by beiii^; de-
prived of all edification, because the parcutssend them
to school on this da)'? * * Should we not rather utilize
every opportunity offering itself to us, in order to win
back the masses to the House of God and to religious
life though it be at a time which so far has not yet
been used for this purpose? Our ancient teachers
thought so. For those, who could not attend service
on Saturday morning, they substituted a solemn
service on Saturday- afternoon, Monday and Thursday
mornings. Let us follow their example. There is one
week-day, which is especially appropriate for divine
service, because the general business-pursuits are sus-
pended on that day, namely Stinday. Let us make
use of it, if not regularly every w^eek, but at least from
time to time. A solemn Sunday-Service (and be it only
once a month) will answer the puipose of giving to a
large part of the Congregation the opportunity of a
common devotion, without infringing upon the right
of the Sabbath. Do not go too far in your apprehen-
sion, that such a service might be construed as a con-
cession to other denominations. I honor this shyness,
whenever urged in opposition to the shallow aping,
the begging before the doors of others. But, when you
once have given way to the general custom in all other
affairs of life, then do not boast of a steadfast persever-
ance and ot insisting upon your peculiarity just in that
one point, which concerns neither your gain nor your
pleasure, but the religious food of so many. You
make the Sabbath a day of work, the Sunday a day of
recreation. Religion, however, must yield on the one
hand to the needs of life, and on the other to the
prejudice of the past. This is self-deception, through
which religious life is being stifled entirely."
Geiger is also opposed to the blessing of the people
by the so-called " Kohanim" (priests), to the "Sefirath
haomer, "* and considers earnest, solemn music a
good substitute for the blowing of the Shofar on New
*Numbering of 49 days between "Passover" and "The Feast of
Weeks."
ABRAHAM GEIGKR. 335
Year's day. At any rate the Mislina deems three
flourishes of the cornet (Tekia, Terua, Tekia), suffi-
cient. The Lulab on the feast of Succoth can be dis-
pensed with, as the feast is no longer an agricultural
country-holiday, which was its original meaning.
Geiger's word made itself felt in every important
Reform-movement.
We have dwelt at length in our biographies of
''Chorin" and "Salomon," on the Hamburg-prayer-
book-controversy in 1818 and in 1842. Geiger, when
asked by the Temple people to give his "opinion" on
the prayer-book, published a pamphlet: "The Hamburg
Temple Controversy, a Question of the Hour."* He
was, however, not satisfied with merely justify-
ing the Hamburg ritual, but he criticised the Temple
for doing things bv halves. He said: "The Temple
has missed the great opportunity to make itself the
banner-bearer of scientific religious progress, in the
domain of modern Judaism." Geiger emphatically ex-
claimed. "Free from all retarding elements, respon-
sible onlv to its enlightened members, they could have
well afforded to handle questions which were delicate,
yea, dangerous for others less fortunately situated.
They could have exercised a great influence in the di-
rection of scientific Reform in Judaism. Instead of
this the literary activity of the Temple centered in the
publication of the sermons of its preachers. While
many of them are excellent contributions to our homi-
letics, the principle of a scientific Reform in Judaism
is not treated with that full consideration, to which it
was entitled at the hands of the independent Hamburg
preachers. Not only that the laborious work of build-
ing up a Jewish theology on the basis of historical
criticism received no support at the hands of the Tem-
ple, but its representatives looked down upon this new
movement as antiquated and superfluous, as if the di-
vine service were the alpha and omega of all progress
*Der Hamhurj^er Tenipelstreit, eine Zeitfraj^e, (Breslaii, 1S42,
Nachj^el-Schriftcn, Vol. I, passes 1 13-197.)
S3^ REFORMED JUDAIS^r.
ill Judaism. The fact, however, is that the Hamburg
Temple is already regarded as au " innoceut institu-
tion," the worst thing which could befall it. The
Temple, or at least its prominent leaders had so little
understanding and appreciation of a scientific Jewish
theology, that they opeiily advocated the long exploded
idea, that a Rabbi has to practice every observance of
the Shulchan Aruch, because he is Rabbi.* In its joy
over its great victory in the matter of worship, the
Hamburg Temple rested on its laurels, and intoxicated
by success, became indolent and indifferent as to future
greater possibilities of Reform-Judaism. The drift of
Geiger's criticism is in brief this: The Temple owes
its origin to its opposition to the Hamburg Synagogue.
Having accomplished its object as an opposition-es-
tablishment, it has lost every interest in a progressive
movement within the Synagogue on the basis of a
scientific Jewish theology, which justly recognizes its
representative in Abraham Geiger and his school, f
(xciger considers the second new prayer-book of the
Temple entirely too conservative, and sees in it little
progress in comparison with the prayer-book published
twenty-three 3'ears before. In certain points it is even
retrogressive, among other things the service instead
of being shortened is lengthened. The hope of the re-es-
tablishment of a Jewish kingdom in Palestine finds ex-
pression in the prayer-book, the formula "May our
eyes see it, when thou, O God, returnest to Zion" is
retained. The passage "Oh, let shine forth a new
light on Zion, that we may all speedily behold its
light," which is wisely omitted in the prayer-book of
1819, is printed in small type and in parenthesis, but
without the German translation in the prayer-book of
1843. How inconsistent! How timid! The same
*This is to this very day the only argument of our oi-tiiodoxy
in Europe as well as in this country.
tThis criticism is just. As proof I mention the fact that when-
ever a reformatory measure came to a discussion at the Rabbinical
Conferences in the forties, the Hamlmrg preachers exclaimed:
"Oh, this has been introduced or abolished in our Temple many
years iigo. "
ABRAHAM (;i<:ic;kr. 337
procedure is noticeable in the prayer, ''and restore the
service to the inner part of thy house, and the burnt-
offerings of Israel and their prayers mayest thou accept
in love and favor." Aut-aut. The purpose of sucli
proceeding can only be to cast suspicion on those pray-
ers without showing the proper courage of eliminating
them, which is not worthy of an organization like the
Hamburg Temple. While the Abodah* is omitted
from the Jom Kippur service, which fact might be re-
garded as a protest against the animal sacrifice, this
impression must leave us when we notice the retention
of the main part of this historical recitation, in which
bitter complaint is made that ''now we have no high-
priest, no sacrifice."
Another point of difference between the prayer-
book of 1 819 and the one of 1842 is that, while the
former omitted the service for Minchah on Sabbath- and
holidays, the latter retained it, which is retrogressive
rather than progressive.
How a prayer-book of an organization which
boasts of having fully emancipated itself from the yoke
of Rabbinism, can contain the prayers: "I^raised be
thou, God, who hast commanded us to recite Hallel,"f
or to "light the Chanucca lights," or to "read the book
of Esther,"* is utterly incomprehensible. For it is a
well known fact that the Bible knows nothing of these
commandments. The fact that these benedictions are
printed in small type, in parenthesis, and without the
German translation, makes the matter still worse, de-
monstrating that the authors were well aware of their
glaring inconsistency.
But a very strong testimonium paupertatis for the
Temple is contained in the following passage of the
preface to the new prayer-book: " The Temple differs
from other Israelitish Congregations in but a few
♦Literally "Service" in the Temple of Jerusalem. This prayer
describes in full the service of the High-Priest on the T>ny of Atone-
ment.
tPrayers for New- Moon and Holidays.
{It is recited on the festival of Purim.
33*^ REKORMKI) JUDAISM.
forms of ils ritual, not, however, in religious doctrines.
"What does the term 'other Israelitish Con^reo-ations'
mean in a time of struggle, transition and
changes like ours, which is not ripe for fixed religious
dogmas ? But if it means, as it apparently does, that
the prayer-book is in principle at one with the traditional
and official mode of worship of the majority of Jewish
Congregations, then this declaration is simply not true.
For notwithstanding its glaring inconsistencies, the
views of the Temple on personal Messiah, sacrifice,
divine authority of the Rabbinical ceremonial laws, are
most decidedly at variance with the masses of so-called
conservative Congregations. *
But, if it were true that the only differences con-
sists in '-a few forms," then we might almost be justi-
fied in exclaiming: "Quel bruit pour une omelette."
The time has gone by, when the salvation of
Judaism is dependent upon mere outward embellish-
ments of the service, which might, after all, prove to
be luxuriant death-chambers of our religion, if they
are out of all touch with the entire new religious con-
ception and scientific spirit of modern Judaism. If the
Hamburg Temple intends to exercise a lasting influence
upon modern Judaism, it has to make itself the living
organ of the spiritual development of Judaism.
The experience of the last fifty years has proven,
that Geiger was right. To-day the Hamburg Temple
wields less influence in the Judaism of Germany than
it ever did. It still exists, vegetates, is for all we know
in a flourishing financial condition, as its members are
rich, but that is all. Its preachers are men of very
mediocre talent, unknown in literature, and cannot
bear comparison with men like Salomon, or Kley.
In the chapter on Holdheim we have dwelt
at length on the "Frankfurt Reformverein. " f
*The new prayer-book and its opponents (Das neue Gebetbuch
and seine Verketzerung, Hamburg, 1841). See chapters on "Chorin"'
and "Salomon" in this book; also Geiger: Posthumous Works, I,
pages 161-168.
+See pages 204 ff. of this l)ook.
AHKAIIAM (iKIGKR. 339
Gciger, while taking a warm inlerest in the move-
ment as he did in everything pertaining to Reform-
Jndaism, did not favor the means employed by the
Society, and was opposed to its revolutionary spirit.
This Reform-movement had utterly ignored a histori-
cal development in Judaism. He characterizes it as
follows:
"But also a revolution was not wanting. Those
who had been separated long ago from the Jewish Con-
gregations desired at last to give full and public ex-
pression to their views. But removed entirely from
the historical ground this task became rather difficult.
The ''Reform-Society" of Frankfurt, and the "Friends
of Reform" (in Breslau), were right in their struggle,
but as soon as they intended to build up, they were
not capable of constructing a new building out of mere
negations, which offered nothing new.* The only
new deed which emanated from the Society was the
abrogation of the circumcision.! While Geiger, as we
have seen beforeij; was by no means opposed on
jjrinciple to a schism within Judaism, he was not in
favor of forcing a split. The Reform of the whole
community of Israel was his beau-ideal, even though
such a consummation was in the very nature of things
♦The same holds good with regard to the "Ethical-Culture-
Movenient" in this country, which can claim not a single new idea
not contained in 'the Jewish prophets. We challenge Prof. Felix
Adler. to prove by one single instance, that his teachings are super-
ior to those expressed by Micah VI. S, and dozens of similar pas-
sages. It is far easier to pose as a founder of a new religion than to
prove the necessity of a new religion. It has indeed been proven,
that wherever Reform-Judaism has able and scholarly representa-
tives— I point particularly to Chicago, where Jlirsch holds the
fort— ethical-culture is no success. It is the remarkable vigor of
Reform-Jud.iism in America, which is a matter of great disap-
pointment to our Hthical-CuUunsts. Hence their cociuetry with
our ultra-orthoiloxy — les e.Ntremes so touchent — and their trium-
phant cry, that Judaism is dying out, although they know it
best, that if it is dying, it is a mighty lively corpse indeed.
tGeiger's Posthumous Works; Vol. II. page 272.
:See his letter to Jacob .\uerbach, (page 331 of this l»o(>k); also
Posthumous Works Vol. V. page 161, and letter to Wechsler, Jan.
1st, 1S49.
340 RKFORMKl) JUDAISM.
slow, iip-liill work.* Another mistake of the ^'Refonn-
Vereiii" was, that it intentionally ignored the
theologians, who in snch a question as the abolition of
circumcision were entitled to a hearing, f Geiger
estranged many a friend from him on account of his
opinion touching the Frankfort Reform-Societ}'.
In Breslau a similar movement was attempted,
where in a declaration signed by a number of promi-
nent men the following demands were made:
(i) "Abolition of the belief in a personal Messiah;
(2) of the dietary laws; (3) of the laws which cause the
conflict of the Sabbath with the demand of every day
life."]: But only the Berlin "Reform-Genossenschaft"
proved a success.
After Holdheim's death the Berlin Reform-Con-
gregation was so anxious to induce Geiger to become
*It is for this ver}- reason that he twice refused the position of
Rabbi in the "Reform-Genossenschaft," of Berlin. Conscientious
regard for the historical continuity of Judaism did not permit him to
cut loose from the Jewish community at large. (Geiger's Zeitschrift,
III, pages 216-218; also Posthumous Works, V, page 246, letter to
Wechsler, and page 231 of this book.
tGeiger's letter to Stern, June II, 1S44; Posth. Works, V, page
174, Freund's "Zeitschrift zxn- Judenfrage in Deutschland." (Breslau,
1844, pages 109-116).
iBreslauer Zeitung, April 4th, 1845. Later on they resolved to
transfer the Sabbath to Sunday. Geiger published a pamphlet:
"Nine Years Ago and To-day," (Breslau, 1846), in which he boldly
advocated his views. He was then attacked in five "open letters,"
which followed one another in rapid succession, and were considered
as Freund's work. In answer to this appeared: "Address of the
^Majority of the Breslau Isr. Congregation to Dr. W. Freund." (Bres-
lau, 1846). See also: "True Report Concerning the Last Events in
This Congregation," (Breslau, 1846), anonymously, but written bj'
Geiger, and "Israelit d. 19, Jahrh.," 1846, No. 17 ff. In a letter to a
friend March 8, i85i, he writes: "Within the Congregation I strug-
gle, I conqvieror succumb, and have the good consciousness that my
struj^gle has stimulated powerful germs, which, after my strength is
broken, will produce fertile developments. * * * j have
declined such a position several times. I have refused the position
as preacher in the Temple of Hamburg at a time when I had re-
signed my position in Wiesbaden, and when the chances for mj- nat-
uralization in Prussia and of entering upon my position in Breslau
were very doubtful indeed. I have twice declined the position in
the Berlin Reform-Congregation, the first time under very difficult
and precarious circumstances in this city." (Breslau).
AIJKAllAM tiKKiHK. 34'
Hoklln-iin's successor, that they even oflVrcd to rc-
transler the Sunday to Sabbath.
Gciger's motto was: ''The Reform has to emanate
from Rabbis and Cono;regations," but not from the
Conj;regatious alone. He advocated this opinion in a
lecture^ entitled : "From Whom Shall Reforms
Emanate?" delivered ISIarch 28, before the Breslau
Reading-Society. Therefore was Geiger, heart and
soul, in favor of the "Rabbinical Conferences," and
was an enthusiastic member of the First Rabbinical
Conference in Braunschweig. He expres.ses himself on
this subject as follows:
"Revolution is not successful in religion, which
demands not only tearing away of what is antiquated,
but ennobling of what is existing, and of creating new
things, when necessity demands it. This method was
emploved by the Rabbinical Conference, and it was
the right way, notwithstanding the fact, that different
stages of Reform were represented. These Conferences
were checked in their development, long before they
were given sufficient time to mature. Their motto
was: 'Change, Reform, not Revolution.' They had
to fight to the right, and to the left, but if they had
had three years longer for their work, the fruits would
have been seen ere now."*
The fruits at any rate are seen in the growth of
Reform-Judaism, particularly in this country.
It was impossible for Geiger on account of official
business to be present at the Braunschweig Convention
at the beginning of the Conference, f But when he ar-
rived June iSth, he was greeted with great enthusiasm
by all present. ".\11 surrounded" — thus a contemporary
de.scribes it — "the little man with the penetrating look
and the long hair, as if he would have been a saint.
All welcomed him most heartily, as if they wanted to
say: You are our pioneer, you first opened unto us
*Posth. Works, II. paj^es 272-273.
ille lia<l sent a highly enthusiastic letter to the Conference,
which was published in paniphlet-forni; also in I'osth. Works, I, page
197-202. See also my Isr. Genieinde-Zeitung, No, 28, Vol. IV, 1S79.
34 J RKFOK.MKD Jl'DAISM.
the way of critical research, of progress in Ral)binisiii.
It is you, who first proclaimed the idea of a living de-
velopment in Judaism." He had been elected even
before his arrival, a member of the committee for the
revision of marriage-laws. He took part in the eleventh,
last meeting, offered a resolution to create a fund, in
order to defray the expenses of Rabbis attending the
Conferences, and to have the Protocols of the Con-
ference published in book form, the money to come
from subscriptions. He was elected to the committee
on S. Hirsch's resolution to abolish and revise a
number of dietary- and Sabbath-laws.
In the second Rabbinical Conference, Frankfurt,
1845,* he was present during the whole time. He
was Vice-President, and acted as President in the very
important eight meetings when the question on the
INIessiah was discussed. The Conference voted him its
thanks for the very able manner in which he presided.
He strongly opposed Frankel, who declared that ac-
cording to Jewish law, the Hebrew language had to be
used in prayer. . He argued against mentioning the
sacrifices in prayer, and against a special celebration of
the Rosh Chodesh.f He offered resolutions aiming at
the establishment of Jewish theological faculties and at
the publication of good devotional books for the home
use. He was elected on the committee for both reso-
tions.
The third and most important, because most de-
cisive and active Conference, was the one held in Bres-
lau, to which Geiger had invited, aside from the mem-
bers present at former Conferences, the Drs. Zunz,
Sachs and Leopold Loew.
I refer to a resume of the resolutions of the Bres-
lau Conference, which I have published in the "Year-
book of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, ' '
as a member of the Committee on Publication, (Cincin-
nati, 1890, pp. 95-100).
*From July 15th to July 28th.
|-The beginning of the month is usually celebrated by reciting
Hallel and Yaale vejavo.
•ABRAHAM GKlGKR. 343
Dr. L. Adler offered, iu the name of the Confer-
ence, a vote of thanks to Geiger for the ''just, kind and
clever" manner in which he presided over the assem-
bly in the midst of some very exciting debates, when
the most burning questions and vital subjects were
discussed. Through this Conference the Breslau Con-
gregation became renowned throughout Germany as the
banner-bearer of Reform-Judaism and scientific Jew-
ish theology, and the bond which united the Congrega-
tion with its celebrated spiritual leader became stronger
than ever before. Geiger's introductory and clo.sing ad-
dresses of the Conference were masterpieces of oratory
and scientific expositions of the aims and aspirations of
progressive Rabbinism. In the introductory speech Gei-
ger said among other things, that we do not meet here
for the purpose of fettering the Congregations, of inter-
ferine with the religious freedom and autonomv of the
people. Even if such authority should be given
to us, we would not accept it, knownng as we do
that true religious life can devolop there only, where
the fullest freedom of conviction reigns supreme. We
are here simply as representatives of the science of Ju-
daism, who, assisted by our observations and experience
in office, are able to recognize the wants of the Con-
gregations, and to propose to them the necessary means
of supplying the needs of our age. We are not here as
clergymen in contradistinction to the so-called laymen.
Such conceptions are utterly unknown in Judaism.
But we are here as men well versed in the history
of Judaism, we are here to exchange our views as
brethren in the Rabbinical office, and to offer the re-
sult of our discussions and council to our Congrega-
tions. We are here, not merely for the sake of
abolishing, solving, setting aside and destroying.
Our "task" is to strengthen our religion in the spirit
of truth, and only where it is necessary we shall not be
afraid to remove the crusts and shells. It is a de-
struction for the sake of building up.
After an excellent resume of the labors of the Con-
ference, and the closing address of Geigcr, the work ot
341- REFORMED JUDAISM'.
the Conference was couclnded, alas, not to l)e resumed
until after twenty-three years in Cassel (1868)* where
the preparations were arranged for the Synods in Leip-
zig (1869), and in Augsburg (1871). Twenty years
have again passed, but the religious state of affairs in
German Judaism is so miserable, the hypocrisy, cow-
ardice, and selfishness of the Rabbisf of the so-called
Reform-Congregations in Germany, so contemptible,
and the indifferentism, atheism and apostasy of the
masses so frightening, that there is hardly a hope for a
change for the better in the near future. The Rabbis
— there are very few exceptions but exceptatio con-
firmat regulam — as a rule preach their weekly sermons,
do a little teaching of the young, and let well enough
alone. The few scholars among them study in their
libraries and publish occasionally a book on some phil-
ological, arcliEeological, philosophical, or at best exeget-
ical subject, which has no bearing on the practical re-
ligious life of the present. They are very cautious and
shrewd, these Rabbis.
To touch burning questions of the day might be
followed by unpleasant consequences, might compel a
man to show his true colors. But it is just this, that
these "wise Rabbis" most carefully avoid. Hence
German Rabbinism of this day offers, with very few
exceptions, the deplorable and anomalous sight, that a
Rabbi will pose as the most radical critic of the Bible,
and yet be afraid to express his true opinion on the
dietary laws or on some obsolete Jewish custom.
Much less will he dare to disregard publicly a Jewish
*The fourth Rabbinical Conference, which was to be held in
Muenchen, was not held, owing to the political fermentation of
those days. After the Revolution in 1S4S the reaction in Germany
was so powerful, that liberal religious movements could not hope to
lie successful. The Protocols of the Hreslau Conference were edited
Ijy the conmiittee (Geiger and his friend Prof. M. A. Levy.) (Bres-
lau, 1847, Leuckart, 317 pages). Geiger published also a condensed
report concerning the work of the Third Conference of German
Rabbis. (Breslau, 1846), and in reply to orthodox attacks he pub-
lished a defense of the resolutions on the Sabbath-laws, entitled:
"The Third Conference of German Rabliis." (Breslau, I846.)
tTlie majority of them were graduates of the Breslau Seminary,
which has become a Jesuitical Institute under Frankel and Graetz.
ABRAHAM GKIGER. 345
custom which he considers antiquated. The okl, bokl,
courageous Reform-Rabbis, of Germany, whose names
are honorably mentioned in this book, are no longer
amoug the living, and the present young generation of
Rabbis are fanatic orthodox* or noncommittal.
But let us return to Geiger. The Reform-move-
ment did not entirely occupy his labors. Aside from
his literary work, he let no opportunity pass by, with-
out utilizing it for the benefit and welfare of the Jews,
for whose political emancipation he had always evinced
the same interest as he had shown for their spiritual
and intellectual elevation. As this book is in the
main devoted to the Jewish Reform-movement, we can-
not treat thoroughly this side of Geiger' s labors. Suf-
fice it to say, that he had several conferences with
King Frederic William IV, (1841), with Minister
Eichhorn, (1843), in behalf of the Jews. Republished
several pamphlets, among others: "Rabbinical Opinions
on the Duty of the Jews to Serve as Soldiers," (Breslau,
1842), in which he justly considered the exemption of
the Jews from the duty to defend their country, not in
the light of a favor, f but as an insult. In the city of
Breslau he also resented promptly in the press every
attempt to wrong the Jew^s.J: Politically he openly
espoused in meetings the cause of liberalism.
It is needless to say, that he never neglected his
literary labors. Aside from his "Zeitschrift"§ he
published a: "Grammar and Reader to the Language
*The pupils of the orthodox Seminary, presided over by the
hyper-orthodox Dr. Hildesheimer in Berlin. They bind the hand-
kerchief around their body so that God might think it is a belt, car-
ry no umbrella on the Sabbath, a. s. f.
rThe orthodox Jews wanted such a "favor" because soldiers can-
not keep the Sabbath and the dietary laws.
jBreslau Zeitung, 1SS4, No. 28. when a hospital for the citizens
of the "Christian denominations" was to be erected. His protest
caused a change in the by-laws.
^The Zeitschrifi. however, did not come out regularly, as it was
too much of a strain for Geiger. who had to write almost every arti-
cle. The fifth volume in four fascicles was published in 1S43 and
1S44. of the sixth volume in 1S47 only three numbers were published.
Fifteen years later it appeared again regularly.
346 REFORMED JUDAISM.
of the Misluia,"* (11 parts, Breslau, 1845). '^The
Northern French School of Exegesis in the Twelfth
Century." "The Anthropomorphism in the Hag-
gaidali and the Rabbis of the Arabic school," on the
"Family Kimchi"f and Jnda Halevi.;!: These labors, in
which Geiger shows also his remarkable talent as a
translator and poet are highly praised by Tal-
landierg in the "Revue de deux Mondes." Another
exegetical work of great merit is his: "Parshandatha,
the Northern French School of Exegesis," (Leipzig,
1855). "Samples of a Jewish Defense Against Christian
Attacks in Middle Ages, ||" among which the pamphlet
on the Karaite: "Isaac Troki, the Apologist of Judaism
at the Close of the Sixteenth Century," was published
separately.^ Among his multifarious monographs
deserves special mention, his: "Moses ben Maimon,"
with a Hebrew supplement under the title : ' 'Iggereth ha-
Shemad leha-Rambam;"** "Joseph Salomo Del Medi-
go, ' ' his letter to Serach ben Nathan, translated and edited
with notes, German and Hebrew, ff Geiger' s mono-
*The attempts of attacks against the 1:)ook by Graetz were most
promptly resented by Geiger in several articles: "Samples of a Con-
servative Criticism" (Israelit of the nineteenth century, Nos. 5-6,
1S45 and Nos. 5-10, 1845). The book found entrance into German
Universities.
tSee introduction to Geiger's Hebrew writings.
:l:Posthumous works, III, 34-97-176.
§1853, Avril T5ih, p. 3S1.
IIDeutscher Volkskalender, 1851, 1856, 1859, Posthumous Works,
III, pp. 178-223.
^Breslau Jahrbuch 1853, in pamphlet form (Breslau, iS53),Kern,
44 pages, and Posthumous Works, III, pp. 178-223.
**"Studien," edited by M.Breslauer (Weigert & C. Breslau, 1850).
t+Berlin, 1840 (W. Wilzig), 104 pages in German, 80 pages in He-
brew, see Melo. Chofnajim and Posthumous Works, III, pp. 1-34.
Jos. Sal. Delmedigo, born June 16, 1591, descendant of a family of
scholars, studied medicine in Padua, devoted himself zealously to
the study of science of mathematics, in which he greatly excelled,
and to the Kabbala. He was body-physician of the Prince Radzivill,
near Wilna, and traveled extensively. Geiger was the first to prove
Jos. Delmedigo's liberal religious views, by bringing to light his fa-
mous letter to Serach, which is full of biting sarcasms against the
benighted Rabbis of his day. His views on angels, prophecy, crea-
tion, Bible, Talmud, Kabbalah, were rationalistic. Graetz, true to
his unjust method to throw mud at all those who did not belong to
the orthodox Polish school of Rabbis, belittles the merits of Josef
A15KAHAM OKIOKR. 347
graph on: "Leon do Modeiia"* is dedicated lo the
memory of Isaac Samuel Reggio. This book is most
remarkable and deserves more than mere passing
mention. Leo da ]\Iodena was a man, who under the
cloak of defending the Talmud, most sarcastically
criticised it, and witli biting irony attacked the letter-
worship and ceremonialism of his age. He was in this
respect the forerunner of Gotthold Ephraim Lessing,
who employed the same method in attacking the
Bible and Christianity in his: "Wolfenbuettel frag-
ments" which, though published under the name of
another are his work. L. D. Modena had of course to
be very cautious in his polemic, and therefore he
published so-called refutations of "heretical views."
Hut the "refutations" were so lame, childish and
ridiculous, that they rather strengthened the cause of
his "apparent opponent." In this way L. D.
Modena attacks the custom of laying Tefillin, the
second holiday, the dietary- and vigorous Sabbath-laws,
Delniedigo. Dr.David Cassel, in his "Guide for the Instruction in the
Jewish History and Literature" (Leitfaden fuer den Unterricht in der
Jued. Gechschte und Literatur, Berlin, 1875), mentions Delmedigo's
letter thus: "Delmedigo's true ideas are now known through his let-
ter to a Karaite, which was published recently" (p. 97)- It would
not have hurt Cassel in the least to give the credit for bringing this
letter to light, where it was due, although Geiger was not a favorite
with the former satellite of Michael Sachs. (See also Geiger's Post-
humous Works, II, p. 195).
*"L.D.M., Rabbi of Venice, and his Losition to the Kabbalah, to
the Talmud and to Christianity" (Breslau, 1S56, J. M. Kern, 63 pages
in German, 34 pages in Hebrew). L. D. M. was born 157 1, in Ven-
ice, died 164S in Venice, where he filled the position of Rabbi. He
was a most fertile author, published a " Hebrew-Italian Lexicon," a
"Mnemotechnic," a "Warning against Gambling," which was trans-
lated into the Latin and German, and anti-Kabbalistic and anti-
Talmudic writings "Ari Nohem" (the roaring lion), and "Shaagath
Arje" (the bellowing of the lion). See my Jued. Literar. Centralblatt
No. I (Koenigsberg, 1S76), on Leon da Modena. It is needless to
.say that tiraetz attacks L. I). M. in an unworthy, or better, in a
"Graetz"-worthy manner. He calls him the worst names, "hypo-
ciite," "blasphemer," "despiser of Judaism." (Graetz' History of
the Jc-ws, X, p. \T,q\.
T,\S UVA'OHMED JUDAISM.
Llic eiuUess prayers,* the Sliechitali, even the lasting
on the Day of Atonement. For this only can be the
meaning of his remark, that everybody should fast in
accord with his physical and mental strength. He is
particularly bitter in his censure of the excrescences of
Rabbinical Judaism, which is a sin against the words
of Moses: "Ye shall not add to it," and advocates
the return to the plain, genuine, old, and pure Biblical
Judaism.
Geiger's philosophical labors include the follow-
ing: The Ethical Basis of the Book on the "Duties of
the Heart, "f and "Jewish Poetry of the Spanish
School.";*: Besides numerous articles on Rabbinital lit-
erature contributed to Hebrew periodicals, § he
adorned the great "Journal of the German Oriental
Society "II with contributions which show his vast
erudition in the field of Syriac lexicography and Sa-
maritan literature. No less an authority than Dr.
Adolph Neubauer, Professor of Oriental Languages in
^This is done in the following ingenuous argumentation. The
Talmud prescribes that he who goes on a dangerous journey, has ful-
filled his duty by reciting a short prayer. To'this I^. D.M. adds, "We
Jews are always in danger." (See also Posthumoiis Works. Vol. II,
pp. 1 89- 1 94).
t Breslau, 1S53, June 3rd, an introduction to E. Baumgarten's
edition of Bachja Ibn Bakuda's "Chovoth halevovoth" Wien, 1853,
pp. 13-22.
i Leipzig, 1856, Isr. Volksbibliothek, HI, andPosthumous Works
III, pp. 224-251. Highly interesting translations from the Hebrew
into German poetry are given by Geiger of the poets: Salomo Ga-
hirol, Juda Halevi, Juda Charisi, Isaac ben Ruben, Moses Ibu Esra,
.\braham b. Meir Ibu Esra, Juda b. Isaac b. Shabthai, Meir b. Tod-
dros Halevi, Isaac Polkar, Sal. b. Ruben Bonafed.
§Kherem Chemed, Czar Nechmad, Hechalutz, by Schorr and
others.
II As it is out of question for us to dwell at some length on
these labors, we simply record the titles of the essays: " To the
Theology and Exegesis of the Samaritans," lecture delivered by Gei-
ger before the Congress of Orientalists in Breslau, September 30th,
1857." "To the History of the Talmudical Lexicography, Vol.XII,
pp. 142-149, August, 1S57;" "Why does the Book Sirach belong to
the Apokryphs?" Vol. XII, pp. 536-543, April 4th, 1858; "The Legal
DifTerences between Samaritans and Jews," Vol. XX, pp. 527-573,
Frankfurt, December 24th, 1865; "Jewish Terms in the Syrian Liter-
ature," Vol. XXI, pp. 487-492, Frankfurt, November 25th, 1S66.
A15KAHAM GEIGKR. 349
Oxford, Knglaud, ranks Geiger as ''the highcsl living
anthority on Samaritan literature."*
But all this did not yet suffice for Geiger\s enthu-
siasm for diffusing the science of Judaism. He there-
fore found time to give lectures to candidates of Jew-
ish theology on history, literature, Chaldaic language,
introduction into the Mishna, and other subjects. Dr.
Landsberger (Darmstadt), Friedman (Manheim), Gold-
stein (Posen), Colin (Schwerin, now Berlin), Schoen-
gut, Manksch and others were fortunate enough to hear
these lectures.! Aside from this Geiger lectured reg-
ularlv before the "Reading Society" on scientific sub-
jects, which had nothing to do with Judaism. J
But Geiger discontinued his lectures for the follow-
ing reasons. We have often mentioned how enthusi-
astically Geiger always worked for the establishment
of a Jewish theological faculty, for the realization of
an idea which originated with him. Now, after long,
weary waiting, the great dream of his youth seemed
to approach its fulfillment. He foimd at last the right
man in the person of Commercieurath Jonas Fraenkel,
Breslau, who was ready, at Geiger' s earnest solicitation
to endow such an institution. But in this instance
again the prophecy was verified. "Thou shalt see the
promised land, but thou shalt not enter into it." By
all sorts of intrigues, machinations, and tricks, Geiger
who was destined by Fraenkel to become the leader of
the new Institution, was passed over, and instead of
him the conservative Zacharias Frankel was elected
Director of the "Seminary." Unfortunately the
founder of the Institution died, long before it was given
over to its destination, and the executors of his will
simply betrayed the sacred trust placed in them, by the
establishment of a "Jesuiten-Anstalt,"* where hypoc-
*In order to do full justice to Geiger's literarj- labors, a special
book of great dimensions would have to be written,
tSonie of them are published, Posthumous Works, II, pp. 1-32,
246-274- - , . , •
JGeiger: First and Second Report of the Jewish "hociety tor
Teaching and Readinsr" (iS4;,-iS44).
*Hot-bed of Jesuitism. The methods of the Jesuitical Seminaries
of the Catholic Church are employed there. The system of espion-
350 KKKORMKl) JUDAISM.
I'isy and cant aie at a premium. This treacherous act
has done incalculable harm to the cause of Judaism in
Germany, and is the reason why Judaism in Germany
of to-day, thirty-eight years after the establishment of
this Institution, is in a worse plight than it was before
the existence of the " Breslau Seminary." We say it
— and we challenge anyone to disprove this important
statement — that the Breslau Seminary has hurt most
severely, not only Reform-Judaism, but Judaism in
general, at least in Germany. Things there are so bad,
that the number of Jewish apostates is daily increasing,
while at the time when Reform-Judaism in Germany
was at its zenith, a case of apostasy was a rare occur-
rence. " By the fruits the tree can be recognized."
As the disciples of the " Breslau Seminary" occupy the
prominent positions in Germany, they, the gardeners
of the vineyards, must be made responsible for the de-
plorable fact that the garden is in a worse condition
than before they took charge of it. An Institute,
where the students are expected to come every morn-
ing wath their Talith and TefiUin to the Synagogue
of the "Seminary," where the one who screams
louder than his fellow-student, while praying, has bet-
ter prosj)ects of getting a stipend than the other who
may know more and study more and whose character
is nobler; an Institute, where the system of espionage
is encouraged, where a student who would write on
Sabbath would be denounced to the director of the
Seminary, and be punished by losing a stipend, such
an Institute is bound to breed hypocrisy, Jesuitism
nepotism, flattery, intrigue, and all those qualities
which do not make for riofhteousness.
age is en vogue. The stiidents, who can best play the hypocrites,
are preferred in the distribution of stipends and other benefits, and
are sure to be recommended to the best paying positions, while
those endowed with great talent, industry, pert-everance and charac-
ter have to take a back seat. But for this very reason the latter
class are few and far between, and belong to the rarae aves in Bres-
lau. As a rule they do not stay long there, the atmosphere does not
suit them. More than half of Geiger's dsciples in Berlin belonged
to this class.
ABRAHAM GKIGKK. 351
There is many a man in Germany who, although
belonging to the best disciples of the Breslau
"Seminary," and endowed with great oratorical
powers, is condemned to eke out a miserable existence
in some cross-road town, just because he could not give
up his manhood and independence, just because he
spurned the idea of acting the hypocrite. Men of such
calibre are literally persecuted and hunted down there
bv the "powers that be." Xotnina sunt odiosa^ but we
could give the names of at least three or four of Breslau
"Seminarists," who have undergone and are still
undergoing just such sad experiences.
The trouble with the "Seminary" is not so much
that it represents conservative Judaism, but that it is
colorless, and that the majority of its graduates are
orthodox in orthodox Congregations, and Reformers
in Reform-communities. Hence they represent no
principle at all, and are consistent only in their incon-
sistency. Is it then any wonder, that the Congrega-
tions, presided over by such Rabbis, are getting more
and more indifferent to Judaism. Was not Graetz,
the power behind the throne in the 'Seminary, ' him-
self a type of the whole system at work there? There
was a Professor of Jewish history, who in the
notorious eleventh volume of his "History" fanatically
condemns sermons in the vernacular, music and choir
in the Temple, and other innocent Reforms, slings mud
at every advocate of Reform, and raises to the skies
every Polish tramp, who has published the most worth-
less trash. Now people might think this Professor
"conservative" and on the strength of this almost pardon
his injustice. But in the first and second volume this
very same Professor appears as "radical of the radi-
cals," treats the Bible, the five books of Moses not ex-
cepted, as the most faulty huugling work^ speaks of
Joseph, Moses, miracles and revelation as legends. Now
look at this picture and then look at that. One must
of necessity be false.* If then the teacher sets such an
*vSee my Graetz' " Geschichtsbauerci" (Berlin, iSSi, Issleib), es-
pecially pajics S8 to loS.
352 RKFORMED JUDAISM.
example of principle and consistency, what can be ex-
pected of the pupil?
It can well be imao^ined, how disappointed Gei-
ger must have felt not only on account of the personal
injustice done him, but more so, because the establish-
ment of a conservativ^e Seminary, was justly looked
upon as a blow aimed at the Reform so ably and en-
thusiastically advocated and represented by him. Since
that time he has been no longer firmly opposed to the
idea of leaving Breslau, although he had refused the
position offered to him as Director of the Frankfurt
Philanthropin.
Geiger's "Religious-School" started in 1843 was
a great success ancl caused him much joy, as did the
yearly confirmatin. Public spirited as he was he took
great interest in almost every important Jewish
organization of Breslau, charitable or educational.
Poor students found in him a great friend. He assisted
them directly and indirectly. He was often called
upon to dedicate Synagogues.
In 1844 he lectured before the Congress of
Orientalists in Dresden on the: "Value of the Study of
the Mishna for the Hebrew and Syriac." In Muenchen
and Wiesbaden, where he delivered sermons, he re-
ceived great ovations and honors.
The year 1857 must be considered the most im-
portant in Geiger's eventful life. For in this year his
life-work, his monumentum acre perennium was com-
pleted, his: "Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der
Bibel in ihrer Abhaengigkeit von der inneren
Entwickelung des Jndenthum's."* In the same year
he also celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of his
Rabbinical career.
The "Urschrift" this chef d'oeuvre of Geiger is
the fruit of twenty years' labor, and presents a critical
investigation of the Bible. The work was considered
epochal on account of its original and revolutionizing
*"Urschrift (means original manuscript), and Translations of
the Bible in their Dependence upon the inner Development of Juda-
ism" (Breslau, 1S57, 500 pages).
AHKAIIAM OKKIER. 353
theories on the Bible, on the development of Jndaisni
and its contact with Christianity. Geiger has proven
in this work, that the political and religions strnggles
of the Jewish nation and the different political parties
had much to do with the text of the Bible. The
nnmerous conflicts and contradictions of the Bible are
explained by the fact, that they were intentional
partisan changes of the different political parties which
existed before the canon of the Bible was concluded. Two
of these parties are described in a new original manner,
entirely different from current ideas, and exploding
former notions. Even to this very day the Sadducees
are represented as Philhellenists, i. e., friends of Greek
customs, who had placed themselves beyond the pale
of Judaism, who had embraced new Grecian refine-
ment, who had become utterly denationalized as
Epicureans, Sensualists and worldlings, who neglected
all religious interests. The Pharisees, on the other
hand, have also assumed a false meaning. It was
particularly through the influence of Christianity, that
the Pharisees were, and among thj masses are still, re-
garded as narrow-minded men, who strained at a gnat,
who would indulge in outward worship, without being-
animated by true, inward piety, without capability for
more exalted, religious ideas. Some went even so far
as to place them in the same category with hypocrites,
bigots and fanatics. It was the merit of Geiger's
''Urschrift" to have thrown new light on these sub-
jects. Geiger proves that the "Sadducees"* con-
stituted the priestly nobility, vested with power, and
♦Zadokites, from "Zadok," the high priest, a friend of the Da-
vidian dynasty. Joshua b. Jehozadak, the high priest, was
a leader of the exulants who returned from Babylonian captivity
(Haggai, vSacharia. Ill Ezech. XXXIV, 23-24; X'XXVII, 24-25; II
Chron. XXVI, 16: I Chron. XXIV, 9-20; 12-28, 16-39, 27-16, 29-22,
5-31, 6-35; II, 24-26: Nehem. XII, lo-ii; Esra VII, i; Nehem. XI, 11;
I Chron! IX, 11; II Chron. XXXI, 10-13). They were also called
'•/addikim" the righteou.s * * * because they were also
judges. The high priest was styled as " Malkhizedek" "the king of
justice." Thus "Zaddik" btcanie a title for "prince," Psalm CXIII
118, CXXV, 2; Psalm CX; Isaiah XLIX, 24-25: I.X, 21-22. vSee Gei-
ger: I'rschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel, pp. 20, 38, 57, 83, 293,
221, loi, 264, 215, 102, 202, 493.
354 reform?:d judaism.
placed above the masses, made their own personal
interests paranionnt to all others. The "Pharisees,"
on the other side, constituted the very body of the peo-
ple, were representatives of true democracy. Their
exertions were directed toward the establishment of
equal rights for all classes. Their struggle was one
which is repeated in all times when great interests are
at stake, a struggle against priestcraft and hierarchy,
against the prerogatives and privileges of individual
classes. It was also a battle on the side of the
Pharisees for the great principle, that outward qualities
do not exclusively constitute a claim to higher moral
standing, but that the prize belongs to inward, relig-
ious conviction and moral worth. Thus the Pharisees
were virtually the progressive party of the people, op-
posing the Sadducees, who formed the aristocracy, held
all offices, basked in the favor of the court, were priests
themselves, or connected with the priestly families,
were in possession of power and influence which they
strove to retain. The means which the Pharisees
were compelled to employ, seem, at first sight, not to
bear out Geiger's new" views concerning them. But
when examined more thoroughly in the light of those
times and circumstances, they fully correspond wath
Geiger's theories. In order to oppose the priests suc-
cessfully, it was of the utmost necessity at that time
to claim priestly prerogatives and privileges for the
masses of the people. They would not assign higher
duties to others, lest they w^ere obliged to ascribe to
them also higher distinction. Hence the Pharisees
said:
"We, the people, are as holy and occupy the same
exalted position as you, the priestly and aristocratic
part}'. Hence the Pharisees took upon themselves
from political reasons all the numerous priestly laws of
purity (dietary laws), and many others, which were
formerly observed by the Sadducees only. True, they
went too far in this, and were thus the cause of the
multifarious, burdensome additions to the laws of
Moses, of which the Mishna and Gniarah are full.
AHRAIIA.M OKIC.KR. 355
(jcigcr proves this by numerous instances. He lurtlier
denioustrates, that two schools existed within the
Pharisaism, the old and the new Halacha.*
The old Haiacha is the norm of the Sadducees,
while the numerous additions of laws, observances, cus-
toms and usages made by the Pharisees form the new
Halachah. These differences can most clearly be
noticed in the laws on purity, sacrifice, Temple-service
and in the penal laws.t The decline of Sadduceeism is
shown in the Samaritans, t and Karaites, § their natural
heirs in blind letter-worship. After the destruction of
the Jewish commonwealth and the burning of the
Temple in Jerusalem, the Jewish nationality was
broken, and Sadduceeism was dead. For the occupa-
tion of the priests was gone, their ministrations in the
Temple with the sacrifices were no longer wanted. Not
a shadow of worldly power was left. No more conten-
tion for office and distinction, no more separation from
and no more elevation above the masses. The Sad-
ducees vanished from history. The Pharisees of the
strict school of rigorous observance still existed, and
were represented by the Shammaites, those men who
thought to effect the sanctification of the people by
rendering the yoke of the law heavier and heavier.
y After the destruction of the Temple their gloomy senti-
ment, continually looking backwards towards the
ancient customs and institutions, strove to gain the
ascendency, and advocated destructive asceticism. But
the progressive school of the Hillelites, who paid
♦Literally it means "walk," from the Hebrew word "halach,' to
;^'(). Althou</h Moses emphatically and ener>fetically interdicted any
addition to the six hundred and thirteen coniniandnients of the Ten-
lateuch ("Ve shall add nothing and take off nothing'M, these pre-
C"pts have been augmented in' the Talmud to the imposing number
of 13.602. The filial decisions, which the Rabbis, judges, students
and leaders were obliged to commit to memory on account of their
practical importance, were called Halachah. See my: "The Tal-
mud" (Denver, 1S.S4), pp. 17-1S.
tSee Oeiger: Urschrifl, pp. 134-1,^5. '5', 'S-*^, i?.^-'/'^- 263, 270,
272, 351, marriage laws. S6S and 473.
iGeiger; Urschrift. pp. 77. So, 13S, 139, 262, 372. 445, 468, 403.
^I'rschrift. pp. 106, 149, 16S, 16S, 395, 420, 437. 467, 479.
356 RICI'ORMKD JUDAISM.
liiglic-r respect to sentiment than to vigorous laws, who
consulted the time and yielded to its pressing demands
rather than to obsolete usages and antiquated customs,
saved the spirit of Judaism from perishing and pre-
pared it to enter successfully upon its marvelous
pilgrimage through the world. Geiger then goes on
to give a most minute description of the factors which
were at work in shaping the text of the Bible, its
translations and the later literary monuments of the
Jews. With the instinctive intuition of the true
genius he points out the numerous changes of the text,
which were made by the opposing parties of Judaism
at different periods of our history, in order to serve
their partisan purposes, in order to make the text of
the Bible what seemed to be most advantageous to
their party-inteiests. The German term "tenden-
zioese Aeuderungen" covers the ground better than
any Knglish word we know of. Follownng up this line
of argument for an unbiased explanation of the Bible,
Geiger shows the same method in a scientific apprecia-
tion of the Talmud. He sees in the Talmud, which is
regarded by so many as the very embodiment of stag-
nation and ossification, a stupendous innovation upon
the simplicity of the Bible-religion, and the grandest
possible proof of the progressive development within
Judaism.*
*Geiger expresses himself on the Talmud as follows: " In gen-
eral, his (the Jew's) spirit was never bent down in him, however
much depressed his outward carriage. While in dark ages bishops
and knights were entirely devoted to ignorance, and the difficuk art
of reading and writing remained something foreign to them, this
remnant of the dispersed Jews still preserved an aspiration to spirit-
ual development, often but n one-sided one, which would not always
keep pace with progress in life, but still it was a spiritual energy
which forever saved their freshness. Canonization of ignorance has
never been the rule in Israel. Science now and then took a crooked
route, their acuteness sometimes went astray, their mind now and
then adorned itself with worthless tinsel, but it was ever active.
Gigantic works of darker and brighter times are before us, produc-
tions of thought and profound spiritual activity, and they awaken
our reverence. I do not endorse ever}- word of the Talmud, nor
ever}- idea of our teachers of the middle ages, but I would not lose a
tittle thereof; they contain an acumen and power of thought which
fill us with reverence for the spirit that animated our ancestors, a
Al'.RAIIAM (-.KU'.lvK. 357
We do nol claim to have given to our readers even
a faint synopsis of a work like Geiger's ^'Urschrift,"
which he himself had considered the work of his life.
The ideas held forth were adversely commented on by
scholars of the opposite school, and the author
had to face a raging storm, on account of the
radical views on the Bible, advanced for the first time
in Jewish history by a Rabbi in office. Especially
Krankel and his school were merciless in their stric-
tures. The same school, Gractz in particular, have
since then made Biblical-criticism a favorite occupa-
tion.
But Geiger had the satisfaction to find soon his
work appreciated and recognized by scholars whose
reputation was established in th? world of letters. Dr.
Neubaner said: "The chief merit of Geiger's re-
searches in regard to this branch of study is his power-
ful analysis of obscure Talmudical passages.'' Professor
Schenkel has in his world-renowned "Bibellexicon,"
(1872), virtually adopted Geiger's researches on
"Pharisees." Schenkel is one of the most prominent
Christian theologians of this century. The "Volks-
zeitung" of Berlin, said that the "Urschrift" offered
for the next ten years entirely new material for im-
portant critical research. The "Kreuzzeitung," the
organ of the Junkerpartei,"* attacked the work in
strong terms, while a Professor of Catholic theology,
Krueger in Braunsberg, made Geiger's results the basis
of his book, ''De secerdotum apud Judaoos nobilitate"t
and acknowledged this fact in a letter of thanks to
Geiger. The "Revue Germanique" contained a most
excellent article on the "Urschrift," and Ploldheim
was full of enthusiasm about the work. The study of
the book he said regenerated him scientifically, and
inspired him to the publication of a work in Hebrew
fullness of pouncl sense, salutary maxims, a freshness of opinion often
bursts upon us that, even to this day, exercises its vivifyinv^ and in-
spiring effect upon us." (pp. 2S4-S5.) (Geiger, "Judaisin and its
Ilistorv," pp. 2S4-S5. My "Talmud," pp. 13-14)-
*The paVty of the ultra-orthodox old Prussian nobility.
rOn the priestly nobility of the Jews.
35^ Klil'ORMEl) JUDAISM.
lanj;uaoe.* The "Protestant Kirclic-nzcitiuij.;/' the
organ of scientific orthodoxy had in No. 44 an essay:
" The Result of the Jewish Investigation on Phari.sees
and Sadducees," (Nov. ist, 1862), in which Geiger's
views are fully indorsed. Ih'ockhaus's "Conversations-
Lexicon" of 1864, contains an article on "Apokryphs,"
based on the results of the "Urschrift." Professor
Dozy of the Leyden (Holland) University in a book:
"The Israelites at Mekka" and another Dutch scholar
A. Juynbell in his "Relation of the Kingdom of
Juda to the xA^ssyrian Power" in the years 741-711,
have also based their researchesf on Geiger's
"Urschrift." A disciple of the great French savant
Renan, Isaie Levaillaut asked Geiger's permission to
translate the "Urschrift" into the French, saying, that
Renan, whose secretary he was, promised to find a
publisher for the work. "Renan," he said in his letter,
"before leaving Asia, charged me to inform you what a
sympathetic reader you have in him." ;|; Of other re-
nowned Chi'istian German Professors, who have ac-
cepted Geiger's theories on the: "Sadducees and
Pharisees" may be mentioned: Holtzmann in the
second volume of the, "History of Israel" by Weber
and Holtzman, Hanne in Hilgenfeld's periodical,
Haussrath in Gelzer's Monthly, and Keim in his,
"History of Jesus of Nazareth," in the first volume,
(1867). '
These instances, which could be augmented, go
to show, that the "Urschrift" of Geiger is next to
Zunz's "Gottesdientliche Vortraege der Juden,"§ the
most prominent Jewish publication of this century.
How man^■ of our American Rabbis know of the ex-
*Holdlieiiii's "INIaaiiiar Haisluith" is meant. See p. 244 of this book.
tBoth works were published in Holland in 1863. See Geiger's
Zeitschrift, III, pp. 150-151.
i"M. Renan, m'a charge avant de partr de vous remercier de
toutes les charmantes choses (jue vous lui avez envoyees et de vons
dire quel lecteur synipathique vous avez en lui."
§Berlin, 1832. For scientific Jewish theology (ieiger's Urschrift
is even of far greater import than Zunz's "(iottesd. Vortr,"
AHRAHAM (;ki(;i-.r. 359
istence of this literary inoiiument of modern
Judaism? Hov main- possess it, how many
read and study it? Few, very few take suflficient
interest in exegetical studies concerning the origin and
development of our Biblical literature. And yet, with-
out such studies the history of Judaism cannot be com-
prehended. If this book shall have the effect of inducing
our voung American Rabbis to devote a part of their
time to the study of (^eiger's ' 'Urschrift, "even at the risk
of reading a few chapters less of Spencer, Huxley and
others — the author will feel himself greatly rewarded.
"Look up to Abraham (Geiger), the father of modern
Jewish theology!" I remember, that at the celebra-
tion of Geiger^s last birthday in Berlin, Dr. Emil G.
Hirsch, then a student of the "Hochschule fuer die
Wissenschaft des Judenthums,"t spoke of his inten-
tions to translate the "Urschrift" into English. It
would only be a debt of gratitude, if Geiger' s disciples
in this country and in England should undertake this
praiseworthy task. True, it would be too difficult a
work for one man. But four men like Emil Hirsch,
Felix Adler, Samuel Sale, and the author of this book,
all disciples of Geiger, could easily accomplish such a
labor of love. The thanks of the scientific world of
England and America would surely follow.
Next to the publication of the "Urschrift" the
year 1857 was epochal in Geiger's life on account of
the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of his
Rabbinical career. (Nov. 21st). This event became
a great holiday for the Breslau Congregation and com-
munity. Congregations, (Wiesbaden, Posen and
others). Magistrates, friends, and students vied with
one another in making this day a feast. Presents and
congratulations poured in from all sides. Among
dedications to the Jubilee I mention in particular the
one written by the celebrated poet, Berthold Auerbach,
Geiger's life-long friend. It begins with the Hebrew
quotation from Genesis, XXVII, 27: "See the smell
of my son is as the smell of the field which (rod has
blessed." He concludes thus: "In vour work as a
360 kKKORMED JUDAISM.
scholar and in your religious activity is a breath of the
field, always fresh, invigorating as the air of nature.
May it continiie to enliven you and everything emanat-
ing from you." Lazar Geiger, Dr. Honigman, Prof. M.
A. Stern, (Goettingen), Ferdinand Cohn, (Hreslau) also
sent beautiful poems and dedications. Tlie celebration
lasted three days, Friday, Saturday and Sunday. In a
letter to Jacob Auerbach, dated Dec. 3, 1857 Geiger
says: "I may speak of days of feast. * * The
recognition, which I have received, is, to say the least,
a full recompensation for all my labor and painful
struggles. The author, as a consistent representative
of a scientific system, has been celebrated by his fol-
lowers, the undaunted progressive Rabbi has been
celebrated by the Congregations, more than he de-
served. But I appreciate even still higher, that it has
been demonstrated, that the man was not lost in the
author and Rabbi. Men participated in the festivities,
who do not sympathize with my radical views, who
not seldom were my opponents."*
But, alas, for the inconstancy of human happi-
ness! Geiger' s beloved wife Emilie, to all appearances
enjoying good health on this day of gladness, had
already then suffered of a disease, to which she suc-
cumbed three years later, Dec. 6th, i86o.t
Geiger could never forget this hard bereavement,
and the name of his beloved wife was always mentioned
in the prayers after meals in his house. During her
sickness in Berlin, Zunz and his wife proved them-
selves true friends.
The more Geiger threw himself into the vortex of
scientific labor on account of this sad loss. He resumed
again this "Zeitschrift fuer Wissenschaft und Leben,"
which w^as uninterruptedly published until Geiger' s
*Posthumous Works, V, pp. 221-22.
tThe following epitaph, written bj^ Geiger, adorns her grave:
"Was du gevvesen,-Wird nie verwesen,-Bleibst wie hinieden, Im
ewigen Frieden,-Vor Gottes Throne, -Des Mannes Krone der Kinder
Wonne-Des Hauses Sonne." ("What thou hast been will never die.
Thou remainest before (iod's throne in eternal peace. As thou hast
been here, the husband's crown, the children's joy, the home's sun.")
ABRAHAM GKIC'rKR. 3(^)1
death. It was a quarterly Review" and invited as con-
tributors the "Biblical searchers of all denominations."
Indeed Christian Professors like Xoeldecke-vStrassburg,
world-renowned Orientrilists, like Wright in London,
Chwolson in Petersburg; Walz, New York; Fleischer,
Leipzig; Delitzsch, Leipzig and other European
authorities honored Geiger's Magazine with their con-
tributions. Those of our readers, who are no strangers
to the literature of Oriental philology are aware of the
fact that the men just named belong to the recognized
authorities of the Nineteenth century. Of Jewish
scholars, who contributed to the "Zeitschrift" I
mention Zunz, Prof. Dernbourg, Steinschneider, Prof.
Luzatto, Wechsler, Prof. Goldzieher, Gruenebaum,
Prof. Harkavy, Prof, M. A. Levy, Prof. M. A. Stern,
Jacob Auerba'ch, Samuel Adler, N. and A. Bruell, K.
Kohler, Landsberger,Kirchheim, Prof. Ludwig Gei-
gcr, Prof. Neubaner,* L. Baer, Schorr, Erlich, Wolff,
Wiener, Kaiserling, Wolf, Vienna, Triber, Aub,
Rothschild, Kohn, Prof. Schiller-Szinessy, Baerwald,
Felsenthal, Tobias Cohn, D. Oppenheim, Lebrecht
and others. Geiger's literary correspondence was
verv extensive. In the same year, (i860), he under-
took a journey through Switzerland and a greater part
of Germany, where he formed interesting acquaintances
with Prof.' Lazarus, Sprenger, Valentin, Buedinger-
Weil, Hitzig, Benfey, Bertheau, Noeldecke, and renewed
the friendship with Stern, Frensdorff and others.
In consequence of Dr. Leopold Stein's resignation
the position in Frankfurt was offered to Geiger repeat-
edlv,.but he flatly declined out of consideration for
Stein. He even urged Stein to make peace with the
Frankfort Congregation, and to remain in office after a
special committee had been sent to him from Frank-
fort entreating him to accept the call, Jan. 4th, 1863.
But alter a petition of members of the Frankfort Con-
gregation to reinstate Stein was not acted upon, and
*Prof. Adolph Neuliauer (< )xfor(l). said that Geiger was doubtless
the "highest living authority" on Samaritan literature.
3^2 REFORMED JUDAISM.
the position would have been offered to another, Gei-
ger did not feel it incumbent upon him to dismiss
another deputation, headed by his friend Dr. Elissen,
therefore he accepted the position in his native city,
(February 7th, 1863).
It is needless to say, that enemies of Geiger, most
particularly those who tried in season and out of season
to embitter his life in Breslau, were the first to speak
of Geiger' s ingratitude towards the Breslau Congrega-
tion in leaving it, and of the "wrong" done to his
friend, Dr. Stein, by going as Rabbi to Frankfort. In-
deed a pasquinade full of the meanest slanders,
aspersions and insinuations reflecting on Geiger' s
character was published in the same year in Bres-
lau by an anonymous assailant, under the title: "Dr.
Geiger and His Removal From Breslau to Frank-
fort."* This libelous pamphlet had only the effect to
make Geiger, who still wavered, f owing to the en-
treaties of his Breslau friends, immovable in his reso-
hitions, and with a heavy heart he saw no other way
than to send in his resignation to the Breslau Congre-
gation, (March 13), which was accepted April 13, to
take effect August ist.
There are those who claim that Geiger ought to
have remained in Breslau. After the treachery of the
executors of the Fraeukel-endowment in basely be-
traying the trust placed in them, cheating Geiger
out of the office of director of the Breslau Seminary
and making of it a hot-bed of Jesuitism and hypocrisy,
it is rather surprising, that Geiger remained in Bres-
lau so long, without being disgusted. Aside from this
his wife had died and his isolation became more oppres-
sive. Now Frankfurt was the place of his birth, where
he had relatives and old friends. And, last but not
least, he laid the flattering unction to his soul, that the
*Breslau 1863. There is reason to believe that Graetz and his
clique were not ignorant of the personality of the nameless coward.
tHe had even written to Frankfort, requesting the Congregation
to release him from his promise to accept the position, but this re-
quest was not granted.
ABRAHAM GEIGER. 363
Rothschilds and the numerous other Frankfort Jewish
millionaires would be easily influenced by him, as their
Rabbi, to establish in Frankfort a Theological Institu-
tion for the education of consistent Reform-Rabbis,
which would stand under his guidance and sole con-
trol. Later events will show that the Psalmist was
right in saying: "Do not trust in the rich." In a
letter to Stern,* Geiger said: "If I could only succeed
in establishing in Frankfort a Rabbinical Seminary in
accord with my ideas. And this is after all the most
important motive of my removal." Geiger' s depart-
ure from Breslau was equally honorable for the man
who officiated there twenty-three years ?s for the Con-
gregation. On July 4th, Geiger delivered his farewell-
sermon before an audience which filled the Temple to
its utmost capacity. On July 7th, a banquet was
tendered to him, at which toasts, poems and costly
presents of magistrates and friends gave proof of his
great popularity. The ladies of the Congregation, his
pupils, and the Societies over which he presided,
overwhelmed him with presents, addresses and tokens
of love and respect. In a letter to Stern of January
25th, 1863, Geiger writes: "The poor children shed
tears on hearing that I intended to leave. jMany
Guelfish court-pastors w^ould like to see such tears,
but they are only shed because they remain in their
places." On July 9th Geiger left Breslau, and after a
sojourn of a few weeks in Colberg, a summer-resort,
he arrived Aug. 9th in Frankfort. Of the numerous
poems to Geiger the one entitled: "Abschieds-
grurs" (Farewell Greeting), by Dr. S. Meyer, Breslau,
July, 1863, is touching in the extreme. We excerpt
the following lines:
"Wem drang's nicht einmal in die Seele tief,
wenn ihn der Mutter traute Stimme rief? Dass er noch
einmal in dem heil'gen Raum, Geniessen moeg, der
Jugend gold'nen Traum; die ]\Iutter hat sich nichl des
♦June 17th, 1863. Posthumous Works, V, p. 263.
364 RKFORM]-;d JUDAISM.
Kiiur.s zu schaeiiieii, und will den grosseu Soliii,
zurueck sicli nelmieii."
GEIGKR IN FRANKFORT.
Had Geiger been the man to seek a resting-place
after long struggles and hot contests, he could not
have found a better place than Frankfort, the town of
his birth. But he felt disappointed, that the main
object of his accepting the po.sition, namely the estab-
lishment of a Theological Faculty, could not be realized,
although he left no stone unturned to bring about such
a consummation. True, his sermons, his religious in-
struction imparted to the young and his confirmation-
classes were a source of joy to him and of general
satisfaction to his Congregation. But he found noth-
ing to fight for, and hence the enthusiastic combatants
of the palmy days of Breslau were wanting, in
short, Geiger was not in his element. His plan to
form a: "Society for Jewish Affairs," was not suc-
cessful, although D. D. Adler, of Cassel; Landsberger,
of Darmstadt; Goldschmidt, of Leipzig, Calm, of
r.Iainz, Aub, of Mainz, Rothschild, of Alzey, Goldman,
of Birkenfeld, Suesskind, of Wiesbaden, Wittelshoefer,
of Floss, Wertheim, of Berlin, Koeuigswarter, of
Paris, w^ere present in Frankfort to hold a discussion.
The absence of contention gave Geiger an op-
portunit}' to devote more time and attention to the
science of Judaism. He w^as j^leasantly surprised b)-
visits of old and new friends such as M. A. Stern,
Berthold Auerbach, Edward Lasker, Prof. Dozy, of
Leyden, Prof. Staehelin, of Basel, Joseph Dernbourg,
of Paris, M. A. Levy, of Breslau. Jacob Auerbach and
Raphael Kirchheim belonged to his most intimate
personal friends in Frankfort. In a letter to Wechsler
Geiger writes: A man who has been accustomed for
twenty-three years to be the center of the Congrega-
tion will meet in Frankfort with many centrifugal
forces and al.so with men who wan t to be centers
themselves. FVankfort * * cannot so easily be made
AHRAIIA.M GKIGKK. 365
enthusiastic."* In saying this, Geiger does not mean
that he was less popular in Frankfort than in Breslau.
But no man can accomplish in eight weeks the work of
twentv-three years. Geiger continued in Frankfort
his lectures on "Judaism and Its History."! In a
letter to M. A. Levy he said, that Graetz has ''no
historical intuition" and in a letter to Stern he calls-
Graetz "a charlatan of the first water."* A strong
expression, but a man like Geiger knew w^hat he was
saying. Whenever an eminent scholar died (Luzatto,
Frankfurter and others) he comDlained, that there are
no good men to take their places.
The following letter is practically important for our
own circumstances in this country just now, when we
are grappling with the question of the wholesale immi-
gration of Russian Jews. Geiger' s ideas on the Rou-
manian Jewish question are bold and in pleasant con-
trast with the seutimentalism which is so often parad-
ed in our Jewish Press. In a letter to Saniel Markus,
of Bucharest, § he is Just as outspoken in this matter as
he is in everything else. He took great interest in the
Roumanian Jewish question, and interested the Berlin
Jewish Congregation and his own Congregation in the
matter of sending petitions to the King and to the
Chancellor. Indeed, the King of Prussia and the
Prince of Hoheuzollern, father of the reigning prince
of Roumania, promised to do their best in the matter. ||
But at the same time Geiger did not shut his eyes
to the seat of the evil. In two articles entitled
"Spirit and Money," he forcibly raised his voice
against "political missionary activity." No nation
can be regenerated by another. "Civilization cannot be
imported, and can be acquired only by hard labor.
Who has ever assisted the Jews in Germany? Did they
ever ask the mediation of France, England or America?
♦October 15th, 1S63. Posthumous Works, V, p. 2S5.
tHreslau, Schletter, 1S62-1S65.
tPosthunious Works, V, p. 257.
^Posthumous Works. V, p. 297-299. March I7lh, 1868.
llSee Geiger's Zeitschrift, VI, pp. 81-86, 160, 2S9.
366 RKKORMKl) JUDAISM.
Much as we sympathize with you Jews in Roumaiiia,
it is not well if you always wait for outside assistance,
and thus show how little confidence you have in your-
selves. Go to work energetically, as we in Germany
have done and are still doing. Continual complaints
lose their force and degrade. * * Work and labor
in your own cause. * * Be doubly watchful over
yourselves, so that prejudice against you can find not
even the semblance of a cause. * * But the worst
possible thing is, when you never cease to beg for
money. As soon as a house is on fire in Galicia, the
whole west of Europe and America are expected to pay
for the damage done. When a crop in Persia is bad,
an appeal is made to all the Jews, and when a mob of
Roumania ruins a few houses, then all Israel should
establish insurance-societies. *
Geiger did not object to alms-giving as such, but
to its abuses. " It onl}- relieves temporarily," he con-
tinues, "without stopping the sources of the evil.
These sources are: Ignorance, fanaticism, intolerance,
hostility to culture and civilization. Just keep on
throwing away thousands and thousands of thalers by
sending them to Jerusalem. They encourage and nur-
ture barbarism, laziness, fanatic fury and savagery, f
Out of the midst of the land itself must emanate the
powers and forces of civilization and regeneration. The
imported article will never accomplish the work.+
Geiger felt most painfully the isolation of the pro-
gressive Rabbis who were in favor of Reform. Again
he instigated a movement tending to revive the Rabbin-
ical Conferences of 1844 to 1846. The following is a
synopsis of a most excellent article on the present situ-
ation: "The Resurrecting Rabbinical Conference. " §
"I say to-day, what I said more than thirty years ago.
The Jews as a whole have advanced, but Judaism does
*Geiger's Zeitschrift, X, pp. 161-165, 220.
tEven the hyper-orthodox Sir Moses Montefiore, was excommu-
nicated by this gentr}', because he dared to establish schools in Jeru-
salem.
iWissensch, Zeitschrift, X, p. 218.
^Zeitschrift, VI, pp. 161-171, July 10th, 1868.
ABRAHAM GKKiER. 367
not keep pace with the progress of the time. * *
The Congregations do not know what they want and
do not want what they know. The intelligent Jews do
not wish to be distnrbed from their rest, and are there-
fore ready to make the most disgusting concessions.*
* * There must be found some remedy, no matter
how many attempts are accompanied by failure. * *
Public discussions are growing to be a pressing necessity.
The new results of scientific research must no longer
remain buried in the library of the student, or in some
magazines read by specialists, but they must become
public property of the masses. We entertain now rad-
ically different ideas on the Bible and the Talmud,
from those we entertained two decades ago. This
knowledge must be imparted to the people. * *
"We must, by means of public discussion, try to
eradicate ignorance. It is ignorance which induces
some to cling anxiously to the most obsolete forms.
Others again through ignorance, are led to believe,
because they do no longer practice effete customs and
antiquated ceremonies, that they cut loose entirely
from the fold of Judaism, and many a Rabbi is afraid
to abolish a custom which had lost its meaning in our
days, because he does not wish to act single-handed,
not knowing how his Congregation will look upon his
step. Therefore discussions on such questions by the
Rabbis, and the presence of representatives of Congre-
gations at such discussions would be considered as an
expression of the will of the Congregation. There are
things where a change or total abolition are urgent de-
mands of the time. * * All this impelled me, in
company with others, to revive the Rabbinical Confer-
ences. Twenty years ago it was necessary to have
only Rabbis admitted as members of such assemblies.
But even then worthy scholars like Jost and Znnz were
invited to the Conferences. In our day, however, we
need not hesitate to admit men who are well versed in
the Jewish literature, even if they kre no Rabbis.
♦This is a true picture of the state of Judaism in Kurope in our
davs. Not so in America.
368 RICKORMED JUDAISM.
Dr. Pliilippsohn, acting on Geiger's suggestion,
called a Conference to Cassel, which convened August
nth to 13th, 1868, and was attended by twenty-four
Rabbis. The question of public worship occupied them
almost exclusively. While they did not act on this
question, they passed the resolution to hold in 1869 a
Synod in Leipzig, which should be composed of Rabbis,
Jewish scholars and representatives of Congregations.
Geiger's influence can be seen in this resolution. He
strongly opposed the idea of adn;itting to the Synod
delegates only, who were elected by Congregations to
the Synod. In an article: "The Conference in the
Cassel"* he said: "The Conference did well to op-
pose the idea of electing delegates. Such a clause is
useless, because even the decisions of delegates are not
invested with legal power, and it is dangerous, because
not the men of principle, but the men of mediocrity,
would constitute the majority of the delegates. What ?
Just those sincere men, who are not satisfied to swim
along with the current, but who, following the dictates
of their conscience, are not afraid to do battle for their
conviction, if needs be, should be kept away from the
Synod ? Should not the men of genuine firmness of
character, who never flinch and never waver in their
convictions, be entitled to take part in discussions, the
very object of which is to strengthen principle and to
vivify conviction ?
"What is the use of all compromises, of all successes,
if faint-heartedness is nurtured, and the living impulse
of the spirit is killed ?"
Thus the Synod at Leipzig was held.f
Geiger was not over-elated over the results of the
Leipzig Synod, because over-cautiousness, timidity
and want of courage characterized the assembly.
He missed in it justly the spirit of the Rabbinical
*Zeitschrift, VI, 241-247. See also a very interesting article by
Dr. Wechsler on the "Cassel Conference," Zeitschrift,VII, pp. 70-74.
t See my "Report on the First Synod, of Leipzig, June 29th to
July 4tli, 1869, In the "Yearbook of the Central Conference of Ameri-
can Rabbis," pp. loo-iii, ^Cfncinnati, 1891, Bloch Publishing Co.)
ABRAHAM (iKICI-.K. 369
Conferences held in the forties. Comparincr the
Philadelphia Rabbinical Conference, which met
November 3rd to 6th, 1869,* with the ''Synod/'
Geiger candidly admits that the Leipzig Synod
was not satisfactory,! that indecision was one of
its great defects. He said that Philippsohn's bombas-
tic ^resolution betrayed too ostentatiously a desire of
creating a sensation and producing an effect outside of
Judaism, but that it was inconsistent, devoid of force
and principle, so far as the inner development of Juda-
ism was concerned. It was even worse than valueless,
inasmuch as it put upon the transactions the stamp of
superficiality and shallowness. These declarations and
the discussions on the divine worship showed a careful
evasion of principles and burning questions. In short,
the Synod was afraid to appear liberal, had the courage
to recede a few steps, and was so bold as to appear con-
servative.
Of the Philadelphia Conference Geiger speaks very
enthusiastically. "Here we meet with flesh of our
flesh, spirit of our spirit. The men who controlled this
Conference are Germans who crossed the ocean, who
brought to America their knowledge and theological
point of view, who still are intellectually nurtured from
the sources of its spiritual life, but who in free America
are enabled to a more consistent and more energetic ac-
tivitv. Here are names of sterling characters in their
former homes in the fatherland, very dear, brave old
friends. There is the worthy, considerate S. Adler, there
is Einhorn, always aglow with youthful, noble zeal,
who has already gone through his development in
Schwerin and Pest, and feels now invigorated in the fresh
air of America. There we find also the straightfor-
ward, candid Hirsch."t
Just at that time Geiger was requested by the
Frankfort Congregation, to publish a. prayer-book.
*In a book on "Reform Judaism in America." %ve will have occa
sion to say more of this Conference.
tZeitschrift, VIII, i)p. 5-6 H".
ille wasRahbi in Philarlelphia, at Knesseth Israel Congregation.
;^yo rp:formk:d judaism.
This work was done on the basis of the theses laid be-
fore the "Synod" and scientifically argned in an
essay entitled: "Plan for a New Prayer-Book.' ' * Dr.
J. Auerbach and Raphael Kirchheim assisted Geiger
in this work, which was however not finished in
Frankfort, but in Berlin, where it was published in
1870 in two volumes under the title: "Israelitish
Prayer-Book Second Edition, Berlin, L. Gerschel's
Publishing-House. ' '
But Geiger's literary activity in Frankfort was
not exhausted with the question on worship. Aside
from four sermons and "Congratulation to Zunz on the
Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday," a very important
historical document for the lives of both these great
men,f he contributed to Loew's "Ben Chauanjah," to
the "Zeitschrift der Deutsch - Morgenlaendischen
Gesellschaft" on Syrian and Samaritan philology, and
published his "Zeitschrift," where most of the articles
emanated from his pen.
The lectures: "Judaism and its History," which
were delivered by Geiger before selected audiences in
the winter-months of 1863-64, and 64-65, are his most
popular works. They were mercilessly attacked,
particularly on account of his bold opinions on the
"origin of Christianity, " ideas which were never before
expressed by a Jewish theologian. But even his op-
ponents like Delitzsh;): in Leipzig could not deny the
originality and philosophical independence of his
ideas, the stupendous scholarship stored up in these
works and the brilliancy of his descriptions of the dif-
ferent epochs of Jewish history and literature. Tnis
work does not pretend to be a "History," biit gives
outlines of Jewish history and culture. The first
volume contains "A Review of the New Labors on
*Zeitschrift: "Our service," VI, t-2t, which caused a highlj-inter-
estint; controversy between Geiger and Dr. Joel, his successor in
Breslau." See Dr. Joel: " Zur Orienirung in der Cultusfrage," and
Geiger: ''Zu Schutz und Trutz," Zeitschrift, VII, pp. 1-59.
t Posthumous Works, I, 296-30S. Geiger calls Zunz his master and
teacher. August, 1S64.
i Jesus and Hillel, Leipzig, 1S64.
ABRAHAM GKIOKR. 37 1
the Life of Jesus," in which Renau's and I). F.
Strauss' s works on this subject are ably and strongly
criticised. To the second volume is appended an
''Open Letter to Prof. Dr. H. Holtzman."*
In 1867 Geigcr published: "Salomon Crabirel
and His Poems, "f which opened to the public the view
into an entirely new realm of literature. We see here a
great poet and gigantic mind wrestling with the un-
fathomable mysteries of life. Geiger's translations
from the Hebrew into elegant German are masterpieces
of poetical genius, and generally recognized as such.
In 1866 attempts were made by the friends of Re-
form in the Jewash Congregation of Berlin to induce Gei-
ger to accept the position of Rabbi in that city. Berthold
Auerbach's first letter to Geiger on this subject is
dated Fel)ruary, 1866. But Geiger's enemies published
a pamphlet, in which extracts from Geiger's "Ur-
schrift" were put together without system and sense,
in order to prove his heresy and unbelief. It took,
three years of incessant struggle and alert watchful-
ness on the side of the liberal and progressive party,
before their purpose of electing Geiger as Rabbi of
Berlin became realized (September, 1869). This re-
sult was not a little due to the labor of his friend, Dr.
Aub, who in his "opinion" on the compatil^lity of
free research with the office of Rabbi, given 1842,
spoke of Geiger as "the first representative of the
scientific theology of Judaism. ":|;
The only thing which induced Geiger to make a
change from Frankfort to Berlin was the assurance
given him that he would find in Berlin the long looked
for opportunity to teach students of theology in the
*Hreslau, 1S65, Schletter's Verlag, 203 pages.
tLeipzig, Oscar Leiner, 148 pages.
iSee page 312 of this book, and Rabbin. Gutachten, II, p. 1 1 ( Bres-
laii, 1S42). Dr. Aub was one of the teachers of the author of this
V)Ook. My book: "Tlie Self-criticism of the Jews" (Die Selbstkritik
(ler Ju(len) Berlin, jSSo, second edition, Leipzig. 1S90, was dedica-
ted to him.
372 KKIORMKI) JUDAISM.
"Hocliscliule fiR-r die Wisseiischaft dcs JudcMitlmins."*
Without this linn promise he would uot have accepted
the position.
gkigp:r in r>p:RLiN.
The general fear that Geiger would have to strug-
gle hard with orthodoxy was, we are glad to say,
not well grounded. Hence the few years still allotted
him to live, were not embittered by unrelenting ene-
mies. The circumstances in Berlin in 1870 were
vastly different from those in Breslau in 1838.
Geiger entered upon his position in Berlin in Febru-
ary, 1870. His sermons and religious school were great
favorites with the people. His sermons on the occasion
of the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Ber-
lin Congregation f and on Kosch,:|: were published.
He lectured alternately in both Synagogues of Berlin
before inspired Congregations.
The Synod at Muenchen, 1870, could not be held
on account of the German-French war, but two years
later the second and last Svnod was held at Augsburg,
ni which Geiger had taken great interest. This Synod
pleased him better than the one at Leipzig, because a
*The Prussian government insisted on the change of the name
"Hochschule" to that of "Lehraustalt" (Institute of Learning).
We are informed by Prof. Lazarus, the founder of the Institution,
that it is very prosperous, and that many students of the Breslau
Seminary and Budapest "Rabbinats-Austalt" come to Berlin to finish
in the "Lehranstalt" their theological education. The students are
called to positions before their studies are finished. See Geiger's let-
ter to Prof. Lazarus, October 5th, 1869, also letter to the Directory of
the Berlin Congregation, October6th, 1S69 (Posthumous Works, V, pp.
324. 325 and 326). To all those of my esteemed readers who enjoy
this, my book, I can conscientious!}- sa}- that without Geiger's ac-
ceptance of the Berlin Rabbinate, I would not have been so fortu-
nate as to form Geiger's acquaintance and to become his enthusiastic
disciple. For it was Geiger, who, by iiis sermons and writings, in-
fluenced me to leave the orthodox school of Dr. Hildesheimer in
fierlin, and to espouse the cause of Reform. Geiger's removal from
Frankfort to Berlin was therefore instrumental in the publication of
this book.
tSeptember loth, 1871, Zeitschrift, IX, pp. 241-255.
JAt the coffin F J. L. Kosch, member of parliament.
AHRAHAM {-.KIC.KR. 373
more progressive spirit aiiiiuated its uKni1)ers'' and
more important and radical resolutions were passed
there.
Lazarus and (ieiger published the transactions
of the Augsburg Svnod.f This was the last Synod
which Geiger attended, and, alas, the last Jewish
Synod in Germany.
Of Geiger's literary activity in lierlin we mention
hi. pamphlet against the Prussian Ober-Kirchenrath ort
the ''Conversion to Judaism." This great light of the
Church had sent a Ukas to the pastors standing under
his jurisdiction in which he ordered them in every case
where a Christian embraced Judaism, to make known
this "painful news'' to their parishioners, to mention
the name of the apostate, to give public expression to
the feeling of mourning on account of this apos-
tasv, and to admonish the Congregation "to pray
that God may have mercy on the renegade and
may let him recognize the error of his way."
The Jewish Congregation of Berlin protested energet-
ically against such a piece of mediaevalism and earned
the applause of a number of enlightened Christians,
who came out in a strong declaration against this intol-
erant act on the part of the church government. ^ Gei-
ger criticised in his brochure, not only the "Ukas" but
the "general behavior of the church toward Judaism
in modern times."
Aside from his "Zeitschrift "Geiger published the
third volume of his: "Judaism and its History, "t
which owed its existence to the lectures delivered in
the winter-months of 1870 in Berlin.
*See Zeitschrift of \V. U. L., VIII. 81-100. See also letter to
Stern: "The retardin<< elements were absent, and a fresh, courat^eous
spirit pervaded the Synod."
I refer to my resume of the resolutions of the Auijsl)ur<i Synod m
the Yearbook of the Central Conference of American Rabl)is, pp.
111-117, (Cincinnati, 1S91, Bloch Pul)li.«hing Co.)
jBerlin, 1873. Louis Gerschel, 262 paj^es.
i Judaism and its History. Ill vols, containing the history of' the
thirteenth to the sixteenth century, inclusive. Hreslau. 1871, 200
pages.
374 RKKORMKl) JUDAISM.
Ihil llie cro\vnin<j^ success of his Berlin career was
the lectures from 1871 until his death, which he de-
livered before students, some of whom were Christian and
some did not study theology. These lectures were first
given in the Epraim-Veitel-Heine Institution of learn-
ing, together with D. D. Steinschneider, Lebrecht,
Aub, and Haarbruecker. But since the establishment
of the "Hochschule fuer die Wissenschaft des Juden-,
flium's," they have been delivered there. The author
of this book regards it as the greatest happiness of his
life to have enjoyed the privilege of attendnig all these
lectures in both Institutions. Only those who were
so fortunate as to have this privilege* are capable of
forming an idea of Geiger's power as a lecturer on
Judaism. Tho.se who only heard his sermons could not
enter into the true being of the man, jJut in his lec-
tures amidst enthusiastic students, who were inspired
by the ideals of a science of Judaism, who had the am-
bition to labor in the cause of Reform-Judaism, to
propagate his ideas, to continue his difficult, but sub-
lime task, there he was in his element. Though sixty
years old, he spoke like a man of twenty, his eye was
aglow, the "Shekhina" seemed to rest on his face
when he introduced us into the intricacies of Jewish
history, literature, philosophy, and particularly of
Biblical criticism. There we sat, spell-bound, listening,
catching fire from his fire, and inspiration from his
great mind. We made of course notes, but his lecture
would become so interesting, his eloquence so magnetic
that it was impossible -to write, and when the bell rang
admonishing us that the academic hour had passed,
nobody was more sorr\' than we, his students, ad-
mirers and enthusiastic disciples. Other Professors of
the "Hochschule" delivered also more or less instruc-
tive lectures, but from experience the author of this
book can say, that it happened less often that one of
the students missed a lecture of Geiger than one of
the other Professors. The author of this book never
*There are only four in this country, Felix Adler, the author,
of this book, Emil G. Hirsch and Sale.
ABRAHAM (iKlOKK. 375
appreciated better the full meaning of the words of
Jeremiah: "Mv word is like the fire, and like a ham-
mer, which splinters rocks/' than after a lecture of
Geiger. Alas for Judaism, that only such a short
space of time was allotted to this great man for his
work. With his death the "Hochschule" could ex-
claim: "My glory, my splendor, and my pride has de-
parted." He hini:-;elf considered these three years just
on account of his activity in the "Hochschnle" as the
happiest of his life. No hour was too early,^ or too
late, no weather was too hot or too cold for this work,
for which he received no pay. In case of indisposition
he requested his disciples to come to his house in order
not to lose a lecture. He lectured at 6 o'clock in the
morning and at 7 o'clock in the evening. He was
always glad to hear the opinions of his students on dif-
ferent subjects, in connection with his lectures, no
matter how erroneous these views were. He was free
of the " Professorenduenkel " (conceit) so common
among German Professors of Universities and among
the Professors of the Breslau Seminary.*
We cannot even attempt to give here a synopsis of
his lectures. The subjects of his lectures were: "The
History of the Twelve Tribes," (1871), "Universal In-
troduction into the Science of Judaism," "Introduc-
tion into the Biblical Writings," " Pirke Abof'f and
"Genesis." In a letter to Wechsler he speaks very
enthusiastically about this work: "What is wanting
in our days,"'he exclaims, "is able, young theolo-
gians with firm convictions. The ' Hochschule'
aims to satisfy this want. We have a band of brave,
enthusiastic students, and if material support could be
given them, as they are recruited from the poorer class-
es, their number could be considerably increased. It
is impossible for me to devote to this, my work, the
*Frankel and Graet/ had the reputation of being proud and dis-
tant.
f'Kthics of the Fathers," philoloj^ically, historically and honii-
leticallv treated. All these lectuces are published in the Posthumous
Works' Vol. IT, p. T-216 and Vol. IV.
376 RKFOKMKD JUDAISM.
time wliich I should like to devote to it. I lecture five
times during the week, * * and the preparation
for such scientific lectures demands a great deal of
time and labor. I would cheerfully give more lectures
but I cannot overtax myself."* "These lectures," he
writes to Stern, December 27th, 1872, "tax my time
to such an extent that I could hardly manage in the
last few months to answer a letter."! Whenever a
prominent man, particularly a good Reformer, died, he
felt keenly the lo-s to the cause. So he writes to
Wechsler after the death of Dr. Mayer, of Stuttgart:
"He has accomplished much for his circle, and has
reached the goal of his life. But again I have to re-
peat with you the question. Where is the after-growth,
which will replace such men?" He deeply regretted
that the majority of the younger Rabbis were hostile,
or at least indifferent to the Reform-movement, because
they had no courage of their opinions.
After Luzatto's death he w^rites to j\I. A. Levy:^
"Whenever a man dies in our day we stand perplexed,
because in the first place there are no men to replace
them, and secondly, because people want a man wlio,
however, should not be a man." It was for this reason
that he labored so hard for the "Hochschule," which
he thought would produce men for the Jewish pulpit. ;i
Now it must not be inferred from Geiger's enthusiastic
activity in the "Hochschule," that he favored the
method in which the Institution was conducted. Oil,
no. He objected in the first place to tire management
of the "Hochschule" by a Curatorium (Board of Gov-
ernors). According to his idea of a Jewish theological
faculty, such Institute .should be managed by the Pro-
fessors only, and not by men standing outside. He
further did not consider mere lectures sufficient, but re-
garded seminary exercises of the students as a necessity.
He further objected to the principle of having Profes-
*Posthinnous Works, V, p. 335, letter November 25;.h, 1S72.
tlhidem, p. 256.
jNoveiiiher 2d, 1^65 Posthumous Works, V, p. 300.
§See also hi.s letter to L. R. Bischoffsheim, ibid. pp. 346-353-
ABRAHAM GEIGER. 377
sors, representing opposite religious views, teach in one
and the same institution. We can say from experience
that this latter objection in particular was well justi-
fied. There was, for instance, the Professor ot the
Talmud, Dr. Loewy, a fanatic and zealot of the worst
type, who .spoke in the meanest, most ungentlemanly
manner of Geiger to us, the students, and who went so
far in his rudeness toward Geiger, that he never recog-
nized him. Loewy is a disciple of Frankel and Graetz.
The following three mottoes of Geiger, which he
wrote under his three pictures (Frankfort, 1839, Bres-
lau, 1846 and 1857), give an insight into his ideals and
aspiration.
1. "I have tried so far to harmonize the two differ-
ent missions of author and Rabbi. I believe that I
have not undertaken an unnatural union, and I patient-
ly await the only authoritative verdict which the God
of truth will render. To him my life and my aspiration
remains consecrated . " *
2. "Through knowledge of the past to the under-
standing of the present, through comprehension to be-
lief."
3. "To draw from the past, to live for the present,
to work for the future."
Geiger was an enthusiastic Rabbi, and prized this
vocation higher than that of the author. Preaching
was his favorite occupation, and the introduction of the
least Reform in worship or practical life was a source
of the greatest pleasure to him. The older he grew the
greater became his love and enthusiasm for religion and
Judaism, and therefore he labored so zealously and en-
ergetically for Reform as the only means to perpetuate
the Jewish religion. But notwithstanding his very lib-
eral ideas he practiced even those ceremonies which he
most forcibly attacked in his writings. '
He did so, because he did not want to give the en-
emies of Reform the satisfaction of saying that the
Jewish Reform-movement is simply a question of con-
♦Posthuinous Works, I, p. 504.
37^ ui':FORMKn judaism.
veiiicncc* He looked upon the movement from an
idealistic point of view, and cheerfnlly offered sacrifices
in its behalf so far as his convenience and pleasure
were concerned. It was no doubt unpleasant for Gei-
ger, who strongly opposed the dietary laws,f to take
pa'rt in a social affair and to abstain from the food spread
on the table, or travel long distances without the en-
joyment of adecent meal. Still he lived up to the di-
etary laws, and had even to hear the sneers of his rad-
ical friends. He hated atheism and ridicule of religion,
and was merciless in his criticism against scoffers. His
mind was very pious and mild; he never missed saving
a short German prayer after meals. His pen was very
forcible in defense of what he considered right, but he
was tolerant toward others who differed from him in
their opinions. Envy and jealously he did not know.
He was an optimist, who never despaired of the final
victory of truth and justice over error and wu^ong. He
always judged others favorably, and excused their
shortcomings. He was charitable without making a
show of it, knew how to touch the hearts, and
moved even those who did not share his advanced
views. His religious instruction in his school (Relig-
ions-Schule) was so animating that his pupils still speak
of it.
His scientific and official activity, his intercourse
with friends and his family-life, were the only pleasures
for which he cared. Theater and amusements had lit-
tle charm for him. He loved simplicity, comfort and
the strictest regularity.
In the last few years of his life he felt really happy,
occupying the most prominent Rabbinical position in
the world, enjoying a scientific activity as Professor of
a theological faculty, where he could mould the minds
of future Rabbis, recognized and appreciated by the
*That orthodoxy did not learn much since that time, is pi'oven
by the fact that even to this day this argument is still its only wea-
pon.
+See his letter to Zunz. "These dietary laws, so devoid of spirit
and sense, and so hostile to sociability."
Ar.UAIIA.M GHIGKR. 379
literary world,* and possessing love and strength to
labor. Apart from this he was blessed with excellent
health and good children, his sons being very promi-
nent in their professions. Althongh sixty-fonr years
old, Geiger had no gray hair, and conld be seen at five
o'clock every morningstandingat his desk working. For
he never sat down while stnd^ing. In a poem (of Ang.
7,Norderney i87i),Geiger prayed that he may never live
to see the day when his mind and heart shonld cease
to be active while his body is still nnimpaired. His
wish was fnlfilled. October 2 2d he was as nsnally en-
gaged in scientific labors, was in the best of hnmor,
and went to bed cheerfnly. In the morning of Friday, Oc-
tober 23d, he was fonnd dead in his bed. No trace of
death-struggle was visible in his face; a paralytic stroke
of the brain destroyed the laboratory of the deep
thinker. The heart which beat so warm for religion
and science was still, t
The funeral took place October 26th, from the
elegant new Berlin Synagogue at the Oranienburger
Strasse. The Temple was illuminated, the pulpit
draped in mourning, exotic plants filled every available
nook. The mourning assembly made an impression
not easily to be forgotten, not so much on account of
its quantity, but of its quality. With a few exceptions,
*See Berthold Auerbach's description of Geiger' s last birthday
celebration, May 24th, 1874, in the "Gegenwart," 1874, p. 293, where
Berthold Auerbach said in his toast, that the future historian
would have to say that Abraham Geiger has done for Judaism of the
nineteenth century what Moses Mendelssohn has done for Judaism
of the eighteenth century.
+ The leading orthodox paper of Germany, "Israelit" Dr. of
Lehman (Mainz), had the following announcement of Geiger's death:
"An diesem Tage wurde ausgerottet die Person in Israel, die meinen
Hand zerstocrt hat" (On this day the person who has destroyed my
covenant was cut off from Israel), to which Prof Dernbourg, of
Paris, in his necrologue on Geiger remarks as follows: "And thus
tliey. the pious ones, have greeted his death with an exclamation
of joy! A prince in Israel had fallen, and they clapped their hands
ar.d attempted to vilify the dea<l man. while they did not dare to
look into the rigid face of tlie living. \Vc turn away with disgust
from this ilegrading spectacle, and with that contempt which he
would have shown to such bacchanalias." (Jued. Zeitschrift, ¥. \V. U.
L. XI, p. ;o7).
380 RKF0R:\IK1) JUDAISM.
the men who chiiined literary distinction were pres-
ent to show their hist honor to the most distinguished
Rabbi of the nineteenth centnry, to the man who has
done more than any other man toward the work of
denationalizing the Jews and tow^ard creating a
scientific Jewish Theology.
After the singing of a dirge by the choir, Dr. Anb,
the life-long friend and colleague of Geiger, delivered
the funeral oration, which moved the assembly to tears,
and was considered the greatest effort of his life.* Rev.
Dr. Goldsmjdt of Leipzig spoke in the name of Gei-
ger's disciples and followers, saying among other
things, that while the number of his disciples who
actually sat at his feet in Breslau, Frankfort and Ber-
lin might not be very large, almost every modern Rab-
bi of this century belongs more or less to his pupils, as
he has been by his epochal w-ritings the teacher of
teachers. Rev. Dr. Ungerleider, Rabbinats-Assessor,
preached at the grave. The Congregations of Breslau,
Wiesbaden and Frankfort were represented by delega-
tions. Rev. Dr. N. Bruell, of Frankfort; Dr. Vogel-
stein, ot Stettin, and the author of this book, then Pro-
fessor at the "Samson-Realschule" at Wolfenbuettel,
were among the Rabbis outside of Berlin who
hastened to Geiger's funeral. In May, 1875, the Jew-
ish Congregation at Berlin unveiled the monument
erected to the memory of Geiger, the inscription of
which reads as follow^s:
'■'•The Jezvish Congregation of Berlin to its never-to-
be-forgotten teacher and leader, AbraJiam Geiger.''''
Eighteen years have elapsed since Geiger's death,
but the position of Geiger is not yet filled. The Con-
gregation of Berlin has since that time elected several
'' Rabbinats- Assessors, " but no — Rabbi.
Since that time in Germany the Jewish Reform-
movement has gone backward rather than forward.
No Rabbinical Conference or Synod in the interest of
Reform-Judaism has been held there since Geiger's
*While Aub was a great theologian, he was not prominent as
preacher.
AliKAHA.M GKIGKK. 381
death. Willi the exception of the Weekly published
by the author of this book from 1876 to 1881, no pe-
riodical advocating Reform-Judaism has been published.
WMienever Rabbis met in Conference, it was for insig-
nificant material interests of the profession. Germany,
the cradle of Reform-Judaism, has since Geiger's death
lost its prestige. German Judaism of to-day presents
to the impartial observer the sad spectacle of religious
indifference, atheism, hypocrisy, Jesuitism and most
absurd orthodoxy, in short, materialism of the
worst type. There are now more cases of apostasy
among the German Jews than ever before since the
forties.
But Reform-Judaism is no longer dependent on
Germany. America has entered upon the heritage of
German Reform-Judaism. In fact Reform-Judaism in
this country is nothing more and nothing less than
German Reform -Judaism, "bone of its bone, and
flesh of its flesh."
The future of Reform-Judaism in this country is
most promising, and from the results already accom-
plished we may gather the cheering hope of still great-
er things yet to come.
INDEX.
Auerbach, Berthold 105, 273, 27S, 313, 379
Auerbach, Isaac Levin 39> ^3. 95. I34. I35. 283
Auerbach, Jacob 202, 220, 283, 2S4, 2S5, 331, 339
Auerbach in Bonn 3^1
Adler, S 156, 165, 217, 224, 229. 244
Adler, L 99. 1/4. 221, 224, 312, 326, 343
Adler, Felix I5. 59. 203, 339, 359, 370, 374
Adler, M ; 2c6
Adler, J. S 2S3
Ashkenasi, Zebi • 9^
Abtalion 10
Akiba, Rabbi ,. • 3^5
Alexander, Von Dona Schlobitten 22
Ahage, Moses ". 77
Abraham 17
Anan 1 1
Aub, Joseph 59, 284. 287, 312, 330, 371, 374, 3S0
Arnheim, Dr 58
Abranison 55
Amnion 152
Albo. Joseph 148
Abudiraham '. 140
Acher, or Ben Abuja 181
Aniram 140
Arnim, Bettina von 294
Asher 3°5
Amal-k 332
Biederman, M. L 82, 83, 154
Bodenlieimer 156
F>oerne 122
Bretschneider 129
Bauer 129, 130, 131
Hernays, Isac ... .132, 133, 135, 136, 140, 141, 142, 146, 147, ibo, 279
Benrlavid, L 20, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 83
Beacon sfield, Lord 28
Bernliardt, Sarah 28
Barzelloni, Jehuda 140
IJeer. Ilerz 39. loi
Beer, Mrs. 154
Beer, J 39. i^o
386
INDEX.
Beer, Peter 86, 245;
Breideiibacli 50
Bonaparte, Napoleon 51, 106
Butschowitz 75
Bachja, Ibn Bakuda. 326
Bachrach 69
Benet, Mordechai. 61, 67, 68, 69, 73, 77, 78, 82
Brecher. G. Dr 65
Bruell. Jacob 65, 99
Bruell, Neheniias 65, 274
Bruell, Adolph 65
Bloch, M 61, 2S4
Brueck, M 63
Baervvald 59, 202, 361
Berliner 56
Birchoffsheini 54, 376
Bernstein, A 196, 197, 19S, 201, 220, 227, 229, 237, 253
Bodenheimer 116
Bloch Publishing Co 368
Bressler 231
Berkowitz 240
Bush 266
Brill. J 17
Becker .• 272
Baer 361
Braunfels, Ludwig 277
Beidhavi 282
Bloch, of Buchau 287
Bamberger
Breslauer 346-
Baunigarten 348
Bonafed, S. B. Ruben 348
<^ahn 312, 31S, 320, 321
( union . 77
Cohen, S 77
Culturverein 43
Chorin, Aron 60, 65, 79, Si, 86, 88, 93, 174, 256, 257. 312, 314, 335
Colon, Joseph, Rabbi 323
Chassidim • 159
Creniieux, Adolphe 28, 152
Colin, Rosette 100
Canipe iiS
Carlo, B 131
Creizenach 202, 207, 283, 284
Carnioly . 202-
Cassel, Urs. David and Selig 244, 245, 347
Creuzer 278
Calcker 2S0
Caro 304, 324
Charisi, Juda 378-
Don at £9.
David 77, 121
IXDKX. 387
Dukes 65
Delvuc 35
D'Israeli 2, 7, 267
Du Toit .... 98
Deutschniann 256, 310
Delitzsch. Franz 267
Dernbourg 273, 282, 283, 284, 313
Darmstadt 283
David.'^ohn 298, 300
.Deutsch 304, 324
*Dvhrenfurth 306
Delmedigo, Jos. Sal 34^
P'li.'^ha, ben Abuja
Engel 21
Einhorn, 11, 99, 174. 2c6, 211, 214, 220, 222, 229, 231, 237, 23S, 239,
243, 247, 250, 252, 273, 274. 275. 312, 313, 317
Eger, Akiba 324
Elieser. Rabbi 77. 79- 80
Eger, RabbL 77, 304, 305. 3io, 315, 321, 324, 326, 328
Ezra 15. 38
Elijah. Prophet ,...121, 315
Ettlinger 132
Ense, von • 22
Enulen, Jacob 9°
Evbe.shuetz, Jonathan 61, 90
Elia Del Medigo 326
Emanuel, King 181
EUinger, Moritz 265
Etvoes, Baron Joseph 268
Elissen. Ignatz 277. 362
Euchel, Isaac , 20, 22
Eliason, Scheyer 306
Eichhorn 345
Frankel, Zacharias 49, 61, 124, 151, 190, 194, 256, 312, 349
Friedrich 163
Fassel. Hirsch 62, 318 331
Fuerst 64, 201
Frankfort 62
Frankel, 56, 65, 98, 105, 134, 193, 199, 201, 205, 20S, 211, 218, 219, 220,
221, 222, 223, 224, 245, 267, 375, 342. 344, 349, 377
Friedlaender, 19-2S, 31, 33-44. 5°, 52, 56, 57. 60, S3, loi, 124, 134. 136.
174, 204, 209, 224, 287, 292, 297, 312, 314, 320
Fleckeles 24, 25, 69. 70, 77
Frankfurter 95, 133, 134, 142, I43, I5i, 156, 161, 162, 192, 230
Formstecher 99
Fuerth 104
Fries, Prof. I. T 105
Faust, of Goethe 103, 104
Freystadt 188
Ferdinand, Count Karl 5°, 55
Franzos, K. Eniil 273
Frevtag, Prof 278, 2S0. 282
388
INDEX.
Frensdorff 279, 2S0, 284
Freund, Leopold 197, 227, 296, 312, 332, 340
l"!ehinger 2S3
Falk 290, 306
Friedman • . . .349
Gosen 312
Grote, von 36
George, Duke 121
Gottheil, G 125
Guttman 92, 134, 174, 194, 2c6, 2S5, 287, 312, 317
Gamaliel 137
Graetz, 30, 31, 35, 56, 57, 67, 68, 73, 80, 81, 87, 88, 93, 95, 177, 179, 180,
181, 182, 185, 187, 19S, 200, 212, 251, 253, 254, 281, 298, 344, 346,
347, 362, 375, 377-
Gentz 22
Gans 43
Geiger, 11, 28, 31, 35, 43, 52, 54, 59, 62, 65, 74, 82, 91, 92, 95, 99, 130,
134, 13&, 137, 154, 155. 157, 162, 163, 165, 174, 186, 188, 189, 192,
194, 198, 199, 201, 203, 206, 2TI, 212, 2I4-2I8, 220, 229-231, 236,
244, 246, 249, 252, 254, 265, 273, 294, 296, 311, 313-317, 322-328,
330-33^-
Geiger, Emilie 297
(ieiger, Berthold 297
Geiger, Ludwig 29S
Gerschel 305
Gershom ben Judah 315
Gessner 23
Gambetta 208
Guensburg 83, 95
Guedeman 87
Goldsmidt 87, 99, 1 19, 14S, 149, 154, 207
Gruenebaum, Dr. Elias 99, 205, 279, 282, 283, 284, 287, 312, 329
Goldsmidt, Anna Maria 112, 115, 156, 380
Gebhardt 201
Crabriel, S 371
Gelat 240
Gabirol, Salomon Ibn . 348
Goldstein 349
Hertz. H 2S2
Hartman, Professor. 286, 315
Haman 332
H ollzman 358
Hanne 358
Hilgenfield 358
Hausrath 35S
Honigman, Dr 300
Haarbruecker. 374
Hesiod 221
Hillel. 242, 274, 315, 326, 370
Huebsch, Dr. Adolf 266
Harms, Claus 267
Hofer. 268
Hovarth 269
INDEX. 3S9
Herrmann 278
Huelhnan 2S0
Haase 2S0
Herbart 280
Hertz, S 282
Hirsch, Kniil G 3S, 65, 237, 240. 332, 339, 359, 374
Hirsch, S. R., 62, 199, 200, 206, 216, 229, 230, 231, 236, 240, 279, 280.
281, 301
Hirsch. Samuel I55- 206 240, 342, 369
Herz, Henrietta 19, 21
Herz, Dr. Marcus 21
Holdheim, S., 11, 31, 85, 99. 134. 137, 155, 179-183. 1S5-202, 209-224,
227, 229-254, 340
Herzfeld, L., 58, 155, 212, 216, 217, 223, 224, 244, 274, 290, 305, 312,
315, 316, 338, 357, 358
Homberg, Herz 23, 100
Hildesheimer 27, Si, 86, 87, 345, 372
Hatzfeld 63, 82
Harms. Claus i iS
Hoffman 1 18, 156
Hardenberg, von 3^, 39
Henriquez I54
Herxheimer i55- I74, 2S4, 287, 290, 312, 317
Haeidemheini 156
Hess 174, 199, 206, 217, 218, 229, 279, 2S0, 2S7, 312, 317
Hadrian 181
Heine 182, 267, 281
Heilpern 201
Heincke 291
Hosaia 212
Halphern 215
Homer 221
Humboldt, Alexander and Wilhehn 21
Itzig 20, 22
Isaiah 24. 54, 187, 301
Isac 10
Isac, ben Reuben 348
Isler, M 161
Israel, Ben 156
Isaac. Dr 265, 332
Jedidjah 24
Joschany 77
Jacob 77i 147
Jacobv. Franz Karl Joel 293
Jafe .' 76, i.5t>
Jellinek 65,99
Jochanan lo, 274
Jeremiah I39
Jehuda, Halevi, Rabbi 326, 34^
Jacobv 152
Jerome. King 57
Joshua, ben I'erachia . So
Jost 2;, 58, 92, 147, 163, 165. 177, 189, 190, 192, 202, 367
390 INDEX.
Jebainoth 15^.
Joseph, Kniperor, 11 23, 29, 262
Job ;..'....'.. 24
Jacobsohn, Israel, 28, 37, 39, 45-51, 55-60, 83, 91, iot, 209, 224, 274, 320
Jopl," T 99, 370
Jeiteles, Leo 92
Jesus 17, 34, 181, 358, 370, 371
J ohlson 21
Jolowicz 216
Joseph vi Preface. 274
Josephus 323
Karo
194
Karo, Joseph 144
Kaiserling 120, 163
Kahn 155, 220
Kann. 69
Kauffmann, David 65
Karpeles 65
Kahnan 65.
Kalker 56, 91
Kruse 59,
Kochen 35
Krug 42
Kobak ; 172
Klopp, Onno viii Preface
Kirchheiiu 201, 202, 222, 223, 370
Kohler, Dr. K viii Preface, 211, 273, 332
Kmith 21, 22
Kohn, Abraham 77, So, 124, 13S, 164-172, 177, 178, 287, 312, 317
Kosh 28, 372
Kiev, Edward IC5, 119, 151. 2S4, 338
Krieshaber 6S, bg, 70, 71
Kunitzer 73, 76
Kemper ix Preface, 179
Kossuth 259
Klauzal 268
Kremminger 270
Kern 240
Krueger • 357
Levy, M. A ; 77, 104, 312, 318, 344
Liberman 76
Landau, Ezechiel 66, 68, 69, 77, 8j, 86
Lissa 61, 147, 310
Lonovics 90
Loeffler 42
Lavater 11
Leopold, Count of Dessau 49
Loewy 154, 287
Loewengard 121
Ivoewenstein 1 28
Lev}', Israel 150'
Levy, Aron '. . . 150
Lessing, G. Ephraim to, 20, 275, 281, 347
IXDKX. 391
Lindau 20, 25
Loew, Leopold, viii-ix Preface, 9, 59, 62, 73, 89, 90, 92, 99, 201, 255-
265, 267-271, 3i2
Lehman, I)r °i
Leon. Moses 89
Levin, Rahel 22
Levin, Dorothea 22
Louositz 189
Luzzatto, S. U 205
Lesser 229
Loew, I)r Inunanuel 255
Loewy i-^ Preface, 312, 377
Leoii, Mess-jr 323
Loew. Dr. \V 255
Loew, Tobias 265
Loeb, Max 277
Landsherger, Dr 3^°- 349
Lissauer 3^^
Lovola 321
Lil'ienthal. Dr. Max 33^
Leiner, O^car 37^
Lazarus, Professor M viii-ix Preface, 372, 373.
Lebrecht, Dr 374
Lehman, Emil viii Preface
Leucht, Rabbi x Preface
Montefiore, Sir Moses 14S, I54
Montefiore, JL I '54
Montefiore, Mrs. H. I 151
Montefiore, Claude vin Preface
Marx. David 15°, ^54
Moccalta ^54
Melle 162
Mordechai 168
Maseltob 77
MaL.ch, Chajim 77
Melisch. Levin 77
Me ver ' 7^, 3^3
Maehren 62, 63, 73
Maggid ; ,• • ^/
Mendelssohn, 9, 15, 20, 25, 30, 32, 33, 40, 43. 49, 124, 142, 18S, 193,
194, 195, 199, 210, 224, 242, 274, 275, 310, 322, 379
Mannheiuier. L N., 39, 99, 133, 139, 140, I4l, 154- 160, 177, 205, 20S,
209, 210, 211 284
^Lannheimer, B. F ^77
Maimonides, 28, 40, 100, 135, 138, 145, 148, 159, 209, 223, 274, 300,
324, 326, 328, 329, 330
Muentz 65, 67, 69, 73, Si
Maier 143. 216, 220, 312, 322, 325, 326
Maurice, Mayer 3^^
Marks, Rev I47
Metz 62
Munk, Professor 55
Moses, 10, 43, 49, 78, 84, 89, 109, 113, 121, 139, 189, 195, 199, 240, 299,
315. 317. 322. 348
392 INDEX.
Migazzi 28
Mendelssohn, Joseph 124
Maccabees jSi
Menelaus ij^j
Moninisen viii-xi Preface
Moses, I., Rabbi, Chicago x Preface
Moses, Capsoli ^23
Marcus, Dr. L , 102
Maass _ 240
Milziener, Dr. M 215, 266
Meyer .'.273
Morais, Henry S 274
Modena, Leon D 248, 2S1, 347
Manksch -^40
Meyerbeer ,. loi
Napoleon . .■ ^i^ ^2, 215
Nestler 162
Nicolai 21
Nowack 273
Nielson, Professor V 275
Neubuerger 287
Nathan, Serach ben 346
Neubauer, Professor Adolph viii Preface, 361
Newburger, Morris x-xii Preface
Oettinger 249, 253
Oppenheini, Hyman 74^ 307
Oppenheim, Eniilie 282, 283,' 2S7
Oppenheini, D 361
Oppenheim. Dr viii Preface
Oppenlieinier, H. D 294
Oxford . 761
Paul, Apostle. _ 12, 151
PilHtz 60, 92
Porges 65
Prussia 19. 39
Phillip, King of Spain 181
Posen igo, 359
Pinner, Dr 251
Perl, Moses, Rabbi .......'...... 256
Pressbnrg 310
Philippsohn, Dr. Moses 100, loi, 312-314
Philippsohn, Gustav 130
Philippsohn, Phoebus ix Preface, 155, 163
Philippsohn, Dr. Ludvvig, 157, 216, 230, 281, 283, 288, 290, 295, '313,
314. 330, 36S, 369
Rothschild, Baron 62, 277
Recke, von der 212
Rechnitz 69
Rausnitz 69
Reiss 161
Riesser, (iabriel 28, 124, 133, 135, 152, 163, 207, 281
Ruehs ^ . 103, 1 29
INDKX. 393
Rupp 152
Rainier 21
Rossini 27
Rebenstein 196, 220
Rappoport, Sal. L 205, 210, 223, 256, 284, 312
Rosenthal, Jnlius 237
Ritter, Iniinanuel ix Preface, 193, 212, 213, 223, 241, 247, 253, 254
Rossi. Asaria de 274
Rosen feld 279, 2S0
Ring. Max 294
Reggie, Samuel 347
Saadia, Gaon, ben Josef 274, 326
Schlegel 32
Schleierniacher 21, 35
Schlesinger 312
Seesen 23
Salomo, King 114, 315
Salomon, G., ix Preface, 95, loi, 103-107, 109, 112, 113, 1 15-125, 127,
12S, 130, 131. 134, 135-163, 192, 209, 219, 220, 230, 247, 284, 335,
33S.
Sanhedren 159
Salomon, ben Adereth 323
Skreinka, Lazar 92
Silberman, H^skel 92
Speyer, Michael • . . loi
Selim, A . . . ■ 104
Samuel, Mar 118, 195, 252
Sichrowsky 154
Szanto 154
Schott 127, 155
Sobernheim 105
Salvador .... 1 52
Szopher, Moses 61, 77, 85, 260, 310
Speier, Michael 76, loi
Schwab, Dr. Leopold 62, 240, 256, 257
Steinschneider, Dr. Moritz 62, ^74
Schescheth, Rabbi 91
Schnabel 257
Szemere 262
Schechter 267
Szechenjy 258
Szegedin 269
Saccai, Jochanau ben 10, 274
Schuhniacher 276
Scheyer 279, 2S0
Strauss 284, 37 1
Selz 287
Sulzbach 290
Schultz 290
Stein, Iv, 92, 99, 134, 154, 185, 202, 206, 207, 219, 220, 226, 227, 229,
284, 287, 295, 296, 302, 312, 327, 361, 362, 373, 376
Schorr ; 348
Schoengut 379
Samuel, ben Meir 116, 302
394 INDEX.
Schletter 300, 371
Steiyer
•237
Stuttgart 219
Struve, von 152
Simion 161, 220, 227
Sachs. 99.205,211,225,239,247,250-253
Schreiber, Dr. Kmanuel, v-xv Preface, 9, 10, 11, 17, 54, 59, 61, 63, 65,
74, 86, 87, 117, 118, 120, 135, 178, 181, 182, 193, 198, 212, 217,
224, 225, 230, 232, 273, 274, 299, 311, 313, 332, 333, 341, 342, 347,
351, 353, 357. 368, 369, 372-375. 377. 380, 3S1.
Schoyer, Herz 77
Schiller-Szinessy 256
Steinhardt.. ., 56,91,92
Steinthal 59
Spieker 55
Schlegel 22
Spalding 42
Shetach 10
Shniaja 10
Sclnverin 191
Springer 193, 242
Sclienkel 357
Schiff, Jacob ix Preface
Samfield, M., Rabbi ix Preface
Suesskind, Rabbi, Dr 364
Spinoza, Baruch 171
Stern, M. A., Professor in Goettinger, 201, 202, 207, 295, 296,340,
360, 361, 363-365, 373, 379
Stern, Dr. Sigismund, of Berlin 202, 226, 227, 229, 230, 247
Tobias, Moses '. 77
Tiktin, S. A., xv Preface, 74, 189, 194, 199, 290, 291, 293, 298, 304-
311, 316, 318-327, 329, 331
Teller, Probst 21, 34, 37, 45
Tillich 98
Trier, Sal. Abraham 205
Tarfon, Rabbi 325
Tissa, Count 265
Tiktin, G 331
Talandier '. 346
Troki 346
Trietsch 61, 120
Ukbah 195
Ullman 279, 2S0, 312
Ungerleider, Dr 380
Voigt 41
Veit, Dorothea 21, 32
Viser, Adam 92
Vogelstein, Dr 380
Wertheimer, Joseph Ritter von 147, 154
Warschan 40
Wolf, Professor, of Vienna 361
Wolf, Joseph 49, 98
INDEX.
395
Wolf. A. A 206
Woffssohn ^°
Wesselv, Haitwig ^9, 201, 310
Wilhelm III, King 40, 190
Weil 79,202,258
Wohhvill. Dr „ 95
Wolff, Abraham 65, S3, 95, 97, 105, 1 19, 361
Willstaetter, Klias ^ ' ' '^<^
Wechsler, Dr. B., 145, I94. 212, 229, 253, 2S7, 312, 317, 339, 3bi, 3b\
37^
William III, King 224, 225
WaUleck, Dr .•249
Wien 273,348,361
Welker „ 2°
Wasserman 287, 312, 318
Wright 361
Walz 301
Wuerzburg 3i<^
William, King Frederic IV 345
Wilzig, W . . '. 34b
Weber 35^
Wiesbaden ;^- • ^359
Weil, Charles, Pine Bluff -^ Preface
Zebi, Sabbathai, •; -oo' o ^^
Zunz. Dr. Leopold, 23, 28, 31, 39, 43, 44, 83, 85, 86, SS 89 92. 94, 95,
125 140, 144, 145, 193, 194, 201, 207, 211, 224, 246, 2b4, 296.302,
329- 358, 562, 367, 370, 378
Zoellner ^^
Zoellner ^4
Zimmerman
ANALYTICAL IXDIvX.
A bodah, 323, 337. Apikores, 323. 324. Apostasy of Jews in con-
■^^setjuence of the forcible close of the Jacobsohn Teiu])le by the
Prussian government, 6, 31, 34, 5S, iSi, 243. Autonomy of Rabbis,
194, 202. Aesthetical-llomiletical period, 6, 7. Architology, Jew-
ish, Leopold Loew's labors in this field, 267. American Israelite. 63.
American Hebrew, 267.
TJarmizvah, foolery, 212. Ben Chananja, 265-267. Biurists, 16,
■^-^162. Bible, Salomon's translation into German, 127, 152. Bibli-
cal criticism, vi Preface, 211, 351-361.
r~^heder, 1S3. Copher, 323. Chaliza, 1S5, 285. 306. 307. Chau-
^-'vinism, Jewish. We are Jews by religion, not by race, 27, 2S.
Central Jewish Consistory in France, 53, 54; in Hessen-Cassel, 56.
Confirmation of boys and girls, 56, 57, 352, 364. Centennial of Jacob-
sohn, 58. Censorship over Jewish reformator}* literature, xv Pre-
face, 73, 76, loi, 290. Conference of Rabbis in Wiesbaden. 1837, 155,
2S7; Braunschweig, 155, 15S, 214-217, 240, 341, 342; Frankfort, 158,
159, 219, 222, 342; Breslau, 159, 232, 236, 342, 345; Cassel, 344. S^^^'-
Philadelphia, 369. Circumcis'ion, 2C5-212, 373. Central Conference of
American Rabbis, 342, 368, 373. Christian government, 241. 242.
Christianity, 32, 35, 38, 130, 131, 352, 359, 365, 370, 371, 373. Civil-
ization cannot be imported, 306, 365. Congress of Jews in Hungaria,
26S.
D
isturbance in the Synagogue of Arad; 73, 74, at the cemetery of
!>reslau, 307, 308. Dabar Beitto, 82, S3.
"pmancipation of the Jews, 25-27, 345. Election of Rabbi in Bres-
"^lau contested, 292-296, 29S. Ethical culture movement, 203, 339.
Eleh Dibreh Halbrith, 42. Emek Hashaveh, 73, 75.
T^ranzschule in Dessau, 97, 106. Freischule (Free School) in Ber-
-*■ lin, 15, 16, 22, 23, 43. Fanaticism of the Jewish orthodoxy
against Mendelssohn, 14, 124, 142, 310, 326; against Wessely, 142,
310, 326; against Jacobsohn-Temple, 39, 40, 58, 184; against Chorin,
69. ?•. 73. 76, 81, 90; against Salomon, 101; against first Hand)urg
Prayer-book, 76, 81; against second Ilamburg Prayer-book, 132-146;
against the English Reformers and against Mrs. II. I. Montefiore,
by Sir Moses Montefiore, 147-151; against .\braham Kohn, 169-171;
against Samuel Holdheim, by Frankel, 200, 244, by Sachs, 253, 346,
34S-351, by Graetz, 179-183; against the Frankfort Reform-Society,
by Frankfl, Rabl)i Salomon Trier and I. X. Mannheimer, 205-212;
398
AVALVTICAL INDKX.
against Loew, 260-262; against Geiger, 74, 2S7-289, 292-296, 29S-311,
33^' 357i 362, 379; against Rabbinical Conference in Braunschweig,
217. Faculty Jewish theological, 155, 188, 280, 281, 349-352, 362-364,
371, 372, 374-377-
f^ eiger. the "first representative of the scientific theology of Juda-
^-^ism," 330; the "highest living authority on Samaritan litera-
ture," 349, 361; although the indirect originator of the Rreslau Rab-
binical Seminary, he is cheated out of tl;e position as its Director, in
violation of the desire of the founder. Com mercien rath Fraenkel,
349. (ieiger on the Talmud, 356, 357; on Reform-Judaism in Amer-
ica, "flesh of our flesh, spirit of our spirit," 369; "Judaism and
its History," 310, 357, 365, 370, 371; his opinion on the Synods in
Leipzig, 369; Augsburg, 373; the Rabbinical Conference in Philadel-
phia, 369; on Sunday service, 236, 333. 334. "Geiger als Reforma-
tor des Judenthums," by Schreiber, 1879; "Gottesdienstliche Vor-
traege " of Zunz, 44. 94, 194, 358. Gmarah. 189.
XTaggada, 47. Halacha, 355. Hallel, 337, 341. Historiograph}',
its falsification, b)' Graetz, 30, 31, 35, 123, 179, 183, 214, 347. He-
brew language in the Synagogue, 48, 79, 117, 139, 144, 145, 157, 159,
176, 220, 227. 230, 332. Heres}- hunting in Hungaria, 71, 76, 81.
Hochschule fuer die Wissenschaft des Judenthum's, 59, 203, 359, 371,
372, 374, 376, 377. Historical-critical school, 8, 10, 193, 253, 270, 2S4-
286. 330, 336, 341, 353-356, 359, 361, 367 370, 373-375, 377- Humanis-
tic period, II. Haphtarah, 145, 192.
Tggereth Elassaf, 84. Israelit des ten Jahrhundert, of Dr. Hess, 19,
-*-i99, 201, 213, 214, 217, 222, 224, 239, 340, 346. Israelitische Ge-
meinde Zeitung of Dr. Schreiber, 273, 313, 327, 341. Israelitische
Annalen, 58, 189. Issur, 146.
Jeshiba, 64,66, 67, 89, 256. Jeschurun, of Kobak, 175-177. Juden-
hetze a result of the reaction in Prussia, 42, 43, 127, 131, 186. Ju-
daism in PVance, 51-55; in England, 55. Jewish Reformer, 224, 230,
332. Jewish Spectator, 224. Jahrbuch fuer Israeliten, of Isidor
Busch, 266. Jewish Messenger, by Isacs, 265. Jewish Times, by El-
linger, 265, 273. Jehi Razon, 140. Jom Kippur, 337.
K;.'
abbalah, 65, 346-348. Karaites, 310, 311, 316,323, 327, 346, 347.
Kosher, 6S, 184, 321, Kerem Chemed, 348. Kiddush, 144.
T eibzoll, 13, 50. Legalism, 12. P'riedlaender's sensational letter
■^to Probst Teller, 17, 32-35. Geiger's sensational letter to L. Zunz
on circumcision, 211, 378. Leipnik, ii Preface, 63, 65. Leviathan,
70.
IV/Taamar Haishuth, 8, 244, 249, 252, 35S. Meassefim Hameassef,
17, 23. Moravia's contribution to the science and Reform of Ju-
daism, 61-65. Mishna, 159, 329, 346, 352. Mezuzoth, 302. Messia,
159. 340, 349. Mikve, 222. Midrash, 65. More Nebuchim, 140, 324,
325. Mendelssohn's Verdienste um die Deutsche Nation, 11, 17.
Minhag, 145. Megilla, 120. Meshubbod, 98.
N
ANAI.VTICAI. INDEX. 399
euzeit, by Szanto, 154, i6o.
Orj^aii 111 a Synagogue, first, 47; in Arad, S7. Organ (lucslioii still
Shibboleth'of the orthodox and Reform parties in tierinaiiy, 87,
8S. Orient, 90, 1S9, 190, 194, 201, 205. Opinions on the first Ham-
burg Praver-book. 77-81; on the second, 132-147; on the compatibil-
ity of free research with the office of Rabbi, 174, 312-330; on circum-
cision, 205-212. Or Xogali. 76.
Pharisees, 63, 323, 353-356, 35S. Prophecy, 324. Pentateuch trans-
lation, by Moses Mendelssohn, 14-16. First Prayer-book of Ham-
burg, 76-81; second Prayer-book, 132-146, 234-239, 335-33^"?; of the
Loiulon West-Phid Synagojiue, 147-151; of Prayer-book of deiger, first
edition, 332; secondedition, 332, 333, 370. Prayer-book of the Berlin
Refonii-Genossenschaft, 230. Philanthropin, 154, 202, 352. Jewish
pulpit, 94, 95, 152, 162, 163, 225. Pijutim, 47, 139, 246, 251. Pilpul,
1S3. Purim, 26, 337. Parnass, 98. Principien des Judenthum's,
36', 56, 135, 181, 298.
R!
abbinical Tribunal, 73-/6. Radical Reform advocated b} Benda-
-vid, 28, 29. Reform of worship first introduced by Israel Jacob-
sohn, 46, 47. Refonii in (ialicia, 166, 167. Suppressed in Berlin by
King Freidrich Wilhelm III, 31-34, 58. Reform in Vienna hardly
deserves this name, 86. Revelation, vi Preface, 147, 148, 198, 211,
351. Reform-movement in England, 147-151; in America, 55, 369, 381.
Rabbi's and preacher's offices combined, 186, 261, 290, 305-307. Re-
form-Society of Frankfort-on-the-Main, 204-214, 33S, 339; of Breslau,
340. Reformgenossenschaft in Berlin, 225-232, 241, 243. Romanti-
cism, 8, 239, 245, 250, 254. Revolution in Hungary, 361, 362. Re-
form-Rabbinism, 2S5-287. Reform-Judaism in Germany on the de-
cline, 350, 381. Resolutions of Rabbinical Conferences, 156, 219-222,
232, 236; of Synods, 269, 368, 369, 373; of Breslau Congregation, ap-
preciating Ge'iger, 303, 304; of Philippsohn, 369. Revolution is not
Reform, 341. Reform Advocate of Dr. K. G. Hirsch, 65. Resig-
nation of Dr. Stein, 361, 362. Reaction, 42. Roumanian Jews, 365,
366. Russian Jews, 365. Reform should emanate from Rabbis and
Congregations, 341. Resurrection of Rabbinical Conferences, 266-
268. Reform-Congregation of Buda-Pesth, 247.
Qadilucees, 310, 323, 327, 353-356, 35^- Salon, 21, 22. Sephira, 300.
^^Sermon in German in the Synagogue strongly opposecl, 36, 37, 47-
50; prohibited by the Prussian government, 39, 40, 58; in the Hun-
garian language, . Shulchan .Vruch, 144, 190, 210, 224, 336. So-
ciety for Culture of the Jews (C'ulturverein), 43. Sanhedrin in Paris,
51-55. Sturgeon controversy, 68-71. Synod advocated by Choriu, 85,
at Leipzig, 85. 269, 36S, 369;' at Augsburg, S5, 269, 373. Rabbinical
Seminary in Breslau, 349, 352, 362; in Berlin, 342; lUida-Pesth, 261,
262, 263.' School-fund in Hungary, 262. Selichoth, 86. Shiiia, 140,
145. Sabbath question, 222, 231, 237. 333, 334, 341. Sunday service,
236, 237, 333, 334. Samaritan, 65, 302, 34S, 349, 355- J^plit in large
400 ANALYTICAL IXDKN:.
Coii<;re,i;ati()iis ml-i'css iry, 339. Sliiiiitlah, 315. Siila!iiilli, 14, 49, 9S,
loo, 28;. Sinai, l)y Kinhorii, 206, 24S-253, 243. Sjll-eriLicisin of the
Jews, by Schreiber, xiii Preface, 120, 163. Sliaiiunass, 107.
Sclinione Ksreh, 134, 137. Sidrali, 145. Shochit, 321. Shechila,
321, 34^"^-
npalnuid, 5, 10, 15, 52, 65, 66, 79, 118, 181, 1S2, 310, 311, 315, 317. 326,
.327, 309. 330. 355. 357- Tradition, 210, 315, 316, 326, 330. Trans-
lation ot the I'rayer-boolc into German, iirst, 1786, by Friedlaender,
24, 25. Tax on meat, fish and candles must be paid by the Jews in
Galicia, 16S-170. Tefillin, 116, 302, 347, 350. ThefiUa, 144, 145, 202.
^' T Trschrift und Uebersetzungen der Bibel in ihrer Abhaengigkeit
^^ von der innern Entwickelung des Judenthum's," 252, 352-359,
£71.
'XT^ehu Rachum, 140. Velamalshinim, 134, 146, 14S.
" AA7ord at the Right Time," by Chorin, 82, S3.
'VT'aale Vejavo, 144, 341.
/eitschrift fuer Juedisclie Theologie, 8, 65, 120, 130, 137, 165. 174,
^192, 194, 285, 310, 327, 340, 345, 365; fuer Wissenschaft und Leben,
vii-viii Preface, 162, 163, 266, 273, 300, 310 317, 340, 345, 365-370,
372, 373, 379; der Deutscli Morgenlaendischen Gesellschaft, 348,
370. Zeitgeist, xiii Preface, ^11. Zeitung des Judenthums, 92, 137,
150, 151, 163, 165, 188, 192, 244, 250, 314.
TIIlv I'()IJ<<)\VIN(; rriUJCATIONS can IU', OHTAINia)
1)IR1<:CT1A' FROM Till-; AlTllOR:
Die Zukiiiift dcs Jiulcntliuiirs, lierliii, 1S73, - - 25 Cents.
Die Soziale Stellung der Juden, Koenighberg, 1S76, - 50 Cents.
Die Principicn des Jiulenthuni's, verglichen mit dencn des
Christenthuui's, Leipzig, 1S77 ( 270 pages), - - - $i.<xj
Dr. Ciruenebamn, Land Rat)l)i of the Pfalz, said of this book:
" This work of the young, energetically laboring author is distin-
guished by an e.xten.sive knowledge of the original sources, by
warmth of language, faithful aillierance to our religion, and an un-
])iased liberal conception. I recommend it urgently to the educated
classes," (Landau, April, 1877). Dr. Jellinek, of Vienna, speaks of
the book as of a "very meritorious, humane, pious and timely work,
which deserves to be greeted with joyful aj)preciation. * * * it
offers proofs that the author is well read, systematic, a most enthu-
siastic and courageous worker in the cause of Judaism," (April iSth,
1S77). Dr. L- Adler, Land Rabbi of Hessen-Cassel, said: "Dr.
Schreiber's knowledge of the original sources of our literature ena-
bles him not only to refute thoroughly the reproaches made against
the ethics of Judaism, but to demonstrate that every ethical thought
and lesson of the New Testament was taken from the Jewish litera-
ture. This has been proven by the Doctor with impartial thorough-
ness and warm enthusiasm. This book is a highly valuable la-
bor in the cause of Jewish literature," (April 26th, 1S77). Dr. Herx-
heimer. Land Rabbi of Hernburg, recommends urgently the book as
a "very essential and welcome contribution toward the furtherance
of humanity, truth, scientific instruction and enlightenment,"
(May 8th, 1877). Dr. Joel, of Breslau, Dr. Herzfeld, of Braunschweig,
Dr. Gebhardt, of Bromberg, Dr. Stein, of Frankfort-on-the-Main,
Dr. Wiener, of Oppeln, Dr. Chronik, of Berlin, formerly Rabbi of
the Sinai Congregation in Chicago, expressed themselves on the
work in similar style.
"Abraham Geiger, als Reformator des Judentluim's,"
(Loeban, 1879), - - . - - - $1.00
"Selbskritik der Juden," Berlin, 1S81), - - - - #1 00
This book is one of the very few Jewish books which made after
nine years a second edition necessary. It was repul)lished in Leij)-
zig, 1889, by F. Wilhelm Friedrich, Hofbuchdrucker. This l)ook
was quoted copiously in the German "Reichstag" by Professor
Haenel, one of the leaders of the " Fortschrittspartei," and is well
recommended by Dr. P'elsenthal, of Chicago, in the Zeitgeist of
August 5th, iSSo, page 253,
Moses Mendelssohn's Verdieiiste um das Judeiithum,
Bonn, 1879, - - - - - - - 25 Cents.
I'm die Deutsche Nation, ----- 50 Cents.
(Zuerich, 1880), was translated in the ".Xmerican Israelite."
Bibl. und Nachbibli.sche Geschichte, Leijjzig, 1880, - - f i.oo
Der Talmud vom Staiidpunkle des Modernen Judenlhunrs,
I>erlin, 1881, ------ 60 Cents.
Graetz's Geschichtsbauerei, Berlin, iSSi, - - - ;fi.oo
The Talmud, a scries of lectures in English, Denver, 1884, 50 Cents.
Reformed-Judaism and its Pioneers, Spokane, 1892, - - ^2.50
Abraham Geiger, the greatest Reform-Rabbi of the Nine-
teenth Century, Spokane, 1S92, - - - - |i.oo
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE
STAMPED BELOW
AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS
WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN
THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY
WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH
DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY
OVERDUE.
AP3 21 1933
!
MAR 8 1J47
At^K 1 0 1975 2
r^
9
■^vAWVO
: ,^(^ ^
1
KG. CIR. DEC 8 ^^
B
LD 21-50»n-l,'33
4 '«"»•>' i
"?:jiil
3/^m
o.
^r««^
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY