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Jn tht pudtttdh dtetttarg: 



THEIR INTERCOURSE AND CORRESPONDENCE. 



A HISTORICAL SKBTCH AMD OBIGINAL DOCUMBNTB. 



• 



BY E. HEPPE, DD., 07 MAEBUEG. 

TBAN8LAT2D, WITH ADI>ITt0N8, ^ 

BY THE BEVDS. HERMANN gCHMETTAIJ, 
AND B. HABBIS COWPEB. 



Innton: 

JIatokard, & Co.; Jambs Nisbbt & Co. 
Edinburgh: Williams & Nobgatb. 

1859. 



S. Stunt k Son, Printer!, SO, Blihop>g>t* Stmt Within. 



PREFACE. 



Evert book has a history, and most readers 
wish to know it. Authors and editors, there- 
fore, avail themselves of a Preface that they 
may record the one and so gratify the other. 
The history of the preheat little volume is 
simply this: At the close of 1857, a com- 
mittee of gentlemen -was formed in London 
with a view to revive friendly: Christian cor- 
respondence between England and Germany ; 
in the hope that these two great countries, 
in other ways so closely allied, might also be 
allied in the spirit of that " charity which is 
the bond of perfectness." This was not all : 

it was desired and anticipated tfaat Christian 

a 2 



IV PREFACE. 

men in the two countries might be led to 
help each other in their endeavours to pro- 
mote the interests of true religion, both in 
their own and other lands. A letter from 
the above committee was addressed to many 
eminent German divines, from not a few of 
whom replies of the most friendly character 
were received : selections from this corres- 
pondence have been published under the title 
of " Letters from Eminent German Divines, 
on the State of Evangelical Religion in Ger- 
many/' first and second series. Among these 
is one from Dr. Heinrich Heppe, professor 
of Divinity at Marburg, and author of several 
able works, of which we need only mention 
the " History of German Protestantism from 
1555 to 1581." The letter in question has 
been since amplified and extended, and 
printed under the title of "Ecclesiastical 
Intercourse of England with Evangelical 



PREFACE. V 

Germany in the XVIth Century." An early 
copy of this was kindly forwarded to one 
of us, with the expression of a wish that 
it might he translated into English. The 
volume in the hands of the reader is the 
result. 

An examination of the book showed that 
besides being admirably adapted to promote 
the design of those to whose excellent pro- 
ject it owes its existence, it contained much 
that was new and valuable in relation to our 
national history. A considerable number 
of official documents are, for the first time, 
brought to light. Valuable, however, as 
these are, it seemed that they would be 
more generally useful if translated into 
English. We have, therefore, given an 
English version of them, and placed the 
Latin originals in the Appendix. The trans- 
lation of the German has been effected 



VI PREFACE. 

with no more freedom than is consistent with 
fidelity. 

Inasmuch, however, as Dr. Heppe's work 
dealt much more fully with the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth, than with those of Henry 
VIII., Edward VI., and Mary, it appeared 
to us not undesirable to make some additions 
to this part of it. These additions will be 
found at the end of the first chapter. Among 
them may be named two letters written in 
1536, by Martin Luther and Justus Jonas, 
discovered in the British Museum, and to 
our knowledge never before published. Be- 
sides these, we have added various notes in 

the course of the work, illustrative of the 
text. • 

We do not wish this volume to be regarded 
as a complete history of the relations between 
English and German Protestants in the six- 
teenth century. It is a contribution to such 



PREFACE. vii 



a history, and is, as far as we know, the 
only work of this description extant. It will 
serve to show of what kind the intercourse 
and correspondence in question was. We 
are in possession of additional materials for 
a fuller record, and if the present publication 
excites interest in the subject, we shall be 
happy to make Dr. Heppe's book the basis 
for a more systematic and detailed account. 
As it is, we are persuaded that the few 
glimpses here given of the intercourse 
carried on by English and German Protes- 
tants will be new to not a small number. 
Nor is this all. Sufficient is given to show 
how the founders of Protestantism proceeded 
in their endeavours to promote and establish 
union; and possibly the thoughtful mind 
may discover why those laudable endeavours 
foiled. For that they did fail is but too 
apparent. 



V1U PREFACE. 

It may be long before all the barriers are 
removed, which were raised three centuries 
ago. But it is not too much to hope, that 
what so many so ardently desire, may be 
speedily accomplished with some, and even- 
tually with all. In the meantime we regard 
this as a favourable and fitting season for 
renewing our efforts. When Bishop Burnet 
dedicated the third volume of his u History of 
the Reformation" to George L, he expressed 
a hope that his Majesty was " designed by 
God to complete the Reformation itself . . . 
and to establish a confidence and correspon- 
dence with the Protestant and Reformed 
Churches abroad." What would be his 
language now* when Britain's Queen is 
the wife of a German Prince, and when 
Britain's Eldest Daughter is the daugh- 
ter, the wife, and the mother of German 
Princes P And then, again, our political 



PREFACE. IX 

alliances, so intimate and of such long 
standing! 

But there are reasons why now we ought 
to aim to revive a friendly and brotherly 
correspondence with one another. Our con- 
fidence is not in the best of prinoes and of 
treaties ; and our motives for union are not 
derived entirely or chiefly from them. 

First, then, there is the incessant inter- 
change of religious thought between the 
master-minds of England and Germany. 
The biblical scholarship, the critical acumen, 
and the Christian talent of one is common 
property, and by these means the two 
countries continually teach and edify each 
other. Surely our communion is capable of 
farther and higher development. 

Again, zealous Christian men are en- 
gaged in the pursuit of many common 
objects — the spread of evangelical truth, and 



X PREFACE. 

the establishment of Protestant institutions. 
This fact also points to the desirableness of 
mutual acquaintance and co-operation. Both 
may learn, and teach, and aid. 

Another circumstance worth mentioning 
is our common dangers. Never, perhaps, 
since the Reformation, was Popery so mani- 
festly in earnest, and so confident. What 
efforts it makes to secure the removal of the 
last and least restrictions in Protestant 
countries, to gain new privileges and immu- 
nities, and to abridge or destroy the liberties 
of Protestants in countries where it has con- 
trol ! Surely the saying that when bad men 
conspire good men must combine, is appli- 
cable now. Jesuit craft and intrigue are 
rife, not only in other lands, but in England 
and Germany, and nothing is so well calcu- 
lated to defeat them as the alliance in one 
grand phalanx of the two great Protestant 



PREFACE. XI 

Churches. Deceive ourselves as we will, 
recent events fully prove that war is in the 
hearts of our enemies. 

For such a union, moreover, we have a 
basis in the early history of the Reformation, 
when good men in both countries were so 
closely allied, and carried on so fraternal a 
correspondence. 

To this we may add the fact that many 
are ready for such an alliance, and indeed 
have already entered upon it to their own 
pleasure and advantage. And finally, it 
is most in accordance with the design and 
spirit of Christianity, and with the practice 
of the Apostolic age, for Christians of different 
lands thus to be associated and united in the 
bond of amity and brotherhood. 

Objections may be urged, and difficulties 
may be raised, but we leave them for others 
to solve and remove ; hoping that the mani- 



Xll PREFACE. 

f aid advantages of so excellent a scheme will 
enlist the sympathy and co-operation of no 
small number of faithful and earnest men. 

We therefore commend this little work to 
our dear brethren of England and Germany, 
in the hope that they will be instructed and 
encouraged by it. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAOJt 

Intercourse between the Protestants of Germany and 
England, from the beginning of the Reformation 
to the year 1569 1 

Additions 16 

CHAPTER H. 

The affinity of German and English Protestantism 
recognised by Evangelical Princes of the Ger- 
man Empire in the years 1661 and 1562 48 

CHAPTER HI. 

The General Evangelical Conference at Erfurt, Sep- 
tember, 1569 54 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Union of Protestant Christians of all Countries 
about the middle of the Sixteenth Century : its 
destruction, caused by the " Ubiquitarian " Lu- 
theranism of the so-called Formula Concordia of 
1577 78 



XIV CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER V. 

PAOX 

Vain efforts of Queen Elizabeth to prevent a rupture 
among the Protestant Churches ,. 87 

CHAFFEE VI. 

First Conference of Evangelical Christians of all 
Nations, September, 1677, at Frankfort-on-the- 
Maine 145 



CONTENTS OF APPENDIX. 



L 

PAOl 

Letter of Martin Luther to Thomas Cromwell 168 

n. 

Letter of Justus Jonas to Thomaa Cromwell 164 

m. 

Summary of Henry KiHigreVs Instructions 165 

IV. 

Credentials of the two Envoys of Queen Elisabeth ... 168 

V. 

Letter of Sir Philip Sidney to the Landgrave William 
of Hesse 169 

VI. 

Bequest of Queen Elizabeth to the Elector Palatine 
Ludwig; presented by Daniel Rogers 171 



XVI CONTENTS OP APPENDIX. 

VII. 

PAOX 

From a Letter by the Landgrave William to Queen 
Elizabeth 178 

VIE 
Letter of Daniel Sogers to the Landgrave William... 178 

IX. 

Letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Landgrave Wil- 
liam 179 

X. 

Letter from Queen Elizabeth to Augustus, Elector of 

Saxony 181 

Translation 184 

XI. 

William of Hesse to Queen Elizabeth ; delivered to 
Mr. Robert Beale on his departure from Catsel, 
December 26, 1577 186 

xn. 

Augustus of Saxony to Queen Elizabeth ; delivered to 
Mr. Beale, November 8, 1577 191 



THE 

REFORMERS 

OP 

ENGLAND AND GEKMANY. 



CHAPTER I. 

INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE PROTESTANTS OF 
GERMANY AND ENGLAND, FROM THE BE- 
GINNING OF THE REFORMATION TO THE 
YEAR 1559. 

Martin Luther, in Germany, Ulrich Zwingle, 
in Switzerland, and many other men of God 
with them, sounded the first jubilant notes 
of the glorious liberty of the children of God 
in Christ These new and glad tidings were 
at once borne like a flash of lightning across 
the sea to England, where the writings of 
Luther were speedily circulated and read.Q 

0) The figures in the text refer to the addition* 
at the end of the chapters. 

B 



2 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

As early as the beginning of 1521, a Papal 
bull, sent by Leo X. to England, bitterly 
complained that, in England the hearts of 
many had been deluded by Luther's writings, 
and ordered their destruction. ( 2 ) But the 
spirit that had awakened these witnesses 
was more powerful than the Pope's bull. 
The writings of the German Reformers were 
more numerously circulated, and more zea- 
lously studied; the Reformation movement 
in England, looked upon the Reformers and 
the Reformation in Germany, from the very 
beginning, as its support and proper home. 
At that time the first English translation of 
the New Testament was completed, in 
Wittenberg, by William Tyndal, in the year 
1526, and was brought to England especially 
by German merchants. ( a ) It is for this rea- 
son, that those pious, learned, and unlearned 
circles, in which the Bible in the vulgar 
tongue, and the writings of the German 

( a ) Tyndal and Frith visited Marburg in 1628, 
and there prosecuted their labours upon the trans- 
lation of the Old Testament. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 3 

Reformers, were read and studied, were 
nicknamed " the Germans." 

Prom 1527, youths and men of advanced 
age, from England and Scotland, came over 
to Germany, in order to study the reformed 
doctrines at Marburg and Wittenberg, and 
to carry them back to their homes. The 
noble Patrick Hamilton, who afterwards 
(1528) was .counted worthy of martyrdom in 
his own country, studied at Marburg. ( b ) 
Among those who had come from England 
to Wittenberg, to sit at Melanohthon's feet, 
should especially be mentioned Dr. Robert 
Barnes, who sealed his faith with his blood 
in England, in the year 1540. (°) 

(b) The life of this first Scottish martyr for the 
principles of the Reformation, has been admirably 
written by Professor Lorimer. (London : Williams 
and Norgate.) 

(°) Dr. Barnes warmly espoused the principles of 
Luther. He was repeatedly in prison ; was often 
in Germany; and attended the meeting of the 
Smalcald Alliance in 1535. 

Dr. Barnes, (says Melohior Adam,) was a friend 
of Luther's, to whom he had become known in the 

b2 



4 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

King Henry YIIL, who aimed with equal 
zeal at the glory and pride of being an abso- 
lute ruler, and a staunch adherent of Thomas 
Aquinas, boldly rent the English Church 
from the dominion of the Pope, but without 
bringing it nearer to Protestantism. This 
step of the king, indirectly contributed to 
strengthen the Evangelical Reformation 
spirit in England ; for by setting aside the 
spiritual authority of the Papacy, the vital 
cord of Roman Catholicism was cut asunder, 
and room was made for the development of 
the Protestant conscience in the religious 
life of the nation. Yet, for many years, 
professors of the Gospel, and adherents to the 
Pope, were led by turn to the stake. Thus 
it was, that the intercourse of the king with 
the Protestant princes of Germany, merely 
had reference to their common interest in 



legation to Wittenberg about the divorce of 
Henry VIII. It was on this account that after 
the cruel death of Barnes, Luther published, with 
a preface, the noble confession made by the martyr 
when led to the stake. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 5 

resisting the pretensions of the Pope. ( d ) The 
first attempt at such intercourse proceeded 
from Germany, after the formation of the 
Smalcald Alliance. The Landgrave Philip 
of Hesse undertook to ask the king to 
join in this alliance. His plenipotentiary, 
the Licentiate Meier, arrived in London, 
in November, 1531, but found Henry 
very ill disposed for the desired coalition, on 
account of the unfavourable judgment which 
the theologians of Wittenberg and Marburg 
had delivered in the case of his divorce ; and 
he expressed his apprehension in regard to 
the radical elements, which had been mani- 
fested in the German Reformation movement. 
In the last audience, however, which Meier 
had with the king, he expressed himself 
more favourably respecting the cause of Pro- 
testantism in Germany. He expressed a 
desire, that the Protestant princes should 

r 

( d ) Henry did condescend to consult the Pro- 
testant divines of Germany on the subject of his 
marriage, and their collective reply may be seen in 
Burnet, vol. 1, p. 94, Appendix. 



6 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

obtain the adhesion of more of the electors 
and influential members of the empire, in 
order to consolidate the alliance of Smalcald. 
Meier handed over to the king an apology for 
the Evangelical Doctrines (written by Erhard 
Schnepf,( e ) with special reference to the ar- 
ticles concerning the power of the civil ruler, 
the Anabaptists, and the Holy Communion. 
In the following year (1532), the king sent 
Thomas Oranmer and William Paget* his 
councillor, to Germany, in order to carry 
on, in his name, the transactions which had 
been commenced by Meier. Those Protestant 
princes, who, with the high-minded Land- 
grave of Hesse, were anxious that the king 
should be received into the Alliance of Smal- 
cald, proposed the following conditions : That 
the king should recognize the Augsburg 
Confession ; and that he should grant sub- 
sidies for the war. They in return would 



( e ) Erhard Schnepf was born in 1495, at Heil- 
bronn, and died in 1558. At the time of his death 
he was Professor of Theology at Jena. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 7 

consider him the protector of the Alliance! 
and would no more assist his enemies with 
troops. But in consequence of confes- 
sional disputes, the negotiations were broken 

Some years after (1536), the Landgrave 
Philip earnestly insisted upon entering afresh 
into correspondence with Henry, who now 
most anxiously desired an alliance with the 
German princes. ( 4 ) It was proposed by the 
Landgrave, that according to the king's 
wish, a deputation should be sent to England, 
consisting of a theologian from Wittenberg, 
and another from the south of Germany, 
together with some eminent diplomatists, 
who should be empowered to conclude a 
treaty with Henry. For he thought that, 
though Henry did not quite agree with the 
Augsburg Confession, they might come to 
an understanding with him with regard both 
to the Council of Trent convoked by the 
Pope, and to the Papal Primate himself. It 
was agreed that the Elector of Saxony 
should depute the Prince George of Anhalt, 



8 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

the Yice-Chancellor Burghard (or Burchard), 
and the "Theological Orator/' Melanchthon; 
and that the Landgrave should send the 
Count of Solms, and the divines, Jacob 
Sturm, Martin Bucer, or Erhard Schnepf. 
But this plan again, met with great opposi- 
tion on the part of some members of the 
Confederation of Smalcald. Instead of the 
deputation, a letter was sent, \y hich was com- 
posed by Melanchthon. Q The difference of 
ecclesiastical views between Henry and the 
German princes, was so great, thaTthe union 
seemed quite impossible, even if Henry had 
been less reliant upon his own changeable 
mind and humour. ( 6 ) 

In consequence of this letter, Henry de- 
puted his counsellor Christopher Mount 
(Montius) to Germany (in the years 1537 

(0 Burnet gives among his "Records," appended 
to the " History of the Reformation," one entitled 
" A Letter of Melanchthon's to persuade the Xing 
to a further Reformation." This letter is dated 
from Frankfort, April 1, 1539. See additions to 
this chapter, Ko. 6. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 9 

and 1589), in order to come to an under- 
standing with the Protestant princes, and to 
persuade Melanchthon to come to England. (•) 
The Landgrave Philip again proposed to 
send Melanchthon or Bucer to England as 
a deputation ; for he thought that the king 
might, by proper information, be gained over 
to the cause of the Gospel. And in fact a 
legation was sent to London in the year 
1538, by the German Protestants, ( g ) but the 
result was so unsatisfactory, that the Land- 
grave Philip, despairing of the success of his 
untiring exertions, broke off all negotiations 
with the king.f) 

When Edward VI. ascended the throne, 
after the death of Henry VIII. (in 1547), 
the principles of the German Reformation 



(«) A copious document presented by the 
members of this legation (see additions to this 
Chapter, No. 7), is given at length by Burnet. It 
is dated at London, August 5, 1538, and bears the 
signatures of Francis Burgratus (Burohard) Vice* 
cancellaxius ; Georgius a Boyneburgh, D. Ora- 
tores, and Frederickus Myconius, Eoclesiastes 



10 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

took deep root in the English nation. ( h ) 
After Protestantism had been proclaimed by a 
Parliament, which was opened Nov. 4, 1547, 
the dissemination of the Protestant publica- 
tions, which -continued pouring in from Ger- 
many, was taken in hand by the Government 
itself. Cranmer ordered the printing of the 
"Nuremberg Catechetical Discourses/ 9 by 
Justus Jonas, in Latin, and afterwards in 

Gothanus. The King's equally copious answer to 
this document is also there given. Vide Hist. 
Reform., vol. 1, pp. 332-360. 

(*) "Francis Borgartus (Burchard) Chancellor 
to the Duke of Saxe, with others from the other 
princes and cities of the empire, were sent over 
upon the news of the former king's death, to solicit 
for aids from the new king toward the carrying on 
the war with the emperor." (Burnet, vol. 2, p. 119.) 
This shows that the German Protestants well under- 
stood the tendencies of the new government, and 
were well disposed towards this kingdom, in which 
they expected to find real sympathy. "The 
Council ordered Paget to assure them, that within 
three or four months they should send 50,000 
crowns to their assistance." Into the unhappy 
affairs of Germany at this time, it is not our pur* 
pose, however, to inquire. 



IX THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 11 

English, and had them extensively circu- 
lated. Many pious men, who, under the 
former Government, had taken refuge in 
Germany, and especially in Saxony, where 
they had lived and learned, now returned 
to England, and scattered the seed which 
they had collected. ( 8 ) Then it was that there 
went to England the German divine, who 
is to be considered as the real representative 
of the ecclesiastical union between Protestant 
England and Germany, as well as the em- 
bodiment of the spirit of this union — Martii 
Bucer , of Strasburg, who had been long known 
and praised as the eminent advocate of the 
idea of evangelical union and alliance. Ever 
since 1535, when his friend Jacob Sturm 
went to England, Bucer had carried on 
regular correspondence with English Chris- 
tians. Moreover, Archbishop Cranmer, the 
leader of the Reformation movement in Eng- 
land, had frequently asked his counsel. As 
early as 1547 and 1548, Bucer had been in- 
vited to come over to England ; and in 1549, 
when the imperial " Interim," by which his 



12 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

position and person were threatened, was 
proclaimed, lie readily accepted an appoint- 
ment as Professor of the New Testament, at 
Cambridge. The reception, by which Bucer 
was welcomed in England, proved that he 
was considered to be a prince of Protestant 
theology. He was solemnly received on his 
arrival from Calais by a deputation consisting 
of Archbishop Cranmer and the most emi- 
nent citizens. On his reaching London, the 
palace at Lambeth was offered him as a 
residence, until he removed to Cambridge. 
He was the first theologian, who (by the 
unanimous resolution of the divines of 
Cambridge) was made Doctor of Divinity 
honoris causa. Martin Bucer died as early 
as Sept. 22, 1551 ; but the position which he 
had held during these to years, was Pro- 
fessor of Divinity at Cambridge, and the 
influence which he had exercised, both as 
an author and as a man of counsel, were, in 
this decisive period of the English Reforma- 
tion, of paramount importance. Great is the 
number of the works which Bucer wrote in 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTUBY. 13 

England. The most important among them 
are : two books on " The Kingdom of Christ ; " 
on " The Power and use of the Holy Min- 
istry ; " and " The Exposition of the IV. 
Chapter of the Epistle to the Ephesians." 
His Censura of the English Liber Sacrorum, 
was made much use of at the revision of the 
English Liturgy, (1552). 

After his death, England looked again to 
Germany. Bucer's chair at Cambridge re- 
mained for two years unoccupied, in the 
hope of its being filled by Philip Melanch- 
thon, the " Preceptor of Germany ." 

The existence of the Low-German Con- 
gregation formed in London, by John Lasky, 
commonly called in England John a Lasco,( l ) 
(1550) was a fact which had essential influ- 



(*) John a Lasco was by birth a Pole, he died in 
1660. " The King's Letters Patents to John a 
Lasco and the German Congregation/' regularly 
authorising him, and recognising them, may be 
seen in " Burnet," vol. 2, p. 203, Appendix. This 
document was given in 1650. The church occupied 



14 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

ence. While the constitution of the English 
Church was still incomplete, this Congre- 
gation exhibited a regular organization on 
Presbyterian principles, and (as was be- 
lieved) in accordance with the first Apostolic 
Churches. 

When Edward VI. died, July 6, 1553, 
the terroristic reign of " bloody " Mary com- 
menced* England was forced back into the 



by them, is the present Dutch Church in Austin 
Friars. 

John a Lasco came over to England in 1549, at 
the invitation of Cranmer. In 1553, lie sought and 
obtained leave of Mary to depart with most of his 
Congregation in two of her ships ^He was refused 
admission at several ports, but was at length 
received at Embden. The Church was reconsti- 
tuted at Frankfort. "Cranmer/' says Melchior 
Adam, " invited Bucer, Fagius, a Lasco, Ochinus, 
Peter Alexander, &c, promising them all love and 
fidelity. What he promised in word, he performed 
in deed. He took them into his house, he helped 
them with his money, he advanced them by his 
recommendations, and zealously defended them 
against the insults and injuries of their enemies." 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 15 

bosom of the Romish. Church. The flames 
of the stake, and the axe of the execu- 
tioner, were to put an end to Protestantism* 
Lasky's Congregation had hastily to flee, 
and eight hundred Englishmen left their 
country along with them, seeking a new 
home in Germany and Switzerland. (*) Many 
met with a hospitable reception at Frankfort- 
on-the-Maine, where an English community 
was established, with a Church Government 
and a Ritual of their own.( k ) 



( k ) John Knox went to .Frankfort in 1553 or 
1554, and was for some time Pastor of the English 
Congregation there, but discord arising among 
them, he retired. A curious and interesting work 
may be consulted on this subject, entitled, "A 
Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frank- 
fort in the year 1554, about the Book of Common 
Prayer and Ceremonies." Printed in 1575; 
reprinted, 1042, 1707-8, and 1846. 



16 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 



Additions to Chapter I. 

(!) William Tyndal was one of the first 
to introduce into England the writings of 
Luther. He might almost be called the Fa- 
ther of the English Reformation. When in 
1 524 or 1 525, Tyndal set out with ten pounds 
in his purse for Wittenberg, the writings of 
Luther, as we shall presently see, had not 
only entered, but made no small stir in this 
country. Froude, in his History of England 
(vol. .2, p. 31) says, "Tyndal saw Luther, 
and under his immediate direction trans- 
lated the Gospels and Epistles while at 
Wittenberg." 

And this might well have been, we had 
almost said, must have been not once but 
often. Tyndal, finding no security in Eng- 
land for the prosecution of his great work, 
the New Testament in English, first went to 
Hamburg ; afterwards we find him at Cologne, 
and then at Worms. We meet with him at 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 17 

Wittenberg, and along with Frith at Ant- 
werp. He was eventually betrayed into the 
hands of his enemies, and cast into prison at 
Vilvorde, near Brussels. There he remained 
for two years, and was at length led forth to 
the stake on the 6th of October, 1536. 

(*) Henry very early set himself against 
Luther. In May, 1521, he carried into 
execution the Pope's bull against the Re- 
former's writings, which were collected and 
solemnly burned at St. Paul's. The king 
wrote to the Elector Palatine, — " It is the 
devil who, by Luther's means, has kindled 
this immense conflagration. If Luther will 
not be converted, let him and his writings 
be burnt together!" This was followed 
by his " Defence of the Seven Sacraments, 
against Martin Luther." This savage and 
abusive production was by many ascribed to 
Lee, the king's, chaplain, and may really 
have been the joint production of them both. 
Leo X. received it with exultation, and for 
it conferred upon Henry the title of De- 
fender of the Faith, since borne by the kings 



18 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

of England. Luther was completely routed 
by it, and replied in a strain in which his 
daring is far more conspicuous than his jpru- 
dence ; it was one of the most violent and 
rash of all his writings, yet not without 
sound argument and wholesome as well as 
unpalatable truth. We regret that Luther 
should have followed and outdone Henry in 
this kind of language; but what shall we say 
of Sir Thomas More who took up Henry's 
cause P From one so noble, refined, learned, 
and amiable, we should look for something 
different. In vain, however, for he labours 
hard to excel Luther in insulting terms and 
violence of language. The reply of the 
Bishop of Rochester was not in a much 
gentler strain. Luther does not appear to have 
answered either of these, but to have treated 
them with profound contempt. Henry, 
however, despatched an ambassador to the- 
Elector and Dukes of Saxony, with terrible 
denunciations of Luther, and earnest exhor- 
tations to suppress him and his doctrine. The 
princes merely referred the King to the 



IS THE SIXTEENTH CENTUBY. 19 

General Council which was approaching. Of 
oourse this effectually thwarted the purpose 
he had in view, and in effect he found him- 
self defeated by the Wittenberg monk. 
Thus ended this curious episode in the his- 
tory of the Reformation. 

Polydore Vergil, in his life of Henry VIII. 
says, "He first took care that the Lutheran 
books should be burned, as a great number 
of them had come into the hands of his 
English subjects, and then he bravely com- 
posed a book against the new doctrine, and 
sent it to Pope Leo. 91 

Henry therefore acted in a somewhat illo- 
gical manner : he first burned the books of 
Luther, and afterwards he wrote against 
them. 

It would appear that some three or four 
years later than the controversy about the 
Seven Sacraments, measures were taken about 
1525 for promoting a more friendly and chris- 
tian correspondence. Michelet describes this 
second intercourse as if it had closely fol- 
lowed the former; this, however, oan scarcely 

c 2 



20 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

have been the ease. The account of Luther's 
correspondence with Henry in 1525, as given 
by Melchior Adam, is this : — " The King of 
England in his reply to Luther's letter, 
among other things, abused him for an k in- 
cestuous marriage; than which a worse 
crime can scarcely be mentioned." As 
Luther was married in 1525, this cannot 
refer to the book of Henry about the Seven 
Sacraments, which was first printed in 1521, 
it must relate to subsequent communications. 
Soon after, Adam goes on to say, "Luther 
wrote this year also to the King of England 
at the particular instance of the exiled King 
Christiern ; and he wrote somewhat meekly 
an epistle which is extant, as also to Duke 
George of Saxony, with a view to be restored 
to their favour. But the king replied with 
bitterness, taunting him with inconstancy 
and lightness ; he also defended the Cardinal 
Thomas "Wolsey, (archbishop) of York ; to 
which Luther answered, that with how great 
hatred of Luther he was influenced could 
be easily perceived. When Luther read the 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 21 

king's reply in print, he greatly regretted 
and lamented what he had done ; in so far 
gratifying his friends, (he said) the same 
thing had happened to him with Cardinal 
Cajetan, George Duke of Saxony, and Eras- 
mus of Rotterdam, who had been rather 
enraged than pacified by his lenity. Hence- 
forth he would not act so foolishly. Coch- 
leeus and Eck in a similar way, insulted this 
humility of Luther's in a wonderful manner. 
Luther on the other hand, sent out a writing 
" Against the execrable fas he called it) and 
contumelious libel of the King of England." 
It is much to be lamented that the corres- 
pondence between Henry and the German 
leaders of the Reformation at this early 
period was marked by so nroch asperity, but 
it was in harmony with the spirit of the 
times. Men's passions were aroused, and 
on whichever side they wrote or spoke, it 
was almost an invariable rule for them to 
give way to excesses of temper and language 
which, at this day, we should most justly re- 
prehend and disallow. 



22 REFOBMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

As soon as time had permitted affairs 
to assume a new aspect, and Henry began to 
feel that it would be well, if possible, to be 
on terms of intimacy with the Reforming 
princes, negotiations were set on foot. 

From Froude (rol. 2, p. 138) we extract 
the following :— " At the beginning of Au- 
gust (1533) Sir Stephen Yaughan was sent 
on a tentative mission to the Elector of Saxe, 
John Frederick, at Weimar. He was the 
bearer of letters containing a proposal for a 
resident English Ambassador; and if the 
Elector gave his consent, he was to proceed 
with similar offers to the Courts of the Land- 
grave of Hesse, and the Duke of Lunenberg. 
Yaughan arrived in due time at the elector's 
court, was admitted to audience, and de- 
livered his letters. The prince read them, 
and in the evening of the same day returned 
for answer a polite but wholly absolute re- 
fusal. * * * * The reception which 
Yaughan met with at Weimar, satisfied him 
that he need go no further ; neither the 
Landgrave nor the Duke of Lunenberg 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 23 

would be likely to venture on a course which 
the elector so obviously feared. He there- 
fore gave up his mission, and returned to 
England. 

• "The first overtures in this direction issued 
in complete failure, nor Was the result wholly 
to be regretted. It taught Henry (or it was 
a first commencement of the lesson) that so 
long as he pursued a merely English policy, 
he might not expect that other nations would 
embroil themselves in his defence. He must 
allow the Reformation a wider scope, he must 
permit it to comprehend within its possible 
consequences the breaking of the chains by 
which his subjects 9 minds were bound — not 
merely a change of jailors. Then, perhaps, 
the German princes might return some other 
answer." 

The failure of Yaughan's mission did not 
deter the friends of union from a second 
attempt. At the Privy Council which met 
December 2nd, 1535, says Froude (p. 184), 
" It was proposed that the attempt to form 
an alliance with the Lutheran powers should 



24 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

"be renewed on a larger scale ; that certain 
discreet and grave persons should be ap- 
pointed to conclude some league or amity 
'with the princes of Germany — that is to 
say, the King of Poland, the King of Hun- 
gary, the Duke of Saxony, the Duke of 
Bavaria, the Duke of Brandenburg, the 
Landgrave of Hesse, and other potentates." 
Vaughan's mission had been merely tentative, 
and had failed. Yet the offer of a league, 
offensive and defensive, the immediate and 
avowed object of which was a general council, 
at which the Protestants should be repre- 
sented, might easily succeed, where vague 
offers of amity had come to nothing. Sir 
John Wallop was deputed to lay this propo- 
sition before the French court, and Henry was 
inclined himself to entertain it. The French 
tong did not at all favour the idea, and sent 
an embassy to Henry, to attempt by fair words 
to soothe his mind and reconcile him to the 
-Komish See." 

in ( L? ,1 ? et Say8 ' "** 1536 ^e king wan 
e trea ^ ^ the German princes, 



IS THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 25 

not only for a league in temporal concerns, 
but likewise in matters of religion. The 
king thought the Germans should have in all 
things submitted to him ; and the opinion he 
had of his own learning, which was perhaps 
heightened a little with his new title of 'Head 
of the Church/ made him expect that they 
should in all points comply with him. Gar- 
diner was then his ambassador in France, 
and diflsuaded him much from any religious 
league with them, as that which would 
alienate the world abroad, and his people at 
home from him." It is very certain that 
many things in Henry's conduct did not 
satisfy the German Reformers, but they seem 
to have many of them long entertained the 
idea that a closer union with England was 
possible ; and, indeed, it must be admitted 
that during the reign of Mary, and subse- 
quently, there was far more intercourse with 
the followers of Calvin and Zwingle than 
with those of Luther : of this there is abun- 
dant evidence. 
With regard to the intercourse carried on 



26 REFOBMBBS OF ENGJLAKD AND GERMANY 

about A.D. 1535! and for some time after, 
ire may add that " after he fell out with the 
Pope, Henry sent legates to the Protestants 
of Germany desiring the goodwill of the 
Saxon princes in particular, and informing 
them there had been a change of religion 
brought about in England, the principal 
errors haying been abolished by common 
consent, and that the impostures of the Pa* 
pacy had been exterminated from his King- 
dom as they had been from Saxony. To 
this end all the counsels and transactions of 
the king were directed, that he might thence- 
forward unite all his power and influence 
with the princes of Germany, if Antichrist 
should contrive anything against the Re- 
formed Churches.' 1 Messages like this coming 
from such a man seemed almost too much for 
belief but then Henry had not only openly 
quarrelled with the Pope, he had begun to 
elefrr out that AugefcU stable of abuse and 
corruption, the monasteries; and besides, 
some of the most earnest friends of the Refof - 
jnation among his people. Were his repre- 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 27 

eentatives. Dr. Barnes, already mentioned, 
was one ; Edward Fox, Bishop of Hereford, 
was another; and Nicholas Heath, or Heyth, 
was a third. Fox died soon after, in 1538 ; 
of Barnes, we have already seen the end ; of 
Heath, very little is known to us. They all 
appear to have been present at the Conven- 
tion of Smalcald, in 1535, when negotiations 
were entered into, as already stated, for some 
kind of coalition between Henry and the 
German confederacy. Nor was this the 
first time in which the politico-religious cir- 
cumstances of his kingdom induced the king 
to open correspondence with the German 
divines as well as princes. John iEpinus, 
as he is called, who is said to have been at one 
time an inmate of an English Franciscan 
monastery, but who was a native of Ham- 
burg, embraced the doctrines of Luther, 
and became a distinguished minister and 
divine in his native city. When, about 
1584, Henry VIII. wishing to ally himself 
with all the Protestant cities and states, in 
case of an attack from the partisans of the 



28 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GEKMAXY 

Pope, requested an embassy from Ham- 
burg, he is said to have sent a special invi- 
tation to -ZEpinus, who came over in conse- 
quence along with the civilians. 

The imperious bearing of Henry towards 
the German princes told very much against 
him ; yet he persisted in his absurd self-will, 
and all the while expected that they would 
endorse his proceedings, and graciously 
entertain his projects. After the publication 
of the Papal bull against him, he seems to 
have felt that he was not beyond danger; 
and this feeling of insecurity may have been 
one reason why, in 1535, he began sincerely 
to respect the German Reformers, and to en- 
deavour to enlist their sympathies in his 
favour. " There could be little doubt of the 
support of the Germans, if they could be once 
assured that they would not be again trifled 
with; and a Protestant league, the steady 
object of Cromwell's efforts, seemed likely at 
length to be realized. Different, indeed, 
would have been the future, both of England 
and Germany, if such a league had been 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 29 

possible, if the pressure which compelled 
this most natural alliance had continued till 
it had cemented into rock." Froude, (yoL 2, 
p. 400) who, speaking of the embassy in 
1535, says, that "Christopher Mount, in 
August, and in September, Fox, Bishop of 
Hereford, were despatched to warn the 
Lutheran princes against the French in- 
trigues, and to point out the course which 
the interests of Northern Europe in the ex- 
isting conjuncture required. The bishop's 
instructions were drawn by the king." 
From those instructions — now in the Rolls 9 
House MSS., Froude gives considerable 
extracts (pp. 401 — 403), and a very toler- 
able account of the whole transaction. 

It may be observed that Dr. Barnes, 
Bishop Fox, and Nicholas Heath, received 
the formal conclusion of the Lutheran 
divines about the question of the king's 
marriage. 

( B ) Dr. Heppe's narrative here is not very 
clear, nor sufficiently foil. Not only did 
Henry send the delegates already named, 



30 REFORMERS O* ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

and not only did a correspondence commence 
with Melanchthon, whom the king was very 
anxious to bring into England, but Justus 
Jonas and even Martin Luther himself 
addressed letters to Sir Thomas CromwelL A 
letter by each of these distinguished Re- 
formers exists in the British Museum, and 
copies of them both are here given. For 
the sake of those who prefer the original, 
the Latin is printed in the Appendix ; and for 
such as prefer an English version, one has 
been made, and is here printed. We are not 
aware that these letters have been before 
published : — 

Letter from Luther to Thomas CromwelL 

Luther to the most illustrious Cromwell, 
Counsellor of the most serene King, 
greeting,— 

Grace and peace in Jesus Christ. [After 
some excuses about the too late arrival of 
a letter, Luther thus proceeds.] For your 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. SI 

very friendly and pleasant letters I give the 
greatest thanks, and would that, by the 
blessing of Christ, I might be and be found 
such as your Highness has pictured me. 
For I think I am far short of those merits 
for which your Highness thinks me to excel. 
This one thing I confess to the Lord, 
that through His grace, I am not without 
desire and will, but as Paul says, to will 
is present with me, but to perform I find 
not in me, nevertheless, He who sees my 
imperfections is perfect, and will render 
perfect in His own time for His own good 
will. Dr. Barnes made me wonderfully glad 
when he told me of the earnest and ready 
mind of your Highness in the cause of 
Christ, especially since with your authority, 
by which you have very great influence with 
the most serene king, and in the whole 
realm, you can render great service. 

I pray and I will pray Christ, that to His 
own glory and the salvation of many, He 
would happily strengthen His own work 
which He has begun in your Highness. 



32 KEFORMEBS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

From the account of Dr. Barnes, your 
Highness will best know what is and is done 
among us. To the mercy of the Father 
commends you 

Martin Ltjtheb. 

Given at "Wittenberg, 
on Palm Sunday, 1536. 

Letter from Justus Jonas to Sir T. Cromwell. 

Justus Jonas, to the noble and most excellent 
Thomas Cromwell, his revered friend and 
patron, and Counsellor of the most serene 
and mighty King of England, greeting, — 

Tour Highness will learn from their own 
account all that the most Reverend Lord Ed- 
ward, Bishop of Hereford, the most Reverend 
Archdeacon Nicholas, and Dr. Barnes, as the 
legates of the King's Majesty, accomplished 
in affairs of religion with the most illustrious 
Elector, our Prince, and how both publicly 
and privately they were received among us. 
All learned and pious men perceive that it is 
of great importance, in this so great a matter, 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 33 

as well for repressing and even crushing the 
intolerable tyranny of the Roman Pontiff, as 
for bringing in the pure truth, that the most 
serene and mighty King of England, and 
the Princes of Germany who favour the Gos- 
pel, should be of one accord in mind and 
will, and aim as much as ever they can av^Kpa. 
ri^uv [to act or rule in concert.] If only 
your learned men and the chief ministers of 
the Church endeavour that in the principal 
articles of sound doctrinfe, we may sufficiently 
and verily agree ; then, as far as I perceive 
by the grave deliberations of our party, I 
doubt not we shall the more readily concur 
in doing and fulfilling what remains in regard 
to the political alliance. If the aflair should 
be brought to a general synod, the most 
flourishing kingdom of England would not 
be without able and learned men. And our 
age is such, that the very stream of time, 
like the rush of a river, would interrupt the 
impious hope and nefarious designs of the 
Pope. We tender our most ready and de- 
voted aid in this most bitter conflict, for the 



34 BEFOBMBBS OF ENGLAND ABB GERMANY 

defence of the cause of Gospel truth, and 
we shall endeavour bo to cultivate, and by 
the interchange of mutual correspondence to 
maintain acquaintance and friendship with 
the most Reverend Bishop Edward, and the 
legates of the King's high Majesty, that we 
hope this will profit both the Church and 
the State through God's favour. May your 
Highness deign to commend us and the com- 
mon cause of letters, to the most serene King. 
Jesus Christ preserve and enlighten your 
Highness with His light 

Your Highness' most devoted, 

Justus Jonas, Db. 

Given at Wittenberg, 
the 4th day after Easter,, 1536. 

These letters and negotiations were cer- 
tainly not without effect, although the re- 
sults as it respects the royal and princely 
persons concerned, were by no means satisfac- 
tory. They seem to have wanted confidence 
in each other, and moreover, were net very 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 35 

unanimous in their opinions on certain mat- 
ters of religion. At the same time there 
was a true and real bond of union between 
the divines of the Reformation in the two 
countries, and their intercourse seems to 
have been by no means unimportant. Un- 
fortunately this truer and more genuine 
alliance has left the scantiest records, and it 
is for the most part only by indirect and 
casual allusions and letters that its deeply 
interesting character is brought to light. 

(•) It may be proper to say a few words 
here about a letter from Melanchthon to 
Henry, already referred to in a note. 

Melanchthon begins by alluding to the 
arts of the Popes to stir up the Emperor and 
the French king against England and Ger- 
many; but, says he, "because I hope God 
will overrule these perils, and defend your 
peace ; I have written, in other letters, of the 
Reformation of the churches, which, if the 
times permit, I pray your royal majesty to 
receive. Afterwards I added this epistle, 
not moved by want of modesty, but by the 

D 2 



36 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

best desire and love of the churches and 
of yourself." He goes on to speak of the 
honour which Britain has had in spreading 
the Gospel, and of the overthrow of Papal 
tyranny. He desires also the carrying out 
of what is begun. He rejoices in the king's 
proclamation about religion, but is sorry for 
its severity, and desires that wise and good 
men may not be oppressed ; above all, that 
there should be liberty in things indifferent. 
Then he takes up the question of the mar- 
riage of the clergy, and vows of continency. 
From this he proceeds to masses, saint and 
image worship, and other superstitions. He 
alludes to the Papal persecutions with ab- 
horrence, and urges upon Henry the tem- 
perate prosecution of reform, concluding with 
prayers for the king's preservation and sal- 
vation. In the course of the letter he calls 
the blessing of bells a nefarious imposture, 
and calls certain popular saints, as George 
and Christopher, " poetic personages/' 

The whole of this wise, sober, and christian 
epistle might have been given ; it does equal 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 37 

credit to the head and heart of Melanchthon, 
and it cannot be wondered that the king 
attached great importance to it, and the 
others alluded to in it. 

(*) Frederick Myconius, a zealous pro- 
moter of the principles of the Reformation, 
was sent into England with Francis Bur- 
chard, who is described as a man of almost 
universal attainments. Myconius held a con- 
ference with three bishops and four doctors 
of theology, on the separate heads of Christian 
doctrine contained in the Augustan or Augs- 
burg Confession, and its Apology. At the 
same time (1538) the question of Henry's 
marriage with Anne of Cleves was considered. 
As Burnet says, the German delegates, in their 
theological conferences, insisted much upon 
granting the use of the cup to the laity ; on 
putting down private masses ; on worship in 
a known tongue ; and on the marriage of the 
clergy. On these different heads a copious 
memorial was presented by them to the king. 
The reply to the memorial was from the pen 
of Tonstal, and in justification of the erro- 



38 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

neous customs complained of. In reference 
to this matter Mosheim says, " In 1538, the 
German Confederates sent an embassy to the 
King of France, which, however, effected 
very little ; and also three embassadors to the 
King of England. They proposed to King 
Henry to adopt the Augsburg Confession, 
and consent to be the head and patron of the 
Protestant Confederacy; they also stated what 
aid each should afford to the other in case of 
attack from the enemy. But Henry was not 
yet prepared to go so far in the Reformation, 
nor did he wish to embroil himself with the 
emperor." 

The residence in this country of Andreas 
Hyperius, whose proper name was Andrew 
Gerard, a native of Ypres, ought not to be 
overlooked. This eminent man, who was 
professor at Marburg more than two and 
twenty years, visited England, where he 
sought out such as were distinguished as the 
friends of learning. Here he found a warm 
admirer in the person of Charles Mantjoy or 
Mountj oy, the friend of Erasmus. After 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 39 

repeated conversations with Mountjoy, from 
whom he received a liberal promise of ample 
support, he went to reside with him, and 
remained in his house more than four years. 
He was taken by his patron to Cambridge in 
1540, the year in which Thomas Cromwell, 
Dr. Barnes, and other promoters of the 
Reformation were called to suffer. At that 
time certain decrees were published which 
perilled the foreigners who were in the 
country. Hyperius, therefore, made up his 
mind to go to Germany ; and having first 
paid a visit to Oxford, carried his resolution 
into effect, much against the will of his 
liberal and attached protector. He was very 
kindly received at Marburg by Gerard No- 
viomagus, at whose death, in 1542, he was 
appointed his successor. He died at Mar- 
burg in 1564. 

( 8 ) The general confusion which prevailed 
in Germany at this time (1547) was an ad* 
ditional reason for the return to England of 
the Protestant refugees, and others who had 
found rest and liberty during the reign of 



40 REFORMEBS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Henry VIII. The same cause led to the 
willingness with which the continental Re- 
formers made England their home. Among 
the numerous distinguished divines who came 
over, some are mentioned by Dr. Heppe in 
the text, and others might be added. For 
example, Peter Martyr, in the end of Novem- 
ber, 1547, came to England by the invitation 
which he received from Cranmer in the name 
of the Bang. He was joined both in the 
invitation and on his journey by Bernardinus 
Ochinus. They were kindly received and 
entertained by the Archdishop. Ochinus 
was made a Canon of Canterbury, wife cer- 
tain privileges annexed, and Peter Martyr 
was appointed to a professorship at Oxford. 
His eventful career at Oxford is detailed at 
length* by Melchior Adam, and his recent 
biographer, Dr. Schmidt, to whom the reader 
is referred for the particulars. Among his 
friends and admirers he numbered the king, 
Cranmer, Ridley, Hooper, Oheke, and many 
other distinguished men. During his resi- 
dence in England his wife died, and on the 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 41 

accession of Mary he was himself deposed 
from his office, and had to remove from the 
country. It is well known how the bones of 
his wife were shamefully exhumed by Car- 
dinal Pole, and cast upon a dunghill, and 
how they were afterwards honourably re* 
interred by Elizabeth. In 1556 Jewell was 
the Mend and companion of Martyr at 
Zurich. Queen Elizabeth wished him to 
return to England, but he did not see it his 
duty to comply. Several of his most im- 
portant works were either written in England 
or on behalf of the English Protestants. He 
died in 1562. 

Paulius Fagius came over in 1549, and, 
with his companions, was a guest and so- 
journer at Lambeth Palace. Fagius was a 
man of great learning and promise, but pre- 
maturely died at Cambridge, November 
13th, 1550, greatly lamented. The bones 
of Fagius were dug up and burnt in the 
time of Mary, as also were those of 
Bucer. 



42 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Alexander Aless, a Scotchman by birth, 
was converted in a discussion with Patrick 
Hamilton. He spent some time in Germany, 
where he filled a pnrfWs ch«r. He 
came to England on the accession of Ed- 
ward, and became professor of theology : he 
died 1565. 

John Brentius, or Brentz, by birth a 
Swede, but settled in Germany, was among 
those who were invited to England by 
Edward VI. Large promises were made 
to him, but he did not feel justified in leav- 
ing the Continent. He died in 1570, at 
Stuttgart. 

On the whole, it may be said that the 
correspondence and intercourse between the 
divines of England, and of Germany, and 
German speaking countries, during the 
reign of Edward was most extensive, impor- 
tant, and interesting. 

( 9 ) During the reign of Mary many emi- 
nent English Protestants found refuge, pro- 
tection, and friendship among their German 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTUBY 43 

Mends, as is attested by the lives of the 
principal of our Reformers of that unhappy 
period. The great kindness shown to them 
by Henry Bullinger at Zurich, deserves to 
be never forgotten. Through the means of 
Simon Grynaeus, Bullinger had made the 
acquaintance of Oranmer many years before. 
Cranmer, by the way, married a German 
wife, in the person of the niece of Osi- 
ander. As early as 1536, Bullinger con- 
tracted friendship with three young English* 
men studying at Zurich; of these, John 
Butler and William Woodroof lodged with 
Conrad Fellican ; and* the third, Nicholas 
Partridge, lived in the house of Bullinger. 
Boon after, Nicholas Eliot and Bartholomew 
Traheron came to Zurich. Bullinger's writ* 
ings also were early translated into English. 
John Hooper was among his friends and 
correspondents, and was regarded by him 
with particuliar affection. Of his correspon- 
dence with the unfortunate Lady Jane Grey, 
it is not needful to say much. Three of her 
letters to him, full of confidence and affoc- 



44 REFORMEBS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

tion still exist, and have been several times 
published.* Jane was assisted in her studies, 
including Greek and Hebrew, by Bullinger, 
who used the assistance of John of Ulm, 
who studied in England, and was the tutor 
of Jane. Bullinger stood very high in this 
country, as may be gathered, not only from 
this deeply interesting correspondence, but 
from the fact, that one of his works was 
addressed to Henry VIII. ; the third and 
fourth of his " Decades " were dedicated to 
Edward VI., and the fifth to Henry Grey, 
father of Lady Jane ; he was also known to 
the Earl of Warwick, and others of the 
nobility. 

Perhaps one of the most important results 
of the intercourse which had sprung up, 



•The best edition of these Letters is that of 
Zurich, 1840, 4to, with Introductions and Notes. 
This edition contains a Letter by John of Ulm, in 
which, amongst others, mention is made of James 
Haddon, Chaplain of the Duke of Suffolk, who 
afterwards resided in Germany as a refugee. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTUM. 46 

more especially with the followers of Zwingle 
and Calvin, and the appointment at the Eng- 
lish universities of professors holding the same 
principles, was, that when so many left their 
native land on Mary's accession, preferring 
voluntary exile to the tyrrany of Popery, 
a considerable portion of them settled in 
Geneva, including very distinguished men. 
An English College was founded at Locarno ; 
and the well-known Genevan-English ver- 
sion of the Bible emanated from the exiles, 
who were abundantly recompensed for their 
labours and trials by its extraordinary 
popularity in this country. It was first 
published at Geneva in 1560. 

We omit for the present many additional 
evidences of genuine Christian intercourse 
between the English and German Reformers 
under Henry, Edward, and Mary. 

It would have been gratifying to have 
added something respecting the relations 
subsisting between the German and Scottish 
Reformers prior to the accession of Queen 
Elizabeth. We are, however, acquainted 



46 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

with very little beyond what relates to 
Patrick Hamilton, Alexander Aless, and 
John Knox. But we have observed, that 
among the articles preferred against Sir John 
Borthwick, in 1540, by Cardinal Beaton, this 
is conspicuous, " That he did read heretical 
books, and the New Testament in English, 
and some other treatises written by Mehmch- 
thon, (Ecolampadius, and Erasmus, which he 
gave likewise unto others," (Spotswood: 
" History of the Church," p. 70.) Dr. Stuart, 
in his "History of the Reformation in Scot- 
land," says, " Sir John Borthwick, having 
been apprized of his danger, fled into Eng- 
land, where he was kindly received by 
Henry VIII., who employed him in nego- 
tiations with the Protestant princes of Ger- 
many" (p. 12). 

Still earlier than this, in 1535, " several 
Acts of Parliament were passed (in Scotland) 
against ' the damnable opinions of the great 
heretic MartinLuther.' " (Stephen : "History 
of Church of Scotland," vol. 1, p. 8.) It is 
also related that many ministers and pro- 



IK THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 47 

feasors of the Gospel fled from persecution 
in Scotland, and found a refuge in Germany 
and Geneva, from whence a good number 
returned in 1558. 



48 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 



CHAPTER II. 

THE AFFINITY OF GERMAN AND ENGLISH PRO- 
TESTANTISM RECOGNISED BY EVANGELICAL 
PRINCES OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE IN THE 
TEARS 1561 AND 1562. 

On November 17, 1551, the long night of 
terror which had overshadowed England 
ended. Mary died on that day. English 
Protestantism had been baptized in blood. 
Elizabeth, who was the daughter of 
Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyne, and who 
had been brought up in the Protestant faith, 
then ascended the throne. Protestantism, 
was reinstated, and the ecclesiastical inter- 
course between England and Germany 
received quite a fresh impulse. 

The formation of an alliance of all evan- 
gelical countries was one of the ideas which 
the virgin Queen hoped to realize by the 
most lively intercourse and correspondence 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 49 

with the Protestant princes of Germany. 
As early as 1559, Queen Elizabeth consulted 
by letters with the Landgrave Philip of 
Hesse, about this matter. " She wrote that 
she was resolved to order that the doctrinal 
truths and usages contained in the Augsburg 
Confession should be taught, after having 
been previously made the subject of preach- 
ing; and that she highly appreciated the 
union of evangelical princes, among whom 
the Landgrave, the friend of her father and 
of her brother, stood foremost. She asked 
him at the same time, as a favour, that he 
would give her on all occasions confidential 
information about those religious questions 
which might be of profit to her own king- 
dom." From this time until his death, the 
Landgrave carried on an active correspon- 
dence with Queen Elizabeth. 

The desire of the high-minded queen, 
which was the result of mature considera- 
tion, was strengthened by the Papal Convo- 
cation of the Council of Trent. When the 
queen, therefore, heard of a congress which 

x 



SO REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

the Protestant princes of the German em- 
pire had resolved to hold at Naumburg, in 
January, 1561, in order to take counsel 
together, with regard to their common eccle- 
siastical interests, she resolved fo prepare 
the assembled princes for the future realiza- 
tion of her project, by a special embassy. 
The evangelical princes signed at Naum- 
burg a new preface to the Augsburg 
Confession, altogether confirming Melanch- 
thon's editions of 1540 and 1542 (which 
the Lutherans named "Variata," and op- 
posed very energetically), together with 
Melanchthon's views on the doctrine of the 
Lord's Supper. The Congress also took up 
and discussed the question, whether the 
Pope's request made to the evangelical 
princes to send their legates to the Council 
of Trent, should be accepted. The invitation 
was unanimously rejected by the assembled 
princes. On the very day when the Papal 
legates received the definite reply of the 
evangelical princes at Naumburg, the 
Plenipotentiary of Queen Elizabeth, Christo- 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 51 

pher Mount, appeared before them and 
reported in the name of the queen as fol- 
lows: "Whereas the Council, which the 
Pope is about to assemble at Trent, has 
evidently for its object the suppression of 
Protestantism, and the restoration of the 
Papal power ; and whereas, furthermore, the 
Queen of England professes the same faith 
as the Protestant princes of Germany, it 
appears desirable, that in the face of the 
Council, both parties should take exactly the 
same stand. 

" The queen, therefore, declares herself re- 
solved, in case she should be requested to take 
part in the Council of Trent, to communicate 
to the evangelical princes her reply to such 
request ; and expects, that they will, in re- 
turn, inform her of their decision, should 
similar application be made to them/' She 
moreover prayed the princes to take pains 
that all soldiers, which the King of France 
recruited in Germany, might take an oath, 
not to enter any engagement against the 
evangelical Christians of France. 

e2 



52 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

The princes in their answer, which was 
communicated to the queen's legate on the 
following day, expressed their sincere satis- 
faction and joy at this message, distinctly 
acknowledging, moreover, the community of 
faith, which united the English Church with 
their own. The princes informed him of 
the propositions which had been made to 
them by the emperor and the Pope, and 
communicated to him their reply. He re- 
ceived besides a copy of the petition which 
was laid before the last Imperial Diet, with 
regard to the convocation of a free Christian 
Council. 

At the same time with the English legate, 
a letter from France had arrived at Naum- 
burg, in which the evangelical princes of 
Germany were earnestly requested to inter- 
cede with Charles V. in behalf of the perse- 
cuted Hug-uenots. The Congress joyfully 
responded to the appeal of their brethren 
in the fai *K and issued, on February 7, a 
letter to the King of France, in which they 
entreated liim most ea^e^iy ^ pro tect 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 53 

those of bis subjects who had embraced 
Protestantism, against any further persecu- 
tions, at least, until the ecclesiastical dis- 
union which pervaded all countries had 
been removed by a legitimate council. The 
Assembly at the same time sent an address 
to Henry II., King of Navarre, exhorting 
him in glowing terms firmly to stand by 
his evangelical profession. A copy of the 
Augsburg Confession, signed afresh by the 
Assembly, was sent to the Kings of France 
and Navarre. 

In accordance with the resolution adopted 
at Naumburg, the evangelical princes for- 
warded to Queen Elizabeth their declaration 
against the Council of Trent, which had 
been signed by them at a meeting at Fulda, 
September, 1562. 



54 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 



CHAPTEE III. 

THE GENERAL EVANGELICAL CONFERENCE AT 
ERFURT, SEPTEMBER, 1569. 

The confessional differences, which had un- 
fortunately appeared in some of the Pro- 
testant territories since the " Interim," be- 
came of fatal importance in regard to the 
Anglo-German Church Alliance after 1562. 
The rumour had widely spread and gained 
credit, that the Elector Palatine Frederick 
III, after having reformed the worship in 
all his churches according to the principles 
of Calvin, and after having published and 
introduced as a public school-book the Hei- 
delberg Catechism, had abandoned the Augs- 
burg Confession, and thereby lost the rights 
granted by the peace of the empire. Many 
of the princes and divines did not wish to 
side with an exclusive Lutheranism which 
arose just at this time, and which did not 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 55 

even hesitate to disown the authority of 
Melanchthon and the ecclesiastical and doc- 
trinal traditions of German Protestantism. 
They therefore began now to view with dis- 
trust and anxious suspicion a movement, 
which at an earlier period had been acknow- 
ledged by them to be in perfect accordance 
with the inalienable liberty of evangelical 
Protestantism. While Queen Elizabeth ex- 
pected the German Protestants cordially to 
reoognise her as belonging to the same church 
communion, and to enlist her co-operation and 
sympathy in their religious interests, many 
of the German princes, in a very marked 
manner, avoided all communication with her, 
and limited themselves to the discussion of 
the question, how it was possible for them to 
revive among themselves a " more intimate 
correspondence/' excluding thereby any re- 
lations with foreign evangelical countries. 

The only one who understood the queen's 
generous endeavours, was the Elector Fred- 
erick of Heidelberg, whose pious spirit, im- 
bued with the true principles of the Eefor- 



56 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

mation, was grieved at the attitude which the 
German princes had assumed towards her. 
While Elizabeth, with deep sorrow, became 
more and more convinced that all community 
of faith and ecclesiastical interests in which 
she felt herself allied to the German princes, 
waa either decried or put aside by them, the 
magnanimous Elector Frederick resolved to 
promote, with all his energy, the realisation 
of the great idea which agitated the queen's 
breast. 

When the civil war, by which France had 
been devastated, was rekindled after a short 
interval of peace, Frederick sent his confi- 
dential counsellor and legate, who had ever 
been at his side in settling affairs of war and 
peace, to Queen Elizabeth. He was in- 
structed to inform her of the reasons why 
the previous revolution had arisen in France, 
how it had been carried on, and had at last 
ended in a false peace. ( a ) And since it was 



(*) Official information received by the Landgrave 
Wilhelm, at Cassel, from the Elector Palatine. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 57 

publicly known and evident from past actions, 
and the edicts and compromises which had 
been published in France, in the Netherlands, 
and in Germany, that this war had been com- 
menced only for the purpose of annihilating 
our true Christian religion, and of bringing 
Her Royal Highness (the Queen of England) 
and the German nation under the yoke, he 
was to exhort Her Royal Highness by co- 
operating in so common and Christian a 
matter, and by preventing the calamities 
which threatened, to assist with more energy 
than ever before, the cause of her afflicted 
fellow believers, and to help in extinguishing 
the fire in other countries before it reached 
her own kingdom. The Elector Frederick, 
moreover, asked the queen : " what help and 
comfort the German electors and princes 
might expect from her, as on account of their 
common, true Christian religion, they were 
sore oppressed and molested by the Pope and 
his partisans." He reminded her also of 
repeated negotiations, which had formerly 



58 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

been opened with the German Protestant 
princes by her ambassadors. Lastly, the 
elector remarked, "that there was perhaps 
never a more favourable moment than the 
present to come to an understanding, and to 
carry it practically out." 

Elizabeth was painfully reminded by this 
message from the elector of the little good 
which had resulted from all her former 
transactions and endeavours to conclude a 
sincere alliance between herself and the 
evangelical princes of the empire. She 
doubted, therefore, very much whether her 
previous proposals would find a more favour- 
able reception now on the part of the German 
princes. Yet it seemed to her an important 
fact, that the first evangelical elector of the 
empire should fall in so much with her own 
views, and should request that negotiations 
in this matter might be reopened. Elizabeth 
sent, therefore, one of her douncillors, Henry 
Killigrew, to Heidelberg, ordering him to 
enter into the question proposed by the 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 69 

elector, to whom he was to deliver her mes- 
sage, the tenor of which was as follows : — (*) 
That she had resolved never again to renew 
her efforts for the conclusion of an alliance 
between the evangelical princes of the empire 
and the crown of England, on account -of 

( b ) The Latin original of Killigrew's Instructions 
will be found in the Appendix No. 3. A slightly con- 
densed version in Engish is here given, as follows:— 

Summary of the reply which the Legate of the 
Queen of England presented to the Elector Palatine 
in reference to his application to her Highness for a 
Common League : — 

The queen, perceiving and foreseeing the im- 
minent perils of the times, and the pernicious and 
sanguinary plots of certain persons against all the 
professors of the holy Gospel in every place, not 
many years since publicly appointed legates to 
several of the princes of Germany, who profess the 
Christian religion, to inform them how useful a 
public and common alliance among all Protestants 
would be, in which legations, although her Highness 
showed herself most ready (with due regard to the 
honour to which God has called her,) with her 
consent and forces, to contribute with them the 
greatest aid for the common cause of all — yet, she 
suffered so many delays and hindrances from many 



•> 



60 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

the small degree of sympathy which her 
offers had received. But having been ex- 
pressly requested by the elector at Heidelberg 
to renew her negotiations with the German 
princes, she would joyfully enter again into 
them, under this condition, that all the 



of the princes who then professed the same religion 
with herself, that she determined thenceforth to ab- 
stain altogether from all treaties of that nature. 
But very recently, her Highness has been again 
applied to on this account by the Elector Palatine ; 
she has now therefore sent me to Germany to com- 
municate her counsels with the aforesaid elector, 
and other princes of Germany, and to intimate to 
them how willingly she will listen to all that may 
be proposed ; and that if she finds it good for the 
interests of religion, and not unsuitable to herself, 
she will readily concur. 

But still, except the Elector of Saxony, Augustus, 
and the Dukes of Zweibriicken, Julius of Brunswick 
and Wurtemburg, and the Landgrave of Hesse, and 
the remaining princes in these parts, and certain 
free towns of Upper Germany, as well as the 
maritime towns nearest the English coast, should 
be willing to be included, her Highness will by no 
means consider such an alliance suitable. And if 
the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, and the Dukes 



IN THB SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 61 

evangelical princes of the empire, as well 
as the larger imperial towns of Upper and 
Lower Germany, should join the proposed 
alliance. She would be glad if the Kings 
of Denmark and of Sweden, and the Dukes 
of Holstein, could be induced likewise to 



of Holstein, and other princes near to that ocean 
should be willing to join this alliance, it would be 
so much the more agreeable to her. 

She also desires that this alliance be only de- 
fensive — that is, that there should be no war but 
against those who by most evident force, attempt 
to disturb any one of the confederates for the sake 
of religion. 

But although her Highness well knows what 
enemies religion has, yet since her empire is sepa- 
rated from them, and surrounded on every side by 
the ocean, she can much more easily defend herself 
with her own forces than other princes on the 
continent, whose borders lie open and exposed to 
enemies. And here, those who will look back a 
little, will easily see with how much less difficulty 
her Highness might now protect her kingdom (since 
in all kingdoms round about her, there are now so 
many who favour and wish well to her because of 
her religion), than her father Henry VIII. of 
blessed memory, and Edward VI., her brother, 



62 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

join it. The Confederacy should only act 
defensively, but every member should be 
obliged to take up arms, in case any of the 
confederates should be attacked on account 
of the evangelical faith. It was added, that 
such a confederacy was much more for the 
interest of the German Protestants, than for 
those of the Queen of England, who, by the 
situation of her country, and by her relations 
with neighbouring states, was more than 
sufficiently protected against any disturbance. 
Before, however, the project which was 
negotiated between the queen and the 



against whom although the greatest tragedies were 
openly and secretly enacted, on account of their 
religion, by the Pope of Rome, by Charles V. the Em- 
peror, and the Kings of France, and other princes of 
the Papal faction at that time, yet it is clear enough, 
how strong and unbroken by Divine goodness they 
always maintained themselves and their kingdoms; 
so that it may be certainly concluded, that it is not 
much to the interest of her Highness now to form 
an alliance (which would be an expense and a burden 
to her), except for the public defence of the Christian 
religion. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 63 

elector could be carried into execution, she 
had been informed that deputies from all 
the evangelical princes of the empire were 
to assemble at Frankfort, in April, 1569, for 
the purpose, as she supposed, of concerting 
measures against the execution of the De- 
crees of the Council of Trent, which Borne 
was resolved to enforce. Elizabeth ordered 
her councillor,. Henry Killigrew, who was 
still at Heidelberg, to betake himself, together 
with her " orator," Dr. Christopher Mount, 
who resided at Strasburg, to Frankfort-on- 
the-Maine (°), and to communicate to the as- 

(«) The credentials whereby Queen Elizabeth au- 
thorised her two legates, run thus. (For the 
original see the Appendix No. 4. This translation 
is slightly abridged.) 

Elizabeth, &c, to the Electors of the holy Bo- 
man Empire and the States, our very dear cousins 
and friends, constant increase of happiness! A 
report has lately reached us from many that a con- 
gress of certain princes of the holy Roman empire 
will be held at Frankfort in this month of April. 
Since, therefore, by the very little time which re- 
mains, we seem to be excluded from sending thither 
some one with orders to enquire what is the truth 



64 KZFonxns or k*glakd and gbkmajty 

sembled deputies, " that from the beginning 
■he had cared for nothing so much u for the 
propagation and the protection of the true 
Christian, religion, which die professed. 
Having been informed, therefore, that the 
evangelical princes of Germany were at that 
time assembled for the purpose of securing 
the evangelical faith against the dangers 
with which it was threatened by Home, she 
had not been able to refrain from sending 



of the matter, and to inform us, it has seemed good 
to commend to your Excellencies now, two who 
are not far from Frankfort, one of them, Henry 
Killigrew, oar approved and faithful servant, vre 
have sent to your Excellencies, to our very dear 
cousin the Count Palatine, and cannot hear that he 
has yet left those parts ; the Other, our faithful and 
old servant, Dr. Mount, a man well known in Ger- 
many, and acquainted with public affairs, sojourns 

loth and each of these we have 
to ascertain the truth about the 

on, if it be certain, and they can 

ittend in time, to inform your 
our desire, generally of those 

n proper to ns who are not fully 
your congress and purpose, but 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 65 

her legates to assist in the councils of this 
Christian enterprise." 

The queen's legates, however, came too 
late ; the Congress of Deputies was already 
dissolved when they arrived. They were 
informed by the Elector Frederick, "that 
no matters of religious interest had been dis- 
cussed at the congress. The point prin- 
cipally -considered, was how the general 



have gathered somewhat by conjecture. We 
earnestly entreat yon all that yon would give them, 
or either of them bringing these letters in our 
behalf, the same trust and authority as if they had 
been sent on this account alone, with our full 
knowledge of your congress and the occasion of it. 
For the rest, as we shall be informed by them of 
the state of affairs, so will we impart to your Ex- 
cellencies as need requires our purpose and advice. 
May your Excellencies fare well. 

Given at our palace of Westminster, 12 April, 
A.D. 1569, the 11th year of our reign. 

Your cousin, 

Elizabbth E. 

To the most illustrious, excellent, and mighty 
Princes, Electors of the holy Roman empire, and 
the States, our very dear cousins and friends. 



66 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

peace could be preserved both in the empire, 
and among the members of the congress in 
particular; and also how they could best 
secure themselves against the disturbances, 
which might arise from the disbanding of 
the armies in France." It was added, that 
in future, if in any assembly, any question 
should be discussed, and any plan resolved 
upon, that might be of interest to the queen, 
they would previously inform her of it. 

The queen's proposition and project, how- 
ever, were most sealously taken up by the 
Elector Frederick. At the same time he 
perceived that every possible precaution 
most be employed in carrying it out. Above 
all, the expression, an " alliance " with the 
queen, must be avoided. It appeared, at 
least, to be more prudent to invite the 
princes to enter into an " agreement" or 
"understanding** irith the queen. Fred- 
erick therefore drew up the following par- 
ticulars : " That the Christian Agreement 
wiuch was desired with the queen should 
fee remhred upon for no other purpose than 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 67 

for the protection and safety of the true 
Christian faith, so that, if one of the parties 
should be threatened with war, or attacked on 
account of his religious profession, all the 
others, when requested, should give him their 
entire support. England, which was especially 
rich in money, should render aid in money ; 
while Germany could easily afford a powerful 
body of soldiers ; the German princes there- 
fore on behalf of England, should send an 
army into the field which England should 
maintain. ( d ) 

( d ) The details of the proposition were the fol- 
lowing: 

If England should be invaded by war for the cause 
of religion, the German electors and princes would 
endeavour not only to induce the German soldiery 
to leave the army of the queen's enemies, but also 
to send, at her request, a number of horsemen 
and soldiers, which would be paid by her. They, 
the German electors and princes, would even go so 
far as to recruit an army of two thousand cavalry 
and some regiments of infantry for the term of 
three months, and would bear the whole expense 
during this time. Should, however, the queen re- 
quire a greater number, or like to keep the army 

f 2 



68 REFORMEKS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

In April, 1569, the Elector Frederick sent 
the queen's proposition, together with the 
"Articles of Agreement/' which he had 
drawn up, to the electors of Brandenburg 
and Saxony, requesting them to communicate 
them to the other princes. They all declared 
their general concurrence with the intentions 
of the queen and the Elector Frederick. 
But there was only one, the noble and wise 

longer than three months, her Royal Majesty would 
be obliged to pay the current expenses. At the 
same time electors and princes would enter into 
treaties with the maritime towns, in order to obtain 
for the queen assistance by sea, and to promote 
her cause in every other way. 

If, however, on the other hand, the German 
electors and princes should be molested and 
offended by war, on account of the cause above 
mentioned, England would have to assist them 
with the sum of about five or six tons of gold. In 
case this sum could not be raised in specie, which 
would be the best, the queen should give such 
obligations as would be a sufficient guarantee for 
them to form an army. It was a question to be 
considered, whether these obligations, which the 
queen had offered to Palatine, would be satis- 
factory. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 69 

Landgrave, Wilhelm of Hesse, ( e ) who entered 
into the matter with more than ordinary 
energy and cordiality ; while most of the 
other princes rather manifested a scrupulous 
cautiousness and hesitation. Still, the three 
electors agreed to convoke a general evan- 
gelical Conference, for the purpose of con- 
sidering the question of concluding a Pro- 
testant Alliance, which should include among 
its members those who were beyond the limits 
of Germany. 



The German princes would request all those 
attached to the Augsburg Confession, as Denmark 
and Sweden, and some important imperial cities, 
to enter into the alliance. 

And whereas, the governor of Scotland had 
already offered to enter likewise into a treaty 
with the Queen of England for the above-men- 
tioned purpose, this kingdom should be received 
into the treaty ; however, not for offence, but de- 
fence. 

( e ) The Landgrave Wilhelm, handed to the am- 
bassador of the Palatinate, Dr. Oheim, (who had 
advocated the propositions of Frederick at the 
courts of the electors of Saxony, Hesse, and at 



70 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Just at this time King Henry of Navarre 
(who afterwards ascended the French throne 
as Henry IY.) sent messages to Heidelberg 
and to other German courts, with a view to 
induce the evangelical princes of the empire 
to conclude an alliance with him, and to 
assist him with an army, 

Most of the German princes expressed 
themselves willing to take part in the general 
conference. The town of Erfurt, and not 
Naumburg, which was first thought of, was 
fixed upon as the place where, on September 
5th, the deputies of the princes were to 
assemble. 

Among the instructions which the several 
princes gave their legates, that of the Land- 

— • - m i i - --!■■ 

other places) the following declaration (dated, 
Cassel, August 16, 1569) : We especially remember 
that our father, your predecessor, as a wise man, 
and experienced in this kind of negotiations, always 
looked with great confidence towards the Queen of 
England, who, having suffered a good deal for the 
cause of religion, and having endured all kinds of 
dangers, should ever be retained in the friendship 
of the German Protestants. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 71 

grave of Hesse (dated Cassel, September 3rd, 
1569) is especially to be noted. He knew 
the confessional exclusiveness which here and 
there had taken hold of men's minds, and 
which took offence at the large-heartedness 
of the pious queen ; but he knew also the 
blessing which would follow to the common 
cause of evangelical Protestantism, from the 
establishment of intimate relations between 
England and the evangelical States of Ger- 
many. He therefore ordered his legate to 
use all his power and influence to prevent 
the queen's gracious offer from being rejected 
with levity, and put aside by an "empty 
answer." If it should be said " that England 
is Zwinglian," they must answer, " that the 
Pope did not care whether a person were 
Zwinglian or Lutheran, for both were equally 
hated by him ; and as the Zwinglians and 
Lutherans were one on most of the articles 
of faith, they ought not to care either." 

The Conference was opened, September 
8th, by the legate of the Elector Palatine, 
who presided. All the deputies, as well as 



7& REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

the secretaries, then took an oath not to 
reveal the transactions of the Conference to 
any one except their prince. After this the 
whole of the correspondence which had been 
carried on among the princes about the 
questions before them, was laid upon the table. 
In the afternoon the president, proposed 
the three principal questions which the Con- 
ference was convened to consider. 

1. In what way there could be established 
"a more intimate correspondence" among 
the evangelical princes of Germany, and 
what should be the obligations of every one 
for the protection of the other. 

2. The opinion of the Conference on the 
queen's proposal of an agreement with the 
German Protestant princes, and their reply 
to the queen's letter. 

3. The opinion of the Conference on a 
similar request made by the King of Navarre 
and his confederates. 

At the request of the deputies from 
Saxony, the discussion of the second point 
was opened on the morning of September 9. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 73 

The legates of the Elector Palatine pointed 
out the dangers, by which at the present 
time! the evangelical states of Germany 
were threatened, and expressed their desire 
that the proposed confederation between 
Queen Elizabeth and the evangelical 
princes might be accepted, inasmuch as 
the latter ought to be much more in- 
terested in such confederation' than the 
Queen of England. But alas ! it soon be- 
came evident, that the tendency of the 
majority of the German evangelicals had 
much changed since the congress at Naum- 
burg. Most of the deputies, headed by 
those of the electors of Brandenburg and 
Saxony, declared : — that it was not advisable 
to enter into an alliance with the Queen of 
England, and that instead of it, a kind let- 
ter should be addressed to her. The depu- 
ties of Brunswick went so far as to say, 
that it was impossible for their Duke Julius 
to join an alliance with the Calvinists. The 
Assembly agreed, that they could not, for the 
present, entertain the queen's proposals, but 



74 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

that a kind address should be signed and 
sent to the Elector Palatine, through whose 
hands the queen's proposal had been pre- 
sented. 

It was further considered whether this 
address should simply be sent to the queen, 
or whether a deputation should deliver it 
into her own hands. The deputies of the 
Elector Palatine proposed, that an address, 
drawn up by them, should be adopted, and 
a promise made to the queen, to assist her 
in case of need with three thousand horse- 
men and two regiments of soldiers; and 
that this address should be delivered to the 
queen by a deputation. The Saxon depu- 
ties, however, observed, that their prince 
altogether objected to enter into an alliance, 
and desired that only an address should be 
issued. The Brandenburg deputies stated, 
that their Elector Joachim could not join in 
an alliance with the queen, who, it was said, 
was a disciple of Zwingle. 

The other deputies voted for the proposition 
made by those of Saxony and Brandenburg, 



IX THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 75 

and it was resolved to answer the queen's 
message by a declaration, accompanied by 
the protocol (minutes) of the Assembly. 
This declaration was publicly read ,in the 
morning session, on September 10, and then 
signed. It was stated therein: That they 
were fully aware of the dangers with which 
the Protestant princes and nations were 
threatened ; but on the one hand, they con- 
sidered themselves to be sufficiently pro-, 
tected by existing treaties, and on the other 
they had reason to hope, that Catholic 
German princes would never enter into such 
relations with the Pope, as would prejudice 
the welfare of their common country. They 
were, however, rejoiced to see the Queen of 
England giving repeated proofs of her great 
zeal for the cause of the Gospel ; and though 
the present circumstances of the empire 
prevented them from accepting her offer, 
they expressed their sincerest thanks for the 
sympathy she manifested towards the evan- 
gelical Christians of Germany. 
On the same day the second question was 



76 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

entered into. The King of Navarre had made 
application to the German evangelical princes 
for an alliance and aid. The deputies of the 
Palatinate expressed the hope, that, though 
an alliance with the king might appear im~ 
praticable, they would never forsake their 
poor Christian fellow Protestants of France. 
The other deputies, however, anxious to 
avoid being implicated in the religious war 
then raging in France, declared that they 
were unable to do anything for their op- 
pressed brethren, but would use their good 
offices on behalf of the crown of France, by 
a letter. The deputies of the Palatinate on 
the following day expressed their opinion 
to this effect, that such a letter as was 
contemplated, might rather prove prejudi- 
cial than beneficial to the King of Navarre. 
It was resolved therefore to drop the ques- 
tion altogether. 

With regard to the third point (the 
organization of a "more intimate corres- 
pondence and intercourse " among the evan- 
gelical party for mutual defence against the 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 77 

dangers arising from the Roman Catholics), 
the deputies of the Palatinate stated, that 
the Elector Frederick was ready in case of 
need to stand up for the liberty of his fellow 
Protestants with all the means at his com- 
mand, and without any secondary intentions. 
He, therefore, thought it desirable that it 
should be considered what obligations the 
princes would take upon themselves, and what 
should be the stipulations of the treaty. 

However, even on this point, the elector's 
desire was frustrated. At the request of 
Saxony and Brandenburg, it was resolved 
to reject the plan for " a closer intercourse 
and correspondence" among the German 
Protestants. 

The conference at Erfurt was the last time 
that the evangelical princes of the empire 
met for common consultation. Hencefor- 
ward they ceased to meet together in con- 
ference as members of one communion, and 
as the representatives of common interests. 



78 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE UNION OF PROTESTANT CHRISTIANS OF 
ALL COUNTRIES ABOUT THE MIDDLE OF THE 
8IXTEENTH CENTURY: ITS DESTRUCTION, 
CAUSED BY THE " UBIQUITARIAN " LUTHE- 
RANISM OF THE SO-CALLED Formula Cotl- 

cordice of 1577. 

The resolutions, which had been adopted at 
the Erfurt Conference of 1569, against 
the proposals of the Elector Palatine, were 
the first sure forebodings of the fundamental 
ecclesiastical revolution, which was to befall 
German Protestantism within the next ten 
years. It is true, that Protestantism, even 
until the death of Melanchthon (1560), had 
been convulsed by struggles, which often 
might have led to the formation of parties, 
opposed to each other by exclusive dogmatic 
and ecclesiastical differences. The inner 
development and progress of Protestantism, 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 79 

however, had hitherto entirely overcome 
those differences. It seemed just at this 
time as if the dogmatio dissensions of former 
years had given way to a godly peace, in 
which all the professors of evangelical Pro- 
testantism stretched out a brother's hand to 
each other, acknowledging themselves to be 
one congregation in the Lord. The cordial 
intercourse which the Reformers themselves 
had to so great an extent with one another, 
appeared to avert for ever the danger of an 
ecclesiastical rupture. Calvin showed his 
great respect and reverence for Luther 
(whom he called prtmartti* Ohristiservus — the 
chief servant of Christ) at every opportunity. 
He himself repeatedly received from Luther 
the most unequivooal proofs of sinoerest love 
and veneration. (*) 

Melanchthon had most confidential cor- 
respondence with Calvin, and Calvin rejoiced 
to be able to testify before the whole world 
his perfect agreement with Melanchthon. 

( a ) Compare Calvins's Letters. 



80 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

In the same manner, Melanchthon and John 
Lasky, or John a Lasco, Calvin, and Brentz, 
had much cordial intercourse with each other. 
Calvin published a French translation of 
Melanchthon's Loci Communes, or Common 
Places, to the orthodoxy and excellency of 
which, he expressly gave a distinguished 
testimony in his preface, where he states, 
that Melanchthon had taught in his book 
every point of the article of predestination, 
which belonged to the doctrine of faith. 

Andreas Hyperius,^) an excellent reformed 
divine, Professor at the "University of Mar- 
burg, lectured on doctrine in harmony with 
Melanchthon's Loci Communes. 

When Hieronymus Zanchius entered upon 
his professorship at the "University of Stras- 
burg, in 1553, he declared (March 15) in his 
inaugural discourse: "Siquidmagiscongruens 
divince scripturce Cakino revelatum jherit 9 — 
taceat Lutherus ; porro si magis congruentia 
Lutheri dicta quam Zwinglii, cedat Zwinglius 

0>) See additions to Chap. I., p. 38. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 81 

Luthero : " (that if anything more in accord- 
ance with divine Scripture had been made 
known to Calvin, Luther should be silent ; 
and moreover, if the sayings of Luther were 
more in accordance therewith than those of 
Zwingle, Zwingle must give way to Luther). 
At the public conferences which were held 
after the year 1540, Calvin appeared as 
deputy from Strasburg, and took part in the 
affairs of German Protestantism, having pre- 
viously subscribed to the revised Augsburg 
Confession. Luther's writings, and Me- 
lanchthon's books on Christian doctrine, as 
well as his sermons, were reprinted at 
Strasburg, for their more convenient circu- 
lation in Switzerland. InHadeler's "Church 
Order," the following books were enumerated 
as those "which all pastors ought to 
possess : the ' Postilla/ (a collection of ser- 
mons) of Luther and Calvin, the ' Apology/ 
and 'Common Places' of Melanchthon, 'Opera 
Brentii,' the works of Brentz, with good 
expositions of the Catechism of a similar 
character, and other books by authors who 



82 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

are free from fanaticism and heresy." 
Several German princes, for instance, the 
Landgraves of Hesse, lived in habitual 
intercourse with the ehief Calvinistic theo- 
logians. 

French, Dutch, and English congregations 
were kindly received at Strasburg, Aix-la- 
Chapelle, Wesel, and Frankfort, and were 
regarded by the German communities as evan- 
gelical fellow-believers. When in 1542, the 
Protestant princes of Germany were induced 
to assist the persecuted Waldenses, they most 
decidedly recognized the Confession of the 
Waldenses as truly evangelical, and expressed 
this opinion in a letter to the King of France, 
which Melanchthon had been requested to 
draw up. 

This recognition was repeated by the Ger- 
man princes and their divines, in 1557, when 
Beza and Farel laid before them the Con- 
fession of the Waldenses, together with their 
own Calvinistic Confession. The German 
Protestants, therefore, considered it to be 
their duty to recognise the Waldenses as 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 83 

their brethren in the faith. The same fra- 
ternal interest and sympathy were manifested 
by the German princes on behalf of the 
Huguenots ; it was stated in a memorial which 
they addressed to the King of France, that 
they had examined the Confession of evan- 
gelical Christians in France, and had arrived 
at the conviction that it was entirely in har- 
mony with that of the German Church. In 
1559, the Landgrave of Hesse and the Elec- 
tor Palatine again interfered in favour of the 
Huguenots ; the former adjuring the king 
to refrain from persecuting those who sought 
edification by means of the Holy Scriptures, 
and were attached to the doctrines laid down 
in the Augsburg Confession. 

Caspar Olevian, who had been eduoated in 
France and Switzerland under the eyes of 
Calvin, Peter Martyr, Henry Bullinger, and 
Farel, and who was devotedly attached to 
Calvin, was appointed pastor at Treves in 
1559, and at his examination affirmed on 
oath that he acknowledged the Augsburg 
Confession. 

g2 



84 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

The deputies of the German princes, who 
had been appointed to examine the doctrinal 
views of Olevian and of his congregation, 
declared them to be perfectly orthodox. 

The deputies of the Princes of Hesse, of 
the Palatinate of Wiirtemburg and of Baden, 
together formed the commission which ex- 
amined the doctrinal confession of a Calvi- 
nistic congregation, which had settled in Aix- 
la-Chapelle. This confession contained a 
minute exposition of the doctrine of the 
Lord's Supper according to Melanchthon's 
and Calvin's views ; and with reference to 
the Augsburg Confession of 1540, testified 
to the existence of the union within the 
German Churches, between the adherents of 
a Lutheran interpretation of this confession, 
and those who sided with the interpretation 
of Melanchthon. Even as far down as 1567, 
the evangelical princes agreed at a congress 
at Fulda, to consider the Calvinists in the 
Netherlands as their fellow-believers, and 
practically to support them. At the same 
time, the convocation of a General Evan- 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 85 

gelical Synod was repeatedly taken into 
consideration by the German princes, at 
which the evangelical Christians of Ger- 
many, France, Holland, Switzerland, Eng- 
land, Denmark, Sweden, &c, were to be 
represented. 

In foreign Protestant countries, it was not 
known that the professors of Protestantism 
beyond the limits of the German empire were 
not acknowledged by the evangelical princes 
and divines to be true and real brethren in 
the faith. It was believed, that the evan- 
gelical Protestant Churches of all lands were 
recognized as one communion with a pure 
doctrinal confession. 

Yet the time was fulfilled ; the concord 
which hitherto had reigned among the pro- 
fessors of the Gospel was drawing to an end. 
It was modern Lutheranism, which, as an 
offshoot of Flacianism,(°) had crept into the 



(°) Flacianitm, bo called after Matthias Flaciug 
Hlyricus, an able and learned, but violent man. He 
was a principal author of the famous " Centuri© 



86 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Church; the sworn enemy of Melanchthon 
and Bucer ; this arose with its new ubiqui- 
tarian Christology, on the foundation of which 
a new confession was framed — the Formula 
of Concord — at Closter-Bergen in May, 1577. 
Beyond the pale of this confession no com- 
munion of evangelical faith was to be 
acknowledged. 



Magdeburgenses," one of which was dedicated in 
1560 to Queen Elizabeth. Flacius died in 1575. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 87 



CHAPTEE V. 

VAIN EFFORTS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH TO PRE- 
VENT A RUPTURE AMONG THE PROTESTANT 
CHURCHES. 

Rumours were spreading abroad that they 
were about to establish in Germany a new 
confession, which was to separate the Ger- 
man Church from all connexion with foreign 
Protestant Churches, and in this way to dis- 
integrate evangelical Protestantism. When 
Queen Elizabeth received this sad intelli- 
gence, she at once understood that the whole 
future of Protestantism was at stake, and she 
became deeply conscious of the danger into 
which, in the very face of Rome, Protest- 
antism was rushing through such a dis- 
memberment. In May, 1577, therefore, the 
queen made the first attempt to enter into an 
alliance, at least with some of the German 
princes, for the maintenance of communion, 
and the protection of common interests, be- 



88 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

tween the various ecclesiastical bodies of 
Protestantism. Sir Philip Sidney, who was 
about to be sent by the queen on a confidential 
mission to the emperor, was instructed by 
her to visit the Palatine John Casimir, the 
Elector Ludwig of the Palatinate, and the 
Landgrave Wilhelm of Hesse, in order to 
confer A with them as to the necessity for a 
closer union among the evangelical princes, 
which was required by the threatening efforts 
which were made by the Pope to suppress 
the Protestant faith. Sir Philip Sidney was 
requested especially to state the losses which 
the evangelical Church had sustained by the 
Pope's success in oppressing the evangelical 
faith, and in re-establishing Roman Catho- 
licism in many German territories where 
Protestantism had already been established. ( a ) 



( a ) Letter of Sir PhiUp Sidney to the Landgrave 

William of Hesse. 
[For the Original, see the Appendix, No. 5.] 

Most Illustrious Prince, twelve days ago, I 
met at Heidelberg the Legates of your Highness, 
to whom I said, that certain things had been com- 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 89 

* 

The Palatine John Casimir received the 
queen's message with a truly joyful heart, as 
it altogether coincided with an idea and plan 
which he had long entertained. His mind 
was at this time wholly taken up with the 
thought of effecting, in opposition to the 



manded me by the Queen of England, about which 
I must treat with your Highness. I was glad of 
such an opportunity of conversing and becoming 
acquainted with your Highness, of whose excellence 
and prudence I have heard much from others. 
But when I was preparing for this journey, I re- 
ceived letters from the queen, commanding me to 
hasten my return to England. Therefore being 
compelled to change my first intention, I send her 
Majesty's letters to your Highness by Richard Alan, 
a courtier of her Majesty's chamber. 

The commands which I had for your Highness 
are, that she is anxious to form with your Highness, 
or rather to maintain that union and friendship 
which is already formed, which existed between her 
parent King Henry, of happy memory, and her Ma- 
jesty and the father of your Highness, endeavouring 
by mutual offices, and conferring about those things 
which pertain to the safety of the Christian common- 
wealth, unitedly to oppose the machinations of the 
Roman Pontiff, who strives with all his might for 



90 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Pseudo-concordia, which had been set up in 
Saxony, a true united confession, in which 
the faith of the whole of evangelical Christ- 
endom should be recorded. A general as- 

the rain of those who have thrown off the yoke 
which he imposed on the necks of our ancestors, 
and who have asserted their liberty to worship God 
purely and holily, and to consult their own safety. 
To accomplish what he has in his mind, the Boman 
Pontiff labours to bring into alliances the kings and 
princes who yet lean on his tyranny, in order to 
crush us with their united force, which it seems 
will not be difficult, except we too combine to repel 
the injuries which they endeavour to inflict upon 
us. Nor can any one blame us for this, since it is 
well, not only to repel injury from ourselves and 
friends, but to undertake the defence of those who 
cannot defend themselves from unjust attack. It 
is plain enough from the wars which have raged 
for so many years in France and Lower Germany, 
that the Pope seeks to ruin us all. For although 
there is no one there who would not be most obe- 
dient to his king, provided only liberty were granted 
him to worship God in purity, yet the Pope has so 
fascinated the minds of their kings, that for many 
years they have practised every sort of cruelty 
against their own subjects, in order to establish 
his tyranny over themselves and theirs. Nor is it 
indeed a slight wound, which he has in these last 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 91 

sembly of all evangelieal Churches seemed 
necessary for the accomplishment of this 
design. John Casimir, therefore, requested 

years inflicted upon certain provinces of Germany, 
brought hack to his tyranny, after having aban- 
doned him and professed a purer religion: by 
which success, how arrogant they are made who are 
addicted to him, I hear enough, and the Congress 
of the Empire, in the past summer at Batisbon, 
makes manifest. But I refrain from recalling these 
odious things, for they are well known to your 
Highness, and I spoke of them at length not long 
since, with the most Illustrious Prince and Lord 
John Casimir, Palatine of the Shine, and I doubt 
not he has fully written, or will write to your 
Highness about them. I entreat your Highness 
to think well of what I say in good part, and deign 
so to answer the letters of the queen, that her 
Majesty may be pleased, and know that your High- 
ness will tread constantly in the steps of his most 
excellent parent. 

I entreat for your Highness, and all your illus- 
trious House, all prosperity, and hope your High- 
ness will ever believe me most anxious to serve 
when occasion offers. 

Your most Illustrious Highness' 
Most obedient 

PHILIP SIDNEY. 

Frankfort-on-thi-Maw, \Zth May, 1577. 



92 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Sir Philip Sidney to inform the queen of this 
plan on his return, and to recommend it to 
her support. 

Sir Philip Sidney was just on the point of 
rendering himself to Cassel, in order to 
deliver the queen's message to the Land- 
grave "Wilhelm, when he was suddenly re- 
called by the queen to London. He ordered 
the Chamberlain Richard Alanus to con- 
vey the queen's message in a written docu- 
ment to Oassel. The Landgrave Wilhelm 
received it with the liveliest and sincerest 
interest; and the queen was so rejoiced at 
this, and at the plan which had been set 
forth by John Casimir, that she sent at once, 
though privately, another ambassador to 
Germany, Daniel Rogers, who was in- 
structed, on the one hand, to confer with the 
Princes Palatine and of Hesse about the 
formation of an alliance of all evangelical 
Christians of the Augsburg and reformed 
confessions, against Rome ; and on the other, 
to counteract the condemnation of the Cal- 
vinists, as expressed in the Formula of 
Concord. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 93 

Rogers reported the queen's message to 
the Elector Ludwig at Heidelberg, and to 
the Landgrave Wilhelm at Ems, wher6 he 
at that time stayed ; and reminded them both 
of the duty of all evangelical princes in these 
troublesome times not to sacrifice their former 
concord for the sake of a single point of con- 
troversy — a proceeding which would lay 
them open to the arts and intrigues of Borne. 

He exhorted them, moreover, to unite the 
more closely at the present moment, in the 
hope that existing dissensions might be 
settled at a Christian conference or council.^) 

(*) Bequest from Queen Elizabeth of England to 
the Elector Palatine 1 Ludwig. (Appendix No. 6.) 

Most Illustrious Prince, when the Queen of Eng- 
land thought about sending me into Germany for 
the transaction of certain business, she desired that 
among other princes of Germany whom I should 
visit at her pleasure, I should wait upon your High- 
ness especially, and salute in the name of her 
Majesty, as well for the great dignity of your 
house, as for continuing and extending that friend- 
ship which existed between her Majesty and your 
Highness' parent, of happy memory, Frederick 



94 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

The queen's proposals were not so well 
received as she had expected. The Elector 

the Elector ; for the greater the affection she had 
and cherished towards him while he lived, the more 
ready is she to cultivate and ratify her friendship 
with his children. Wherefore, as her Majesty last 
spring saluted your Highness by Sir Philip Sidney 
(whom she had sent to his Imperial Majesty), so 
very recently she determined to wait upon and 
address yon by letters, and for repeating this salu- 
tation, your Highness has furnished the oppor- 
tunity. For when the queen had learned from 
her aforesaid legate on his return, in how good part 
your Highness had received and interpreted all that 
he had proposed on behalf of her Majesty for the 
preservation of concord between you and the Duke 
Casimir, your 'brother, the queen supposed that as 
what came from her Majesty was formerly most 
agreeable to the father of your Highness, so also 
that would not be ungrateful to you, which, whether 
from her good will towards the Palatine family, or 
from her zeal for advancing the Christian common- 
wealth, she might afterwards treat of with you. 

From what the queen committed to my care to 
expound to your Highness, I now select only two 
things, one of which concerns your Highness pri- 
vately, the other regards the common tranquility 
of the republic. As to the first, as on the first of 
May last past, so now afresh she commends to 



\ 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 95 

Ludwig answered with a courtesy which was 
intended to elude the questi on : that he con- 

b3.5 gh f "" ™Z eame8tl r *• Nation of 
brotheriy ore with Duke Casimir. And n6r 

Majesty ,g the more urgent upon this the more she 

cherishes the friendship of your house. For her 

Majesty greatly fears lest those who are now seek- 

mg from among the Papists and the sworn enemies 

££* ft* * ° f **" ^^ to «"»• *«*»■ 
among the prmces of Germany, should, by the 

same arts familiar to them, set your Highnesses in 
opposition to one another. For she is persuaded 
that this close alliance of two brothers would not 
only be useful to both, but is necessary, as well for 
preserving the Palatine dignity, as for maintainin K 
the safety of the Christian commonwealth, which 
would be perilled by your dissensions, just as it is 
to be expected it would be confirmed by your con- 
cord. The queen hears that the name of Duke 
Oasimir is now great, so that he seems to be as 
powerful almost for the support of the empire by 
his military prowess, and the glory which he has 
gained on very famous expeditions into France, as 
your Highness avails by the electoral dignity and 
resources. Therefore, that the union of your 
Highnesses may both publioly and privately es- 
tablish affairs, and that your friendship may be 
firm and enduring, is the desire of the queen, who 
also now seeks, urges, and exhorts it, because of 



96 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

sidered the queen's remarks to be perfectly 
justified, and that he should take part in the 

the kind disposition of your Highness, whom it 
inclines to brotherly love. 

Now the other business which the queen com- 
manded me to make known to you, is such as 
greatly distresses her. For she has learned with 
no common grief that there are certain divines in 
Germany, as her Majesty fears, rather studying 
their own ambition and private advantage, than 
watchful of Christian charity, who make great 
efforts to persuade certain princes of Germany to 
condemn unheard those who in the matter of re- 
ligion differ not at all from themselves, except in 
some circumstantials of one article. Her Majesty 
thinks this preposterous course not only repugnant 
to Christian principles, but expects it to bring in 
process of time more prejudice to the condemna- 
tions than to the condemnors ; (Qu. to the condem- 
nors than to the condemned — condemnatoribus quam 
condemnatis). For what else is to be expected by 
the Pope, the Frenchman, the Spaniard, and all 
Papal princes, but that when the assertors of Gospel 
truth are enfeebled, they may insult over the rest, 
and by such example and authority condemn them 
unheard P But if the Lutherans think that others 
who embrace the purity of Gospel doctrine are 
therefore to be condemned, because they abound in 
Germany, and are in a majority, her Majesty 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 97 

projected alliance as soon as the other evan- 
gelical princes had pronounced themselves 

reminds them, should they reckon the Churches 
scattered over France, Belgium, Poland, and 
Switzerland, and of those which flourish in Eng- 
land and Scotland, that they will he surpassed in 
the number of suffrages. Moreover, they have ac- 
cused the Papists, from whom they have justly 
seceded, because they have condemned others un- 
heard, and now by their example they animate and 
exhort them to brandish the same thunderbolt 
against all pious men. Therefore the queen feels 
the more deeply this measure of the theologians, 
because while many will be inconvenienced by it, 
none will be benefitted except the Papists, the 
common foes of the Reformed religion, who put 
Lutherans and Zwinglians on the same level. They 
feign, indeed, as occasion serves, that they have 
more esteem for the Lutherans, in order to excite 
them against the Zwinglians (we are compelled to 
use these words to express these factions), and to 
hurl both of them headlong to ruin the more easily 
when engaged in conflict. And truly the Queen 
marvels if the princes and rulers of Germany, who 
profess the evangelical religion, do not perceive 
these perils, when the Papists daily practise new 
arts and forge new schemes to overwhelm by their 
mines the purer religion and its followers. If these 
aims do not succeed according to the will of our 



98 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

favourably about it. Even the Landgrave 
Wilhelm hesitated to give a definite declara- 

enemies, it is to be ascribed to no skill or prudence 
of the princes of Germany who embrace the same 
religion, but to the civil war, in which, in France 
and Belgium, the enemies of religion have been 
involved, and to the expeditions of the Turks, by 
which they have been diverted and prevented from 
harassing the Germans and English by war. But 
greater peril impends over the Reformed Churches 
from Papal alliances, than for it to be needful to 
stir up civil wars, and to make ourselves, exhausted 
by mutual wounds, a mockery to the foe. Nor can 
the princes of Germany be ignorant what traps the 
Papists have often set for them. Her Majesty has 
often admonished them of Papal alliances, and the 
execution of the Council of Trent against all the 
followers of evangelical religion ; and the design 
of her Majesty always has been that evangelical 
monarchs and rulers should render one another 
aid and counsel for the prevention of those most 
atrocious wars which have lately in France and 
Belgium followed to the destruction almost of the 
Christian world, and were in like manner devised 
against Germany and England, as plainly appears 
from, many plots invented against both kingdoms. 
And her Majesty gave these counsels not so much 
to fortify her own realms and dignity, which, es- 
tablished by a long and happy peace through 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 99 

tion, observing to the ambassador that he must 



righteousness, and by clemency and kindness to 
all, with security to a very few, Bhe has so con- 
firmed her realms and dominions, that the affairs 
of England have for many ages scarcely experienced 
such prosperity, and that neighbouring and sur- 
rounding States have been so joined to her by her 
benefits, that she can, as they say, sleep soundly 
with both ears. Now she has thought of making 
an alliance with the Protestants, that all who em- 
brace the pure truths of the Gospel might be 
defended against the impostures and wiles of the 
Papists, and that each might be cared for. But 
her Majesty perceived that the princes of Germany 
were then opposed to a league of this kind, perhaps 
because they thought the attempts of the Papists 
did not regard them, or because they were cajoled 
by their wheedlings and wiles, and preferred leisure 
to like affairs. Her Majesty, therefore, began to 
think leBS earnestly of this alliance, and commended 
the issue of impending Btorms to the great and 
blessed God. But what that issue was, and what 
harm accrued to the whole Christian commonwealth 
from those wars, she believes all at home have 
seen. But when the queen was informed of new 
alliances lately framed in France and elsewhere, 
she would not desist from exhorting thoBe whom 
she holds dear in Germany forthwith to be on their 
guard against the attempts of common enemies. 

h 2 



100 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

necessarily consult with, his brethren, and 

For the care with which she aims at the safety of 
the Christian commonwealth and religion demands 
this ; and that mutual good- will, with which she is 
animated towards your Highness and the other 
princes of Germany altogether requires it. The 
queen begs them not to think that because the 
Spaniards have left Belgium, therefore no wiles 
remain to the Papists for the overthrow of religion; 
for many means are left through which the^foun- 
dations of their designs may endure to the end 
(which God avert !) Nay, they seek to involve the 
professors of a purer religion in dissensions, and by 
setting them against each other, prepare the way 
by which they may crush them all. Wherefore 
the queen from this fact thinks that the German 
princes, if they make more account of common 
charity, than of following the ambitious counsels 
of certain divineB, will pass from ordinary to ex- 
traordinary remedies on behalf of the Reformed 
Churches. For it is too presumptuous, and very op- 
posite to Christian charity, that they who have em- 
braced like purity of religion should condemn their 
brethren unheard. She very highly commends the 
modeBty of those princes who subscribed the 
Augsburg Confession, and added, when they dis- 
sented from others, that they did not approve of 
this or that, employing the word " condemn " only 
in the graves terrors. Her Majesty judges that 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 101 

with some of the other princes, to whom he 

nothing would be more advisable for the estab- 
lishment of concord among the professors of the 
Seformed religion, and the defence of Christian 
charity, than that the said princes should sedulously 
take care and avoid that their subjects, whoever 
they be, by preaching, or writing, or circulating 
books, should either provoke or promote any strife 
on those articles of religion, which in the Reformed 
Churches have been controverted for some years ; 
but should rather put off and defer all such to the 
calling of a council, at which differences might be 
friendlily discussed and arranged by those who 
have hitherto involved the said Churches ; lest the 
professors of Gospel truth, being divided into fac- 
tions, as I admonished above, should afford to the 
Papists, the common enemies of purer Churches, an 
opportunity of more easily rending and crushing the 
Seformed doctrine, and of confirming and propa- 
gating their own idolatry. To do this well requires 
singular moderation, but this the queen has heard 
on the best authority is, with many other ornaments, 
peculiar and proper to the Palatine house; she 
therefore beseeches your Highness to aim with all 
your seal to establish this concord, and to deign to 
endeavour, that if there be any princes of Germany, 
who, persuaded by the too violent divines, incline 
to this form of condemnation already spoken of, 
your Highness, by your moderation, would inter- 



102 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

was allied by private treaties. (*) He, however, 
declared himself fully agreed with them as 

cede with them not to transmit to posterity an 
example pernicious to the Church of God, by 
condemning their brethren unheard. 

There are other affairs which I must propose to 
your Highness, in the name of her Majesty, before 
I leave Germany, on account of which, her 
Majesty earnestly entreats your Highness that 
ready accesB may be given me when I approach 
your Highness again. 

Daniel Rogers, from the most Serene 
the Qttben of England, legate to 
your Illustrious Highness. 

( c ) The Landgrave William wrote to Queen 
Elizabeth as follows (See Appendix, No. 7) :— 

Baths of Ems * Sept. 16, 1577.— But since the 
league of which your Majesty treats with us is of 
such moment, and of such a kind that we can 
decide nothing respecting it without the advice 
of our brothers and the other princes with whom 
our family is joined by old alliances, we earnestly 
entreat your Majesty not to take it amiss that we 
cannot satisfy your expectation now. Yet we do 
not desist by every way and means to accomplish 
among our brothers and Mends, a thing at once so 
useful and necessary, &c. 
• Or Sad Mm, part of Ems in Nassau, famous for warm baths. 



IK THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 103 

to the project, and asked the ambassador to 
entreat the queen to use her influence with 
the evangelical princes of Germany, that 
they might resist the agitation raised by 
some Lutheran divines against those who 
were opposed to the Formula of Concord of 
Closter-Bergen. These divines went so far 
qs to excommunicate, without further con- 
sideration, those of a different opinion, and 
to instigate the princes and authorities 
against them. He added, that it was this 
rash zeal of the Lutheran divines which 
caused the present dissensions in the evan- 
gelical church of the empire. ( d ) 

( d ) Compare the following letter of Daniel Bogera 
to the Landgrave William, from Frankfort, Oct. 
21, 1577 :— 

Illustrious Prince, after I left the Baths of Em* 
and returned to Frankfort, I was most careful to 
communicate to her Majesty what I had introduced 
to your Highness in her name. For besides that 
it was my duty, the greatness of the design which 
your Highness made known to me, demanded it for 
its own sake. How willingly her Majesty inclines 
towards what your Highness exhorted may be in* 



104 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Rogers reported to his queen without 
delay the request of the Landgrave; but, 
before his letter had reached London, another 
ambassador from the queen arrived in Ger- 
many, Robert Beale, the private secretary, 

ferred from this, that before Her Majesty could 
Know your Highness' purpose, Bhe thought to de- 
pute Mr. Robert Beale into Germany on that very 
account. For when the queen had committed to me 
the discharge of three matters, the first of which 
was with the Prince of Orange ; the second con- 
cerned that alliance in regard to which Her Majesty 
desired to know the mind of your Highness ; and 
the third must be gone over with Duke Casimir. 
The first business settled, her MajeBty readily 
perceived that the second about the alliance could 
not be brought to the expected end, except the 
ardour of the tumultuous divines, who make haste 
to condemn their brethren, were first thwarted, and 
of which, after my departure from her Majesty, 
she was first advised. And since the third affair 
which remained was of such consequence as to em- 
ploy and require the whole man, she thought it to 
be well to depute another to Germany whereby the 
intercession and authority of her Majesty might 
avert the peril which threatens from certain theo- 
logians. (For the original of this piece see the 
Appendix, No. 8.) 



IX Tip SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 105 

a well informed and experienced diplo- 
matist. He was instructed to visit the 
courts of Heidelberg, Stuttgart, Zwei- 
briicken, Cassel, Dresden, Berlin, Wolfen- 
biittel, Dessau, &c. ; and to deliver to the 
princes letters from the queen, in which she 
entreated them to resist the Lutheran se- 
cession, which was gaining strength in 
Germany. She communicated to them at 
the same time her plan of forming a general 
alliance of all evangelical powers, for the 
protection of Protestantism against Ro- 
manism. The queen declared in the letter, 
delivered by her ambassador, that she had 
heard with dismay, that they were about 
to establish in Germany a new formula of 
faith, and to have it sanctioned by a synod, 
about to be held at Magdeburg ; where it 
was intended (sub prostextu de/emionis Q<m- 
fessionis Augwtance), under the pretence of 
guarding the Augsburg Confession, to exolude 
all those national Churches, which hitherto 
had believed themselves to be in perfect unison 
with the German Church, upon all essential 



106 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

articles of doctrine. Such an invasion, which 
doubtless had been originated by the secret 
machinations of the Papists, was calculated 
to bring the greatest harm not only to the 
German princes, but to the Protestant 
Church in general. The present time, she 
added, was fraught with danger to evan- 
gelical Christendom! such as demanded the 
sincerest union among all confessors of the 
Lord. The German princes, she observed, 

should consider how improper' it was, to 

• 

condemn unheard, the evangelical Churches 
of England, Scotland, France, Belgium, 
Switzerland, Poland, and Hungary, and the 
queen herself. They should remember, that 
in former days they had, in interfering on 
behalf of the Christians of France, acknow- 
ledged them as their brethren in the faith. 
By establishing a new confession, they would 
not only declare their former confession to 
be unsatisfactory and deficient, but would 
come into contradiction with all the past 
actions of the evangelical States. The Pa- 
pists would not fail to make the most ad- 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 107 

vantage of the confusion, which would 
necessarily arise from it, and might succeed 
in completely crushing the evangelical 
States, which by the exclusion of some Ger- 
man princes 'from the Peace or Truce of 
Religion (Religiomfriede) were already ma- 
terially weakened. Not the interests of the 
German Church, but the welfare of the 
whole of Protestantism were at stake. If 
they thought it necessary for the re-estab- 
lishment of the union, to bring about a new 
understanding, she would propose a general 
conference of all the Reformed Churches, at a 
convenient place. The following proposi- 
tions were made by the queen, for the for- 
mation of an alliance among the evangelical 
powers, for offence and defence : 

1. " All the allied princes and states unite 
in the resolution not to suffer within their 
realms either written or verbal controversy, 
until doctrinal discussions have been settled 
by a general synod. 

2. " The alliance raises a certain capital in 
money for maintaining an armed force, in 



108 BSFOHMSB8 OF KNGLAHD AND GERMANY 

case any member of the alliance should be 
attacked. 

3. " This capital shall be deposited in the 
hands of respectable merchants. 

4. " The interest of the capital shall be 
applied to the payment of pensions, awarded 
to German knights, who pledge themselves, 
by accepting this money, to be in readiness to 
take the field in case of necessity, for the 
defence of the evangelical faith, and promise 
never to enter the service of the Papists. 

5. " The members are bound, in case of war, 
to stand up each one on behalf of all the rest." 

Such were the queen's propositions, which 
Robert Beale delivered into the hands of 
each of the princes, or sent by special 
messengers. He delivered to each of the 
princes a special letter from the queen, in 
which she recommended her proposal. ( e ) 



(•) latter from Qmeem Elizabeth to tie Lamdgrwm 

William cfHeese. 

[For the original, see Appendix, Ho. 9.] 
Elizabeth by the Grace of God, Queen of Eng- 
land. France, and Ireland. Defender of the Faith. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 109 

But among all the princes, only the 
Palatine, John Casimir, most energetically 
entered into the wishes of the queen. All 
the rest, though they received the ambas- 
sador of the mighty queen with distinctions 
of every kind, either declined her proposals 
altogether, or endeavoured to hide their 
disinclination by evasive answers. 

&o., to the most Illustrious Prince and lord, the Lord 
William, Landgrave of Hesse, Count in Catzenel- 
lenbogen, Dietz, Zigenhain, and Nidda, our very 
dear cousin and godson, safety and the happy sue* 
cess of prosperous affairs. Most Illustrious Prince 
and dearest cousin, by our previous messenger and 
letters we have endeavoured to inform you of our 
readiness to promote those things which were your 
care, and which you showed would ever be, by 
abundant testimonies. This our servant, Robert 
Beale, one of the secretaries of our Privy and more 
solemn Council, whom we now send to you, will attest 
our anxious care and solicitude for the good of 
your life and honours. This urges us the more 
speedily, and almost overcomes us, when we see that 
the varied and manifold crafts of the common 
enemy of the Christian name, are either not per- 
ceived by our party, or more thoughtlessly despised 
than is right or practicable, at such a time of evil, 



112 REFORMERS OF BNGLAND ANP GERMAN* , 

informed that they were about to establish a 
new doctrinal confession in Germany, ** 
one which was intended to excommunicate 
aU who dissented from it, this rumour w** 
only so far true, that certain articles of &&** 
which had become the occasion of contro- 

tentions to this our servant, who is faithful an 
dear to us, with that confidence and goodness wi 
which you have deigned to converse with us, but s 
that you should not leave your dearest wife, muc 
loved by us, and our daughter only dear to us, "Vf 1 ^ 
way unsaluted, and unhonoured with the kind office* 
which we intend. Your Excellency is not unaware 
with how much zeal and love we regard them, a 8 
we can a prince most nearly allied to us, and a 
mother should her daughter. Since they are our 
care, so we the more diligently commend them to 
you, urging your Excellency that what you receive 
from us to be regarded and maintained, you would 
always mate most diligent account of, since we 
shaU do the same when asked by you. Fare ye 
well and happily. 

Given at our palace at Richmond, August 2h 
A.D. 157^ fa e 29th of our reign. 

Xour most loving cousin, 

Elizabeth B- 
(See the address of the Queen to the Elector of 
Saxony m tb e Appendix, No. 10.) 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Hi 

Church from the condemnations contained 
in the Formula of Concord, and from the 
Pope's machinations. He further entreated 
him not to decline an alliance, which, in 
case of need, would secure in their favour 
the most powerful support. Ludwig, how- 
ever, sent the ambassador away with the 
declaration, that if the queen had been 

decrees, let him mark and ponder the views of the 
Bomanists, whether they hold more dear the Augs- 
burg Confession than any other : he will soon Bee 
the gravest ordinances, and that the sentence of the 
great Antichrist is that we must both be taken out 
of the way. If these things are not fictions, see 
whether we ought not to rouse up, lest we be 
crushed, not so much without warning as without 
sense ; and let us see whether it be for the interests 
of the Gospel that we combine against the Papists. 
If you think it useful we shall not be wanting. If 
that does not please, let us each suffer our own 
calamities, for it cannot be that we should abide 
safe. But we hope that we Bhall not come to ruin 
with the first, because we are further from the fire; 
yet we prefer to be safe with all of you, than to 
endure the end of the storm. If this advice of 
ours shall not Beem worthy to be wholly neglected, 
we pray your Excellency to communicate your in- 



112 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

informed that they were about to establish a 
new doctrinal confession in Germany, and 
one which was intended to excommunicate 
all who dissented from it, this rumour was 
only so far true, that certain articles of faith, 
which had become the occasion of contro- 

tentions to this our servant, who is faithful and 
dear to us, with that confidence and goodness with 
which you have deigned to converse with us, but so 
that you should not leave your dearest wife, much 
loved by us, and our daughter only dear to us, in any 
way unsaluted, and unhonoured with the kind offices 
which we intend. Your Excellency is not unaware 
with how much zeal and love we regard them, as 
we can a prince most nearly allied to us, and a 
mother should her. daughter. Since they are our 
care, so we the more diligently commend them to 
you, urging your Excellency that what you receive 
from us to be regarded and maintained, you would 
always make most diligent account of, since we 
Bhall do the same when asked by you. Fare ye 
well and happily. 

Given at our palace at Richmond, August 21, 
A.D. 1577, the 19th of our reign. 

Your most loving cousin, 

Elizjjbeth R. 

(See the address of the Queen to the Elector of 
Saxony in the Appendix, No. 10.) 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 113 

versy among the divines, were likely to be 
defined by a doctrinal formula, in accordance 
with, the true meaning of the Augsburg Con- 
fession, as it had ever been held by the 
evangelical States of Germany. And since 
the carrying out of this object was the 
common cause of all the Protestant princes 
of Germany, he would do all in his power to 
have due consideration given to the remon- 
strances of her Majesty. As to the pro- 
posed alliance, he was convinced that the 
other princes would come to a resolution 
upon it, in conformity with the best interests 
of the empire and of the evangelical 
Christians. 

The Landgrave Wilhelm entirely con- 
curred in the first part of the ambassador's 
message. In his written reply, he assured 
Robert Beale that he should continue to 
protest against the condemnations which 
had been inserted in the Formula of Concord 
of Oloster-Bergen. In his letter to the 
queen, he expressed his thankfulness for the 
zealous care which her Majesty ever mani- 

i 



114 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

fested for the interests of the Church. At 
the same time, he states that the formation 
of an alliance appeared, for the present, im- 
practicable.^) 

(0 Reply of William Landgrave, of Hesse, to the 
Queen of England: delivered to the legate of 
her Majesty, Mr. Robert Beale (on his depar- 
ture from Cosset, December 26, 1577J. 

[The original is printed in the Appendix, No. 11]. 

Those things which in the name and by command 
of the Queen of England, her legate and royal 
orator, Robert Beale, set forth in a learned and 
elegant discourse, to William Landgrave, of Hesse, 
&c, all attest a mind not only truly loyal, and most 
constant in religion, but in grateful remembrance 
and very studious of public peace and quiet. Not 
only with this age, but with all posterity, they 
will merit signal praise and eternal recollection. 

And whereas the queen has specially shown 
to his Highness, how anxious she is for his welfare 
and prosperity, for this he gives her all the thanks 
he can. And may the giver of gifts and fountain 
of all recompense, grant that out of adversity, all 
may turn out well to /her Majesty, so that she may 
long be preserved for the safety of the Christian 
cause! 

As to the first head of the message, which the 



L' 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 115 

The ambassador's message met with the 
most unfavorable reception on the part of the 
Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg. The 
queen had endeavoured to recommend her 
proposals to the former, by declaring in the 
letter to the elector, her sinoerest reoogni- 



queen in her wisdom and good intentions towards 
the Christian commonweal and religion, by learned 
and solid arguments, earnestly advises and urges 
upon his Highness and other German princes, pro- 
fessing the Augsburg Confession, that they should 
not allow foreign Churches which agree with us 
on most articles of religion which concern our 
faith and salvation, to have inflicted upon them 
the anathema of condemnation, by the newly de- 
vised formula of religion, but that the said fomula 
should either be wholly suppressed, or if need be 
to have it published, that we should be careful to 
retain forms and phrases heretofore received and 
usual in the Church, in the Augsburg Confession, 
and its Apology, to prevent occasion of disturbance 
and division of strength and mind, from whioh a 
remedy should be obtained; the prince does not 
disguise the fact, that through the efforts of certain 
restless minds in Germany, seeking their own profit 
and honour rather than the good of the Church, 
the seeds of dissension have been sown on some 

i2 



116 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

tion of the Augsburg Confession, as one of 
the most excellent evangelical doctrinal 
formulas. After this introductory remark, 
she had entreated the elector to cease sup- 
porting the Formula of Concord, and the 
project of the Magdeburg Conference, but 



articles of the Christian faith. In course of time 
these have so far grown, that the Churches professing 
the Augsburg Confession have been no little 
troubled thereby. Therefore, through the advice 
of some of the German princes, with a view to 
refute the calumnies of the Papists, whereby 
through the prejudice arising from dissension, they 
depress the Churches which follow the Augsburg 
Confession, they have convened certain friends of 
public peace and quiet and skilful divines, and 
ordered them to write a Formula of Concord, not 
different from the Augsburg Confession, but ex- 
plaining the same on the controverted articles of 
religion, and clearing up its true sense and meaning; 
especially in order that it might be the more 
evident to posterity, what is the unanimous consent 
in religion among the princes and States of the 
Augsburg Confession. 

That this is the special duty of princes professing 
the said Confession, and is not only necessary, but 
will be useful and profitable to God and the Church, 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 117 

rather to take steps for convening a general 
assembly, in which she might be allowed to 
take part through her representatives. 

Moreover, the queen had applied to the 
King of Denmark to support her request by 
his influence with the elector; and the 



the prince has no doubt the queen will readily un- 
derstand. Provided only the matter reach a fortu- 
nate conclusion, and be approved by the oommon 
votes of others, both princes and divines, whose 
consent and authority is even now requested. 

And whereas also, the Formula of Concord and 
Consent was transmitted to his Highness by the 
aforesaid princes, and his opinion on the same re- 
quired, he must conscientiously admit, although 
the matter was deliberated upon with his divines, 
and he found most of the heads agreeing with the 
Augsburg Confession, that he was most restrained 
by perceiving that Churches differing somewhat 
from the Augsburg Confession on the article of the 
Lord's Supper, were smitten with the anathema of 
condemnation. This was why his HighnesB ad- 
monished the princes, by whose advice the formula 
had been drawn up, of almost the same perils and in- 
conveniences as the queen foresees. Meantime, 
he earnestly prays that by such condemnations, 
the heart and strength of such as agree on all the 



118KEFOSMSBS OF KNGI^AJTD AND GBKBCAKY 

King of Denmark had seat him Elizabeth's 
letter, which was most flattering with regard 
to the elector. Even, the [Landgrave Wil- 
helm had forwarded to the Electors of 
Saxony and Brandenburg the ambassador's 
remonstrances against the Formula of Can- 



artkfes of the Christian faith, may mot be distracted 
to the rum of the Church, and so be called, upon 
our heads erik greater than, we can. heaL This is 
what his Highness foresees will, without doubt* 
occur; for he observes that the foundations laid by 
his fathers and other princes, and made nee of by 
them in rebuking the petty counsels of the Rapists, 
as their common enemies, and the decrees of the 
Council of Trent in particular, are 
and that the anathemas of their 



because one party of as in opposition, to the other, 
arrogates to itself both knowledge and judgment* 
with manifiest levity and meonstaney, not to amy 
peril of oar religion* For everybody known that 
they wish to hare those m^Ih—^ of these* act 
forth as they are, with a certain knowledge of tine 
case, and by such ** gbry of a succession in the 
Church, in some sense protected by tine 




^ *¥hnt inisfibjef this will bring to the Church, 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 119 

cord, and had most warmly recommended 
them to their consideration. 

Yet, notwithstanding all these recommen- 
dations, the Elector Augustus was very- 
wrath at the whole scheme proposed by the 
queen, because he justly feared that the 



every one, not altogether stupid, perceives. But 
if the usual phrases of the Augsburg Confession' be 
retained, his Highness has thought, not unadvisedly, 
after the example of his Highness of happy and 
pious memory, that those very evils and dangers 
might be guarded against. 

Public and private acts attest how he put off, dis- 
suaded, and set aside such condemnations of foreign 
Churches agreeing with us on the other articles of 
faith, not only at the Marburg Conference, but in 
many councils of the empire, and in public and pri- 
vate assemblies. Nor is his Highness unmindful with 
what diligence and zeal, two days before his death, 
his Highness, in his earnest desire for religion, very 
paternally urged and entreated him. This admo- 
nition, the prince, treading in his father's footsteps, 
keepB fresh in memory, and will never let escape. 
The queen will readily understand that there was 
no need of exhortation to what his Highness is na« 
turally inclined to, and knows to be his particular 
duty ; but still the legation could not but be very 



120 REFQBHEBS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

affair of the Formula of Concord would be 
much interrupted and disturbed by it. 
Augustus owned in his letter to the am- 
bassador, that the present condition of the 
evangelical Church, endangered as it was by 
the intrigues of Rome, was indeed yery pre- 

grateful to him, coming from so great a queen, and 
relating to the public peace and the Christian 
religion, whereof he perceives, with admiration and 
delight, her Majesty to he most studious and zea- 
lous. If in anything, the prince, by influence or 
effort:, can help the cause of the Church and com- 
monwealth, in that duty he will never fail ; and 
with all due and possible respect he reverently 
entreats her Majesty to believe this of him. 

As to the other head of the legation, about an 
alliance between the queen and the princes of the 
Augsburg Confession, for defence, the prince doubts 
not the queen knows his mind sufficiently from her 
legate, Daniel Rogers.* And since the reasons for 
it then brought still subsist, and the troubles of 

• " Daniel Sogers, the eon of John Rogers, the proto-martyr fa 
Queen Mary's reign. He it raid by the writer of the Athense 
Oxonienses to hare been 'the most accomplished gentleman at that 
time, and a very good man, and excellently learned.' He was tent 
to the Prince of Orange in the year 1575, when the queen had de- 
clined to assist him and the Netherlands against the violence of 
Spain. See Strype, Ann. IIL i. 392, 894*"— Zurich Letters, p. 517 . 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 121 

carious. On the other hand, he thought 
that he must object to the remonstrances 
presented against the Formula of Concord, 
as it was not a question of establishing a 
new doctrine, but of defining some contro- 
verted doctrinal articles in accordance with 
the true meaning of the Augsburg Confession, 
as it had ever been recognized by all evan- 
gelical Christians. He would leave the 
objected expression, " condemnamus," to the 

the time prevented him from learning the disposi- 
tion of his brothers and the confederate princes, he 
earnestly desires the queen to excuse him herein, 
being persuaded that whatever be determined by 
the common suffrage of the princes, he shall not 
fail of his duty, nor neglect, as occasion serves, by 
promoting her Majesty's designs, to act with the 
fidelity and seal which becomes a real friend, and 
which he also expects from her Majesty. 

And this is what seems to his Highness proper 
to reply to the royal legate of the queen; ear- 
nestly entreating him to convey the same to the 
queen in his name, and commending himself very 
obediently to her. 

Signed at Cassel, Dec. 26, 1677, 

Willux, Lahdohavb of Haass. 



104 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

Rogers reported to his queen without" 
delay the request of the Landgrave ; but, 
before his letter had reached London, another 
ambassador from the queen arrived in Ger- 
many, Robert Beale, the private secretary, 

ferred from this, that before Her Majesty could 
Know your Highness' purpose, she thought to de- 
pute Mr. Robert Beale into Germany on that very 
account. For when the queen had committed to me 
the discharge of three matters, the first of which 
was with the Prince of Orange ; the second con- 
cerned that alliance in regard to which Her Majesty 
desired to know the mind of your Highness ; and 
the third must be gone over with Duke Casimir. 
The first business settled, her Majesty readily 
perceived that the second about the alliance could 
not be brought to the expected end, except the 
ardour of the tumultuous divines, who make haste 
to condemn their brethren, were first thwarted, and 
of which, after my departure from her Majesty, 
she was first advised. And since the third affair 
which remained was of such consequence as to em- 
ploy and require the whole man, she thought it to 
be well to depute another to Germany whereby the 
intercession and authority of her Majesty might 
avert the peril which threatens from certain theo- 
logians. (For the original of this piece see the 
Appendix, No. 8.) 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 105 

a well informed and experienced diplo- 
matist. He was instructed to visit the 
courts of Heidelberg, Stuttgart, Zwei- 
briicken, Cassel, Dresden, Berlin, Wolfen- 
biittel, Dessau, &c. ; and to deliver to the 
princes letters from the queen, in which she 
entreated them to resist the Lutheran se- 
cession, which was gaining strength in 
Germany. She communicated to them at 
the same time her plan of forming a general 
alliance of all evangelical powers, for the 
protection of Protestantism against Bo* 
manism. The queen declared in the letter, 
delivered by her ambassador, that she had 
heard with dismay, that they were about 
to establish in Germany a new formula of 
faith, and to have it sanctioned by a synod, 
about to be held at Magdeburg ; where it 
was intended (sub pr&textu defenrionia Con* 
/esaionia Augustana), under the pretence of 
guarding the Augsburg Confession, to exclude 
all those national Churches, which hitherto 
had believed themselves to be in perfect unison 
with the German Church, upon all essential 



106 REFORMERS OP ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

articles of doctrine. Such an invasion, which 
doubtless had been originated by the secret 
machinations of the Papists, was calculated 
to bring the greatest harm not only to the 
German princes, bat to the Protestant 
Church in general. The present time, she 
added, was fraught with danger to evan- 
gelical Christendom, such as demanded the 
sincerest union among all confessors of the 
Lord. The German princes, she observed, 

should consider how improper' it was, to 

• 

condemn unheard, the evangelical Churches 
of England, Scotland, France, Belgium, 
Switzerland, Poland, and Hungary, and the 
queen herself. They should remember, that 
in former days they had, in interfering on 
behalf of the Christians of France, acknow- 
ledged them as their brethren in the faith. 
By establishing a new confession, they would 
not only declare their former confession to 
be unsatisfactory and deficient, but would 
come into contradiction with all the past 
actions of the evangelical States. The Pa- 
pists would not fail to make the most ad-* 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 107 

vantage of the confusion, which would 
necessarily arise from it, and might succeed 
in completely crushing the evangelical 
States, which by the exclusion of some Ger- 
man princes from the Peace or Truce of 
Religion {Religiomfriede) were already ma- 
terially weakened. Not the interests of the 
German Church, but the welfare of the 
whole of Protestantism were at stake. If 
they thought it necessary for the re-estab- 
lishment of the union, to bring about a new 
understanding, she would propose a general 
conference of all the Reformed Churches, at a 
convenient place. The following proposi- 
tions were made by the queen, for the for- 
mation of an alliance among the evangelical 
powers, for offence and defence : 

1. " All the allied princes and states unite 
in the resolution not to suffer within their 
realms either written or verbal controversy, 
until doctrinal discussions have been settled 
by a general synod. 

2. " The alliance raises a certain capital in 
money for maintaining an armed force, in 



1 26 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

entirely misinformed as to the object and cha- 
racter of the Formula of Concord. He very- 
much regretted that by such missions the 

creed of the Augsburg Confession might be restored, 
to the true and genuine sense in which it was first 
written and set forth to the emperor. This was to 
be so done that nothing should be changed in the 
Augsburg Confession, by the addition or removal 
of a word, but that a godly and true explanation 
for a few articles which are called in question should 
be prescribed from the very authors of the Con- 
fession, that all occasion of wrangling might be cut 
off from contentious men, and peace and concord 
be restored to the Churches by the explanation of 
sound doctrine. But since this struggle had sprung 
up within the confines of Germany, and to prevent 
the suspicion that it had affected foreign Churches, 
it was thought that peaceable Churches out of Ger- 
many ought not to be involved in these dissensions, 
and that it would be enough if those only took up 
the matter, among whom contention had begun, and 
the whole affair were arranged after the example 
of pious antiquity. For when the need of separate 
provinces so requires, national synods are often 
'gathered, so that scarcely nine general councils are 
to be counted in all Church History. From all this 
the Duke of Saxony, thinks the pious and prudent 
Queen of England will see that the Papists desire 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 127 

queen did not promote the interests of the 
Church, but injure them, by turning away 

nothing less than that this salutary concord among 
the German divines and princes should coalesce ; 
for if it were constituted, the calumnies of enemies 
must cease, whereby the spread of sound doctrine 
has been hitherto much impeded; and the zeal 
of the German princes embracing the same con- 
fession, distracted hitherto, would be again united 
by this indissoluble league of salutary concord ; 
and heart and forces thenceforth combined, they 
could, if needful, oppose the attempts of the 
wicked. And because the chief aim of this most 
Christian Council is, that the truth and certainty 
of doctrine (which is impossible so long as alter- 
cationand wrangling continue) might be transmitted 
to a pious posterity for the salvation of many souls, 
and so all things tend to the glory of God, and 
pursue the course so greatly commended by our 
Saviour to Christian men, that of concord, which 
as it is most excellent, and to be sought and pro- 
moted in every place and time, nor can ever be 
gainsaid or blamed, so nothing is more cheering or 
beneficial to Churches professing Gospel truth in 
this sorrowful age, nor anything more sad and 
calamitous for their Popish enemies ; because the 
Churches recover from the fatal plague of con- 
tentions, but the Papists learn that, not only is 



128 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

the hearts of the princes from a cause which 
could only prosper by the co-operation of all. 



the unanimous consent of the German princes 
opposed to their violent counsels, but what seemed 
a plain and easy means of oppressing the godly, is 
beyond their reach, and they may prove to their 
own ruin, that the German Churches have met 
again after intestine discord for the final abolition 
and overthrow of Papal superstitions. 

And whereas, it is certain that nothing new is 
determined in doctrine, the elector does not see 
what reason there is for making so salutary a 
design a ground of danger to any of the German 
princes, who may hold to the true meaning of the 
Augsburg Confession. Hence, too, with reference 
to the article to which the queen's Highness ex- 
cepts (and which by the very name of " New Cove- 
nant 1 ' alone, to say nothing of the thing itself, 
obtains a foremost place among the mysteries of the 
Christian faith), nothing is now done but what is 
already determined from the Word of God in the 
Augsburg Confession, bo that the Papists can draw 
hence no just excuse for their tyranny. And when 
Christian concord is established in the German 
Churches, it may take away from the enemies of 
the pious, though against their will, all the calum- 
nies which they have heretofore mis-employed to 
the maligning of evangelical doctrine, and the 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 129 

It was ridiculous to think of the possibility 
of uniting with the Calyinists. Should it, 

crushing of innocent and holy men, its professors ; 
who, they cry out, ought not to be tolerated, be- 
cause of their doctrine, which is divided by con- 
trary opinions. Therefore, the Duke of Saxony 
understands the mind of the queen to be, that if 
anything be done to allay discord which has arisen 
as to the true sense of the Augsburg Confession, 
(and something is done), she only requires the re- 
moval of the word " condemnation " and the use 
of ordinary expressions, his Highness therefore 
does not wholly blame this pious zeal for Christian 
concord, but fondly hopes that what has been 
so far set forth in good faith, will not be wholly 
ungrateful, because it proceeds from the best in- 
tention; yet his Highness seeks not to take on 
himself alone the common cause of all who adhere 
to the Augsburg Confession, nor would have his 
opinion go further than others ; but herein ho shows 
his respect for her Highness, and hopes she may be 
relieved from that care and anxiety with which he 
perceives her to be at this time troubled. If any- 
thing further remains in which her Highness is not 
fully satisfied, since it is of such a nature that it 
can be explained and cleared up only by taking 
counsel of all who adhere to the Augsburg Con- 
fession, his Highness entreats her Majesty kindly 



130 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

however, be thought desirable to come to a 
good understanding with them, the evan- 

to acquiesce, until by a common decision, that is 
determined which may be for the profit and well- 
being of the Churches professing Gospel truth. 

Moreover, since the queen, not less prudently 
than faithfully, gives warning of the violent designs 
of the Papists, and kindly offers to render aid in 
providing means of defence, the singular kindness 
and goodwill of her Highness to the adherents of 
the Augsburg Confession is manifest. And as the 
elector never doubted that the champions of the 
Pope, and the Pope, are moved by no less hostility 
towards the Churches of Germany which assert the 
truth of the Gospel, than towards others who abhor 
Eomiflh errors, they should be the more ready to 
repel force unjustly applied to them. Wherefore 
he thanks the queen for her faithful warning, and 
for the declaration of her willingness to render aid. 
But since this matter pertains to all who are 
attached to the Augsburg Confession, it might be 
best determined, in course of time, at some com- 
mon convention. In the meantime the elector ear- 
nestly begs that the queen will not allow her zeal 
and good will for the evangelical princes to di- 
minish ; and on his part promises everything which 
can be justly expected from princes most friendly 
to England. And his Highness requests of the 
ambassador, to whom, for his rare excellence, he 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTUKY. 131 

gelioal Christians of Germany ought first to 
be united among themselves. It was their 
first duty to effect this union and to main- 
tain it.^) 

kindly wishes well, that he would, in the name and 
words of hit Highness, communicate the expression 
of his singular good will towards her royal 
Highness.* 

From the Castle of Dippoldiswalde, 
Nor. 8, 1577. 

( b ) The Elector wrote thus to the Landgrave, 
from Dresden, Nor. 17, 1577 : — Although we are 

• Robert Beale wh Clerk of the Queen's Condi, tad often em- 
ployed la private missions to the Protestant prlaoee of Germany, 
aa aooouat o( which, written by himself to the lord Treasurer, is 
given by Strype, Ann. It., 117. Mr. Beale is said to have been a 
man of great learning and piety, and was for many years engaged 
on publio affairs at home and abroad. The following notloe of him 
appears in "JfoUi and Queries," Til, 149 :— 

"Robert Beale was a descendant of the family of Beale of 
Woodbridge in Suffolk, and by marriage related to Sir Francis 
Walstngbam, under whose patronage he first appeared at court, 
and was appointed Secretary for the northern parte, and Clerk of 
the Privy Council. As a bitter enemy to the Romanists, he was 
chosen tooonvey to Fotherlnghay the warrant for the beheading 
of Mary Queen of Boots. He read that fatal instrument on the 
■eaflbld, and was a witness to its execution. In 1600, he was one of 
the Commissioners at the treaty oi Boulogne, which was his last 
public service."— LodfS* Ithutrations, ii., 264; and Strickland's 
Quctnc of Scotland, ▼&, ohap. Uii. 

x 2 



132 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

The Elector of Brandenburg, to whom 
Beale sent the queen's propositions through 
a special messenger, was just as little inclined 

not displeased with her royal Majesty's kind opinion 
and disposition towards us, we would humbly 
ask whether her mission might not mislead some of 
the States of the Augsburg Confession, inducing 
them to be less diligent in promoting this work of 
the "Concordia," or even to render it more difficult, 
and to protract it. He should think that the 
common interests of the Churches and States of 
the Augsburg Confession would thereby be more 
injured than promoted, and that the Pope's blood- 
thirsty plans would be advanced ; and that quite 
contrary to her Majesty's intentions, such proceed- 
ings would facilitate the carrying out of the Pope's 
hostile designs. For it is not probable, that the 
States holding to the Augsburg Confession, whose 
religious disputes are now raging, should be in- 
duced by the queen's propositions to lay them 
aside, and cordially to unite, as it becomes true 
Christians. Nothing would result from it but 
offence, divisions within in the Churches, distrust 
and opposition. All this would of course be wel- 
come to the Pope, and to his adherents. With 
regard to the proposition of the queen to convene 
a General Assembly, of the States holding the 
Augsburg Confession, and the Calvinistic divines, 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 133 

to entertain them. He objected to the 
expunging of the condemnations from the For- 
mula of Concord, because if this were done, 

no thinking, reflecting politician could agree with 
it, as there is very little hope of an understanding 
between the Calvinistio and the evangelical divines, 
and experience teaches how little good in former 
days has been produced by such meetings. It 
is certain that, should no good understanding be 
come to at such an assembly, controversy and dis- 
pute would re-commence much more violently, and 
the fire, at present hidden in the ashes, would 
blaze up more furiously than before. This would 
greatly encourage the Pope and his partisans in 
their dangerous designs. And if, notwithstanding 
all these objections, a General Assembly could be 
convened, it would be most necessary that the 
Churches attached to the Augsburg Confession 
should first be united among themselves, before 
entering into a discussion about points of con- 
troversy with the Calvinistio Churches, so as to 
prevent the repetition of what had happened at 
former meetings, which had remained without any 
result on account of the above-mentioned causes. 

Therefore it is our opinion that we should con- 
tinue earnestly at the necessary work of Christian 
union, and promote it with Christian zeal, and not 
be misled and hindered in it, as we understand 
your Highness' mind is inclined. 



134 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

the Calvinists would reintroduce themselves 
into the Church. He did not expect much 
good from the confederacy, as experience 
had taught him that this kind of combina- 
tion was only calculated to damage the 
Church. He therefore desired, with regard 
to the Queen of England, to adhere to the 
resolutions adopted at Erfurt in 1569, and 
merely to preserve alive a good under- 
standing with her majesty. (*) 
- ■ — — — _ . > • • ' ■• • • • . 

With regard to your remonstrances about the 
word Condemnamu* (as this and other the like 
points mentioned in the English propositions are 
theological questions,) it appears desirable and ne- 
cessary that we should act in concert with the views 
of pious, impartial and learned divines. Personally 
we shall do everything as far as it can be done 
without burdening our confidence, that to the 
glory and honour of God Almighty, not only the 
propagation of pure doctrine may be promoted, 
but also that glorious union which is the sign of 
true Christians. 

f 1 ) The Elector of Brandenburg wrote from 
Grimnitz, Oct. 2nd, 1677, to the Landgrave William 
of Hesse, as follows : — 

With regard to the English message, the am- 
bassador has not come personally to us, but has 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 135 

The Duke of Wurtemburg addressed a 
similar answer to the queen. He wrote to 
the queen, on December 23, 1577, that he 
must very decidedly protest against the 
assertion, that the Formula of Concord had 
been established at the secret instigation of 
the Papists, or with any hostile feeling to- 

sent us the kind letters of her Majesty and your- 
self, and has informed us by a special document 
from his own hand, of the object of the message, 
and of the state of affairs. We find that a distinct 
objection is made by the Queen of England to the 
word Condemnamus, in our common religious Con- 
cordia, and that a general Fadus defendant* of all 
the Lutherans against the Papists is aimed at. 

With regard to the first point, though we per- 
sonally believe (without throwing any reproach on 
those who object), that Christian means and ways 
may be devised to settle this word ; yet we appre- 
hend that the Oalvinists aim, under the plea of a 
word, at something dangerous and too much. If 
the word Condemnamus be left out of the Formula 
of Concord, the Calvinists might think that we 
approved their erroneous doctrine de Cana Domini, 
and this would do more harm than good to our 
Churches and Schools. You know, besides, what 
evil and danger has at all times been caused by 



136 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GEBMANT 

wards tlie foreign Reformed Churches, or 
that it was a new Confession ; but he af- 
firmed that it had become necessary on 
account of doctrinal differences among the 
divines, and its object was, on all the articles 
of doctrine, to ascertain and to require the 
true meaning of the Augsburg Confession. 
With regard to the formation of a general 
Protestant alliance, there appeared to 'him 
to be no necessity for it, because nothing 
was to be feared at the present moment 
on the part of the Papists. Besides, the 



such confederations with France and other coun- 
tries ; and I would especially remind you of what 
, happened with regard to English proposals in the 
year 1569, at Naumburg ; and of the resolutions 
unanimously adopted there, and we abide by them 
now, especially since we live still in peace with the 
Papists. Yet we think it in every way desirable, 
that we should keep up with England and other 
neighbouring countries, mutual confidence and cor- 
respondence. And whatever good can be done 
for promoting general peace in our Churches, and 
for the advancement of true religion, we shall 
diligently and zealously endeavour to do. 



j 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 137 

consideration of such a plan, was the pro- 
vince of the Imperial Diet. 

Mr. Beale did not meet with more success 
at the court of Julius, Duke of Brunswick, 
who received the queen's messenger, it is true, 
with royal honours, and gave him a nu- 
merous and splendid suite to accompany 
him while travelling through the country. 
With regard to the queen's propositions, 
he entrusted him with a reply, in which he 
circumstantially explained the tendency and 
the origin of the Formula of Concord, stating, 
that it was evident that the queen had been 
totally misinformed about the character of 
it. For it was not a new Confession which 
they had endeavoured to establish in this 
new formula, in reference to which they 
had acted with the greatest circumspection, 
and after mature consideration; but their 
object rather was, to enforce the doctrine 
of the Augsburg Confession in opposition 
to error and heresy. The queen declared 
that she differed from the evangelical States 
of the empire only on one point, viz., 



138 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and 
she desired that this difference might not 
be regarded as essential. Yet the doctrine 
wad of the greatest importance, because it 
concerned the Testament of the Lord. It 
would be impossible for them to acknowledge 
themselves agreed with the queen. There 
was no reason to declare that the Formula of 
Concord was the cause or occasion of dis- 
union in the empire, nor that it pronounced 
its anathemas against the foreign Protectant 
Churches. For most of the evangelical 
princes had already reeognized the Fomiula ; 
and the condemnations referred to Were cau- 
tiously expressed, without mentioning the 
names of those who were the originators 
of erroneous doctrines, or of those who. were 
attached to them. It was not true that the. 
Formula of Concord had been compiled 
secretly by a few divines ; it was the com- 
mon work of many illustrious princes and 
theologians. A conference of all the Evan- 
gelical Churches would be most desirable, 
but it appeared impossible at the present 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 13£ 

time. The Formula of Concord was not 
intended to exercise any authority over 
foreign Churches, nor were there any new 
and uncommon phrases used in it. He, 
therefore, on hiB part coukLnot alter anything 
in it, as it not only concerned him, but all 
the States. As to the proposed alliance, he 
knew, as a man with some experience, that 
such confederations had never led to. any 
good results. Besides, being already pri- 
vately allied to several other princes, he 
could not enter into additional treaties with* 
out their consent. Yet he would take coun- 
sel with them, and inform the queen of his 
resolution. 

Sad in heart, Robert Beale, after having 
recommended his message to the princes of 
Anhalt, and to the imperial city of Magde- 
burg, went by way of Cassel to Frankfort, 
in order to return from thence to his distant 
home, and to report to his queen, that in 
Germany there was little hope left for the 
old evangelical Protestantism. The opposi- 
tion to the queen's message had been in- 



140 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

deed carried to the extreme. A conference 
of Lutheran theologians from Saxony, Bran- 
denburg, and some other countries (among 
these divines were Jacob Andreas, Nicholas 
Schnecker, Andreas Musculus, Cornerus, 
Coelestin, Chytrseus, and Martin Chemnitz) 
had been held in March, 1578, at Tanger- 
miinde, in order to consider among other 
questions the queen's message. They openly 
declared, that the object of the message 
was to promote Calvinism by removing its 
condemnation. They could, therefore, not 
advise the princes to enter into an alliance 
With the queen against the Pope. That the 
Calvinists only thought of establishing 
alliances, was a sufficient proof " that their 
faith was not founded on the Word of God, 
but on human power/' 

Even then the noble queen did not give 
up the hope of securing the future of Pro- 
testantism by the formation of a General 
Protestant Alliance. An event which oc- 
curred in 1578 seemed to raise her expecta- 
tions and hopes anew. At a conference held 



IK THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 141 

at Langensalza in the spring of 1578, the 
Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of 
Hesse had agreed to convoke a General 
Assembly of all the evangelical states of 
Germany, which was to be opened June 7, 
1578, at Smalcald. Invitations were to be 
issued by the three evangelical electors 
(Saxony, Brandenburg, and the Palatinate) 
and the Landgrave of Hesse. " The deputies 
were to be sworn only upon the Holy Scrip- 
tures, and to be exhorted to consider of 
everything according to their Christian con- 
sciences." The Queen of England (such 
was the decided motion of the Landgrave of 
Hesse) was to be invited to attend the con- 
ference. John Casimir, the Palatine, was 
requested by the Landgrave to inform the 
queen of the proposed Ecclesiastical Diet of 
Smalcald, through the English ambassador, 
Daniel Rogers, who was just on his way to 
England. As soon as the letter of invita- 
tion was signed by the electors, it was to be 
sent on to the Landgrave, who offered to 
forward it directly to the queen. As, how- 



142 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

ever, at the very end of April the letter of 
invitation had not arrived, the Landgrave 
wrote (April 28) to the Queen's Privy 
Counsellor, Dr. Robert Beale, that he doubted 
whether the General Assembly would be 
convened for June 7, and for this reason he 
had not dared to invite the queen to take 
part in it. That he knew now how cauti- 
ously he ought to proceed, since with regard 
to former English legations the rumour had 
gone abroad in Germany, that they had 
been planned at CasseL At the same time 
Antonius des Traos wrote to Robert Beale 
and explained to him the true character of 
the question which was now so violently dis- 
puted, and informed him of the proper inten- 
tion and object of the recent ubiquitarian Lu- 
theranism. He expressed his astonishment 
that the writ of invitation from the elector, 
so long expected, had not yet arrived at 
CasseL 

The queen learnt with great regret that 
the General Assembly at Smalcald, which 
was to have been attended by deputies 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 143 

of the Reformed Churches in France, Scot* 
land, and Switzerland, would for the present 
not take place. But she resolved, notwith- 
standing this unfavourable news, to send 
deputies to Germany, in order that they 
might take part in the conference in case it 
should yet be held. The legation consisted 
of the well-known English ambassador, 
Daniel Rogers, a lawyer, and two theolo- 
gians, and they started, in the spring of 1578, 
for Germany, furnished with detailed instruc- 
tions. The deputies were directed, in case 
the General Conference should be held, 
urgently to insist upon the maintenance of 
the union and communion of the Churches, 
and to request the conference to abstain 
from useless dogmatical disputes. They 
were openly to state the doctrinal views of the 
Church of England with regard to the two 
controverted dogmas of the person of Christ, 
and of the Lord's Supper, and to show that 
the authors of the Formula of Concord had no 
right whatever to inflict excommunication 
upon the Church of England, in consequence 



144 BEFOBMEBS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

of her Scriptural doctrine. They were farther 
instructed to point out the danger of estab- 
lishing a new Confession, seeing the me- 
nacing aspect of the times ; and to state that 
it did not behove the evangelical Church to 
found her faith upon human authority, by 
canonizing the writings of even Luther 
himself. They were to caution the con- 
ference against giving definitive sanction to 
the new so-called Formula of Concord ; but 
should that sanction be nevertheless given, 
they were to protest against it. 

For several months the deputation anti- 
cipated in vain the convocation of the General 
Conference. The queen, therefore, commu- 
nicated to the evangelical princes the con- 
tents of the instructions which her deputies 
had received from, her, in order that the said 
princes might once more be informed of her 
sentiments with regard to the Church. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 145 



CHAPTER VI. 

FIRST CONFERENCE OF EVANGELICAL CHRIS- 
TIANS OF ALL NATIONS, SEPTEMBER, 1577, 
AT FRANXFORT-ON-THE-MAINE. 

Queen Elizabeth, in 1577, was diligently 
employed upon negotiations which related to 
the necessities of the Church; and at the 
same time,, the Palatine, John Casimir, was 
unremitting in his efforts to carry out his 
own projects, which had been fully approved 
by the queen* During the whole summer of 
1577 the Palatine was in communication 
with the leaders of the Reformed Churches 
of France! Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, 
Switzerland, and the Netherlands. He had 
invited them to send deputies to Frankfort 
in the month of September, and to assist in 
taking counsel about the present condition 
and necessities of the Protestant Church. 
On all sides the Palatine had been assured 



146 KKTOKMKKS OF KXCLASD AS» GMMAKT 

that they would nnt readily «Bq4y ^^^ 
his mritatioo, and almost all the Churehea 
promised to send deputies to Frankfart- 

On September the 27th, the Assembly, 
the Kkeof which had not been aeai in the 
history of the modern Cbnrcb, was opened 
in the name of the Palatine, by his Coun- 
aellor, Wenceslans Zuleger.(*) 

Deputations bed arrived from the French. 
Chnwhes, from, the Queen of England, the 
KingoftfaTsrre, andthe Prince of Condi, 
and from the Churches of Poland, Hungary, 
and the Netherlands, letters were eent by 
the Bohemian and. Helvetic Churches, ex- 
plaining the reason for not having sent 
deputies, and declared, that they were ready 
to approve and to promote any measure 
which would, co ntribute to the strengthening 
of tbe onion of the Church. 

WeneetJa a s Zuleger informed the aatena.- 



ntea. and acta of the Conference, 
\j*em am.tkaUiqmem dam igUmms re- 

•B.p-59. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 147 

bled deputies, in the first place, of what had 
been done by the Palatine, his master, in 
making arrangements for the business of the 
Conference, and of the object for which it 
had been convened. John Casimir had per- 
ceived that they were about to establish in 
Germany a new Corpus doctrinm (Body of 
doctrine), which, for appearance sake, was 
founded on the Augsburg Confession, but, in 
truth, destined to introduce into the Church 
the entirely new and monstrous dogma of 
Ubiquity;^) and to condemn as heretics, and 
to exclude from the Religious Peace and 
Evangelical Church Communion, all those 
who wished to remain faithful to the old 
Confession. It was, therefore, proposed that 
the Conference should consider the following 
questions : — 

0>) Meaning that the body of Christ was every- 
where present. Those who held this opinion were 
the Ubiquitarians. The intelligent reader will 
remember the violence of the controversy carried 
on on this matter long after the period mentioned 
in the text. 

L 2 



148 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

1. " In what way and by what means the 
condemnation of the foreign Churches, as 
intended by the Neo-Lutherans (Ubiqui- 
tarians) in their new Corpus doctrince (Body 
of doctrine) might be prevented P 

2. " Whether it be proper to establish 
a common Confession of all evangelical 
Churches, and if so, what plan could be de- 
vised by which this could be effected P 

3. "To whom the drawing up of such 
Confession should be entrusted, and how it 
should be submitted to approval and rectifi- 
cation by the several Churches ?" 

After the president had finished his report, 
the French, Polish, and Hungarian deputies 
declared, that though they had been deputed 
by their respective Churches only for the 
consideration of the establishment of a new 
united Confession, they were quite ready 
to take into consideration the measures to 
be adopted, in order to prevent the con- 
demnations pronounced in the Ubiquitarian 
Formula of Concord. The first session was 
then closed. 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 149 

In the second session, on the afternoon of 
September 27th, the Assembly was occupied 
with the first proposition of the president. 
The English ambassador, who informed the 
Assembly that the Queen of England was 
just about to address the evangelical princes 
of Germany on this point through her pri- 
vate secretary, Robert Beale, proposed a 
resolution with regard to the first proposition, 
which was unanimously adopted by the 
deputies. It was resolved accordingly, that 
the legate of Queen Elizabeth, Robert Beale, 
should be accompanied on his mission by 
Dr. Paul Knibbius, as the delegate of the 
Conference, who, in its name, should propose 
and support the proposal of the English 
ambassador, by laying before the princes an 
"admonitory address" (Admonitionschrift), 
and that Hubert Languet should be requested 
to draw it up. The resolutions of the princes 
were then to be sent by Kuibbius to the 
Palatine John Casimir, who would forward 
them to the several Churches. Copies of 
this admonitory address were to be com- 



152 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

paper : They had been much grieved by 
learning, that they were endeavouring in* 
Germany to have a new Confession signed, 
by which the foreign evangelical Churches 
were condemned. The princes, however, 
might consider that the adherents to the 
Augsburg Confession were not less intensely 
hated by the Papists than the foreign Pro- 
testants, and that the most efficient means of 
resisting the machinations of Borne, would be 
the closest fraternisation of the evangelical 
States of the empire with foreign Protes- 
tants, and a general synod, at whioh all the 
disputed points and questions might easily 
be settled by pious and peace-loving divines 
of both parties. Arbitrary condemnation of 
the foreign Churches would damage the 
cause of the whole of Protestantism, and all 
the more, that there was no cause whatever 
for such a proceeding. For, without any 
reason, the foreign Churches were reproached 
with recognising the Augsburg Confession ; 
when, the fact was, that' they only differed 
from their opponents in the explanation of 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 153 

the meaning of the Augsburg Confession, as 
they understood it in the sense of the editions 
revised by Luther and Melancbthon in the 
years 1540 and 1542.( d ) They would there- 

( d ) A great wrong is, however, done to us by those 
who say that we reject the Augsburg Confession, 
We do this by no means ; but only differ in regard 
to some of the chapters. Moreover, since the 
Augsburg Confession was presented toHhe Emperor 
Charles V., when the Church in Germany was just 
in its infancy, no wrong is done to anybody, if some 
of its chapters be said to have been explained after* 
wards more lucidly by Luther and other excellent 
men, who lived after it had been presented. This 
appears sufficiently from the amended Confessions, 
which were edited at Wittenberg in 1540, and 
afterwards, in 1542, by Luther and Melanchthon. 
[Porro nobiB magna fit iniuria ab iis, qui dicunt, 
nos reiicere confessionem Augustanam. Nequa- 
quam enim id facimus, fled de eius sententia tantum 
in aliquibos oapitibus disceptamus. Ac cum con- 
fessio Augustana exhibita fuerit Carolo Imperatori 
sub initium fere nascentis ecclesi® in Germania, 
nemini fit iniuria, si dicantur qnaedam eras capita 
fuissa dilucidius postea explicata a Luthero et aliis 
praestantibns viris, qui post earn exhibitamvixerunt , 
quod satis apparet ex emendatis illis oonfessionibus, 
quae a. Domini 1540 et postea 1542 a Luthero et 
Melanchthont editae ftterunt Witteburgae.] 



154 REFOltMfcKg OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

fore request the princes to abstain from any 
unjustifiable condemnation of the foreign 
Churches, and rather to make it the "object 
of their efforts to establish more firmly the 
union and communion of all evangelical 
Christians. 

Paul Knibbius, deputed by the Conference, 
visited, with Robert Beale, the courts of the 
princes, and submitted to them the admoni- 
tion. Yet the reception with which the 
English ambassador met was equally un- 
favourable with that of the admonition ; and 
the resolutions of this first Conference of 
evangelical Christians of all countries re- 
mained without essential consequence for 
the development of Protestantism. The 
Assembly, however, was a testimony to the 
genuine evangelical spirit which was still 
prevailing in the great Protestant Churches. 
It was a foreshadowing of the future. ( e ) 



(•) The project of the Frankfort Conference was 
most joyfully hailed in France. The Synod of the 
Reformed Congregations of the kingdom assembled 



In the sixteenth centubly. 155 

in 1578 at Sainte-Foi, received the communication 
of the resolutions adopted at Frankfort, from the 
French deputy, Ernard, who had attended it, and 
entered fully into the idea of an alliance which 
should comprise evangelical Christians of all 
countries. The Synod drew up a project of union 
among all the Reformed and Protestant Churches 
of the Christian world, [Frojet de reunion entre 
toutes les eglises reformees et protestantes du 
monde chretien] in which the former General 
Conference at Frankfort -was expressly recognised 
as one in which there had been proposed several 
very practical means, and very proper and efficient 
remedies for closely uniting the Reformed Churches 
of the Christian world ; and also for extinguishing 
and terminating all the differences and disputes 
which our enemies had raised among them, and to 
prevent certain fanatical and bigoted theologians 
from condemning the greater and sounder part of 
the foreign Reformed Churches, as they have 
threatened to do. [DanB laquelle on avait propose* 
plusieurs moiens tres-expediens et des remedes 
tres-propres et tres-effioaces pour unir e*troitement 
toutes les eglises reformees du Monde chretien, 
et aussi pour Itoufer et terminer tons les 
differens et contestations, que nos ennemis font 
naitre parmi eux et pour empeeher quelques 
theologiens fanatiques et bigots de condamner, 
oomme ils ont menace* et protests de vouloir 
condamner et anath&natiser la plus grande 



156 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

et la plus saine partde des Uglifies reformers, qui 
sont eloigners. 

Still, in 1583, the King Henry of Navarre applied 
to the King of Sweden, and to the more important 
among the Lutheran princes of the German Empire, 
most urgently insisting upon the formation of an 
evangelical alliance. But, scornfully, the latter 
answered, that the Concord which he suggested was 
already established among them, and that it was 
only required to receive their confession in order 
to be admitted a member of the "Evangelical 
Concord," (E. Staehelin, the Perversion of King 
Henry VI. of France, to the Boman Catholic 
Church, page 763, seqq.) 

While, therefore, the Reformed Churches and 
their princely and theological advocates pointed 
ever and anon to the want, the practicability, and 
the necessity of a union of all bodies of Protestants, 
and repeatedly offered a fraternal hand to their 
Lutheran brethren, notwithstanding the reiterated 
repulses whieh they experienced; the Lutheran 
theology and Church, proudly looking upon their 
pretended purity of Confession, appeared perfectly 
satisfied, and gloried in being the only House of 
the Lord, outside of which God could not be truly 
honoured and adored. 

It is, likewise, a sad truth, that with the com- 
mencement of the Lutheran secession in montem 
sacrum of Closter-Bergen, thousands and thousands 
of Protestant congregations, in all parts of Ger- 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 157 

many, which might have been strengthened by the 
formation of an Evangelical Protestant Alliance, 
were overwhelmed by the Romish Church, after 
long and violent resistance, and were forced back 
into her bosom. 

During the thirty -years' war, when the memory 
of .the highminded and pious exertions of Queen 
Elizabeth had long been extinguished, the noble 
Scottish divine, John Dury, came to Germany for 
the purpose of attempting again the formation of 
a great Evangelical Church Alliance. The Reformed 
princes and divines alone received his propositions 
with enthusiasm j the Lutherans proved to him that 
they neither could nor would have any communion 
with the Reformed. Among the numerous writings 
of English divines which were published ursupport 
of Dury's mission, the book of Bishop Davenant 
is especially worth noticing : Ad fraternam oom- 
munionem inter evangelicas ecclesias restaurandam 
adhortatio, in eo fundata, qupd non dissentiant 
in ullo fundamental! catholicae fidei articulo 
(per reverendum in Christo patrem Joh. Da* 
venantium, episcopum Salisburiensem. Cui prae- 
fixa est eiusdem de pace itidem ecclesiastica 
commentatio Johanni Duraeo non ita pridem 
missa. Cantabrigae, 1640. (Exhortation to the 
restoration of fraternal communion among the 
evangelical Churches based on this, that they 
do not disagree on any fundamental articles 
of the Christian faith. By the reverend father 



158 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

in Christ, John Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, 
To which is prefixed, Observations by the same, 
upon the Peace of the Church, addressed to John 
Dury. Cambridge 1640.) 



%* John Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, men- 
tioned in the preceding note, was a native of London. 
He was a theologian of very liberal sentiments ; and 
he zealously endeavoured to /reunite Christians of 
different communions. He was a man of learning, 
modesty, and penetration. He was deputed to 
attend the Synod of Dort, with other English 
divines, in 1618. His death occurred in Cambridge 
in 1640.— Z'Avocat. 

We may add the following short notice of Dury, 
from the " Scottish Biography." 

"John Dury or Durie, in Latin Duraeus, a 
learned divine of the seventeenth century, was born 
and educated in Scotland, and was for some time 
minister of Dalmeny. In 1624 he went to Oxford 
for the sake of the public library, but being zeal- 
ously bent on effecting a union between the 
Lutherans and Calvinists, he published his plan in 
1634, and obtained the approbation and recom- 
mendation of Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, of 
the Bishops of Kilmore and Exeter, and others. 
The same year he appeared at a famous assembly 
of the evangelical Churches in Germany, at Frank- 
fort, and afterwards negotiated with the divines of 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 159 

Sweden and Denmark. In 1641 we find hi™ in Lon- 
don as one of the members of the Assembly of Di- 
vines, and he was also one of the preachers before the 
Long Parliament. He afterwards quitted the Pres- 
byterian party, and joined that of the Independents. 
Travelling into Germany for the advancement of his 
scheme, he obtained from the divines of Utrecht 
an authentic testimony of their good intentions, 
which he annexed to a Latin work, published in 
1662 at Amsterdam, under the title of " Johannis 
Duraei Irenicorum Tractatuum Prodromus," &c. 
The discouragements he encountered in endeavour- 
ing to serve the Church by the plan he had hitherto 
advocated, induced him to have recourse to another 
expedient of a still more impracticable nature, 
namely, by attempting to re-unite all sects of 
Christians by means of "A New Explication of the 
Apocalypse," which he published at Frankfort in 
1674. At this time he resided in Hesse, where the 
Princess Hedwig Sophia, then Begent of that 
country, had assigned him a free house and well- 
furnished table, with free postage for his letters. 
The time of his death is unknown, but is supposed 
to have been about 1675. He was the author of a 
great many publications, relating principally to 
his two grand schemes for bringing about an 
accommodation and union between the Protestant 
Churches." 

Two other very different men of the same name 



160 REFORMERS OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY 

flourished in the sixteenth century; the one 
* Jesuit, and the other a Scottish Protestant 
minister. 

Hubert Languet (see p. 149) was born at Vitteaux 
in Bourgogue, in 1518. He was converted by 
reading the "Loci Communes*' of Melanchthon. 
The following notice of him is from the Zurich 
Letters : — 

" Hubert Languet had been Minister of State to 
Augustus, Elector of Saxony, from whose service he 
retired in consequence of the controversy between 
the Lutherans and Zwinglians about the Eucharist, 
on his taking part with the latter. He afterwards 
accepted an invitation to Antwerp from the Prince 
of Orange* He was the intimate friend of Me- 
lanchthon, Thuanus, and Du Plessis, by the last of 
whom his character is thus described: 'Is fait 
quales multi videri volunt ; is vixit qualiter optimi 
mori cupiunt.' He died at Antwerp, Sept. 20, 1581 . 
His correspondence with Sir P. Sidney has been 
lately translated by the Rev. Steuart A. Pears." 

Rudolf Gualter (see p. 150) was a native of 
Zurich, where he was born about 1519. He was 
a man of considerable learning and ability, and 
filled the pastoral office in his native city for more 
than forty years, with great fidelity, diligence, 
and honour. His published works are numerous. 
He visited England in company with Nicolas 
Partridge, of Lenham, in 1537. One of his works 



IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 161 

was translated into English about 1556. He cor- 
responded with not a few distinguished Englishmen 
for many years, or from about the time of his visit 
to this country down to his death in 1586. He had 
a son of the same name who came over to study at 
Cambridge, in 1571, and was maintained at the cost 
of Bishop Parkhurst. From Cambridge he went 
to Oxford, where he received the most honourable 
testimonials, but he was prematurely cut off in 
1578. The elder Gualter was held in much repu- 
tation in this country, and his advice was sought 
on several important occasions. We may add that 
he was the son-in-law of Henry Bullinger. 



APPENDIX. 



i. 

Letter of Martin Luther to Thomas Cromwell. 

(Seep. 30) 

Lutherus illustrissimo viro Cromwello Serenissimi 

Regis consiliario S. 

Gratiam et pacem in Jesu Christo. [After some 
6X011868 about his letter arriving too late, lie thus 
proceeds :] Fro tuis vero amicissimis et Ruavissimis 
Iiteris maxim as ago gratias, et utinam, benedicente, 
Christo, talis essem et invenirer qualem Dignitas 
Tua me depinxerit. Longe enim inferiorem me 
puto istis mentis, quibus me putat D. T, praestare, 
Unum hoc confiteor Domino, quod ipsius gratia, 
stadium et voluntas mihi non deest, sea, ut Paulus 
loquitur, velle mihi adjacet, perficere vero in me 
non invenio. Tamen ifle qui imperfectum meum 
videt, perfeotus est, etperfieiet tandem suo tempore 
pro bona voluntate sua. Mirifice vero me laetum 
fecit Dr. Barnes, cum mihi narraret Dignitatis Tuae 
seriam et propensam in causa Christi voluntatem, 
praesertim cum pro autoritate tua, qua apud sere 
nissimum regem, et in toto regno plurimum vales 
multum proaesse possis. Ego oro et orabo Chris- 
tum utopus suum auod in Dignitate Tua coepit, 
feliciter confirmet in gloriam suam et multorum 

M 2 



164 APPENDIX. 

salutem Ex Dr. Barnes narratione quae &pud 
nos sunt et aguntur optime cognoscet Dignitas Tua, 
quam in misericordiam Patris commendat. 

Mabtikus Lutheeus, Dr. 
Datae Wittenbergae, 
die Palmarum, 1536. (i.e., April Mh, 1536.) 



II. 

Letter of Justus Jonas to Thomas Cromwell, (See 

p. 32 J 

Justus Jonas Magnifico et praestantissimo viro 
Thomae Oromwello serenissimi et potentissimi 
regis Angliae consiliario, amico et patrono reve- 
rando S. 

Omnia quae Bererandissimus Dominus Eduardus 
Episcopus Herevordtensis, reverendissimus archi* 
diaconus Nicolaus, et Dr. Barnes, in negotiis 
religionis cum illustrissimo Electore principe nostro 
ut regiae Majestatis Legati egerunt, et quomodo 

Sublice et privatim apud nos accepti sunt, magnifice 
omine, intelliget magnificentia tua ex ipsorum 
narratione. Magnireferre reipublicae,ut in hao cau- 
sa tanta ad reprimendam etiam frangendam intole- 
rabilem Bomani pontificis tyrannidem, et afferendam 
puram veritatem, serenissimus et potentissimus rex 
Angliae, etprincipes Germaniae Evangelio faventes, 
concordibus sintvoluntatibus etanimis,etutstudeant 
quantum omnino possint, hoc tarn difficili tempore 
rvyKpari&iv docti et pii omnes yident. Si modo 
vestri eruditi et ecclesiae praecipui ministri dent ope- 
rant, ut in praecipuis sanae doctrinae articulis satis 
et yere congruamus ; tunc quantum animadyerti in 
deliberationibus gravibus nostrorum, non dubito 



APPENDIX. 165 

futurum esse, ut ad facienda et ^erficienda reliqua 
politici foederis, eo faciliufi conspiremus. Si res ad 
Bynodum generalem deduota fuerit, Angliae regnum 
norentissimum non destituitur ingenuis et aoctis 
viris. Et nostrum saeculum ejusmodi est, ut ip- 
sorum temporum cursus, quasi impetus fluminis, 
sit interrupturus spem impiam et consilia nefaria 
papae. Nostram operam ad tuendam in hoc acer- 
rimo certamine causam evangelicae veritatis promp- 
tiflsimam et deditissimam offerimus, et notitiam 
ao amicitiam cum reverendissimo episcopo Eduardo, 
et Magnificis Regiae Majestatis legatis, ita colore, 
et officio mutuae scriptionis conservare studebimus, 
ut speremus utrinque et Ecclesiae et Reipublicae, 
Deo dante, hoc profuturum. Tua Ma^nificentia 
nos serenissimo regi et communem pietatis et lite- 
rarum causam commendare dignetur. Jesus 
Ghristus Magnificentiam tuam diu conservet, et 
lumine suo ilmstret. 

Magnificentiae tuae deditissimus, 

Justus Jonas, Db. 

Datae Wittenburgae, 

4ta die post Fasoharum, 1536. 
(i.e. April 20th, 1536.) 



III. 

Summary of Henry Killigrew's Instructions. (See 

p. 59.; 

Summa eorumquae legatus serenissimae Angliae 
reginae respondent illustrissimo comiti-palatino- 
electori de ipsius ad serenitatem suam postulatis 
pro communi foedere: 



166 APPENDIX. 

Serenissima domina mea reginaperspiciens atque 
praevidens imminentia tempornm pencula et per- 
niciosas atque sanguinarias quorundam machina- 
tiones contra universos omnibus inlocis sacrosancti 
evangelii professores non ante multos annos palam 
intotius orbis conspectu diverse* legavit nuntios 
ad plerosque Germaniae principes, qui religionem 
protessi sunt christianam, quo illis innotesoeret, 
quam utile foret inter omnes protestantes foedus 
publicum et commune, in quibus legationibus licet 
serenitas sua se paratissimam ostendit (honoris, ad 
quern Deus opt. ma. maiestatem suam vocaverat 
ratione habitaj cum consensu et copiis suis, summam 
pro communi omnium caussa, prostare una cum 
Ulis operam, tamen tot tantasque sustulit serenitas 
sua moras et dilationes aplerisque eorum principum, 
aui tunc temporis eandem cum sua maiestate pro- 
ntebantur reiigjionem, ut exinde serenitas sua decre- 
verit, ab omni id genus tractatione deinceps penitus 
abstinere. Verum quandoquidem postea nunerrime 
serenitas sua, hac de re rursus fuerat sollioitata 
per illustrissimum electorem-comitem-palatinum, 
ideo sua serenitas me impraesentiarum hue in 
Germanism misit, non solum ut maiestatis suae hoc 
de negotio consilia communicarem cum praedicto 
electore-palatino caeterisque Grermaniaeprmcipibus, 
sed etiam ut illis significarem, quajn lubenter sua 
serenitas esset auditura omnes, quae propositae 
forent hac in parte rationes et conditiones, quas si 
sua serenitas mveniret oaussae religionis commodas 
et sibi non inidoneas, minime est recusatura. 

Porro autem nisi in hoc foedere comprehendi 
velint illustrissimus Saxoniae elector Augustus nee 
non et praeclarissimi duces Bipontinus, Julius 
Brunswicensis et Wirtenbergensis et iUustrissimi 
Hassiae Landgravii ceterisque praepotentiores in 
istis regionibus primates, atque una cum illis 
civitates aliquot liberae non solum quae superioris 



APPENDIX. 167 

sunt Gformaniae, sed etiam maritimae et Anglioano 
litori vicinae, neutiquam sibi aequum fore foedus 
illud serenitas sua iudicabit. Quod si in hac etiam 
confoederatione haberi vellent potentissimi Daniae 
et Sueciae reges, et nobilissimi Holsatiae daces, 
ato;ue etiam alii magni nominis principes oceano 
ilk confines, tanto magis serenitati suae gratam 
illud foret. 

Cupit etiam sua serenitas, ut foedus hoc solum- 
modo defensiyum sit, videlicet ut bellum non fiat 
nisi in eos, qui manifestissima vi conabuntur ex 
confoederatis aliquem religionis caussa deturbare. 

licet autem satis constat suae serenitati, quot 
quantosque habeat religionis causa inimioos, tamen 
quum serenitatis suae unperium sit ab illis oceano 
undique seclusum et separatum, multo facilius se 
potest sua serenitas defendere cum propria viribus 
et copiis, quam alii principes qui in continenti 
ditiones suae habent hostibus expositas et apertas. 
At^ue hac in. parte cpii ad elapsum tempus paulo 
altius respieiet, facilhme videbit quanta minus cum 
diffioultate pqssit serenitas sua regnum suum hodi- 
erna die tueri (quum in omnibus regionibus sereni- 
tatis suae ciroumvioinis tot reperiuntur nuno millia, 
qui suae maiestati propter religionem favent et bene 
volunt,) quam poterant serenitatis suae, felicissimae 
memoriae, pater Henrious ootavus rex, et Edowar- 
dus sextus frater, quibus licet maximas moverunt 
religionus ergo tragoedias et clanculum et aperte 
pontifex Xtomanus, Carolus quintus, Caesar et 
Galliae reges, oaeterique in ilia tempestate papis- 
ticae factionis principes, satis tamen est manifestum 

§uam valide et integre se suaque regna divino 
eneficio semper conservarint, adeo ut optime 
ooncludi possit, serenitatis suae non admodum 
interesse tale hoc tempore foedus faoere, quod sibi 
oneri et sumptui foret, nisi propter publicam chris- 
tianae religionis defensionem. 



168 APPENDIX. 



IV. 

Credentials of the two Envoys of Queen Elizabeth. 

(Seep. 63.) 

Elisabetha, Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae et 
Hiberniae retina, fidei defensor etc. illustrissimis 
excellentissimis, ampHssimisque principibns 8. r y 
imperii electoribus ac stations consanguineis et 
amiois nostris carissimis salutem et in rebus gerendis 
optatos successus et felicitatis assidua incrementa ! 
Illustrissimi, excellentissimi principes, amici et 
consanguinei nostri carissimi, perlatum nuper est 
ad nos fama multorum, conyentnm s. r. imperii 
certornm principum Francofnrti hoc Aprili mense 
celebratum iri. Quoniam igitur angustiis temporis, 
quod iam nunc appetit, exclusae esse videmur, 
quominus aliquem e nostris istnc cum mandatis 
mitteremus, qui quid esset in hac re certi explora- 
ret et ad nos referret, visum fait, ut duos ex nostris, 
qui in vicinis regionibus a Francofurto prope absunt, 
vestrisExcellentiis in hoc tempore commendaremus. 
Quorum alteram Henricum l£illigrew et probum 
et spectatae in nos fidei servitorem nostrum domes* 
ticum ad Excellentias yestras Comitis Palatini 
consanguinei nobis carissimi legavimus, nee vero 
adhuc ab illis locis excessisse audire potuimus; 
alter vero fidelis et pervetus noster servitor Dr. 
Montius, homo probe notus in Germania et rerum 
usu et doctrina peritus Argentina* commoratur. 
Horum nos igitur et utrique coniunctim et alterutri 
separatim mandavimus, primum ut certum explo- 
rent de conventu, turn siquidem illis certe sit 
futurus possintque hi nostri aut eorum alteruter in 
tempore interesse, de nostra yoluntate yestris ex- 
cellentiis ea generatim significent, quae nobis yestri 
conventus et consilii causam non plane scientibus 



APPENDIX. 169 

sed tamen nonniliil coniectura suspicantibus visa 
fuerint oportuna. Maiorem in modum nos omnes 
rogamus, ut quam fidem et auctoritatem istis nostris 
delaturi essetis, si a nobis et conventum yestrum et 
conventus cansam intelligentibus hoc solum nomine 
missi essent, eandem ilfis aut illorom alteri has 
literas afferenti in nostram gratiam tribuatis. De 
reliquo, uti nos de rerum statu ab illis factae erimus 
certiores, ita Excellentias vestrae, per illos et animi 
et consilii nostri participes pro re nata faciemus. 
Bene valeant Excellentiae vestrae. — Datum ex Regia 
nos tra West monasterii, XII. Aprilis a.D. MDLXIX, 
regni vero nostri undecimo. 

Vestra consanguinea 

Elisabetha E. 

Illustrissimis, ezcellentissimis amplis- 
simisque principibus s. r. imperii electo- 
ribus ac statibus consanguineis et amicis 
nostris clarissimis. 



V. 

Letter of Sir Philip Sidney to the Landgrave 
William of Hesse. ( See p. 88. ) 

IQustrissime Princeps. Ante dies duodecim in- 
cidi Heidelbergae in Iegatos vestrae Celsitudinis, 
quibus dixi, jnini demandata esse quaedam a Sere- 
nissimaAngliae Regina Domina meaClementissima, 
de quibus cum v. Cel. n ® mihi agendum esset. Mihi 
quidem admodum gratum erat, quod se mihi offerret 
huiusmodi occasio colloquendi et contrahendi noti- 
ciam cum v. Cel.** de cuius virtute et prudentia 
plurima ex alijs audivi. Sed cum me ad iter istud 
accingerem, accepi literas a Serenissima Eegina, 
quibus jubet me reditum meum in Angliam accel- 



170 APPENDIX. 



enure. Coactus itaque illud prius meum institutum 
niutare mitto litems ipsius Maiestatis ad yestram 
CeLnem pe r tunc nobilem virum D. Richardum 
Alanrnn suae Ma** de Camera Aulicum. 

Mandate vero, quae ad yestram Celsitudinem 
habui, sunt : Seremssimam Reginam cupidissimam 
esse contrahendi cum vestra Cel. ne vel potius con* 
servandi iam contraotam illam coniunctionem et 
amicitiam, quae ipsius parenti Begi Henrico fbelicis- 
simae memoriae ac etiam ipsius Maiestati interoessit 
cum v. CeL ni « patre praestantissimo Principe, et 
certandi mutuis officijs, ac conferendi consuia de 
ijs, quae ad salutem reipubUoae Christianae per- 
tineant : jjuo possitis conjunctis animas occurrere 
machinationibus pontificis Komani : qui toto oonatu 
incumbit in perniciem eorum, qui ezcusso iugo, 
quod maiorum nostrorum ceryicibus imposuerat, se 
in libertatem yindicarunt, quo Deum pure et sanete 
colore pos8ent ac suae saluti consulere. Ut autem 
id, quod habet in animo Fontifex perficiat, dat 
operam, ut lieges ac principes, qui eius tyrannidi 
sunt adhuc obnixi, coniungat foecLeribus, <mo possint 
coniunotis virib'us nos opprimere, quod videtur ipsis 
tandem non fore difficile, nisi etiam nos coniunxe- 
rimus ad propulsandum iniurias si quas nobis inferre 
conabuntur. Nee sane id nobis quisquam impro- 
bare poterit, cum bonum officium sit, non solum a 
se et suis repellere iniuriam sed etiam suscipere 
defensionem eorum, qui adyersus iniustam vim se 
tueri non possunt. Fontificem autem .id agere ut 
nos omnes perdat, cuivia satis constat ex beUis 
quibus per tot annos ardent regna Galliae et inferior 
Germania. Nam cum nemo ibi sit, qui non suo 
regi esse obsequentissimus, modo ipei Deum pure 
inyooare conoedatur, ita tamen istorum regum 
animos fascinavit pontifex,ut per multos annos omne 
genuB erudelitatis in suos subditos exercuerint, quo 
posBint eius tyrannidem in se et suos stabilire. Nee 



APPENDIX. 171 

sane lene est vulnus, quod his proximis annis inflixit 
Qermaniae reductis stib stiam tyrannidem aliquot 
provinces, quae dudum ab eo defecerant, et purio- 
rem rekgionem erant professae, quo eius successu 
quam arrogantes facti sint ii qui ei sint addicti satis 
audio, conyentus imperij Buperiore aestate Katis- 
bonae peraotus ostenait. Bed haec quae sunt odiosa 
eommemorare desinam eum sint notissima v. Cel. 11 * 
ao etiam de ijs pluribus verbis nuper egerim eum 
Ulustrissimo prinoipe Domino Jonanne Casimiro 
Palatino Rheni atque quern de ijs rebus ad v. Cel- 
situdinem copiose seripsisse aut ■ scripturum non 
dubito. Peto autem a v. Cel. ne , ut haec quae a me 
bono animo dicta sunt, boni eonsulat et dignetur 
ad Ser. ma « Eeginae literas ita respondere, ut mains 
Maiestas ex ea re voluptatem capiat, et intelligat 
y. Cel. n * m praeBtantissimi sui parentis yestigijs con- 
stanter insistere velle. 

Ego y. Oelsitudini ac toti illustnssimae v. familiae 
omnia fausta precor et peto a vestra Oel. M ut sibi 
persuadeat me semper fore cupidissimum ipsi in- 
serriendi quandocunque se eius rei offeret occasio. 
Francofarti ad Moenum, 13° Maij 1577. 

Vestrae Illustrissimae Celsitudinis 
obseryantissimus 

Philippus Sidneius. 

VI.' 

Bequest of Queen Elisabeth to the Elector Palatine 
Ludmg, presented by Daniel Rogers* (Seep, 98.) 

Ulustrissime ao potentissime Princepe 
Domine observandissime. 

Cum Serenissima Eegina Angliae, Domina earn 
clementissima de me in Germamam ablegando ad 
negocia quaedam istio expedienda oogitaret, voluit 



172 APPENDIX. 

at inter alios Grermaniae principes, quos de voluntate 
sua convenirem, restrain Cels. imprimis adirem, ac 
nomine M.* 8 suae compellarem, cum ob familiae 
yestrae eminentissimam dignitatem, turn ad ami- 
citiam illam continuandam et amplificandam, quae 
Serenissimae M. ti suae cum IUustrissimo Heroe 
beatissimae memoriae Domino Friderico Electore 
Gels. Y. parente intercesserit ; quo enim maiori 
affectu Heroem ilium laudatissimum, dum in viyis 
esset, observavit ac prosecuta est, tanto pronior est 
ad amicitiam cum Illustrissimis eius liberis alendam 
et confirmandam. Quare, quemadmodem Ser.™* 
sua M.** adulto yere per D. PhiHppum Sydnaeum 
(quern ad Caes. Ma.* 8 " ablegarat) V . Mn (J.*" 1 salu- 
tavit, ita in praesentiarum ferme eandem C. m V. m 
Uteris et colloquio visere constituit, cui salutationi 
terandae occasionem praebuit 111. 1111 * Celsitudo 
Vestra. Cum enim Ser. 111 * Begina ex praefato 
legato reduce intellexisset, quam bonam in partem 
ea omnia G. V.* aocepisset, ac interpretata fuisset, 
quae de voluntate M.& 8 suae ad tuenaam ooncordiam 
inter Gels. V. m ac Ducem Gasimirum fratrem ille 
proposuisset, in earn cogitationem Serenissinuf 
itegina descendit, ut quemadmodum antea Gels. 01 * 
Y. patri firatissima semper fuere, quae a parte M.* 
suae proneiscerentur, sic et Y. M G. non ingrata 
fatura, quae in posterum aut ex benevolentia sua 
erga Palatinam familiam, aut studio Ghristianam 
Kemp, promovendi, cum Y. Gels, tractatura esset. 

Ex ijs ergo, quae Serenissima Regina meae curae 
ut Gels, yestrae explicarem mandavit, duo tantum 
in praesenti proponam, quorum alterum Gels. Yes- 
tram privatim spectat, alterum communem Reip. 
tranquillitatem respicit. Quod ad prius attinet 
veluti Kalendis Maij ultimo praeteriti, sic nunc 
denuo Gels. 1 * Yestrae amicitiae fraternae cura cum 
Domino DuceCaaimirofouenda, iterumafapie iterum 
commendat. Ac tanto guidem impensiori studio 



APPENDIX. 173 

sua M.** 8 hoc agit, quo maiori affeotu Yestram 
familiam prosequitur. Singulariter enim metuit 
Sua M.M* ne qui liodie ex Pontifioijs et iuratis 
Beligionis Euangelicae hostibus factionibus inter 
Ill. moe Germaniae Proceres serendis student, ne illi 
ijsdem artibus ipsis usitatis Ul. mM Vestras Celsi- 
tudines inter se eommittant. Sic autem statuit, 
banc cLuorum fratrum unanimem ooniunetionem non 
tantrum utilem utrique futuram, sed et neoessariam 
plane, cum ad conservationem Palatinae dignitatis, 
turn ad salutem Christianae Reipubl. perpetuandam, 
quae ex dissidio Celsitudinum Yestrarum pericli- 
taretur, quemadmodum eorundem Concordia ut 
stabiliatur, est exspectandum. Magnum esse audit 
Ser.n* Begina hodie Ducis Casimiri nomen, ut 
quantum Yestra Celsitudo Eleetorali dignitate et 
opibus ad Imperij dignitatem fulciendam valet, 
tantum ille ferme militia peritia eaque quam ex 
eeleberrimis in Galliam expeditionibus reportavit 
gloria posse videatur. Ut igitur Gelsitudinum yes- 
trarum eoniunctio et unio publico et privatim res 
stabiliat unioe, ut ooalesoat et perduret amicitia inter 
tos, exoptat, quae cum hoc tempore Ser. m * Begina 
repetit ex benevolentiae Celsituainis Y. abundantia 
inclinantes easdem ad fraternam amicitiam porr5 
excitat et hortatur. 

^ Alterum autem quod Cels. 1 ^ Yestrae Ulustris- 
simae Serenissima itegina declararem, mandavit, 
tale est, ut yehementer M.*"* suam torserit. In- 
tellexit enim non yulffari cum dolore, esse quos- 
dam per Germaniam Theologos, magis quidem ut 
M.** 8 sua veretur ambitioni et privatis commodis 
studentes, quam charitati Christianae myigilantes, 
qui magnis oonatibus id agunt, ut qunmsdam 
Germaniae Principibus persuadeant, eos, qui in 
Beligionis negocia nullatenus excentis unioi arti- 
culi circumstantijs quibusdam ab ipsis differant, 
non auditos etiam oondemnent, quam praepos- 



174 APPENDIX. 

teram rationem Ser. sua Mtas. non tantum cum 
Christianis institutes pugnare censat, sed temporis 
quoque successu grayius condemnationibus quam 
condemnatoribus (P) praeiudicium allaturum autu- 
mat. Quid enim aliud exspectandum Papae, 
Gallo, Hispano, Pontificijs denique Principibus om- 
nibus, quam ut Euangelicae veritatis assertoribus 
debilitatis, reliquijs ilk insultent, ac simili exemplo 
et iure non auoitos condemnentP Quod si verd 
Lutherani caeteros Euangelicae doctrinae puritatem 
amplectentes ideo condemnandos putant, quod per 
Grermaniam abundent et numero plures sint, ad* 
monet eos Mtas sua, existiment Ecclesias per Gal- 
liam, Belgium, Poloniam, Helvetios sparsas, turn 
illas qui per Angliam et Scotiam florent, suffra- 
giorum multitudine superaturos. Quin ipsi Pon- 
tificios, a quibus iure defecerunt criminati dudum 
sint, quod alios inaudita causa condemnarunt, quoa 
nunc exemplis suis ad idem fulmen in pios omnes 
evibrandum animant et hortantur. Ideo autem 
Serenissima Regina grauius de hoc Theologorum 
institute sentit quod cum multi incommoda hinc 
experturi sint, nulli commoda sint relaturi praeter 
Pontificios communes reformatae religionis nostes, 
qui Lutheranos et Zwinglianos eodem loco habent. 
JTingunt illi quidem pro re nata se Lutheranos in 
jnaioribus delicijs habere, ut has contra Zwinglianos 
(quibus Yocabuks ad has factiones exprimendas uti 
cogimur) incitent ac bello commissos ad ruinam 
utrosaue tanto facilius praecipitent : ao miratur 
sane Ser, mft Begina, si haec pericula Grermaniae 
Principes ac Proceres religionem Euangelicam pro- 
fitentes non videant, cum quotidie Pontificij novas 
artes ineant ac technas cudant, ut Beligionem purio- 
rem eiusque sectatores ducti cunicuus subruant. 
Quae vota si ex animi sententia hostibus non suo- 
cesserunt, nulli hoc solertiae aut prudentdae Prin- 
cipum Germanicorum eandem Beligionem amplec- 



APPENDIX. 175 

tentium est adsoribendum, Bed bellis civilibus, 
(juibus per Galliam et Belgium hostes Eeligionis 
lmpliciti fuere, deinde Turcicis expeditionibus, unde 
eorum conatus & laoessendis Germanis et Anglis 
bello reuocati et impediti fuere. Mains autem peri- 
culum a Pontificiorum initis foederibus, Ecclesijs 
reformatis imminet, quam at neceese sit, intestina 
bella excitare, ac nosmet ipsos mutuis uulneribus 
confectos, hosti deridendos prebere. Nee ignorare 
possunt Germaniae Principes, quas insidias Pon- 
tificij contra eos saepe strnxerint, Ser."" ana Mtas 
saepe illos de foederibus Pontifioijs atque Tridentini 
Concilij in omnes Eeligionis Enangehcae sectatores 
executione admonuit, semperque ipsius M. tia hoc 
fait consilium ut Euangelici Monaroliae atque Pro- 
ceres sua quoque auxUia et consilia mutuo com* 
municarent ad impedienda atrooissima ilia bella 

S^uae postmodum in Gallia et Belgio in pernioiem 
erme Christiani orbis oonseouta sunt, et pariter in 
Germaniam et An^liam machinata fuere, quemad- 
modum ex multis in utramque provinciam machi- 
nationibus excogitatis liquido apparuit : Atque ilia 
quidem consilia non eotantum nomine Serenissima 
sua Mtas proposuit, ut suam dignitatem suaque 
regna inde muniret, quae diuturna et prospera pace 
iustitiae medio stabikta, deinde dementia et benig- 
nitate in omnes, securitate inpaucissimos sua regna 
at dominia sic confirmavit, ut res Angliae multis 
seoulis pari foelicitate vix usae faerint. Adde quod 
yioinas et circumiaoentes regiones suis benefices ita 
sibi devinxerit, ut in utramque aurem, quod dioitur, 
securius dormire possit. Ideo autem foedus pro* 
testantibus meundum consuluit, ut unirersi puram 
Euangelij yeritatem amplectentes contra unpos- 
turas et pontificiorum machinationes munirentur, 
ac singulis praecaveretur. Animadvertit vero S. 
Mtas, ab istius modi foedere Germaniae Principes 



176 APPENDIX. 

torn abhorruisse, fortassis quod conatus Pontificios 
nihil ad se spectare existimarent, vel quod blanditijs 
et technis eonun essent deliniti, otram similibus 
negocijs praetulerint. Bemissius igitur Serenissima 
Begina de hoc foedere cogitare coepit, exitumque 
iinminentium tempestatum Deo Opt: Max: oom- 
mendauit. Quis autem ille fuent, quantumque 
damni ex illis bellis toto Bespubl : Christiana ao- 
ceperit, omnes domi suae perspexisse credit. Omn 
rerb 8erenis8ima Begina de nouis Pontificiorum 
foederibus nuper in Gallijs ac alibi initifl certior 
fieret, non vomit praetermittere quin quos haberet 
in Gennania charos, hortaretur ab hostium com- 
munium conatibus sibi proinde praecaverent. Hoc 
enim cura, qva Beip. Ghristianae et Beligionis sa- 
Intern prosequitur, postulat, mntnaqne Ola bene- 
Yolentia, qnaerga Y. G. alioaqneGermaniae Principes 
fertur, omnino requirit: Petit igitnr Serenissima Be- 
gina ne auod Hispani egressi Belgio sint, ideo nnllas 
Pontificiis arte8 relictas esse ad religionem labefac- 
tandam, arbitrentur ; plurima enim ipsis restant 
media, quibus iacta suorum consiliorum rundamenta 
ad finem (quern Deus avertat), perducere queant. 
Quin imo iam id agunt, ut dissensionibus professores 
purioris religionis involvant, hosque ipsos com- 
mittendo, viam sibi ad omnes opprimendos struant. 

?,uare Ser. Begina ex re, Ulustrissimos G-ermaniae 
roceres facturos existimat, si communis charitatis 
tuendae maiorem rationem nabeant, quam ambitiosa 
quorundam Theologorum consilia sequendo extra- 
ordinaria, ordinarijs neglectis, remedia in Ecclesias 
reformatiores inferant. Nimis enim hoc insolens 
est, cumque Christiana charitate valde pugnat, ut 
qui eandem puritatem religionis amplectuntur, 
fratres suos nee auditos condemnent. Maiorem 
autem in modum modestiam eorum Principum 
celebrat, qui Confessioni Augustanae subscribentes 



APPENDIX. 177 

cum ab alijs dissentirent Non Probare so ilia vel 
ilia adiecerunt : oondemnandi vooabulum tantum in 
gravissimifl erroribus usurpantes : Nihil autem con- 
sultius Serenissima sua Mtas. iudicat, ad concor- 
diam inter reformatae religionis professores stabili* 
endam atque christianam charitatem muniendam, 
quam si cticti Principes sedulb caveant et pros- 
piciant, ne subditi eorum quicunque illi tandem Bint, 
vel oonoionando vel soribendo, yel libros dissemi- 
nando lites ullas ob ea religionis capita, quae in 
reformatis Ecclesijs aliquot lam annos controversa 
mansere aut moveant aut raota foveant, quin potius 
istiusmodi singula ad synodi oonvocationem reuoiant 
et difFerant, qua ocoasione amice discentari et oom- 
poni dissidia queant, qui dictas Ecclesias hactenus 
rovoluorunt, ne Euangelicae veritatis professores 
faotionibus (ut supra monui) divisi, Pontificije com- 
munibus puriorum Eccleaiarum hoatibus ocoasionem 
praebeant reformatiorem doctrinam facilius cum 
conuellendi et opprimendi, turn Idololatriam suam 
confirmandi et propaganda Quae ut rite peragantur 
singularem moderationcm adnibere oonuenit, quam 
cum Serenissima Aeginaex ^rayissimorum virorum 
relatu inter alia decora, lllustrissimae familiae 
Palatinae peculiarem et quasi propriam inesse 
audierit, imprimis V. m C. oblestatur ut omni studio 
in hano oonoordiam stabiliendam incumbat, oper- 
amque dare dignetur, ut si qui sint Germaniae 
Principes a yehementioribus nempe Theologis per- 
suasi qui in banc condemnationis formam de qua 
dictum est, inolinent, Yestrae Cels : moderatione 
sua apud hoe interoedai, ne fratres non auditos 
condemnando pernieiosum Ecolesiae Dei exemplum 
ad posteritatem transmittal 

Alia porro sunt, quae antequam ex Germania 
disoedam V.»« C. nomine M.* 1 * Serenissimae pro* 
ponenda mibi erunt, quorum nomine deinoeps 
accesauro ad Cels: V: ut facilius aditus mini 



178 APPENDIX. 

coneedatur Serenifwriiwa sua Mtas V Celsitudinem 
etiam atque etiam rogat. 

Daniel Sogers a Serenissima Regina 
>ngHi^ ad IUufltrissiinam Vestram 
Celaitud: ablegatus. 

VII. 

From a Letter by the Landgrave William to Queen 
Elisabeth. (Seep. 102.) 

Thermifl Empsensibus XVI. die Septembris a. 
1577: Cum vero confoederatio de qua nobiscum 
S. Y. M. agit, sit res maximi momenti et eiusmodi, 
at de ea nihil constituere possimus sine consilio 
fratrum nostrorom et aliorum prmcipum, quibus 
nostra familia antiquis quidem foederious est oon- 
iuncta, obnixe petimus a. S. Y. M., ne aegre ferat* 
quod suae exspectationi iam satisfacere non possi- 
mus. Non desistemus tamen omni via et ratione 
hanc rem tarn utilem et necessariam apud fratres et 
amicos nostras agere etc. 

VIII. 

Letter of Daniel Rogers to the Landgrave WUUam. 

(Seep. 103.) 

8. P. Postquam, illustrissime princeps, thermis 
Empsensibus relictis, a Yestra Celsitudine Fran* 
corartum rediissem, nihil mini tarn curae fait, qaam 
at prima qoaqae oocasione, quae apad Yestram 
Cels. nomine serenissimae regmae instituissem, ad 
suam Maiestatem perscriberem. Praeterquam 
enim, quod hoc mei moneris esset, eonsilii eius, 
quod Cels. Yestra mecum communicavit, magnitudo 



APPENDIX. 179 

id suo merito postulabat. Quam propenso autem 
studio sua Maiestas in earn partem inclinet, ad 
quam Yestra Cels. adhortabatur, Tel hinc Vestra 
Oels. collegerit, quod antequam sua Maiestas Cel- 
situdinis vestrae consilium posset cognoscere, D. 
Robertum Belum eo ipso nomine ablegandum in 
GKermaniam exisidmaret. Gum enim tna serenis- 
sima regina nihi expedienda demandasset, quorum 
primum cum prinoipe Aurasino conficiendum erat, 
alteram foedus illud concerneret, de quo consilium 
Gelsitudinis Vestrae Maiestas sua scire percupiit, 
tertium vero apud illustrissimum ducem Casimirum 
peragi debuit: priori negotio expedite, pro sua 

Sradentia Maiestas sua facile consiaerayit, alteram 
lud de f oedere ad exspectatum finem perduoi non 
posse, nisi boo tumultuosoram theologorum, gui 
fratres suos condemnare festinant, stadium pnus 
impediretur, de quo post meum a Maiestate sua 
disoessum, primum admonebatur. Cumque tertium, 
quod mini restabat, eius momenti esset, ut totum 
nominem oocuparet ac requireret, consultum esse 
existimavit, aBum in Germaniam ablegare, qui 
imminens illud a theologis quibusdam periculum 
Maiestatis suae interoessione ac auctoritate 
averteret. 

IX. 

Letter from Queen Elisabeth to the Landgrave 
William. {See p. 108.) 

ELISABSTHA Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et 
Hiberniae Regina, fidei defensor etc. IUustrissimo 
Principi ac Domino D. Wilhelmo Hassiae Land- 
grauio, Comiti in Catzenelbogen, Dietz, Zigenhain 
et Nidda, consanguineo et compatri nostro charis- 
simo etc. salutem et rerum prosperarum foelioissimos 
successus! HI/* Prinoeps et Consanguinee cha- 

k 2 



180 APPENDIX. 

ris8ime ! Superioribus noetris, et nuncio et Uteris, 
id egimus, ut animi nostri propensionem ad ea 
promovenda vobis signincaremus, quae yobis antea 
curae erant et perpetao fore locupletissimis testibus 
consignastis. Hie noster famulus Robertas Betas, 
8ecretioris et sanctioris consilii nostri secretariorum 
alter, quern in praesentiarum ad yos mittimus, 
curam et sollicitadinem nostram, de vitae hono- 
rumque yestrorum bono anxiam testincabitur. 
Quae eo nos apprimit celerius et pene conficit, quo 
yidemus varias et multiplices communis Christiani 
nominis hostis insidias aut non anima4verti a 
nostris, aut incogitantius contemni, quam pro noa- 
trorum temporum malo, et periculorum tempesta- 
tibus, quae orbi Christiano imminent, par est aut 
esse queat. Habent hostes nostri crebra sua con- 
silia, oonspirationes ineunt solennes ad nos oppiri- 
mendos, easdemque sacris snjs sanciunt et resanciunt 
in horas, in momenta; nos interea, quasi optima 
nobis vellent, et non damnosa, saJutem et non 
interitum, segnescimus, singuli nostra curamus, 
imo vero parati sumus gladios nostros in viscera 
nostra stnngere, quo facuius patefaciamus viam im- 
potenti hosti oppnmendi nos. Hue enim pertinebit 
Synodus, quae mstituetur Magdeburgi, (uti ad nos 
adfertur) ni male* ominamur, cjuam ut omnino aut 
rescindi curetis, ut tempori lncommodam, vel in 
aliud tempus proferri, tanquam rebus nostris 
afflietis damnosam, etiam atque etiam exceltentiam 
tuam rogamus. Si quisquam enim nostrum sit, 
qui non intelligit, cbBcordes nostras yoluntates 
ruinam parituras ecelesiae Christi et Eyangelio, 
inspiciat pontinciorum decreta, videat et perpendat 
Bomanensium stadia, ecquid chariorem nabent 
Augustanam confessionem, quam aliam quamoun- 
que, iam videbit senatusconsulta gravissima in 
utrosque sententiam magni Antichnsti hanc esse, 
toilendum esse utrumaue nostrum. Haee si non 



APPENDIX. 181 

Acta sunt, videte annon sit nobis expergiscendum, 
ne non incauti sed inepti opprimamur, videamus, 
fueritne ex re EuangeKj ut dexteras iungamus con- 
tra Pontificibs ; yob si utile putaveritis, nos non 
erimus defuturae. Id si non ulacuerit, singuli sua 
mala patiamur, ut enim salvi stemus, fieri non 
potest j nos autem non inter primos rnituras nos 
speramus, quia remotiores ab igne snmus, malumus 
tamen cum vobis omnibus salvae permanere, quam 
procellae finem sustinere. Hoc si consilium nos- 
trum non videbitur prorsus negligendum, rogamus, 
commnnicet ex.* vr. a consilia sua cum fideli et nobis 
charo praesenti famulo nostro, cum ea fide et 
benevolentia, quo nobiscum dignaremini conferee 
sermones, sed ita tamen ut charissimam vestram 
coniugem nlurimum nobis dilectam, et filiolam 
nostram unice nobis cbaram nullo modo insaJutatas, 
et quibusroluimus offioijs inhonoratas praetermittat. 
Quas taato proseqtrimur amore et studio, quanto 
cdniunctissimam nobis Principem possumus, et 
xnatrem debere filiam "Vra. exa. nonignorat. Quae 
ut nobis eura* sunt, ita diligentius vobis common* 
damuB, id ex.** rr. M fidei imungentes, ut prae pro- 
curanda et tutanda a nobis accipitis, eorum diligen- 
tissimam ratfonem semper habeatis, eadem sarta 
tecta restittitsfi, quando a vobis repetemus. Bene 
et foeliciter valeae. Datum e Begia nostra Bicho- 
mondiae 21. die Augusti Ano. domini 1677 Eegni 
vero aoetri 19. 

Vestra Amantissima Cognataque 
EHzabeth B. 

X. 

Letter from Queen Elizabeth to Augustus, Elector 
of Saxony, {deferred to at p. 112.) 

ELIZABETHA AngEae, Franciae et Hyberaiae 
Begins, fidei Defensor etc. Ulustrissimo Principi 



182 



D. Auguato, Duci ac Electori Saxoniae, Marchioni 
Mianiae, Landgrauio Thuringiae, aacri Imperij 
Romani Archimariscalco, Conaanguineo nostro 
charissimo salutem et rerum prosperarum foelices 
successus. Hlustrissime Frinceps et conaanguinee 
chariasime, Quotiea de foelici rerum veatrarum 
statu co^itamua (cogitamus autem saepissime) toties 
et studh erga yob noatri monemur, et quantum in 
nobis est, us eaedem res vestrae florentes per- 
maneant, pro nostro in roe amore, ut operant demus, 
gravissimis de cauaia pennovemur. Non enim ig- 
narea sumus, <juam rnvitae yjdemus infortunium 
vel abiectiaaimi cuiuavia hominis, quoniam homo 
natae aumua, princijram vero eorumque Christian- 
orum afflictae res ita nos angunt imminentes, at 
labantes et ruentes aegerrime laturas nos certiaaime 
nobis perauadeamua. 

Quod autem aalui adhuc atatia, summi Dei mi- 

serentis infinita dementia est, hostes fidei publicae 

iam aublatos et exatinctos yob voluiaae, non est in- 

certum. Keque vero id voluiaae solum, sed velle 

dicendum est, praeaertim in ijs, quorum animi non 

deaierunt, sed.in dies singulos progredinntur eaedem 

et sanguinem yestrum spirare, nulla re alia, quant 

mnocentiaaimorum JPrincipum Dei yeritatem in 

Euangelio profitentium sanguine aatiandi. Ad earn 

rem efficiendam, post omnes inaidiarum et perfidiae 

modos tentatos, nullum faciliorem inyenrant, qumm 

ut nos inter nos eommittant, discordes animorum 

nostrorum senaua, in quibusdam rebus leuioribua 

ad maiores inimicitias efficiendo ut erumpant, iffi 

rnterea invictissiniis inter se iinimis, nescimus quot 

oU%£? f Pe P etiti « foederibus confirmati, nostram 

c«?£?*t ruinam nostris inter nos dissidiis adiuti, 

oW^ * ct l mul ^t. Id vero quomodo? Tide, 

nS^™:,^ enillm Berpentis. Eat in magno 

le^T lSSF* J^' ** *¥**&, Auguatana Oonfessio, 
leges hab ent j^^ mto u % KllIII gbendam, 



APPENDIX. 183 

praeter Pontificiam. Quam rem ille libenter par- 
titur, hoc autem obtendit : Nova alia suborta est, 
quae multos motus concitavit in Imperio, quae nisi 
exterminetur, actum est de pace et quiete lmperij. 
Videt Excellentia yestra, quorsum isti laquei ten- 
dunt et tenduntur, scilicet, ut yestris sententijs 
(eiectis et condemnatis alijs) in earn quae hodie 
Augustana et revera Augusta est, liberius Fontificij 
saeyiant. Quid ergo P Uelebretur conuentus Mag- 
deburgi, in eo decernatur de rei summa, cuius 
oonsilij decretis qui non steterit, exul ex Imperio, 
exul ex Ecclesia, exul a fide fiat : quibus nuaatus 
praesidijs obiiciatur libidini inimioi nominis. Quid 
inde P qui corpus suum uno pede privat, deterius in 
acie consistit. Huic malo in tempore medendum 
eat. Morbus cum praevaluerit, et radioes in cor- 
pore egerit, vel sanatur nunquam vel mira difficul- 
tate, et maximo cum dolore idque non sincere 
ouratur. Una ratio nobis videtur promptissuna, ut 
comitia iflta omnino abrumpantur propter iniqui- 
tatem temporum, quae saniora consilia desiderant. 
Id si a nobis ooncedi vobis non vult saltern reiici- 
antur in aliud tempus, qu6 et nos quoaue, quae 
membrum sumus eiusdem Ecclesiae, cuius et nos 
Deputatos nostros eo mittamus, qui, quae Reipubl. 
Cbristianae fausta et foelioia futura sunt, in com- 
mune conferant : Ne non permissae causam nostram 
in consesau vesfcro dicere de iniuria longe maxima 
nobis illata conqueri cogamur, yestris sententijs 
condemnatae. Quam autem yiam tenendam pu- 
tabitis, si dignabimini cum hoc famulo nostro 
Boberto Belo in sanction et secretion nostro Con- 
8ilio Secretariore altero, multum nobis fido et 
charo consilia yestra conferre, quid nos animi 
habemus, Vestrae Excellentissimae pluribus verbis 
palam faciet. Cui propterea ut earn fid em adbi- 
beatis, quam nobis ipsis adhiberetis, Vestram 
Ex«un impensissime rogamus. Bene et feliciter 



184 APPENDIX. 

valeas. Datum e Segia nostra Kichmondiae 21 <fie 
Augusti A.D. 1577 Hegni vero nostri Decimo notto. 

Vestra Amantissima Cognataque 

EUZABETHA E. 

[translation,] 

JFVom Queen Elizabeth to the Elector Augustus 

of Saxony. 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, France and 
Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Ac., to the IUus* 
trious Prince, The Lord Augustus, Duke and 
Elector of Saxony, Marquis of Misma, Landgrave 
of Thuringia, Chief Marshal Of the holy Soman 
empire, our very dear cousin, greeting, and the 
happy success of prosperous affairs. Meet Illustri- 
ous Prince, and our very dear cousin, as often as we 
think of the happy state of your affairs (and we 
think of them very often), we are reminded of our 
zeal for you, and moved by very weighty causes 
for our love toward you, to do our endeavour, as 
as far as in us lies, that your affairs may continue 
to flourish. For we certainly see very unwillingly, 
the misfortune of the most abject, for we are our- 
selves human, but the imminent afflictions of Christ* 
iin princes so trouble us, that we could ill bear the 
decay or ruin of their estate. Your continued 
safety is due to the infinite kindness of the su- 
preme and merciful God, tat assuredly the enemies 
of public faith have already wished your ruin and 
destruction. They not only have wished, but do 
wish it, specially those who have not ceased, but 
every day go on to pant for your slaughter and 
blood, only m order to satiate themselves with the 
blood of most innocent princes who profess the 
truth of God in the Gospel. For doing this, alter 
trying every means of treachery and perfidy, they 



APPENDIX, 185 

discover no easier way than provoking enmity 
among us, and striving that our different opinions 
on some minor matters may break out into greater 
enmity. Meantime, they m concord, strengthened 
by we know not how many solemn and repeated 
alliances, and aided by our divisions, bring upon us 
ruin and destruction. And why so P Mark the 
craft of the serpent- The Augsburg Confession is 
deservedly in great esteem among you, and the 
laws of the empire permit no other except the Papal. 
He takes his portion willingly, but insinuate* this •. 
another new one has sprung up, whieh has caused 
many commotions in the empire, and except it be* 
suppressed, there is an end to peace! and quiet* 
Your Excellency sees the object of these snares, 
that through your decisions (others being rejected 
and condemned), the Papists may rage the more 
freely against what is now Augustan* and truly 
august. What then P Let a convention be held at 
Magdeburg ; there let the whole affair be decided, 
and let him that will not abide by the decisions of 
the conference be cast out of the empire, the 
church, and the faith. By making known such 
measures the lust of the enemy may be resisted. 
What thenP He who deprives his body of a foot, 
makes the worse stand in fight. This evil must be 
cured in time. When a disease has prevailed, and 
struck its roots into the body, it is either never 
healed, or with wonderful difficulty, and then the 
cure is painful and imperfect. One course seems 
very plain : that those meetings should be wholly 
broken off, owing to the disorder of our times, 
which require more wholesome counsels. If you do 
not concede this, let them be at least postponed ; 
and then we too, who are a member of the same 



•TtMAofrtorrOoitfMrioiriiinlAtiaesHai Aufmtcma. 



186. APPENDIX. 

church with you, will send our legates thither to 
confer in common about that which is to the profit 
and advantage of the Christian Commonwealth*. 
Let us not, without permission to plead our cause*, 
in your assembly, be driven to complain of by far 
the greatest wrong vet done to us, that by your 
decisions we are condemned* 

But if you will state what way you think ought 
to be followed, to this our Servant, Robert BeaLe, 
one of the Secretaries of our more privy and 
solemn council, he will more fully explain to your 
Excellency what our opinions are. We therefore 
earnestly entreat your Excellency to have the 
same confidence in aim as you have in us. Fare ye 
well and happily. 

Given from our palace at Richmond, August 21st, 
A.D. 1677, the 19th of our reign. 

Your very dear cousin, 

Elizabeth B. 

XI. 

William of Hesse, to Queen Elizabeth; delivered to 
Mr, Robert Beale on hie departure from Cassel, 
December 26, 1677. (Seep.lU.) 

RESPONSUM. 

UlustriBsimi Principis Wilhelmj Hassiae Landgrauij 
ad Serenissimam Angliae Reginam Traditum 
Serenissimae Maiestatis suae Legato D. Roberto 
Belo. 

Quae SerenisBimae Reginae Anglian nomine et 
ex mandato eiusdem Legatus et Orator Regius 
Robert™ Belus, IUustrissuno Princmi ac Domino, 
D. Wilhelmo Landmuio Hassiae, Comiti in Cat- 
jsenelnbogen, Dietz, Ziegenhain et Nidda et erudita 



APPENDIX. 187 

et eleganti exposuit oratione, ea omnia non modo 
aninrnm vere Belgium et in Beligione constantis- 
simum sed et pacis et quietis, pubiicae studiosissi- 
mum pergrata recordatione testantur. Adeoque 
etiam non apud praesens tantum seculum, sed et 
omnem posteritatem egregiam sane laudem at aeter- 
nam promerentur memonam. 

Et cum imprimis Serenissima Begina Celsitudini 
suae ostenderit, quam sollicita de eius integra fuerit 
valetndine, rerumque omnium successu urospero : 
pro eo quidem eas quas debet et potest Maiestati 
suae agit gratias maximas. Et faxit largitor ille 
munerum et omnis retributionis fons largissimns 
Dens Opt. Max. ut ex adverso Begiae suae Maie- 
stati, omnia et fausta et auspioata ita eveniant, ut 
in salutem rei Ghristianae in aeternam aquilae se- 
nectam quam florentissimam inoolumis conservetur. 

Quod vero ad primum Legationis caput attinet, 
in quo Serenissima Begina pro ingenij sui dexteri- 
tate et animi candoxe in Bemp. et Belipionem 
Christianam Celsitudinem suam una cum alijs Ger- 
maniae Principibus Augustanam profitentibus Con- 
fessionem eruditissimis sane nrmissimisque Argu- 
mentis et rationibus in unum quasi collectis fasoi- 
culum pio praemonet et hortatur affectu, ne in nova 
ilia attentata Beligionis formula Ecclesias externa* 
in plerisque Beligionis Ghristianae articulis fidem et 
salutem nostram concernentibus nobiscum consen- 
tientes, condemnationis anathemate feriripatiamur, 
sed vel eandem penitus formulam suppnmi, rel si 
neeessitas earn in publicum edi postulat, receptas 
hactenus et in Ecolesia et Augustana confessione 
eiusdemque adiuncta Apologia usitatas et phrases 
et formulas retineri curemus, ne inde turbationum 
et distractionum tarn yirium quam animorum oocasio 
oriatur, unde medicinam postulare oportebat. Non 
equidem diffitefcur Princeps Illnstrissimus quorun- 
dam irrequietorum in Gtermania nostra ingeniorum 



188 APPENDIX. 

ranm potiiis et commodum et honorem quam Eccle- 
siae utilitatem querentium, etopera et studio, in qui- 
basdam fidei Christiana© articulis dissensionum se- 
mina iacta esse : quae temporis denique progressti 
eo etiam suppnlurarunt, ut Ecclesiae Augustanum 
profitentes confessionem ex eo non parum fuerint 
turbatae : ac proinde etiam aliquorum Geraaniae 
Principum consili* factum esse; ut pro infringendia 
Fontimeiorum cafainnijs, qnibus Ecciesias, Augusta* 
nam confessionem seetantes, dissensionum praeiu- 
dieio praegrauanf , aliquot et paeis et quietfs pub- 
lieae amantes, et rerum peritos Theologos convoca- 
rint, ijsdemque concordi* formulam, non quidem ab 
Au£ustana confessione dissentientem, sea eandem 
potidsf in controuersis Religion!* articulis' deelarttn- 
tem et rerum eiusdem et inteUectum et Sensum* ex- 
plieantem conscribere 1 mandarmt, idftue eo netissiy 
mum consilio, ut exinde potiterftati de unanimi re- 
ligionis eonsensu intdr Aagustanae confesaionis et 
Frincipes et status ed Kquidiud eonstare possit. 

Quae res sane, trt Frmcipum eandem eonfessio* 
nem profitentium offieium maxim© speetat, Hs et 
Deo et Ecclesiae, non modb neeessariaan sed et im- 
primis profieuam et utilent faturam esse, quin Be- 
gina 8ereniseimi&, pro- ingenii sui dexteritate, intel- 
liget, nihil equidem dubitat Rrinceps IUustrissimus : 
modo salutares res ipsa sdrtiat«r enentus, et eom- 
mumbus aHorum et Principum et Theologorum, 
quorum et consensus et aatnorita* ear in re iam 
nwne requiritur, votiff approbetor. 

Et cum eadem ethrm Concordiae et ctottsemsus 
fomula Celsitudinisuae a praememoratB Crermaniae 
rawrpibus faerit transtmssaV eiusdemque degnpe* 
ltfdieium requisitum : non potest eqteidem non con* 
sttentk teste Celsitttdo sua fateri, etsi re cum 
rheologis suis deliberata, pleraque ReKgionfe capita 
cam Augustana confessione eonsentientia ofenderit, 
w**! tuque adeo Cefeitudiaem swam remoratume«ee, 



APPENDIX. 189 

quam quod Eoclesias ab Augustana ponfessione in 
Articuio ooenae aliqua ex parte dissentientes oon- 
demnationis Anathexnate peti animadvertit, quod et 
ipsum Celfl. auae causae fu.it, ut ferine eorundem et 
periculorum et mcommodoruxn, quae et Serenissima 
Begina pro ingenij sui sagacitate ex altissima quasi 
specula prospioit, nrinoipes illos, quorum oonsilio 
formula ilia consonpta rait, admonuerit : subnixe 
interim et quam offioiosiasime deprecata, ne istius- 
modi oondemnationibus eorum et animi et vires, 
qui alias in omnibus £dei artioulis salutexn oonoer- 
nentibus inter se oonsentiant, in pernioiem et Eo- 
clesiae et reipublieae dUtrahantur, et maiora inde 
capitibus nostris accersantur mala, quibus deinde 
medicaid non possumus, id quod procul dubio ex 
eo etiam futurum prospicit Frinoeps iUustrissimus, 
quod et predecessorum et suorum et aliorum Prin- 
cipum fundamenta, quibus in reprobandis Pontifioio- 
rum tanquam communium ^ostium conciliabulis, 
praesertim vero Tridentini ooncijij peoretis, usi sunt, 
in eo quod pars in partem contra omnia tarn di- 
vina quam humana iura sibi arrqgat, et oognitipnem 
et iudicium non sine magna et levitatis et ipoon- 
stantiac nota nedum Beligionis nostrae panculo, 
labefactari, neque labefactari tantum sed et ex ad- 
verso eorundem adyersariorum communing! anathe- 
mata in veram Beligionem Christianam stabiliri et 
confirmari animadverterit : quippe cum nemini non 
notum sit, quod ilia ipsa anathemata non modo 
cum aliquali causae cognitione sed et ab alijs qui 
de suocessione in Ecolesia gloriantur, profecta, et 
praetorea etiam et patrum et conciliorum authprv 
tate quodammodo munita esse velint : quod equi4em 
in quantum Ecclesiae perniciem sit redundaturum 
ut quivis non plane stupidus et rerum imperitus 
facile animadvertit : Ita et si receptae in Augustana 
confeasione phrases re^ineantur, precaveri ea ipsa et 
mala et pericula posse Cels. sua non imprudenter 



190 APPENDIX. 

Ulustriflsimi Cela. suae parentis foeliois, ac piae me- 
moriae exemplo eat arbitrata. 

Quam enim is ipse non modo in oolloquio Mar- 
bureensi sed et in plerisque Imperij concilijs et 

Snbucia et privatis Augustanam eonfeasionem pre- 
tention! Krincipum conuentibus id genus oondem- 
nationis in extents nobiaeum in reliquia fidei 
articulia consentientes Ecclesias arerterit, dia- 
suaserit, amouerit, id turn acta publics turn priyata 
perquam liquido teatantur : Nee ignorat Cel. sua, 

Sianta et duigentia et studio biduum ante obitum 
em et Celsitudini suae pro sua in Beligionem et 
observantia et pronenso studio perquam paterne in- 
iunxerit et demandant, quam equidem monitionem, 
cum patris vestigia secutus Ilhistriasimus Frinceps 
in recenti adhuo teneat memoria, nee ullo unquam 
tempore eandem elabi sit passura : etsi facile in- 
telbgit Serennissima Begina ; nulla prorsus apud 
Celfl. suam, earn rem ad quam alioqui sua natura 
propendet, et quam sui officij imprimus esse novit, 
opus fuiise exhortatione, non potuit tamen non 
Celfl. suae Legatio ilia esse longe gratissima turn 
quod a tanta Begina profecta turn vero quod et 
causa per se sit talis, quae et tranquillitatem pub- 
licam et religionem nostram vere Cnristianam con- 
cernit : quorum omnium Maiestatem suam Begiam 
studiosissimam et fayentissimam esse summa cum 
animi admiratione et Voluptate animadvertit : Et 
si (jua in re suo vel fayore vel studio illustrissimus 
princeps causam ipsam in utilitatem Ecclesiae et 
salutem Beip. iuuare poterit, in eo officio suo nun- 
quam est deraturus : id quod Begiasua Maiestas ut 
persuasissimum de se habeat, ea qua debet et potest 
observantia reyerenter petit. 

Suod vero ad alteram Legationis caput de 
ere inter Serenissimam Beginam et Augustanae 
confessionis Principes defensionis ergo ineundo 
attinet, nihil equidem ambigit Frinceps Ulua- 



APPENDIX. 191 

•trifltimus, quin Serenissima Regina 6z internuncio 
suo Daniele Bogerio, . Oelsitudinis suae, ea de re 
animum satis superque intellezerit: Et cum rationes 
in earn rem id temporis adductae, adhuo hodie sub- 
siatant, neque haotenus ob temporis angustiam 
illusfcrisflimorum et fratrum et oonfoederatorum 
Principum et voluntatem et mentem reseiBcere 
potuent, id saltern Mtem. S. R.*" 1 quam obnizis- 
•tme obtestatam vult, sese hac in re ezeusatum 
habere yelit, id interim sibi persuasum habens, 
quioquid ea in re oommuni omnium Principum voto 
statutum fuerit, in eo sese non defuturum officio, 
lit nee alias intermittet, pro re nata Reg. M suae M. 
seoundoe snfflando ventos earn praestare et fidem et 
operam, quae amioum vere fidelem decent, et quam 
eandem etiam a Regia sua Maiestate ezspeotaf. 

Et haec sunt, quae Regio Legato Celsitudo sua 
ad Serenissimae Heginae postulata responderenuno 
libuit : obnize rogans, ut eadem Serrnissimae Re- 
ginae Celsitudinis suae nomine deferat, sese*que 
eidem quam obsequiosissime commendet. 

Signatum Cassellis 26, Decembris 1577. 

Wilhelmus Hassiae Landgrauius. 

XII. 

Augustus of Saxony to Queen Elizabeth ; delivered 
to Mr. Beale, November 8, 1577. (Seep. 122.) 

EBSPONSTTM. 

Quod ad manrtata Baraniaaimaa m Potantlaaimaa Prinoipia ae 
Dominaa Doninaa Eliaabataa, AngUaa, Tranoiaa at Hyberniaa 
Kagtnaa, defenaaria fldei, dominaa nostra© olemantiaaUnaa 
par aeranttatta aina Ragiae Lagatam, dominum Robartura 
Belxun axpoaiU, lUttatrlaaimna prtnoapa ao dominua Aoguatua, 
dux texoniia Saori Roman! Imparl) AraUmaraaoaloaa at 
Elector, Landgravtaa Thoringiaa, Marohlo Miantaa at Burg- 
grauina MagdaDurganala dadlt at aorlpto oomprahandi iuaait. 

Cuiusmodi Bint mandata Serenissimae et Poten- 
tissimae Prinoipis ao Dominae, dominae Elisabetae 



190 APPENDIX. 

Angliae, Franeiae, Hyberniae Beginae Defenaoris 
fidS, dominae nostra* cleBientissimae, quae Ciaria- 
simo et Ornatissimo viro, domino Boberto Beta, 
Serenitati suae Begiae a Seoretis et legato dignia- 
simo ad jllustrissimum priacil>em ac dominum, do- 
ininum Augustum ducemSaxoniae, SacriBomani Im- 
perii Arekunareacaleum et Electorem, Landgrauium 
Ttturiugifte, Mawmionem 3£isnjae et Burggrauium 
l&AgdJrfwg^sem, dominum nostrum elementissi- 
nram perferenda dedit, IUustriasima Excelsita* eiu* 
probe intellect. Et quamuis excusatio ilia, qua S.** 
Begia <Je omiaso haotenus uterarum et le^atjonum 
officio ad Excelaitatem eiu* utitur, minima estjt 
neeessaria : tamen quia cum aiagularia cuiuadam 
benevolentiae et humanitatis signiiicatione est ooa* 
iunpta, non potest non exeelsitati eius ease gratia* 
sima. Ac licet Illustriasimus Saxoniae dux Elector 
de Braeclara Serenitatis eius Begiae voluntate erg* 
•a plane non dubitet : tamen more magis suo, quam 
quod res ipsa postulare videatur, etiam atque etiam 
officiose rogat» ut Serenitas eius Begia egregium 
huno erga se ft^im^] " perpetu6 retineat, sibique 
certo persuadeat, nihil unquam praetermiasuram 
ease Excelaitatem eius, quod vel ad amicitiam, quae 
potentissimo Angliarum Begno cum familia Saxo- 
nica multis retro annis interoessit, porro etiam 
tuendam et conaervandam, vol ad Eeclesiae ac Beip : 
Christianae incrementum et aalutem promovendam 
conducere poterit. 

Gumque Sereniasima Angliarum Begina in ija, 
quae per Dominum Legatum oratione eleganti ex- 
pom eurauit, multa in religionis negocio fideliter et 
amanter moneat, quae ad amoliendum uiolenta con- 
•ilia adueraariorum et Euangelicae puritatis hostium 
non parum profutnrae yidentur, non potest non 
Ulustriasimae Exeelsitati eius fidele et vere Begium 
boo stadium probari, neque dubium est, aiouxdem 
Serenitas eius Begia recte edoeta fuerit de ijs, quae 



APPENDIX. 193 

pari oura et aollicitudine hoc tempore aguntur a 
Qermania Proceribus, qui Auguatanae Oonfeasioni 
nomen dederunt, quin pro insisni aeqnitate, pruden- 
tia et pietate sua, mitms ait de tota hao re iudica- 
tura, et non reprehenaura eaa rationea, quae pro 
eonaervanda puntate doetrinae coeleatis et ad pnn- 
cipum huie addiotorum animos inter ae mmnhm 
Teritatia profeaaione oonglutinandos facimit. 

Nam quod S.** eiua Begia ex inoertia, ut ap- 
parent, indicijs veretur initium harum traotationum 
a teehnia Pontifioija profeetum ease, idque nunc in 
Gtarmania agi, ut noua quaedam 4 Confeaaionia 
Auguatanae aenau aliena dogmata cudantur, hoc 
profeeto longe alitor ae habet. Ae notum quidem 
eat tmiverso orbi ohriatiano : Cum primum praepo* 
tenti Deo, pro immenaa erga genua numanum miae- 
rioordia sua visum esset, ut veritatis suae lueem 
inter denaiaaimaa Pontificiorum errorum tenebraa 
exoitaret : et a Principibus pietatia Chriatianae stu- 
diosifl divo Carolo quinto lmperatori in comitijs 
Augustania Anno Sanatoria nati milleaimo quingen- 
teauao et trigeaimo exhibita eaaet aumma doetrinae 
coeleatis, hano deinoepa in Eoclesijs puritatem Euan- 

Selioam profitentibus inatar Symboli euiuadam eo- 
em plane aenau quo tradita fuerat, nabitam fuiase, 
donee post obitum Yiri Dei Martini Lutheri piae 
memoriae, quidam male feriati hominea scripta et 
dicta quorundam priyatorum auggillarent, ne bene 
meritis etdam de genere humano Scholia parcerent, 
ae libria in uulgua editia, perniciosaa etpericuloeaa 
contentionea aererent : in quibua alij alios de cor- 
ruptelia aanae doetrinae accuaarent: ao stadium 
contentionia eousque progrederetur, ut non modo 
noua et inaudita antea factionum vocabula nasoe- 
rentur, sed et Principum animi boo quasi diasen- 
aionum graasantium oontagio infecti diaiungerentur: 
Pontificijs interim, veritatis hoatibus, quod in his 
tantia turbia omnium luctuoaiaaimum erat,laetiaaimo 



rot 



will* 

(Blip- . wUltimtt—lt 




ovsiaiMff: armfaiL 




APPENDIX. 196 

tianam eoolesija redderet, oumque haeo certamina 
intra fines Germaniae orta essent, neque Eoclesias 
exteras oorripuisse putarentur, existixnatum fuit 
Eoclesias extra Germaniam quietas his dissidijg 
involvendas non esse, ao suffioere, si ad traotationem 
hano adhiberentur ij tantum, inter quos lis primum 
mota fuisset, et tota res ad ezempla Piae Antiqui- 
tatis oomponeretur: nbi necessitate singularum Pro- 
vinoiarum sic exigente non rard Nationales Synodi 
ooaotae sunt, sit ut ex tota Eoolesiastica historia 
vix novem oecumenioa concilia numerentur. Ex 
quibus omnibus existimatlllustrissimus Saxoniae dux 
Elector, Serenissimam Angliarum Reginam pro sin- 
ffolari pietate sua cum pari prudentia ooniuncta 
facile perspecturam esse nihil minus oupere Ponti- 
fioios, quam ut salutaris haeo Concordia inter Gfor- 
manos Theologos et Prooeres coeat, qua constituta 
et adversariorum calumnias oessare neoesse est, 
quibus doctrinae ooelestis propagatio haotenus ye- 
mti remora iniecta plurimum impedita fuit, et stu- 
dia Germanorum Prooerum eandem Confessionem 
ampleotentiumhactenu8diBtraota,hoo salutaris Con- 
eoraiae quasi foedere indissolubili denuo coalescere 
oportet, ut ooniunotis deinoeps animis et viribus, si 
neoessitas ingruat, obviam ire imniorum oonatibus 
possint : et quodhuius OhristianiBsimi concilij caput 
est, doctrinae Veritas ao oertitudo, Quae perpetuo 
durantibus alteroationibus ao rixis nulla esse potest, 
adpiam posteritatem in aeternamsalutem muftarum 
anunarum tranBmittatur, ade6que omnia ad gloriam 
praepotentis Dei vergant, et ad viam tantopere h 
Salvatore nostro Christianinominishominibus com- 
mendatam dirigantur Oonoordiam quae uti optima 
eat ita omni loco et tempore expetenda et promo- 
venda est, neque unauam ulla de causa intempestira 
dioi aut reprehend! merito potest, qua equidem 
nihil laetius ot salubrius Ecclesijs veritatem Euan- 
gelicam profitentibus in hoc aerumnoso saeoulo ao- 

o2 



196 APPENDIX. 

9 

cidere, nihil contra Pontificijs hostibus tristius et 
calamitosius evenire quicquam potest, cum illae 4 
graviflsima perniciosarnm contentionum parte quasi 
reviviflcant, hi vero intelligant non modo Germa* 
norum Procenrm unanimem consensum ipsorumyio- 
lentis consilijs ita opponi, tit quae eis antea ad 
opprimendum Pios videbantur obuia et expedita, 
iam omnia reddantur nimia et difficiliora, sed et 
cum magno suo malo experiantur, Ecclesias Germa*- 
nicas ab intestinis discordijs in Pontifioiarnm sn- 

Serstitionum extremam abolitionem et interitum 
entio convenisse. 

Cumque certam sit, plane nihil novi in dogmati- 
bus coustitui, non equidem videt IUustrissimus 
8axoniae dux Elector, quae causa sit, cur tarn 
salutari institnto cuiquam Germanorum Principum 
periculum creetur, modo sinceram Augustanae Con- 
iessionis sententiam amplectatur. Ex his autem 
etiam illnd porro conficitur, qnod de Artdculo quern 
Ser. tM Eegia excipit, quique vel solo novi testa- 
menti nomine ut interim de re ipsa non dicatttr, 
inter Christianae fidei mysteria praecipuumaliquem 
locum obtinet, nihil hoc tempore facit aliud, quam 
quod ex verbo Dei in Augustana Confessione iam- 
dudum est constitutum, unde nee ullam iustam ex- 
ensationem Pontificij habent, quam tyrannidi suae 
praetexant. Gum exadverso Christiana ilia Con- 
cordia in Ecclesijs Grermahicis confirmata piorum 
hostibxis omnes potius calnmnias invitis etiam ex- 
torqueat, quibus nactenus non modo abusi sunt ad 
deformandum doctrinam Euangelicam, sed ad ob- 
ruendam etiam huius professores homines pios et 
innocentes, quos ob doctrinam, quae tot diuersis 
opinionibus aiscerparet tolerandos non esse vocifer- 
abantur. 

Quae cum ita sint et IUustrissimus Saxoniae 
dux Elector Serenissimae Angliarum Keginae earn 
esse mentem intelligat, si quia agatur (quemadmo- 



APPENDIX. 197 

dam agitur) ut disridia quae orta sunt, de vero 
Augustanae Gonfessionis sensu et intellectuoompo- 
naatur, nihil a S to eius Eegia requiri amplius, quam 
at abolitis condemnations v ooabulis consuetae voces 
usurpentur, videt nimirum Hlustrissima Excelsitas 
ems, pium hoc Goncordiae Ghristianae studium Se- 
renitati Eegiae eius non penitus improbari. Quam- 
•obrem in optima spe eat, quae de toto negooio huc- 
uflque bona fide exposita sunt, Seremtati eius 
Eegiae, ut quae ab Optimo profioisountur animo, 
minime ingrata fore, quamvifl JExoelsitas eius oom- 
munem omnium Augustanae Gonfessionis ordinum 
cauaam in se sola propterea non suscipere, neque 
prae reliquis suam sententiam yalere ao potius erga 
Serenitatem Eegiam observantiam suam eo ipso 
declarare studeafcquodhao oommemoratione Sereni- 
tatem eius ea eura et solieitudine, qua ipsam boo 
tempore valde affioi animadVertit, nonninil levari 
posse existimet. Ao siquid porro restat, in quo 
forte Serenitati eius Besiae abunde satisfaotum non 
est, cum id sit eiusmocU, ut nonnisi communicato 
omnium Augustanam Confessionem amplectentium 
Ordinum consilio explicari et expediri possit, rogat 
Illustrissima eius Excelsitas studiose, ut Serenitas 
eius Eegia haotenus amanter acquiescat, donee ex 
eommuni sententia statuatur id, quod ad commo- 
dum et salutem Ecolesiarum Yentatem Euange- 
licam profitentium pertinere videbitur. 

Quod porro Serenissima Angliarum Eegina de 
Pontificiorum violentis Consilijs non minus pru- 
denter quam fideliter monet et se ad ineundas 
neeessarias ad defensionem rationes amanter offert, 
sane ex hac quoque parte Serenitatis suae Eegiae 
aingularis benevolentia et propensio erga Ordines 
Augustanae Gonfessioni addictbs se ostendit. Ao 
veluti IUustrissimo Saxoniae duci Electori dubium 
nunquam fait, Fontificem Eomanum et eius pro- 
pugnatores nihil6 minus erga Ecclesias Oormaniae 



198 APPENDIX. 

Buangelicam Veritatem aBaerentes quam erga re* 
Kquas a Bomania erroribua abhorrentea, hoatiliter 
mim^m esse, ut paratiorea tint ad propulaandam 
▼im eibi inmate fllatam. Qaamobrem SereniflBimae 
AngliaTom Beginae tarn pro fl deli commonef actione 
quam pro declaratione Jlegij animi ad ferendum 
eubaidium promtiasiiiii, gratia* atudioae agit. 
Cumque tota haec res ad omnea ex aequo Con- 
feaaioni Auguatanae addictoe ordinea pertinest, de 
ea sane torn recti mime statni potent, cam jnro- 
greesu temporia oomnnmiB alicraando oonuentos 
matituetuT. Interea ut Sereniaaima Angliaram 
Begina de ana erga Euangelicaa procerea benevo- 
lentia atque studio nihil imminui patiatur, aibique 
eontra ab hia polliceatur omnia, quae ab Anglici 
Noannia axnantiasimis Principibus ezapeotari par 
eat, Ulustriflgimus Saxoniae dux Elector iterum 
atque iterum vehementer rogat. 

Atque haec ut Sereniaaimae Angliarum Beginae 
dominpa legatua nomine et uerbia IUustnaaimi 
Saxoniae ducia Electoria cum aignificatione Excel- 
aitatiB eiua erga Serenitatem Begiam obaeruantiae 
aingularia renunciet, IUuatriaaima eiua Celsitudo 4 
Domino Legato, cui propter virtutem eximiam 
benigmaahne cupit, clementer postulat. 

Ex Arce Dipoldisualdenai VJJJL Nouexribris 
ANNO MDT.lfX Vll. 



ERRATUM. 

Page 12, line 7 — 10, read "He was solemnly reeeired 
at Oalaia by a deputation from Archbishop Oranmer and 
the moat eminent citizens." 



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