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RECENT HISTORICAL BOOKS.
HENRY VIII. By A. F. Pollard, M.A., LittD., Professor of
BogUah Histofy in the Univenit]r of Loodoo. Crown Ihro, 4s. fid. net.
NAPOLEON I. A Biography. By August Fournier, Professor
of History in the Uniirenity of Vienne. Translated * - ~ * " — -
grsTure Fortraits and 7 Blaps. 3 vols. 8vo. sis. net.
A HISTORY OF WALES FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
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CENTURY. ByG.P. GoocH,MJL(Cantab.). 8vo, los. fid. net.
THE FATE OF EMPIRES : being an Inquiry into the Stability
of CivUisatioo. By Arthur Jorn Hubbard, M.D. (Dunekn). Ihro, fis. fid. net.
THE RISE OF SOUTH AFRICA : a History of the Origin of
Sonth African Colonisation and of its Development towards the East from the EarUest
Times to 1859. By Oborob Edward Cory, M.A., Kinf's College, Cambridge, Pro-
fessor in the Rhodes Uniyersity College, Grahamstown, Sonth Africa. In 4 vols. 8vo.
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By J. W. jBUDWiNB, LL.B. (Camb.X of Lincoln's Inn, Barrister-at-Law. 8va xss. fid.
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By Gborob Macaulay Trbvblyam. With 7 Maps and 35 Illnstratioiis. 8vo,
fis. fid. net.
GARIBALDI AND THE THOUSAND. By George Macaulay
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Macaulay Trbvblyan. With 4 Maps and numerous Illustrations. 8vo, tb. fid. net.
THE FIRST DECADE OF THE AUSTRALIAN COMMON-
WEALTH-, a Chronicle of Contemporary Politics, xgox-tgxo. By Hbnry Gylbs
TuRNBR. 8vo, gs.
THE MAKING OF THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH
(1889-1900). A stage in the growth of the Empire. By B. R. Wisb. 8vo, 7s. fid. net
A HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE DEFEAT OF
THE ARMADA TO THE DEATH OP ELIZABETH. With an Account of
EngUah Institutions during the Later Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. By
Edward P. Chbymby, A.M., LL.D., Processor of European History in the University of
Pennsyhrania. In a Vols. 8va VoL I.
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London ;
New York, Bombay and Calcutta.
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Edited by the Rev. W. HUNT, D.Litt, and
REGINALD LANE POOLE, M.A., LL.D.
8vo. Z3 vols. ys. 6d, net per volume.
Vol. L from THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE NORMAN
CONQUEST (to Z066). By Thomas Hodokim, D.CX.. LittD., Fellow of the BritiBh
Academy. With 9 Maps.
Vol. IL FROM THE NORMAN CONQUEST TO THE
DEATH OF JOHN (xo66 to xtz6). By Gbokoi Burton Adams. With s Maps.
Vol. III. FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY III. TO
THE DEATH OF EDWARD HL (itz6 to 1377)- By T. P. Tout, M.A. With 3
Maps.
Vol. IV. FROM THE ACCESSION OF RICHARD IL TO
THE DEATH OP RICHARD HL (xs77 to 1485). By C. Oman M.AmLL.D. With
3 Maps.
Vol. V. FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VII. TO
THE DEATH OP HENRY VIIL (1483 to ZS47)- By H. A. L. Fisbbr, M.A.
With a Maps.
Vol. VI. FROM THE ACCESSION OF EDWARD VI. TO
THE DEATH OP ELIZABETH (1347 to 1603). By A. F. Pollard, M.A. With
sMaps.
Vol. VII. FROM THE ACCESSION OF JAMES I. TO THE
RESTORATION (1603 to x66o). By P. C. Montagus, M.A. With 3 Maps.
Vol. VIIL FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE DEATH
OP WILLIAM III. (x66o to X703). By Richard Lodob, M.A., LL.D. With a Maps.
Vol. IX. FROM THE ACCESSION OF ANNE TO THE
DEATH OF GEORQE H. (X70S to X760). By I. S. Lbadam, M.A. With 8 Maps.
Vol. X. FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE III. TO
THE CLOSE OF PITT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION (1760 to z8ox). By the
Rev. William Hunt, M.A., DXitt. With 3 Maps.
Vol. XL FROM ADDINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION TO
THE CLOSE OF WILLIAM IV.'s REIGN (x8ox to X837). By the Hon. Gborqb
C. Brodrick, D.CLn and J. K. Fothbrinobam, UJl wtth 3 Maps.
Vol. XIL THE REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA (1837 to
xgox). By Sidnbt Low, M.A., and Llotd C. Sandbrs, B.A. With 3 Maps.
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO., 39 PaternoBter Row, London.
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THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
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THE REIGN OF HENRY VII FROM
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.
Selected and Arranged with an Introduction.
By A. F. POLLARD, M.A., Hon. Litt.D.
Three Volumes, Crown 8w.
Vol. I. Narrative Extracts.
Vol. II. Constitutional, Social, and Economic History.
Vol. III. Diplomacy, Ecclesiastical Affairs, and Ireland.
LONGMANS. GREEN AND CO.,
London, Nbw York, Bombay and Calcutta.
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THE REIGN OF
HENRY VII
FROM
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
[UNIVERSITY OF LONDON HISTORICAL SERIES, No. I.]
8SLBCTBD AND AKRANOBD IN THRBB VOLUMBS WITH AN
INTRODUCTION BY
A. F. POLLARD, M.A., Hon.Litt.D.
FBLLOW OP ALL SOULS COLLBOBt OXPORD; FROPB880R OP BNQLISH
HISTORY IN THB UNIVBRSITY OP LONDON
VOLUME I
NARRATIVE EXTRACTS
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK. BOMBAY AND CALCUTTA
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INTRODUCTION.
§ 1. SOUBOBS FOB THE HiSTOBT OP HbNBT VII's
Bbign.
Thesb three volames spring from a humble cause and
pretend to a modest ambition. Their production is due
to the difficulty experienced in finding original sources
accessible to the rapidly increasing number of historical
students in the University of London, for the purpose
of studying their selected subjects. The materials for
history have, when published at all, been published in a
disjointed, partial, and haphazard fashion by govern-
ments, academies, societies, and individual scholars
without co-operation, consultation, or system ; and the
reign of Henry VIII is the only reign in English history
for which an attempt has been made to collect and
publish the extant original documents. For other
periods the published sources are fragmentary, expen-
sive, and often out of print ; and students and teachers
alike are often restricted to inferior materials, simply
because to those alone have they access. Generally
this defect has led to the preference of secondary sources,
such as chronicles, memoirs, and histories, to records,
state papers, and correspondence; and, in particular,
for the reign of Henry VU even competent students of
history have been content to rely on Bacon, whose
portrait of the first Tudor, painted more than a cen-
y
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yi INTEODUCTION
tury after his death, has recently been described as the
only English historical composition worthy of the lineal
and literal attention paid to Tacitus and Thucydides.
These volumes will serve at least one good purpose by
providing general students of history with materials for
the reign of Henry VIE somewhat more original and
contemporary than Bacon's literary sketch. It is
hoped, moreover, that the experiment, if successful, may
be extended to other periods and to other countries imtil
the whole field of history is covered with a groundwork
of materials avsulable and appropriate for students in
university Schools of History.
But the scope of these volumes is circumscribed by
their purpose, which is primarily to meet the needs of
undergraduate students, and not to satisfy the require-
ments of original research. The main object has been
simply to illustrate from contemporary sources the
various aspects of Henry's government and the condi-
tions, political, constitutional, social, economic, and
ecclesiastical, of the England over which he ruled.
Circumstances have forbidden prolonged search for
unpublished documents, and there has been no attempt
at a scientific edition. The life-work of several trained
archivists could not be done in the few leisure hours
that have fallen to me in the last fifteen months ; and
so transcripts from foreign archives. Calendars of State
Papers, and even those most defective of printed sources,
the Law Beports, have necessarily been accepted for
what they are worth without the collation of MSS.
with one another or with the printed text or epitome.
My task has been for the most part one of selection and
arrangement, although some hitherto unprinted docu-
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INTEODUCTION vii
ments have been included, and attention is drawn to
others in the notes. Nor have these texts been reprinted
vnthout examination. Some misprints in earlier editions
have been corrected, some identifications supplied, smd
occasionally I have been compelled to differ from previ-
ous editors with regard to the dates they conjecturally
assigned to their documents. Thus, in Campbell's
" Materials " (i. 172) there is assigned to 1486 a letter
which purports to be from Henry VII to the Duke of
Exeter; but there was no Duke of Exeter in Henry
Vn's reign, the king is Henry YI, and the letter belongs
to the earlier part of his reign. Again the same editor
{ibid, ii. 244) assigns to 1487 a document which clearly
belongs to 1488, and even Dr. Gairdner reverses the order
of Nos. 31 and 32 of the present volume. The chron-
ology of chroniclers needs continual verification, smd
editors of State Papers have not always borne in mind
the Gregorian reform of the calendar.
The task of selection, moreover, has not been quite so
simple as might be supposed. The paucity of original
materials for the history of the period has become almost
a commonplace ; but any attempt to select from among
them soon brings the conviction that this paucity has
been exaggerated, and it would have been easier to ex-
pand these documents into thirty volumes than it has
been to confine them within three. It is true that we
have practically nothing in Henry VH's ovtu hand, and
very little in the writing of men like Morton, Foxe,
Daubeny, Poynings, and Bray. But it is doubtful
whether these eminent statesmen often vnelded the pen.
We are told by Bacon that the king himself kept a
notebook in which he jotted down caustic comments
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viii INTEODUCTION
on his friends and advisers, bnt that a pet monkey, not
without instigation, tore this priceless record to pieces.
Bacon terms this report "a merry tale/' and it was
hardly in keeping with Henry's secretive character to
commit such matters to paper. Writing was the busi-
ness of clerical experts, and a painful labour for laymen ;
and even the matrimonial correspondence of princes was
conducted in the hand of their secretaries. The Renais-
sance had not taught Henry VII and his coimcillors the
cacoethes scribendi, and the rarity of their script does not
demonstrate an unwonted destruction of sources. No
doubt, a mere fraction of what was written by states-
men survives ; but that is true of every age before the
eighteenth century, and if the attempt were made to
deal with the materials for Henry VII's reign as those for
his son's have been treated by Brewer and Gairdner, it
would result in at least a dozen equally portly volumes.
Henry VII's treaties alone, as printed by Rymer, would
more than fill these three volumes ; Campbell's '' Materi-
als," selected from two or three years of the reign, run to
two, Gairdner's "Letters and Papers" to two more,
and his "Memorials" fill a fifth. The statutes are
almost as bulky as the treaties, and extant reports of
legal cases are not less lengthy. There are hundreds
of private letters, while the financial records of the reign
call loudly for editing and elucidation. Foreign corres-
pondence, although only the contents of the Spanish
and North Italian archives have been calendared, oc-
cupy the best part of three volumes, and there is much
material yet to be found for the commercial history
of Henry's reign in the archives of the cities of the
Netherlands and North Germany.
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INTRODUCTION ix
Nevertheless the collection and pubhcation of all
these sources would leave valuable records unexplored.
The history of England was still in Henry's reign to a
large extent local, and until the local archives of Eng-
land have been examined and their contents collated, a
good deal of light will be lost. In the archives of
CTolchester there is a private journal of Henry's first
parliament, the only document of its kind known before
the reign of Elizabeth ; from those of York we derive
the best illustrations of Yorkist sympathies after Bichard
ni's defeat. Hardly less important are those of Exeter
and Bristol in the south-west, Norwich in the east, and
Leicester and Nottingham in the midlands. Nearly
half the entries in Campbell's '* Materials " relate to
Henry as Duke of Lancaster and not as King of Eng-
land ; and the records of the provincial governments,
the Councils of the North, and of Wales, and the West
were kept, and to some extent have been retained at the
cities in which they sat. The centralization which
eventually brought to London nearly all the records of
government was not yet accomplished.
In selecting from materials, the printed portions of
which are extensive enough by themselves, the method
or methods adopted must appear more or less arbitrary,
and the result be incomplete. All that has been possible
has been to illustrate, and not to provide a comprehensive
basis of evidence for, the history of Henry's reign.
In view of the abundance of documents, and of the value
of the historical training which their study provides, it
has been determined to excludeall extracts from histories,
even from one so nearly contemporary as Polydore
Vergil's, and from the contemporary fragments by
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X INTRODUCTION
Bernard Andrd. History is distinguished from its
materials by the author's desire to tell a story, which is
rarely free from an element of falsification ; and legends
may grow without design. An original manuscript by
Bernard Andri described how Henry after the battle of
Bosworth entered the city of London Icetanter ; a
copyist transcribed the adverb latenter, and in Bacon's
speculative mind latenter became "himself not being
on horseback, or in any open chair, or throne, but in a
close chariot, as one that having been sometimes an
enemy to the whole state, and a proscrib'd person, chose
rather to keep state, and strike reverence into the people
than to fawn upon them ". This almost ranks with the
pages of moral reflections on the sloth of Alfred the
Great's sailors, into which Simeon of Durham was be-
trayed by misreading cum dorn! tret as cum dormiret}
Even when the historian's reflections are based on facts,
it is well for the student occasionally to have the op-
portunity of differentiating between the food for thought
and the finished product.
The elimination of the historian still left difficulties
enough with regard to the documents. A few of the
more important treaties have been printed in extenso,
because serious historical students should know what
public instruments are like, with all their prolixity and
minuteness; and without the labour of reading and
translating one or two treaties, it is impossible to
realize the extent to which international relations are
matters of detail. We are always striving to amass the
pounds without the trouble of collecting the pence.
Similarly, a few cases from the Courts of Star
1 Plummer's « Alfred the Great/' p. 64.
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INTKODUCTION xi
Chamber and of Bequests have been printed at length,
because concrete examples of the procedure of those
famous institutions convey a more vivid impression than
pages of description. But we have had to be content
with samples, and to epitomize most of the treaties re-
quired to illustrate Henry's foreign and commercial
policy. Even when a despatch has been printed in
full in Gairdner's " Letters and Papers " or elsewhere,
conditions of space have often necessitated the prefer-
ence of epitomes contained in the Spanish and other
Calendars. The briefer commimications which passed
between private individuals have on the other hand been
printed, sometimes with omissions, but without con-
densation.
These letters, written in English, involve difficulties
of spelling which do not occur in the stereotyped Latin
of official correspondence. English spelling was uni-
form in Henry's reign only in the bizarre appearance
it presents to modem readers ; and editors have differed
about the respective advantages of modernizing the
spelling and of literal reproduction. Halliwell in his
"Letters of the Kings" and Miss Wood in her
"Letters of Princesses" modernized their text; Dr.
Gairdner printed the "Paston Letters" as they were
written, and the same plan was adopted by the editors of
the " Plumpton Correspondence " and the " Cely Papers "
for the Camden Society. Sir Henry Ellis in his eleven
volumes of " Original Letters " was not quite consistent,
and of one document at least he printed the first half in
modem, and the second half in sixteenth-century
English.^ It is hoped that these volumes contain no
^ *' Original Letters,'' 2nd ser. ii. 215-6.
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xii INTRODUCTION
vagary quite so erratic ; but it was obviously impossible to
re-edit the above collections and reduce their spelling to
uniformity. The letters are accordingly reprinted in
the spelling of the editions from which they are taken.
The same plan has been followed in reprinting statutes.
Most of them have been taken from the " Statutes of the
Realm " with its modem spelling ; but a few of the
earher Acts of Henry VII's parliaments have been re-
printed from Caxton's original edition of 1489. The
student who troubles to compare Caxton's text with the
'* Statutes of the Realm " should remember that it was
not in Caxton's time considered necessary to publish
statutes with literal fidelity to the statute-roll, any more
than the proclamation of a statute necessarily embodied
all its provisos and machinery. The published version
was for popular use, the text of the statute-roll for the
judges of the EQgh Court of Parliament. Some liberties
have been taken in the matters of punctuation and the
use of capitals; the original statutes were, of course,
innocent of the former, and English scribes in Henry's
reign were undecided between the modem English and
German ideas about capital letters.
The arrangement of these documents presented almost
as many difficulties as their selection. The easiest and
least useful plan would have been to make the whole
series chronological ; but history can only be understood
through the collection and correlation of phenomena,
and it seemed expedient to arrange these documents
under certain heads. The first volume attempts by
means of narrative extracts to give a general view of the
chronological history of the reign ; and it is hoped that
something has been gained by a liberal interpretation of
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INTRODUCTION xiii
the epithet '' narrative ". A speech in Parliament, the
preamble to an Act, a despatch, a private letter, a political
poem, even an inscription on a tomb,^ may supply
chronological information that will be sought in vain in
chronicles and histories ; and the varied sources, from
which these narrative extracts have been dravm, provide
light from many quarters, and thus create a better per-
spective than illumination, however brilliant, from a
single point of view. But this very comprehensiveness
renders impossible hard and fast distinctions ; and
documents, which have been used to illustrate the narra-
tive, might equally well have been employed to ex-
emplify diplomacy. Foreign relations, again, cannot be
sharply distinguished from commercial intercourse, nor
social from economic history. Nevertheless it has
appeared advisable and feasible to arrange the documents
in the second volume under Constitutional History and
Social and Economic History, and those in the third
under Foreign Affairs, Ecclesiastical History, and
Ireland.
On all these aspects of Henry's reign these volumes
vdll provide the student with the materials for forming
a judgment ; but they will not supply that judgment
ready made, nor relieve him from the task of draw-
ing his own conclusions. History can never be an exact
science, because it deals with realities and not with ab-
stractions, with human affairs and not with hjrpotheses.
Men have been content to accept with unanimity
Euclid's fiction that a line is length without breadth,
because, except for the sake of lucidity, it does not matter
how a fiction is stated. But they have never agreed
> Vol. i. No. 66.
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xiv INTEODUCTION
about the facts or theories of human progress, and
the judgments of men and events by their contem-
poraries were just as capricious and contradictory
four centuries ago as they are to-day. One tells us
that Henry VII spent all his leisure poring over his
accounts, another that he only cared for amusements ;
against assertions that he spent nothing we have to set
the sums he lavished on jewels and entertainments, and
against Morton's fork and Empson's fines the release of
all prisoners in London for debts of less than 40s. His
haggling with Ferdinand of Aragon over the distressful
Catherine's dower conflicts with the charm of his corres-
pondence with his mother ; and his harshness to War-
wick and Suffolk, with his fidelity to his ministers,
only one of whom encountered the fate so conmion to
Tudor statesmen. The simple facts of history prove on
examination to be as fictitious and as fallacious as the
elements of geometry or of chemistry. They are little
more than convenient hypotheses, suited to juvenile
students.
The test of the student's historical competence lies in
his capacity to weigh and interpret conflicting evidence,
but he does well to accept assistance ; and, in spite of
adverse criticism, Bacon's "Henry VII" remains an
indispensable guide to the imderstanding of Henry's
reign. Bacon is incomparably the greatest man who
has ever tried to elucidate Henr/s mind and policy ;
and his sources of information were not so inadequate as
seriously to impair the value of his judgment. He was
a careful student of Henry's legislation, and some of the
constitutional maxims embedded in Bacon's general
works were derived from his study of Henry's practica
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INTEODUCTION xv
Moreover, the opinion of a Lord Chancellor, and of one
of the greatest of them, on questions of legislation
and judicature, is generally worth having; and none
but the sorriest pedant would permit the defects in
Bacon's historical knowledge and the laxity of his ima-
gination to blind him to the historical value of Bacon's
political insight and experience. Of modem writers on
Henry YII fewer than half a dozen need be considered.
Dr. Gairdner has in his prefaces to the three volumes
he contributed to the Bolls Series, and in his more
popular lives of " Bichard HE " (with an Appendix on
Perkin Warbeck) and " Henry VH," done more than
anyone else to reveal the sources for the history of the
reign. Dr. Wilhelm Busch has in his '' England under
the Tudors " (Vol. i. ; Eng. trans, by A. M. Todd)
reduced practicaUy all the materials available at the
date of writing (1895) to a succinct though not very
lucid narrative, which may be supplemented by Mr.
Fisher's illuminating volume in the *' Political History
of England ". Two of the best of Stubbs' " Seventeen
Lectures on Mediaeval and Modem History," are devoted
to Henry's reign ; and reference should be made to Mr.
Leadam's learned prefaces to his '' Select Cases " from
the Courts of Star Chamber and of Bequests, published
by the Selden Society, and to Mr. Eingsford's admirable
edition of the well-known Brit. Mus. Cotton MS. Vitel-
lius A. xvi. and other chronicles, which formed the basis
of the later works by Fabyan, Hall, Holinshed, and
Stow. The following paragraphs do not profess even to
sketch the history of Henry's reign, but merely to make
some general re^ooiarks for consideration in the light of
these documents.
b
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xvi INTRODUCTION
§ 2. Political Affairs.
Distant as Henry Tudor was from the direct line of
succession to the English crown, and dubious as his
retention of it long appeared to be, the throne afforded
him the only prospect of tolerable security. The Wars
of the Boses removed his com{)etitors with murderous
rapidity, and Bichard m accelerated Henry's progress to
perilous eminence by disposing of less dangerous rivals.
The assassination of the princes in the Tower, far from
smoothing Bichard's thorny path, rendered the world
too small to hold both him and the Earl of Bichmond ;
and the Wars of the Boses culminated in a duel. Neither
competitor could be safe, so long as the other lived ; the
question for both was one of the crown or of death by
battle, murder, or attainder. The Tudor orphan was
proscribed and himted as far as the arm of Bichard IH's
diplomacy could reach ; and Bichard's retention of the
throne would sooner or later have involved the Earl of
Bichmond in the fate which he inflicted upon the Earls of
Warwick and Suffolk. The battle of Bosworth settled
the issue in Henry's favour, but it was mainly a personal
matter. Stanley held the balance, and Stanley was not
partial to any political principle. There was no popular
revolt against Bichard's rule, and the lamentation of the
city of York over the death of its " merciful " king ^ can-
not have been feigned. A generation of butchery had
hardened men's hearts ; they might well be indifferent
to the fate of princes, and in any case they were not
certain that the murder, if murder there was, was
Bichard's work. He may have been the monster of
iniquity depicted by Tudor writers, but there is little
» Vol. I No. 9-
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INTRODUCTION xvii
evidence to show that England was deeply impressed
by the fact. He had ruled well enough ; in the south
he had given men peace, in the north he was remem-
bered for the reconquest of Berwick from the " auld
enemy ".
If Henry was to keep the throne, he must create his
own credentials. There was nothing divine about his
descent ; and though something was made of the ** verum
Dei judicium " ^ at the battle of Bosworth, the God of
Battles was a fickle and dangerous deity to invoke.
Hymen might be more steadfast, and Henry's marriage
with Elizabeth of York was as essential to his position
as was William Hi's with Mary II to his.
The marriage blunted the edge of Yorkist jealousy,
and gave the party at least an excuse for feeling that it
was represented on the throne. But we misapprehend
the nature of Henry's problem, if we think of a party
as being the greatest of his di£Giculties. The problem
was not a party, but a frame of mind. If there had
ever been, before the Tudors came to throne, a law-
abiding English people, that characteristic had certainly
disappeared in the fifteenth century. In 1411 a judge
waylaid a peer with 600 hired bravos, and then pleaded
in Parliament that he did not know his conduct was
illegal.^ Bespect for law and order did not improve as
the century grew older, and thdse documents amply
illustrate the comprehensive determination of men in all
classes to have their will, with or without the law. The
law, indeed, was regarded mainly as a means of op-
pression, and its chaotic condition rendered it the facile
instrument of chicanery and force. Machiavelli ascribed
1 Vol. i. No. 16. « " Rot. Pari.," iii. 649.
b*
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xviii INTKODUCTION
the political evils of the time to weakness of will, but he
had in mind the impotence of the State. There was will
enough and to spare in the individual, but it was
anarchic and insubordinate ; and the great political need
of the time was the subjection of the over-mighty sub-
ject, the restraint of individual greed and irresponsible
power, by the will of the community in the interests of
law and order.
In this respect the terms Yorkist and Lancastrian
were distinctions without a difference ; and it is as
irrelevant to discuss, as it is impossible to determine,
whether Henry VII pursued a Yorkist or a Lancastrian
pohcy. It has been said — in Wellington's phrase —
that he *' dished the Whigs," and it is true that there
is little novelty or originality in his legislation or
methods of government. That is because the issue was
essentially one between order and disorder; and the
government, whether Yorkist or Tudor, was necessarily
on the side of order. In the south-east, which was
growing commercial and peaceful, feeling was generally
vnth the government ; in the north and in Cornwall,
where feudalism still prevailed, sentiment was as much
against the government as it was in Ireland thirty years
ago. Juries would not convict on a prosecution by the
Crown, even where the Crown was not prevented by
feudal liberties from prosecution; lordship was more
than the law and the prophets ; ^ and the King's peace
was a reign of riot. The fact that prerogative Councils
were set up for the North, the Marches of Wales, and
the West, but not for the Midlands or South-East
^"Paston Letters," vol. i. p. 156. "Get you lordship . . .
quia ibi pendet iota lex et prophetcB ".
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INTRODUCTION xix
indicates the difference in social conditions between the
different parts of England.
But these divergences were not Yorkist and Lan-
castrian. Henry VII's proclamation against the
northern rebels in 1489 ^ charging them with a desire
to " rob, despoil, and destroy all the south parts of this
his realm, and to subdue and bring to captivity all the
people of the same,'* echoes the Yorkist appeal of 1461
against ''the misruled and outrageous people of the
north parts of this land coming hitherward, purposing
the utter destruction as well of this country as of you
and other our true subjects and also the subversion of
the commonweal of all this land ''.' There was sub-
stance in this divergence, and it remained a cause of
distraction in English politics for centuries after Henry's
reign ; but the identification of either north or south
with either Yorkist or Lancastrian was an accident
depending upon the personal affiliations of the monarch
who happened to be on the throne. There was neither
party nor principle in the plots against Henry VH;
they represented merely personal discontents, abetted
by foreign rivals, and fed by endemic disorders. They
grew dangerous chiefly when they coincided with the
resistance which uneducated people are always liable to
offer to taxation required for national purposes. The
rioters who slew the Earl of Northumberland in 1489,
" renied their taxes to pay " ; ' the Comishmen rose
because they refused to be taxed for the defence of the
1 VoL L No. 53.
' Nicolas, '* Prooeedings of the Privy Counoil,** vi. 309-10.
' Vol. L p. 75. Skelton's referenoe to that ** dolorous Tuesday "
(p. 76) enables us to date Northumberland's death 28 April.
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XX INTRODUCTION
Scottish borders; and taxes or rumours of taxes were
the occasion of most revolts in the Tudor period.
They illustrate on the one hand the progress of na-
tional government and of its financial requirements,
and on the other, the adherence of the more backv^ard
parts of the realm to mediaeval and local Uberties, and
their consequent indifference to national growth. Had
this indifference been general, it must have been fatal
to Henry and to the New Monarchy, of which he was
the principal architect. But the Midlands, the South,
and the East, while never enthusiastic supporters of
Henry VH, gave no countenance whatsoever to con-
spiracies against him. Lovell's rebellion was merely a
local and personal manifestation. The force which sent
Lambert Simnel up like a rocket was provided from
Burgundian and Irish sources ; and Perkin Warbeck
could only forage in Celtic fringes and foreign purlieus.
When his followers landed at Deal, the men of Kent
gave short shrift to their pleas and pretences.^ Pro-
gressive England had no liking for Henry's taxation ;
but it realized the worth of his rule, and felt even
less dissatisfaction with his government than it had
with Richard m's.
The most conclusive testimony to the success of
Henry's administration consists perhaps in the feeble-
ness of the indictment which Perkin Warbeck brought
when he made his second invasion from Scotland.^
The obscurity of his Tudor descent is cast in Henry's
teeth ; his '' caitiff and villain " councillors ; the proscrip-
tion of Warbeck's adherents ; Warwick's imprisonment
and disinheritance; ''the great and execrable offences
1 Vol. i. Nos. 79-82. « Ibid. No. 108.
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INTRODUCTION xxi
daily committed and done by onr foresaid great enemy
and his adherents in breaking the liberties and fran-
chises of our Mother Holy Church, to the high dis-
pleasure of Almighty God " ; the *' daily pilling of the
people by dismes, taskes, tallages, benevolences, and
other unlawful impositions and grievous exactions";
and so forth. The liberties of the church had been
slightly curbed veith the assent of Pope and prelates ^ ;
the preference of ** caitiff and villain " councillors, which
was a stock complaint against Tudor monarchs, might
touch a sympathetic chord in noble breasts ; and the
references to Warwick's misfortunes and to Henry's
financial exactions would reach a wider audience. But
this was not a programme on which to effect a revolu-
tion in favour of an adventurer, who came in the train
of a foreign enemy, pledged to abandon Berwick and
to pay 100,000 marks to James IV ; ^ and Henry refused
to enter London in triumph over the capture of such
a contemptible foe.'
It had always been Henr/s cue to assume contempt
for Warbeck's cause and person ; ^ but Perkin had given
him six years of serious anxiety, and some authorities,
though not the best, have been unconvinced of the truth
of the o£Gicial account of the pretender's origin.^ The
comparative success of Sinmel's imposture, which is
not seriously doubted, destroys the theory that there
must necessarily have been a substratum of truth in
Perkin's pretensions Nevertheless, Henr/s poet lau-
reate, Bernard Andrd, gives colour to the suspicion that
1 See yol. iii. pt. 2. « VoL i. p. 138.
• Ibid. No. 126. * Vol. iii. No. 6.
*See, foriiftBtanoe, ^'Annals of England," Oxford, 1876, pp.
279-81.
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xxii INTRODUCTION
Perkin was not merely the son of a boatman of Tomnay,
by recording the story that he was godson to Edward
rV; and Bacon embellished the tale.^ Another, still
more cmrious, was revealed by the publication in 1913
of the first volmne of the Calendar of Milanese State
Papers. In February, 1495, Maximilian, King of the
Bomans, told the Milanese envoy at his court that Sir
Bobert Cliflford had communicated to Henry VIE the
fact that Perkin was not the son of Edward IV, as he
claimed to be, but the son of Edward IV's sister,
Margaret of Burgundy, and of the Bishop of Cambray.^
It is a story similar to those told about Queen Elizabeth,
in which no serious historian places any credence. But
Maximilian's object in repeating this scandal about his
wife's step-mother is difficult to understand, more especi-
ally as he was still himself an active supporter of Perkin's
pretensions. In 1498 the bishop was in England on
an embassy from the Netherlands, and specially desired
tp see Perkin, as, Puebla tells us, ''he had formerly
transacted business with him ". Henry thereupon sum-
moned Perkin from the Tower and questioned him in
Puebla's and apparently in the Bishop's presence. If
there was any truth in the story, this confrontation
must have afforded Henry some grim amusement,
which would not be lessened by Perkin's answer, as
reported by Puebla, to the effect that Margaret of Bur-
gundy knew as well as he did that he was not the son
of Edward IV.' The story would not be inconsistent
with Perkin's upbringing by foster parents in humble
circumstances in Toumay ; it would explain some of
^ BoBoh, '* England under the Tudon,'* i. 336.
• Henry of Bergen (1460 M602) ; vol. i. No. 77. • Ibid. No. 134.
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INTRODUCTION xxiii
the mystery about his career ; and yet it would not be
one which Henry could publish, for princes observed
even then the convenances in their relations with one
another.
The year of Perkin's capture, which was the central
year of Henry's reign, was also its annus mirabilis.
The Scottish invasion had been repulsed ; Warbeck's
attempts on Ireland had been frustrated by Waterford's
loyalty ; the second rebellion of the turbulent commons
of Cornwall had ended in smoke ; and Cabot had dis-
covered Newfoundlanid.^ Foreign princes began to
respect Henry's accomplished facts, and their envoys
in England impressed upon them the strength of his
position. " I repeat," the Milanese envoy informs his
master, Ludovic Sforza,^ " that this present state is most
stable, even for the king's descendants, since there is no
one who aspires to the Crown ; with concord at home they
have no occasion to fear " : and again, ** from this time for-
vfrard he is perfectly secure against Fortime ".' " Henry
is rich," wrote two Spanish envoys from London in July,
1498, ** has established good order in England, and keeps
the people in such subjection as has never been the case
before.** * " ffis Majesty can stand," reiterates Soncino,
" like one at the top of a tower looking on at what is
passing in the plain." * " England," averred Puebla
early in 1500, " has never been so tranquil and obedient
as at present"* More material rewards were reaped
than this chorus of appreciation. Ferdinand and Isa-
bella finally made up their minds that Arthur would be
a suitable match for their daughter Catherine, and con-
1 VoL ii. Nofl. 161-2. » Vol. L No. 118.
» I, 121. * I, 132. • I, 137. • I, 145.
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xxiv INTRODUCTION
tributed to the prospects of the pair by smoothing the
way, through Ayala's agency, for peace between England
and Scotland.^ Louis XII of France hastened to sur-
render John Taylor who had planned Warbeck's first
Irish adventure,^ and further strengthened Henry's posi-
tion by reviving the Orleanist claims to Naples and thus
involving France in a perennial contest with Spain for
Italian supremacy.
The union between Prince Arthur and Catherine
was cut short by the prince's death in April, 1502 ; * and
the marriage between Catherine and her brother-in-law
Henry, which Louis XH's attack upon Ferdinand led
him and Isabella instantly and urgently to press for-
ward,* was delayed until after Henry VH's death.
The fact that the Spanish alliance had become less
necessary for England than the English alliance was
for Spain had probably more to do with the delay than
the scruples of conscience about the marriage, which are
said to have troubled Henry VH and awoke with such
painful results in the breast of Henry VIH twenty-
five years later. Henry's declining years were devoted
to cultivating Habsburg friendship in the Nether-
lands, and his relations with Ferdinand were far from
friendly. Catherine was therefore placed in a painful
position; a betrothal was contracted between her
and Henry, but her youthful fianc6 was induced to
protest in solemn form that the promise was made
against his will and invalid. Ferdinand had paid but
half of the dower promised on Catherine's marriage
with Arthur; the remainder was not forthcoming,*^
1 1, 122, 133. « I. 57, 141 . '1, 167. * 1, 160-1 .
« ** Spanish Calendar/* i. 435, 513, 529.
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INTRODUCTION xxv
and Catherine wrote to her father that the reason for
her treatment was his inability to fulfil his engagements.
Henry "VTE declined responsibility for Catherine's
maintenance pending a settlement of this question,
though Catherine's complaints of her poverty must be
taken with some reserve, and the "liberality" for
which she is praised seems to have been extravagant.
In March, 1609, there were still 30,000 crowns left of
the first half of her dower which had been smuggled
out of England to be beyond Henry's reach ; * and
Catherine's complaints of her father's ambassadors ^ are
even louder than her lamentations over her lot.
The truth is that her relatives were not at all a
happy family ; a Spaniard complained that her sister
Juaiia ''had an obdurate heart and no piety," and
Catherine herself was not altogther discreet in public or
private afibirs. Her father and her brother-in-law, the
Archduke Philip, were at loggerheads over the govern-
ment of Castile ; and Catherine appears to have sided
with Philip,' whom Ferdinand accused of being the cause
of her misery.^ These quarrels were reflected in the
ranks of Catherine's household servants, with which
Henry declined to interfere ; and it is impossible to de-
termine the balance of truth in the mutual recrimina-
tions between her and her father's ambassadors. One
of these went so far as to intimate that Henry's cold-
ness to Catherine was justified by the conduct of the
father confessor to whom she was too deeply attached.^
These bickerings hardly relieve the dulness of the last
1 1, 213. « 1, 183, 198, 212, 215.
* *< Spanish Calendar," u 231.
« Ibid. i. 400. > I, 211, 213, 214.
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xxvi INTKODUCTION
seven years of Henry's reign. The absence of domestic
incident might suggest that England was enjoying the
proverbial happiness of a people without a history. Only
one Parliament met between 1497 and the end of the
reign ^ ; after Warbeck's execution there was no war
and no insurrection ; and the workings of treason were
doubtful and obscure. The fate of the Earl of Warwick
or complicity in the schemes to release him terrified
the Earl of Suffolk into double flight from England,^
and in February, 1502, Sir William Courtenay, who had
married Edward IV's younger daughter, Catherine, Sir
James Tyrrell, and others were sent to the Tower for
favouring Suffolk's party.* Another of the Queen's
kinsmen, the yoimg Marquis of Dorset, followed.
Tyrrell, Sir John Wyndham, and others were brought
to the scaffold three months later.^ Dorset and
Courtenay were transferred in October, 1507, from the
Tower to Calais, where, says the chronicler, " they were
kept prisoners in the castle as long as King Henry the
Seventh lived, and should have been put to death if he
had lived longer " ; * ever since the Duke of Gloucester's
murder at Bichard II's command, the transference of
prisoners to Calais had been ominous of their fate. If
Dorset and Courtenay gained, Suffolk himself was the
loser by Henry's death. His capture had been one of
the main objects of Henry's diplomacy for four years,
and he fell a victim into his hands through the storm
which cast the King of Castile on English shores in
January, 1506. But Henry had made a promise which
his son did not respect; and Suffolk was brought to
> I.e. in 1604 ; see Vol. i. No. 168. » I, Nos. 142, 153.
•1,166. *I,158. »I,201.
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INTRODUCTION xxvii
the block in 1513, as a preliminary precaution to Henry
"V 111*8 invasion of France.
Sospicion became abnost a disease in Henry's mind.
The strength of his position, which enabled him to bring
such offenders with impunity to the Tower and the
block, should have been an argument for lenity. But
Henry had developed some of the foibles of Louis XI.
" He is growing very devout," wrote Ayala in March,
1499 ; ^ and he himted out relics with almost as much
zest as he did traitors. Morton's death in 1500 is said
to have removed a wholesome influence, which saved
the King from unpopular comrses, though Morton sur-
vived the worst blot on Henry's reign, the judicial
murder of Warwick, and himself incurred " the great
disdain and great hatred of the Commons of this land ".^
The death of Sir Reginald Bray in 1503 cannot have
influenced Henry's conduct; the loss of his Queen
earlier in that year might more reasonably be thought
to have had more effect, but no coimcillor exercised an
appreciable control over Henry's policy. Fox is the
most familiar figure during the closing years of his
reign, but it is to Oxford that Spanish and Flemish
diplomatists are represented as ascribing the greatest in-
fluence. Subsequent writers laid the responsibility on
the shoulders of Empson and Dudley, who are hardly
mentioned in diplomatic correspondence ; and it would,
indeed, be strange that the reputed victim of Henry's
most famous fine should thus be linked with his most
infamous financial agents. But this representation is
in part at any rate due to editorial error. The Provost
of Cassel does, indeed, clearly refer to Oxford as " im
a, 139. «1, 149.
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xxviii INTEODUCTION
des grands, et, comme Ton nous dit, le principal person-
nage de ce royaume " ; ^ but that does not imply politi-
cal influence, and when Puebla is made to say that
'* the Lord Great Chamberlain, who is of his blood, is
more in his confidence than any other person," * there
is a manifest confusion between Oxford, who was Lord
Great Chamberlain, and Sir Charles Somerset, Lord
Herbert, who was illegitimate son of Henry "VTTs cousin
the third duke of Somerset, and was appointed Chamber-
lain of the Household in 1505. However that may be,
Empson and Dudley, who had both been Speakers of
the House of Commons, traded upon their sovereign's
taste for finance, and developed a skill in extortion'
which darkened the close of Henry's reign and helped
his successor to make the scaffold a popular institution.
§3. Constitutional Aspects op the Reign.
While the poUtical history of Henry's reign has
attracted some learned and competent critics, it can*
not be said that its constitutional aspects have re-
ceived adequate attention ; and the opening chapters of
Hallam, after nearly a century, still remain the favourite
recourse for students and teachers. It has been well
said, in criticism of Hallam's treatment of the seven-
teenth century, that he thought there was a definite
constitution and that the Stuarts broke it.^ The
criticism applies with greater force to the earlier period.
A constitutional historian is apt to regard the constitU-
^1,208. «I, ld9.
» See Vol. i. Nob. 209-10 ; Vol. ii. Nr i. 23-30.
* Goooh, *' History and Historians n the Nineteenth Centary,'*
p. 203.
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INTBODUCTION xxix
tion as complete when his book is finished; and the
circumstance that the greatest of English constitutional
historians stopped in the Middle Ages has led his
readers to antedate the completion of the English con-
stitution. It is not easy to define at the present day ;
it was still more difficult in 1485 ; and no satisfactory
attempt has been made to determine what was and
what was not constitutional during the Tudor period.
In the first place there had as yet been no definition
of the prerogative of a national king. It is true that
we read in the Middle Ages of a prarogativa regis and
its limitations ; but these referred to the king as a feudal
landlord. They deal with the obligations of suit and
service attached to the land, with the relations between
landlord and tenant. Except in so far as the subject
was a tenant of the Crown he had few dealings with it.
The tenants of Henry VIE himself were in a very different
position from his other subjects. Those on the lands of
the Duchy of Lancaster were free from tolls throughout
the realm and exempt from all other jurisdiction ; on
the other hand, if they were bakers and competed with
the ducal baking-houses, their ovens were destroyed.^
The relation of the King to all Englishmen, irrespective
of tenure, was a different and a very indeterminate
matter, which could only develop with the elimination
of feudal ideas from the sphere of government, and with
the gradual destruction of those mediaeval "liberties"
which cut so much of the country out of the national
system and subjected it to private jurisdiction. In 1348
the Commons had petitioned the Crown against these
1 CampbeU's '« Materials,'' i. 604-5 ; iL pp. zvii. 50, 531 ; it was
the same with their stalk and shops.
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XXX INTRODUCTION
liberties as tending to the destruction of the common
law and to the oppression of the people ; and nearly two
centuries later Parliament transferred these liberties to
the Crown.^ That Parliament should have authority to
destroy a single privilege was itself an anti-feudal idea
connected with the growth of national sovereignty and
of statute law.
The varieties of law, and their relations to one an-
other, were much in the minds of statesmen in Henry
yn's reign, and the Chancellor generally touched on the
subject in his opening speech to Parliament^ Most of
these varieties, like Divine law, the law of Nature, and
the law of Nations, were regarded as direct or indirect
emanations from God, with which no human authority
could interfere, except by way of interpretation. But
side by side with these, and ever encroaching upon them,
was the positive law, created and imposed by man.
This might be the canon law of the Church, the civil
law of the Empire, or the municipal statutes of some
more local body, a Parliament, a City Coimcil, or a
Guild. Bichard 11 had first of English kings learnt the
lesson of Pierre Dubois, and claimed for the national
monarch the legislative monopoly possessed by Boman
Emperors: and this conception, modified by feudal
ideas and customary law, became the basis of the
1 " Rot. ParL," ii. 166 ; 27 Henry VIII, c. xxiv. This statate was
the completion of a gradual process ; the Grown had long tended to
monopolize liberties through attainder and forfeiture. Henry VII
himself is perhaps Duke of Lancaster rather than King of Eng-
land, grand seigneur rather than sovereign. It was a case of
Aaron's rod swallowing all the rest ; the greatest feudal magnate
gained the Crown.
« Of. Vol. L Nos. 46, 83, 105, 168.
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INTRODUCTION xxxi
modem royal prero^tiye. It was still in 1486 in a
orude, amorphous condition without definite Umitations,
because men only trouble to limit powers which may
conceivably be exercised. No one has thought to
limit a despot's power over rain or sunshine, and the
law of the air has only just come within the sphere
of practical politic& Similarly, no mediaeval monarch
had been prohibited from keeping a standing army in
time of peace, because it had not entered men's minds
that a mediaeval king should ever possess the financial
resources adequate to its maintenance. His actual
power was small, and the need for defining his pre-
rogative only grew with the New Monarchy and with
the concentration in the hands of the Crown of those
fragments of sovereign power, called liberties, which
had been so lavishly distributed among over-mighty
subjects.
The power of making positive law could only de-
velop in royal hands. For one thing, legislation
grew out of jurisdiction, and began as the judgments
of a court.^ Parliament was the King's High Court ;
even to-day an Act of Parliament is strictly speaking
an Act of the King in Parliament, and in 1485 it
was so in a very real sense. The circumstance that
Parliament was the chief court in the land led to the
theory that the chief matters could only be decided
there ; but while legislation was to be enacted in Parlia-
ment, it could only be enacted by the Crown. Certain
formulae about the advice and consent of Lords and
Commons had come into use; but they had not yet
been stereotyped, and were by no means essential to the
1 Mollwain, '* The High Court of Parliament^" 1911.
c
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xxxii INTRODUCTION
validity of statutes made in Parliament. Many of
Henry's VII's Acts, indeed, begin " Prayen the Com-
mons " ; but many others " The King, remembering,"
without the least indication of advice or consent by
anyone else. An Act of Attainder was even passed
without the consent of the Commons ; the judges, it is
true, decided that it was not therefore valid,^ but their
decision did not apply to other kinds of legislation, and
in 1504 Henry was empowered by Parliament itself to
repeal Acts of Attainder on his sole authority.* The
" Bolls of Parliament ** teem with " provisions " made
by the King in person in Parliament ; and the difficulties
in which this casual method of legislation involved the
clerks are illustrated by the following entry: "Item,
qusedam Provisio facta est per Dominum Begem in
Parliamento prsedicto pro David Philip, armigero ; sed
cui Actui debeat affilari, ignoratur ; tenor tamen Pro-
yisionis illius sequitur, et est talis ..." * " Howbeit,"
writes one of Sir Bobert Plumpton's correspondents of
the Act of Attainder passed in Henry's first Parliament,
" there were many gentlemen against it ; but it would
not be, for it was the King's pleasure." *
Dr. Gairdner has pointed out that the royal veto was
never used in Henry's reign,* and has naturally sug-
gested that this circumstance indicates a fairly compre-
hensive control over legislation before it reached the
throne. But the methods by which this control was
exerted have never been explained ; and before we can
imderstand any explanation we must clear our minds of
the familiar notions of Parliament. In Henry's reign we
1 Vol. ii. No. 14. « Ibid. No. 13. • Ibid. No. 12.
* Vol. i. p, 32. » *• Henry VII,** p. 212.
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INTRODUCTION xxxiii
have as yet no " Lords' " or " Commons' Journals ". We
have merely the ** Bolls of Parliament/' and the Bolls are
the records of a court, kept by royal clerks. Parliament,
as such, has no officials of its own ; Chancery is the office
of Parliament, and supplies all the machinery that
Parliament possesses, its presiding officer the Lord Chan-
cellor, its writs of summons, its legal advisers, its clerks,
and its forms of procedure by bill and petition. There
is nothing called the House of Lords, either as a build-
ing or as a body of men. There are, indeed. Lords of
Parliament ; but there are also Lords of the Council,
just as to-day there are Lords of the Treasury, Lords of
the Admiralty, and others whose Lordship is purely
official ; and it is not till 1544 that we get the earliest
reference to a " House " of Lords.* In Henry VII's
reign the " Lords " — ^including judges, masters in chan-
cery, law officers of the crown, and royal secretaries —
sat ''in Camera Magni Consilii vocata le Parlement
Chambre " ; ^ they sat in a council chamber, were all
the Bang's councillors, and were regarded as such, not
as '' Peers," a word unknown to the parliamentary re-
cords of the reign.
Near the " Parliament Chamber " was the " Parlia-
ment House". "The same day," write the burgesses
for Colchester, whose diary for the Parliament of 1486-6
has been preserved in the Colchester archives, ''it
pleased the King and all his lords for to send for Master
Speaker and all the House into the Parliament chamber." ^
' Parry, " Parliaments and CounoUs of England,*' p. zlii.
»"Rot. Parl.,''vi.232a.
< W. G. Benham, *' The Bed Paper Book of Colohester," pp.
eO-4 ; cf. CampbeU'0 '' Bfaterials/' i. S2, 333.
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xxxiv INTRODUCTION
The " Domus Communis " in which the Commons
deliberated was in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies the Chapter House of Westminster Abbey ; and
they are supposed to have continued meeting there
until 1547, when they were transferred to St. Stephen's
Chapel. In any case their discussions were no part of
the proceedings in Parliament, and consequently there
is no reference to them in the ** Bolls ". The Commons
only appear in Parliament ^ on rare occasions, to hear
the chancellor's opening speech and prorogation, to pre-
sent the Speaker, or to announce by his mouth the re-
sult of their deliberations ; they only appear at the bar,
and generally on their knees, and the Speaker alone
of the Commons may speak in the Parliament chamber.
His regular petition for freedom of speech is for himself
alone, and refers only to what he says in the Parliament
chamber as the prolocutor of the Commons ; his principal
claim is that he may withdraw or correct any resolution
which he may have misreported ; and it has nothing to do
with the domestic debates in the " Domus Communis,"
which is outside *' the Parliament chamber," and of
which the clerk of Parliament takes no cognisance. It
does not, however, follow that the Commons have com-
plete liberty of action even in their own House. So far
as petitions were concerned there was Uttle or no re-
straint ; and most of these appeals to grace were pre-
sented by the Commons on behalf of — ex parte — some
corporation or individual. But a bill, formam cujusdam
Actus in se conUnens,^ was a different matter ; it not only
contained a petition, but dictated the form of answer ;
and to the end of the Tudor period procedure by bill was
> E.g. Vol. i. p. 26. «S6e Vol. ii. No. 12.
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INTRODUCTION xxxv
thought to trench on the royal prerogative. Elizabeth,
whose action was generally based upon precedent, di-
rected the Speaker to refuse leave to introduce bills of
a certain character ; ^ and it is probable that in Henry
Vll's reign, before bills could be introduced into the
House of Commons, leave had to be given through the
Speaker by the King or the Lords in the Parhament
chamber.
There is not the least doubt that the constitutional
questions involved in Henry's legislation were discussed
and settled by the judges before the bills were introduced
into Parliament ; and some of the most interesting of
the following documents ^ illustrate this practice. It
is unfortunate that the text is so badly edited ; and the
attempts of the non-legal mind to elucidate its meaning
can be little better than guesswork. The printed editions
of these ** Reports " give us no information as to their
mtse-en-scene. The judges are seen discussing general
constitutional questions, and we are forcibly reminded
of Bacon's approval of frequent consultation by the
Crown with those " lions under the throne ". But the
method by which these questions were brought before
them, the court in which they sat, and the precise effect
of their judgments are left obscure. One is tempted to
see in these sessions a relic of the High Court of Parlia-
ment before it contained representative elements, and
when there might be a ** plenum parliamentum " with-
out speciaUy summoned magnates or elected knights of
the shire and burgesses.' At any rate, an important
^lyEwes, *<Joi]niAl8,'*p. 213; Prothero, ''Select Dooumenta,"
2nd ed. p. 120.
« E.g. Vol. ii. Noa 6, 7 ; Vol. iii. Pt. 3.
* MutlAnd, ** Memonmdft de Pftrliamento," Bolls Ser., pp. xxzr ff.
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xxxvi INTRODUCTION
part of the work of the Lords of the Great Council in
the Parliament chamber was the examination of bills
before or as soon as they were introduced into the
" Parliament House " ; and in 1536 Lord Darcy com-
plained that, whereas the Lords had previously been
accustomed to obtain copies of bills introduced into the
Commons that they might take legal opinion as to
whether they were constitutional, recently they had
experienced great difficulty in so doing '' partly through
default of those of the Chancery in the use of their
office amongst the Lords''.^
The credit for the legislation enacted imder these
conditions, upon which Bacon has passed an encomium,
must therefore be divided between Henry VII and his
judges. Its characteristic was ** the revival of moribund
legality and the construction of an efficient machinery
for its enforcement " ; Henry's statutes " were for the
most part not novel in kind, but an endeavour to en-
force existing laws ".* It was remarked by a contem-
porary that he would like to govern after the French
fashion,' and Dr. Busch has ascribed to this predilection
the statute of 1495 dispensing with a jury of indictment,
and legalizing action upon conmion informations in cases
of Uvery, etc. The coincidence of this Act with the
careers of Empson and Dudley as " common informers "
has perhaps given it undue notoriety ; for a similar Act
had been passed in 1468, and petitions against its non-
execution had been presented in the parliaments of 1472
» " Letters and Papers of Henry VIII," Vol. xii. pt. i. No. 901
p9,40].
> Leadam, '' Star Chamber Caaes," Vol. i. pp. Ixiv, xcy.
» Vol. ii. Noe. 2, 46.
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INTRODUCTION xxxvii
and 1482. Similar precedents may be foimd for most
of Henry's Acts ; the remedies were well-nigh as ancient
as the disease, of which complaints had been heard for
nearly two centuries. The Statute of Fines, which legal
historians persist in representing as Henry VH's inven-
tion, merely repeats an earlier Act ; ^ and the nearest
approaches to novelty in Henry's legislation may be
found in the principle of Poynings' Laws, in the re-
striction of benefit of clergy and right of sanctuary, in
the subjection of municipal law-making to the super-
vision of Chancery, and in the protection given to the
subjects of a de facto king against prosecution for treason.^
The novelty lay in execution ; there had been lack of
power, if not also lack of will, to enforce the law.
Henry VH supplied both these quahties in a fuller
measure than any of his predecessors, though complete
cure was not to be effected for long years after his
death. Sometimes, no doubt, Henry's zeal for execu-
tion carried him too far. The monstrous fine inflicted
on his host, the Earl of Oxford, was hardly the act of a
gentleman ; but neither was the Earl's in parading illegal
retainers before his royal guest, and it ^as Henry's duty
to be a king before he was a gentleman. He, too, like
James I, caused comment by hanging thieves, perhaps
without a trial.' But he did not alter the judges' ten-
ure of office from quamdiu se bene gesserint to durante
bene pladto*
Even his famous Star Chamber Act of 1487 comes
I Busoh^ p. 295 n.
« Vol. ii No, 9 ; VoL iii. Pt. 3.
< '' Venetian Calendar,'' i. 782.
* Campbell's ** Materiab," L 592.
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xxxviii INTRODUCTION
under this rule. As early as 1355 a select body of
councillors sat for judicial business in a room called
the Star Chamber. New forms of writ, infringing the
common law, such as sub poena and certis de causis had
been invented by John de Waltham, who became Master
of the Rolls in 1381. By statute 31 Henry VI, c. 2, the
issue of writs of privy seal had been legalized summon-
ing before the King or his Council offenders in cases of
** great riots, extortions, and oppressions ". Parliament
resisted this extension of the Coimcil's jurisdiction, and
in 1390 the Council admitted that cases concerning the
common law should be sent before the judges. But in
1423 it reserved cases of too great might on one side
ajid unmight on the other ; in 1426 it added to the re-
servation " other reasonable cause " ; and these received
parliamentary sanction in 1429. A further Act of 1453
was so similar to that of 1487 that it might well have
been regarded as the foundation of the Court of Star
Chamber. Henry VH's statute improved upon the Act
of 1453 (a) by extending the number of offences with
which the Court was thenceforth by consent of Parlia-
ment competent to deal ; (6) by giving statutory sanc-
tion to the issue of writs of Great and Privy Seal ; and
(c) by extending to all cases covered by the statutory
jurisdiction the ancient practice of examining defendants
upon oath.
The Court was little more than the Privy Coimcil in
another form ; and it exercised an almost indistinguish-
able jurisdiction. But it sat in public, while the Council
sat in private, and judges always attended the Star
Chamber, while they seldom attended the Privy Council.
There were other differences in personnel ; coxmcillors
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INTRODUCTION xxxix
who were not privy councillors sat in the Star Chamber,
and it was claimed in Elizabeth's reign that a peer» as
an hereditary coimcillor of the Crown, had a right to sit
in the Star Chamber. The claim was not allowed, but
the composition of the Court was always doubtful. The
statute of 1487 enabled the famous seven to exercise
certain kinds of jurisdiction, but in 1493 it was laid
down that the only judges of the Court were the Chan-
cellor, Treasurer, and Lord Privy Seal.^ This decision,
however, was soon ignored ; in 1529 the Lord President
was added, and later, in the sixteenth century, the Court
seems to have been the Privy Council, plus the judges,
holding a public sitting for certain judicial purposes in
the Star Chamber. The jurisdiction of the Court was
also gradually extended beyond the limits of 1487 to
cases of forgery, perjury, contempt of proclamations,
frauds, duels, and other offences.
This list of crimes and misdemeanours, which the
Common Law courts were imable to check, illustrates
the need for some such institution as the Star Chamber ; ^
but its main justification lay in the breakdown of the
jury system. Documents printed in these volumes and
elsewhere show that trial by jury might in effect be a
contest in perjury, and that the conscience of jurors was
seldom proof against the pressure of bribery or force
that might be brought to bear upon them by their
powerful neighbours. It should, no doubt, be remem-
bered that the judicial functions now discharged by
juries were something new, and that jurors probably still
» Vol. ii No. 36.
*Cf. Forteficue, ed. Plummer, p. 22, who desoribes the Star
Chamber as a *' national blessing ".
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xl INTRODUCTION
regarded themselves as little more than witnesses, ex-
pected to do their best for their friends and not to judge
impartially between the parties to the suit. The function
and the merit of the Star Chamber was to put a greater
fear before their eyes than that of local magnates ; but
even in this business of dealing with weak or dishonest
juries, the Star Chamber was not in Henry's reign
engaged on a novel task. Sixty years earlier the Court
of Star Chamber, advised by the judges, was sitting
upon a corrupt body of jurors.^ Well might successive
Chancellors open Parliament with exhortations to
justice, and dwell with eloquence upon the Augustinian
question, ** sublata justitia, quid aliud sunt regna quam
magna latrocinia ? " *
While Morton and Warham talked of justice, their
hearers murmured of taxation. Queen Elizabeth once
admitted to a foreign diplomatist that there was plenty
of money in England but that it was difficult of extrac-
tion ; ' and the circumstance that every revolt against
the first two Tudors was occasioned by taxation shows
that their difficulty was no less. Yet the sums were in
inverse proportion to the hubbub raised by taxation.
The yield of tenths, fifteenths, and subsidies sank as the
wealth of the coimtry rose ; instead of real tenths being
levied, the total sum had become stereotyped in the
fourteenth century, though deductions were constantly
made for towns and cities that professed to be decayed.
Then, too, the tenths and fifteenths were collected by
nominees of the local members of Parliament. '* This
» NicolaB, " Proc. Privy Council," iii. 213.
« Vol. i. No8. 46, 167.
* «' Politioal History of England, vi. 188.
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INTRODUCTION xli
year/' writes a London chronicler of 1489, *' was granted
unto the king toward the defence of Brittany, where-
upon he had expended great sums of goods, the tenth
penny of men's lands and goods moveable ; but it was so
favourably set by the conmiissioners that it amounted
to nothing so much in money as men deemed it would
have done." ^ Whenever the sheep came to be shorn
there veas much cry and little wool.
There were two obvious causes for this discrepancy.
Direct taxation was spasmodic ; it was not a regular
annual charge, to which men grow accustomed and for
which they make allowance. Only seven Parliaments
met in the twenty-four years of Henry's reign ; none of
them sat four months ; and some provided no supply.
Taxes were not voted oftener them about once in six
years ; it is true that payment was usually spread over
two, but even so, the normal taxpayer had only to
open his purse about once in three years. He was none
the more grateful for that ; the income tax would to-day
create far more friction if it were only collected once in
three years, and if no one knew beforehand when it
might be levied. It was the irregularity of direct taxa-
tion in the Tudor period that caused the hardship and
provoked the discontent. There was little complaint
about customs, except among merchants, because the
ordinary taxpayer was not sufficiently educated to trace
any connexion between the prices he paid and the
duties levied by the King. The second cause of the
outcry against taxation was simply the feebleness of
national sentiment. The strength and soundness of a
State depends upon the readiness of its members to vote
1 Vol. i. No. bb.
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xlii INTRODUCTION
and pay taxes for national purposes ; but the Cornish-
men's patriotism was so local that they thought it mon-
strous to be compelled to contribute to the expense of
defending the Scottish borders, and even to the London
chronicler an assessment is '* favourable " when the tax-
payer escapes, and the Government is left without fin-
ancial resources to discharge its national duties.
It may be, however, that the most substantial cause
for discontent consisted in the assessment. It is clear
that local conmussioners treated their localities vnth the
greatest tenderness, but we have little information about
the apportionment among individuals of the local assess-
ment ; a shire or town might be lightly assessed, but
individuals might be heavily taxed, and what we know
of local justice would not lead us to expect much fairness
in the distribution of the burden. The extent to which
the ** commons " participated in the revolts against taxa-
tion,, while the well-to-do townsfolk held aloof, suggests
that meagre returns to the Exchequer might be compat-
ible with grievous exactions from the poorer classes. If
this were so, there was justice, if there was also illegality,
in the forced loans and benevolences Henry raised. The
benevolence is said to have been invented by Edward
IV, but the forced loan at any rate was an earlier
expedient, and the Privy Council records for 1435 con-
tain a long list of person, cities, and towns from which
sums were to be required.^ Their collection from cities
and towns might merely reproduce what injustice there
was in the assessment of tenths and fifteenths; and
while Henry VII made the city of London pay heavily
for a renewal of its charter, he levied his benevolences
* Nioolag, "Proc Privy Council," iw. 316-29.
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INTRODUCTION xliii
as a rule from individuals. An Act of Bichard m
had declared them iUegal, but Parliament condoned and
enforced their payment when levied by Henry VH ; *
and if Archbishop Morton devised the famous fork that
bears his name, it is satisfactory to find that he did not
himself escape the dilemma, but had on one occasion to
pay what would now be some £15,000.* It is probable
that in effect benevolences represented a rough and
partial equalization of financial burdens. Clerical ex-
emptions from tenths and fifteenths were a scandal ; '
lay assessments were a farce. At the end of the Tudor
period Sir Walter Balegh declared in Parliament that the
£3 or £4 at which men were rated in the subsidy-books
might stand for their real income or for less than its hun-
dredth part, while Cecil averred that in one shire no
man's lands were assessed at more than £80 a year, and
no one's income in London at more than £200. Sub-
sidies, he asserted, were ** imposed for the most part upon
the meaner sort of her majesty's subjects ".* In Henry
V ill's reign Secretary Paget expressed his preference
for a benevolence over parliamentary taxation, be-
cause, among other reasons, a benevolence ''did not
grieve the common people".* Those who paid ben-
evolences were the chief beneficiaries of Tudor go-
vernment, and they contributed least to the regular
forms of taxation. Tudor autocracy, in this as in
other respects, attempted by extra-legal means to re-
dress a balance unfairly tilted by middle-class predomin-
ance in the House of Commons,
» VoL ii. No. 29. « Ibid. No. 27. » Vol. iii. Pt, 2.
* '* Politioal Hist, of England,'* vi. 463, 472-3.
> '* Letters and Papers of Henry Yin," 1644, Pt. iL No. 689.
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xliv INTRODUCTION
This political influence of a narrow class was as
marked in local as it was in national politics. No doubt
it was ultimately based on the greater capacity and
sense of responsibility possessed by the well-to-do ; and
the turbulence of the commons was as much the reason
as the excuse for the restriction of the municipal fran-
chise at Leicester, Northampton, and Exeter.^ But the
local magnates of the towns were at least as locally
minded as their humbler fellow-townsmen. At York
civic patriotism manifested itself in a mutual bond to
ignore all outside jurisdiction.* London prohibited its
merchants from frequenting other fairs and markets
in order to compel resort to its own ; and the conflict of
the municipal laws of guilds and other corporations with
one another and with the royal prerogative provoked an
important step towards the centralization of sovereignty
in 1504, when an Act of Parliament subjected local
legislative powers to the control of the central govern-
ment. It was also a step towards the modem ** con-
cession " theory, according to which corporations exer-
cise authority solely through explicit or implicit delega-
tion from the State, and not in virtue of any original or
imprescriptible right. Bacon was expressing the civi-
lian's prejudice against all associations save the State,
when he described the guilds as " fraternities in evil ".'
§ 4. Social and Eoonomic History.
The time has long since passed when politics and the
Constitution were considered exhaustive of the content
of English history ; and no apology is needed for the
* Vol u. No8. W-IOO. « Ibid. No. 94.
» Vol ii No. 1(H ; Leadam, " Star Chamber," Vol. i. p. di.
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INTRODUCTION xlv
illustrations of English manners and customs included
in the second volume. They are naturally derived for
the most part from Venetian comments, and no one was
better fitted than a Venetian diplomatist, with his cos-
mopolitan outlook and experience, to appreciate the
salient points in English national character. Insularity
is what we expect ; it was hardly more marked than
the peninsularity of Spain, and we are told that the
vulgar of both countries imagined that there was no
other.^ A greater freedom of manners than obtained
after the rise of Puritanism was also natural ; but the
Venetian's comments on the draconian severities of
English parents must be discounted by Dudley's com-
plaints of maternal doting, while the statement that
apparently the English never fell in love should be inter-
preted as meaning that they did not express their pas-
sion with Italian exuberance.' The more sordid features
he notes in middle-class family life were the excrescences
of that development of conmiercialism which character-
ized Henry's reign.
The domestic effects of that movement were not so
marked as they became in the next generation ; but we
have Acts of Parliament to restrain enclosures, the
increase of pasture, the decay of husbandry, the growth
of usury and of vagabondage.^ Internal trade was be-
coming national rather than local, and such legislation
as is devoted to this subject represents somewhat crude
experiments to substitute national for local regulation.
Matters such as the fixing of wages and hours of labour,
and standards for commerce and manufacture, which
had been determined by guilds and municipal corpora-
^ Vol. u. No. 112. « IM. Nos, 110, 111. » Ibid, Nos. 117-22.
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xlvi INTBODUCTION
tions, were now brought within the expanding scope of
Pfiurliamentary interference. Effective steps were at
length taken to secure a national uniformity of weights
and measures, Ucence was occasionally granted by
Henry VII for the introduction of foreign clothworkers,
and the currency was improved, notably by the first
coinage of English sovereigns.^
But, as Dudley pointed out,' the encouragement of
domestic trade and manufactures would be robbed of
much of its effect without a proper vent in foreign
markets ; and Henry's energies were largely devoted to
promoting England's oversea commerce. There was
hardly a State in Western Europe with which he did not
conclude one or more commercial treaties. The problem
was of some difficulty, for Englishmen were the last to
concede to foreign merchants in England the privileges
they claimed for themselves abroad ; and the question
was complicated by rivalries among English merchants
themselves. The individual was too weak and poor to
face the risks of foreign enterprise with any prospect of
success ; and foreign trade, so far as it was in English
hands at all, was almost monopolized by one or two
great corporations. Of these the most powerful com-
prised the merchants of the English Staple at Calais,
and it has been said that they almost formed a fourth
estate of the realm.* The " staple " included not only
wool, but all " staple ** products ; it was governed by the
lex mercatoria, a form of " liberty," and its privileges
> Vol. i. No. 68 ; Vol. ii. Noe. 121-2, 129, 131 ; Campbell's
*< Materials/* ii. 134.
• Vol. ii. No. 133.
> See " Cely Papers " (Camden Soc.), Pref. p. x.
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INTEODUCTION xlvii
overrode all looal and municipal franchises. Its chief
domestic rivals were the Merchant Adventurers, whose
mart was established at Antwerp ; they were not less
exclusive in their ambitions, and the process of freeing
trade for the individual by destroying the hberties of
privileged corporations made little, if any, progress in
Henry's reign.^ He was more successful in placing
English and foreign traders on a footing of equality.
In this respect English merchants had been at a con-
siderable disadvantage, and their jealousy of the foreigner
had no little justification. Owing to superior organiza-
tion and enterprise, foreign merchants, such as the
Venetians, but especially the merchants of the Hanse,
had established themselves in a privileged position in
liondon, Southampton, and elsewhere. The complaint
that partial exemption from taxation gave them an un-
fair advantage over their English rivals was met by
making aliens and denizens pay double taxes ; but the
King retained and commonly exercised the power of
granting wholesale dispensations, and the Hanse mer-
chants paid at a lower rate than other foreigners.^ This
was a small grievance compared with the practical
monopoly of the Baltic trade which Henry sought to
break down by commercial treaties with Denmark and
with Biga.' He also encouraged trade between England
and the Mediterranean ports ; an English consulate was
established at Pisa ; ^ Venetian merchants were tempted
to make Southampton rather than the Netherlands the
1 See W. R. Soott, '' Joint Stock Companies," 3 voIb., 1910-12.
'YoL u. Nos. 136^ ; of. CunpbeirB '* Materials,'* i. 116, 373-7,
ii. 245-7.
' U, 152, 154. ' Ibid, No. 143 ; of. CampbeU, ii. 288.
d
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xlviii INTEODUCTION
emporium of their trade ; and Henry's importation of
alum — indispensable to the soap manufacture — from
other than Papal sources, involved him in the risk of
excommunication.^
But it was with the Netherlands that England's com-
mercial relations were most important. Their develop-
ment would assist Henry's schemes for breaking down
the monopoly of the Hanse ; and apart from that, the
Netherlands were England's best market. Political
divergences, however, interrupted commercial friendship.
Exasperated by Margaret and Maximilian's patronage
of Perkin Warbeck, Henry in 1493 transferred the
Merchant Adventurers' mart from Antwerp to Calais,
and expelled the Flemish merchants from England.
Six months later the Flemish government retaliated by
prohibiting the import of English goods.^ The Hanse
merchants naturally profited by this quarrel, and the
English apprentices somewhat illogically vented their
resentment at their loss of trade in an attack upon the
Steelyard, the house of the Hanse in London.' Mutual
suffering from the interruption led in 1496 to the con-
clusion of the treaty subsequently known as the Inter-
ourms Magrvus, which is here printed in full.* Further
advantages were secured for the English by the Inter-
cursus Mains ten yecurs later ;^ but Philip's death
prevented its ratification, and Henry had to moderate
some of the terms he had extracted from Philip's ship-
wreck in England. The treaty, thus modified, remained
the basis of England's conmiercial relations with the
^ ** Venetian Cftlendar," i. pp. 160-1, No. 815 ; «' Letters and
Papers/' ii, 168.
« Vol. tt. Noe. 136, 148. » I. No. 69. * H, 149. • H, 166.
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INTRODUCTION xlix
Netherlands throughout the following century, and the
model for its negotiations with other states.
Shipping was, however, the greatest of England's
interests, if not the greatest of its industries ; and Henry
VII was the first English king to realize the importance
of conducting English oversea trade in English bottoms
manned by English seamen. Two Acts of Parliament,
passed in 1485 and 1489,^ were, although primarily con-
cerned only with the wine and woad trade from Gascony
and Guienne, the basis of legislation which culminated
in the famous Navigation Laws of Oliver Cromwell and
Charles U, enacted in 1650 and 1661 and repealed in
1849. There was English trade, if not English ship-
ping, in the Mediterranean, or an English consul would
not have been established at Pisa, nor a proposal made
to set up an English staple there.^ The North Sea
fisheries on the Dogger Bank were beginning to assume
the importance which ultimately precipitated Gro tins'
Mare Liberum and Selden's Ma/re Clanisum and other
Anglo-Dutch conflicts of the seventeenth century. The
voyage to Icelemd was an annual enterprise, regulated
not only by royal injunctions, but also by Act of Parlia-
ment ; and the men of Bristol in particular, extending
their Irish adventures, began to stretch out across the
Atlantic.
Their leader came from Venice, but found his crews
and capital in Bristol and in London. There can be
little doubt that Henry VH would have encouraged
Columbus but for the accident which intercepted the
seaman's proposals ; and to the assistance he rendered
to Messer Zoane Caboto witness is borne by the records
* n, 134-5. ' '* Venetian Oalendsr," i. pp. 185.6.
d*
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1 INTEODUCTION
of his privy purse expenses as well as by his commission
authorizing Cabot to sail under his flag and plant it in
new-foimd lands.^ There was no hard and fast hne
between the crusaders and the early explorers, and the
various " rewards " paid by Henry to priests who went
on these voyages of discovery proves the existence of a
religious motive ; but there was also the germ of that
lust for dominion which became so marked a feature of
Elizabeth's England.^ No doubt the desire for trade
gave zest to the search for dominion ; but greed alone
would never have carried men in 80-ton vessels across
the stormy Atlantic to uncharted shores. The accounts
which the Milanese envoy gives of his conversations with
Cabot,' and other documents here printed testify to his
successful explorations, which were somewhat obscmred
by his son Sebastian's imfilial impiety in assuming the
glory of his father's achievements. The continuous
existence of an English colony in Newfoundland from
1497 to the present day is, however, a fable in which
every Newfoimdlander and no one else believes; but
Cabot's triumphant return was greeted with national
enthusiasm. He himself went on, and, contrary to the
general opinion, returned from, a second expedition in
the following year;^ and his example was frequently
followed by known and unknown mariners, imtil a
voyage to " the new foimd isle " became a sort of for-
lorn hope for the restoration of the fortimes of the
penniless scions of noble houses.^ These were the rough
drafts of a future expansion of England, which depended
' n, 160-171. ' '' Political Hist of England,'* vi. 306.
»n, 162. *n, 169.
» " Letters and Papers of Henry Vm," iy. No. 3731.
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INTRODUCTION li
for its success upon internal consolidation, the develop-
ment of industry and commerce, the maintenance of
peace at home, and the avoidance of war abroad.
§ 5. FoBEiGN Policy.
The concluding words of the preceding section sum
up the objects of Henry's foreign policy. No English
statesman achieved so much at so small a cost. It is a
well-worn theme of historical disquisition to compare
and contrast the foreign policy of Henry VII with
that of Wolsey and that of Queen Elizabeth. So far
as Wolsey is concerned it is a question of contrast.
There was a fundamental divergence between Henry's
patient craft and Wolsey's pjrrotechnics ; and the con-
trast in methods sprang from an equally fimdamental
divergence in personal character and in public aims.
Henry disdained the pomp and circumstance of diplo-
matic power ; no one set greater store by them than
Wolsey. The king had the quiet hauteur of an aristo-
crat, bom in England, but trained in exile ; standing,
to use Soncino's phrase, like one on a tower, he surveyed
the arena with almost Olympic calm. The cardinal,
sprung from the people, was ever climbing the heights
of personal glory ; and his brow was seldom free from
the dust and sweat of the conflict. It might have
cleared beneath the triple crown ; and the merging of
his ambition in the greater glory of the Catholic church
might have given him something of the serenity which
Henry obtained on the throne through the identification
of his with his coimtry's greatness. As it was, Wolsey's
diplomacy was tainted by private un-English ends.
England for him was a stepping-stone to Bome ; and to
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lii INTRODUCTION
achieve the papal tiara he must dazzle the eyes of the
western world and play a great part on the stage of
Europe. He sought to be the arbiter of Christendom
that he might win the votes of its cardinals. The giddy
eminence, that rose before the vision of the butcher's
son from Ipswich, was beyond the reach of the English
king. Henry's ambitions were centred in England.
To the suffirage of Europe he was indifferent, and he
held aloof from its abortive councils. Italy was, he
said, too distant for English concern;^ he joined the
Holy League as a matter of form ; with the Congress of
Cambrai he had nothing to do ; and he had no reason
to angle for votes in a papal conclave. His early
acquaintance with foreign lands fitted him all the
more to pursue an insular policy, and the sole aim of
his dealings with other countries was to promote the
welfare of his own. He struck out the path, and his
grand-daughter trod in his footsteps.
Like her, he was parsimonious of the public purse,
and hated war because war meant taxation, taxation
meant discontent, and discontent involved friction, waste,
and weakness. An overflowing exchequer, and not the
empty bubble reputation, was the object of his desire.
Such wars as he waged he turned to financial profit,
and his brief campaign against France produced an
income of 50,000 crowns a year from the French
treasury for the rest of his reign. A little more glory
might have cost him ten times as much. But he
was no believer in peace at any price ; on the contrary,
he always obtained a very high price for his peace.
His subjects paid him to levy war, and his enemies
» Vol L No. 132.
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INTRODUCTION liii
bribed him to refrain. Yet the complete success of his
policy did not render its inception an easy matter of
course. It has been said that the Yorkists were
soldiers while the Tudors were statesmen.^ The com-
parison would be more pointed, if Lemcastrians were
substituted for Yorkists ; for after all, Edward lY had
set at Pecquigny an example upon which Henry VII
improved at Staples, and it was Henry V who gave the
most striking proof of the harm which a brilliant
soldier can do without the restraint of a statesman's
mind. No doubt, if Henry VII had been as brilliant a
soldier as Henry V, he might have attempted once more
a fool's quest for the crown of France ; none the less
it needed a statesman to resist the temptation, for no
expedient is more attractive than military adventure to
the occupant of an unstable throne ; and the lure was
presented to Henry in a well-nigh irresistible guise when
the Duchess of Brittany appealed to England for help
against its absorption by France.
This was the touchstone of Henry's foreign policy,
and the challenge of his statesmanship. Should he
or should he not commit England to the task of pre-
venting the union of Brittany with France, and thus
renew the Hundred Years' War? It was clear that
the step would mean permanent enmity between the
two realms; and yet English interests might seem
to demand that the risk should be taken. The triumph
of France would greatly increase her strength, would
bring her down to the English Channel along the whole
of its length, and complete her position as England's
rival on the sea. England's success on the other hand
* Qairdner, ** Letters and Papers of Henry VII," Vol. i. p. xxvi.
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liv INTRODUCTION
would practically give her command of both sides of the
entrance to the Channel and prevent the consolidation
of her traditional enemy. Ferdinand of Aragon was
ever urging Henry to renew England's claims to Nor-
mandy and Guienne, and success in Brittany would add
to the feasibility of that project. Yorkist and Lancas-
trian would sink their mutual hostility in warfare
against the national foe; and both Ferdinand and
Maximilian promised assistance.
The pressure of sentiment and of apparent utility was
too strong to permit the occasion to pass without some
show of response on Henry's part ; and after two years
of desultory operations in aid of Brittany, he crossed
the Channel in person in October, 1492. But a month
later he concluded the peace of !^taples,^ and there is as
little doubt about the correctness of his conclusion as
there is of his intention so to conclude all along. The
assurances of Ferdinand were not worth the paper on
which they were written; the treaty of Medina del
Campo between England and Spain had, indeed, been
signed in 1489, purporting perpetual friendship and a
marriage between Arthur and Catherine ; but the real
object, avowed from the first by Ferdinand, had been to
use England for the purpose of recovering Bousillon
and Cerdagne for Spain, and the treaty of i^taples barely
forestalled the peace concluded in January, 1493, be-
tween France and Spain, by 'which those two provinces
were ceded to Ferdinand and the treaty of Medina del
Campo was rendered void.*
Even less reliance was to be placed on the meteoric
1 Vol. i. Noe. 64-6 ; Vol. iii. Noe. 3, 7.
s ''Spanish Calendar,*' i. 21-2, 29, 34, 54-6, 62-3, 78, 90.
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INTRODUCTION Iv
Maximilian whose orbit observed no regular coarse,
and whose control over the chaotic government of the
Netherlands could not prevent his wife's step-mother,
the Duchess Margaret, from supporting every pre-
tender to Henry's throne. Henry, as a parvenu king,
had as yet no genuine friends among princes; they
would wait and see before they plighted their friend-
ship to him, and they would gladly make their profit
out of war between England and France. For the
war would be long and costly, unless England was
early defeated. It was not in Henry's power to guarantee
the Breton frontier against the armies of France, and
the effort to defend it would have ruined his work in
England. He might, it is true, have supported a national
Breton resistance ; but of this there was little sign.
Henry knew from his youth the inside of the Breton
court, and the Breton people were not prepared for a
life-and-death struggle against a union with France.
Peace had its perquisites no less than war, and Henry
returned from Staples, if not with honour, at least with
substantial profits. Charles Vlli abandoned the cause of
Perkin, admitted Henry's title to the English throne,
and paid him a handsome annuity to refrain from
claiming the French.
The peace thus concluded was prolonged by the rash
ambition of France. Italy tempted Charles YHI as
France had tempted Henry V ; and he, too, fell a victim
to the seduction of a divided and almost defenceless
neighbour. Frenchmen foimd the plains of Lombardy
more enticing than the waves of the Atlantic ; and, turn-
ing their backs upon the new world, plunged into the
cockpit of the old. Ferdinsknd, whose conquest of
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Ivi INTRODUCTION
Ghranada from the Moors in 1492 ^ did for Spain what
the simultaneous acquisition of Brittany did for France,
likewise turned to enforce his claims upon Naples ; and
two generations of strife between the two great Catholic
powers made straight the path of the Tudors and the
Protestant Eeformation. It was the English and not
the Spanish king who was now the tertius ga/udens,
and Henry VII played the part with consunmiate for-
bearance. A less prudent sovereign would have inter-
vened by force of arms, but nothing would induce
Henry to break with France. This peace was the key-
stone of his foreign policy. It was far more significant
than his alliance with Spain ; for France was the nearer
neighbour and the older rival. There were no ancient
scores to be settled with Spain, and no traditional claims
to the Spanish throne. The Yorkists had been wise
enough to avoid the folly of Edward III and Henry V,
and Henry VH was not too proud to borrow prudence
from the dynasty he dethroned.
Spanish benevolence had been useful to Henry in
the early, imstable days of his rule; but the value of
Ferdinand's friendship grew less with the lapse of
time. After the peace of l^taples, Spain was valued
mainly as a counterpoise to Maximilian, whose champion-
ship of Yorkist pretenders has been ascribed, in default
of more statesmanlike motives, to chivalry ; like the
partisans of the Tichbome Claimant, he did not like to
see a poor man kept out of his rights. The treaty of
marriage between Arthur and Catherine of Aragon
was concluded in 1497 at the height of the Warbeck
crisis; and other Spanish diplomatists denounced
^Vol. i. No.64.
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Ivii
pay for his diffi-
e treaty.* Their
lenry's conduct in
was altered when,
land and Isabella
age with Arthur^s
itened in various
alder sister Juana
succession to the
1502 Henry was
ag progeny by the
's prospects of the
ble, too, that the
ds successors were
Spanish rivalry in
%i Henry was now
Netherlands than
^5 MagnuSf Puebla
landers more than
ence of the Arch-
ng basis than the
Duchess Margaret,
or the vagaries of his father the Emperor Maximilian, for
Anglo-Flemish friendship. To obtain a firm grasp of
Philip's mind now became the main object of Henry's
foreign policy. He had personal no less than na-
tional objects to serve; through Philip he hoped to
lay hands on the fugitive Earl of Suffolk as well as
to foster English trade and frustrate the designs of
Ferdinand. The death of Queen Isabella in 1604 had
^ Vol. i. No. 132. * '' Spftnish Calendar," i. p. 103.
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Iviii INTRODUCTION
shaken Ferdinand's hold on Spain; he had no title
to Castile, which he could only administer in the
name of his daughter Juana. But Juana's power
had gone to her husband, and Philip was henceforth
styled King of Castile. To fortify himself against his
children, Ferdinand made terms with France at the
Treaty of Blois in October, 1605 ; ^ Isabella's death had
discounted the victories of Gonsalvo di Cordova, and
the Italian prey was divided with Louis XII. Ferdin-
and also married a French wife, Germaine de Foix ; and
this Franco-Spanish entente, which Henry sought to
neutralize by negotiations for a marriage between his
son and a French princess,' threw him more than ever
on to the side of Philip and the Netherlands. Similar
considerations mollified Maximilian's antagonism to the
Tudor king, though his sentiments towards Henry never
grew warmer than that form of gratitude which consists
in the anticipation of financial favours to come. Maxi-
milian was always needy, and he confessed that his
principal object was to extract money from Henry VII ; *
he was always embarking on hopeless quests.
Henry thus was involved in a series of somewhat
sordid family squabbles and marriage negotiations.
Ferdinand and Maximilian intrigued against one an-
other for the control of their common grandchildren's
fortunes ; and even Catherine was used in the conflict.
Philip and Juana themselves were not on the best of
terms ; Philip detested his wife's Spanish household,
and Juafia her husband's Flemish councillors. The
Spaniards tried to prey upon Flanders, and the Flemings
1 ** Spanish Calendar,** L 450
«1, 177, 206. *Ihid.i.m.
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lix
could hardly
id Henry lent
xilly mediated
rs dnring the
Philip was al-
id in January,
tent to which
Iriven visit to
iry's presence
' a treaty for
)y, the regent
ail from Fal-
ind 8uflfolk.«
ave Fortune's
nana lost her
child of six in
urbing Ferdi-
was almost a
nry in his old
He suggested
mental afflic-
tion for the chance of ruling Castile. But it is difficult
to debit so cautious a king with so wild an adventure.
He could not hope to establish his rule in the heart of
Spain ; he continued to press for his marriage with
Margaret of Savoy ; ^ and the read object of his schemes
appears to have been the marriage of Charles with his
daughter Mary and the safeguarding of Charles's pros-
* Vol. i. No. 176 ; iii. Nofl. 1921.
•Vol. i. No. 189 ; Vol. iu. Pt. 1.
» Vol. L No. 202 ; Vol. iii. Pt. 1.
* Vol. i. No. 194; Vol. iii. Pt. 1.
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Ix INTRODUCTION
pects. These seemed doubtful enough. Ferdinand was
said to be his grandson's principal enemy ; ^ he was
enraged at the conclusion in 1507 of the treaty of mar-
riage between Charles and Mary Tudor ; ^ and the birth
of a son to him and Germaine de Foix, for which the
Aragonese longed with a truly provincial patriotism,'
would have deprived Charles of the succession to
Aragon, Naples, and Navarre, and have broken up that
Spanish union which is reckoned as Ferdinand's great-
est achievement. Germaine's child died at its birth a
few days after the close of Henry's reign ; * and Fer-
dinand's historical reputation as the founder of modern
Spain was rescued from shipwreck. Henry's own fame
as the architect of union between England and Scotland
rests on equally mortal foundations; he cannot have
looked forward to the death without issue of two of
his sons and of all his surviving son's children, which
led to the union of the crowns in the great-grandson
of the marriage between James IV, and his daughter
Margaret.
§ 6. Ecclesiastical Affaibs.
Henry's reigtx was the eve of the Beformation, and it
is natural to scan its records for signs of change. If no
signs are forthcoming, one historian will interpret their
absence as proof that the breach with Bome was the
unheralded act of royal caprice; and another will
talk of the darkness before the dawn, the hush be-
fore the storm. If there are signs, the one will try to
ignore, and the other to magnify, their significance.
^ Vol L No. 207. •VoLiiiPfc. L
* Ibid. Stile's report. * Qomara, ** Annale,'* p. 26.
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INTRODUCTION Ixi
Fortunately, perhaps, the reign does not lend itself to
partisan declamation. Its greyaeBS is too obstinate to
be pronounced either black or white, night or day;
and the signs that are found in the various aspects of
the relation between church and state do not all point
in ttie same direction. The religious upheaval of the
sixteenth century was due in England to four principal
causes of disturbance. One lay in the relations between
England and the Papacy; another in the authority
over the laity wielded by the church; a third in the
exemption of churchmen from temporal jurisdiction;
and a fourth in rejection of CathoUc dogma. None
of these four was inseparable from the other three,
although the second and third are commonly classed
together as the liberties of the church, and aU four did,
in fact, co-operate in producing the Reformation .
The first of these in itself involves three distinct
relationships, that of the Crown with the Papacy, that
of the Crown with the English church, and that of the
Bnglish church with the Papacy. In none of them
is there any evidence of serious friction during Henry's
leign. It may be argued that the king was too much
master of the situation to tolerate conflicts, and that this
fact in itself proves the case for that sort of sovereignty
which Henry VIII established de jiire as well as de
facto over the church. No Pope ventured to dispute
Henry VH's nominations for English preferments ; and
they were made vnth strict regard to the interests of the
Crown. Morton, Deane, Warham, Foxe, Ruthal, Sher-
borne, Urswick, and others received their bishoprics
and deaneries as rewards and endowments for civil
and not for spiritual services ; and popes agreed that
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Ixii INTEODUCTION
churchmen, if not the church, should serve the state.
The pope, indeed, only made one English cardinal
when Henry suggested five ; ^ but he placed his papal
censures and dispensations freely at Henry's disposal^
There were occasional disputes over more material and
costly papal commodities, such as alum ; ^ but they were
kept within decent limits, and the pope even agreed to
such limitations of clerical privilege as Henry imposed
in his ParUament. From so accommodating a catholic
jurisdiction, Henry appeared to derive as much profit
as he could ever hope to do from an insular royal
supremacy.
On the other hand, it may be contended that the
harmony was due to Henry's orthodoxy and respect for
the papal see. He personally converted a heretic at the
stake ; and, further, he burnt the heretic* His judges
declared that Parliament had no power over the spiritual
sphere, and that no statute could, for instance, make a
king an ecclesiastical person ; ^ and the grossest abuses
among the clergy were left for Morton and Convocation
to reform. If promotions to sees were made at Henry's
suggestion, they were also invariably made by papal
provision.* He was content if ecclesiastical revenues
went to his ministers, without keeping sees vacant to
profit his privy purse. Henry, indeed, characteristically
regarded his relations with church and Papacy as a
sound business connexion. Collections at court for papal
1 " Venetian Calendar," i. 173-4.
* Vol. i. p. leO ; VoL iii. Pt. 2.
» Ibid. ; " Venetian Calendar," i. 160-1.
* Vol. iii. Pt. 2.
^ Mcllwain, '' High Court of Parliament," pp. 277-9.
* See Le Neve's '* Fasti," ed. Hardy.
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INTRODUCTION Ixiii
objects produced disappointing returns, and Henry's
response to the Pope's appeal for a crusade against the
Turks was marked by a bland assiurance of impotence
upon which a twentieth-century Concert of Europe could
not have improved.^ But there was no adequate force
or motive to induce him to forgo the benedictions and
benefits of papal benevolence. He himself augmented
and adorned the material fabrics of the church by
his buildings at Windsor and Westminster Abbey;
he befriended the Friars Observants, and encouraged
his mother's ecclesiastical foimdations at Oxford and
Cambridge ; and thrice he received from the Pope the
sword and cap of maintenance.^
When King and Pontiff agreed so well, there was little
chance of protest from English clergy ; and no sign
of officisJ remonstrance has been discovered in Henry's
reign against royal or papal sovereignty. No chapter
resisted a royal nomination or a papal provision. The
statutes of provisors and prcamuimre had not been
passed to protect English clergy, but to preserve
royal and baronial rights of advowson and jurisdiction.
Henry kept proctors at Bome to promote his suits in
the papal curia ; ' and if the King was pleased to waive
his statutory powers, the English church had no con-
stitutional or other means of enforcing their execution.
The alleged independence of the English church left no
traces in Henry's reign. Morton had to seek exceptional
powers from Bome before he could attempt to reform
St. Albans. Great abbeys had independence enough,
^ *' Venetian Calendar," L 181.
« Cf. Vol. i., p. 261, vol. ii. No. 116, 20 Jan., 1497.
* Campbell's <* Matenals," L 176, 323 ; ii. 297, 369, 396.
e
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Ixiv INTRODUCTION
but theirs was a peculiar and not a national liberty ;
they were independent of English bishops but not of
Roman popes. The Pope taxed the English clergy with-
out their consent, and for protection against his de-
mands they relied on royal mediation. The Pope (or a
G-etieral Council) could alone legislate in spiritual matters
for the whole of the English church ; and the provincial
powers enjoyed by the CouTOcations of Canterbury and
York were sparingly used. Some instructiye complaints
were brought to their notice, but the remedies of Con-
vocation for clerical evils were apparently limited to
matters of clerical dress.^
The serious grievances, to which allusion is made in
these documents, did not arise from that clerical juris-
diction over laymen about which so much is heard in the
next generation. There are indeed municipal quarrels
with bishops and abbots, as at Coventry, York, and
8tratford-on-A.von ; ' but these arose from the fact that
the bishop or abbot was a great lord with a liberal fran-
chise, and not from his ecclesiastical character. The evils
that called for public action in Henry VII's reign grew out
of immunities of the clergy. A fierce Protestant declared
in Elizabeth's reign that the principal liberty of the
church had been a liberty to sin ; ' but he hardly exagger-
ated the words of the Italian observer of Henry's reign
who had no Protestant bias to warp his judgment^ The
two grossest of these aids to evildoers were the benefit
of clergy and the right of sanctuary. To judge (by the
evidence of Henry VII's reign, the efforts of Henry U
to bring criminous clerks to justice had been vain;
» m, Pt. 2. « Vol. ii No. 102 ; Vol. iii. Pt. 2.
» «• PoUtioal Hiirtory of BnglMid,* ' vi. 362. * HI, Pt. 2.
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INTRODUCTION Ixv
and the remedies adopted by Henry YII's Parliament
seem lame and halting enough. Any one who could
read had been entitled to benefit of clergy for every
crime he committed ; henceforth it needed episcopal or
other imexceptional testimony to the criminal's genuine
clerical charsbcter to save him more than once from
retribution. If this were not forthcoming the criminal
was, for his second murder or theft, to be punished like a
layman. Identification was secured by branding first
offenders on the ball of the left thumb with an M for
murder — the "brand of Cain" — and a T for theft or
other Crimea Beal clergy were, after conviction, claimed
by the church and subjected to penance or even imprison-
ment.^ It was an ingenious division of authority to leave
the judgment of criminous clerks to the lay courts, and
reserve execution to the church, which was prohibited by
the law of God from shedding blood. But Parliament,
having once tasted the forbidden fruit of clerical liberty
showed a desire for more ; and in 1491 the benefit of
clergy was similarly restricted to persons in holy orders
in the case of deserters from the army and of servants
who murdered their masters. Fraud on the part of
debtors in sanctuary had been restrained by Act of
Parliament in 1487, but the limitation of the right of
sanctuary itself was left to papal bulls obtained by
Henry VH, which restricted its protection to first
offenders.^ The meagreness of these measures of re-
form may be ascribed either to Henry's desire to keep
on good terms with the chiirch, or to the fact that the
spiritual peers were a majority in the Parliament
chamber. Perhaps with the fear of Henry IV's mis-
1 Vol. iii. Pt. 2. ; Busch, to. 271-3. > IH, Pt 2.
e*
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Ixvi INTRODUCTION
fortunes after Archbiahop Scrope's execution, before his
eyes, he always pardoned his clerical traitors, numerous
though they were.^ But the judges sometimes tried by
judicial interpretation to go further in the way of
limiting clerical liberties than they were authorized by
the statute-book.
The worst of these abuses were, no doubt, committed
by criminals who were not churchmen in any real sense
of the word ; and the fault of the church lay in its tena-
city of its liberties and in its tenderness to every scoundrel
who had any pretence to clerical privilege. Notorious
crimes like the murder by a monk of the prior of Sheen,
and scandals such as the siege of the prior of Christ-
church by his bishop and a band of retainers,^ must have
been rare. So, too, must such gross immorality in high
places as that with which the abbot of St. Albans was
charged by Cardinal Morton. But if prelates could do
such things, they would be more or less rife in humbler
clerical spheres. No Enghsh bishop to-day is ever sus-
pected of crime or immorality, but clerical criminals do
appear now and then in the police courts ; and for every
immoral abbot in Henry's reign it is safe to assume a
good many immoral monks, especially when the as-
sumption tallies with such evidence as we possess. To
put the matter as moderately as possible, it is clear that
clerical virtue was becoming an insufficient foundation
for the imposing superstructure of clerical liberties ; and
a beginning was made in Henry's reign of the attack on
clerical privileges in the matters of taxation and juris-
diction.
1 Cf. Vol. i. p. lOOn, 122.
• Vol. i. No. 165 ; Vol. iii. Pt. 2.
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INTRODUCTION Ixvii
The Catholic faith was another question. The con-
nexion between LoUardy and the Reformation is one of
the unsolved problems of history ; but of the existence
of serious heresy in England in Henry's reign the de-
tails collected here can leave no doubt ; and there is a
strong presumption in favour of ecclesiastical continuity
in this respect. The doctrines of Reginald Pecock Were
heterogeneous rather than heterodox ; and the facts
that he sternly condemned Lollardy but was himself
condemned by the Catholic Church, while they suggest a
certain afl&nity with the modem Anglican position, make
it difficult to attach its precise significance to the state-
ment of the Venetian envoy in England in 1476 that
English churchmen and graduates studied little else
than Pecock's works, in spite of Edward IV's zeal for
their extirpation.^ It seems at least to indicate an
heretical predisposition in clerical circles, and early in
Henry's reign charges of heretical preaching were brought
in Convocation. Clerical heretics were, however, sub-
missive to authority in the last resort, and it was only
laymen or women who carried their stubbornness to
the stake. They were of course humble folk, mainly
connected with London and the Chilterns ; but the life-
history, were it ascertainable, of Joan Bourchier, who
was burnt in 1496 at the age of eighty, would probably
throw some light on the persistence of Lollard opinions.
Heresy was, however, in the air in other realms than
England ; a Spanish ambassador warned Henry YH
against infection through fugitives from the Spanish
Inquisition,^ and Soncino speaks of the appearance of a
"new sect" in England without any great astonish-
' " Venetian Calendar," L pp. 134-6. « " Spanish Cal." i. 206-
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Ixviii INTRODUCTION
ment.^ With regard to the new &ith as with regard to
the new world and old Ireland, the reign of Henry VIE
was a time of small beginnings.
§7. Ibbland.
Although Ireland gave Henry VH abundance of
trouble, the Irish problem had not assumed the exasperat-
ing form it took after the Tudor and Stuart plantations.
In spite of the statute of Kilkenny, the line between
Anglo-Irish and *' wild " Irish and their respective habits
was disappearing ; and one of Poynings' Acts which pro-
hibited the Celtic war-cry, "cromaboo," also prohibited
*' butleraboo," which was clearly of mixed descent.'
The problem was not one of racial hatred, but one of
law and order. The crimson stains of Irish history have
been ascribed to the instigation of Saxon statesmen or
the imagination of Saxon historians ; but in the " Annals
of Loch C&/* ' we have a native record of battle, murder,
and sudden death so remote from Saxon infection that
throughout our period there is no reference to Poynings'
Laws, to Henry YH himself, or even to those coimterf eit
Irish royalties, Lambert Simnel and Perkin Warbeck.
These '* Annals ** relate to Ulster, then one of the wildest
Irish districts ; but in Munster, Connaught, and Leinster,
where men of Norman and English descent had sup-
planted native chieftains, the same features of tribal war-
fare were reproduced in the form of family feuds. In
the Pale and in the ports there was a greater semblance
of order ; but, except in Waterf ord, the greater order did
1 " Milanese Cal." L p. 380. • III, Pt. 3.
s Rolls Series^ Vol. iL pp. 183-213 ; it has not appeared neces-
sary to reproduce here these Ulster faction fights of four centuries
ago.
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INTEODUCTION Ixix
not involve greater lojralty to the Tudor. Bichard of
York is said to have left behind him a grateful remem-
brance in Ireland ; but the affection of Irish lords for
Yorkist pretenders was assuredly not due to Bichard's
repute as a vigorous ruler. They had greater oppor-
tunities than English barony for realizing their common
ideal of baronial independence ; and Lambert and Perkin
were to them simple stalking horses for its prosecution.
Vice-roys themselves had been infected by Irish
patriotism ; and Poynings' appointment and laws were
designed less as a check upon Irish parliaments than
upon more dangerous Irish deputies, who used Irish
parliaments to foster their own ambitions. His statutes,
which enforced the view of Irish dependence expressed
by Henry's judges in 1485, were a comprehensive pro-
gramme of reform ; ^ but their execution was a task
beyond Henry's resources, and Henry fell back on Eil-
dare. The story of his selection represents well enough
its motives.' Henry enlisted on the side of order the
strongest personal factor in Ireland, and left Eildare
with the responsibihty and the expense of its govern-
ment ; on somewhat similar terms the Percies governed
the Scottish Borders. It was not a heroic policy ; but
Henry could not afford a better. Even after the defeat
of Spain and the plantation of Munster, the conquest
of Ireland cost Elizabeth nearly five years' revenue.
An effective English conquest and administration of
Ireland might have involved Henry VH in some of the
perils that attended the Lancastrian effort to conquer
France. Ireland had to wait until England was stronger,
and until the invasion of Ireland by English adventurers
iVol. iil.Pt.8. *Ibid.
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Ixx INTEODUCTION
and foreign foes provided the English Government with
the means and the motives for conquest commensurate
with its risks.
The careful adjustment of his ambitions to his re-
sources is the first of a statesman's duties ; and it is
Henry Vn*s singular merit that he accomplished the
objects he set before him, cmd refrained from pursuing
quests which could only lead to disaster. A patient and
grim diplomatist, he lacked the flamboyant spirit of
Henry VHI and Elizabeth, and he never appealed to the
mob, which never applauded ; for wisdom is not a popular
quality. But no one knew his business better, or did his
work more completely. His prescription for England's
disorders was a sedative toned with iron and administered
with unflinching resolution. He confined to the bounds
of law and order a liberty that had run riot over the
land ; and he gave the English State a framework of
strength and unity that withstood the disruptive force
of ecclesiastical revolution.
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THE REIGN OF HENRY VII.
1485.
1.
[Extract from an oration said to haye been delivered before Henry
Vn at Cambridge about 1494, by John Blyth, Bishop of SaLus-
bory; it is, however, doabtfol whether Henry visited Cam-
bridge in that year ; and some of the orator's autobiographioal
statements are inconsistent with the facts of Blyth's career
(''Letters and Papers," L 422-3).]
"Mater deinde viro orbata te peperit orphanmn,^ ai467.
cujus uberibns mox abstractus, illorum custodian traditns
fueras qui bellis assiduis implicabantur. Castellnm in
quo tenebaris obsessnm in manns inimicorum tuorum
venit ; qui tamen, Deo ita providente, te (ut prsdclarum
sangoine deceret) ednoaveront egregie. Inde quaasitna
ad neoem, patriam deserens, nbi ad cognatnm tuum
regem Francorom ire destinaveras, in Minoris Britan-
nisB dncem utilius incidisti, quamqnam ab eo mrsum
tanquam captiyns detinebare. Sed, pace cum eo facta,
qnum in patriam redire statnisti, tanto ventomm im-
petu classis tua jactabatnr ut vi compulsus retro retulisti
pedem, Deo rem ita disponente, ne forte in manus
inimicorum tuorum venisses qui tunc insidias parar-
ant tibi. Post hsac Britanni te venalem offerebant
1 Henry Yll was bom on 28 January, 1457, at Pembroke
Castle ; his father, Edmond Tudor, had died on 3 November, 1456,
and his mother, Margaret Beaufort, who was bom in 1443, ww QQt
yet fourteen years old.
VOL. L X
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2 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
1485. capitalibus inimicis tuis, nihil magis quam taum san-
gainem dtientibna. Quid multis ? Convenit inter eos
de pecnnia ; sed tu interea, Deo mirabiliter sabveniente,
cnm trns omnibus effagisti salvns in Galliam. Unde
qumn denao temptares venire in patriam, dirigente tunc
taum iter et prosperante Deo, parva manu ingressus hoc
tuum regnum, regem qui tunc fuit cum universo ipsius
exercitu fudisti quamprimum."
[Oommines' '^M^moireB," ed. Petitot, ii. 314-15.]
Le comte de Richemont m'a autrefois cont6, peu
avant qu*il partist de ce royaume, que depuis Fage de
cinq ans il avoit estS gard6 et cach6 comme fugitif en
prison.
Ce comte avoit estd quinze ans ou environ prisonnier
en Bretagne du due Francois dernier mort, esquelles
mains il vint par tempeste de mer, cuidant fuir en
France, et le comte de Bennebroc,^ son oncle, avec luy.
J'estois pour lors devers ledit due quand ils furent pris.
Ledit due les traita doucement pour prisonniers et au
trespas du roy Edouard, ledit due Fran9ois luy baiUa
largement gens et navires, et avecques I'intelligence
dudit due de Boucquinguan,^ qui pour icelle occasion
mourut, Tenvoya pour descendre en Angleterre : il eut
une grande tourmente et vent contraire, et retouma k
Dieppe, et de la par terre en Bretagne. Quand il fut
retoumd en Bretagne, il douta d'ennuyer le due par sa
despence ; car il avoit quelques cinq cens Anglois, et si
craignoit que ledit due ne s'accordast avecques le roy
Richard, k son dommage ; et aussi on le pratiquoit de
de9a : parquoy s'en vint avec sa bande, sans dire adieu
audit due. Peu de temps apres on luy paya trois ou
^ Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke.
' Henry Stafford, aecond Duke of Backingham.
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THE EARL OF RICHMOND'S INVASION 3
quatre mille hommes pour le passage seolement ; et f ut i486.
baill6e par le Roy qui est de present, k cenx qui estoient
avecques luy, une bonne somme d'argent et quelques
pieces d'artilleria^ H fut conduit, aveo le navire de
Normandie, ponr desoendre en Galles, dont 11 estoit.
3.
[Richard ni's proolamation againat Henry Tador^ *' Faston
Letten," Hi. 883.]
R.R.
Ricardos etc. salutem. Precipimas tibi etc. Fob- 28 June.
ASMOGHB as the Ejmg our sovereign Lord hath certeyn
knowledge that Piers, Bisshop of Exeter, Jasper Tydder,
son of Owen Tydder, callyng hymself Erie of Pembroke,
John, late Erie of Oxon, and Sir Edward Wodevyle,
with other dyvers his rebelles and traytonrs, disabled and
atteynted by the auctorite of the High Court of Parle-
ment, of whom many be knowen for open murdrers,
advoutrers, and extorcioners, contrary to the pleasure
of God, and ayenst all trouth, honour, and nature,
have forsakyn there naturall contrey, takyng them first
to be under th' obeisaunce of the Duke of Bretayn, and
to hym promysed certeyn thyngs whiche by him and his
counsell were thought thynggs to gretly unnaturall and
abominable for them to graunt, observe, kepe, and per-
fourme, and therfore the same utterly refused.
The seid traytours, seyng the seid Duke and his
counsell wolde not aide nor socour theym ner folowe
there wayes, privily departed oute of his contrey in to
Fraunce, and there takyng theym to be under the
obeisaunce of the Eynggs auncient enemy, Charlys,
calljmg hjrmself Eyng of Fraunce, and to abuse and
blynde the comons of this seid Realme, the seid rebelles
1 See below, p. 83.
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4 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
JmM. and traitoors have chosyn to be there capteyn one
^ Henry Tydder, son of Edmond Tydder, son of Owen
Tydder, whiche of his ambicioness and insaciable
oovetise encrocheth and usurpid upon hym the name
aod title of royall astate of this Realme of Englond,
where unto he hath no maner 'interest, right, title, or
colour, as every man wele knoweth ; for he is discended
of bastard blood bothe of fihther side and of mother
side, for the seid Owen the grannfader was bastard
borne, and his moder was donghter unto John, Duke of
Somerset, son unto John, Erie of Somerset, sone unto
Dame Eateryne Suynford, and of her in double avoutry
gotjm, wherby it evidently apperith that no title ^ can
nor may [be] in hym, which fully entendeth to entre
this Reame, purposjmg a conquest. And if he shulde
atcheve his f als entent and purpose, every man is lif ,
livelod, and goddes shulde be in his hands, liberte, and
disposicion, wherby sholde ensue the disheretjmg and
distruQcion of all the noble and worshipfuU blode of this
Reame for ever, and to the resistence and withstondyng
wherof every true and naturall Englishman bom must
ley to his hands for his owen suerte and wele.
And to th'entent that the seid Henry Tydder myght
the rather atcheve his fals intent and purpose by the
aide, supporte, and assistence of the Eynggs seid auncient
enemy of Fraunce, Pie] hath covenanted and bargayned
with hym and all the counsell of Fraunce to geve up and
relese inperpetuite aU the right, title, and cleyme that
the Eyng[es] of Englond have, had, and ought to have,
to the Crowne and Reame of Fraunce, to gether with
the Duchies of Normandy, Anjoy, and Maygne, Gascoyn
and Guyne, castell[es] and townys of Caleys, Guysnes,
Hammes, with the marches apperteynyng to the same,
^For doooments relating to Henry's desoent and title to the
throne, aee below. Vol. ii., Nob. 4-8.
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BICHAKD ni'S ACCUSATIONS 6
and discevir and exclude the armes of Fraance oate of jane,
the armes of Englond for ever.
And in more prove and shewing of his seid purpose
of conquest, the seid Henry Tidder hath goven as well
to dy vers of the seid Eynggs enemys as to his seid re-
belles and traitours, archebisshoprikes, bisshoprikes, and
other dignitees spirituels, and also the ducheez, erle-
domez, baronyes, and other possessions and inheritaunces
of knyghts, squyres, gentilmen, and other the Eynggs
true subjetts withynne the Beame, and entendith also
to chaunge and subverte the lawes of the same, and
to enduce and estabUsse newe lawes and ordenaunces
amongez the Eynggs seid subjetts. And over this, and
beside the alienacions of all the premyssez into the pos-
session of the Eynggs seid auncient enemys to the
grettest anyntisshment, shame, and rebuke that ever
myght falle to this seid land, the seid Henry Tydder
and others, the Eynggs rebelles and traitours aforeseid,
have extended [intended] at there comyng, if they may
be of power, to do the most cruell murdres, slaughterys,
and roberys, and disherisons that ever were seen in eny
Cristen reame.
For the wich, and other inestymable daungers to be
escheuved, and to th'entent that the Eynggs seid rebelles,
traitours, and enemys may be utterly put from there
seid malicious and fals purpose, and sone discomforted,
if they enforce to land, the Eyng our soveraign Lord
willith, chargeth and comaundith all and everyche of
the naturall and true subgetts of this his Beame to call
the premyssez to there mynds, and like gode and true
Englishmen to endover themsel& with all there powers
for the defence of them, there wifs, chylderyn, and
godes, and heriditaments ayenst the seid malicious
purposes and conspiracions which the seid auncient
enemes have made with the Eynggs seid rebelles and
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6 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Jnne. traitooTs for the fynall distruocion of this lande as is
aforesaid. And our said soveraign Lord, as a wele willed »
diligent, and coragious Prjrnce, wel put his moost roiall
persone to all labour and payne necessary in this be-
halve for the resistence and sabdayng of his seid
enemys, rebells, and traitoors to the moost comforte,
wele and snerte of all his true and feithfull liege men
and snbgetts.
And over this, oar seid soveraign Lord willith and
comaundith all his seid snbgetts to be redy in there
most defensible arraye to do his Highnes servyce of
werre, when thy, be opyn proclamacion or otherwise,
shall be comannded so to do, for the resistence of the
Kyi^ggs seid rebelles, traitours, and enemys. Et hoc
sub periculo etc. — T. me ipso apud Westmonasterium
xxiij die Junij, anno regni nostri secundo.^
4
[Henry's alleged manifesto to his army on the eye of the battle of
Bosworth, inaoourately reprinted in Halliwell*s ''Letters of
the Eingp of England," L 164, from Hall's *' Chronicle ". It
reads much more like Hall's composition than Henry's.]
22 Augoft If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just
quarrel, or if He ever aided such as made war for the
wealth and tuition of their own natural and nutritive
country, or if He ever succoured them which adventured
their hves for the relief of innocents, suppressing of
malefactors and apparent offenders — ^no doubt, my
fellows and friends, but He of his bountiful goodness
will this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky
foumey over our proud enemy and arrogant adversary.
For, if you remember and consider the very cause of our
just quarrel, you shall apparently perceive the same to
1 Richard Hi's reign began on 26 June, 1483, so the third year
of his reign did not commence until three days after the date of
this proclamation.
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HENRY'S EXHORTATION TO HIS TROOPS 7
be true, godly, and virtuous. In the which I doubt not Ai
but God will rather aid us : yea, (and fight for us) than ^'
see us vanquished and profligated, by such as neither fear
Him nor His laws, nor yet regard justice or honesty.
Our cause is so just, that no enterprise can be of more
virtue both by the laws Divine and Civil; for, what
can be a more honest, goodly, or godly quarrel, than to
fight against a captain being an homicide and mxurderer
of his own blood and progeny ? — an extreme destroyer
of his nobility, and to his and our country and the poor
subjects of the same, a deadly mall, a fiery brand, and a
burden intolerable ? Besides him, consider who be of
his band and company, — such as by murder and un-
truth committed against their own kin and lineage, —
yea against their Prince and Sovereign Lord, have
disherited me and you, and wrongfully detain and
usurp our lawful patrimony and lineal inheritance.
For he that calleth himself king, keepeth from me the
crown and regiment of this noble realm and country,
contrary to all justice and equity : Likewise, his mates
and friends occupy your lands, cut down your woods,
and destroy your manors, letting your wives and children
range abroad for their living : which persons, for their
penance and punishment, I doubt not but God, of His
goodness, will either deliver into our hands as a great
gain and booty, or cause them, being grieved and com-
puncted with the prick of their corrupt consciences,
cowardly to fly and not abide the battle. Besides
this, I assure you that there be yonder in that great
battle men brought thither for fear and not for love,
soldiers by force compelled and not with good-will
assembled, — ^persons, which desire rather the destruction
than the salvation of their master and captain; and
finally, a multitude, whereof the most part will be our
friends and the least part our enemies. For truly I
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8 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
doubt which is the greater, the maJioe of the soldiers
towards their captain, or the fear of him conceived by
his people. For surely this role is infallible that, as ill
men daily covet to destroy the good, so God appointeth
the good to conf omid the ill ; and of all worldly goods the
greatest is, to suppress tyrants and relieve innocence,
whereof the one is ever as much hated as the other is
loved. If this be true, (as clerks preach) who will spare
yonder tyrant, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, untruly call-
ing himself king, considering that he hath violated and
broken both the law of God and man ? What virtue is
in him which was the confusion of his brother and the
murtherer of his nephews?^ What mercy is in him
which sleieth his trusty friends as well as his extreme
enemies? Who can have confidence in him which
putteth diffidence in all men ? If you have not read, I
have heard of clerks say, that Tarquin the proud for the
vice of the body lost the kingdom of Rome, and the
name of Tarquin was banished the city for ever. Yet
was not his fault so detestable, as the fact of cruel Nero,
which slew his own mother. Behold yonder Richard,
which is both Tarquin and Nero ! Yea, a tyrant more
than Nero, for he hath not only murthered his nephew,
being his king and sovereign lord, bastarded his noble
brethren, and defamed his virtuous and womanly mother,
but also compassed all the means and ways that he
could invent how to stuprate his own niece under the
pretence of a cloaked matrimony: which lady I have
sworn and promised to take to my mate and wife, as
you all know and believe.
If this cause be not just, and this quarrel godly, let
God, the Giver of Victory, judge and determine. We
^For a discussion of the evidenoe upon which this charge is
based, see Sir Clements Markham in ** English Historical Reyiew,"
yi. 260, 806, and Dr. James Qairdner, ib. vL 444^ 813.
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DEATH OR VICTORY {
have (thanks be given to Christ!) escaped the secret Aj
treasons in Brittany, and avoided the subtle snares of
our fraudulent enemies there, passed the troublous sesbs
in good and quiet safeguard, and without resistance
have penetrated the ample region and large country of
Wales, and are now come to the place which we so
much desired. For long we have sought the furious
boar, and now we have found him. Wherefore, let us
not fear to enter into the toil, where we may surely
slay him ; for Gk>d knoweth that we have hved in the
vales of misery, tossing our ships in dangerous storms.
Let us not now dread to set up our sails in fair weather,
having with us both it and good fortune. If we had
come to conquer Wales, and had achieved it, our praise
had been great and our gain more ; but, if we win this
battle, the whole rich realm of England, with the lords
and rulers of the same shall be ours, the profit shall
be ours, and the honour shall be ours.
Therefore, labour for your gain, and sweat for your
right. While we were in Brittany, we had small
livings and little plenty of wealth or welfare. Now is
the time come to get abundance of riches and copie of
profit, which is the reward of your service and merit
of your pain. And this remember with yourselves,
that before us be our enemies, and on either side of us
be such, as I neither surely trust nor greatly believa
Backward we cannot fiee ; so that here we stand, hke
sheep in a fold, circumsepted and compassed between
our enemies and doubtful friends. Therefore, let all
fear be set aside, and like sworn brethren, let us join
in one ; for this day shall be the end of our travail and
the gain of our labour, either by honourable death or
famous victory ; and, as I trust the battle shall not be
so sour as the profit shall be sweet. Remember the
victory is not gotten with the multitude of men, but
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10 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Awust, with the courages of hearts and valiantness of minds.
^ The smaller that oar number is, the more glory is to
us, if we vanquish. If we be overcome, yet no laud is
to be attributed to the victors, considering that ten men
fought against one ; and, if we die, so glorious a death
in so good a quarrel, neither fretting time nor cancard-
ing oblivion shall be able to obfuscate or raze out of the
book of fame either our names or our godly attempt.
And this one thing I assure you, that in so just and
good a cause and so notable a quarrel, you shall find
me this day rather a dead carrion on the cold ground,
than a free prisoner on a carpet in a lady's chamber.
Let us, therefore, fight like invincible giants, and set
on our enemies, like untimorous tigers, and banish all
fear, like ramping lions. And now advance forward,
true men against traitors, pitiful persons against mur-
therers, true inheritors against usurpers, the scourges
of God against tyrants. Display my banner vnth a
good courage ; march forth like strong and robustious
champions, and begin the battle like hardy conquerora
The battle is at hand, and the victory approacheth,
and, if we shamefully recule or cowardly flee, we and
all our sequel be destroyed and dishonoured for ever.
This is the day of gain, and this is the time of loss ;
get this day victory, and be conquerors ; and lose this
day's battle, and be villains ; and, therefore, in the name
of God and Saint George, let every man courageously
advance forth his standard.
5.
[** Ghroniole of CaUis," GamcL Soo. p. i.]
22 August. Kjmge Henry the Seventh enterid the realme of
England, and landyd at Mylfordhaven with his army
out of Britaynd, in the monethe of August, in the yere
of our Lord 1485. On seint Bartilmew's even he went
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THE BATTLE OF BOI^WORTH 11
to the filde at Bosworthe hethe, and there was kyngei^nntt,
Bicharde slayne and the duke of Norfolke slayne, and
the earl of Surrey the duke of Norfolkes sone taken
prisoner, and the earl of Northumberland taken prisoner,
the lord Sowche taken prisoner, and there was 8la3rne
Batclife, Catesby, and gentle Brakenbery, and the erle
of Shrowsbery was taken prisoner, and the lorde Lovell
escaped and fled; and there was slayne of kynge
Henry's party ser William Brandon, who bare kjnge
Henry's standard that day.
6.
[Eingsford's '* Ohronioles of London," p. 103.]
Also this yer the xxij day of August was the ffeeld of 22 August
Bosworth, where kyng Bichard was slayne, and the
Duke of Northfolk ypon his party, and therle of Surrey,
son vnto the said Duke, was taken ypon the said ffeeld,
and many other men slayn, as Brakynbury and other,
by the power of kyng Henry the vij*^. And after the
ffeeld doon, the said Eyng Bichard was caried vpon an
hors behynd a man all naked to Leyciter, fast by the
ffeeld; and there buryed w^ in the Sreres.^ And the
zxvi] day of August was the said kyng Henry brought
in to the Cite, w^ the Mayr, Aldermen, and the ffeli-
shippys clothed in violet ; and so to the palays at powles,
and there loged.^
7.
[Oiioalar letter of Henry YII after the battle of Bosworth, Halli-
well, " Letters of the Kings of England," L 169. The date of
this oiroolar can hardly be later than the monow of Bosworth,
because Henry was still under the impression that Surrey and
Lovell had been slain.]
^ The church of the Grey Friars, Leicester.
* Bacon's story of Henry's entrance to London in a closed carriage
is a fiction eyolyed out of the misreading of Andre's laei(MiUer as
laUnUr. According to Harleian MS. 641 f. 217 h, Henry did not
reach London until 3 September.
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12 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
August Henry by the grace of God, king of England and of
14®/ France, Prince of Wales, and Lord of Ireland, strictly
chargeth and commandeth, upon pain of death, that no
manner of man rob or spoil no manner of commons
coming from the field ; but suffer them to pass home to
their countries and dwelling-places, with their horse
and harness. And, moreover, that no manner of man
take upon him to go to no gentleman's place, neither in
the country, nor within cities nor boroughs, nor pick no
quarrels for old or for new matters ; but keep the king's
peace, upon pain of hanging etc.
And, moreover, if there be any man offered to be
robbed and spoiled of his goods, let him come to Master
Richard Borrow, the king's serjeant here, and he shall
have a warrant for his body and his goods, unto the
time the king's pleasure be known.
And,moreover, the king ascertaineth you, that Richard,
Duke of Gloucester, lately called King Richard, was
lately sl^ at a place called Sandeford, within the shire
of Leicester, and there was laid openly, that every man
might see and look upon him. And also there was
slain upon the same field, John, late Duke of Norfolk,
John, late Earl of Lincoln, Thomas, late Earl of Surrey,
Franceys, Viscount Lovel, Sir Walter Deveres, Lord
Ferrars, Richard Ratcliffe, knight, Robert Brackenbury,
knight, with many other knights, squires, and gentle-
men : on whose souls God have mercy !
a
[The *' Rose of England " from '' Bishop Percy's MSS.," ed. Hales
and Fumivall, iii. 189-94.]
Throughout a garden greene & gay,
a seemlye sight itt was to see
how flowers did flourish fresh and gay,
& birds doe sing melodiouslye.
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THE RED ROSE OF ENGLAND 13
in the midst of a garden there sprange a tree Aj
which tree was of a mickle price,
& there vppon sprang the rose soe redd,
the goodlyest that euer sprange on rise.
this rose was ffaire, fiEresh to behold,
springing with many a royall lance ;
a crowned King, with a crowne of gold
oner England, Ireland, and of fErance.
then came in a beast men call a bore,^
A he rooted this garden vpp and downe,
by the seede of the rose he sett noe store,
but afterwards itt wore the crowne.
hee tooke the branches of this rose away,
and all in sunder did them teare ;
& he buryed them vnder a clodd of clay,
swore they shold neuer bloome nor beare.
then came in an Egle ^ gleaming gay,
of all ffaire birds well worth the best ;
he took the branche of the rose away,
& bore itt to Latham to his nest.
but now is this rose oat of England exiled,
this certaine truth I will not faine ;
but if itt please you to sitt a while.
He tell you how the rose came in againe.
att Milford hauen he entered in ;
to claime his right, was his delight ;
he brought the blew bore ' in with him,
to encounter with the bore soe white.
1 Richard III.
' Thomas Stanley, afterwards first Earl of Derby, whose crest was
an eagle and child, and whose chief seat was at Latham.
' The crest of the Earl of Oxford, who commanded the vanguard
of Henry's army, was ^* a boar statant aeure ".
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14 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
i^oat. then a messenger the rose did send
to the Egles nest, & bidd him hye ;
'' to my ffather ^ the old Egle I doe [me] oomend,
his aide and helpe I crane speedylye."
saies, " I desire my father att my cominge
of men and mony att my need,
& alsoe my mother of her deer blessing,
then better then I hope to speede."
& when the messenger came before thold Egle,
he kneeled him downe vpon his knee,
saith, " well greeteth yon my Lord the rose,
he hath sent you greetings here by me.
'' safe fiErom the seas Christ hath him sent,
now he is entered England within."
'' let vs thanke god," the old Egle did say,
** he shall be the £9ower of all his kine !
*' wend away, messenger, with might and maine ;
itts hard to know who a man may trust ; —
I hope the rose shall £9onrish againe,
& haue all things att his owne lost."
then Sir Rice ap Thomas ^ drawes Wales with him :
a worthy sight itt was to see,
how the Welchmen rose wholy with him,
& shogged him to Shewsbnrye.
Att that time was baylye in Shewsburye
one Master Mitton in the towne.
the gates were strong, & he mad them ffast,
& the portcullis he lett downe.
^Thomas, Lord Stanley, had married Henry's mother, Margaret
Beaufort.
*See ''Diet Nat Biog./' xlviiL 91.
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THE BAILIFF OF SHBEWSBUBY 15
& throng a garrett of the walls, ^^^'
oner Seveme these words said hee,
" att these gates no man enter shall."
bnt he kepte him ont a night & a day.
this words Mitton did Erie Bichmond tell ;
I am snre the Chronicles of this will not lye ;
but when letters came from Sir William Stanley of the
hold castle,
then the gates were opened presentlye.
then entered this towne the noble Lord
the Erie Bichmond, the rose soe redd,
the Erie of Oxford with a sword
wold haue smitt of the bailiffes head.
*' but hold yoor hand," saies Erie Bichmond,
'* Sot his lone that dyed vpon a tree !
ffor if wee begin to head so soone,
in England wee shaU beare no degree."
" what offence haue I made the," sayd Erie Bichmonde,
" that thon kept me ont of my towne ? "
" I know no King," sayd Mitton then,
" bat Bichard now that weares the crowne."
** why, what wilt thou say," said Erie Bichmonde,
" when I have pnt King Bichard downe? "
'* why, then He be as tme to yon, my Lord,
after the time that I am swome."
'* were itt not great pitty," sayd Erie Bichmond,
'* that such a man as this shold dye ? "
such loyall service by him done,
the cronickles of this will not lye.
" thon shalt not be harmed in any case."
he pardoned him presentlye.
they stayd not past a night & a day,
bnt towards Newport dicl they hya
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16 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
AojBrnst. but [at] Attherston these Lords did meete ;
a worthy sight itt was to see,
how Erie Richmond tooke his hatt in his hand,
&, said, '' Cheshire & Lancashire, welcome to ma'
but now is a bird of the Egle taken ;
ffirom the white bore he cannot fl3ee.
therfore the old Egle makes great moane,
& prayes to god most certainly :
" O stedfast god, verament," he did say —
** 3 persons in one god in Trinytye !
sane my sonne, the young Egle, this day
ffrom all fiEedse craft and trecherye ! "
then the blew bore the vanward had :
he was both warry and wise of witt ;
the right hand of them he tooke,
the sunn & wind of them to gett.
then the Egle ffollowed fast vpon his pray ;
with sore dints he did them smyte.
the Talbott he bitt wonderous sore,
soe well the vnicome did him quite.
& then came in the harts head ;
a worthy sight itt was to see,
they jacketts that were of white & redd,
how they laid about them lustilye.
but now is the ffierce ffeeld foughten & ended,
&, the white bore there lyeth slaine ;
&, the young Egle is preserved,
k come to his nest againe.
but now this garden fflourishes ffreshly & gay,
with flEragrant fflowers comely bf hew ;
& gardners itt doth maintaine ;
I hope they will proue iust & true.
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YOEKIST EEGRETS 17
our King, he is the rose soe redd, Aj
that now does flflonrish fifresh and gay. ^
Confound his ffoes, Lord, wee beseeche,
& loue his grace both night & day !
ffinis.
9.
[Theooundl of York on the death of Richard III, Davis'a " York
Records," p. 218.]
Wer assembled in the Counsaill Chamber. Where York,
and when it was shewed by diverse personnes, andj^gg]**^'
especially by John Sponer,^ send unto the feld of Rede-
more ^ to bring tidings frome the same to the Citie, that
King Bichard, late mercifully reigning upon us, was,
through grete treason of the Due of Northfolk* and
many other that turned ayenst hyme, with many other
lords and nobills of this North parties, was pitiously
slane and murdered, to the grete hevynesse of this Citie,
the names of whome folowethe hereafter. Wherfor it
was determyned for so moch as it was said that Therle
of Northumberland was commen to Wressill, that a
lettre should be consaved unto the said Erie, beseking
hyme to yeve unto them his best advise how to dispose
them at this wofull season ,both to his honor and
^ He was ^^ serjeant to the maoe," and had been sent to Richard's
host on 16 August, ib. p. 214.
* The name by which the battle of Bosworth was known in York.
* An unsubstantiated rumour. On Saturday, 14 May, 1491^ one
John Payntor was examined by the York council for saying *^ that
therle of Northumberland was a trajrtor and bytrayed Eyng Richard
with myche other unfiti^ng langage consemyng the said Erie ".
Payntor's reply was to charge his accuser with sayinge ** that Eyngi
Richard was an ypocryte, a crochebake, and beried in a dike like a
dogge : wherunto the said John Payntor answered and said that he
iied^ for the Eyngs good grace hath beried hym like a noble gentil-
man ** (ib, pp. 220-1).
VOL. I. 2
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18 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
August, worship, and well and prooffitt of this Oitie, the tenor
^^' wherfor foloweth hereafter : —
'' Right prepotent and right noble our moost honor-
able especiall and singler good lord, in our moost humble
wise we recommend us unto your good lordship, loving
almightie God of your home cummyng at this woofull
season, beseching your good lordship to be towards us
and this Citie as ye have be heretofore right good and
tendre lord, and soo to advertise us at this tyme as may
' be to the honor of your lordship, the well and prouffit
of us, and saufEgard of this said Oitie, wherunto we shall
appUe us both with bodie and goods, and ever to owe
unto your lordship our f aithfull hearts and true service ;
ffurther we besech your lordship to yeve full faith and
credence unto our servarmt John Nicholson, the berer
hereof, in such things as he shall shewe unto your
lordship of our behalve, and the blessed trinitie etc.
Yours etc. Maire, Aldermen, Shereflfe, xxiiij^* of the
Gounsaill of the Oitie of York, with thole comunaltie of
the same.*'
10.
[Sir Thomas Lovell to his brother-in-law, Campbell's *^ Materials,"
L649.]
16 Septem- Brother Persone, — I mariveyll ye should be in any
^^' dowte flfor the matter ye wrytte to me flfor, fifor I shewyd
you the kynges mynd in sertein that Rydone and a
doctour Bothe showld go into Spayne, and so they shalle ;
and Rydone must have the xl li. ye browte. And ye
may shewe also to my lord treshorer that he must
*purvey fifor xxii li xiij^ and iiijd, that is to sey, x li. fifor a
servaunt of the counte ofif Symy, and x li, fifor a gentill-
man ofif the kynges ofif Denmark and iiij marks fifor a
fifryer servaunt to the marchall ofif Bretayn.
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DANGEB FROM SCOTLAND 19
11. 1485.
[Henry VII to Lord Stanley, Campbell's "Materials,'* i. 579.]
Henry etc. To our right enterly beloved fader Lancaster,
Thomas Stanley, knight, Lord Stanley, and our wel-^^^*^^*
beloved brethem George Stanley, knight, Lord Strange,
Edward Stanley, knight, shriff of our countie pala-
tyne and countie of Lanoaster, and to every of theym,
gretyng. For as moche as we pleyne undrestondyng
that divers the subgettes of our cosyne Jame, kyng of
Scottes, in great nomber and multitude, ben in full
purpose to invade and enter this our reame, entendyng
to leaye seege to our town and castel of Berwik, and
the townshipes and mansions of our liege peaple in our
marches there to brenne, wast, and distroye, and the
same our liege peaple there dwellyng to take, slee, and
emprisone and devoure, and othre noyaunce to do,
asmoche as they cann and maye, trustyng to have aide
and favour at their comyng of divers riottuose and
evel disposed personnes in thoes parties, whick of their
inward and froward malice and unnatural disposicion
entend the distruccioun of us and of our liege peaple,
by provokyng discensioun, discorde, and debate, as by
makyng of assembles and commocions of our peaple
steryng theym to the same dispocioun, whom and whos
malice we entend brifly to resiste and recountre, by the
grace of Almyghty God and help of our true and lovyng
subgettes. We, willyng the defense of this our reame
and marchis of the same, and of all our liege people,
trustyng in your great trouthes,; discrecions, and cir-
cumspect wisdomes, have assigned you and every of
you, joyntly and severally, to take mustres of all meeim
within our seid countie, aswel within Ubertates as with-
out, beyng myghty and able to labour ; and everyman
after hys state, degre, condidoun, and facultie hymself
2*
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20 THE REIGN OF HENET VH
Octobor, to array and arme defensibly for the warre, and they so
arraied and armed, straitly chargyng theym to holde and
kepe the same contynually with theym, so that they alwey
and every tyme be redy armed and arraied, and to attende
upponn oar seid entirely belovied fader Thomas, Lord
Stanley, our welbeloved brethern George, Lord Strange,
and Edward Stanley, knight, shirref of oar seid coxmtie
or uppon any of them, when and as oft as it shalbe
nedef al for the defence of oar seid reame and marchis
of the same, or for the sabduyng of the said riotuos and
evelle disposed personnes appon short wamyng to
theym gevyn by the seid Thomas, George, & Edward
or any of theym. Wherefore we wol and straitely
charge yow our seid commissioners and every of you,
that, incontinent apponn the sight of this our com-
marmdement, ye repaire, array, and arme your self and
every of you, and over that cause al and every of our
seid menu and subgettes to repaire array and arme
theym^elf , and bo arraied and armed to do, come, and
be called bifore you at certeyn dayes and places by you
to be lymytted, and our seid liege menn and subgettes
not arrayed ne armed ye commaund and compelle onn
our behalf to be arraied and armed in fourme above-
seid. And over this we yeve straitly in commaundement,
by theis presentz, to al and singulre shireffes, maires,
bailiffs, constables, and al othre our officers, ministres,
liegmen, and subgettes whatsoever they be, aswel
within franches as without, within our seid countie,
that unto you they be attendant, assistent, behoyng,
and obedient diligently in al the premissez. In vdtnes
wherof we have doone to be made thes our lettres
patentes undre the seale of our countie palatyne of
Lancaster.
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POPULAR RISINGS 21
12. I486.
[Henry VII to Henry Vernon, "Rutland MS8." (Hist MSS.
Oomm.), p. 8.]
Trusty and welbeloved we grete you wele. And foras- Londoii.
moche as it is commen unto oure knowlege that certeyne
oure rebelles and traitours beyng of litill honour or sub-
staunce confedered with oure auncient enemyes the
Scottes ayenst their naturall dutees and allegeaunces,
made insurrections and assemblees of oure pour subgettes
in the north parties of this our reahne, taking Robjm
of Riddesdale, Jack St[raw], Thomolyn at Lath and
Maister Mendall for their Capteyns, entendyng if they
be of power, the fynall subversion and gode publique of
this oure realme. We therfor woU and desire you that
with all the power defensibly arrayed that ye can make,
ye doo dispose you to come onto us in all haste possible
to yeve your attendaunce and assistence imto us for the
repressing of the malicious entent of our saide rebelles
and traitours, not failyng herof in eny wise upon the
feith and legiaunce that ye owe and here unto us.
13.
[John de la Pole, Dnke of Suffolk, to John Paston, sheriff of Suf-
folk and Norfolk, ''Paston Letters," iii. 887.]
Right welbeloved, we grete you well. And for as-LongStrat-
muche as the King our sovereigne Lord hath late ad- s^Ootober.
dressed his letters of comission undre his scale unto us,
reciting by the sajne that his highnesse undrestondith
certayn his rebells associate to his old enmys of Scotlond,
entending not only to trowble his peax, the nobles and
subjects of this Reame to destroy, their goods and pos-
sessions to spoill, and reward at thair liberties, but also
the lawes of this lond and holy Chirche to subvert.
Our said moost drad soverayn Lord, as a Cristen
Prince, ... his said enmys and rebels to resist, bath
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22 THE BEIGN OF HENRY VH
Ootober, assigned and comannded ns to do all maner . . . and
others defensible able to labour, as well archers as
hobbyllers, to come before us and charge them . . .
armed and arayed, every man aftre his degre and power,
to attend uppon his person, and appon us, to do him
service in defence as well of the Chirche as of the said
nobles and subjects of this Bealm, against his said enmys
and rebels.
We therfore wuU, and in our said sovereigne Lords
name straitly charge and comaunde you, that in all
possible hast ye do this to be proclaimed : — And that
all maner men able to do the King service, as well
knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, as townships and
hundreds, as well within franchesse and libertes as
without, within the counties of Suffolk and Norfifolk,
and that they be charged to be redy at all tymes uppon
an howre wamyng, and ordered according to the last
comission afore this, to attend uppon his Grace and
uppon us to do him service, whatsoever they shalbe
comaunded, not failing herof, as ye wuU answer at your
perile. Geven at Long Stratton, the xx day of October.
And forthermore, that ye yeve credence unto our
servaunt this bringer, as this same day we receyved
the Kings commission at iiij. aftre none.
14.
[Opening of Henry VII's first Ptoliament, " Rot. Pari," vi. 267.]
7Noyem- Memorandum, quod die Lune, die septimo mensis
^- Novembris, anno primo regni Regis Henrici Septimi,
videlicet, primo die Parlianienti, ipso lUustnssimo
Bege nostro in Camera communiter dicta Crucis, infra
Palacium suum Westmonasterium, regali solio sedente ;
Reverendus Pater Dominus Johannes Alkok, Wigor-
nensis Episcopus, Cancellarius Magnus Anglise, causas
summonicionis Parliamenti admodum notabiliter pro-
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THE CHANCELLOR'S SPEECH 23
nnnciavit & declaravit : assomens hoc thema, " Intende NoTembw,
prospere, procede & regna". In qoibus verbis intencionem
ostendit, quern snoin [sic] haberent electi confluentes ad
hoc Parliamentum, quoniam precipue & principaliter,
noD propter privatum & singolare comodnm, set propter
eis & regno publicum & commune bonum. Et quomodo
unanimiter quantaque cum benevolencia & hilaritate
singuU eorum id promoverent & procurarent ostendit, ac
utilitatem regis & regni, una cum non mediocri pros-
peritate eorundem, necessario sequi ex eisdem; hec
notans '* Ibi intende prospere " ; inducens hie historiam
quondam sedate discordie Bome relacione & consilio
cujusdam sapientis Agrippe nomine, de eventu dis-
cordie semell facte inter stomacum & omnia cetera
membra humani corporis; prout tradit ad longum
Titus Livius etc. Notavit insuper & declaravit fideli-
tatem quam subditi deberent continue &, perseveranter
Buis regibus; e conversaque vice, quam fidelitatem
reges ac principes debeant suis subditis, eos defen-
dendo pro viribus, & providere ut equaliter, debite, (k
rite justitia ministretur omnibus; & hec ostendit sub
hoc verbo in dicto themate; inducens etiam hie ex-
emplum apum ; ubi ad plenum declaravit quinque bonas
proprietates apum; quarum quatuor primas applicavit
ad subditos, & quintam singulis bonis regibus & prin-
cipibus applicari persuasit : ibi notans quomodo princeps
apum sit sine aculeo pungitivo; insumans, quod per
locum, a forciori qui rationsJis & rationalium princeps •
est, jurisdiccionem suam cum dementia, benignitate
& pietate regere debet. Confirmans hoc ex interpreta-
cione nominis, quia reges a recte agendo dicti sunt, ut
Sanctus declarat Isidorus Octavo Ethiologiarum, in quo
sic de regum proprietatibus perpulcre scribit regie
virtutes due sunt precipue, scilicet, pietas & justitia.
Ubi etiam ostendit, quod in regibus plus laudatur
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24 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
No?«miMr. pietas qnam justitia. Et istud ibi confirmayit scitis
sacrarom Scripturarum testimoniis : hoc inf erens ex
dicto Sancti Ambrosii in suo Examon quod sicut finis
tarn principis, quam subditorum oniniam bonomm
apnm, est operari, & educere ceram &, mel, ceram ad
cultom & obseqaium divinom, atque ipsom mel in
humanom proficnum & utilitatem ; Ita omne humanom
Consilium atque Parliamentum versari debet solum
circa ea que ad Dei & Ecclesie laudem, & Com-
munitatis utilitatem conferre valeant. Scientes quoniain
consilia, que in alterius horum detrimentum fuerit,
scilicet, Ecclesie Ghristi, aut Oommunitatis, quamquam
gentium &, principum potentissimorum fuerint, Domi-
nus dissipat, &, consilium Domini manet in etemum.
Et idem Reverendus Pater & Dominus ostendit or-
dinem postremo hujus incliti regni vanis bonis & pre-
claris legibus ac institutionibus decorari, quibus bone
execudoni mandatis, conclusit super hoc verbo finali
thematis ''Ibi regna" regem ac regnum sic prospere
duratura, ut deletis tribus seculis de quibus commemorat
Ovidius primo Metamorphoseos, argenteo scilicet seneo
atque ferreo, id est avaritie, invidie & sedicionibus
aliisque rapinis omnino deditis, aureum potiremus
seculum; quod seculum aureum ut facilius conse-
queremur, misit nobis propitius Deus alteram Josue
regem strenuum & invictissimum propugnatorem nos-
trum, qui nos eruit a summa miseria, conabiturque totis
viribus iniquos aut correctos reddere, aut evellere &
extirpare; Et hoc alitum suum regnum, bonis, probis
& sapientissimis viris sic instaurare, refulcire & reillus-
trare, ut jubilantes de eo dicere debeamus omnes quod
de Salomone legimus Israliticum populum applaudendo
dixisse, "Vivat Rex, vivat Rex." Et cum Propheta
sic orare continue, Domine salvum fac regem nostrum
. . . ab omni adversitate mentis & corporis, ut nobis-
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THE ELECTION OP A SPEAKER 26
com letos & prosperos plonmos dorat annoB, &, f elicem Ncmmbv.
post se prolem regnatnrom relinqnat, quando perhenniter
ife etema felicitate remonerandom a nobis cum evocabit
Altissimns pro tantis suis bene mentis, qnorum meri-
torum &, premii nos esse participes concedat Dens, qui
sine fine vivit & regnat Amen.
15.
[Election of Thomas LoveU as Speaker, <* Rot. Pari.," vi. 268.]
Item, die Mercnrii, tertio die Parliamenti, prsef ati ^o'«°^-
Communes coram Domino Bege in pleno Parliamento
comparentes, presentaverunt Domino Begi Thomam
Lovell Prelocutorem suum, de quo idem Dominus Rex
se bene contentavit. Qui quidem Thomas, post excusa-
tionem suam coram Domino Rege factam, pro eo quod
ipsa sua excusatio ex parte dicti Domini Regis admitti
non potuit, eidem Domino Regi humillime supplicayit,
quatenus omnia & singula per ipsum in Parliamento
predicto nomine dicte Communitatis proferenda & de-
clarenda, sub tali posset protestacione proferre. & de-
clarare, quod si ipse aliqua sibi per prefatos socios suos
injuncta, alitor quam ipsi concordata fuerint, aut in
addendo vel omittendo declaraverit ea sic declarata per
predictos socios suos corrigere & emendare; & quod
protestacio sua hujusmodi in Rotulo Parliamenti pre-
dicti inactitaretur. Cui per prefatum Dominum Can-
cellarium de mandato Domini Regis extitit responsum,
quod idem Thomas tali protestacione frueretur &
gauderet, quali alii Prelocutores, tempore nobilium
progenitorum ipsius Domini Regis Regum Anglise, in
hujusmodi Parhamentis uti & gaudere consueverunt.
Subsequenterque, idem Dominus Rex prefatis Comini-
bus ore suo proprio eloquens, ostendendo suum adventum
ad Jus & Coronam Angliae fore tam per justum titulum
hereditancie, qusim per verum Dei judicium in tribuendo
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ber.
26 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Noyember, sibl victoriam de inimico suo in campo, declarayit quod
omnes subditi sni cajuscamque status, gradns sen
condicionis fuerint, haberent & tenerent, sibi & here-
dibos snis, omnia terras, tenementa, redditus & here-
ditamenta sua, eisdemqne gauderent, exceptis talibus
personis qoales soam Majestatem Regiam'OfEendenmt,
qui joxta eorom demerita in presentis Parliamenti Curia
aliter essent plectendi.
16.
[Parliamentary proceedings, *' Rot Pari.," yL 287.]
19 Notem- Memorandum, quod pro reformacione quorundam
enormium & inauditorum scelerum in regno AnglisB
usitatorum,necnon correcoione perpetrancium eorundem,
quidam Articulus jurandus & promittendus in Parlia-
mento predicto avisatus extitit, cujus quidem Articuli
tenor sequitur in hec verba.
Yee shall swere, that yee from henceforth shall not
reteine, aid ne comforte, any persoune oopenlie cursed,
Murderer, Felon, or outlawed Man of Felony, by you
knowen so to be, or any such persoune lett to be attacked
or taken therefore by the Order of Law, nor reteine anie
Man by Indenture or Othe, nor give Livere, Signe or
Token, contrarie to the Law, nor any Maintainance,
Imbracerie, Riotts or unlawful! Assemblie make, cause
to be made, or assent therto, nor lett nor cause to be
letted the execucion of any of the Kinges Writts or
Precepts, directed to such lawfuU Ministres and Officers
as ought to have execucione of the same, nor lett any
Man to Baile or Mainprise, knowing and deeming him
to be Felon, upon your Honour and Worship. So God
you helpe and his Saints.^
^ A oommiflsion to administer this oath is printed in Rymer,
" Foedera," xii. 280, dated 4 January, 1486.
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THE OATH OF THE LORDS 27
Super quo quamplnres notabiles milites & armigeri, Noy«mber,
tarn de Hospitio dicid Domini Begis, qoam de Domo
Commanitatum ad praasens Parliamentum venire smn-
moniti, decimo nono die Novembris, coram Domino
Bege, Dominis Spiritoalibus & Temporalibus, tunc pre-
sentibns, in Gameram Parliamenti vocati, articulo pre-
dicto primitns coram eis pnblioe recitato, aridculum
illnm singillatim observare & custodire super Sancta
Dei Evangelia juravemnt & promisserunt.
Snbsequenterqae, eodem die, post recessum dictomm
militom & armigerorom a Camera Parliamenti, Vener-
abilis Pater Johannes Wygomensis Episcopus, Gancel-
larins Angliaa, Dominis Spiritualibus & Temporalibus
tone presentibus ostendebat, qnaliter supradicti milites,
armigeri, & alii generoei, sacramenta sua, pront inter
illos Dominos omnes apponctuabatur, prestiteront ;
illos interrogans, si ipsi id idem facere valient : qui res-
pondentes, quasi una voce dixerunt, '' parati sumus illud
idem perficere " ; facto intervallo, articulus supradictus,
in presencia dicti Domini Begis, & ejus mandato, denuo
extitit recitatus. Et eo audito, omnes prefati Domini
tunc presentes, articulum ilium in omnibus custodire,
observare & performare, quilibet Dominus Spiritualis
manum suam dexteram super pectus suum, & quilibet
Dominus Temporalis manum suam dexteram super
Sancta Dei Evangelia ponentes, sponte juraverunt &
promisserunt
Nomina Dominorum Spiritualium sacramentum pre-
dictum prestancium.
Archiepiscopus Ebor'.
Episcopi, videlicet.
London' Exonien'
Bangoren' Elien'
Cicestren' Boffen'
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28
THE BEIGN OF HENBY VH
November, Hereforden'
Landaven'
Lincoln'
Abbates videlicet.
Westm'
Glouc*
Sancti Augostine Cantoar'
Glaston'
de Bamsey
Cirencestre
de Wynchecombe
de Sancto Albano
de Bello
Nomina Dominomm Temporalium sacramentum pre-
dictum prestancimn.
Duces videlicet.
Wygom'
Norwicen' &
Meneven'
de Bury Sancti Edmundi
de Waltham
Sancte Marie Ebor'
de Malmesburie
de Evesham
de Burgo Sancti Petri
de Salop
&
Prior de Coventre.
Bedford &
Suff
Comites, videlicet.
Lincoln*
Nottingham
Arundell'
Eyvers
Derbie
Devon &
Salop
Wiltes
Viscount de Beaumont.
Barones videlicet.
Grey
Grey de Wilton
Dudley
Beauchamp &
Bergeveny
Hastinges.
Fitzwalter
London, 6
^eember.
17.
[J. de Giglis, papal oollector in England to the Pope, Campbell's
'*Material8/'L198.]
Beatissime pater, post humillimam commendationem
et pedum oscula beatissimorum. Post ultimas quas ad
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HENRY'S PROSPECTS 29
sanctissimum patrem scripsi litteras, quo ad statnm i>M«miMr,
remm istarom nichil aut param est innovatom. Agitor
enim publicus regni conventns, quern dicunt Parliamen-
tum, pro regni informatione, in quo aliqua sunt acta et
in primis generalis abolitio omnium adversus regem
oommissorum. Comes NorthumbrisB qui captus et
incarceratus fuerat est liberatus, sub cautione tamen
omnium praelatorum et dominorum temporalium ac
etiam plebeiorum. Comes Sudrae adhuc detinetur. Sed
audio quod est hie liberabitur; filia major natu regis
Edwardi declarata est ducissa Eboracensis. Asseritur
constanter quod rex eam sit duoturus in uxorem, quod
onmes arbitrantur futurum regno saluberrimum. Rex
ipse prudentissimus habetur ac etiam dementissimus ;
omnia videntur ad pacem disposita, modo animi hominum
sint constantes. Nichil enim magis est quod semper
huic regno nocuit quam ambitio et cupiditas insatiabilis,
qu8B omnis infidelitatis atque inconstantisa est mater, a
qua si Deus nos liberaverit res regni hujus quieted erunt.
CsBterum, pater beatissime, humiliter supplico ut me
conmiendatum S.Y. suscipere dignetur atque ea con-
cedere qusB ante me omnes collectores qui hie fuerunt
sunt eonsecuti, facultates videlicet aliquas parvas et
non multas, sine quibus et auctoritas languescit et res
cameraa non potest utiliter geri; {nrosunt enim ad
gratiam potentiorum michi eonciliandam, sine qua nichil
est quod bene in hoc officio agere possum. Dominus
autem, S.V. eminentiaa suaa diu incolumem prsdservet.
P.S. — ^Antequam has clauderem intellexi dominos
Batenses et Sarisbruenses esse liberatos, amissis omni-
bus bonis, quod etsi antea intellexissem non scripsi
quia pro certo non habebam ; ambo omnibus sunt exosi
et non inmxerito. Sunt hie nuntii regis Francorum,
ducum AustrisB et Britanniae, creditur quod cum illis
pax futura sit
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30 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
I486. 18.
[Parliamontary prooeedings, *'Rot. Pari.," vi 278.]
10 Decern- Memorandum quod decimo die Decembris, amio
presenti, Commonitates Regni AnglisB in pleno Parlia-
mento coram Domino Rege comparentes, per Thomam
Lovell prelocatorem snum, Regie Celcitadini hmniliime
supplicabant, eandem Celcitudinem affectnose reqoir-
entes, considerato quod auctoritate dicti Parliament
stabilitom est & inaotitatom, quod hereditates regnorom
AnglisB & FrancisB, cum preemenencia & potestate
regali, sint, restent, remaneant & permaneant in persona
ejusdem Domini Regis, & heredibus de corpore suo
legitime exeuntibus, eadem Regalis Sublimitas yellet
sibi illam predaram Dominam Elizabeth, Regis
Edwardi quarti filiam, in uxorem & conthoralem as-
sumere ; unde per Dei gratiam sobolum propagacio de
stirpe regum a multis speratur, in totius regni con-
solacionem. Consequenterque, Domini Spirituales &
Temporales in eodem Parliamento existentes, a sedibus
suis surgentes, & ante Regem in regali solio residentem
stantes, capitibus suis inclinantes, eandem requestam
fecerunt voce dimissa : quibus quidem respondebat ore
proprio, Se juxta eorum desideria & requestus procedere
fuisse contentum. Subsequenterque, Yenerabilis pater
Johannes Wigomienis Episcopus, de mandato dicti
Domini Regis, Dominis Spiritualibus & Temporalibus
& Communitatibus tunc ibidem presentibus declaravit,
quod idem Dominus Rex, certis de causis ipsum moven-
tibus, presens Parliamentum suum prorogare disposuit,
ipsos Dominos & Communitates exhortans ex parte
ejusdem Domini Regis, & presertim ]usticia[s] pacis,
ut unusquisque eorum, cum ad propria yenirent,
pacem Ecclesie Dei & Regni procurare, ac homicidia,
latrocinia, murdra, roberia, raptus mulierum &
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THE PROROGATION OF PARDIAMENT 31
extortiones pnnire, necnon valentes mendicantes & December,
vagabundos sub colore mendicii per proprias discur-
rentes & discordias mendaciaque seminanteSy secnndam
statuta inde edita castigare atrociter, & vinculis manci-
pare toto conata curarent, at Dominas noster Rex ipsis
ad Parliamentam predictum reyenientibus de eoram
bonis gestibus iteram in executione permissorom causam
redendi gratias spedales habere valeret. Post quam
qnidem exhortationem sic notabiliter faotam idem Can-
cellarius, ex parte Domini Regis & ejus mandato de-
claravit, qnaliter negotia Parliamenti predicti pro statu
Sc defencione regni AnglisB, in eodem Parliamento
communicata & ministrata, ante festum Natalis Dom-
ini tunc quasi in proximo existens, propter ipsorum
negotiorum arduitatem, discuti non poterant nee fin-
aliter terminari : quamobrem prefatus Dominus noster
Rex presens Parliamentum suum usque in vicesimum
tertium diem Januarii tunc proximum futurum duxit
prorogandum, & iUud sicrealiter prorogavit ; omnibus &
singulis quorum interfuit in hac parte firmiter injun-
gendum quod ad dictum vicesimum tertium diem
Januarii, excusacione quacumque cessante personaliter
convenirent, ad communicandum tractandum & con-
senciendum super hiis que pro pleniori & saniori dis-
cuBsione, provisione, & determinacione negotiorum
predictorum, favente Domino, contigerint ordinari
19,
[T. Betanaon to Sir Robert Plompton, *'Plampton Correspon-
denoe," p. 48.]
Sir, if it please your mastership, on the satterday loq^oq^ is
after our Lady day, the Parlament was prolonged unto i>«»ttb«-
the xxvii ^ day of January, and then it begineth againe.
^ Ptoluunent was really prorogued untO 23 January ('* Rot Pari.,"
yi. 278, 329). The '* Lady day " of ihia letter refers to the oonoeption
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32 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Deeembar, Sir, my lord Schanchler publyshed in the Parlament
house the same day, that the Kings gad grace shall
weede my lady Elizabeth (and so she is taken as quene) ;
and that at the marage ther shalbe great justyng.
Also, Sir, ther be divers lords and gentlemen attended
[attainted] by the Parlament, which be these ; and first,
Richard late Duke of Gloaceter, John Duke of Norfolk,
Thomas Erie of Surrey, Francis Lord Lovell, Walter
Lord Ferres, John Lord Such [Zouch]; knyghts. Sir
James Heryngton, Sir Robert Heryngton, Sir Richard
Charleton, Sir Richard Ritliff, Sir William Barkley, Sir
Robart Brakenbery, Sir Thomas Pilkynton, Sir Robart
Mydleton ; esqueres, Walter Hopton, William Catisby,
Roger Wake, William Sapcolt, Homfray Stafford,
Wylliam Clarke, Galfryd Seyngermen, Walter Watkyn,
herold of hermes, Richard Revell of Darbyshire, Thomas
Pulter of Surrey, Johne Walste, John Kendall secretory,
John Buke, John Ralte, William Brampton: the are
attended for certayna Howbeit, ther was many gentle-
men agaynst it, but it wold not be, for yt was the Kings
pleasure. Sir, here is much spech that we shall have
aschip agayne, and no man can say of whom ; but they
dem of Northemmen and Walchmen. And much spech
is in the Kyngs house and of his householdmen. Sir,
other tydings is none here as yett. Ther is much run-
yng amongst the lords, but no man wott what it is ;
it is sayd yt is not well amongst them. Sir, I send your
mastership a letter by Roger, Mr. Mydeton's man. Sir,
if ther be any newer things, your mastership shall have
word, if I can gett it caryed from London. In die
Lucie Virgin.
of the Viigin Mary, 8 December, and Parliament was prorogued on
10 December.
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LOCAL DISORDERS 33
I486. i««.
20.
[OampbelPs "Materials," i. 282.]
Special pardon for Robert Throkmarton, late sheriff » 'otwn-
of Warwickshire and Leicestershire, for all fines and
arrears of aocompts touching his office, grounded upon
the following petition : — ** Mekely besechethe youre
hyghenesse your trewe and feithfulle liege man and
servant Robert Throkmarton, squyer, late by your seid
hyghenesse inoontynent after your most noble and
victorious acte of conquest in repressyng your gret
ennemyes, Richard, late duke of Gloucestre, and othir,
made and deputed sheriff of your countees of Warrewyk
and Leycestre, and whiche sheriffwyk your seid liege
occupied but by the space of one monethe or fulle litiUe
more, and in whiche tyme of occupacioun was within
this your realme suche rebellioun and treble, and your
lawes not stablysshed, that youre seid liege neither myght
ne coude execut his seid office of sheriffwyk to eny profite
of your seid hyghenesse, and for which occupacioun your
seid liege is chargeable to accompte to your hyghenesse
afore the barons of your Exchequiere as though he had
occupied the same office peasibly by the space of an
hole halfe yere, where he therein never resceyved eny
peny, whiche accompt if he shuld soo make and
fynjTSshe woUe be to his utter undoyng. Please your
seid hyghnesse, the premysses considered at the reverence
of God, to graunt to your seid liege your gracious lettres
of pardon, in due and effectuell forme to be mc^e under
youre brode sealle, accordyng to the tenure herafter
ensuyng, and he woU ever pray God for the conservaQioun
of your most roialle astate."
VOL. I. 3
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15 Febru-
ary.
34 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
I486. 21.
[Betanson to Sir Robert Plumpton, *' Plompton Correspondence/'
p. 49.]
i^on. Sir, if it please your mastership, I have made a letter
mito you afore Christenmas of such tydings as I know ;
but I was decejrved, for I went [weened] your mastership
htbd had it to within this ij dayes : and so ye shall have
one other with it both. Sir, if jrt please you, these bene
the tydings that I know. The Kyng hat resumyde by
the Parlamentt into his hands all maner patayns, 5eftys,
offyzs, that he dyd jiffe from the ij day of August unto
the ii] day of January, and ther be many of his houshold
in yt plesyde with yt. Also he hath resumyde all maner
gyfts, patayns, offezs, that was geven from the xxiij
(lege xxxiii) yere of King Herre the vj*^, by King
Edward the iiijth, or by King Edward his son the Y^y
or by King Richard the iij^^, into his hands. Also it is
in actte in the Parlament, that all maner huntyng in
parkes, chases, forest belonging to the Kyng, is made
felony. Also, Sir, the Kyng proposyth northward
hastyly after the Parlament, and it is sayd he purposses
to doe execution quickly ther on such as have offended
agaynst him. Sir, other tydings I know none as yet.
Sir, I besech you recomend me imto both my gud Ladis,
and I send them a pauper of the Rosery of our Lady of
Coleyn, and I have regestered your name with both my
Ladis names, as the pauper expresses, and ye be acopled
as brether and sisters. Also, Sir, these lords and
gentlemen that was attaynted, they gytt no grace, as
yt is sayd. No more, but I besech your mastership to
be gud master unto my father, and I shalbe your bed-
man, with Gods grace, who keepe you evermore in
great joy and felycyte. From London, in crastino St.
Valentin. Also, Sir, the King will come with great
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THE MAERIAGE OF ELIZABETH OF YORK 36
company : as it is sayd, with x hundred men in hamesse, Febmary.
and with him mo then y or six schore lords and knights.
Also the Duke of Bedford goes into Wales to se that
country. Also it is in actt, that all maner of profycyes
is mayd felony. Sir, oder tydings I know none as yet,
that be certayne.
22.
[Papal dispensation for the marriage of Henry VII and Elizabeth
of York, OampbeU's ** Materials,'' i. 392.]
Innocentius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, ad per- 27 lUroh,
petuam rei memoricun. Bomanus Pontifex, in guo^"*^*
potestatis plenitudo consistit, inter curas multiplices,
quibus rerum negotiorumgue varietatibus continue pre-
mitur, ad ea ex debito pastoralis officii sibi commissi
solicite intendere debet, per quae inter catholicos prin-
cipes eorumque vasallos et subditos pacis et quietis
coadjuvante Domino conservetur amoenitas, et quae hiis
contraria sunt ac scandala producimt per susb vigilantisB
studium radicitus extirpentur, prout, personarum, loco-
rum et temporum qualitate pensata, id in Domino con-
spicit salubriter expedire. Nuper siquidem pro parte
carissimi in Christo filii nostri Henrici Septimi AnglisB
regis illustris et dilectsB in Christo 61m nobilis mulieris
Elizabethae claras memorise Edwardi Quarti dicti reg-
ni olim regis primogenitaB, nobis exposito quod ipsi,
ad submovendum contentiones quae de regno ipso fuer-
ant inter eorum prsBdecessores de Lancastria, de qua
Henricus ipse rex, et Eboracensis, inclitis domibus et
familiis dicti regni, de qua Elizabet, prsefati originem
trahebant, quarum occasione in regno ipso gravia
scandala retroactis temporibus exorta fuerant, desider-
abant invicem matrimonium contrahere; sed quia
quarto et quarto consanguinitatis et forsan affinitatis
gradibus invicem conjuncti erant, eorum disiderium
3*
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86 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Manh, hujiismodi in ea parte adimplere non poterant dispen-
satione apostolica desaper non obtenta. Nos, tunc
oupientes perpetnsB trangtdllitati paci et guieti dicti
regni qaemadmodnm decet pinm et commnnem patrem
et pastorem omnium Christianoram, providere, ac dis-
cordiis, qnsB in eo regno din inter descendentes ex
domibns prsedictis, com maximo ipsins regni detrimento,
vigaerant, finem imponere, illndqne fatnris dissentionibus
ocoorendo pacatom et qnietom perpetnis temporibns
reddere, ao christiani sangninis efFosionem evitare, cam
eisdem Henrico rege et Elizabetha at, hujusmodi con-
sangoinitatis et forsan affinitatis impedimentis non ob-
stantibus, matrimonium inter se contrahere, et in eo
postquam contractum foret remanere libere et licite
possent, per alias litteras nostras gratiose dispensavimus,
suscipiendam ex hujusmodi matrimonio prolem legiti-
mam nuntiando. Cum autem, sicut accepimus, Henricus
rex prsBfatus, quanquam non modo jure belli ac notorio
et indubitato proximo successionis titulo, verum etiam
omnium prsslatorum, procerum, magnatum, nobilium,
totiusque ejusdem regni AnglisB plebis electione et voto
necnon decreto statuto et ordinatione ipsius AnglisB
regni Trium Statuum in ipsorum conventu, Parliamento
nuncupato, propter hoc publice et generaliter celebrato,
jus ipsius regni Anglias ad ipsum Henricum Septimum
AnglisB regem suosque hsBredes suo ex corpore pro-
creandos indubitant^ de jure pertineret eidemque dela-
tum foret ; ad omnes tamen discordias et dissentiones,
qu8B olim inter illustres LancastriaB et Eboracensem
domos prsBdictas viguerant, tollendas atque imperpetu-
um abolendas, ac pro firma et perpetua pace in eodem
regno observanda, ad prsecipuam et specialem ipsorum
Trium Statuum dicti regni requisitionem, assenserit ean-
dem Elizabetham principissam, immortalis famae regis
Edwardi praafati primogenitam et veram haaredem, du-
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THE POPE CONFIEMS HENRY'S TITLE 37
cere haberegae in oxorem, drunmodo primitus a nobis Manh,
oportona dispensatio super impedimentis prsedictis
obtineretar; nos qui una cum venerabilibus fratribus
nostris SanotaB BomanaB ecclesiae cardinalibns omnia
et singula snpradicta patema caritate considerantes,
non solum super matrimonio hujusmodi inter Henricum
regem et Elizabetham prinoipissam prsefatos ut prse-
fertur contrahendo, ex causis supradictis per dictas
nostras literas dispensavimus, sed etiam prolem sus-
cipiendam ex eo ad succedendum eisdem regi et Eliza-
bethsB legitimam nuntiavimus, prout in ipsius dispensa-
tionis litteris plenius continetur, motu proprio, non ad
Henrici regis aut ElizabethsB prsBdictorum aut alterius
pro nobis super hoc oblatse petitionis instantiam, sed
de nostra mera liberalitate et ex certa nostra scientia
hujusmodi dispensationem necnon matrimonium iUius
vigore prsedictaB contrahendum, sen cujusvis alterius
dispensationis desuper a sede apostolica vel iUius poeni-
tentiaria aut legatis sive nunciis, ad id facultatem ab
eadem sede habentibus, forsan obtentas, pro tempore
contractum, quarum quidem litterarum nostrarum et
aliarum prssdictarum dispensationum tenores prsBsenti-
bus, acsi de yerbo ad verbum insererentur, habere
volumus pro expressis, legitimamque liberorum suc-
cessionem, ac etiam dedarationem pronuntiationem et
decretum Parliamenti tam super titulo ipsius Henrici
regis quam super successione liberorum ac hssredum
suorum, necnon omnia alia et singula prsemissa auc-
toritate apostolica prsBsentium tenore confirmamus et
approbamus, ac robur perpetusB et inviolabilis vere
firmitatis obtinere eadem auctoritate pronuntiamus,
decemimus atque declaramus ; supplemusque onmes et
singulos defectus tam juris quam facti, si qui forsan
intervenerint in eisdem aut aliquo prsdmissorum. Mone-
musque et requirimus, motu, scientia, et auctoritate
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38 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Hwcfa. prsedictis, omnes et singolos dicti regni incolas, et
ejasdem Henrici regis subditos, cujuscamque gradas,
status, sea conditionis existant, etiam si ducali yel
majori dignitate prsBfolgeant, eisque et coilibet eoram
districte prsBcipiendo inhibemas ne ipsi ant aliquis
eorum novos tomultus, occasione juris saccedendi hujos-
modi yel quocomque quovis qusBsito colore, aut qua-
cumque alia causa, in eodem regno per se vel alium
seu alios movere seu moveri facere, dispensation!,
declarationi, et decreto hujusmodi, aut paci tranquil-
litative ipsius AnglisB regni contraveniendo quovis modo
prsBSumant sub excommunicationis et majoris anathe-
matis poena; quam omnes et singuli hujusmodi tu-
multus novos excitantes vel excitari facientes atque
pacem et regni prsefati tranquillitatem posthac nequiter
perturbantes aut prsedictis contravenientes exnunc
prout extunc et extunc prout exnunc (cujuscunque,
ut prsefertur dignitatis, status, gradus, seu conditionis
existant, etiam si ducali aut majori praefulgeant digni-
tate) eo ipso incurranty eosque incurrere et illius vinculo
innodatos et involutos ipso facto esse eisdem motu
scientia et auctoritate volumus, statuimus, decemimus
atque declaramus ; a quo quidem exconununicationis et
anathematis vinculo ab alio quam Sede Apostolica prsB-
fata, aut cui ipsa sedes id specialiter et specifice com-
miserit, praeterquam in mortis articulo constituti,
nequeant absolutionis beneficium obtinere. Et si (quod
Deus avertat) contingat ipsam Elizabetham, prole ex
dicto Henrico rege non suscepta, vel suscepta non tamen
tunc superstite, decedere ante ipsum regem, eo casu
prolem ex ipso rege Henrico et alia quacunque ejus
legitima uxore ab eo superducenda, in omni jure haere-
ditario regni hujusmodi juxta antedictum ipsius Parlia-
menti decretum et hujusmodi nostrum, illius appro-
bationem, et confirmationem super hujusmodi decreto et
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THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF REBELS 39
aliis prsBdictis, at prsBmittitur, factam, succedere debere March,
similibua motu, scientia et auctoritate etiam decemimus
et declaramus, et ne, in hujusmodi eventum, quispiam
prolis prsefatse saccessionem hnjosmodi, quovis qusesito
colore, impedire, aut (ad) impediendum novos tumultus
in eodem regno per se vel alios excitare yel excitari
facere vel procurare prsBsomat, sub prsefatis censoris et
poenis, quas omnes et singuli novos tumoltas, ut prsB-*
fertur, ex quacumque causa in contrarium excitantes
aut excitari facientes, eo ipso incurrant, et a qnibos ab
alio qoam Sede prsedicta, et cui Sedes ipsa id specialiter
commiserit, absolvi neqneant, prsBterquam in mortis
articulo constituti, pari mota scientia et auctoritate
prohibemus. Et quosconqae, tarn principes exteros
qnam dicti regni incolas, prsestantes opem et succor-
sum eidem Henrico regi, ejusve descendentibus in eodem
regno successoribus Anglise regibus, contra eorum re-
belles aut aliqua contra prsemissa quovis pacto moli-
entes eisdem motu scientia et auctoritate benedicimus,
et illis, quos sic faciendo in tam justa causa decedere
continget, plenarium omnium suorum peccatorum in-
dulgentiam et remissionem elargimur ; et nichilominus
universis et singulis episcopis, monasteriorum abbatibus,
metropolitanis et aliarum cathedralium et coUegiatarum
decanis, archidiaconis, canonicis, parrochialiumque et
aliarum ecclesiarum rectoribus sive vicariis perpetuis,
prioratuum et domorum cujusvis etiam mendicantium
ordinum prioribus et guardianis, et quibuscunque aliis
ecclesiasticis personis exemptis et non exemptis, simili-
bus motu scientia et auctoritate sub interdicti ingressus
ecclesisB in episcopos et superiores, ac excommunicationis
latsB sententiffi poena in inferiores ab eis, eo ipso per eos
si non paruerint incurrenda ; mandamus quatenus ipsi
et quilibet eorum, cum pro parte praefati Henrici regis
hfldredum et successorum suorum hujusmodi quorum-
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40 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
March, cumque f aerint desuper reqaisiti ; oontravenientes hujus-
modi et novos tnmaltus exqitantes in ecclesiis suis et
aliis locis pablicis, inter missamm et aliomm divinomm
officiorum solemnia, necnon aliis temporibus congmis,
totiens quotiens reqaisiti faerint, excommunicatos et
anathematizatos esse et hujasmodi sententias et cen-
suras incnrrisse pablice nontient, faciantque ab aliis
nunciari, et ab omnibus arctois evitari, ac, legitimis
super hiis habendis servatis processibus, censuras et
pcenas hujusmodi iteratis vicibus aggrayent, contra-
dictores quoslibet et rebelles per oensuram ecclesiasticam
et alia juris remedia, appellatione postposita, compes-
cendo, invocato ad hoc si opus fuerit auxilio brachii
secularis; non obstantibus constitutionibus et ordina-
tionibus apostolicis concessis quoque per nos et Sedem
prsefatam privilegiis et litteris apostolicis, quibus ilia
etiam si de eis eorumque totis tenoribus, seu qusevis alia
expressio habenda esset, et in eis caveretur expresse quod
iUis non intelligeretur unquam derogatum, nisi dum et
quotiens sub certis inibi expressis modo et forma con-
tingeret derogari prsBsentibus^ pro expressis et insertis
habentes quoad prsBmissa specialiter et expresse dero-
gamus contrariis quibuscunque, seu si eisdem epis-
copis, abbatibuSy decanis, archidiaconis, rectoribus,
vicariis perpetuis, prioribus, guardianis et aliis ecclesias-
ticis personis ac ducibus et aliis prsedictis vel quibusvis
communiter vel divisim a dicta sit Sede indultum quod
interdici, suspendi vel excommunicari non possint per
litteras apostolicas, non facientes plenam et expressam
ac de verbo ad verbum de indulto hujusmodi mentionem,
et qualibet alia dictse Sedis indulgentia generali yel
speciaK cujuscunque tenoris existat, per quam praesenti-
bus non expressam yel totaliter non insertam effectus
earum impediri valeat quomodolibet vel differri, et de
qua cujusque toto tenore habenda sit in nostris litteris
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LORD LOVELL'S ESCAPE 41
mentio specialis. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat March
banc paginckm nostrsB confirmationis, approbationis, pro-
nnntiationis, constitationis, declarationis, snpletionis,
monitionis, reqoisitionis, inhibitionis, voluntatis, statuti,
decreti, prohibitionis, benedictionis, concessionis, man-
dati, et derogationis infringere etc.
[Margaret, Countess of Oxford, to John Paston^ " Ptoton Letters,"
iii. 890.]
Bight trusti and welbiloved, I recomaund me unto Lavenham,
you. And for as moche as I am credebly enfourmed that ^^ ***^'
Frannceis, late Lorde Lovell, is now of late resorted into
the Yle of Ely, to the entente by alle lykelyhod, to finde
the waies and meanes to gete him shipping and passage
in your costes, or ellis to resorte ageyn to seintuary, if
he can or maie ;
I therfor hertily desire praie you, and neverthelesse,
in the Kinges ncune, streitly chargie you that ye in all
goodly haste endevore your self that suche wetche or
other meanes be used and hadde in the poorts, and creks,
and othre places wher ye thinke necessary by your dis-
crecion, to the letting of his seid purpose ; and that ye
also use all the waies ye can or maie by your wisdom,
to the taking of the same late Lorde LovelL And what
pleasur ye maie do to the Kings Grace in this matier,
I am sure, is not to you unknowen. And God kepe you.
24.
[Henry VII to John Paston, sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk^ Camp-
bell's ** Materials," i. 451.]
Bex vicecomiti NorfolcisB et Suffolcise, salutem. West-
PrsBcipimus tibi firmiter injungentes quod statim post lo June,
receptionem praBsentium in singulis lecis infra ballivam
tuam, tam infra libertates quam extra, ubi magis ex-
pediens videris ex parte nostra publicas proclamationes
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42 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
June. fieri facias in haec verba. For as mache as the king
our soveraigne lord, Henry the VH**, by the grace of
God, king of Englond and of Fraunce, and lord of Irlond,
hathe credible informacioun that there is like to be open
werre had, moved, and stered, as well by water as by
lond, betwene hys cousyn Charles of Fraunce on the
oon partie, and his cousyne the king of Romannys oone
the other partie. Where uppone great navys of bothe
parties bythe in rigging redye to be sette unto the see,
wherthurghe hurte and prejudice, by the riottouse de-
meanyng of the said navyes, myghte sodenly growe unto
this his realme and to the subgettes of the same if no
remedie wer in that behalf foresene, ordyned, and pro-
vyded, which Gode defend. Our said soveraigne lord,
not willing any such hurte or prejudice to ensue unto
this his said realme, ne unto any of his said subgettes,
willeth, chargeth, and straitly commaundith alle and
everyche of his said subgettis that they and every of
them kepe watche and warde uppone the costes of the
see where uede shuld require, and that all bekyns and
other tokyns uppone the same costes be made redie to
be sette on fyre, and to warne all his said subgettis to be
redie and to comme and defend this his said realme and
his said subgettis, if nede be, according to their duteis,
in maner and fourme as in old tyme in like case hathe
ben used and accustumed. Et hoc sub periculo incum-
benti nuUatenus omittas.
25.
[Henry VII to the Earl of Northumberland, ** Rotuli Sooti»,"
ii. 471.]
West- Henrico comiti NorthumbrisB datur potestas ad om-
^ Jane Hcs pcrsouas de rumoribus in partibus borialibus novae
[I486?], insurrectionis incitandae causa culpabiles arestandum.
Rex carissimo consanguineo suo Henrico comiti
Northumbrisd salutem. Quia credibiliter informamur
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COMMISSION TO NOETHUMBEELAND 43
quod molta obloqoia rumores & imaginationes in partibas June,
borialibas hujus regni nostri Anglise nove insnrrectionis
incitaiide & provocande causa per quosdam malivolos
maligno spiritu seductos, timorem Altissimi & sue
ligeantie debitum naturale retrahentes in abusione fideli-
nm & diligentium subditornm nostrorom ibidem seda-
ciose practicantnr, seminantor, & alloquentar. Nob in-
con venientia moltimoda, que per hujusmodi detractiones
consequi poterunt, amovere cupientes ut tenemur, de
fidelitate & circumspectione vestris plenius confidentes
assignavimuB vos & vobis potestatem & auctoritatem
damns & conmiittimus ad scrutandum & inquirendum
viis & modis quibus melius sciveritis aut poteritis de
omnibus & omnimodis hujusmodi malivolis obloquiis
rumoribus & imaginationibus hujusmodi utentibus & de
onmibus aliis in partibus predictis tam infra libertates
quam extra qui aliquid contra ligeantie sue debitum
in populo nostro commotionem & pacis nostre perturba-
tionem ac juris & legis nostri lesionem ibidem aliquo
modo facere committere aut attemptare presumant et
ad omnes illos quos in hac parte tam infra libertates
quam extra reos & culpabiles inveneritis de tempore in
tempus arestandum & capiendum & eos & eorum quem-
libet statim cum capti & arestati fuerint ad presentiam
nostram de tempore in tempus transmittendum trans-
mittive faciendum ut pro eorum punitione juxta eorum
demerita ordinare possimus quod punitio ilia aliis cedat
in terrorem taliter imposterum perpetrandum. Et ideo
etc. Damns autem etc. In cujus etc.
26,
[ProolaniAtions against rebels, Campbeirs ''Materials," i. 512.
Similar letters were addressed to the sheriff of Yorkshire and
Cumberland^ of. ibid. i. 304-5].
Eex yicecomiti Northumbrise, salutem. Prseci- west-
pimus tibi firmiter injungentes quod statim post re- ^'j^\
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44 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July, ceptionem prsBsentinm in singulis locis intra ballivam
tuam, tarn infra libertates gnam extra, nbi magis ex-
pediens videris ex parte nostra pablicas proclamationes
fieri facias in hsec verba. Where Thomas Brooghton,
knyght, John Hodylston, knyght, William a Thome-
burghe, William Ambrose, and other of their coadherentes,
for their grete rebellyons and grevos offensez lately by
theyme doone and commytted ayenst the most royalle
persone of oure soveraigne lord Henry the VII**^, by
the grace of God, kyng of Englond and of Fraunce,
and lord of Lrland, kepe theyme in hedylle and secret
places, and over that have dysobeyed djrvers and many
his lettres and pryve seales, to his gret displeasure and
disobeisaunz, and to the gret trouble and vexacioun of
his true liegemen and subjectes ; oure soveraigne lord,
wiUyng the good rule, tranquyllite, and restfulnesse of
this his realme and of his subjectes of the same, straitly
chargythe and commaundjrthe the seid Thomas, John,
William and William, and their said coadherentez, that
they and everyche of them, except QteSrej Frank,
Edward Frank,^ John Ward, Thomas Oter, and Richard
Middylton, otherwise called Dyk Middylton, personelly
appere before his highenesse, whersoever he be, withyn
xl dayes next after this proclamacioun. And yf the
seid Thomas Broughton, John Hodylston, Willyam,
and Willyam, and theyre seid coadherentes, or any of
thejrme, except before except, absent themself, and of
their obstinacye wille not appere and come to oure seid
soveraigne lord as his true and obeyssaunt subjectes,
that they and every of theyme so absentyng theymeself
be had, taken, and reputed as his grete rebellez,
ennemyes and traitours, and so forfeyt their lyvys,
landez, and goodes, at the pleasure of the same oure
1 An " Edmond Frank " and others were executed in the fifth
year of Henry VII (" Greyfriars* Ohron.," p. 26).
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SUBMISSION OP YOEKSHIRE EEBELS 45
soveraigne lord. Et hoc sub pericnlo incumbenti July,
nollatenus omittas.
27.
[Submission of the rebels in Yorkshire, Campbell's '^ Materials/*
i. 535, cf. ibid. 541-2].
Bex omnibus ad quos etc., salntem. Sciatis qnod nos 6 August
de fidelitate, indnstria et circnmspectione provida dilecti
et fidelis nostri Willielmi Tyler, militis, ac dilectonim
nobis Johannis Clerk, et Thomed Lynom, sen eomm
dnorom, qnamplnrimnm confidentes, dedimns et com-
misimns ac tenore prsBsentinm damns et committimns
eisdem Willielmo, Johanni et ThomsB plenam potestatem
et anctoritatem ad recipiendum et admittendnm ad
obedientiam et ligeantiam nostras omnes et singulos
illos rebelles nostros, qui infra comitatnm Ebomm, et
prsdcipne infra dominia nostra de Midelhamet Bichmond,
nnnc existnnt, gratiee et ligeantise nostree se submittere
volentes, quos jnxta discretiones snas expediens et
necesse viderint receptandos, ac eis, jnxta discretiones
snas, promittendnm, et sub sigillis predfatorum
Willielmi, Johannis, et Thome concedendum gratiam
et pardonationem nostras tam de vita, terris, bonis et
catallis suis, quam de quibuscumque proditionibus,
rebelionibns, feloniis, insurrectionibus, trangressionibns,
et aliis malefactis et ofiEensis nobis, sen contra nos, per
eos sen eomm aliquem qualitercumque factis sive per-
petratis, necnon ad habendum et perquirendum de
gratia nostra litteras nostras patentes de hujusmodi
pardonatione, sub magno sigillo nostro, eis et eomm
cuilibet de prsemissis conficiendas, ei pro eis prosequi
voluerint.
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46 THE EEIGN OF HENRY VH
1487. 1487.
28.
[Campbell's "Materials," iL 118.]
SPebru- Writ to Bichard Eggecombe, knt, for the arrest of
*^' Henry Bodrugan, knt, and John Bemont and others,
who have withdrawn themselves into private places in
those counties, and stir up sedition and rebellion.
29.
[Henry YII to the Treasurer of the Exchequer, Oampbell's
<' Materials," iL 148.]
Coventry, Henry by the grace of God, etc. To the treasourer
and chamberlains of our Eschequier that nowe be and
that for the tyme hereafter shalbe, greting. Wher as
of late by thadvyse of the lords and other nobles of our
counsaill for diuers consideracions vs and they m moeuyng
have seased into our hands all honors, casteUes, manoirs,
lordships, knights fees, aduousons, and alle othr lands and
tenements, with their apportenaunces and all maner
fefermes and annuitees by vs late assigned vnto Queene
Elizabeth, late wyf to the full noble prince of famous
memorye Edward the Fourth, and all and every of the
saide honoures castelb, manoirs, lordships, knights fees,
aduousons, and all other lands, tenements with their
appertenaunces, fefermes, and annuities haue assigned
vnto our derrest wif the queue. Wherfor we woU and
charge you that all suche sommes of money as is comen
to your handes of any the p'misses, that ye anon vpon
the sight of thies our letters make paiement vnto our
said wif, or to suche persone or persounes as she hath
and shall appointe and assigne to receyue the same.
And from hensfourth yerely in likewise we woll and
charge you that alle the issues, proffits, and reuenues that
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LAMBEBT SIMNEL'S REBELLION 47
hreafter shall growe of the premisses and euery ofM^.
them ye paie and deliuer to our said wif and to her
receyuors. And also wher we of late haue grannted to
onr said wif c li of annnitie yerely to be levied of all the
manoirs, lands and tenements somtyme of William
Trussell, knight, nowe in onr hands by reason of the
nonage of the son and heir of the saide William, to
hane to onr said wif during the nonage of the saide heir,
and as long as the saide manoirs and othr premisses
shall abide and remaign in our hande& Wherfor we
woU and charge you in likewise that of thissues and
proafBts therof comen and that hereafter shall come to
your handes, ye deliuer c li yerely during the saide tyme
to our said wif, or to such persone or personnes as she
shall appointe to receyue the same. And thies our
letters of pryue seall etc.
30.
[Henry VII to the Earl of Ormonde, chamberlain to the Queen,
HaUiwell's '' Letters of the Kings of England," i. 171.]
Bight trusty and right well-beloved cousin, we greet K^-
you well, and have tidings that our rebels landed the is Biay-
fifth day of this month in our land of Ireland. Where-
fore and forasmuch as we have sent for our dearest wife
and for our dearest mother to come unto us, and that we
would have your advice and counsel also in such matters
as we have to do for the subduing of our said rebels,
we pray you that, giving your due attendance upon our
said dearest wife and lady mother, ye come with them unto
us, not failing hereof as ye purpose to do us pleasure.
31.
[The Earl of Oxford (?) to Sir Edmund Bedingfield, ''Paston
Letters," ui. 895.]
Where as I xmderstonde by your late wrytyng un to me, May.
that ye have ryght wqU endevyrd you to th' execusion of
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48 THE EEIGN OP HENEY VII
May, the £ynges oomission and comawndment, in prepaiyng
your selffe with the jentyhnen and other of the oontre,
to be redy to do the Eyng servyce, whyche I have
shewid on to the Eynges Hyghnes, bo that hys Grace
ys ryght well content and ryght thankfully acceptyth
the same, understondynge the ryght good myndys and
dysposyschon oflf you and oflf other jentyhnen there
towardes hys Grace. How be yt, hys Hyghnes wull
not as zytte put you to ony further labur or charge, for
somoche as hys rebellys and enemyes be in to Irlande ;
neverthelesse hys Grace wull that the contre be redy at
all tymis to do hys Hyghnes servyce up on resonabuU
wamyng ; for so moche as the Eynges Grace intendjrthe
to make provysyon to send an armi in to Irlonde in
haaste, nat knowyng as zytte whether that ye, and
other aboute you shall be desyird to here ony change
there to or no. And where as yt ys mervellyd that ye
had not the Eynges comysshon, under hys gret seall,
I send yt to you with thys my wrytyng, wyllynge you
nat to procede further to eny exechuson theroff tyll
swyche tyme as ye have other wise in comawndment,
alwey thankjmg hertyly the jentylmen, and all other
for ther good wyllys towardes me.
32.
[Sir Edmund Bedingfield to John Paston, "Paston Letters," iiL
894.]
Oxborgh, Right wurshypfull cosyn, I recomaund me un to you
i«May. ^g hertly as I can, letyng you wytte I was with my
Lorde Stuarde * as on Munday laste paste, by the desyir
of them that I myght not sey ney to. I herde all that
was seyd there, but they gaate non avawntage, wurde,
nor promyse off me; but they thought in asmoche as
they ware the beste in the shere, that every man owghte
^ Robert, first lord WiUoughby de Broke.
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WAVEBINQ IN NOEFOLK 49
to wajrte and go with them. Wherto jrt was answerd Uy\
that oure master [the Earl of Oxford], nexte the Kynge, '
hayjnige hys commysshon, muste nedys have the jentyl-
men and the contre to a wajrte upon hym by the vertu
of the same ; but yt was thought I owght not to obeye
no copy of the commysshon, withoute I had the same
under wexe, where in hathe ben gret argument, whyche
I understoode by reporte a fortnyte paste, and that causyd
me to sende unto my lorde to have the very commysshon,
whyche he sente me, and a letter [No. 31], where off I
sende you the copy here in closyd.
As for you, ye be sore takyn in sum place, seying that
ye intende swyche thynges as ys lyke to f olow gret mys-
cheffe. I seyd I undyrstood non swyche, nor thynges
lyke it ; and jt ys thoughte ye intende nat to go f orthe
thys jomeye, nor no jentylman in that quarter but Bobert
Brandon that hath promysyd to go with them, as they
seye.
I understonde Sir Wylliam Bolen and Sir Harry
Heydon ware at Thetforde in to Kente ward, but they
retumyd in to Norffolk agejme ; I thynke they wull not
goo thys jomey, yff the Kynge nede : Ser Harry was at
Attylborow on Saterday. I wene he had a vyce there to
tume a zen ; wher for cosyn, yt ys good to xmderstonde
the sertente what jentylmen intende to goo, and be as-
suryd to go together, that I may have wurde ; my cosjm
Hoptun hathe promysyd that he wull be oon. As fore
Wysman, he seythe he wull be off the same, but I can
have no holde.
Furthermore, cosyn, yt ys seyd that after my lordys
departyng to the £ynge ye ware mette at Barkwey,
whyche ys construid that ye had ben with the Lady
liovell, but wrathe seyd never well ; and in asmoche as
we understonde my lordys plesur, yt ys well doon we dele
wysly therafter. And, nexte to the £ynge, I answerd
VOL. L 4
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6 June.
50 THE BEIQN OF HENRY VH
May. pleynly I was bownde to do him service, and to fnllfylle
hys comaundment to the uttermest off my powere, by
the grace off Qod, Who ever preserve you to Hys plesur.
33.
[A letter of the Eftrl of Linoolii, styling Simnel Edward YI,
"York Hooae Books," Vol vi., f. 97.]
York, The same day veas read a letter from the Earl of
Lincoln lately landed at Fnmess in the name of that
king calling himself king Edward VL
By the king.
To our trusty and welbeloved the Maiour, his Brethren
and Commontdtie of our citie of York.
Trusty & wel beloved. We grete you well. And for
as much as we beene comen within this our Bealme
not oonely by goddes grace to attejme our Bight of the
same but also for the Belief and Well of our said Bealme
you and all other our true subgietts which hath been
greatly Iniured and oppressed in def ante of novme mini-
stration of good Bules & Justice desire therfor and
in our Bight hearty wise pray you that in this behalve
ye woU show unto us your good aides and favours. And
where We and such power as we have broght with us
by meane of travayle of the se and upon the land beene
gretely weryed and laboured it woU like you that we
may have Belief and ease of logeing and vitailles within
our citie there and soo to depart and truly pay for that
that We shall take. And in your soo doing ye shall doo
thing unto us of Bight acceptable pleasure And for the
same find us your good and soverain lord at all tymes
hereafter And of your dispositions herin to acertain us
by this bringer. Yevene undre our signett at Masham
the viii day of Juna
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THE BATTLE OF STOKE 61
34 1487.
[** Ohroniole of Oalais/' p. 1.]
Battayle at Stooke, anno 1487 — Ther was slayne theie Jumu
erle of Lyncoln, syr Martyn Swarte, a Fleminge that
came into England with the forsayde erle out of
Flaonders from the dutches of Burgoyne kyng Edward
the fourth's systar, for she was the earles aunt, and she
would have made hym kynge of England, but the erle
was slayne and many other that bare armes that day,
and the lorde Lovell was nevar sene aftar.
86.
[Eingsford's '' Ohrcmioles of London," p. IM.]
Also this yere was Stoke feeld, wher by the kynges 16 Jom.
powre was slajme therle of Lyncolne, Mazten Swart, a
Ducheman, and moche of the people that came w^ theym.
And yet was that tyme false Enghsshemen that were
bitwene the ffeeld and the kynges trewe people that
were comyng to hymward, which vntru persons said
that the kyng was fled and the feeld lost ; wherby the
kyng was put from moche of his ayde, but yet god was
his helper and sent him the victory.
36.
[Simnel'a rebeUion, '* Rot. PtoL," vi 397.]
Forasmoch as, the xix^ day of the moneth of Marche 19 icareh.
last past, John late Erie of Lincolne, nothyng consider- ^^ ^^^
yng the greate and sovereygn kyndnes that cure Sover-
eygne Leige Lorde that nowe ys, at iyretB sundry
tymes, contjrnuelly shewed to the said late Erie, but
tiie contrarye to kynd and naturall remembraunce, his
faith, trouth and sJlegeaunce, conspired and ymagyned
the most doloruse and lamentable murder, deth and
destruction of the roiall persone of cure said Sover-
4*
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52 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
JuM. eygne and Leige Lorde, and also distraction of all this
realme, and to perform his said malicioas purpose,
traiterously departed to the parties beyond the see,
and ther accompanyed hymselfe with many other false
traitonrs, and enemyes to our said Sovereygne Leige
Lorde, by longe tyme contynuyng his malyce, prepared
a grete navye for the coostes of Brabon, and arrjrved
in the portes of Irland, where he with Sir Henry
Bodrogan, and John Beaomound, sqoier, ymagjmed
and conspired the destruction and deposition of oure
said Sovereygne Liege Lorde ; and for the execution of
2A May. the Same ther, the xxiiii^ day of May last passed, at the
Cite of Develyn, contrarie to his honmiage and faith,
trouth and allegiaunce, trayterouslyrenownced, revoked
and disclaymed his owne said most naturall Sovereygne
Leige Lorde the Eyng, and caused oone Lambert
Symnell, a child of x yere of age, sonne to Thomas
Symnell, late of Oxforde jojmoure, to be proclaimed,
erecte and reputed as Eyng of this realme, and to hym
did f eith and homage, to the grete dishonour and despite
of all this realme ; and frome thens, contynuyng in his
malicious and trayterous purpose, arived with a greate
4 Jane, uavie in Fumes in Lancashire, the iiii^ day of June
last past accompanyed with a greate multytude of
straungers, with force and armes, that ys to saye,
swerdys, speris, marespikes, bowes, gonnes, hameys,
brigandynes, hawberkes, and many other wepyns and
hameys defensible ; and frome thens, the same day, he
with Sir Thomas Broughton, knyght, Thomas Haryng-
ton, Robert Percy of Knaresburgh in the countie of
Yorke, Richard Harleston, John a Broughton, brother
unto the said Sir Thomas Broughton, knyght, Thomas
Batell, James Haryngton, Edward Frank, Richard
Middelton, squiers; Robert Hilton, Clement Skelton,
Alexander Apilby, Richard Banke, Edmund Juse,
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LINCOLN'S ATTAINDEB 53
Thomas Blandrehasset, gentilmen; John Mallary of June,
Lichbarowe in the countie of Northampton, Bobert
Mallary of Fallesley in the same conntie, Gyles Mallary
of Grevysnorton in the same countie, William Mallary
of Stowe in the same countie, Bobert Mannyng late of
Dunstaple, Willyam Kay of Halyfax gentilman ; Boger
Hartlyngton, Bichard Hoiggessone, John Avyntry, Bow-
land Bobjmson, yomen ; with many other ill disposed
persones and traytours, defensible and in like warrely
maner arrayed, to the nomber of viii M persones,
ymagjmyng, compassyng and conspiryng the deth and
deposition, and utter destruction of oure said Soveraygne
Leige Lorde the Eyng, and the subversion of all this
realme, for the execucion and perfourmyng of the said
myschevous and traiterous purpose, contynuelly in hos-
tyle maner passed fro thens from place to place, to they
come to Stoke in the countie of Notyngham; where,
the xvi day of June last past, with baners displayed, 16 June,
levied warre ayenst the persone of his Sovereygne and
naturall Leige Lorde, and gave to hym myghty and
stronge batell, tra3rterously and contrarie to all trouth,
knyghthode, honour, allegeaunce, feith and aSyaunce,
intendyng utterly to have slayne, murdred and cruelly
destroyed oure foresaid Leige Lorde and most Cristen
Prynce, to the uttermost and grettest adventure of the
noble and roiall persone of oure seid Leige Lorde, dis-
truction, dishonour and subversion of all this realme.
For the which malicious, compassed, greate and heynous
offence, not alloonly commytted ayen oure said Sover-
eygne Lorde, but also ayenst the unyversall and comen
wele of this realme, ys requisite sore and grevous
punycion ; and also for an example hereafter, that non
other be bold in like wise to offend : . . ,. [attainder
enacted].
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54 THE BEIGN OF HENRY VH
1487. 37.
[The Earl of NoriihamberUnd to Sir Robert Plumpton, '^ Plumpton
Oorrespondenoe," p. 64]
Riohmond, Coosiii Sir Bobsrt, I commend me unto you: and
™** wher it is 80 that diverse gentlemen and other com-
moners, being within your office at this tyme, hath
rebelled against the king, as well in ther being at this
last felde, as in releving of them that were against the
Kings highnes, I therfore on the kings behalfe strictly
charg you, and on myne hartely pray you, for your owne
discharg and myne, that ye incontinently after the sight
hereof, take all such persones as be within your office,
which this tyme hath offended agaynst the king, and in
especiall John Pullen and Bichard Knaresborough : and
that ye keepe them in the castell of Ejiarsbrough, in
suer keepeing, to the tyme be ye know the kings pleasure
in that behalfe. And that this be not failed, as ye love
me ; and to give credence unto this bearer, and God
keep you. Written at Bichmound, the xxiii day of Juyn.
Se that ye faile not, as ye love me, within the time, and
as ever ye thinke to have me your good lord, and as ever
I may trust you.
38.
[Henry VII's second parliament. Morton's address^ ' ' Bot. Pari. , "
vi. 385.]
Norem- Memorandum, quod die Veneris, nono die Novembris,
anno regni Begis Henrici Septimi post Gonquestum
tertio; videlicet primo die Parliamenti, Beverendissi-
mus pater Johannes Archiepiscopus Cantuarensis, Can-
cellarius Angliae, in presentia prefati Domini Begis, sede
regia in Camera communiter dicta Crucis infra Palacium
suum Westmonasterium sedentis, ac quam plurimum
Dominorum Spiritualium & Temporalium, nee non
Communitatis Begni Anglise, ad dictum Parliamentum
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ber.
MORTON'S SPEECH 55
de mandatis Begiis convocatorum, ex ipsius Domini No?ember.
Begis mandato, causas convocacionis ejosdem Parlia-
mentd egregie pronnnciavit & declaravit, assmnens pro
themate banc seriem verborom, "Declina a malo &
fac bonum, inquire pacem & persequere earn." Super
qno Beipublice coram concementia qnatuor peromate
declaravit : Primum eqnidem, divertendum esse a malo
quatriplici de causa ; prima, quia omne peccatum turpe ;
secunda, quia omne peccatum injustum; tertia, quia
omne peccatum inutile; quarta, quia omne peccatum
est causa pene. Hanc tripartitam causam immo et
cetera que in sermone subsequuntur, particulatim &
distincte, Ciceronis & pbilosopborum gentilium per-
suasionibus Yeteris & Novi Testamentorum auctoritati-
bus doctorumque per Ecclesiam approbatorum decretis,
summamaturitategravitateque profunda conge8tis,quam
dilucide explicavit; ut nee proximo aut principi,
patrie aut regno vecordia, secordia, ignavia, violacione
juramenti^ pseudo sdssitantibus propbetis, aut quavis
alia arte proditoria malum . . . esse, singulis palam
auditoribus reliquit manifeste declaratum. In secundo
principalis persuadebat bonum esse faciendum, nam in
divertendo a malo, culpam ... & hoc bonum est ; sed
in fociendo bonum, palmam pietatis adquirimus, & id
melius est. Hoc in loco, eos qui non propulsant rei-
publice injuriam nee defendunt si possint, tam esse in
vicio asseruit, quam si parentes, amicos aut patriam
deserant, imo & proditores sunt veritatis. Tertio
membro principali, inquirere pacem cuique opus per-
oravit, cum pax super omnia prodest; hujus tamen
pacis due partes reperiuntur principales: una est pax
mala & culpabilis, & ista est triplex; una sophistica,
que consistit vel in diviciis, vel in deliciis, vel in
fastigiis ; alia pax mala dicitur sophistica & ficta ; tertia
diabolica, que pessima dicitur: & . . . partes sunt
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66 THE BEIGN OP HENEY VH
Nofember, pacis male & cnlpabilis. Alia est pax bona & laudabilis,
qne multiplex est: gnedam interna, que est hominis
ad seipsum; alia fratema, hominis ad hominem; ista
duplex est, nam quedam est domestica, scilicet patri-
familias in domo sibi commissa ; secunda, politica,
que reipublice causa geritur, ad quam tria necessaria
requiruntur ; primum, Begis & populi ad Deum rever-
entia cum timore; secundum, Begis providentia cum
amore ; tertium, subjectorum ad Principem obedientia
cum honore. Hec declaravit planius persuasionibus,
auctoritatibus & Sanctorum decretis, & hoc pro tertio
membro principalL Ultimo membro, persuadebat nos
prosequi pacem, quia cum triplex nos hostis perturbat,
viriliter nos agere oportet, ut confortetur cor nostrum,
quod in celesti propria reperietur, ubi pax & plenitude
pacis permanet in evum. Amen.
1488-
39.
[CampbeU'B '< Biaterials," u. 244.]
&rwnwich, Grant to Thomas Lovell, the King's counsellor, and
uy. ' a knight for the king's body of the lordships and manors
of Bodrugan, alias Bodrygan, Tregryan, aZiosTregrehan,
Tremordret, Trevelen, Pentrasawe, Trethek, Trelowthas,
Treworrak, Cosawys, Trevagh, Besogowe, Dorsett,
Tucoys, Penrynborough, Pencoys, Huntingdon and
Castell Trehillock, Crukevallaxmce [or Trukevallance]
Trevisethek, and Trernborough, co Cornwall, and all
lands etc., in those places forfeited by Henry Bodrugan,
knt, the traitor, under an Act of parliament holden 9
November 3 Hen. VII.
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AN EXPEDITION TO BRITTANY 67
40. 1488.
[The expedition to Brittany, Campbell's '* Materials," iL 249, 251.
There are Tarions similar oommiasions, including one (ibid. ii.
403) to impress soldiers and provide victoals.]
Commission to John Turbervile, knt, John Moton 19 Fehrn-
and Boger Hopton, to take the musters etc. of Charles *^'
Somerset, knt, and of the men in his company, about
to proceed to sea in three Spanish ships in resistance of
the king's enemies.
Commission to Charles Somerset, knt, to be captain
and admiral of the fleet in its present voyage (nothing
in these presents to be taken to the prejudice of John
earl of Oxford, who holds the said office for life).
41.
[Verses presented to King Henry the Seventh at the feast of St.
George celebrated at Windsor in the third year of his reign,
Skelton, "Works," ed. Dyoe, ii. 387.]
O moste famous noble king ! thy fame doth spring and 28 AprU.
spreade,
Henry the Seventh, our soverain, in eiche regeon ;
All England hath cause thy grace to love and dread,
Seing embassadores secke fore protectyon.
For ayd, helpe, and succore, which lyeth in thie elec-
tyone.
England, now rejoyce, for joyous mayest thou bee.
To see thy kyng so floreshe in dignetya
This realme a seasone stoode in greate jupardie,
When that noble prince deceased. King Edward,
Which in his dayes gate honore full nobly ;
After his decesse nighe hand all was marr*d ;
Eich regione this land dispised, mischefe when they
hard:
Wherefore rejoyse, for joyous mayst thou be.
To see thy kynge so floresh in high dignetye.
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58 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Ami, Fraonce, Spayne, Scoteland, and Britanny, Flanders
also,
Three of them present keepinge thy noble feaste
Of St. Geoi^e in Windsor, ambassadors comjmg more,
Iche of them in honore, both the more and the lesse,
Seeking thie grace to have thie noble begeste :
Wherefore now rejoise, and joyous maiste thon be,
To see thy kynge so florishing in dignetye.
knightly ordere, clothed in robes with gartere !
The queen's grace and thy mother clothed in the same ;
The nobles of thie realme riche in araye, aftere,
Lords, knights, and ladyes, unto thy great fame :
Now shall all embassadors know thie noble name.
By thy feaste royal ; nowe joyeous mayst thou be ;
To see thie king so florishinge in dignetye.
Here this day St. George, patron of this place,
Honored with the gartere cheef e of chevalrye ;
Chaplenes synging processyon, keeping the same.
With archbiishopes and bushopes beseene nobly ;
Much people presente to see the King Henrye :
Wherefore now, St. George, all we pray to thee
To keepe our soveraine in his dignetye.
42.
[William Paston to Sir John Paston, '' Paston Letters," iii. 904]
Hening- Aftyr all dewe recomendacion, pleasyt yow to undyr-
laMay. stonde that my lorde hathe ben with the Kynge in
Wyndesour at Seynt Georgys Feste, and ther at the
same feste were bothe the inbacetours of Breten and of
Flaundyrs, as well fro the Eynge of Romayne as fro the
yonge Duke [Philip]. But I can not schew yow the
certejm whedyr we schall have with them warre or
pease; but I undyrstonde for certeyn that all suche
capetejms as wente to the see in Lente, that is to sey.
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A NAVAL ENCOUNTEB 59
Sir Charlys Som^rsett, Sir Richard Hawte, and Sir May.
Wylliam Vampage, makythe them redy to goo to the
see agejn as schortely as they can, to what intente I
can not sey.
Also, where as it was seyde that my Lord Woddevyle
and other schnlde have gone over in to Breten, to have
eyded the Duke of Breten, I can not tell of non suche
eyd. Butt upon that seynge ther came many men to
Sowthehamton, where it was seyd that he schtdde have
takyn schyppyng, to have wajrtyd upon hym over ; and
BOO whan he was oountyrmaundyd, thos that resortyd
thedyr, to have gone over with hym taryde there styll
in hope that they schuld have ben lycensyd to have gone
over ; and whan they sey [saw] no lykeleod that they
schuld have lycens, there was ijG. of them that gete them
in to a Breten schyppe, the whyche was late come over
with salte, and bad the mayster sett them a lond in
Breten. And they had nott seylyd not paste vj. leges
butt they aspied a Frencheman, and the Frencheman
mad over to them ; and they ferde as thow they wolde
not have medylde with them, and all the Englysche
men went undyr the hetchys, soo that they schewyd
no more but those that came to Sowthehamton with
tie Frenchemen to be the more
hem ; and soo the Frencheman
iiey that were xmdyr the hetches
le Frencheman, and caryed the
to Breaten.
n inbacetour fro the Eynge of
»ut in grete trobyll be hys son
if hys londe.
NerAe be London, I speke there
and he seyd that he had wretyn
tie aunswere ; wherf or he prayd
man comynge towerdes Nor-
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60 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Biay, whyche, and I wold wrjrthe on to yow that he ferythe,
if ye see none other dyreccion, that he schall be comittyd
to the Flete.
Also he schewyd me that Herry Wyott wholde fynde
the mene to have yow condeninyd, and recover the ob-
ligacion of xl li a*geyns yow, and soo he seythe he whote
nott how to doo, for he is halfe dysmayd ; he ferythe
lesse that he schall never come homa But he intend-
ythe to plede the obligacion fulfylyd at Norwyche, for
he seythe ther is non other remedy to save yow fro the
condemnacion, tyl that he herythe otherwyse from yow,
whyche he thynketh longe aftyr.
43.
[Giovanni de Giglis, papal ooUector in Bngland, to Innooent VIII,
'' Venetian Calendar," L 172-3.]
London, Announces receipt of a brief dated S^ June, desiring
6 October, j^j^ ^ apply to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for
redress against some Franciscan Friars, who last Lent,
under pretence of certain indulgences, collected pecuni-
ary alms in England. Had the brief been delivered in
due time, its injunctions would have been most punctu-
ally obeyed ; but now, as the Friars have long since
betaken themselves with the money to Paris, whence
they came, it cannot be recovered here, though other-
wise all parties would have endeavoured, as fitting, to
obey the papal order ; and the collector expresses his
belief that the money might be easily recovered from
the convent in Paris, which it was said to have reached.
The death of the Duke of Brittany is reported, and that
well nigh the whole province is already in the hands of
the French, or about to pass into their possession.
Flanders is in the situation known to your Holiness.
At Calais, an English city in France across the Channel,
a French plot has been discovered, about which a great
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SPANISH NEGOTIATIONS 61
Btir was made at first, but now it does not seem so October.
IA8S
perilous an affair. The King has reinforced the garri-
son with 1,500 soldiers, artillery and stores. There
are ambassadors here from the Commons of Flanders,
and some are also expected from the King of the
Bomans.^ Anticipates the renewal of commerce which
had been interrupted for many jrears ; but is apprehen-
sive of war with France. Negociations are on foot for
an alliance between the King of England and the King
of Castile, and for the marriage of their children ; though
this is not yet pubUc. Henry VH expects to hold a
parliament shortly, in which all matters will be dis-
cussed, and the collector will then transmit more cer-
tain intelligence. The Archbishop of Canterbury (John
Morton) is prime minister, well adequate to everything,
excellently deserving of the Apostolic see and of his
Holiness, and worthy of honour. Cannot either omit
mentioning the very good will borne towards the Pope
by the King's Procurator at the Boman Court, the
Bishop of Limerick (John Dunmow), which entitles him
to commendation etc.
44.
[Ferdinand and Isabella to their ambasBador in England, De
Puebla, ** Gal. of Spanish State Papers," L 29.]
After the conclusion of the alliances, the King of 17 Decern-
England shall bind himself to make war upon the King ^^'
of France every time and whenever Spain is at war with
France, and whenever he is requested to do so ; also he
shall not be at liberty to make peace or alliance with
France, or any truce, without our express consent,
except the Eling of France do really give back to the
King of England the Duchies of Guienne and Normandy.
In that case the said King of England is at Uberty to
* See below, Vol. iL, Noe. 145-7.
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62 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
December, conclnde peace and alliance with the King of France.
In the same way we bind ourselves to make war on the
said King of France every time and whenever the said
King of England is at war with France, and we are
requested by him to do so, and will make no peace or
alliance with the King of France, or assent to any truce,
without his (King of England) consent, excqpt the said
Eang of France give back to us our counties of Roussil-
lon and Cerdana, in which case we shall be at liberty to
conclude peace and alliance with Franca These con-
ditions are the same for both parties.^
1489.
45.
[Opening of Henry VU's third parliament, *' Rot Pari.," vL 409.]
18 Ja&n- Memorandum quod die Martis terciodecimo Januarii,
"^' anno regni Regis Henrici Septimi post Gonquestum
quarto; videlicet primo die Parhamenti, Reverendis-
simus Pater Johannes Archiepiscopus Gantuariensis,
Gancellarius Anglie etc. . . . causas oonvocacionis
ejusdem Parliamenti egregie & notabiliter pronunciavit
& declaravit ; assumens pro themate verborum seriem
subsequenteuL " Oculi Domini super justos, & aures
ejus ad preces eorum." Super quo Davitico textu
commendatam justiciam ejusque justitie tres species,
communitativam, distributivam, & eam que virtus
specialis est, equalitatem constituens in communita-
cionibus & distribucionibus, palam ac dilucide ezplanavit ;
justitie legalis naturam, imperio, regno, provincie, &
civitati quam maxime perutilem exposuit: Primo
inquam quid sit ipsa; secundo, que ipsius prindpia;
tertio, quomodo ejus fieri debeat execucio; & quarto,
' See below, Vol. iiL
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POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 63
qaalis finis & efEectos justitie, & quomodo necessaria Jumary,
popoli moltitudini : triplex asseroit justicie principiom;
emanativum, ex quo ejns origo derivatur, puta a Deo,
que Lex etema merito appellator, a qua Lex natnralis
ceteris creatnris impressa inextingoibilis dicitnr, malo
semper in homine remnrmarans, a qua omnia nature
precepta derivata consistant: principiom jostitie im-
perativom fit Imperator, Prinoeps & Commonitas,
aoctoritate quorum subditi ad justiciam legalem ob-
servandam induountur, cujus finis est pax temporis;
media huic fini convenientia sunt legum & statutorum
moderata disciplina, et officiorum moderata distribution
bonorum premiacio, transgressorum ponicio, & cetera
hojosmodi : Principiom jostitie sosceptivom est homi-
nom congregacio, qoam ad jostitie precepta soscipienda
necesse est esse capacem & aptam : Preterea hec ipsa
congregacio sobdita & fidelis soo Principi ipsom ot
tueantur & defendant necesse est, non ut principatum
teneant, quia principatus populi deficit a principatu
& regimine optimatum, & iste quam maxime imperf ectus
est in ordine ad regni principatum, in quo unus princi-
patus secundum virtutem, quia & alii imperfecti & de-
fectum indudunt, iste optimus est in omnes prindpandi
modos, assimilati uni Divino, a quo totus mundus ab uno
Creatore gubematus est. In principatu res publica
yiget, justitiaque floret, nam personas non respidt,
munera contempnit, yeritatem ubique servat. Hie
Justus fortis est, potens & constans in exequendo, Justus
hie patiens, nil absque maturitate precipitante puniens,
tranquillus in discutiendo causasque di£Einiendo, rigidus
pecc[at]oribus, servans equitatem in decemendo, maturos
& diligens in discodendo, & ea qoe ad jodicii rectito-
dinem reqoirontor observando, non timore, copiditate,
premio, odio vel amore, qoovis pacto torbatos ; in omni
sua justa accione appetitus rationi obedit, animadverti-
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64 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Janiuury, tuT enim, quanta ilia res sit qnam efficere velit, ne major
yel minor cura & opera suscipiat, quam causa postulat,
& debite & caute moderatur que suam dignitatem
attinent : modus enim est pulcherrima virtus, & in-
justicia pessimum vicium ; remota prefecto justicia, que
sunt regna nisi latrocinia? Siccine ergo extollens
justicie naturam & qualitatem membratim, tamen
summa cum gravitate, habundantissimis Ganonum auc-
toritat[ibus] & Scripturarum, sua quam protulimus rev-
erendissima dominacio cunctis coram luculentissime
explanavit.
46.
[Ifargery Paston to Sir John Paston, " Paston Letters^" iiL 907.]
10 Febru- As towards the brekyng up of the Parlement, many
*^' lykelywoodes ther be, that it schuld contynew no wyle,
and these be they. My Lord the Archebyschop of Yorke
departyd as zysterday, and my Lord of Northethomyr-
lond schall goo as on Fryday; and also all schuch
f olkys as schall goo in to Breten schall be at Portysmouth
on Satyrday cum forthnyth, and the Munday after on
see bord, at wech seassun the Eyng intentyd to be ther to
take the mustyrs.
And as for thos jantylmen that toke schyppyng to a
gon over in to Breten up on a fortnyth a goo, ^at is to
sey, Syr Richard Egecum, the cowntroUer, Sir Robert
Clyflford, Sir John Trobylvyll,^ and John Motton,
sarjent porter, be a ryvyd ageyn up on the cost of
Yngland, save all only Syr Richard Egecum, wech londyd
in Breten, and ther was in a towne callyd Morleys, wech
a non up on hys comyng was besegyd with the French-
men, and so skapyd hardly with hys lyff, the wech towne
the Frenchemen have gotyn, and also the towne callyd
Breest ; how be it the castell holdyth, as we here say.
' Turbervile.
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THE WAR IN FEANCE 65
And ther be apoyntyd serteyn captens at thys seasun, February.
wech be Lord Bruke, Sir John Cheney, Sir John of
Anindell, Sir John Beoham, Sir John Gray, mjm broder
Awdley, myn unkyll Syr Qylberd Debnam, and Thomas
Stafibrd, and many odyr knytys and esquyry&
47.
[Daoal secretary to Gian GaleazEO Sforza, Duke of Milan, " Milanese
Calendar," L 248.]
The King of England on the lO*** of February tookMiUn,
St. Omer ; 3,500 English entered the gates at the third
hour of the night shouting " Burgundy and England."
The French sent a large force against them but it availed
them little. The courier who brought the letters from
Antwerp was present, also a Venetian merchant These
say that the people of England, that is to say, nobles,
clergy and commons, have granted an aid of 300,000Z.
sterling or more than a million ducats for three years to
the king, above his ordinary revenue. They did this so
that he might make war on Franca
48.
[William Paston to Sir John Paston, ''Paston Letters," iiL 908.]
As for my Lord Treserer, he was not with the Kynge^^^J^j^
of all the counsell tyme, the whyche was endyd on the
iijde clay of Marche. And theder came my Lorde of
Northethombyrland the fyrste day of Marche, and de-
partyd the even afore the makyng of thys letter, and
hath endentyd with the Eynge for the kepynge owt of
the Schottys and warrynge on them, and schall have
large money, I can not telle the some for certejm.
Also ther is an rover takjm at Brystowe, on [one]
Gowper, as I wene, and he is iyke to be hanged, and he
VOL. I. 6
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66 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Maroh, confessy the more of hys f elawis. Also Edward Heestowe
of Dovere is apechyd of treson of many straunge poynts ;
and hys accuser and he were bothe afore the Eynge, and
then they were takyn apert. And he hymself e confessyd
it that hys accosere accnsyd hym of, and many other
thyngs more than he was accosyd of. And he had many
lords and gentylmen to aunswere for hys trowthe and his
demenynge afore tyme, for, as I hard sey, bothe the
Eynge in a maner, nor non of the tother lords nor
gentylmen belevyd not hys accuser, tyl that he confessyd
it hjrm self e ; and so he is in the Towre and lyke to be
dede.
As for the Kynges comynge into the centre. On
Monday come fortenyght he well lye at the Abbey of
Stratteforde and so to Chelnmsford, than to Syr Thomas
Mongehombrey, than to Hevenyngham, than to Col-
chestyr, than to Ipswyche, than to Bery, than to Dame
Anne Wyngfelds, and so to Norwych ; and there woll he
be on Palme Sunday Evyn, and so tary there all Ester,
and than to Walsyngham. Wherefore ye had nede to
wame Wylliam Gogyne and hys felaws to purvey them
of wjme i now, for every man berythe me on hande that
the towne schalbe dronkyn drye as Yorke was when the
Eynge was there.
Syr, Mayster Sampson recomaunde hym on to yow,
and he hathe sende yow a rynge be Edmonde Dorman,
and besydys that he regueryd me to wryte on to yow
that it were best for yow to purvey yow of some gentyl-
meny thynges ageyns the Eyngs comyng, for suere he
well brynge yow gests i now, and therefore purvey yow
theraftjrr. Also he sendjrthe yow worde that it is my
lords mende [the Earl of Oxford's] that my syster with
all other godely folkys ther abowt scholde acompeny
with Dame Elsebethe Galthrop because there is noo
grete lady ther abowte ageyns the Eyngs comyng, for
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NEWS PROM BRITTANY 67
my lorde hathe made grete boste of the f ayre and goode iiaroh,
gentylwomen of the contre, and so the Eynge seyd he
wolde see them sure.
Bjn:, my lorde hathe sente on to the most parte of the
gentyl men of Essex to wayte upon hym at Ghehnnys-
ford, where as he entendythe to mete with the Eynge,
and that they be well apoyntyd, that the Lankeschere
men may see that ther be gentylmen of as grete sobe-
stannce that thei be able to bye alle Lankeschere. Men
thynke that ye amonge yow wol doo the same. Tour
contre is gretely bostyd of, and also the inabytors of the
same. I beseche you to remembr my hors that ye pro-
misyd me. God kepe yow.
49.
[Henry YII to the Earl of Oxford, '^Paston Letters,'* iii 913.]
Right trusty and entierly beloved cousin, we grete you Hertford,
well. Inasmuch as it haih liked God to sende us good
tidinges oute of Bretayn, such as we dought not but
that ye be desirous to undrestonde, we wryte unto
you of them as thay be comen to our knowlage, and as
foloueth.
The Lord Malpertuis, now late with us in ambassade
from our dere cousine, the Duchesse of Bretayne,
shippid at our porte of Dortmouth and arrived at Saynt
Powle de Lyon, in Bretayn, on Palme Sonday, at
iiij. after noone, from whens he wrote us the disposicion
and the state of the countre there, and of the landyng,
and the demeanyng of oure armee. We received his
wrytyng on Monday last, at evynsong tyme; and be
cause he was of Bretajm borne, and favorable to that
partie, we ne gave such trust to his tidinges, as was
thought to us surete to wryte to you theruppon.
This daye, aftre High Masse, comjrth unto us from
5*
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68 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
April. oute of Bretayne forsaid, and with a new ambassade
from our said coudne, Fawcon, oon of oar porsiyantes,
that ratifieth the newes of the seid Lord Malpertuis,
which ben these.
After the garysson of Frenshmen in the towne of
Gyngham had certeinte of the landyng of our armee,
thei drewe downe the fiabonrs of Gyngham, and made
thayme mete to defende a siege; bat assone as they
ondirstode that oar said armee jomayned towardes
theim, thei left the same Gyngham, where oar said
armee arrived the Thursday next before Pahne Sonday,
and was received with procession, logged and received,
refreshed in the town iiij dayes. And goyng towardes
the said Dachesse, thei mast passe to the castell and
boragh of Monconter. In that castell was also a
gamisson of Frenshemen, which incontinently, upon
worde that oar said armee drwe towardes theym, the
Frenshmen did cast downe gret parte of the walles, and
fled from.thens; in that castell and boragh oar seid
armee kept thair Estre. The castell of Chawson, ad-
joyning nere to the towne of Saynt Bryak, was also
gamisond with Frenshmen; that castell they set on
fire, and soo fled in the townes of Henebone and Vannes,
[? which] were gamisond with Frenshmen, which breke
downe the walles of the townes, and patte them selff to
fligth. Th'inhabitantes a bought Brest have layd siege
therunto and goten the Base Coarte of the Frenshmen,
or the departyng of our said pursivaunt. The gamson of
the towne of Goncamewe, which is oon of the grettest
strengthes of all Bretayn, was besieged in like wyse, and
drev]m to that necessite that thei with in ofEerid, ar his
said departyng, to avoyde the towne with stafEe in
hande ; how that is takyn, or what is more done sithens,
he cannot telle.
Oure said cousine, the Duchesse, is in her citee of
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THE MURDEE OF NORTHUMBERLAND 69
Raynes ; and our right trasti knyght and counsellour, April,
Sir Richard Eggecombe, there also, havjmg cheeflf rule
abowte her; and the Marchall of Bretayn arredieth
hym to joyne with them in alle haste with a gode band
of men. Mony noble men of that countree repair to
our said armee to take their partie.
These premisses in substaunce we have be wrjrtyng,
aswell from the che£f capytaynes of our said armee, as
from our comptrollour forsaid. And that our said
armee, blessed be God, hath among theyme selfe kepte
such love and accorde, that no maner of fray or debate
hath bene bitwene theym sithens the tyme of thair
departing out this our Reame.
50.
[The Earl of Northumberland to Sir Robert Plumpton, *' Plumpton
Oorresp./' p. 61.]
Right hartely beloved Cosin, I comaund me untosemar.
you, and for right weighty consideration me moving ^^p^
concerning the pleasure of the Kings highnes, on the
behalve of his grace, charg you, and on my desire pray
you, that ye with such a company, and as many as ye
may bring with your ease, such as ye trust, having
bowes and arrowes, and pryvy hamest, com with my
nepvew, Sir William Gascougne, so that ye be with
me upon munday next comeing at nyght, in the towne
of Thirske ; not failing herof , as my speciall trust is in
you, and as ye love me.
51.
[The Earl of Oxford to Sir John Paston, '^Paston Letteis," ill
914.]
Right worshipfull and right welbeloved, I comaundeaoi^.
me to you. And for asmoche as it is certeinly unto° ^"^
the Eynges Grace shewed that my Lord of Northumber-
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70 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
April, land havyng the auctorite to se the Eynges money
levied in the North parties, had knowleche that certeyne
persones of combnes [companies?] wer assembled at
TopcUf , and at a nother lordship of bis nygh to the same,
saying that they wolde pay no money ; my seid Lord of
Northumberland heryng therof , and that they wer but
naked men, addressed hym self towardes theym withoute
eny barneys in pesible maner, trustyng to have appeased
theym. Howe be it, as hit is seid, that he is distressed
and that they have taken hym or slajme hym ; whiohe
the Kjmg entendeth to punysshe. I therfore desire
and hertely pray you in all godely haste to be with me
at Hedjmgham, there for to knowe more clierly the
£ynges plesir in this behalva . . .
Also I send to you a comyssion of licence to shepp
come, which I pray you to do to be proclaymed in all
haste.
52.
[Proclamation of the northern rebels, " Paston Letters," iii. 916.]
Bfay. To be knowyn to all the northe partes of England, to
every lorde, knyght, esquyer, gentylman, and yeman
that they schalbe redy in ther defensable aray, in the
est parte, on Tuysday next comyng, on Aldyrton More,
and in the west parte on Gateley More, the same day,
upon peyne of losjmg of ther goodes and bodyes, for to
geynstonde suche persons as is abowtward for to dystroy
oure suffereyn Lorde the Eynge and the Comowns of
Engelond, for suche unlawfull poyntes as Seynt Thomas
of Cauntyrbery dyed for ; and thys to be fulfyllyd and
kept by every ylke comenere upon peyn of dethe.
And thys is in the name of Mayster Hobbe Hyrste,
Robyn Qodfelaws brodyr he is, as I trow.
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THE YORKSHIRE REBELLION 71
53. 14W.
[Henry Yll'a proclamfttdoii against the northern rebels, Campbell's
««Materials,"iL447.]
Writ to the sheriff of Kent, directing him to publish ^^ *'*y-
in his connty and the liberties thereof the following
proclamation: — For asmoche as the kynge oore
Boueraigne lord for the defence of this his realme of
England, and for repressing, pnnysshement and subduyng
of his greate rebelles and traitonrs of the north parties
of Yorkshire, which of late in their rebellious and
riottous assemble seduciously and traiterously ayenst al
humanyte cruelly murdred and distroid his most dere
cosyn the erle of Northumberland, a pere of this realme,
and of the kyngis most noble blode, and do yet oon-
tynue their seid riottous assembly, dayly callinge and
assemblyng to thesrm robbers, theves and alle ill disposed
persons, and in mayntenaunce of ther tresoun and
murdre intende not only the distruccion of the k3mges
most noble person and of alle the nobles and lordis of
this realme, but also the subuersioun of the poletique
wele of the same, and to robbe, dispoyle and distroye
alle the souths parties of this his realme, and to subdue
and brynge to captiuite alle the people of the same,^
intendeth therfore in his most royalle persoun, atte his
greate costes and charges, with his lordis and nobles
accompanyed with a greate arme to go toward the seid
parts, and put hym selfe in deuour to recounter and
subdue theym by Goddis grace of ther seid malicious
purpos and intent; and our seid souereyng lord the
king of his blissid mynd and disposicioun willing thes
parties nowe in his absence to be suerly kept and de-
fendid as welle from the invasions and assaultes of his
aduersaries and enmyes outewardes as from alle other
rebellious insurreccious and vnlawfulle assembles of
^ See Introduction.
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72 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Maj, riottoors robbers and yagabondis, straitly commaandeth
and chargeth alio his true liegemen and snbiectis that
they and euery of theym be atte alle tymes arredied in
their best and defensible arraye to be attendannte ynto
the justices of the peas, the shirrive and to other hauyng
ther the kynges aactoryte, and them ayde, assiste and
obeye in alle thingis as apperteignyth fro tyme to tyme ;
and that alle gentilmenne reciaantes within the seid
shire, not appoynted to go with the kynge in this viage,
' kepe hospitalite and be resident att ther places to see
the gode role of the contre ; and also that all shirrififes,
maiers, bailli£fes, constables of townes and villages, and
alle other officers assigned for the conseruacioon of the
kjmges pease putt theym selff in deuour to represse, sub-
due, and make to seace alle manor of insurreciouns riottes
routtes, ynlawfulle assembles, and alle othre mysdoers,
yagabundis, fynders and makers of new rumours and
tydynges, to attach, arrest and ymprisone, and after
ther dimeritis to correcte, and alle other thingis to doo
that shalbe for the conseruadoun of the peas and gode
rule and gouemaunce and defense of the seid shire ; and
that they nor none of theym faile this to doo yppone
pajme of forfaiture of alle that they may forfaite and
their bodies at the kynges wille.
54.
[Skelton*a lament vpon the '* DoulouruB dethe [28 April] and maohe
lamentable ohaanoe of the most honourable Erie of North-
nmberlande," ** Works," ed. Dyoe, i. 6-14.]
May. I wayle, I wepe, I sobbe, I sigh ful sore
The dedely fate, the dolefuUe desteny
Of hjrm that is gone, alas, without restore.
Of the bloud royall descending nobelly ;
Whose lordshyp doutles was slayne lamentably
Thorow treson, again him compassed and wrought,
Trew to his prince in word, in dede, and thought
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SKELTON'S LAMENT 73
Of heuenly poems, Clyo, calde by name Biay.
In the colege of Musis goddes hystoriall,
Adres th6 to me, whiche am both halt and lame
In elect vterannce to make memoryall 1
To th^ for soacconr, to th6 for helpe I call,
Mine homely rudnes and dryghnes to expell
With the freshe waters of Elyconys well.
Of noble actes aunciently enrolde
Of famous prjnicis and lordes of astate.
By thy report ar wont to be extold,
Begestringe trewly euery f ormare date ;
Of thy bountie after the vsuall rate
KyndeU in me suche plenty of thy nobles.
These sorowfuUe dites that I may shew expres.
In sesons past, who bathe herd or sene
Of f ormar writyng by any presidente
That vilane bastarddis in their furious tene,
Fulfylled with malice of froward entente,
Gonfetered togeder of commonn concente
Falsly to slee theyr moste singuler good lord ?
It may be regestrede of shamefull recorde.
So noble a man, so valiaunt lord and knyght.
Fulfilled with honor, as all the world doth ken ;
At his commaundement which had both day and nyght
Knyghtes and squyers, at euery season when
He calde vpon them, as meniall houshold men ;
Were not these commons vncurteis karlis of kind
To b16 their owne lord ? God was not in their mynd.
And were not they to blame, I say, also,
That were aboute him, his owne seruants of trust.
To suffice him slayn of his mortall fo ?
Fled away from hym, let hym ly in the dust ;
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74 THE REIQN OF HENRY VH
Biay, They bode not till the reckenyng were discost ;
What shuld I flatter ? what ahnld I glose or paint ?
Fy, fy for shame, their hartes were to faint.
In England and Fraunce which gretly was redoated,
Of whom both Flaunders and Scotland stode in drede,
To whom great estates obeyed and lowted,
A mayny of rude viUayns made hym for to blede ;
Unkyndly they slew him, that holp them oft at nede :
He was their bulwark, their panes, and their wall.
Yet shamfuUy they slew hym ; that shame mot them
befall
I say, ye comoners, why wer ye so stark mad ?
What frantyk frensy fyU in your brayne ?
Where was your wit and reson ye should haue had ?
What wilful f oly made yow to ryse agayne
Your naturall lord ? alas, I can not fayne :
Ye armyd you with will, and left your wit behynd ;
Well may ye be called oomones most vnkynd.
He was your chefteyne, your shelde, your chef defence,
Eedy to assyst you in euery time of nede ;
Your worshyp depended of his excellence :
Alas, ye mad men, to far ye did excede ;
Your hap was vnhappy, to ill was your spede
What moued you againe him to war or to fyght ?
What alyde you to sle your lord again all ryght ?
The ground of his quarrel was for his souerain lord,
The well concerning of all the hole lande,
Demandyng suche duties as nedes most acord
To the ryght of his prince, which shold not be with-
stoud ;
For whose cause ye slew him with your owne hand :
But had his noble men done wel that day.
Ye had not bene able to haue sayd him nay.
1
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CHAEGES OP TEEACHEEY 75
Bnt ther was fals packing, or els I am begylde ; May,
How be it the mater was euydent and playne,
For if they had occupied their spere and their shilde,
This noble man doutles had not bene slayne.
But men say they were lynked with a double chaine,
And held with the comones vnder a cloke,
Which kindeled the wild fyr that made al this smoke.
The commons renyed ther taxes to pay.
Of them demaunded and asked by the kynge ;
With one voice importune they playnly sayd nay ;
They buskt them on a bushment themselfe in baile to
bring,
Againe the kyngs plesure to wrestle or to wring;
Bluntly as bestis with boste and with crye
They sayd they forsed not, nor carede not to dy.
The nobelnes of the north, this valiant lord and knight,
As man that was innocent of trechery or traine,
Presed forth boldly to withstand the myght,
And, lyke marciall Hector, he faught them agayne,
Vygorously vpon them with might and with maine,
Trustyng in noble men that were with him there ;
But al they fled from hym for falshode or fere.
Barones, knyghtes, squiers^ one and all.
Together with servauntes of his famuly,
Turned their backis, and let their master fal,
Of whos [life] they counted not a flye ;
Take vp whose wold, for ther they let him ly.
Alas, his gold, his fee, his annual rent
Upon suche a sort was ille bestowd and spent !
He was enuirond aboute on euery syde
With his enemyes, that wer starke mad and wode ;
Yet while he stode he gaue them woundes wyde :
Alias for ruth ! what thoughe his mynd wer gode,
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76 THE EEIGN OP HENRY VH
May, His corage manly, yet ther he shed his blode :
Al left alone, alas he foughte in vayne !
For cruelly among them ther he was slayne.
Alas for pite I that Percy thus was spylt,
The famous Erie of Northumberland ;
Of knyghty prowes the sword, pomel, and hylt,
The myghty lyon doutted by se and lande ;
dolorous chaunce of Fortunes froward hande !
What man, remembryng howe shamf ully he was slaine.
From bitter weping himself can restrain ?
cruell Mars, thou dedly god of war !
O dolorous tewisday, dedicate to thy name,
When thou shoke thy sworde so noble a man to mar !
ground vngracious, vnhappy be thy fame.
Which wert endyed with rede bloud of the same
Most noble erle ! foule mysuryd ground,
Whereon he gat his finall dedely wounde !
AtropoB, of the fatall systers iii
Goddes most cruel vnto the lyfe of man.
All merciles, in th6 is no pite !
O homicide, which sleest all that thou can.
So forcibly ypon this erle thou ran,
That with thy sword, enharpit of mortall drede,
Thou kit asonder his perfight vitall threde !
My wordes vnpullysht be, nakide and playne.
Of [Ijaureat poems they want ellumynynge ;
But by them to knowlege ye may attayne
Of this lordes dethe and of histmurdrynge ;
Which whils he lyued had fuyson of euery thing,
Of knights, of squyers, chyf lord of toure and towne,
Tyl fykkell Fortune began on hym to growne :
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ENCOMIUM ON NOETHUMBEELAND 77
Paregall to dukes, with kynges he might compare, May,
Snrmountinge in honor al erlis he did excede ;
To all comitreis aboute hym reporte me I dare ;
lijke to Eneas benigne in worde and dede,
Valiant as Hector in enery marciall nede,
Prouydent, discrete, circumspect, and wyse,
Tyll the chaunce ran agayne hym of Fortunes duble dyse.
What nedeth me for to extoU his fame
With my rude pen enkankered all with rust,
Whose noble actes show worshiply his name,
Transendying far myne homly Muse, that muste
Yet somewhat wright supprised with herty lust.
Truly reportyng his right noble estate,
Immortally whiche is immaculate ?
His noble blode neuer destayned was,
Trew to his prince for to defend his ryght,
Doblenes hatyng fals maters to compas,
Treytory and treason he banysht out of syght.
With truth to medle was al his hoU delyght.
As all his countrey can testify the same :
To sle suche a lorde, alas, it was a great shame !
If the hole quere of the Musis nyne
In me all onely wer set and comprysed,
Enbrethed with the blast of influence deuyne,
As perfytly as could be thought or deuised ;
To me also allthough it were promised
Of laureat Phebus holy the eloquence,
All were to lytell for lids magnificence.
yonge lyon, but tender yet of age,
Grow and encrease, remembre thyn estate ;
God th6 assyst unto thyn herytage.
And geue th^ grace to be more fortunate !
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78 THE REIGN OP HENET VII
May. Agayn rebellyones arme th6 to make debate ;
And, as the lyone, which is of bestes kynge,
Unto thy subiectes be curteis and benynge.
I pray Qod sende th6 prosperons lyfe and long,
Stable thy mynde constant to be and fast,
Byght to majrntayn, and to resyst all wronge ;
All flateryng f aytors abhor and from th^ cast ;
Of f onle detraction Qod kepe th6 from the blast !
Let double delyng in th6 haue no place,
And be not lyght of credence in no case.
With heuy chere, with dolorous hart and mynd,
Eche man may sorow in his inward thought
This lordes death, whose pere is hard to fynd,
Algife Englond and Fraxmce were thorow saught.
Al kynges, all princes, al dukes, well they ought,
Both temporall and spiritual, for to complajrne
This noble man, that crewelly was slayne :
More specially barons, and those knyghtes bold,
And al other gentilmen with him enterteyned
In fee, as menyall men of his housold.
Whom he as lord warshyply mainteyned ;
To sorowful weping they ought to be constreined.
As oft as they call to theyr remembraunce
Of ther good lord the fate and dedely chaunce.
perlese Prince of heuen emperyall !
That with one word formed al thing of noughte ;
Heuen, hell, and erthe obey unto thy call ;
Which to thy resemblaunce wondersly hast wrought
All mankynd, whom thou full dere hast bought.
With thy bloud precious our finaunce thou did pay.
And vs redemed from the fendys pray ;
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THE EISING SUPPBESSED 79
To th6 pray we, as Prince incomparable, May,
As thou art of mercy and pyte the well, ^*^*
Thou bring unto thy joye eterminable
The soull of this lorde from all daunger of hell,
In endles blys with th6 to byde and dwell
In thy palace aboue the orient,
Where thou art Lord and God omnipotent.
O queue of mercy, O lady full of grace,
Mayden most pure, and Goddes moder dere,
To sorowf ul hartes chef comfort and solace,
Of all women flowre withouten pere t
Pray to thy Son aboue the sterris clere,
He to vouchesaf, by thy mediacion,
To pardon thy seruaint, and biynge to saluacion.
In joy triumphant the heuenly yerarchy,
With all the hole sorte of that glorious place,
His soull mot receyue into theyr company,
Thorow bounty of Hym that formed all solace ;
Wei of pite, of mercy, and of grace
The Father, the Bonn, and the Holy Ghost,
In Trinitate one God of myghtes moste !
Non sapit, humcmis qui certam ponere rebtis
Spem cupit : est hominum raraque ficta fides.
55.
[The northern rebellion, Eingsford's '* Ohronioles,'' p. 194.]
In this yere the comons of the north made an Insur- May-Oot-
reccion and slewe Therle of Northumbirland, of which ^***^-
comones and Bebelles was Capetayne one called John
a Chamber.* Wherfore the kyng went Northward ; but
before the kynges comyng therle of Surrey had distressid
^ John a Ohambre had served Henry well at Bosworth, and had
been rewarded with various offices in Yorkshire ; see Campbell's
''Materials/' i. 36^ i3l ; ii 61, 443.
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80 THE REIGN OP HENET VH
MayOet- the Bebelles and takyn the said Capjrten, which w*
' ' other of his accessaries was hanged at york. Also this
yer was graunted vnto the kyng toward the deffence of
Brytayn, whervpon he had exspended grete sommys
of goodes, the x^^ peny of mennys landes and goodes
meovable; but it was so favorably set by the com-
myssioners that it amounted nothyng so moche in
money as men demed it wolde haue doon. Also in this
yere the lord Dawbeney leeftenaunt of Caleys, made a
Journey vnto Dykysmewe ^ in fflaunders, leyng sege vnto
the said Towne, the which Towne was strongly fortified
w* ffirenshemen and fflemjmges ; aotw^tondyng the sead
lord Dawbeney with thassistance of the lord Morley gat
hjm there great worship, and wan of his Enemyes
many greate Gvnnys, which he brought w* hym to
Caleys ; but there was slayn vpon the Englissche party
the said lord Morley and vpon an C of Englisshemen,
and vpon xxviij C. of the other party. And after he
cam agayne to Caleys w* greate Daunger, for the lord
Gordes lay fast by w* a company of xiiij or xv m^ men.
56.
[Extract from the memorial inscription on the Duke of Norfolk's
monoment at Thetford^ Weaver's *'Funerall Monuments,"
p. 386.1
May 1489-
Aprit 1492. And wythin ten wekes after hys [the Earl of Surrey's]
comyng out of the Towre, ther was an Insurrection in
the Northe, by whom the Erie of Northombrelond was
sleyn in the feld; and also the Citee of York wonne
with asawte by force : and for the subduyng of those
Bebells the Eynge assembled a grete Hoste of hys sub-
1 Of. " Ohron. of Calais," p. 2 : "The battayle of Dickysmewe
was on the xiii day of June^ that day beyng satterday, and the
4 yere of Henry the Seventh, anno 1489^ where the Tnglishe men
had great vyctorye, for there was taken and slayne a greate UQinbfUri
and there was slayne the lorde Morley an Englishe mane.'^
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SUEREY'S SERVICES 81
gettis, and toke his journey towards them, from the May. 1489-
Castell of Hertford ; and the seid Erie of Surrey made ^'
chief Captain of his Yoward, and apoynted under hym
in the seid Voward the Erie of Shrewesbury, the Lord
Hastyngs, Sir William Stanley, then beyng the Kyng's
Chambrelayn, Sir Rice ap Thomas, Sir Thomas Bouser>
Sir John Savage, Sir John Rysely and divers other.
And when this Jomey was doon the Capiteynes of
these Rebelles, and many other of them were put to
execution. And for the syngular truste, that the Eynge
had to the seid Erie, and the activyte that he saw in
hym, he left hym in the Northe, and made hym hys
Lyvetenant-generall from Trent Northward, and Warden
of the Est and Middle marches of Englond ageynst
Scotlond, and Justice of the Forests from Trent North-
wards. And there he contynued ten yeres and kepte the
Country in peace, wyth Policy and many paynes-takyng
wjrthoute whyche it wold nat have been, for that the
Countrey had been so lately ponyshed, and nat wjrthoute
desert.
And thus he dide the whole time of ten yere, savyng
in the second yere of hys beyng, there was an Insurrec-
tion in the West part of the Country, with whom the
seid Erie, wythe the helpe of the Eyngs true Subgetts^
fought in the felde, and subdued them at Ackworth,^
besides Pomfrett. And besydes divers of them that
were slayne in the Felde, he toke the Capytaynes, and
put them to execution ; and the residue he sued to the
Kynges Hyghnes for ther Pardones, whiche he obteyned,
and wan therby the favour of the Countrey.
1 Seeabo ''Plumpton Oorrespondenoe," pp. 96-7, 265. This in-
soriptioii b the only authority for this battle or affiray at Aokworth,
except the vague aUnsion in the ''Plompton Correspondence".
The inscription is also given in Dogdale's ** Baronage," ii 269. The
date of Aokworth field was apparently April, 1492.
VOL. I. 6
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82 THE EEIGN OF HENEY VII
1490. 1490.
57.
[A "Writing^ sent from oon John Tailour, your Bebell and
Tndtour, beyng in Normandy in the servioe of your auncien
Enemye of Fraunce the tenoure of whiohe Writing herafter
foloweth," "Rot. Pari./' vL 464.]
Rouen, 16 Right Reverend and Worshipfull Sir, I hertely re-
comaunde me unto you, prayeng you to take to your
remembraunce the wordes we spake togeders in Seynt
Peters Ghurche of Excestre, and at the Blak Freres,
when ye were at your brekefast, and y made myn erand
xmto you, for seyng of evidence. Sir, ye shall understand,
that the Eynges grace of Fraunce, by th' advyse and
assent of his Counsell, woU aide and support your
maisters son to his right, and all his lovers and servants,
and take theym as his frendys, bothe by land and by
water, and all they may well be assured savely to come
unto Fraunce, both bodyes and goodee, and suche as
have no goodes they may come hedre and be releved, if
they be knowen for true men to the quarell ; and over
that, he woU geve help of his own subgiettes, with
shippes, gold and silver, to come into England, and
with suche nombre as shall be thought by you, and by
other youre maisters sonnes freinds, necessarie and be-
hofull for his helpe and sucour, and they to be redy and
land at such tjrme and place, as ye with othre shall ap-
poynt ; and therfore I pray you shewe this matier unto
suche as ye knowe well woU geve their gode counsell
and assistance to the same ; and if ye may, bring the
answer of the mynde ther3m your selfe, or ellis send it
by Thomas Gale of Dertemouth; and ye may speke
' Addressed to John Hayes, late of Tiverton, Devon, and received
by him at Winchester on 26 Nov., 1490. John Taylor fell into
Henry's hand many years later (see below, pp. 208-9).
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TEEASONABLE PRACTICES 83
with him by the same token, that he and y comynedseDtomber,
togeder of matiers touching your maisters sonne in^
Stokingham Park, when Sir John Halwell hunted
theryn ; and be you not af erde to shewe all youre mynde
unto hym, for he is trusty in this matier. Sir, ye muste
come youre self, or send him, or ellis send Maister John
Atte Will, whom ye well trust, and y also yf ye aunswere
for him, or ellis ye may send John Aleyne of Pole, whom
ye trust and y also, or John AiEright, servant to my Lady
Warwyk, or any other trusty body of your knowlege.
I pray you make laboure imto my Lady Warwyk to
write to the King of Fraxmce, and to suche of his Coxm-
sell as she is best accointed with ; and that doon, she
and ye, and all other of our partie, shall have all thinges
necessarie as is afore rehersed. And if therto any man
of gretter name, that thinketh he may owe more goode
here then at home, he may suerly»come hedir and wel-
come, and yit it nedith not to send hedir any grete
nombre, for here shall be enough redy furnished of all
thinges, and the King and his Counsell sey they woU
aske nothing in recompence, but to do it for the wrong
he dyd, in making Henry Eyng of England, and for the
gode will he oweth unto the sonne of youre maister, for
they be nere of kyn. Sir, ye remembre, that the token
betwene yOu and me is, that such as y shall send unto
you, shall take you by the thombe, as y dyde you, when
ye and y wente up out of the Cloister into Seynt Petres
Chirche, and by that token ye shuld be assured of all
thinges, and fere nothing, and so ensure ye all youre
frendis and myne. Sir, ye shall here by othre frendis.
Sir, the convenable tyme of helpe is come, and therfor
nowe endevour youre self, and put to your hand, and
spare for no cost, for there shall be helpe in thre parties
oute of Boyalme, but here is the place most metely for
you, and where ye shall lak nothing; the berer herof
6*
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84 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
September, shall shewe you more, to whome y pray yon give cred-
• ence. Writen att Roan in Normandye, the xv day of
Septembre, by yonre old accoyntannce, John Tayllonr
th'elder.
58.
[The first ooiiiAge of sovereignB, Campbell's " MateriAls^" ii 622.]
29 October. The King to his tmsty counsellor Giles, Lord Daube-
nay and Bartholomewe Rede, of London, goldsmith,
masters and workers of the king's moneys within the
tower of London : — Greting. We for certain considera-
ciouns YS moeving wol and charge yon that of snche
bolion of gold as shalbe brought vnto yon into onre
mynte within onre seid toure ye make or doo to be
made a new money of gold acordyng to the prynte and
f onrme of a pece of leed to thies onre presentes lettres
annexed; and the same money of gold to be of the
fynesse of the standard of onre moneys of gold of this
onr realme of England, according to the indenture be-
twene vs and you in that partie made ; and we wol that
euery pece of gold of the said money be of double the
weght of the pece of gold called royalle, of which peces
xxii and an half shal make a pounde weght toiu:e ; and
the same pece of gold shalbe called the soueraign, and
shal go and haue cours in receipte and paiement of money
for xxa sterlinges ; and in euery pounde weght of golde
that shalbe made within our said toure, we wol that ye
make or warraunte and discharge at al tjrmes anenst vs
in this behalue.
59.
[Treasonable practices, '' Rot. Pari.," yL 436.]
Forasmoche as John, Abbot of the Monastery of our
Lady of Abyngton in the shire of Berk', John Mayne of
the same towne, Ghristofre Swanne late of the same
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A PLOT ON WAEWICK'S BEHALF 86
towne and shire Yoman, the first day of January Jumary,
[1487], the second yere of the raigne of the Kyng onre
Soveraigne Lorde Kyng Henry the Vn***, at the said
towne of Abyngton, falsly and traiteroosly compassyng,
conspiryng and ymaginyng the destruction of the Kyng
our said Sovereygne Leige Lorde, and the subversion of
aU this his Bealme, falsIy and trayterously assemblyng
them togeder, assented, covenaunted and agreed, that
the said John Mayne shuld departe out of England, to
the heipe and ayde of John then Erie of Lincoln then
beyng a great rebell, enemy and traitour to the Kyng
cure said Sovereygne Lorde, and for the perfourmans of
that traiterous purpose and congeiture, the said Abbot
gave to the said John Mayne a certeyne sonmie of
money; and ferthermore the said John Mayne about
the first day of December, the vi*h yere ^ of the reigne
of the Kyng oure Sovereigne Lord, at London, had
communycation with oon Thomas Eothwell, otherwise
called Thomas Even, late of London, priste, and then
and ther confedred, conspired, falsly and trayterously ima-
gined and conmioned, howe they myght have taken out
of the KjTig oure said Sovereigne Lords warde, Edward
the Erie of Waruyk, then thynkyng that he had beyn
where indede he was not, intendjrng) imagynyng and
conspiryng by that, to have made grete dyvysion,
rumour and insurrection within this realme, and to
have levyed warre ayenst the Kyng oure said Sovereigne
Lorde, to th'entent to have destroyed his moost royall
persone, and utterly to putt this hole realme in con-
fusion : upon the whiche commimycation, the said John
Mayne, and the said Thomas, went to the house of one
Henry Davy in London, and there they mete with the
said Herrye, and Edward Frank, and then and there
they four persones had ferther conamunycation howe
1 A mistake in ** Rot. Pari. " for ** vth yere," Le. 1489.
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86 THE KBIGN OP HENRY VU
Janiury, they myght perfourme and put in execution the oaid
false and traiterous purpose; and there they iiii con-
cluded to take th'advyse of the said John, Abbot of
Abyngton, to perfourme the said coursed and false deda
Wherupon they sent to the said Abbot the said John
Mayne, the which John Majrne came to the said Abbot,
and told to h3rm, that a preste shuld come to hym, that
shuld shewe to hym the clemess of the said compassed
treason; wherof the said Abbot was joyous, and bad
the said John Majme chose what he would drynke, and
said this acte must be wisely wrought, and when yt is
done, ther must be a lettre left in maner as yt were
lost, in the place where the said Erie shuld be, directed
to some good felowe, that he shuld come unto theym to
Colchester. And after the said John Mayne brought
the said prest to the said Abbot, when the Abbot sawe
hjrm, he told the same John Majme that he would not
shewe his mynd unto the said preste, for he saw by
h]rm, that he was but light witted, but he said he would
shewe his mynd in this mater to Edward Frank, when
he came to London. And also the said John Ma3me,
Christofre Swanne, Thomas Bothwell, otherwise called
Thomas Even, preste, the xx^ day of Decembre, the
said y^ Yere, at the said towne of Abyngton, in like
wyse confedred, conspired, and trayterously imagyned
and compassed the meanes how they myght have per-
fourmed the said false, coursed and trayterous dede, in-
tendyng therby to have made warre and great rebellion
ayenst the Highnes of the Kyng our said Sovereigne
Lorde, intendyng and compassyng the destruction and
deposition of his most roiall persone, and the subver-
sion of all this realme. And for the perfourmyng of
that false and traiterous purpose, Dan' Myles Salley,
comen to the said Abbot, delivered to the forsaid
Gristofre Swanne then, and then and ther, a certain
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HENBY'S POUETH PAELIAMBNT 87
somme of money, to execute and perfourme the false Jannary,
and trayterons purpose aforsaid; the which Cristofre,
then and there delyvered the same somme of money
with more, to the said John Mayne ; and the said John
Mayne, then and there delivered the said sonmie of
money, to the said Thomas Bothwell, presto, for the
performance of the said false and traiterous intent.
1491.
60.
[£zeoation of Sir Robert Ohamberlain, Eingsford's " Ohronioles,*'
p. 195.]
In March was sir Bobert Chambyrlen, knyght 12 Biarch.
Bayned and adiugged at Stratford of the Bowe, and
then brought vnto the Tower. And from thens he and
other ij were drawen from Westmynster vnto the Tower
hyll ; where the ij persons were saued, and he was be-
heded.^
61.
[Opening of Henry VII's fourth parliament, " Rot. Pari," vL
440. Parliament met on 17 October, sat until 4 November,
and was then prorogued until 26 January, 1492. It was dis-
solved on 6 March.]
Memorandum, quod die Lune, decimo septimo die 17 October,
mensis Octobris, anno regni Begis Henrici Septimi
post conquestum septimo ; videlicet, primo die Parlia-
menti, Eeverendissimus Pater Johannes Archiepiscopus
Cantuariensis, Cancellarius AnglisB, etc. . . . pronim-
ciavit & declaravit ; assumens pro themate " Expectavi-
mus pacem & non est bonum, & tempus curacionis &
1 '^Dict. Nat. Biogr.," z. 7 ; his son Sir Edward obtained a re-
versal of the attainder on March* 1531.
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88 THE REIGN OF HENET VH
October, ecce tnrbaoio ". Jeremie ca' xnii". In quo Ghui Salostii
1491 • • . •
viri illostris in bello Jugurtino hiBtoriam lucide per-
Instrans, Jngnrtham pre omnibuB fama laborantem,
Bed libidine dominandi, premisBis paccionibuB dulcibus-
que eloquiiB pacem pre Be ferentem similatam & fictam,
ac conBanguineoB BomanoBque juramento inter se
aBtrictos armorum strepitu violata fide jugulantem,
Senatns BomanoB seclnsa mora ponire decrevit, & BuaB
interponere partes, Buorom oonfederatorom neceB vindi-
care, anteqnam in illud regnom Numidarom Jugurtha
confirmatuB esBet. Eadem nobis causa belli est contra
Francorum Begem, qui similata fronte fide mortua
nostros confederatos devicit; sed temporisare facta
Bumme prudencie est, & negligencia temporis plurima
sepenumero emergunt pericula. Sed tempus pacis
belli tempore laudabilius est, nisi pax f antastica, sophis-
tica vel diabolica fuerit; ad pacem ergo laudabilem,
intemam fratemam, domesticam & supemam summarie
sua dominatio reverendissima auditores invitans, omnes
politicam amplexari decrevit. Quo fit ut bellum spiri-
tuale inire possumus cum Apostolico, & corporale,
non presumptuosum, non temerarium, non voluntarimn,
sed bellum corporale justum, universale & publicum.
In quo quinque memorie commendanda sunt primo,
ut arma capiens sit persona non ecclesiastica. Secun-
do, quod bellans non cupiditate nee crudelitate ulciscendi
ductus sit. Tertio quod sit ex causa justa. Quarto,
quod sit urgente necessitate & manifesta lesione,
hostibus non paratis ad satisfaciendmn. Quinto, quod
bellum ejus fiat auctoritate qui id licentiare yaleat
Quare cum Princeps & Bex noster Anglie invictissimus
Francorum Begi pacem obtulit, nee optinere valuit,
precemur Deum ut in hoc justo bello felicem sortiri
possit effectum. Amen.
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SIR ROBERT CHAMBERLAIN'S TREASON 89
62. 14»1.
[Attainder of Sir Robert Chamberlain and Richard White, ''Rot.
Pari.," vi. 465.]
Forasmoche as Sir Robert Ghamberleyn, late of Berk- 17 Ootobw.
ing in the Shyre of Essex, knyght, and Richard White,
late of Thorpe beside Billingforde in the Shire of Nor-
ffolk, gentihnan, the xxiiii day of Aoguste, [1490] and
the said Sir Robert the xvii day of January, [1491] the
vi*^ yere of the Reigne of oure Sovereign Lord the
Kyng that now is, at Berking aforsaid, traitorously
ymagined and compassed the dethe and destrucion of
oure said Sovereign Lord, and also the subversion of all
this roialme, then and there traitrously levyed guerre
ayen oure said Sovereign Lord, and adhered theym
traitrously to Charles the Frenche Eyng, auncient
enemye to our said Sovereigne Lord and this realme,
ayen their duetie and aUigeaunce. Be it therfore or-
deyned and enacted by auctorite of this present Parlia-
ment, that the said Robert and Richard stande and be
atteynted of High Treason. . . .
1492.
63.
[William Paston to Sir John Paston, '' Paston Lettera," iiL 929.]
Aftyr all dew recomendacion, lyke it yow to undyr- London, 18
stond that Syr Herry Heydon schewyd me that it ig^*^™"y«
agreyd be Syr Edmond Bedyngfeld, that the mater be-
twyx hym and my brodyr Telverton, schalbe comynd
at Norwyche, and there a dyreccion to be takyn in the
same mater, mete for them bothe.
Syr, the Kyng sendythe ordynaunce dayly to the see
syde, and hys tentes and alys [pavilions] be a makyng
faste, and many of them be made; and there is also
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90 THE EEIGN OP HENEY VH
February, grete provysyon made be gentylmen that schoide goo
wjrthe Hys Grace or hors, hamese, tents, halys, gardy-
vyans [knapsacks], cartes, and othjrr thynges that schoide
serve them for thys jumey that the Kynge entendythe
to take on hand, soo that belykelyod Hys Grace wolbe
goyng sone upon Ester. And so I entende, aftyr that I
here heaftyr, to goo to Caleys to purvey me of hameys,
and sache thynges as I schall nede besydes hors, undyr
that forme that my costes schalbe payd fore.
Syr, I am as yet no bettyr horsyd than I was whan I
was wythe yow, nor I wote not where to have none,
for hors flesche is of suche a price here that my puree
schante able to bye one hors ; wherfor I beseche yow to
herkyn for some in youre contre. Sjrr, my cosyn, John
Heydon, tolde me that the Prior of Wabumes horse was
riaUy amendyd, and that the Abott of Seynt Benetes
schewed hym there was a bay hors of a persons nyght
onto Seynt Benetis, and that the abot wolde gete hym
for my cosyn Heydon at a resonable price. 8yr, my
cosyn, John Heydon, woU geve me hys entrest in that
hors, if the abot have bowght hym, and so ye may lete
the abot have knowlege; and if he have not bowght
hym, I beseche yow sende to see hym, for I wote not
how to do withowt youre helpe aswell in horsyng of me
as in other thynges.
At the makyng of thys lettyr, I cannot acerteyn yow
what person it is that owythe thys hors. If I can know,
I woUe send yow worde in a bylle I sende to Thomas
Jullys be the berer herof.
Syr, as towardes my jumey to Caleys, the whyche I
entende[d] to have tane at my laste beyng with yow, it
was so, I was dysapoyntyd of Thomas Dey and an other
man I schoide have had be hys menys, as ye have had
knowlege of or now ; and also I had went [weened] to
have had f olkys a mette with me at Hedyngham, whyche
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THE CONQUEST OP GRANADA 91
ded nolt. My lorde [Oxford], seyng me dysesyd, andFehruary,
also none otherwyse purveyd, wyllyd me in ony wyse to
tary on tyl hys comyng to London, and sent myn excuse
to my Lorde Dawbeney undyr thys forme how that I
was sore disesyd ; notwythestondyng I was welewyllyd
to have come to folfyll my promesse, but he cowde not
sofyr me, seyng me soo dysesyd ; and so my Lord Daw-
beney was sory of my dysese and content that I taryd.
Syr, I beseche yow to holde me excusyd for kepyng of
Thomas Ljmsted, yowr servaunt, and hym bothe. It is
soo that he and I bothe have ben in hand with my unkyll
for hys mater, and yett wee have hym at noo good poynt ;
but I troste we schall have. Syr, if I take thys jumey
to Caleys, I moste beseche yow to forbere hym lenger,
and if I goo not to Caleys, thow I be lothe to forbere
hym, yet I schall brynge hym with me schortly in to
Norfolke, ye to have hym, if ye lyste, vdth the Grace of
God, Who have yow in kepyng.
64.
[Oonqaest of Granada, and Treaty of Staples, Kingsford's
" Ohroniclee," p. 197.]
This yere the vj day of Aprill was shewed by my lord • ^p^
of Caunterbury, Chaunceler of England, how the kyng
of Spayn had conquerid the Cyte and Centre of Grenade,
and aftir was there a Solempne procession generall and
a noble Sermon. And after Te Deum solempnely song
in Seint powles quyre. And in the said Sermone was
shewed, that the same yere in Home was ffounden in
an old wall a pese of the holy Crosse.
... In this yere the ix**» day of September the kyng de- 9 Septam-
partid from Grenewich towards the Sees side ; and the
vj day of October he toke shippyng at Sandewiche, and
the same day landed at Caleya Item the ix**^ day of9NoTem-
Nouember was Bed in the Guyldehall before the Mayr,
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92 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
NoTonber. Aldermen and CSomon Connsaill, a letter sent from the
1492.
kyng vnto the Cite, of the conclusion of the pease
bitwene the kynges of England and of ffiraunce for the
terme of either of their lyves and for a yer after of hym
that lengest lyved. And for to haae this peas establis-
shed the fi&ensshe kyng graanted vnto our soaerayn
lord to be payed in certayn yeres vij C and xlv Ml Scutis,
[ = ^us] which amoonteth in steriyng money to an C
and xxvij M^ vj Clxvj li. xiijs and iiijd. And aftir it was
showed by the mowth of my lord Chaunceler in powles
Chirch, wher aftir was songyn w* greate solempnyte
Te Deum, wherat the Chaunceler was present.
65.
[** Ohronide of Oalais," Oamden Soo., p. 2.]
2 October- Kyng Henry the Seventh landyd at Caleys toward
u^Novem- BQiey^e tijQ 2. of Octobar in the 8 yere of his raigne,
and in anno 1492. And the 19. of Octobar he departyd
from Caleis toward Boleyne with his army, and lay the
first night Sandynfelde, the next night at Margyson,
and ther met with hym therle of Oxenforde, chefe
capytayne of the forwarde, then comynge from the
betinge downe of the towne of Arde, and with the erle
of Oxenforde cam the erle of Shrowesbery, the erle of
Devonshire, the erle of Suffolke, the erle of Essex, the
lorde Gray [of] Codnor, the lorde Straunge, the lorde
Fowise, the lorde Hastings, the lorde Awdley, the lorde
Latimere, the baron of Dudley, and dyvers knyghts
and esquiers, and laye the same night at Margyson
before the kinge, and the next night bothe wards lay at
Wymelle, and the next night both ostes cam before
Boleyne, and there at the seige still unto viij day of
Novembar nexte folowyng. Than the Frenche kynge
sente unto oure sovereigne lorde kynge of Englande be
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THE TEEATY OF ETAPLES 98
the lorde Cordes, chefe capitayne under the Frenche October-
kynge, besechinge the kynge of England of his pease, 1491. '
whiche the kynge of England graonted upon a condi-
tion that the Frenche kynge shnld paye every yere lii
thowsand crownes to the kynge of England daring
bothe theyr lyves; the Frenche grannted thereunto,
and the kynge of England brake up his sege and cam
agayne to Galleys, the xij of November, and the xvij
day he toke his shipe and sayled to Dovar.
66.
[Henry VH's retam from France, Eingsford's *' Chronicles,"
p. 197.]
In this yere, the xvi]^ day of December,^ the kyng 17 Deoem-
landed at Dovir, and so came to Grenewich wher he
rested hym; and the Satirday before Cristemasse he
he was met w* the Mayr, Aldermen and certayn
comoners at blakheth clothed in violet, and so brought
through the Cite and so to Westmynster.
1493.
67.
[Henry VII to Sir GUbert Talbot^ Halliwell, " Letters," i. 172-3.]
Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well ; and not |^^'
forgetting the great malice that the Lady Itfargaret of 20 July.
Burgundy beareth continually against us, as she showed
lately in sending hither of a feigned boy, surmising him
to have been the son of the Duke of Clarence, and
causeth him to be accompanied with the Earl of Lin-
coln, the Lord Lovel, and with great multitude of Irish-
^ This date is adopted by Hall, Stow, and other chroniclers. The
" Chronicle of Calais," however, has 17 November, and there is
nothing to account for Heniys delay at Calais for a whole month.
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94 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July, men and AlmainB, whose end, blessed be God, was as
ye know well. And foreseeing now the perseverance
of the same her malice, by the untrue contriving ef tsoon
of another feigned lad called Ferkin Warbeck, bom at
Toumay, in Picardy, which at first into Ireland called
himself the bastard son of King Bichard ; after that the
son of the said Duke of Clarence ; and now the second
son of our father, King Edward the IVth, whom God
assoil ; wherethrough she intendeth, by promising unto
the Flemings and others of the archduke's obeissaunce,
to whom she laboureth daily to take her way, and by
her promise to certain aliens, captains of strange nations,
to have duchies, counties, baronies and other lands,
within this our royaume, to induce them thereby to
land here, to the destruction and disinheritance of the
noblemen and other our subjects the inhabitants of the
same, and finally to the subversion of this our royaume,
in case she may attaine to her malicious purpose, that
God defend. We therefore, and to the intent that we
may be alway purveied and in readiness to resist her
malice, write unto you at this time ; and will and desire
you that, preparing on horseback, defensibly arrayed,
four score persons, whereof we desire you to make as
many spears, with their custrells, and demi-lances, well
horsed as ye can furnish, and the remainder to be
archers and bills, ye be thoroughly appointed and ready
to come upon a day's warning for to do us service of
war in this case. And ye shall have for every horseman
well and defensibly arrayed, that is to say, for a spear
and his custrel twelvepence; a demi-lance ninepence;
and an archer, or bill, on horseback, eightpence by the
day, from the time of your coming out unto the time of
your return to your home again. And thus doing, ye
shall have such thanks of us for your loving and true
acquittal in that behalf as shall be to your weal and
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PERKIN WAEBECK'S STORY 95
honour for time to come. We pray you herein ye will Ji:^,
make such diUigence as that ye be ready with your said
number to come unto us upon any our sudden warning.
68.
[Perkm Warbeck to Isabella of Castile, ** Spanish Calendar/' i. 85 ;
this letter is printed verbatim in ** Archaeologia," xxviL 199.]
His elder brother, the Prince of Wales, son of Ejngsseptem-
Edward, had been assassinated. He had himself been ^^'
delivered to a gentleman who had received orders to
destroy him, but who, taking pity on his innocence, had
preserved his life and made him swear on the sacra-
ments not to divulge, for a certain number of years, his
name, birth and lineage. That being done he had sent
him away under the care of two persons, who were at
once his jailors and governors. Had led a wandering
life, in the midst of perils and misery for the period of
nearly eight years, during which time his governors had
kept him in concealment in different parts of the world,
until at last one of them died, and the other returned
to his own country. Was left alone while still almost
a child. Passed some time in Portugal, then went to
Ireland, where he was recognised and joyfully welcomed
by the Earl of Ormond and the Earl of Eildare his
relatives. Was equally well received by many of the
chief men.
The King of France then sent for him, promising
him aid against Henry Richmond, usurper of the Crown
of England. Was shown the greatest honour by the
King of France, but the promised aid was not given.
Went, therefore, to the Duchess of Burgundy, sister to
his father, who, moved by her humanity and virtue,
welcomed him with open arms. The £ing of the
Romans, his son, the Duke of Austria, the Duke of
Saxony, and the Ejngs of Denmark and Scotland, re-
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96 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
SeDfeember, ceived him in the same way, and sent ambassadors to
him, proffering him friendship and brotherhood. Many
of the chief personages in England, whose indignation
had been roused by the iniquitous conduct of the
usurper, Henry Richmond, had done the same in secret.
Hopes Queen Isabella who is not only his relative, but
also the most just and pious of Princesses, will have
pity on him, and intercede on his behalf with her
husband, entreating that assistance may be given him.
Promises that if he regain his kingdom he will be grate-
ful, and a better ally of theirs than King Richard had
been.
From the town of Andermund, 8 Sept. 1493.
(Signed) Riohabd Plantagbnbt.
Second son of the late King Edward and Duke of
York. Richard.
69.
[Riot agaiiist the Steelyard, Eingsford's '* Chronioles,'* p. 197.]
7 October. . . . Also this yere the Tewesday before Seynt Ed-
wardes day in the momyng, at vj of the Clok, was certayn
seruauntes of the Mercers assemblid and went downe
to the Styleyerd, and there wold haue dispoyled the
place ; and, or the Mair come and the Shireffes, there
was gadred vnto thejnn a greate people, some to take
their parte and some to behold ; but the marchauntes
had wamyng therof and kept the gatis shet ; and assone
as the Mayr cam, anoon they fled aswell from the water
as from the gate. And dyvers were takyn and sent to
pryson. And after searche made it was found that ij
of John Pyctons seruauntes were begynners of this
mater, which were takyn ; and after theyr examynacion
they accused other parsons, which in likewyse were
sent to ward, and when they were examyned they ac-
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EELATI0N8 WITH SPAIN 97
cnsed other. And thus in conclusion were accused to October,
I486.
the number of iiij^ and mo, that all or the more party
were sworn to kepe eythers counsaill ; among the which
number was nat one howsholder, but all seruauntes, and
there more party Apprentices and childem. And aftir
this dyuers were remayn]mg in prison. And some were
leten to bayle ypon Surety to be forthcomyng.
70.
[FerdiDAnd and Isabella to their ambassador in England, ^ Spanish
Oalendar," L 90.]
Henry VII had sent an ambassador to Ferdinand 8 Norem-
and Isabella when they were at Barcelona, and they
have promised to send cunbassadors to England.
The King of France, their " much beloved and very
dear brother and ally '* restored to them their counties
of Boussillon and Cerdana soon after the departure of
the English ambassador on his way to the King of
France.
In the treaty between Spain and England there is a
clause by which they are at full liberty to receive from
their "beloved brother," the King of France, their
counties of Boussillon and Cerdafia, and to conclude
with him alliances, fraternity, brotherhood, and confeder-
ation, such as have always existed between their pre-
decessors and the predecessors of their '' beloved brother
the King of France." BoussiUon and Cerdana having
been restored to them, they have concluded their alliances
etc. with France, which they were the more entitled to
do as Henry has signed nor sworn to nor delivered the
treaties.
They intend strictly to fulfil their treaty with France ;
nevertheless, they are not disinclined to form a new
alliance with England if Henry wish it,
VOL. I. 7
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98 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
14»8w 71.
[Proceedings against rioters, Kingsford's " Chronicles/' p. 198.]
NoTember. In this yere, in November, the Mayr and his brethem
were sent for to the lordes of the Counsaill to West-
mynster, and there by the mowth of the lorde Chaun-
celler in the kynges behalf was gyven a straite com-
maundement that they shuld dilygently Engnyer of the
Rebelles beforsaid [see No. 69], and aftir the knowlaige
had to bryng to the kynges connsaill Relacion, that the
kyng myght therof sufficiently be enf ourmed. Wherupon
the Mair and his bretliir, by a conunyssion to theym
sent, set a Courte in Gnyldhall ; and ther was by ij
Enqaestis certayn of the said yongmen Endited. And
so adinged to prison, wherof some of theym lay in the
Tower, and some in otliir prysons as the Countours,
many dayes aftir.
1494.
72.
[Trials for sedition, Eingsford's '* Chronicles," p. 199.]
22-26 And this yer, the xxijth day of flfebruary, was holdyn
e n»ry- j^j Gr^iyidiiaU an other [oyer] Determyne ; wherat was
d]rners lordes and Juges and other of the Kyngis Conn-
saill, before whom was Rayned and Endited iiij persons
for treason ; wherof the prjmcipall hight Thomas Bagnall,
the second was John Scot, the third John Heth, and
the iii]*h John Kenyngton; which iiij persons were
taken owte of Saynt Martens, and for false and sedicious
billes makyng and settyng vp in djmers places of
the Cite agayns the kynges persone and dyners of his
Connsaill the same day iij of thesntn were dampned to
deth; and the iiij^^, named Thomas Bagnall, pleted
to be restored to sayntuary ; ypon which pie he was
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COMMERCIAL RETALIATION 99
commytted agayn to the Tower till the next terma Fehnuury,
And the xxv] day of the said moneth were the
iij other persons [were] drawen from the Tower vnto
Tyburn, and w* theym ij men more, wherof that one was
named Robert Bailey, a yoman of the Chamber w^ the
kyng, and that other was a Ducheman, which ij were
dampned at Westmynster ; and so the said v persons
were all beheded at Tyboume, vpon whos sowles Jhesu
hane mercy.
73.
[Commercial reladons with the Netherlands, Kingsford'a
"Chronicles," p. 200.]
In this yer in the moneth of May the kyng of Ro- May.
mayns and tharche Duke his son, Duke of Bomrgoyngne,
for cawse that the kyng of England had Banysshed be-
fortyme all fflannders waris, and also had Restrayned
his Englissh Marchauntes and snbgettes forto adventure
in to any Townes of the said Dukes, the •said Eyng of
Romayns and Duke hath Banysshed aU Englissh
Cloth and Englissh yeme vpon payne of all suche cloth
and yeme ther takyn to be brent, and the brjmger therof
to lose aboue their Cloth certayn money to the Sum for
euery cloth of iiij li. iij s. iiij d sterling.
74
[Arrest of Sir William Stanley, Kingsford'a '* Chronicles," p. 203.J
Also this yere the Kyng kept his cristemasse at25i>eoaii-
Grenewich, and aftir he cam to the Tower of london, *^*
where was attached sir William Stanley, called the
kynges Chamberleyn. And the same season sir Robert
Clyflford, wich beforetyme had fled the land, and was in
fflaunders w^ the kynges Enemyes, cam agayn and was
taken to grace.
7*
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100 THE REIGN OF HENEY VH
1495. 1495.
76.
[The trial of Stanley and others, Eiogsford, p. 203 ; Flenley,
pp. 164-6.]
29 Janu- AJso this yere the xxix day of January was kept at
the Quyldhall an Oyer determyner, which lasted by
the space of iij dayes, wher wer for Jages many lordes
and knyghtes, and the second day were adiuged to be
Drawen, hanged, heded, and quartered iij spirytuell
men; that is to say the Deane of Powles,^ the pro-
yynciall of the blak ffireres, a noble dyvyne and ffamous
precheour, And the pryour of an house of the blak
siJamuury. fireres called Langley. And vpon Satirday, being the
third day, was arayned before the Mair and the forsaid
lordes the parson of Seynt Stephens in Walbrook, called
Doctour Sutton, a ffamous dyvyne, and one Maister
Thwates, sumtjrme Tresorer of Caleys, which were
countermanded vnto the Tower. And the same day was
Ara]med Bobert Batcljrf, esquyer, somtyme porter of
Caleys, Symond Mounteford,knyght, William Daubeney,
Esquyer, and clerk of the Jewell house Sometyme w*
kjmg Edward the iiij^. Also a Gentilman called Ores-
syner, steward w^ the lord ffitzwater, Bobert Holbom,
Shipman, a Ducheman called Hans Troys, and one
Thomas Astwode, Steward of Marton Abbey; which
vij persons were all dampned, and after commytted to
Newgate vnder the Shireffes kepyng. Also the same
day was the parson of Seynt Stephens aforsaid adiuged
vnto lyke Jugement of the other iij spirituell men. And
M. Thwaites beforenamed, and a preest called M. Lessy,
^ William Worsley. According to hiB own statement (" Rot. ParL,"
vi. 489X he had been attainted by a commission of oyer and terminer
on 14 November, 1494. He was pardoned by Henry in June, 1495,
and restored in blood by Act of Parliament in the following antumn.
The other two olerios were pardoned also.
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SIR WILLIAM STANLEY 101
Steward vnto the Duches of Yorke, were the same day Jamuury.
attejmted of mysprision, and so commjrtted vnto the
Tower. And the Tuesday folowjmg the Mayr and ijsFefamwy.
Jnges sat vpon an Enquery, and vpon Wednesday sat
the Mair and the said ij Jnges vpon an Enquerry. And
the after none wer drawen from Newgate vnto the
Tower hill Sir Sjrmond Morinford, Bobert Ratclyf,
William Danbeney, Thomas Crassener, and the forsaid
Thomas Astwode ; where iij the first were beheded, vpon
whose sowles Jhesu haue mercy. And Cressyner and
Astwode were pardoned, which gladded moche people
for they were both yong men. And vpon thmsdaysPebnuury.
before the Mair and certeyn Juges was arayned a
Strannger, called a Briton named pety John, and ad-
inged to be drawen from Newgate vnto Tybourn, and
there to be hangid, hedid and quartered. And the
same momyng was drawen from Newgate to Tybonm
Robert Holboume and Hans Troy aboue namyd, which
i] persons were there hanged, and after stryken downe
quyk, and then behedid ; vpon whos soules Jhesn bane
mercy. And vpon fiUday was abonenamed Pety JohnePebrumry.
drawen from Newgate to Tybourn and ther hanged.
And the same day the lord Chambirlayn, othir wise Sir
William Standley, was arayned before the lordes In the
kynges Benche in Westmynster hall, and vpon Satirday 7 February,
he was there agayn areyned before the said lordes, and
found gilty of treason by a queste of dyuers knyghtes
and worshipfull Gtentilmen. And vpon their verdyte
gyven adiuged to be drawen, hanged, and quartered,
and so conveyd ageyne vnto the Tower by M. Dygby
and his seruauntes. And vpon Wednesday next f olowyng 11 Fcbru-
sat the Mair and ij Juges in Guyldhall, and Inioumyd ^^'
the other [oyer] till monday next folowyng. And vpon le Febru-
the monday abowte xj of the Clok, the xvj day of"^"
ffebruary, was sir William A Stanley lad bitwene ij men
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wy.
102 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Pebruiry, owte of the Tower vnto the Tower hill, and there vpon
the scafold behedid, whos sowle god pardon. This was
a man of grete myght in his Cuntre, and a greate
[ ]sman of moveable goodes, In somoche as the
Comon &me Ran that in his Castell of Holt was f onnden
in Redy coigne, and plate, and Jewelles to the value of
xl ml marces or more ; And his land and ffee extended
to ii] m\ li. by yere. God grannt hym pardon of his
mysdede.
76.
[The Archbishop of York before the Star Chamber, Flenley,
*«0hronicle8,"p. 165.]
4 Febrn- Also On Wedenesday the iiij*^ day off ffeveryere was
apeched the archebisshop of yorke ^ and cam before the
lordys in the starre Chambre and there was suerty ffor
hym body for body and goodes for goodes my lorde of
Gauntorbury Ghanceler of Englond.
77.
[The Milanese ambassador in Flanders to the Duke of Milan,
'* Milanese Calendar,'' i. 292.]
Boia-ie These last days in England the first man ^ who had
February, this son of King Edward, when he was in England, has
run away. Many were taken, including the Bishop of
London.^ His Majesty * told me that this man,* when
he was in England, divulged that this Duke of York *
^ Thomas Rotherham alids Scot (1423-1500) ez-lord-ohancellor ;
this incident in the archbishop's career is not mentioned in his life
in the " Diet. Nat. Biog. ".
» Sir Robert Cliftbrd ; see No. 74.
' Apparently a mistake for the Dean of St. Paul's.
* Maximilian I. * Clifford.
•PerkinWarbeok.
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PERKm WARBECK OFF DEAL 103
was not the son of King Edward, but is the son of the February,
Dowager Duchess of Burgundy and of the Bishop of
Gambrai.
His Majesty also told me that the said duke will pro-
ceed for the present to Ireland, where he has strong
connections, and that island held him for its lord before
he went to France, according to what the duke himself
told me.
78.
[Flenley, " Ohronioles/' p. 166.]
Also the XYJ day off feveryere moneday was Sirierebm-
William Stanley Lorde Chamberleyne pardoned off the "^'
kyng off hangyng and drawyng and the seid day betwene
X] and xi] at noone was he ledde from the toure of
london to the toure hyll and there his bed smytten off
and is beryed at Saint Donnstones in the . . .
79.
[Landing of rebels at Deal, Eingsford's " Ohronicles," p. 205.]
Also the third day of July dy vers Rebelles of the kyng s juiy.
arjrved at a place in Kent named Dele to the numbre of
V or vj C men and of the same company Bemayned vpon
the water xiiij Sayles, wherin by Estjrmekcion were mo
to the numbre of viij C men ; which f orsaid company
that were landed, when they sawe that they cowde
haue no comfort of the Cuntre, they drewe to their
Shippys agayn ; at which so w* drawyng the Mair of
Sandewiche w* certayn comons of that Cuntre, to the
numbre of vij or viij scor, bekeryd w* the Besidue that
were vpon land, and toke alyve of theym an Clxix per-
sons, among the whiche was iiij Gapiteyns takyn, named
Mounford, Corbet, White, and Belt ; which said Moun-
ford was son vnto sir Symond Mounford, which was
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104 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
inly, 1496. before byheded.^ And of the said Company of Rebelles
was ij slayn and dyvers drowned ; and they affermed to
be their hede Capitayne the second son of kyng Edward
the iiij*h, which was in one of the said Shippys. And
after the said discomfirtnre the said Rebelles w^ in the
said shippys drewe up their sayles, and sailed westward.
12 July. And the xij day of July the Shiref of Kent, called John
Peache, Esquyer, brought vnto London Brigge Clix of
the forsaid prysoners ; where the Shyreffes of London
receyued theym, and conveyd theym in Cartis and long
Ropys vnto the Tower of London. And there lefte all
the said prisoners, except xli] persons wich the said
Shireffes conveied streyte vnto Newgate ; of which said
persons the substaunce of theym were Duchemen and
Alyauntes ; which xij^ day was Relyk Sonday. Also
vpon the monday next ensuyng, at aftemone, was a
Ghapleyn of the Bisshop of London, callid Doctour
Draper, takyn by force oute of powlis Chirch, and thens
conveied vnto Lambhyth by certeyn Gentilmen, as it
was Reported, of my lord Cardynalles." Also vpon the
16 July. Thursday next folowyng was the aforenamed Belt,
Mounford, Corbet and one Malyverey, w* other of the
fomamed prisoners to the numbre of Ij, had from the
Tower vnto Grenewich, and there areyned ; and after
their endytementes to theym Red, they conf essid theym
self worthy to dye, and vtterly put theym silf in the
24 July, kynges mercy and grace. And xxiiij day of July was
many of the Duchemen and Alyauntes abouesaid
areyned at Westmynstr in the White hall, and there
adjuged to suffire deth.
^ No. 76. ' John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury.
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A SCHEME TO SEIZE YARMOUTH 105
80. 1495.
[The Oorporation of Tarmouth to Sir John Paaton ; plans of the
rebels, *' Paaton Letters/' iii. 036.]
Bight wurchipfoll ser, we recomaond us onto yonr Yarmoath.
good maistership, sertefyeng you that Bobart Albon of ^^ ^^^'
Yermouth with many more of our neybors, this Sater-
day am comen horn from Gaunterbury. And Bobart
Albon hath spokyn with the English captayns of the
Eynges rebellys ther, part of theym that am takjm ; and
Bobert Albon and his company seith that ther wer
takyn and slayn to the noumbre of vij", wherof were
y capteyns, iiij of them he named, oon Mounford,
Whyght, Belt, and Gorbett: he coude nott telle the
fyfift capteyns name. And they told hym that they
have apoynted to have a town of strength, for they
wold an had Sandwich, and the countre had nott a re-
sisted them. And so Belt seid on to Bobart Albon he
wyst weell that he was but a deed man, and for asmoche
as he wist that he was of Yermouth, he shewid hym
that they woll have Yermouth or they xall dye for it,
as Bobart seyth to us.
And this is a mater of trewth, and therfore we desyre
and pray your good maistership, that we may have your
myghty help of ayde and socowr, and that it woll please
you to comon with Maister Mayer of Norwiche, to move
hym of hys sokour, but in especyall that we may have
your maistership amongs us, with suche strength of
your good councell, as your maistership shall thynk most
best for the £ynges pleasur, and for the sewyrtye of us
alle ; for we putt us in devyr to furnysh the town with
all that we can doo, for we know noon oder but that
they may be here by possybylyte this nyght or to morow
att nyght at the ferdest. No more to you, but Jesu
preserve you. Wretyn at Yermouth, in hast, this
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106 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July, 1496. Saterday, the xj day of July. Be your owyn, the
Balyflfes of Yermouth, with our Brethem and Comons
of the same Town.
81.
[Robert Orowmer to Sir John Paston ; news of the rebels, " Paston
Letters," iu. 937.]
Yannouth, Wurchipfull ser, I recomaund me on to you. Maister
^' Balyffes, with alle myn Maisteris of the town of Yer-
mouth, thankith you hartilly, and trustyng feythfully
of your ayde and comford at neede ; and if any suche
cause happith with us, they woll feythfully send you
word in all the hast possyble, up on the syght of the
shippis.
Ser, ferdermor, ther is a ship of our town come hom
from Seint John of Amyas, and he seyth that on Seint
Thomas Day ther came to Seint Wallrens, in Normandie,
an hoye of Dorderyght, with viij horsis, with many
saddilles and brydilles ; ther in wer viij or ix Englysh
men, the wiche toke the shippes boot, and went on lond
at Staphs, and am renne a wey up in to the cuntre.
And the Admiralles Depewty sesonyd the ship and hors,
and all that they found ther in, to the Eyng our soverayn
Lordes behooflf; and the Duche men were leyde in
pryson. This is a mater of trowth, for William Carre
of our town, maryner, and oder of our town, see this
doon in deed. And as for the shippes with the Kynges
rebellars, they be furth out of Cambyr westwards;
whyder they be, thei can not sey, but the Duche men
seid to William Carre that they trustid on one man
shuld help them with many men. Thes is suche
tydynges as the Amyas men brout hom.
Ser, if it woll please your maistership that ye myght
have leyser, I desyre and pray you to come sporte you,
and to see how weell we have appareld and f urnyshid
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PERKIN'S REPULSE 107
our town, I wold be right gladd, and I trust to Almyghty July, 1496.
God that it wold please your maistership right weell,
and with your betyr advyce we woU doo more to our
power, that knowith God, the wiche Lord preserve yoa
82.
[De PuebU to Ferdinand and Isabella, '' Spanish Oal.," i. 98.]
Friday the 3rd of July, the so called Duke of York London,
came to England with all the ships and troops he had ^^ •'^y-
been able to obtaii) from the Duchess Margaret, the
Archduke, and Flanders. A portion of his troops disem-
barked, but the people rose up in arms against them
without the intervention of a single soldier of the King.
The peasants of the adjacent villages made great havock
on the troops, who had disembarked, and if the vessels
had not been at hand not a single man of them would
have escaped aUve. A hundred and fifty were slain,
and eighty made prisoners, among whom were eight
captains, two of them being Spaniards, Don Fulano de
Guevara (he is said to be a brother or nephew of Don
Ladron) and Diego el Goxo (the Lame), the name which
all the villagers gave him, saying that the King came,
and that he may go to his father and mother, who still
hve in France, and are well known ; and they hold it
to be as true as Gospel, as it really is, that this affair is
like that of the Duke of Clarence, who was crowned
King of Ireland, and afterwards discovered to be the son
of a barber. They had no great reasons for congratulat-
ing themselves, cmd had gone, it is beUeved, to Ireland
or Scotland ; for it is not probable that they would return
to Flanders, because the whole of that country is almost
ruined, in consequence of their staying there, the King
of England not having permitted any commerce with
the Flemings, in which their principal riches and their
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108 THE REIGN OP HENRY VII
July, 1495. life consists. Doctor De Puebla is very sorry for these
foolish things, for such are they generally beUeved to be
by those who have any knowledge of the aflfair.
Certainly, if the King of the Romans nphold the Duke
of York and xxiiij [probably James IV], it would be very
difficult to conclude what your Highnesses wish. I think
that all that the King of Romans does is done by the
instigation of the King of France. If your Highnesses
had taken care earlier of the matter, all this would have
been avoided. Nevertheless, it is not too late, even now,
if your Highnesses like it
83.
[Opening of Henry YII's fifth parliament, ''Rot. P&rl.," yL 458 ;
most of the mottera toaohed upon in Morton's address were the
subjects of legislation during this session, see below, voL ii.]
14 October. Memorandum, quod die Mercurii, quarto decimo die
Octobris, anno regni Begis Henrici Septimi post Con-
questum undecimo, Beverendissimus pater Johannes
Cardinalis Archiepiscopus Cantuar' Cancellarius AnglisB
etc. . . . pronunciavit & declaravit ; assumens pro
themate verborum seriem subsequentem ; ''Gustodias
& facias Legem," Josue Capo prfmo. Super quo intro-
duxit quomodo leges & jura habebant constitui &
sanciri, per quos & quibus de causis, & hoc de Lege
Nature, Jure Gencium, Lege Mosaica, Lege Civiii, Lege
Evangelica, & Jure Ganonico; & horum defiSniciones
atque eorum differencias perlucide declaravit, divisiones
dominiorum primas, insignia regum, uncciones eorun-
dem, magistratus principatus, & auctoritatem quibus
leges ministrentur, satis aperte dilucidavit. Bem-
publicam in ponderibus & mensuris contempnentes,
[h]abutentes intercursu mercatorum per contractus, per
multuram, per usuram, viisque aliis legem contra
politicam confutavit. Quibusve modis usura, perjuriam
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HENRY'S FIFTH PARIiIAMENT 109
fidve jaramentum iUicitnm committitar, & penas com- October,
mittentimn ratione & aactoritate divinis & hnmanis
modis, & viis perdocte atque peregregie regia coram
Majestate & circnm8tant[ibns] edocuit.
84.
[Attainder of Sir William Stanley and others,' *' Rot. Pari.," vi.
b08-4.]
Where William Stanley late of the towne of West- October,
minster in the Countie of Middlesex, knight, otherwise
called William Stanley late of the parishe of Seynt
Martyn in the Feld besides Charyng Crosse in the same
countie, knight, Symond Mountford late of Golsholl in
the countie of Warwyke, knight, William Dawbeney
late of London, gentilman, Bobert Batcliff late of
London, squier, for certeyn treasons, ymagened and
compassed traiterously, to the destruccion of the moost
roiall persone of the King oure Sovereign Lord, and
the subversion of this his realme, before his Justices
and Conmiissioners in severall Oyers and Determyners
by him in that partie assigned, as well in the citie of
London, as in the shire of Middlesex, by due ordre and
processe of the lawe, were, for divers sondry treasons
by theym severally commytted and doon, convicte and
atteynted of High Treason, as in the severall recordes
therof more ple3rnly appereth ; by the which atteyn-
dours, the said persones atteynted, forfeited not ne
myght forfeit any manours, landes, tenementes, pos-
sessions ne hereditamentes, wherof other persones
were seased to their several uses. And where also
Gilbert Debenham late of the towne of Westminster
in the countie of Middlesex, knight, and Humfrey
Savage late of the toune of Westminster in the said
countie, knight, as fals traytours and rebelles of the
King our Sovereign Lord, the x*^ of Feverere, the viii*^
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110 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
October, yeie [1493] of his moost noble reigne, att Westminster
aforsaid, falsly and traiterously ymagened, consedered
and compassed the deth and destraccion of our said
Sovereign Lord, and subversion of this his reahne;
and to accomplishe and perfourme the same false par-
pose, the same Gilbert and Humfrey, knowyng oon
Piers Warbek, enemye of our said Sovereign Lord, and
other his rebelles beyng beyonde the see, adherentes
to the same Piers, to levie werre ageynst our said
Sovereign Lord, receyved att Westminster aforesaid,
message by certain persones, from the said Piers, and
other his said adherentes ; and to the same entent,
sent message agajm oute of this realme, to the said
Piers, and to his said adherentes, that the said Gilbert,
within shorte tyme after wold come to the same Piers,
and to his said adherentes beyonde the see, and take
his partie ageynst our said Sovereign Lord, in leveying
waire ayenst him and come into England with the
said Piers and .his said adherentes, falsly and tr&iter-
ously, to his power to helpe to depose and put downe
oure said Sovereign Lord. And that the said Humfrey
Savage, for the more releife and helpe of the said Piers,
and his adherentes in that behalfe, shuld abide stille in
this realme, unto the comyng of the same Piers, and
his said adherentes ; and theym then and there with all
his myght and power, wold helpe and assiste to helpe
to execute all the premysses. And so the said Gilbert
and Humfrey, the said x^ day, att Westminster aforsaid,
traiterously were adherentes, helping, councelling and
comfortyng to the said Piers, and his adherentes,
enemyes to our said Sovereign Lord, to levie werre
ayenst hym ; wherupon they were and yet stande and
be indited of high treason ; and for that they wold not
therupon appere to be justified after the lawes of this
land, but fledde to seyntwaries, processe was awarded
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ATTAINDER AND " USES " 111
ayenst thejrm, till they were outlawed, and so they stand October,
and yet remayn, and be thempon outlawed and at-
teynted, by the processe of the lawe, of and npon the
said treason; by the which also attejoidre, the said
Gilbert and Humfrey so atteynted, forfeited not ne
myght forfeite any manours, landes tenementes, pos-
sessions ne hereditamentes, wherof other persones were
seased to their severall uses. And where also John
Batcliffe of Attilborough in the countie of Norffolk,
knight, otherwise called John Batcliff Fitzwater of
Attilborough in the countie of Norffolk, knight, other-
wise called John Batcliff of Fitzwater late of Attyl-
borough in the countie of Norffolk, knight, William
Barley late of Albury in the countie of Hertford, squier,
and Thomas Brampton late of the same toune in the
same countie, gentilman, falsely and traitorously con-
spyred and ymagyned the deth and destruccion of the
Eang our Sovereign Lord, and the subversion of this
his realme of England, and the same our said Sovereign
Lord, by werres ageynst him in this his said realme
of England to be levied, reared and made agejmst him,
of his corone and regallie entended to deprive, depose
and put downe ; and to execute and perfourme the
said mischevous purpose, actes and trayterous dedes,
the said John Batclyffe, William Barly, and Thomas
Brampton, att severall tymes were to the said Piers
confederates, assenting, assistjmg, adherentes, favouryng
and helpyng, wherof they be severally indited, as in the
said severall inditementes more pleynly apperith; whiche
inditementes were hadde upon true matter sufficiently
and openly shewed and declared, upon the takyng of
the same inditementes in that behalf. And where also
that the said Piers Warbek of li^, from the parties of
beyond the see, with grete multitude of people of the
Kinges rebelles, enemyes, and trajrtours, in shippes.
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112 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
October, with all abilemeiites of warre necessarie for the same,
into this his realme of England entendyng to aryve
at Deele in the countie of Kent, and then and there
grette partie of the Einges said enemyes, rebells and
traytoors, with him then accompanied, that is to say,
the iii^ day of July, the x*h yere of the reigne of our
said Sovereign Lord, entred and landed att Deele afor-
said, and there and then trayterously reared and levied
batell and warre, in pleyn feld, ageynst our said
Sovereign Lord, with baners displayed, and with ai>
mours defensives, as jakkes, salettis, brigandynes,
bowes, belles, haubertes, curesses, gxmnes, speres,
marespikes, crossebowes, and other enhabilmentes of
warres, compassyng the deth and destruccion of our
said Sovereign Lord, and the subversion of this his
realme, where then and there were dyvers of the
persones folowing present; and dyverse other of the
same persones, afore that tyme, to this false and traiter-
ous purpose of the said Piers, and other of the Einges
said enemyes, rebelles, and traytours, with him acom-
panyed, were adherentes, assistantes, confederates,
favourers, guydantes, helpers, socourers, and com-
forters. . . .
1496.
85.
[Zacharia Contarini to the Doge and Senate of Venice, '^ Venetian
Calendar," L 227-8.]
Ndrd- This day the ambassadors of the Holy League ac-
i^* credited to the King of the Romans have been assembled
6 jAaaary. jjy j^jg order, and Dom. Ludovic Bruno caused to be
read to them the reply to Lord Egremont. Besides
what was contained in the copy transmitted by Contarini,
there was a justification, purporting that, the King o{ the
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MAXIMILIAN AND PERKIN 113
Bomans having no league or relationship soever with January,
the King of England, the Dnke of York fPerkin War-
beck], whom he firmly believes to be the son of King
Edward, came to him ; and that he considered it his
duty not to abandon the Duke, nor to fail affording him
all just and fitting favour.
A second clause purported that, should the King of
England approve, the King of the Bomans offered to
negotiate a ten years' truce or peace between him and
the said Duke of York ; and thirdly, there was a para-
graph to the effect that, should the King of England be
admitted into the League, he was to be bound to attack
the King of France next Easter, with a strong and
powerful armada.
To this the Spanish ambassadors said that, were the
King of the Bomans to dismiss Lord Egremont with
such a reply, it would be tantamount to teUing him that
he did not choose to admit his King into the League ;
in the first place, because all the paragraphs alluding to
the Duke of York would only irritate the King of Eng-
land ; and secondly, that as the King of the Bomans
wrote lately consenting to the King of England's joining
the League unconditionally, the King of England would
not now assume the obligation of attacking.
The opinion of the Venetian ambassador being next
asked, he replied that his Spanish coUeagues having ex-
pressed themselves sufficiently, it merely remained for
him to remind his Majesty (the Eang of the Bomans)
that during the past months the Sovereigns of Spain
had given the Signory to understand that it would be
very desirable the King of the Bomans should drop the
affiairs of the Duke of York as this was not the moment
for disturbing the kingdom of England, the admission
of whose King into the confederation would be advan-
tageous ; as be on one side, the King of the Bomans on the
VOL. I. 8
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114 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
January, other, and Spfihin in her own quarter might simultaneously
invade France, to the advantage of the confederates.
The Neapolitan and Milanese ambassadors approved
what had been said ; whereupon Dom. Ludovic Bruno,
having heard the various opinions, withdrew, and re-
ported them to the King of the Romans. On his return
he announced that the King of the Romans was content
to cancel all the paragraphs relating to the Duke of
York, but insisted that the obligation on the part of the
King of England to attack France should stand ; not so
much from any hope of its being observed, but because,
unless inserted, the King of England would have ob-
tained a promise from the King of the Romans not to
favour the Duke of York, the League nevertheless
deriving no advantage thence.
The Spanish ambassadors rejoined that they clearly
perceived that, could the King of England be included
in the League with the obligation to attack, it would be
more to the purpose ; but, knowing him to be a most
sage King and to be well advised, they were certain he
would not join with heavier obligations than had been
assumed by the other confederates: that, for the ob-
servance of similar obligations, King Ferdinand and his
consort would pledge themselves on behalf of the King
of England, whensoever the King of the Romans pleased ;
and that at any rate it should be taken into account
that, even were the King of England not to attack, his
not being the ally of the King of France would prove
of great importance, as that King would thus be pre-
vented from availing himself of English troops, and of
many other &vours derivable from the King of England.
The ambassadors added that, should this negociation
not be concluded, England would unite with France,
whose King, they understood, had already sent an am-
bassador to England.
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HENRY AND THE HOLY LEAGUE 116
The Spanish ambassadors having expressed them- January,
selves thus, his Majesty sent for Dom. Ludovic, and
charged him to act according to their suggestion, the
matter being one which their sovereigns had much at
heart and held in great account. So the document
was drawn up according to the copy transmitted to the
Doge and Senate by Contarini, who, on the 7th of Janu-
ary, announced the departure of Lord Egremont, to
whom the King of the Bomans had given a gold cup and
one hundred florins.
86.
[The Imperial ambassador in Spain to Maximilian^ '* Spanish
Cal.," i. 120.]
The King and Queen of Spain do not neglect the war Borgoa.
with France. They hope to influence the King of Eng- ^ •'"'"■^
land to do their will and the will of Maximilian. For
this purpose it would be well that he should send his
power to the Spanish ambassador in England nominating
him as his ambassador.
Has often told the King and Queen of Spain what an
advantage it would be to engage the English to under-
take the conquest of Guienne.^ If that could be carried
out, the French and the English would be so much
occupied with one another, that the dominions of the
Archduke would be in security, and the King and
Queen of Spain and he could do what they liked, and
Italy would be at their disposal.
^ Henry YII was not to be misled in this way, but his son's
council fell into the snare in 1511-12.
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116 THE EEIGN OF HENET VH
1496. 87.
[Depositdon of Bernard de VignoUes relative to the alleged treason
of Sir John Kendal, grand prior of the Order of St. John of
Jerusalem, G^airdner's '' Letters and Papers^" ii. 318-323 ; of.
Champollion Figeao's '^Lettres de Bois renies^" ii. 506. On
Kendal^ see '' Plumpton Correspondence," pp. 117-9.]
u SiSih ^®^* ^* disposicion que fait Bernard de VignoUes a
lencontre de le Sire Jehan Qaendal, grant prieor de
lordre de Saint Jehan de Boddes, Sire Jehan Thonge,^
son nepveu, pareillement cheyallier dadict ordre, mestre
archediacre Heusse, Jehan Hensse, son nepyen, ung
nomme Lilly, et ung aoltre Jehan Watre, eolx deulx
seryitenrs dndiot archediacre, et ung nomme William
Wton ' secretaire dudict prieur de Saint Jehan, les quels
congnoissent lentreprinse que fist ledict prieur de Saint
Jehan et Sire Jehan Thonge et larchediacre Heusse, eulx
troys estans a Bomme.
Premierement, les dessudis troys personnes estans en
Bomme firent cherche de trouver moien et faczon de
entreprendre faire mourir le roy d'Angleteire, ses
enffians, sa merre, et ceulx qui pensoient qui estoient
pres de sa personne et de son conseil. Et a ceste inten-
cion saconainterent [s'accoint^rent] dun nome Badigo,
Espaigneul ; et se alia ledit archediacre loger a sa maison,
pensant que ledict astrelogue sceut faire et acomplir
lamprinse que ilz avoient en intencion, de quoy ledit
Bodigo ne sceut faire. Finablement firent serche tant
que ilz trouverent ung aultre qui se nomme mestre Jehan,
Espaigneul, astreloge, auquel ilz declairerent leur inten-
cion, lequel mestre Jehan ouant leur demande, fist res-
ponce, que y sauroit bien faire sens [ceux] que il luy
desiroint. Et a ceste intencion firent marche audit
mestre Jehan, pour une somme dargent ; et pour plus
^ Sir John Tong, commander of Rihstcme. ' Wotton.
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A PLOT TO POISON HENRY 117
grande aprenve qne congneassent que ledit mestre Jehan March,
saoroit bien f aire oe qne il Iny desiroint, i fist mourir ung
True, qui estoit serviteor du frere da Grant Tore a
Bomme, an pallays dn pappe. Et si lediz trois person-
nages ensent delivre la dite somme dargent, qnilz avoient
promis audit astrelogue, il lenr promectoit que il enst
fait sens [cenx] que luy avoient desire de faire.
Item, quant lesdiz troys personnages se partirent de
Rome pour venir en Engleterre, lesserent ung nomme
Stefen,^ serviteur dudit prieur de Saint Jehan, le quel
est du pais de Sardine, ayecques ledit mestre Jehan,
Espaigneul, pour acomplir leur movais voulloir et in-
tencion; et pour ce faire, firent delivrer une quantite
dargent audit Stefen, et audit astrelogue, par banque,
apres leur dit departement de Ronmie ; lequel Bernard
dit, que ledit astrelogue luy a dempuis dit que y ne luy
avoient point voullu bailler asses argent pour acomplir
lamprinse que ilz avoint commence, et ne voulut ledit
astrelogue y besoingner plus avant, jusques a ce que il
eust eu nouvelles desdiz troys personnages; et cuide
ledit Bernard que ledit argent que ilz firent delivrer
audit astrelogue, que ce nestoit seuUement sy non pour
entretenir ledit astrelogue, atendan la somme quilz luy
avoint promis, et que pour lors ilz navoint granment
dargent, que ilz peussent departir car ilz avoint assez
necessite pour les mener en Engleterre.
Item deux ans apres que lesdiz troys personnages
furent arivez en Engleterre, delibererent par entre eulx
denvoier a Romme ung honmie a la prierre et requeste
dudit archediacre, le quel ne cessoit audit prieur que il
y voulsist envoier; et sxur ce furent ledit prieur et
archiediacre dun commun accord, dy envoier ledit
Bemart de VinoUes, les quelz lui commanderent ex-
presse[ment] que i trouvant moien de faire mourir
^ Stephen Maranecho ; see below, No. 90.
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118 THE EEIGN OF HENRY VH
March. lastielogQe qui ayoit refibse faire lenr desir, pour cause
que ledit prieur et archediacre avoient entendu comme
ledit astrelogue ayoit dit en Bomme que lesdix prieur et
archidiacre et ledit seigneure Jehan Thong avoint eu
intencion de &ire mourir le roy dEngleterre. Pareille-
ment commanderent audit Bernard come il eust parle
a lautre astreloge nomme mestre Jehan, disant que il
acomplist sa promes qui lavoit promis devant leur parte-
ment de Bomme, et que i ne se soucyat du poyement
que ilz luy avoint promis/ car ilz avoint peur que il ne
leur fist comme ilz avoint eu intencion de luy faire faire
a lutre, qui est a entendre la mort du roy. Et didrent
audit Bemart, que il eust dit audit astreloge que se luy
estoit posible de faire ce que il luy desiroint de pardela
sans yenir en Engleterre, de peur qui i ne fust congneu ;
sur quoy ledit ostreloge fist responce audit Bemart que
pour acomplir plustost leur emprinse, que i yendroit en
Engleterre, en labit dung frere, et pource que il luy
falloit deux dens audit astrelogue, il en feroit &ire deux
de yyiere, de la couleur des siennes, et dist que i yend-
roit par mer, pour le plus sur, disant que il alloit a Saint
Jacques ; et croit ledit Bernard, que i ne tint que pour
faulte dargent, que i nayoit pour despendre par chemin,
que ledict astrelogue ne fust yenu ou dit royaulme dEng-
leterre.
Item, an partement dudit Bemart de Bome pour sen
retoumer en Engleterre, ledit astrelogue luy bailla une
petite boueste de boys, en la quelle estoit ung oingne-
ment, le quel astrelogue enyoyet audit prieur de Saint
Jehan, et luy mandoit par ledit Bemart, que il eust fait
mectre ledit oingnement, qui estoit en ladite boueste, au
longc et trayers de quelque buys ou porte par ou passeroit
le roy, affin que passat par dessus ; le quel astreloge disoit,
que sil est ainsy fait, que ceulx qui ayoint et portoint
plus damour au roy, que seroint ceulx qui turoint le roy.
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THE GRAND PRIOR OP ST. JOHN'S 119
et estoit en defbult que ledit astrelogue ne pouvoit allerMaroh,
en Engleterre; et quant ledit Bernart fut a son logis
retoome, il vint en sa chambre, et ouvrit ladite boueste,
et vit qne cestoit une villaine et horde pnante chose,
leferma ladite boueste, et la vint gecter on retrect, et
le landemain ledit Bernart print son chemin, pour sen
retoumer en Engleterre ; et quant il fut a Orleans, il
luy souvint de ladite boueste, et de peur que ledit astre-
logue«neust escryst audit prieur de St Jehan, comme
il luy avoit envoye une telle boueste par ledit Bernart,
de peur que ledit Bernart ne fust blasme, sen alia ches
ung apoticaire, achater une telle boueste comme estoit
lautre, et pour ung lyart dargent viff ; et sen retoume a
son logis, et en sa chambre et print terre seche, et de la
suye de la cheminee, ayecques de lean, et la destrempa,
et ledit argent viff ensemble, pour la faire de telle coul-
leur que celle que ledit astrelogue luy avoit bailie, pour
bailler audit prieur de St Jehan.
Item, quant ledit Bernart fut arrive devers ledit prieur
de Saint Jehan, il luy conta comme ledit astrelogue luy
avoit dit, et luy delivre ladit boueste, [que] le prieur ne
voullut toucher, pour ce que ledit Bernart luy dist que
cestoit grant danger de la toucher a celuy qui avoit
en volunte den faire mal, et que si elle demouroit xxij
heures en sa meson, qui se seroit a son grant danger ;
et pource ledit prieur conmianda audit Bernart, que
il allas[t] en quelque lieu, loingns de sa meson, et la
jettat la ou elle ne fust point trouvee, et ainsy ledit
Bernart fist, comme luy avoit commande.
Item, bien tost, apres troys on quatre sepmaines, ledit
prieur vint en la chambre ou estoit ledit Bernart, fort
mallade, et dist audit Bernart, sil luy estoit posible, que
y pent chevaucher pour sen aller hors du royaimie
dEngleterre, dissant que il fust alle en quelque pelerinage,
ou a la ma[ison] de son perre, pour se faire garir;
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120 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
March, que ledict prienr lay bailleroit argent et cheval, et ne le
fasoit ledit priear cela, cy no[n] de pear gae ledit Ber-
nart fast prins, et qae il east revel[e] lear movois voal-
loir et malice ; aa qael ledit Bernart fist responce, qae
y feroit se [ce] qae il lay commandoit, mais, neantmoins
qail estoit fort faible, et qae desqae i poarroit
chevaacher, qae il iroit volantiers oa il lay commandoit
dalle r; et dara ladite malladie aadit Bernart dempais
lespace de demyan oa plas, par qaoy ledit priear le lay
parlla dempuis de aller della la mer ; et apres qae ledit
Bernart fat qaery, i demanda congie daller devers ses
parens, et de la oa il est natiff, a intencion de faire
avertir le roy de ce qae est cy desas dit, car il noasoit
lay ser . . . a savoir lay estant en Engleterre, de pear
qae cealx qai ont conpille ceste traison ne lay feissent
desplesir de son corps ; et a ceste intencion poarchassa
son congie, disant qae son frere latendoi[t] a Dieppe,
leqael lay avoit escript; et pryoit ledit Bernart ledit
seigneor de Saint Jehan, qae il lay voaleist donner
congie, et sar ce ledit seigneor de St Jehan fast content,
y[a] qae il lay promettoit de retoamer toat incontinant.
Item, aa commencement qae Pierqin Warbec estoit
en Flandre, fat par ang serviter dadit seignear escript
par plassea[r8] foiz aadit seignear de Saint Jehan lectres,
qae ledit Bernart en partie a veas, non pas toates,
esqaelles avoit contena en paroUes coavertes comme le
marchant da Baby [Roabaix] ne poavoit vendre sa
marchandise aadit pays de Flandres poar aatant qail
en demandoit, par qaoy sen alloit en la coort da roy des
Remains, poar voir sil en poaroit plas troaver ; qai est
a entendre, conmie dit ledit Bernart, qae cestoit Pierqin
Warbec, qai ne poavoit avoir secoars en Flandres, sy
graant nambre conmie y desiroit poar venir en Engle-
terre ; le non dadit servitear qai escripvoit les dessas-
dites lectres est frere Gaillemin de Noion.
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PREPAEATIONS FOR PERKIN WARBECK 121
Item, estoit ung aoltre marchaunt en la ville deMaroh,
1496
Bruges, qui est quatelan, nomme Daniel Beauvivre, qui
dempuis que ledit Pierqin retourna de devers le roy des
Romains en Flandres, ledit marchant rescript audit
sieur de St Jehan par plusseurs foiz, de quoy ledit Ber-
nart na eu congnoissance que dune lectre, en la quelle
estoit contenu comme ledit marchant avoit dempuis
naguerres de temps parle audit frere Guillemin de Noion,
et que ledit frere Guillemin luy avoit dit, que il avoit
presque tou[t] son argent prest a la somme de ix on
diz mille frans, et que il manderoit audit seigneur de
St Jehan par banque, et le marchant du Ruby iroit
avecques.
Item au temps que le roy estoit a Ourcestre, ledit sieur
de Saint Jehan estoit en la conte de Bethford a une place
de la religion de Saint Jehan, nomme Milboume, la ou
y fist faire ung ce[r]tain numbre jacquettes pour ses gens
de la faczon qui sensuit, de quoy le bas estoit a deux
coulleurs, vert et rouge apliz, et au desus de la sainture
ny avoit que deux barres, lune devant et lautre derriere,
en escharpe, de la largeur de quatre doiz, ou environ, et
ce cestoit pour mectre la Rose Rouge ; et pareillement
avoit fait faire ung corps tout entier pour chascune
jacquecte, de pareille coulleur, et disoit ledit sieur que
chascun deulx le porterait a larson de sa celle ; et dit
ledit Bemart que ce nestoit pour aultre intencion que
pour y mectre une Blanche Rose a chascune jacquecte.
Item, vint ung Pietres, qui est serviteur dudit Guil-
lemin de Noion, quil envoyet audit seigneur de St
Jehan oue [avec] lectres, faignant avertir le roy de la
venuee que entendoit faire Pierqin en Engleterre, le quel
Pietres portoit lectres, de quoy le roy neut alors la con-
gnoissance de toutes, ne pareillement le dit Bemart ; et
dist ledit Pietres audit Bemart, que il avoit unnes
lectres a Thomas Brandon, lesquelles ledit Pierres luy
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122 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
March. dist, que i nosseroit les deliYr[er] audit Brendon, de pen[r]
que i nen eust quelque desplesir, et les delivra audit
sieur de Saint Jehan affin que il les baillast audit
Brendon, et ne peut le dit Bemart congnoistre autre
chose dudit Pietres.
Item, toutes les foiz que ledit sieur de Saint Jehan
avoit lectres de Flandres, ou aucunes nouvelles, il alloit
ou envoyet a levesque de Winchestre, a Jehan Heusse,
a sire Thomas Tirel, et a larchediacre Heusse, et leur
donnoit a congnoistre toutes nouvelles, et pareillement
quant les dessusdits evesque et autres avoint nouvelles,
il luy fassoint savoir, ou autrement le luy venoint dire.
Item, ledit seigneur de Saint Jehan a este par deux ou
troys foiz chascun an, une foiz apres Nouuel a la
maison de sire Thomas Tirel, eulx deulx devisant plus-
seurs choses, et entre les aultres conmiencza a dire ledit
sieur de Saint Jehan comment le roy Eduard avoit autre
foiz este en ladite maison ; au quel ledit sire Thomas
respondit, que il estoit vray, et que il y avoit fait autres
foiz[fait] bonne cherre, et que il esperoit, au plesir Dieu,
que le filz dudit Edouart y feroit ausy bonne cherre, et
que ladite meson avoit [este] faite de largent de France,
et que quelque jour il avoit espoir dengaigner de quoy en
faire une aultre ausy belle: et estoit ledit Bemart et
seigneur Jehan Thonge pressens que les dites parolles
furent dites.
Item, le secretaire dudit seigneur de St Jehan, nomme
William Outon, et ung seruiteur dudit archediarce
Heusse, nonmie Lilly, et ung aultre, qui se nomme
Jehan Watre, lequel est serviteur dudit . archediacre,
lesquelx troys congnoissent tout la traison que lesdits
sieurs ont enterprins de faire ; ledit Lilly et ledit Jehan
Watre congnoissent lastrelogue qui a enterprins ceste
traison, car ilz ont touz deulx demoure a Romme ; et
doit le roy faire garde que ilz ne sortent hors de son roy-
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KENDAL'S CORRESPONDENCE 123
anllme. Fait a Roaan, le xiiije jour de mars, Ian mil Bfaroh,
iiii<». iiij«. xv. De part moy Bernard de Vanholes.
[Endorsed in the King's hand : La confession de Bemart
de VignoUes.]
88.
[Sir John Kendal to William de Novion (the Goillemin de Noion of
Yignolles' deposition), Ghdrdner's ''Letters and Papers/'
ii.d23.]
Spectabilis ac religiose in Christo frater prsecarissime. Berwick,
lo me recommando ad vuL Doi mesi ha che lo mio ^ ^^^
servitore Bernard,^ andava ad Roan per trovare suo
fradello : et expectando la trovato ha doi mei amici che
hanno algune cose ad vendre, de le quale me voliano
fare piacere. Et per tanto ho scripto ad Bernardo, che
li conduse ad vui per essere pin prope ; ali quali ve prego
faciate li bona ciera, et che non manchano merite. Et
venute che sarano, vorria che Bernardo me retomasse
lo piu presto che potesse, et incontinente apresso sarrano
avisati de la mia intensione. Altro per la presente non
me occurre, salvo ad vui me recommando. Ex Baruuyk,
adi xvij April 1496.
Vestro lo prior d Ingliterra
Fba Johann Chendall
Sia data ad Era Gilgham di Novion, cavaliero de
Rhodes.
[Sir John Kendal to Bernard de Vignollee, ibid. ii. 324.]
lo me recommando ad vui. Ali 16 del presente ho Berwick,
receputo la vostra lettera scripta ad Roan, e per la decta ^^ ^^^'
lettera ho inteso como havite trovato li doi merccbdanti
che soleano vendre petri ad Roma, et chi haveano grande
^ de y ignolles.
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124 THE KEIGN OF HENRY VH
^ii, piacere che ve hanno trovato, et volentieri yoliano
intendre se io havea volnnta davere algona de decte
cose. Ho grande piacere che sonno in quelle parti ; et
per tanto io vorria che andasseno ad fra Gihnyn de
Novion, che sta ad tre o quatro miglia de Ayre et de
Doway, in Io paise d'Artoys ; et ve prego condoicite
li ala et intendiate la perfeccione de dicte petre et de
la retomarite asi. Et quando havero inteso per vai la
sertetza de ogne cosa, snbito dapoi per vni intenderanno
la mia yol[anta], et in una parte o laltra trovarimo el
modo per fare dispachiare loro cose ad louro utilita. Et
me recommandarite ad loro et chi pigliano la presente
letera per louro. Lo portatore ha restato molto per la
via ad causa che fo amalato xij giomi ad Portismouuth.
Non altro con la presente. Sara una lettera per lo
decto fra Gilmin, chi fazia ad dicti merca[danti] bona
chiera ; et de li dispesi che haveti et f arite per lo vestro
restare et altri spese sarrite contentato. Et se non
trovate lo dicto fra Gilmyn ala casa soa, potite lassare
dicti mercadanti in casa soa et andate ad trovare dicto
fra Gilm3rn ad Brugis, o dove sarra ; per quanto lui non
po essere molto discosto. Altro per la presente non me
occurre. En Baruuyk, a di xvij Aprille 1496. Et ho
dato ad presente portatore, 3 V.
Vostro lo prior d Ingliterra
Sib Johan Quenbal
Superscribed. — Sia data ad Bernardo de Binqnole
servitore del prior Dingliterra, Boan.
90.
[Sir John Kendal to Stephen Maraneoho, ibid, ii. 325.]
London, Mauguyficho Maranecho, a voi me recommando. Per
26 April 1q potador ho inteso de la vostra salute, del qual ho
grandi plaser, et anchora o inteso como siti partito del
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INTRIQUES IN THE NETHERLANDS 126
realme de Napoli, per quanto haveti peliato la parte AprO,
Fransese. No obstante ho inteso como haveti portato
algune bone chosi de la, de ly quale volone haver per ly
mei denari algnna chosa, segondi voi djrra lo presente
portador; et segundi che apoj^tera cum voi, sereti
pagato et satysfato, sensa falia alguna, como soi dira lo
presente portador, alo qual dati lui fede como ala mea
propria persona in questa facienda. Et segundi lo meo
aparer, ala fera Danvere [Antwerp] venderiti ben li
vestri chosi, segundi ve ne dira lo portador ; et trovareti
ala fra Gilmyn, che vene fara bona chiera. Et in quoli
parti Joy (?) al presente volo ne per quanto lo rey di
Bomane manda la sua filia [Margaret of Savoy] in
Spanya; et quando li imbassatori furono asi cyrchavano
ad conporar Joy (?). Et tamen uno di louro (?) ho
mandato ly moy, per quanto ala santa (?) requeste et
fano bon pagamento. No altro. Di Londra lo xxv d
April. Touto vostro lo prior dinglaterra Fra Johan
ChendaL
91.
[Sir John Kendal to the French Prior of St. John's, ibid. ii. 326.]
Eeverende in Christo pater et domine, d. post de-i<«don.
bitam commendationem. In questi di passati scripsi
ad vostra signoria ad complimento. Lo presente por-
tatore Bernardo mio servitore, lo qual va ad vedere soi
parenti in quelle parte, prego la signoria vostra in questa
parte havere per recommandato. Non altro. Se potzo
fare cosa alguna per la signoria vostra in queste parte
date me aviso che lo faro de bono et optimo core. Et Dio
ve donna sannitta et tutto quello che vostro core desidera.
Ex Londris die xxviij. mensis Aprilis mcccclxxxxvj
Fra Johan Quendal touto vostro.
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126 THE KEIQN OF HENEY VH
1496. 92.
[Sir John Kendal to William de Novion, ibid. ii. 328.]
London, Spectabilis ac relligiose in Christo frater precarissime,
^' io me recommando ad vui. In qnesti di passati ve
scripsi ad complimento. La presente e solo per questa
chel presente portatore Bernardo de Bingnolis, mio
servitor, ya ad trovare (sic) ad Boan, ad trovare suo
fradello la o intoma la Piccardia. Et se caso vene ad
vui fate la bona ciera. Non altro. Se potzo &re algona
cosa per vui in questa parte, sempre sto al vostro pia-
cere. Ex Londris, adi xxviiij Aprilis 1496. Vostro lo
priore dingliterra Era Johan Quendal.
93.
[Ferdinand and Isabella to De Paebla, *' Spanish Oal.," i.
No. 133.]
Aimaz&n, After this courier had been despatched, we were much
27 April. Q(5Q^piecl in our thoughts with the aflEairs of the King of
Scotland, because they are of such great importance,
and we vnshed to get the King of England out of his
troubles. Although we have hitherto occupied ourselves
with the concerns of Scotland, it has only been to
deprive the King of France of assistance, and to help
the King of England in the difficulties into which he
has been brought by the so-called Duke of York.
But now that we consider the marriage as concluded,
we regard his affairs as our own. It is, therefore, our
wish to get as much influence over the King of Scot-
land as possible, in order to conclude either peace, or a
long truce between Scotland and England. We believe
that it would be a great impediment to the accomplish-
ment of our intention, if we were to make the marriage
(between Arthur and Katherine) public now. We are
persuaded, therefore, that it would be best to conclude
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THE INTEKCUKSUS MAGNUS 127
a marriage contract now with the King of England, to ^^nrii,
be kept secret till we see where the affairs of Scotland
will stop, or till we send a person of great experience
to procure what is necessary, and to liberate the King of
England from the danger he is in through the Duke of
York. We hope to be able to accomplish this matter,
if we do not lose our credit with the King of Scotland.
As for the alliance, it may be concluded publicly or
secretly, as the King of England prefers. We shall be
contented with either. If the alliance were to be made
public, there would be no inconvenience in it, as it could
be justified by the league. Conclude it without delay
in one way or other.
94.
[The InterouTMis Magnu$ between England and Flanders^ Kings-
ford's " Chronicles," p. 209. Dr. Busch (pp. 367, 373) thinks
Bacon first applied the phrase InUrcursus Mctgnus to this
treaty, but he does not disprove Bacon's statement that 'Hhis
is that treaty which the Flemmings call at this day Intercursus
Magnus". For the text of the Treaty, see below, vol. ii.
No. 149.]
Also in the moneth of Aprill was concluded an Amyte April,
and Entercourse bitwene this land and fSaunders. And
for the assurance of the same, above and besyde both
the Scales of either prynces^ was graunted dyvers Townys
of this land to be bounde, among the which London
was One ; and vpon the Dukes party the quater Mem-
bris w* other ; which sealyng when it shold haue been
perfourmed, the Comons of the Cite wold nat be ag-
greable that their Seale shuld passe. And all be it that
mylord of Derby, my lord Tresorer, the Chyef Justice
of England, Maister Bray, and the M. of the BoUys, by
the kynges commaundement come vnto Guyldehall to
exorte the said comons for the same, yet in no wise
they wold nat be aggreable that the Towne Seale shuld
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128 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
At^, passe: But besought the said loides to graant vnto
thejnn Respite of vj dayes, trustyng by that Season to
shewe in wrytjmg soche Consideracions vnto the kynges
Grace and his Coonsaill, that his grace shuld be ther-
with well contentid; which was to theym graonted,
and ther vppon dyvers billes were dyuysed. Albe it
that for the hasty spede of my lord Chambyrlen, which
at that tyme was Redy to departe to Calejrs to kepe
suche appoyntement as was before concluded. The
Mayrs seale was taken only as in the maner ffoloweth .
95.
[Zftoharia Oontarini to the Doge and Senate of Venioe, " Venetian
Calendar," i. 241-2.]
Augsburg, On Wednesday last the King of the Romans returned
^^ *^' to Augsburg, on the morrow gave audience to the
English ambassador, and yesterday assigned him audi-
tors, namely the Count of Oomia, Dno Vito Ulchstaner
(Wolckenstein), and Dno Conrad Sturcen, who held a
long conference with him.
To-day his Majesty convoked all the ambassadors of
the League, including the writer, and through Monsr.
de Lupiano (Lupyan ?) and Dno Ludovico Bruno inti-
mated to them, that the English ambassador had been
twice with the King and once with the commissioners
appointed him: that from what each of them could
apprehend, he was merely come to spy, and investigate
the projects of the King both about the League and the
Duke of York, notwithstanding which his Majesty had
not failed urging him to join the confederation ; and the
discovery made by them was, that King Henry does
not intend to break with the £jng of France, but wishes
to join the League merely on the condition that it
should not give subsidy, or favour to any party waging
war on him. The 'King of the Romans wished there-
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THE HOLY LEAGUE AGAIN 129
fore to have the opinion of the ambassadors whether May, 1496.
he should dissemble with Sir Christopher Urswick and
dismiss him with fair words, or, on the contrary, let
him see that he did not approve of his policy.
After a preamble setting forth the great benefit that
would accrue to the Holy League by rendering Henry
Vn a member of it, most especially with the obligation
to attack France, the ambassadors answered unani-
mously that he (the King of the Romans) should by no
means dissemble with Sir Christopher, or dismiss him ;
but in such form as of his wisdom he should deem
most expedient, request the King of England to join
the League, with the obligation to attax;k France.
Should all such exertions fail to obtain this result, the
ambassadors proposed that the King of England should
be Cbdmitted on the mere terms imposed on the other
confederates, expressing their conviction that this second
arrangement would not be rejected by King Henry, as
he had already declared to the ambassadors at his court
that he was well disposed so to do.
Contarini and his colleagues then offered, should the
King of the Bomans approve, to mediate with Sir
Christopher Urswick and do all that was possible to
bring the matter to the desired conclusion ; whereupon
Dom. Ludovic Bruno and Monsr. Lupiano took leave,
saying they would acquaint the King of the Bomans
with the views of the ambassadors.
[ZAoham Contarmi to the Doge and Senate of Venice, '' Venetian
Calendar,'' i. 242^.]
After the despatch of his last letters on the 17th, con- aui
ferred again with the English ambassador, who repeated ^
the statement made by him to the King of the Bomans,
VOL. I. 9
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130 THE EEIGN OF HENBY VII
May, 1496. namely, that the King of England, having been requested
by the Pope, the King of the Romans, Spain, Venice,
and Milan, to join the Holy League, was well disposed
to do so, but that, being now at enmity with the Kings
of Scotland and of Denmark, and entertaining suspicion
of the Duke of York and of other rebels in Ireland, he
does not see how he can wage offensive war against the
King of France, or even furnish the subsidies required
by the clauses for a defensive war, both on account of
his being at so great a distance from the confederates
and by reason of the enmity and suspicions aforesaid.
Remarked it was better not to promise than to make
default, and that were the clause relating to subsidies
cancelled, and the articles of the confederation revised and
equalised, that part most especially being limited, and
mention made solely of those having territory in Italy,
the King of England would join the League; and,
should his affairs subsequently assume a firm footing,
he would then do all in his power compatible with his
own honour and the safety of his subjects, adding that
much might be hoped from him.
On the 20th May Contarini and the ambassadors
from Spain and Milan went to the King of the Bomans,
on a summons from him, to discuss the despatch of Sir
Christopher Urswick. The King told them that in
execution of their recent suggestions he had again con-
ferred with Urswick, but being unable to obtain any
addition to the original offer, he expressed himself thus :
" Your King refuses to wage war on the King of France
and also to afford subsidy to the confederates in a de-
fensive war, by reason of the suspicion he entertains of
his enemies, and then proposes a compromise with us,
promising not to help any one who may attack us!
This promise amounts to nothing, for if unable to
succour us, neither could he aid our enemies ".
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TEBM8 OF CONFEDERATION 131
The King of the Bomans then said that he would ask May. 1496.
Urswick, in the presence of the ambassadors, whether
the King of England would aid the Pope, the King of
the Bomans, and the other kings and princes of the
Holy League, and be bound by the same clauses and
obligations as the other confederates ; stating further to
him the perils and accidents which might befall England
should the French King's affairs proceed according to
the latter's plans, and on the other hand the great
benefits that would accrue to the King of England in
the event of his joining the League and waging war on
France: and that on hearing Urswick's rejoinder he
(the King of the Bomans) would consult with the am-
bassadors upon the ultimatum to be given.
Thereupon Sir Christopher Urswick was sent for to
the court, and on his arrival Dns Conrad Sturzen ex-
plained to him, in a suitable and very flowery discourse,
what the King of the Bomans had proposed. The
ambassador's reply was in accordance with the statement
already made ; and when urged to levy war and invade
France, he stated he was not aware that any of the
allies had proceeded to such an act save the Sovereigns
of Spain, nor was it just that his King being the last to
join the confederation, should be amongst the first to
invade : and that, speaking for himself, it seemed to him
fitting, should this war be waged, to stipulate the amount
of troops with which each of the allies was to make the
attack ; how long the war was to last ; in what manner
the conquered provinces and places were to be distri-
buted ; and that none of the parties should be at liberty
to make peace, truce, or any other agreement without
the express consent of the rest. He ended by saying
that, not having any commission, he would acquaint
his King with what the King of the Bomans had caused
to be intimated to him.
9*
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132 THE KEIGN OP HENRY VH
May, U96, When he had done speaking, the King of the Romans
made him withdraw, and said to the ambassadors :
" Shoald you approve, we will dismiss this ambassador,
and send our own ambassadors immediately after him to
negotiate this affair with the representatives of the other
confederates, and also to negociate some form of agree-
ment between him, the King of Scotland, the Duke of
York and others his enemies, provided he bind himself
to attack the King of France;" and the King of the
Romans asked us our opinion, to which he said he should
adhere. We answered unanimously that although he
needed no counsel, nevertheless we would tell him that
we deemed it more expedient to detain the ambassador
here, and ask him to write to his King what had been
told him, so that the King of England being thus ac-
quainted with the intention of the other confederates,
might deliberate and conclude with less loss of time :
on the other hand, should Sir Christopher Urswick seem
more disposed to depart than to remain, in that case
he (the King of the Romans) should give him good and
gracious leave, and refer these negociations to the com-
missioners in England, without sending other ambassa-
dors there.
Says that the reason for persuading the King of the
Romans not to send ambassadors was twofold — first,
because his commission was already in the hands of the
Spanish ambassadors, who would doubtless negotiate
the matter with greater care and pains, so as to bring it
to a good end, than the proper ambassadors of the King
of the Romans, who indeed, to confess the truth, assented
with some little difficulty, on account of the Duke of
York ; and, secondly, because the missions of the King
of the Romans were wont to be more tardy than the
need required.
The King of the Romans replied, that were Sir Chris-
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ENGLAND, FBANCE, AND FLANDERS 133
topher Urswick of another nature than he is, the sag- May, 1490.
gestion of the ambassadors to detain him would have
been excellent, but that as he (Urswick) had been pre-
viously accredited to the King of the Romans, and
having been suborned by the French, made an un-
favourable report of the £jng of the Romans to King
Henry VII, which induced the latter to make peace
with France, the King of the Romans knew that to
detain Urswick could not produce any good result, and
he also believed Urswick would not remain willingly.
The King of the Romans assented not to send ambassa-
dors, but said that until the King of England was safe
from the Duke of York, and from those who favour the
latter, he would never attack the £jng of France, nor
give subsidy to the confederation ; and he therefore
thought it advisable to promise that immediately on the
King of England joining the League, the confederates
would send their ambassadors to arrange these differ-
ences. Thus in substance was Urswick told in our
presence, and that within three days the King of the
Romans would give him gracious leave.
97.
[De Puebla to Ferdinand and IsabeUa, '^ Spanish Oal.," i. p. 103.]
Henry esteems Flanders more than any other power. London.
If Rojas had accomplished what he was requested to ""**
do, anything whatever might have been obtained from
Henry. But Rojas did not only not accomplish it, but
did not even prevent the ambassadors of the Archduke
from doing everything that was disagreeable in England,
giving Henry to understand that the marriage was
** nichil '\ They do not believe it even to this day.
Has in vain implored the ambassadors of the Archduke,
and sworn to them that Ferdinand and Isabella would
regard the affiairs of Flanders as their own, and not
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134 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
June, 1496. have concluded with England, except for the sake of
Flanders. There are very few honest servants in that
country. They are all influenced by personal inter-
est. Rojas, too, has not done his duty, since he has
not excepted Spain, or included her in this treaty.
The affairs of Spain are conducted quite differently
in England. "Would to God that the Archduchess
(Dona Juana) would soon go to Flanders. She will
be able to do much good in England and in Flanders,
especially if she is as wise as the daughter of such
parents is expected to be. Only a few words more
about Scotland. If your Highnesses have the so-called
Duke of York in your power, and hold him in your
Royal hands, you may be sure, according to what I am
told, that you can absolutely do your will in omnibus et
per omnia in England." They are very angry in Eng-
land with the King of the Romans, for having sent the
so-called son of Edward to England.
If they can now accomplish what is stated above,
they will have " all the glory before God and the world *'
to themselves. But they must be very careful, for the
Scotch '* are astute in the highest degree ''.
[Zaoham Oontarini to the Doge and Senate of Venice^ " Venetian
Calendar," i No. 706.]
Auffsburg, Has been told by Dom. Erasmo Brascha that the
14 June. Eaig of the Romans was greatly surprised at hearing,
by the courier from Milan, that the King of England
had sent an ambassador to France, to arrange the dis-
putes with the King of Naples; and that Sir Chris-
topher Urswick made no mention soever of this to him
(the King of the Romans). Brascha affirmed what the
King of the Romans said heretofore, namely, that by
reason of the £jng of England's suspicion of the Duke
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PEKKIN, JAMES IV, AND HENEY VH 136
of York, he will endeavour to be on good terms with Jom. i486,
everybody, and on no account quarrel with the King of
France.
99.
[Qiovanni de Bebaloho to the Milanese aeoretary, ''Milanese
Calendar," i. 299.]
When I asked what news there was of the Duke of MiUn,
York, he ^ replied that the duke was in Scotland, making ^ ^^^'
a marriage with a cousin of the king there. I asked
him if he had heard anything about the Scots invading
England. He said he had not, and that the king of
Scots was very poor as regards money, but he had an
abundance of men, and that the Scots were the enemies
of the English and the friends of the French. I asked
him about English afEairs. He said that the king is
rather feared than loved, and this was due to his avarice.
I asked who ruled him and had control over him. He
said there was only one who can do anything, and he is
named Master Bray, who controls the king's treasure.
The king is very powerful in money, but if fortune
allowed some lord of the blood royal to rise and he had
to take the field, he would fare badly owing to his
avarice ; his people would abandon him. They would
treat him as they did King Bichard, whom they aban-
doned, taking the other side because he put to death
his nephews, to whom the kingdom belonged.
I asked if the King of England had received regularly
every year the sum promised by the King of France.
He said that the last two payments were in arrear,
amounting to 40,000 crowns each. I asked if any
Italian had influence with Master Bray : he said that
Benedetto Bonvixi of Lucca has a good deal. I asked
^ A Florentine, Aldobrandini, who had been in London at Easter
and then at Bruges.
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136 THE KEIGN OP HENRI VH
July. 1496. aboat the feeling of the English towards the French ;
he said it could not be worse, and whenever the king
wished to cross he woold find no lack of as many men
and as mnch money as he wanted. That is all I learned
from him.
100.
[Sir John Ramsay, Lord Bothwell to Henry YII, Eilis's " Original
Letters," Ist Ser. i. 23. Bothwell's services to Henry Vll
were not gratuitous, cf. Bentley's '^Ezoerpta Historica,"
p. 108 : " May 24, To the Lorde Bothwell, £10 ".]
September. Pleaise zonr Qraice anet ^ ye mater yat master Wyot
laid to me I have ben besy about it, and my lord of
Booghcan [Bnchan] takis apon hym ye fulfilling of it,
gyf it be possible ; and thinks best now in yis lang nyt
within his tent to enterprise ye mater ; for he has na
wach hot ye Kings apoinctit to be about him. I put* ^
my Lord zour Letter of ye quhilk he was full glaid and
Weill contentit.
I past to Santandr ' and commonit at lenght vnth ye
kings broder [the archbishop], and gaff him ye cros bow.
He commends his servis humbly to zour Graice, and
sayes he intendis to do zour Grace serves, and will not,
for ought ye Eang can do, cum to 3ris ost ^ againis zour
Graice.* And now my lord of Mrray pass' o^ [over] to
him gyff ye King cmnmis to yis Jomay, as I dout not he
will, in contrar his barronr' willis and all his hail peplen,
and my Lord will solist 3ris zoung Prince [James IV's
brother] to cum to zour Graice.
Sr, I ondirstand, ye xxviii day of August, yar com a
man out of Carlell to Perkin, and eftir Perkin brought
him in to ye Eang I remanit to ondirstand ye mater.
^ Anent, oonoeming. ' presented.
' St. Andrews. * host.
' James IV invaded England in September, 1496.
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PERKIN IN SCOTLAND 137
I was inf ormit secretely yat yis man sould have commyn SOTtombor,
fra Randell of Dacre, broder to ye lord Dacre, and fra
the Sceltonis for mekyll [Michael ?] Scelton yat is her
had ye conyoyanc[6] of him.
Sr, ondoutitly thir Northmnbirland men commonys
schrevitly^ at dayis of meting, and at dayis secretly
apoinctit betwix yam and Scottsmen ; and evere day
throw yam yir * vacabtinds escapis, cummyn to Perkin ;
and sundry w'tings cummys; and now newlinge an'
Hatfeld yat was wonnt dwell with my lord of Oxinfurd,
and he tellis mony tydings.
Sr, sen it is yat ye King of Scotts will in no wyse be
inclinit to ye gad of peax nor amyte, without he haf
his mynd fnlfiUit efter onr last commonyng with my
lord of Duresme [Richard Poxe] in Berwick, I trast
verraly zoor Graice sail have zour intent sa zonr sud-
getts her indevor yam well, for surly 3ri8 Jomay ye king
intends to mak, is contrar ye will of ye haill pepill, and
yai ar not well apoinctit therfore, and will zour Grace
send bot douxen^ Chyf tains and men of autorite to
reulle, I dout not, with ye f ok * yat ar her, zour Grace
sail have ye best daywerk of zour inemys y* ony King
of Englond had yis jC. zers.
Sr, I have shewin ye Bang of Scotts yis band of ye
erle of Deschemonds, and he will scarsly beleve it.
And now I send it to zour Grace agan be this berrar.
101.
[Bothwell to Henry YII, Ellis's '' Original Letters," 1st Ser. i. 25.]
Schir, I commend my servis humbly to zour EUghtnes, Berwick,
and all this lang tyme I have remaint ondir respit and J^^***™'
assurans within ye realm of Scotland, and mast in ye
^shrewdly. 'their. 'one.
* a dozen. ' folk.
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138 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
Sentomber. court about ye King, geven ^ attendans and making lau-
boris to do zoor Graice ye best serves I can, and has
full oft tymes eolist ye Kings hightnes and aU ye weill
avisit lordes of his Realm to lef ye favor and supports
ya ^ geve to jris fenyt boy, and stand in amjrte and gud
love and peax with zour hightnes, to ye quhilk ye King
in his ansurs and wourdis saps alwayis he wald erest '
sa he myt have sic things concludit as my lord of
Duresme com for ; an gyf yat be not, I ondirstand with-
out dout jds instant xv. day of September the King, with
all ye haill ^ peple of his realm he can mak, v^ilbe at
Ellam kyrk within x myll of ye marchis of England,
and PerMn and his company with hym ; the quhilk ar
now in noum' xiiijC. of aU maner of acionis;^ and
without question has now concludit to enter within yis
zour Realm ye xvij day of ye sam monetht in ye quarrell
of yis said fenit boy, notwithstanding it is agens ye
mynds of nerrest ye hall* noum' of his barronr* and
peple, ba* ^ for ye danger y* yk>f ^ myght follow, and for
ye inconvenience of ye ceaison ; notwithstanding yis
sempill woulfulnes can not be removit out of ye Kings
mynd for na persuasion nor mean, I trast verraly, that
God will he be punyst be zour mean, for ye cruell consent
of ye mourdir of his fadyr.
Sr, ye secund day of September ye King send for his
lords y* war nerrest about hym, and causit yam to pas
in ye chambre of counsall, and thareftir callit Perkyn
to yam, and yai laid mony desiris to him bat anent ye
restorance of ye vii Hesdomis,^ ye deliuerie of ye castell
and toune of Bervek, and also for ye listing of ye kings
arme, and for charges maid apone him and his company
to bind him to pay jC thousand marks within v. zers
igiying.
•they.
•first.
* whole.
> nations.
• whole.
7 both.
> that thereof.
* Sherifidoms.
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CHAKLES Vni'S MEDIATION 139
efter his entre. To yis askit he delay quhill ye mome ; September.
and on ye mom enterit he in ye counsall and touk with
him Sir George Nevall, Lovnd ye prest,^ and Herron,
and efter lang commonyng has bonnd him to deliver
Bervik, and to pay for ye costs maid on him f yf ty thou-
sand marks in taa zers, and yus is 3ris takin up in wryt-
ing.
Alsa I past to Santandr' with ye King and yar saw ye
rassayyng of ye lord Conquersalt and I did sa mekle yat
bat I red his letter and credence, ye quhilks war ryght
thankfully wretin, bering in effect how ye king of Franc
ondirstud yat yar^ was ingenering' a great apperans
of debat betwixt zour Sghtnes and ye King of Scotts,
and how y* he of consideracion thar of had sent ye lord
Conquersalt to ondirstand ye Kings mynd and ye oc-
casions of ye sammyn, quhidder zour Grace or the said
King of Scotts war in ye fait ; and becaus of ye tendernes
of blud and also ye tendir amyte he stands in with eou
ba*, he prayit ye King y* he myt be anonper * betuix zu
to set zu at concord, for he ondirstud be zour writings
send be Bichmound and Gyenis y* mekell of this onkynd-
nes movit of ye party of ye king of Scotts. And efter
yis ye king past to counsaill and touk ye lord Conquer-
salt and sheu how it was all movit on ye party of Eng-
land, and how he had lost sa mony schippis, sa great
herschippis of catall on ye borders; and efter yis ye
lord Conquersalt was bot right soft in ye solistacion of
yis peax, and to myn apperance maid bot litill diligens
herin, sajring to my selff, efter I desirit him to mak dili-
gens, it was no wounder zo^ ye king war sterrit to on-
kyndnes.
Fordir I have sought out of yis said lord Conquersalt,
and ondirstande werraly,^ he has laid to ye King to
1 See below, No. 123. ' there. ' engendering.
* an umpire. * verily.
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140 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
September, have yis Said Perkin send in to !
myance ^ ye king of Scotts sail hi
> France ; and he sail mak
1 have for him jC. thousand
crounis, and zit lauhoris apone ye sammyn. This I
knaw for certain, to qnhat pnrpos I ondirstand not, hot
I wait ^ well ye lord Conquersalt show me ye king of
Franc wald not ye King maryt' with zour Grace;*
alsoo he schow me how great inqaesicion was maid to
onderstand of Perkins byrthe ba^ be ye admirall and
him; and than I schew him ye Wryting I had of
Meautes, and he planly said he nevir ondirstud it hot
rather trouit* ye contrary, and I think his cummyn
hudyr* has don hot litiU gud, for he and ye boye ar
eyerie day in comisaill.
Sr, zo* yis be prevy, and zo* he be my cuntreman,
I beand zonr servand, I welbot schew ye treucht ; and
ford' ^ I sail schew zoor Grace at my cummyn.
Sr, I wrait how Sr George Nevill and his complices
war bondid befor my lord of Murray and me ; and
anon efter I gat zour last wryting to yat effect I assayit
ye said Sr George and he ansuerid me yat he was
inclinit to be at ye commandement of the King of
Scotts and gyf zour Grace and he agreet he sould tharin
quyt him of Perkin ; and now yai stand in anew coun-
sort; and yus I will not schew zour wryting, bot I
dout not he and all ye remanent will repent it; but
surly in ye counsaill he desirit yis Dyet sould be put
of quhill ye next somer, & y* he said me was for ye
pleasor of zour Grace ; and I answerit ze karit not for
his pleasor or displeasor.
Sr, and it be not yat zour Grace pas in agrement
with ye King of Scotts, as me semes ze neid litill, and
zour Graice ondirstud all things, I dout not ye zoung
^ means. ' wot.
' married. * Into your Qraoe's family.
* trowed. • hither. ' further.
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JAMES IV'S EASHNESS 141
aventarasnes of ye King will ba* joapert himselfif, yeSfl^tomber.
boy, and all his peple : and will zour graice do a part of
my sempill avertisement, I dout not yar Joumay salbe
repentit in to Scotland yis hnndret zer to cam : and be
Qod him selff, yar sal be na her ^ in England sail mar
willingly nor treuly help yarto, becans I find him sa fer
onte of reason, and sa litill inclinit to gudnes, hot all to
traublen and cmelte, without his wilbe fnlfillit in all
poincts ; and wat he avis weill snybbit,* he wald be ye
better avisit qnhill he lenit.*
Sr, king Edward had never fully ye perfit love of his
peplen quhill he had wer off Scotland ; and he mad sa
gud diligence and provision tharin, that to yis our ^ he
is lovit ; and zour Grace may als well, and has als gud
atyme as he had ; for I tak on me ye King of Scotts
had not a C. pounds quhill now y^ he has cunzet ^ his
chenys, his plat, and his copbords, and yar was nevir
pepiU wars* content of ye kings guvemans yan yai ar
now. Notwithstanding I have ben sa lang and desirusly
inclinit to ye amyte, now seing ye fait in ye king of
Scotts, I salbe als willing to do ye contrar ; and, cum it
to apruff,^ yar vill meny be contrar his opunion. Thar
is mony of his faderis servants wald se a ramedy of ye
ded ® of his fadyr zit.*
Please your Graice to send me wourd quhat serves or
Oder thing I sail do, for I salbe redy to do zour com-
mandements at my power ; and now Is cum ^^ in within
zour Bealm to avait opon zour Grace or on quhom
zour Grace will apoinct me; and I sail not faill be
Godds grace in 3ris besinis to do gud and exceptable
serves, and yar salbe na preve thing don, noudyr about
' No lord ? * snabbed. ' tUl he leaye it.
* hoar. » coined. • worse. ' a proof.
> deaths though Sir Henry ElliB soggeets *' deed *\
• yet. ** I am oome.
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142 THE REIGN OP HENRY VII
ib«r. ye king nor in his ost, hot zonr Grace sail have knan-
lage tharof ; and that that is trew and onfenit, for I
have stable sit sic myance or I deparidt.^
Sr, her is cummyn oat of Flandrs Rodyk de la Lane
with twa Utill schippis and iij». off Almans. I stud by
qnhen ye King ressavit him in presence of Perkin ; and
thus he said in Franch. " Sr, I am cummyn her
accordyng to my promys, to do zour EQghtnes servis,
and for non oder mans saik am I cum her, for and I had
not had zour letters of warand I had ben arrestit in
Flandrs, and put to great trouble for Perkins sak ; "
and he com not ner Perkin ; and than cam Perkin to
him, and he salut him, and askit how his Ant did ; and
he said '' well " ; and he inquirit gyf he had ony letters
fra hir to him, and he sad he durst bring nan, hot he
had to ye Eang. And surly he has brought ye king
sundry pleasant things for ye wer,^ ba^ for man and
hors.
Sr, and zour Graice have agud ' army on ye see, ze
my* do a greasbt act, for all ye schipmen and inhabitants
[of] ye havin towns pass with ye king belaud and yus
mjr* all thar navy be distroyit and havin touns brynt.
I past in ye Castell of Edinburght, and saw ye pro-
vision of Ordinance, ye quhilk is hot litill, that is to say
ij. great curtaldis * y* war send out of France, x. f alconis
or litill serpentinis,^ xxx cart gunnis of ime with
chawmeris,* and xvi clos carts for spers, powder,
stanis ^ and odir stuf to yir gunnis longin.
Sr, I dout nathing, hot gyf thar folkis at yar entre
within iiij or v nyghts be so wery for waching and for
lak of wetaillis^ yat ya sail call on ye king to ratome
^ I have eatablished such meanB before I departed.
3 war. ' a good. * short pieces of ordnance.
s small artillery. * chambers.
^ stones used as cannon balls. " victuals.
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THE SCOTTISH DEFEAT 143
hame, and yns ratomyng ya sail not be f onghten Sraiamber,
withall. That it wald pleas zoor Grace efter yar entre
in England y ye folkis of Northumbreland and ye
byschoprek ^ rate it to ye bed of Nortbumbreland west-
wart, and sa com northwart, noght streight apon ye Scotts
ost, bot sydlings, qnhill yai war ba* elyk * northt and
southt apon yam ; and yan I wald yir said folks fell in
on yar bakks, and before yame to encounter yam ye
power of Zorkschir ; and yns gyt yai oudyr * refit or
fled abak, ya myt not escap, bot be fonghtin with all ;
for considering 3ris lang ny* and ye great baggage and
cariags, xx M men war als sufficient as jC. thousand :
and yir folks behind yam wald put yam to agrettar
affiray yan twys samony * eflfor yam. Sr, I have herd
the disputacionis of my cuntremen, and yarfor I wryt
yis clause. Fordyr ye holy T'nite manten zour honor
and estat in etemall felicite. W'tin at Bervek ye yiij
day of Septembre.
102.
[The Soottiish invasioD, Eingsford's ^' OhronioleB," p. 210.]
And this yere in the moneth of Septembre the kyngi; septem
of Scottes, w* baner displayd, w* greate nombre of^'*
Scottes Entred iiij myle w^yn this land, and brent
housis and cast downe ij smale Towers or pyles, makyng
greate host and brag. But when he vnderstood of the
lord Nevelles comyng w* iiij m* men, and other of the
March party comyng after to haue given hym bataill,
at mydnyght aftir, he w^ his people departed in such
hast that ovir the water of Twede, which in his
comyng in to this land he was ij dayes in conveyng,
at his Botoumyng home he was, and all his people
sette oner in viij owres.
^ I.e. of Durham. ^ alike. ' either. * so many.
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144 THE EEIGN OP HENBY Vn
1496. 103.
[Ayala's miBsion to Rngland, '^ MiUneBe Calendar/' L 307.]
1 October. The Sovereigns of Spain also have a hand in them
[English affairs], and although an ambassador is resident
there, they have sent Don Pedro de Ayala, who should
have arrived several days ago ; and thereby depend the
laws and the prophets,^ that the king may act as we
desire. You will hear things to please you for the
king's service.
104.
[A loan from the oity ; Lord Fitzwalter's exeontion, Kingsford's
*' Chronicles," p. 212.]
18 Novem- Also vpon the Sonday folowyng [the xviij*h day of
Nouembre] was sent from the kyng M. sir Regnold
Bray, with other of the kynges Counsell, to the Mair
to borow of the Citie xml h. And vpon the Thursday
next folowyng was graunted by a Comon Counsell to
lende to the kyng iiij m^ li.
Also the same weke at Caleis was beheded the lord
fStzwater, which before season for his offence had de-
serued to dye, albe it that the kyng of his mooste specyall
grace pardoned hym of his lyt, commyttyng hym to
Gujmys, there to haue remayned as prisoner where he
wold haue broken prison, ffor the which and other
offences approved ageyn hym he dyed; vpon whose
soule Jhesu haue mercy !
1 Of. Bacon's passage, *' Amongst these troubles both civil and
external, came into Ekigland from Spain Peter Hialas, some call
him Ellas (sorely he was the forerunner of the good hap, that we
enjoy this day. For his ambassage set the truce between England
and Scotland ; the truce drew on the peace ; the peace the mar-
riage ; and the marriage the union of the kingdoms)."
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MOKTON'S PATBIOTIC EXHORTATIONS 145
1497. iw.
105.
[Opening of Henry VII'b sixth parliament, ''Bot. ParL," tL
609.J
Memorandum quod die Lune, sexto decimo dieiejana-
Januani, anno regni Regis Henrici Septimi post^^*
Conquestum duodecimo; . . . Beverendissimus Pater
Johannes Cardinalis, Archiepiscopus Cantuar', Cancel-
larius AnglisB . . . pronunciavit & declaravit ; assumens
pro exordio quandam Bomanorum notissimam his-
toriam diu per Hannibalem suosque complices fatiga-
torum peneque devictorum post cladem Canensem,
nisi bonorum virorum consilio potiti, quasi de gravi
sompno evigilantes, resumptis viribus, Scipionem cum
exercitu Cartaginem destinassent. Et prosecutus est
palam ac dilucide commemorando, primo facta & exempla
majorum & strenuorum virorum, licet gentilium &
paganorum, ut puta Curcii, ScevolsB, Beguli & aliorum,
qui rempublicam sue saluti preferentes, potius morte
crudelissima mori elegerunt, quam patriam periclitari
conspicerent ; quorum exemplo patriam ante omnia
tutandam liberandamque esse persuasit : neque avaricie
vel private utilitati inhiandum esse, quemadmodum
temporibus Marii & Siile, Pompei & Julii Cesaris factum
intelleximus, quorum finis repentinus preproperusque
interitus fuit. Neque hiis modo paganorum exemplis
aut historiis pro patria pugnandum moriendumque
esse ostendit; verum eciam id jure divino, canonico
& civili faciendum fore, exemplo Machabeorum,
aliorumque sanctorum patrum comprobandum, alle-
gando pro suo proposito Sanctorum Augustini, Thome,
aliorumque theologorum auctoritates, necnon decreta,
decretales leges, legumque doctores copiosissime. Sec-
VOL. I. 10
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146 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
January, undo, declaravit dilncide treagam & guerramm absti-
nentiam initas & conclusas, inter commissarios serenissi-
mi domini nostri, & Scotorom regem, Anno Domini
millesimo quadragentesimo nonagesimo quarto, mense
Aprili, usque ad septennium proximum sequendum
pleneque complendum duraturas . . . Tercio, ultimoque
ostendit qualiter, non obstante dictarum treugarum
firmissimo ut estimabatur federe percusso, inyiolabilique
ex parte illustrissimi domini nostri regis observancia
ejusdem, dictus Scotorum rex temerarie, contra omnem
fidem, equitatem & justiciam, sine causa, occasione vel
monicione aliqua, paucis ante diebus, regnum hoc
invictissimi domini nostri regis, cum innumerosissimo
exercitu, vexillis extensis, hostiliter invasit, cede &
incendio multa comminuens: cui malo mature opor-
tuneque prospicere omnes ad presens Parliamentum
convocatos esse denunciavit, quibus patria non minus
quam vita chara esse deberet
106.
[The Ooniish rebellion, Eingsford's '^ Ohronides," p. 213. Com-
pare Fenley's *' Town Chronioles," p. 173, and the '* Qreyfriara'
Chronicle," p. 25. The latter chronicle says that 30,000 rebels
rose.]
May-June. In the latter Ende of May the Comons of Cornewaill
assembled theym in greate numbre, of the which was
capeteyn a blak smyth ; and so came to Exetir, wherfore
the kyng in all hast departed w^ a few people from
Shene Towardes theym. And where my lord Chamberleyn
was before appojmted that at that season he shuld haue
goon north ward for the defence of the Scottes w^ viij ml
Sowdiours, he was sent by the kyng towardes the said
Comysshe men ; and he departid from the kyng from
4 June. Shene the Sonday before Saynt Barnabes day. And
the kyng went from Shene the Monday next f olowyng ;
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THE CORNISH REBELLION 147
and the Quene w^ my lord of York came vpon Tuesday June. 1497.
to Coldharboroagh, and there lay till the Monday folow- 12 Jane,
yng, from whens her grace w* my said lord of york,
of the age of vj yeres or thereaboute, Removed vnto
the Tonre of London. And vpon the same Monday cer-
teyn tydynges wer brought vnto the Mair that the said
Comons wer in femam,^ In whose cumpemy was the
lord Awdley. And their cumpany was at that day
accompted to the numbre of xv ml men. And the Tues-
day folowyng, which was the xiij*^ day of Junii, was a i^ Jw>«'
generall Wacche in London. And the same after none
my lord Chamberleyn w* other knyghtes, accompanyed
w* vii] or X m^ horsemen, came vnto hounslow heth,
whether was sent by the Mair certeyn Cartes w* wyne
and vitaile.
And vpon Weddensday, in the tyme of the generall
procession, came certeyn tydynges vnto the Mair that
the forsaid Comons wer at Guylford, and vpon gille
downe the same day certeyn Sperys of my lord
Chamberleyns Cumpany to the numbre of vC. bekered
w* theym, and slew some of theym and hurt and toke
ij of their Sperys, which ij Spere men wer brought vnto
my lord Chamberleyn. And the Thursday, at nyghtisjune.
after x of the Clok, the Oost of my lord Chamberleyn
came into Saynt Georges ffelde, and there lay that nyght.
And the same Thursday all the Comysshe men removed
to Bansted Downe, and the nyght after in to Sussex
toward Rayle. And the kyng w^ his people and Ost
lay that nyght aboute Henley vpon Themys. And the
said nyght was Secret Meanes made vnto my lord
Chamberleyn by dyuers of the Comysshe men, that it
wold please his lordship to be a meane vnto the kynges
grace that the said Comons of Comwaill myght haue
for thejrm a generall pardon; And they wold of a
^Farnham.
10*
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148 THE BEIGN OF HENEY VH
June. 1497. Suyrtie bryng in to my said lord Chamberlejm the said
lord Awdeley, And their other hede capitayne the Smyth.
16 June. Vpon the flEriday f olowyng in the mornyng, aboute viij of
the Clok, the Ost of my lord Chamberleyn Bemoved
out of the ffeeld, and went toward Croydon ; but they
after Betoumed agayn, so that by ij of the Clok they
wer all in the forenamed ffelde of Saynt Georges. And
that after none came also thider the kynges Oste w^
many of his lordes. And when the Mair with his
Bret^em and all the chief craftes of the Citie were redy
standyng in hameys from the Brigge vnto Graschurche
to Beceyve the kyng, which as the Mair had vnderstan-
dyng that his grace that nyght wold haue comen to
the Tower, tydynges came to the Majrr that the kyng
entendid that nyght to lye at Lambhith, so that then
euery man departid home ; and the kynge was after seen
in the ffeelde, and abrewjmg and comfortyng of his
people, the which wer numbred vpon xxv m^ men. And
the Comysshe men this after none came agayn vnto the
blak heth, and there pitched their ffeeld, and there lay
all that nyght in greate Agony and variaunce ; ffor some
of theym were myended to haue comyn to the kyng,
and to hau yolden theym and put theym fully in his
mercy and grace, but the Smyth was of the contrary
myenda And vpon the mornyng, aboute vj of the Clok
iZJxme. of the Saterday, beyng the xvij*^ day of Juyn, sir
Humfrey Stanley w* his Cumpany set vpon theym, and
my lord of Oxinford and other vpon all other partes, so
that wMn a short season, or evir the kjmg myght ap-
proche the ffeld, they were distressid ; Albe it that my
lord Chamberleyn hastid hym in all possible wise, in
such maner that hym self was in greate daunger, at
whos comyng anon they fledde. And there was taken ^
^BenUey, "Exoerpta Historiea," p. 112: '* 23 June. To one
that toke the Lorde Audeley, £1. To my Lorde Daores servant that
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DEFEAT AND EXECUTION OF KEBELS 149
the lord Awdley, and a Gentilman called fflammok, and June, 1487.
their Capitayn the Smyth, all three on lyve and vnhart,
and moche of their people slayn, and many taken
prisoners. And this done the kyng Bode to the place
where they had pitched their ffelde. . . . And after was
dyners of the said Prisoners sold, some for xii d. and
snmme for more. And upon Monday folow3mg the lord
Awdeley, the forsaid flammok, and the Smyth, whos
name was Mychaell Joseph, wer before the kjmg and the
lordes of his coonsaill within the Tower, and there ex-
amined.
107.
[The execution of Lord Audley and other rebels, Kingaford's
" Chronicles," p. 216.]
Ye haue hard before how that the Smyth, Capitayn 26-28 June,
of the forsaid Comons of Cornewaill, wer taken at the
blak heth w* many moo, as the lord Awdley, flammok,
and many other ; which said Smyth and fflammok wer
vpon the Monday, beyng the xxvj day of Juyn, Arayned
in the White ball at Westmynster, and there adiuged ;
and vpon the morow, Tuesday folowyng, the said Smyth
and £9ammok wer drawen from the Tower through the
Citie vnto Tiborn ; and ther hanged till they wer dede,
and after stryken downe, and heded and after quaterid.
And the same day was the lord Awdley had from the
Tower to Westm*, the Axe of the Tower borne byfore
hym. And there in the White hall a-Beyned and
adiuged; and that after none drawen from Westm'
vnto Newgate, and there Bemayned all nyght. And
vpon Weddensday in the momyng, aboute ix of the
Clok, drawen from the said Qaole of Newgate vnto the
toke the Lorde Audeley, for his costs, £1 68. 8d. ... 30 June.
To one that toke the Lorde Audley, £2."
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150 THE BEIGN OF HENBY VH
June, 1497. Tower hill w* a cote armour vpon hym of papir, all to
tome ; and there his hede stryken off : vpon whos Sotde,
and all christen god haue mercy! ament And after
his hede set vpon the Brigge. The cause of Bysyng of
those Comons was after the Comon ffame for the graunt
of swich money as was graunted at the last parliament,
for the which the said Comons put in blame the Arch-
bisshop of Caunterbury, my lord Cardjmall, also the
Archebisshop [sic] of Durham, the Bisshop of Bathe, Sir
Beynold Bray and Sir Thomas Lovell, knyghtes, w*
other ; which persones their myendes was to have dis-
troyed; this was their owteward Colour, what their
Inward intent was God knoweth, but what hath ensued
of like besynesse is euydent, as by Jak Straw, Jak Cade
and other.
108.
[Perkin Warbeck's prodamation, Brit. Mus. "Birch MS." 4160.
This MS. was toransoribed in 1616 from an original in the " Cotton
MSS.," which was subsequently destroyed by fire ; another tran-
script, which is identical except for some variations of spelling,
is in *' Harleian MS.," 283 f. 123b ; and a third, which is less
accurate, is in '' Egerton MS.," 2219.]
Joij. Eichard by the grace of God King of England, and of
France, Lord of Ireland, Prince of Wales. To all those,
that these our present letters shall see, hear or read, and
to every of them greeting. And wheras We in our
tender age, escaped by God's great might out of the
Tower of London, and were secretly conveyed over the
sea to divers other countries, there remaining certain
years as unknown. The which season it happened one
Henry son to Edmond Tydder — Earl of Bichmond
created, son to Owen Tydder of low birth in the country
of Wales — to come from France and entered into this
our realm, and by subtle false means to obtain the
crown of the same unto us of right appertaining :
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PERKIN WAEBECK'S PROCLAMATION 151
"Which Henry is our extreme, and mortal enemy, as soon Jiiiy. 1487.
as he had knowledge of our being alive, imagined, com-
pcMsed and wrought, all the subtle ways and means he
could devise, to our final destruction, insomuch as he
has not only falsely surmised us to be a feigned person,
giving us nicknames, so abusing your minds ; but also to
deter and put .us from our entry into this our realm, hath
offered large sums of money to corrupt the princes of
every land and country, and that we have been retained
with, and made importune labour to certain of our ser-
vants about our person — some of them to murder our
person, and other to forsake and leave our righteous
quarrel, and to depart from our service, as by Sir Robert
Clyfford and other was verified and openly proved ; and
to bring his cursed and malicious intent aforesaid to his
purpose, he hath subtilly and by crafty means levied
outrageous and importable sums of money upon the
whole body of our realm to the great hurt and im-
poverishing of the same. All which subtle and corrupt
labours by him made to our great jeopardy and peril
we have by God's might graciously escaped and over-
passed as well by land as by sea, and be now with the
right high and mighty prince, our dearest cousin the
Eing of Scots ; which without any gift or other thing
by him desired or demanded to the prejudice or hurt of
us or our crovm or realm hath full lovingly and kindly
retained us, by whose aid and supportation we in proper
person be now by God's grace entered into this our
realm of England, where we shall shew ourselves
openly unto you ; also confounding our foresaid enemy
and all his false sayings, and also every man of reason
and discretion may well understand that him needed
not to have made the foresaid costages and importune
labour if we had been such a feigned person as he un-
truly surmiseth, ascertaining you how the mind and
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152 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Jnij, 1497. intent of the foresaid noble prince our dearest cousin, is,
if that he may or see our subjects and natural liege
people according to right and the duty of their allegi-
ance, resort lovingly unto us with such power as by
their puissance shall move, be able of likelyhood to dis-
tress and subdue our enemies, he is fully set and deter-
mined to return home again quietly with his people to
his own land, without doing or suffering to be done
any hurt or prejudice unto our realm or the inhabitants
of the same. Also our great enemy to fortify his false
quarrel, hath caused divers nobles of this our realm,
whom he hath suspect and stood in dread of, to be
cruelly murdered, as our cousin the Lord Fitzwalter,^
Sir William Stanley, Sir Robert Chamberlayne, Sir
Simon Montford, Sir Robert Radcliffe, William Dau-
beney, Humphrey Staflford among other besides such as
have dearly bought their lives ; some of which nobles
are now in the sanctuary. Also he hath long kept and
yet keepeth in prison, our right intirely well-beloved
cousin Edward son and heir to our uncle Duke of
Clarence, and others, withholding from them their right-
full inheritance, to the intent they ne should be of
might and power to aid and assist us at our need after
the duty of their leigeance. He hath also married by
compulsion certain of our sisters, and also the sister of
our foresaid cousin the Earl of Warwick, and divers
other ladies of the blood royal, unto certain his kinsmen
and friends of simple and low degree and putting apart
all well disposed nobles he hath none in favour and
trust about his person but Bishop Fox, Smith, Bray,
Lovell, Oliver King, Sir Charles Somerset, David Owen,
iFitzwalter was executed at Calais in November, 1496 (see
above, p. 144). This allusion shows that this proolamatlon should
be associated with James lY's invasion of July, 1497, rather than
with that of September, 1496.
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HENRY'S VICTIMS AND ADVISERS 153
Rysley, Sir James Tnrborville, Tylere, Robert Litton, July. 1497.
Guildeforde, Chumley, Empson, James Hobart, John
Cutte, Garthe, Hansey, Wyat, and such others, caitiffs
and villains of simple birth, which by subtle inventions
and pilling of the people have been the principal finders,
occasioners and counsellors of the misrule and mischief
now reigning in England.
Also we be credibly informed that our said Enemy not
regarding the wealth and prosperity of this land, but
only the safeguard and surety of his person, hath sent
in to divers places out of our realm the foresaid nobles
and caused to be conveyed from thence to other places
the treasure of this our realm, purposing to depart after
in proper person with many other Estates of the Land,
being now at his rule and disposition. And if he should
be so suffered to depart, as God defend, it should be to
the greatest hurt jeopardy and perill of the whole realm
that could be thought or imagined ; wherefore we desire
and pray you and nevertheless charge you and every of
you, as ye intend the surety of yourself and the com-
monwealth of our land your native ground, to put you
in your most effectual devoirs with all diligence to the
uttermost of your power to stop and let his passage out
of this our realm ; ascertaining you that what person or
persons shall fortune to take or distress him shall have
for his or their true acquittal in that behalf after their
estate and degrees, so as the most low and simplest
of degree that shall happen to take or distress him shall
have for his labour one thousand pounds in money and
houses and lands to the yearly value of one hundred
marks to him and his heirs for ever. We remembering
these premises with the great and execrable offences
daily committed and done by our foresaid great enemy
and his adherents in breaking the libertys and fran- .
chises of our Mother Holy Church, to the high dis-
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154 THE EEIGN OF HENBT VH
Juij, 1497. pleasure of Almighty God, besides the manifold treasons,
abominable murders, manslaughters, robberies, extor-
sions, the daily pilling of the people by dismes, taskes,
tallages, benevolences and other unlawful impositions
and grievous exactions, with many other heinous
offences, to the likely destruction and desolation of the
whole realm, as God defend, shall put ourself effectually
in our devoir, not as a stepdame, but as the very true
mother of the child, languishing and standing in perill
to redress and subdue the foresaid mischief and misrule,
and to punish the occasioners and haunters thereof
after their deserts in example of others. We shall
also by Grod's grace and the help and assistance of the
great Lords of our blood with the Council of other sad
persons of approved policy, prudence and experience,
dreading God and having tender zeal and affection to
indifferent ministration of Justice, and the pubUc Weal
of the land, peruse and call to remembrance the good
Laws and Customes heretofore made by our noble
progenitors Kings of England and see them put in due
and lawfull Execution, according to the effect and true
meaning they were first made ordained for ; so that by
virtue thereof, as well the disinheriting of rightfull heirs,
as the injuries and wrongs in any wise committed and
done unto the subjects of our realm, both spiritual and
temporal shall be duly redressed, according to right, law
and good conscience : and shcdl see that the commodi-
ties of our resdm be employed to the most advantage of
the same intercourse of merchandise betwixt realm and
realm to be ministred and handled as shall now be to
the common weal and prosperity of our subjects, and
all such dismes, tasks, tallages, benevolences, unlawfull
impositions and grievous exactions as be above rehersed,
utterly to be fordone and laid apart and never from
henceforth to be called upon but in such causes, as our
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PEEKIN'S PROMISES 155
noble progenitors, Kings of England, have of old time July, 1497.
been accastomed to have the aid sncconr and help of
their subjects and true liegemen.
Also we will that all snch persons, as have imagined,
compassed or wrought privily or apparently since the
reign of our foresaid enemy, or before anything against
OS, except such as since the reign have imagined our
death, shall have their free pardon for the same of their
lives lands and goods; so that they at this time,
according to right and the duty of their allegiances, take
our righteous quarrell and part, and aid, comfort and
support us with their bodys and goods.
And over this we let you wit, that upon our foresaid
enemy, his adherents and partakers, with all other such
as will take their false quarrel and stand in their defence
agst OS with their bodys and goods, we shall come and
enter upon them as their heavy lord, and take and
repute them and every of them as our traitours and
rebels ; and see them punished according ; and upon all
other our subjects, that according to right and the duty
of their liegeaunce will aid succour and comfort us to
their powers with their lives or goods or victual our
host for ready money ; we shall come and enter upon
them lovingly as their natural liege lord, and see they
have justice to them equally ministered upon their
causes. Wherefore we will and desire you and every of
you that incontinent upon the hearing of this our pro-
clamation ye, according to the duty of your allegeances,
arready yourselves in your best defensible array, and
give your personal attendance upon us where we shcdl
then fortune to be, and in your so doing ye shall find
us your right speciall and singular good lord, and so to
see you recompensed and rewarded as by your service
shall be unto us deserved.
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166 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
iw. 109.
[Henry VII to the Mayor and dtixena of Waterford, Halliwell*a
"Letters,"!. 174.]
Wood- Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you, and have re-
Tkagfut, ceived your writing, bearing date the iSrst day of this
instant month ; whereby we conceive that Perkin
Warbeck came unto the Haven of Cork the 25*t day
of July last passed, and that he intendeth to make sail
thence towards our county of Cornwall : for the which
your certificate in this part, and for the true minds that
you have always borne towards us, and now especially for
the speedy sending of your said writing which we re-
ceived the 5th day of this said month, in the morning,
we give unto you our right hearty thanks, as we have
singular cause so to do ; prajring you of your good per-
severance in the same, and also to send unto us by your
writing such news from time to time as shall be occurr-
ent in those parts ; whereby you shall minister unto us
full good pleasure to your semblable thanks hereafter,
and cause us not to forget your said good minds unto
us in any your reasonable desires for time to come.
Given under our signet, at our manor of Woodstock,
the 6th day of August.
Over this we pray you to put you in effectual diligence
for the taking of the said Perkin, and him so taken to
send unto us; wherein you shall not only singularly
please us, but shall have also for the same, in money
counted, the sum of a thousand marks sterling for your
reward ; whereunto you may verily trust, for so we
assure you by this our present letter, and therefore we
think it behoveful that you set forth ships to the sea
for the taking of Perkin aforesaid. For they that take
him or bring or send him surely unto us, shall have un-
doubtedly the said reward.
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JAMES IV'S SECOND INVASION 167
110. 1497.
[News reoeived from Bngland^ by letters dated 24 August, " Milan-
ese Calendar/' L 320.]
First of all, by God's grace, the king and the whole liondon,
Court were in good condition, and on the 17**^ August ''*'*"^'
were at a place called Woodstock, fifty miles from Lon-
don, where it is said they would reside until Michael-
mas, more or less according to circumstances.^ That
in that place on the 14*^ July, there had been firmly
concluded and published the marriage of the daughter
of the King of Spain to the eldest son of the King of
England, and she was to come over next spring. That
the King of Scotland with his whole army, accompanied
by the individual who styles himself the Duke of York,
had been besieging a place in England on the seashore,
and King Henry had sent his forces, numbering 40,000
men, by sea and land to give battle. So they fought
and many fell on both sides, the King of Scotland being
put to flight, abandoning all his artillery; but as the
matter is very recent, the writer was unable to learn
the numbers of the slain. The English were pursuing
the Scots and following up the victory. The truth
would soon be heard and he would then write to his
Excellency.
Also that Monsignor de Deber and two other cap-
tains ^ who had lately rebelled against the king had been
beheaded and quartered in the city of London on the
28^ of June, many others being put to death, so that
^ Henry's movements can be traced in his privy purse expenses.
He was at Woodstock from 30 July to 18 August and from 22 August
till 27 September. Then on the news of Perkin's lAniiing he moved
westwards by way of Cirencester, Malmesbury, Bath, and Wells
(<* Ezcerpta Historica," p. 113).
* Lord Audley, Flammodk, and Michael Joseph.
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158 THE EEIGN OF HENRY VH
A^oflt, his dominion may be considered much strengthened
and permanent.
Also some months ago his Majesty sent out a Venetian,
who is a very good mariner, and has good skill in dis-
covering new islands, and he has returned safe, and has
found two very large and fertile new islands. He has also
discovered the seven cities, 400 leagues from England,
on the western passage. This next spring his Majesty
means to send him with fifteen or twenty ships.^
Also the kingdom of England has never for many
years been so obedient to its sovereign as it is at present
to his Majesty the King.
111.
[The Milanese envoy, Baimondo de Sonoino, to Lndovico Sfona,
duke of Milan, '* Venetian Calendar," i. 751; *' Milanese
Calendar," i. 323.]
8 Septem- In many things I know this sovereign (Henry VII) to
^^' be admirably well informed, but above all because he is
most thoroughly acquainted with the afEftirs of Italy,
and receives especial information of every event. He
is no less conversant with your own personal attributes
and those of your duchy tlrnn the King of France ; and
when the King of France went into Italy, the King of
England sent with him a herald of his own called
'' Bichmond," a sage man who saw everything, until
his return.^ Then the merchants, most especially the
Florentines, never cease giving the King of England
advices.
Besides this, his Majesty has notable men in Bome,
such as Master Giovanni Zilio (de Giglis) a Lucchese,
and Master Adrian (Gastellesi), clerk of the Treasury,
^For further details of Cabot's voyage, see below, Vol. ii.,
Nos. 160.171.
■ See below. Vol. iii., No. 6.
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ITALIAN IMPEB88IONS 159
who have been benefitted and enriched by him, so thats^tember.
we have told him nothing new ; and the courtiers like-
wise have a great knowledge of our afiiairs, in such wise
that I fancy myself at Borne : so I am of opinion, that
should it be chosen to give any intelligence, it would be
well to impart it either more in detail than the others
do, or to be beforehand with them. To this effect the
G-enoa letter bag will be of good use, but yet more such
Florentine merchants as are in your confidence, as their
correspondence passes through France without impedi-
ment and is but little searched.
The letter of congratulation dated 17 July, on the
victory gained by the King, was to the purpose, though
rather late. The victories were two — the first against
the Comishmen, who, some ten thousand in number,
took up arms under a blacksmith, sajring they would
not pay the subsidy — the other against the King of
Scotland, who raised his camp *' not very gloriously,"
to express myself no less modestly than this most sage
King himself did. Another matter also, which his
Majesty did not tell me, is that the youth, the reputed
son of the late King Edward has fled incognito ; and
his wife is said to be a prisoner ; so I consider that this
youth called Perkin has vanished into smoke. The
Eang of England's dynasty is Ukewise established
through a successor, whom it may please Ood to pre-
serve, for his virtue deserves it — ^I allude to the Prince
(Arthur) ; and your Excellency may surely congratulate
the Sovereigns of Spain on so distinguished a son-in-
law; and the succession may the more be relied on
should the matrimonial alliance, which I am told is in
negotiation, between Spain and Scotland take place,
and a Spanish ambassador is now with the King of
Scotland. But even should that marriage not be
solemnized, this kingdom is perfectly stable, by reason,
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160 THE REI&N OF HENRY VH
somber, first, of the King's wisdom, whereof every one stands
in awe ; and, secondly, on account of the King's wealth,
for I am informed that he has upwards of six millions
of gold, and it is said that he puts by annually five
hundred thousand ducats,^ which is of easy accomplish-
ment, for his revenue is great and real, not a written
schedule (non in scriptis) nor does he spend anything.
He garrisons two or three fortresses, contrary to the
custom of his predecessors, who garrisoned no place.
He has neither ordnance nor munitions of war, and his
body guard is supposed not to amount to one hundred
men, although he is now living in a forest district which
is unfortified. He well knows how to temporise, as
demonstrated by him before my arrival in this kingdom,
when the French ambassadors wanted to go to Scotland
under pretence of mediating for the peace, but he en-
tertained them magnificently, made them presents, and
sent them home without seeing Scotland ; and now he
sends one of his own gentlemen in waiting to France.
The Pope is entitled to much praise, for he loves the
King cordially, and strengthens his power by ecclesi-
astical censures, so that at all times rebels are excom-
municated. The efficacy of these censures is now felt
by the Cornishmen, for all who eat grain garnered since
the rebellion, or drink beer brewed with this years crops,
die as if they had taken poison, and hence it is publicly
reported that the King is under the protection of God
eternal.^
The Caesarean ambassador and the papal nuncio have
not arrived. The Spanish ambassador, in my opinion
a very able man, is here. He gives me very good greet-
ing, possibly from the extravagant compliments paid
by me to his sovereigns at our first interview. The
> A ducat was then reckoned at 48. 2d.
' See below. Vol. iii., part 2.
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A DIPLOMATIC RECEPTION 161
Neapolitan ambassador is about to depart, which I much September,
regret, as he would have enlightened me vastly, and
has done so already to his utmost.
112.
[The Venetian ambassador, Andrea Treyisano, to the Doge, ** Vene-
tian Calendar," i. 754.]
On the 24*h of August wrote from Stimburg (sic) after- » Septem-
wards crossed over to the island, and at Dover found the
Prior of Canterbury and Master Corino (sic ; Curzon),
gentlemen sent by the King to do him honour. Twenty
miles from London was met by the Dean of Windsor
and Master Bussell, knight, men of great repute, with
many other knights and gentlemen, and who delivered
a message in the King's name making offers etc ; and
riding on, was joined by other parties, so that he entered
London with 200 horse on the 26th of August, and
great honour was done him. The King being absent,
he wrote to his Majesty, who answered that he was to
come to Woodstock to have audience ; so he quitted Lon-
don on the 1st of September, accompanied by the Dean
of Windsor and Master Bussell, and on the morning of
the 3rd arrived at the royal palace of Woodstock
The king was in the country, at a distance of two (sic)
miles, hearing mass, and sent the Bishop of London and
the Duke [Earl] of Suffolk, two of the chief personages
of his court, to meet the ambassador, who, in a gown of
crimson damask, presented himself tl^ere to his Majesty.
The King received him in a small hall, hung with very
handsome tapestry, leaning against a tall gilt chair,
covered with cloth of gold. Bfis Majesty wore a violet
coloured gown, lined with cloth of gold, and a collar of
many jewels, and on his cap was a large diamond and
a most beautiful pearl. The ambassador having pre-
sented the ducal letter made a Lsitin spoecb, on the oon-
VOL. I. Jl
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162 THE EEIGN OF HENRY VH
SeDtember, clusion of wbich the King drew aside, and, having
discussed the reply, caused him to be answered by the
Chancellor Cardinal (Morton), to the effect that he was
glad to see him etc.
Beside the King and the Prince, his eldest son, by
name Arthur, 12 years old, were the Duke of Bucks
(" Ducha de Suich") and other lords and prelates were
present ; and throughout the ambassador's speech the
King remained standing. In the reply the Cardinal
evinced great love towards the Signory, and on its con-
clusion the ambassador was taken into a hall where
dinner had been prepared, and there he dined with
four lords ; and after dinner the King gave him private
audience, which lasted two hours. The King is gracious,
grave and a very worthy person.
He finally visited the Queen, whom he found at the
end of a hall, dressed in cloth of gold ; on one side of her
was the King's mother, on the other her son the Prince.
The Queen is a handsome woman. Having presented
his credentials and said a few words in Italian, the
Queen answered him through the Bishop of London.
He then also visited the Cardinal Lord Chancellor,
presenting the letter of credence, and, after the ex-
change of suitable compliments, departed for London,
there to await the King, who was expected in a fort-
night, Woodstock being a sorry village, eight (sic)
miles from the palace.
113.
[Henry VII to Sir GObert Talbot, HaUiwell's "Letfcere,*' i. 179.]
Wood- Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well, signifying
Septem^. ^^*^ y^^» ^^^ whereas Perkin Warbeck and his wife
were lately set full poorly to the sea by the King of
Scots, and after that, landed within our land of Ireland,
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PEEKIN LANDS IN CORNWALL 163
in the wild Irisherie, where he had been taken by onr SOTtember,
cousins, the Earls of Kildare and of Desmond, if he and
his said wife had not secretly stolen away. The same
Perkin, being so upon the sea, is coming to land in our
county of Cornwall, with two small ships and a Briton
pinnace, whereupon we have sent our right trusty
counsellor, the Lord Daubeney, our Chamberlain, by
land, towards those parties to arredie our subjects for
the subduing of him, and our right trusty counsellor, the
Lord Broke, steward of our household, by water, with
our army on the sea, now late returned, to take the said
Perkin, if he return again to the sea. And we shall in
our own person, if the case so require, go, so accompanied
thitherward, with our Lord's mercy, without delay, as
we shall subdue the said Perkin, and all other that will
take his part, if any such be. And therefore we heartily
pray you to address you unto us with six score tall men
on horseback, defensibly arrayed, and no more, without
any long delay ; and to meet with us, at our manor of
Woodstock, the twenty fourth day of the present month ;
and at your coming unto us we shall so content you for
your and their conduct money, and also wages, as of
reason, ye shall hold you pleased, and that ye fail not
hereof, as our especial trust is in you.
114.
[Summary of a letter from Raymondo de Soooino, dated 16 Septem-
ber, *' Milanese Calendar," L 325.]
On the 8^ September the Duke of York descended London, 16
upon Cornwall with 80 savage Irishmen, and was re.^^P*®"'^®^*
ceived by the Comishmen, who made a rebellion there
last month, which was reported, and although the Lord
Chancellor offered him full pardon from his Majesty, yet
they did not think it possible that he should be pardoned,
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164 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
September, but everyone judges that this will be the final rain of
the Comishmen and the end of the Duke of York, be*
cause the king with all promptitude had sent troops
against them, and it was announced throughout the
army that he would go there very speedily in person,
and it was considered impossible for him to escape from
his hand, and it was thought that the affair would be
settled within a month.
It might be that the duke trusted that some of the
nobles near Cornwall would move in his favour, but
they have all learned to their cost the impossibility of
getting out of this country, where owing to the heavy
ground and the marshes it is difficult to ride in winter,
which . . . this kingdom. In the meantime the Scots
are contriving some stroke, although we understand
that between England and [Scotland] the marshes are
so extensive that it would be all but impossible for the
Scots to move in the winter, moreover such a movement
is not expected in these countries, and the Duke of York,
like a desperate man, did not think to drag out the affair
at length.
Everjrthing favours the king, especially an immense
treasure, and because all the nobles of the realm know
the royal wisdom and either fear him or bear him an
extraordinary affection, and not a man of any considera-
tion joins the Duke of York, and the state of the realm
is in the hands of the nobles and not of the people.
Nothing revolutionary occurs, except what may be
compared to the generation of aerial bodies. Thus some
years ago these same Irish took the son of an English
barber and announcing that he was of the blood royal,
proclaimed him as king, subsequently taking him to
England. However, when they encountered the royal
army, the Irish all came off badly and the youth was
taken. By the royal clemency he is living in the Tower
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SIMNEL AND WARBECK 165
of London, under the very slightest restraint. They September,
say that his Majesty, out of respect for the sacred
unction, wants to make a priest of him.^
As akeady reported, letters from the king have
reached the Mayor and Council of London with the
news that the Duke of York has escaped from Scotland
and gone to Lreland. There some Irish lords proposed to
apprehend him, but he found some fishermen's vessels,
and got away, and together with his wife he has arrived
in Cornwall. The king says he has sent the Earl of
Yincier,^ who is near Cornwall, to oppose them, as well
as the Lord Chamberlain,' and if necessary he will go
himself in person. The Londoners do not believe what
is told them, because when the time comes, his Majesty
will make provision for everything. In the meantime
they are taking steps that no one shall create any dis-
turbance, and it is prcbctically certain that similar pre-
cautions have been taken not only in this city but
throughout the whole kingdom.
In London they say that the Duke of York is drawing
nigh and that he is bearing three standards, one repre-
senting a little boy coming out of the tomb, the second
with a Uttle boy coming out of a wolf's mouth, and
the third with a red lion. They say he has about five
thousand peasants with him. It is supposed that these
little boys are intended to signify that human wisdom,
represented by these same boys, will make things bad
for his enemy. In any case the Duke of York will fall
into the king's hands, and he cannot possibly escape.
^ Apparently an allusion to Simners nnotion at his coronation at
Dublin. Cf. Shakespeare's
Not all the water in the rough rude sea
Can wash the balm from an anointed king.
« " De Vinoier " probably signifies " Devonshire ".
' Danbeny.
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166 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
1497. 115.
[Sanuto's abstract of a miBsing despatch from Andrea Trevisano
to the Doge and Senate of Venice, " Venetian Cal.," L No. 755.]
London. 17 By a letter from the same ambassador dated London
September. ^^ September, and received at Venice on the 9th Qc-
tober, the news of those parts purported that ''Peri-
chino " (Perkin), called the son of King Edward, — who
styles himself Duke of York, had been in Scotland, and
was the cause of the whole war between the Scotch and
the Enghsh, — on hearing of the proposed treaty of
peace, quitted Scotland and came with two ships to
Cornwall. He had again raised from six to eight
thousand insurgents, and marched sixty miles inland,
leaving his wife and children at a place on the coast
called Penryn. The King had sent against him the
Captain Chamberlain [Giles, Lord Daubeny] (the same
who gained the victory over the Cornish men), and also
the Earl of Kent [George Grey], with some 12,000 men
in all. He has likewise ordered many captains and
lords to put themselves in readiness ; should need be,
he will march in person. The ambassador is of opinion
that events will turn out well for the King, who has
also sent the fleet towards Cornwall to prevent the
escape of Perkin by sea.
" Mem. [by Sanuto]. — How the courier said, by word
of mouth, that the ambassador had been to a place ^ on
the island where there were the entire ten decads of
Livy, and also some books on astrology, unknown to
the Italians, and that he meant at any rate to obtain
them. The ambassador from the Duke of Milan ^ was
with ours, and had audience at the same time, but he
referred himself to what ours said. He had, however,
a lodging of his own, but few horses."
* Oxford. « Soncmo.
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THE SIEGE OF EXETER 167
116. iw.
[The Earl of Devonshire bo Henry VII, Ellia'a *' Original Letters,"
let Ser. L 36.]
After most humble recommendation had unto 7^^^ S^JjJL'ii?
Grace, please it your Grace to knawe as I sent unto your
Grace by myne other wrjrteinge of yesterday of the
demininge of Perkin, and of diverse assaults made by
his company unto the two gates of your Citty of Excester,
and of the defence of the same. It may like your Grace
to understand further, that this mominge, of new, the
said Perkin and his company made fresh assaults upon
the said two gates ; and especially at the North gate,
which was againe well and truly defended, and put
Perkin from his purpose there; and your said Citty
surely keped and shall bee to the behoofe of your
Grace : in soe much as when Perkin and his company
had well assaid and felt our Gunns, they were faine to
desjnre us to have lycence to geder theire company
togeder, and soe to depart and leave your Citty, and to
put us to noe more trouble; which because wee bee
not able to recounter them, and that our company were
weary and some hurt, therefore it was granted unto
them that they should depart, and not to approch the
Citty in noe wyse. And soe the said Perkin and his
company bee departed from us this day about eleven of
the Clocke in the forenoone, and bee twelve were out
of sight, and which way they would hould I cannot
yet acertayne your Grace ; But as it was said amongst
them they would go to Columpton this night, and
thanked bee God there is none of your true subjects
about this business slayne, but diverse bee hurt. And
doubt not againe, one of yours is hurt, there is twenty
of theires hurt and many slajme. And now I under-
stand certainly that Perkin is to Columpton, and many
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168 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
September, of his company departed from him, and more will as
^^' I sell [sic] well, and trust verely that your Grace shall
have good tydings of him shortly.
117.
[HenryiYII to the Bifihop of Bath and Wells, Halliwell'a " Letters,"
i. 183.]
Wood- Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well
September, beloved, wc greet you well, and have received your
writing, by the which we conceive how there is word
that Perkhi is landed. Truth it is that he is so landed,
and that our commons of Cornwall take his part,
amongst whom, on Monday last, the eighteenth day of
September, there was not one gentleman. On Sunday,
the seventeenth of September, Perkin and his company
came afore our city of Exeter, about one after noon, and
there inranged themselves in the manner of a battle, by
the space of two hours. Within that our city were our
cousin of Devonshire, Sir William Courtney, Sir Jo.
Sapcotes, Sir Piers Edgecombe, Sir Jo. Croker, Sir
Walter Courtney, Sir Humfrey Fulforth, with many
other noblemen, both of our counties of Devonshire and
Cornwall. This Perkin sent for to have deliverance of
our said city, which was denied unto him by our said
cousin. Whereupon Perkin and his company went to
the east gate, and to the northern gate, and assaulted
the same, but it was so defended, (blessed be Gt)d I) that
Perkin lost above three or four hundred men of his com-
pany, and so failed of his intention. On the morrow
after, the eighteenth day, Perkin and our rebels made a
new assault at the said northern gate, and eastern gate,
like as by the copy of the letter from our said cousin
of Devonshire enclosed, ye shall move [?] to understand
more at larga Then Perkin and his company if they
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FURTHER NEWS OF PERKIN 169
come forward, shall find before them om: chamberlain, September,
our steward of household, the Lord Saint Maurice, Sir
John Cheney, and the noblemen of the South Wales,
and of our counties of Gloster, Wiltshire, Hampshire*
Somerset, and Dorset, and at their back the garrison of
our said city of Exeter. And we, with our host royal,
shall not be far, with the mercy of our Lord, for the
final conclusion of the matter. We have proclaimed
also, that whoso bringeth the said Perkin alive unto us,
he shall have the sum of a thousand marks, and all their
offences forgiven, first and last. We trust soon to hear
good tidings of the said Perkin.
118.
[Baimondo de Sonoino to the Duke of Milan, " Milaneae Oal.,"
L327.]
On the 19^ inst., by Vadino Gambarana of Saona, Iso Septem-
advised your Excellency of the coming of Perkin to this *^'
realm and what was the general opinion about it ; and
on the 25^ by way of the Genoese at Bruges, I sent
word that Perkin had fled. Now with the arrival of
the Venetian packet I will send a detailed account of
what has taken place according to the relation of
Messer Fra Zoan Antonio de Carbonariis of Milan, who
was actually present in the city of Exeter.
On the 6^ of this month Perkin landed in Cornwall
at a port called Mount St. Michael with three small
ships and about three hundred persons of various
nationalities, who had followed him for some time
before. As he had so few with him, it is thought that
the Comishmen must have invited him. In fact eight
thousand peasants were forthwith in arms with him,
although ill disciplined and without any gentlemen, who
form the governing class of England.
The proclaimed .Perkin as King Richard, and they
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170 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
SeDtembor,paid for the victuals with which the communes provided
them, as they had done when the Comishmen were
ronted at London. They marched towards his Majesty,
who did not hear of this movement until the 10^, al-
though it is not more than two hundred miles from
Mount St. Michael to Woodstock.
Without awaiting the royal command, the Earl of
Devon, a lord of the County, opposed these people with
about 1,500 men, but owing to the multitude of the
enemy he withdrew to the city of Exeter. Perkin
arrived at that place at the 22nd hour of the 17**^ of the
month, and being refused admission, he began the attack
on two of the gates. He burned one, but the earl
drove him ofif with stones, so that at the second hour on
the following day Perkin asked for a truce for six hours.
This was granted on the understanding that no one of
Exeter should be allowed to follow him. The moment
the truce was made, Perkin departed and went to a
village called Minet, ten miles from Exeter, where he
passed the night. On the 19^ he came to another good
village called Taunton, twenty-four miles from Exeter,
and stayed there until the 218*. During this time he
issued some orders. Among other things he published
certain apostolic bulls afGuming that he was the son of
King Edward and that he meant to coin money and give
money to all.
In the meantime his Majesty had sent the Lord
Chamberlain against him with a good number of men,
and announced that he would pardon all who laid down
their arms. Accordingly the numbers with Perkin
constantly lessened. He began to declare that he had
a close understanding with some lords of the realm.
As the bridges on the straight road were cut, he pro-
posed to turn somewhat to the right and take another
way. Subsequently at the fourth hour of the night, he
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PEEKIN'S FLIGHT 171
silently departed from the camp with some ten persons Septembi
and at dawn the next morning the nnfortnnate Cornish-
men discovered their plight and took to flight, to such
an extent that by the third hour of the day not one was
left in Taunton.
His Majesty had already assembled an army of 30,000
men, and still kept increasing his forces ; but this Fra
Zuan Antonio went with all speed to Woodstock ^ and
brought word of everything. Accordingly his Majesty
dismissed all his army except 6000 men, with whom he
himself is going into Cornwall Including the Chamber-
lain's forces he will have 10,000 men, and it will be the
holy oil of the Comishmen. God grant it be not the
same for others also, as they have taken Perkin's chests,
and these will probably have papers inside, although we
have not heard anything.
As I have already written to your Excellency, this
movement was considered puerile by everybody, and the
Cardinal, whom I visit frequently, had no other fear ex-
cept that the man would escape, as he has done. Al-
though I have tried hard to gather from the Cardinal
who it is that supports Perkin, I have not succeeded.
He only mentioned the King of Scotland and the old
Duchess Margaret of Burgundy, King Edward's sister,
who has at times written to the Cardinal recommend-
ing Perkin as the son of King Edward, by whom the
Cardinal was raised up. The Cardinal replied: But
indeed he is not reputed the son of King Edward in this
kingdom.
Accordingly I repeat that this present state is most
stable, even for the king's descendants, since there is no
one who aspires to the Crown. With concord at home
they have no occasion to fear, and nothing to do with
^ Henry left Wells on 1 October and reached Taunton on the 4th
(** Ezoerpta Historica," p. 114).
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172 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
September, any foreigner, especially as his Majesty has a very great
treasure, which increases daily.
What I wrote abont the captivity of Perkin's wife
was not correct, and I do not believe that she ever left
Scotland.
119.
[Perkin WftrbeoVs letter to his mother, G&irdner's '' Richard III,"
p. 384. Perkin had been brought from Beaulieu to Taunton
on 5 October, and was taken thence with the king to Exeter
on the 7th, '' Exoerpta Hifltorica," p. 114.]
Exeter, Ma mhie, — Tant hnmblement comme faire je puis,
ISOctober. , . ,-,. , . .
me reconimande k voos. Et voos plaise sfavoir qne par
fortune, soubz conleur de une chose contronv6e, que
certains Engletz me ont faict faire et prendre sapz moi
que je estoie le filz da Roi Edonart d'Engleterre, ap-
pell6 son second filz, Richart due d'Torck, je me trouve
maintenant en tele perplexite que se voas ne me estes a
ceste heure bonne mere, je sois taillie de estre en grand
dangier et inconvenient, a cause du nom que je ay a leur
instance prins supz moi, et de Tentreprinse que je aye
faicte. Et afin que entendez et cognoissiez clerement
que sui vostre filz et non aultre, il vous plaira souvenir,
quand je parti de vous avec Berlo pour aller en Anvers,
vous me deistes adieu en plorant, et mon p6re me con-
voia jusque a la porte de Marvis ; et aussi de Ik derni^re
lettre que me escripvistes de vostre main a Medelbourcq
que vous estiez accouchi^ de une fille, et que pareille-
ment mon fr^re Thiroyan et ma soeur Jehenne mouru-
rent de la peste k la procession de Toumay ; et comment
mon p^, vous et moi allasmes demeurer a Lannoy.hors
de la ville; et vous souvienne de la belle Porcquiere.
Le Roi d'Engleterre me tient maintenant en ses mains ;
auquel je ay d6clar6 la v&riti de la mati^re, en lui sup-
pliant trds humblement que son plaisir soit moi par-
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PERKIN'S LETTER TO HIS MOTHER 173
donner le offense qne ltd ai faicte, entendu que je ne sui October,
poinct son subject natif , et ce que je ai faict a est6 au
poorchas et desir de ses propres subjectz. Mais je ne
ai de ltd encores hen aucunne bonne response, ne ay
espoir de avoir, dont je ai le coer bien dolant. Et
poortant, ma mhie, je voas prie et reqtder de avoir pit^
de moy, et ponrchasser ma d^livrance. Et me recom-
mandez hnmblement k mon parin, Pierart Flan, k
Maistre Jean Stalin, mon oncle, a mon compare Guil-
laame Racq, et k Jehan Bourdeau. Je entends que
mon p&re est all6 de vie k trespas (Dieu ait son ame !),
que me sont dures nouvelles. Et k Dieu soyez. Escrips
k Excestre, le xiij^ jour de Octobre de la main de vostre
humble filz,
PlEBBEQUIN WbBBECQUE.
Ma mdre, je vous prie que me voelliez envoier un
petit de argent pour moi aidier, afin que mes gardes me
soient plus andables en leur donnant quelque chose.
Recommandez-moi k ma tante Stalins, et k tons mes
bons voisins.
A Mademoiselle ma m6re Catherine
Werbecque, demourant k Saint Jehan
supz rEsoauld.
120.
[Henry VII to the mayor and dtizens of Waterford, Halliweirs
" Letters," L 175.]
Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well; andExetar,
whereas Perkin Warbeck, lately accompanied by divers ^^^*°*^'
and many of our rebels of Cornwall, advanced them-
selves to otir city of Exeter, which was denied unto
them, and so they came to the town of Taunton. At
which town, as soon as they had knowledge that our
chamberlain, our steward of household, Sir John Chynie,
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174 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
October, [Cheyney] and others our loving subjects with them, were
coming so far forth towards the said Perkin, as to our
monastery of Glastonbury : the same Perkin took with
him John Heron, Edward Skelton, and Nicholas Ashley,
and stole away from his said company about midnight,
and fled with all the haste they could maka We had well
provided beforehand for the sea coasts, that, if he had
attempted that way, (as he thought indeed to have done)
he should have been put from his purpose, as it is com-
ing to pass. For, when they perceived they might not
get to the sea, and that they were had in a quiet chase
and pursuit, they were compelled to address themselves
unto our monastery of Beaulieu ; to the which, of chance
and of fortune, it happened some of our menial servants
to repair, and some we sent thither purposely. The
said Perkin, Heron, Skelton and Ashley, seeing our said
servants there, and remembering that all the country
was wsimed to make watch and give attendance, that
they should not avoid nor escape by sea, made instances
unto our said servants to sue unto us for them, the said
Perkin desiring to be sure of his life, and he would come
unto us, and show what he is ; and, over that, do un-
to us such service as should content us. And so, by
agreement between our said servants and them, they
encouraged them to depart from Beaulieu, and to put
themselves in our grace and pity. The abbot and con-
vent hearing thereof demanded of them why and for
what cause they would depart. Where unto they gave
answer in the presence of the said abbot and convent,
and of many other, that, without any manner of con-
straint, they would come unto us of their free wills, in
trust of our grace and pardon aforesaid. And so, the
said Perkin came unto us to the town of Taunton, from
whence he fled ; and inmxediately after his first coming,
humbly submitting himself unto us, hath of his free
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PERKIN'S SURRENDER 175
will openly showed^ in the presence of all the council ^*^»
here with ub, and of other nobles, his name to be Piers
Osbeck, whereas he hath been named Perkin Warbeck,
and to be none Enghshman bom, but bom of Tommay,
and son to John Osbeck, and sometimes while he lived
comptroller of the said Tournay ; with many other cir-
cnmstances too long to write, declaring by whose means
he took upon him this presumption and folly.
And so, now this great abasion, which hath long con-
tinned, is now openly known by his own confession.
We write this news unto you, for we be undoubtedly
sure, that calling to mind the great abusion that divers
folks have been in, by reason of the said Perkin, and
the great business and charges that we and our realm
have been put into in that behalf, you would be glad to
hear the certainty of the same, which we affirm unto
you for assured truth.
Sithence the writing of these premises, we be ascer-
tained that Perkin's wife is in good surety for us, and
trust that she shall shortly come unto us to this our
city of Exeter, as she is in dole.^ Over this, we under-
stand by writing from the Right Reverend Father in
Qoi, the Bishop of Duresme, that a truce is taken be-
twixt us and Scotland ; and that it is concluded that
the King of Scots shall send unto us a great and solemn
ambassady for a league and peace to be had during our
Uves. And sithence our coming to this our city of
Exeter for the punition of this great rebellion, and for
so to order the parts of Cornwall, as the people may live
in their due obeisance to us and in good restfulness
unto themselves for time to come : the commons of this
^ '* To Robert Suthewell for horses, sadells, and other neoessarys
bought for the conveying of my Lady Kateryn Huntleye, [Perkin's
wife] £7 13s. 4d., 15 October ** {" Exoerpta Historica," p. 115). On
1 December Henry gave her £2 {ibi4f)*
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176 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
October, shire of Devon come daily before as in great multitudes
in their shirts, the foremost of them having halters
about their necks, and full humbly with lamentable
cries for our grace and remission, submit themselves
unto us ; whereupon, doing, first, the chief stirrers and
misdoers to be tried out of them, for to abide their
corrections according, we grant to the residue our said
grace and pardon. And our commissioners, the Earl of
Devon, our chamberlain, and our steward of household,
have done and do daily likewise in our county of Corn-
wall.
121.
[Baimondo de Sonoino to the Duke of Milan, ** MilaneBO Oalendar,"
L329.]
21 October. By the enclosed extract your Excellency will have
full information about the end of Perkin. However I
will also relate what was told me by the royal herald
Richmond, who is a man of wit and discretion. When
Perkin fled from Taunton, in the company of John
Aeron,^ sometime a merchant of London and two other
English gentlemen, he came to an abbey called Diodle,^
where there is a noble franchise with a circuit of thirty
miles and touching the coast. The abbot of this place
happened to know the said John and the two gentle-
men, and sent word to his Majesty about them, feeling
sure that the youth must be with them, as indeed he
was. Some of the Royal Council went thither, and
came to the following arrangement with John and his
fellows, to wit, that John should go to his Majesty and
either bring back a pardon for himself and his com-
panions, or should be put back into sanctuary, while
in the meantime the two companions should stay behincl
1 Heron.
* Beanlieu^ sometimeB anglioised as ** Bewdley '\
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PERKIN IN HENRY'S PRESENCE 177
and guard the youth, so that he should not escape, October,
despite the fact that about the franchise, especially on
the sea side, there were so many royal guards that not
one of them could get away.
John, who swore to the king that he had never known
Perkin except as Richard n [«ic], son of King Edward,
returned with the offer of a pardon to the young man if
he would go to the king's presence. The youth agreed
to go, and renounced the franchise into the abbot's hands.
He put aside the habit in which he had disguised him-
self in this place, and clothing himself in gold, he set
out with some of the king's men, among whom was
this Richmond. He tells me that the young man is not
handsome, indeed his left eye rather lacks lustre, but
he is intelligent and well spoken.
The young man was brought into the royal presence,
where many nobles of the realm were assembled, some
of whom had been companions of Richard, Duke of
York. He kneeled down and asked for mercy. The
king bade him rise and then spoke as follows : We have
heard that you call yourself Richard, Son of King
Edward. In this place are some who were companions
of that lord, look and see if you recognize them. The
young man answered that he knew none of them, he
was not Richard, he had never come to England except
that once, and he had been induced by the English and
Irish to commit this fraud, and to learn English. For
quite two years he had longed to escape from these
troubles, but Fortune had not allowed him.
Richmond was not present at this interview, at which
there were none besides princes, but I believe it all, be-
cause he is a wise man, and because he showed me a
sheet, written in French, signed in a different hand,
thus "PerPero Osbek," which he says is in Perkin's
hand, in which he names his father and mother, his
VOL. I. 12
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178 THE KEIGN OF HENRY VII
October, grandparents on both sides, his native city of Toumay,
his parish, his schoohnasters, the places where he was
brought up and to which he has been up to the present
time. Many similar sheets have been made, to be sent,
so I take it, to various places.^
I asked Bichmond whether those who led this young
man thought he was the Duke of York, or if they knew
he was not. He told me that Perkin had informed the
king that of the three English who were with him at
the franchise, two thought he was the duke, but John
Aeron knew he was an impostor. As it appears that
John lied to the king, he has been arrested by a person
who has recently come from the king.
The King of Scotland, Perkin's father-in-law, and the
King of the Bomans, have been taken in. Madame
Margaret of Burgundy knew all, according to what this
one says. The Most Christian King a long time ago
had been put right as to the truth of the matter, and
he wrote a letter to the king here saying it was quite
clear that Perkin was a burgess of Toumay. Neverthe-
less Perkin deposes that the last French ambassador
in Scotland advised him, Perkin, to go to France, with
the promise of an ample safe conduct and of a yearly
pension of 12,000 francs.* But either the English or
the others who have supported Perkin have allowed him
to come to want, as they found no more than ten crowns
at the franchise.
I asked Bichmond if Perkin would escape with his
life. He told me that he would, but it was necessary
to guard him well, in order that the men of Cornwall
may not murder him, as they are incensed since they
have learned from the king that they have been worship-
ping a low bom foreigner as their sovereign.
The king here is most clement and pardons every-
1 See below, No. 124. , « See pp. 139-40.
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HENKY'S CLEMENCY 179
body, even the oommon people of Cornwall, although if October,
he wished to do strict justice he would have to put to^*^*
death more than 20,000 men. I think it most likely
that the heads will be headless.
Tomorrow or the day after, this Bichmond is to cross
the sea to go to the court of the Most Christian King,
where he will stay until he is recalled, and within a few
days three of the king^s men will be in France, the
chamberlain and the doctor, who are there, so they say,
about the reprisals, and this herald, who is worth two
doctors.
There is nothing remarkable about his Majesty
having various persons in one place, because he is
cautious and reflects deeply over all his proceedings,
although from this time forward he is perfectly secure
against Fortune, and has no one else to fear, while his
treasure will remain like leaven.
122.
[Sanuto's abstract of a miBsiug despatch from Treyisano, ** Venetian
Oal.," i. No. 769.]
Receipt of letters from the ambassador Andrea e^^oy^o^.
Trevisan, dated London, 6 November, stating that the ^^*
rest of the insurgents fled into sanctuary after the retreat
of *' Perkin who styled himself Duke of York, and son
of King Edward," and that Perkin was now come to
humble himself before King Henry, saying it was not
true that he was the son of King Edward, but that
he had been instigated by certain people in Cornwall.
The King treated him kindly, and had marched from
London towards Cornwall to crush the rebels. There
had lately arrived in England an ambassador from the
King of France, by name Monsieur de Duras, a man of
high rank, with ten horses. He went to the King,
while Andrea Trevisan remained in London, but hear-
12*
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180 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
November, ing of this ambassador, wrote to the King saying he
would join his Majesty, who desired him not to stir.
The Spaniard Don Pedro de Ayala was gone as ambas-
sador to the King of Scotland, to negotiate an agreement
between him and the King of England, and a marriage
between a daughter of the King of Spain and a son of
the King of Scotland.^ If this be effected, the discord
in the island will be quelled, the son of the King of
Scotland becoming brother-in-law of the eldest son of
this King Henry.
123.
[Perkin Warbeck's defeat and capture, Kingsford's *' OhronicleSy"
p. 217.]
September. Also this present moneth of Septembre landed in
October, (jornewaill Perksm Werbek w* iij smale Shippes only,
and w^ hym to the numbre of an hundred or vj score
persones, which entred ferther vnto a Towne called
Bodman, where he was accompanied w^ iij or iiij m^
men of Bascayll and most parte naked men. And there
proclaymed hym silf kyng Richard the iiij^^, And Second
Son vnto kyng Edward the iiij^i late kyng of Englond.
And vpon Saynt Mathewes day [21 Sept.] came certeyn
tydynges vnto the IMEayre that vpon the Sonday before,
beyng the xvij*!^ day of Septembre, the said Perksm and
his complices assawted the Gitie of Exetir at ij Gates,
that is to sey the Northgate and the East Gate, where
by the power of therle of Devenshire and the Gitezeins
he was put of, and to the numbre of GG men of the said
Perkyns slayn.
And vpon the IVIonday folowyng he and his people
made a new assawte vpon the said Gitie, where agayn
they wer put of to their more Damage. Albeit that
^ On 18 December Henry paid him £66 15s. for his seryioes
(** Excerpta Historica," p. 116).
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EEBELLION AND MUEDEE 181
they fired the Gates ; at which said Second assawte the Sepe«mber-
Erel of Devenshire was hnrt in the arme w* an arowe. 1497, '
And when the said Perkyn and his Companye Sawe
they myght not opteyne their purpoos agayn the Citie
of Exetir they w*drew theym toward Taunton ; where
vpon the Weddensday folowyng [20 Sept.] he mustrid,
havjmg to the numbre, as it was said, of viij Ml men ;
how be it they wer pore and naked. And the nyght folow-
yng aboute mydnyght the said Perkyn w* Ix horsmen
accompanyed fled secretly fro the pore Comons levyng
theym amased and disconsolat. And after my Lord
Chamberleyn, havyng knowlege of this his departure,
sent toward the Sees side CC Sperys to Stoppe hym
from the See, and to Serche the Cuntrey yf they myght
take hym.
And vpon the fiEriday John Heyron, Mercer, which
before tyme had fledde the Citie of London for dette,
and one Skelton w* one Asteldy [or Ashley], a Scryvainer,
which iij persones wer the moost worthy of his Counseill,
came vnto Bewdely, a Sayntwary beside Southhampton ;
and there Eegistred theym self. And in this while one
James a Eover, which had gadered in his cumpanye to
the numbre of vj or vij C Eebelles, Sechyng the forsaid
Perkyn to haue assisted hym, mette w* the Provost of
Peryn, and brought hym vnto Taunton aforsaid ; and
there in the Market place slewe hjnn pytuously, in such
wise that he was dismembred and kutte in many and
sundry peces. The cause as it was said was for that
he was one of the Occasioners of the Eebellyng of the
Comysshemen ; for he was one of the commyssioners
in that Cuntre and gadered, as they say, more money
than came vnto the kynges vse. But what so euer the
cause was, foule and piteously was he murderid ; vpon
whose Soule and all Christen Jhesu haue mercy ! Amen I
And the Tuesday folowyng [26 Sept.] came vnto West-
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182 THE EEIGN OF HENRY VH
September- mynster a chapeleyn of the said Peirkyn, and one of his
1497. ' Chief Connseill w* other also to Seynt Martyns ; and thus
his disciples fled from theyir f ayned Maister ; the f or-
said preest was named Sir William Lonnde,^ sumtyme
chapeleyn and Stieward of honshold w* Sir Eaof Has-
tynges, knyght, from whome fall falsly and trayteroosly
the said preest w^ certeyn money and Juelles to a good
Substannce stale away from the said Sir Bauf , and so
departed oner the see vnto the said Perkyn ; and there
abode still w* hym by the Space of iij or iiij yeres to
the grete trowble and daunger of the forsaid Sir Bauf
Hastynges.
And vpon the Sonday next folowyng [1 Oct.] came cer-
tejn tydynges from the kyng vnto the Maire, of the tak-
jng of the said Perkyn w* in the Sayntwary of Bewley
aforsaid ; wherf ore the Mair, w* his Brethem assemblid,
went forth w* aboute x of the Clok in the momyng vnto
ponies, and there caused Te Deum to be solempnly
songen, whibh was the first day of Octobre.
And after this came certeyn wrytyng vnto the Maire
that the said persone was brought vnto the kynges
presence vnto Taunton, where the kyng pardoned hym
of his Uf and John Heron also ; and so from thens he
awayted vpon the kynges grace Rydyng his progresse
westward. And vpon Tuesday, beyng Saynt Lukes
Even, the Queue, comyng from Walsyngham, came
through the Citie Beceyved by the Mair and his Brethem
vpon horsbak at Bisshopes Gate. And from thens so
conveyed vnto the warderobe by the blak flfreres, where
she loged that nyght and the Day folowjmg ; and from
thens to Shene, where to her Grace was brought, the
Saterday [7 Oct.] before Saynt Symon and Jude, the wif
of Perkyn aforsaid ; which said wif was a Scottish woman
and doughter vnto the Erie of Huntley of Scotland.
^ See above, p. 139.
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PEBKIN'S FAMILY HISTOBY 183
124. M97.
[Perkin Warbeck's confession, Eingsford's '* Chronioles," p. 219.]
This yere the Saterday, bejmg the xviij*^ day of is Novem-
Nouembre, the kyng came vnto his manoir of Shene oember.
after his long beyng at Excetir.^ And vpon the Wed-
densday folowyng he came by land to Lambhith, and
there toke his Barge and came vnto Westm', where the
Mair, w* his Brethem, receyved hym in the paleis, w*
dyuers of the Citesyns to the numbre of iiij", of euery
£feliship a certejm assigned in their last lyuereys. At
which Seasone the forsaid Persone Perkyn came also
before the kyng, vpon whom the same season and other
dayes folowyng was moch wonderyng, and many a
Curse throwen at his hede.
Here after ensueth the (Confession of the said Perkyn
and Pedygre.
'' fi&rst it is to be knowen that I was bom in the
Towne of Tnmey, and my ffaders name is called John
Osbek ; which said John Osbek was controller of the
Towne of Tumey. And my moders name is Kateryn
de £faro. And one of my Grauntsires vpon my fltaders
side was called Deryk Osbek, which died ; after whos
deth my grauntmother was maried vnto the w^in named
Petir flam, which was Beceyvour of the f orsaide Towne
of Tumey and Deane of the Botemen that be vpon the
watir or Byver of Leystave. And my Grauntsire vpon
my moders side was called Petir ffaro, the which had
in his kepyng the keys of the Gate of Sejmt Johns,
w*in the abouenamed Towne of Tumey, Also I had an
Vncle named Maister John Stalyn dwellyng in the
parisshe of Saynt Pyas w*in the same Towne, which
had maried my fiEaders Sister, whose name was Johane
^ According fco the itinerary in ** Ezoerpta Historica,'' p. 115,
Henry did not reach Sheen until 21 November.
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184 THE EEIGN OF HENEY VII
November- Or Jane, w* whom I dwelled a certeyn season ; and
U97. ' afterward I was led by my moder to Andwarp for to
leme flemmysshe in an house of a Cosyn of myne,
officer of the said Towne, called John Stienbek, w*
whome I was the Space of half a yere. And after that
I retoumed agayn vnto Tumey by reason of the warres
that wer in fflaunders. And w*in a yere folowyng I
waa sent w* a Merchaunt of the said Towne of Tumey
named Berlo, and his Maister's name Alex., to the
Marte of Andwarp, where as I fill syke, which sykenesse
contynued vpon me v monethes; and the said Berlo
set me to boorde in a Skynners hous, that dwelled beside
the hous of the Englessh nacion. And by hym I was
brought from thens to the Barowe Marte, and loged at
the Signe of tholde man, where I abode the space of ij
monethea And after this the said Berlo set me w^
a merchaunt in Middelborough to seruice for to leme
the language, whose name was John Strewe, w* whome
I dwelled from Cristmas vnto Easter; and than I
went into Portyngale in the Gumpany of Sir Edward
Bramptons wif in a Ship which was called the Queues
Ship. And whan I was comen thider I was put in
seruice to a knyght that dwelled in Lussheboume,
which was called Petir Vacz de Cogna, w* whome I
dwelled an hole yere, which said knyght had but one
lye ; and than because I .desired to se other Cuntrees
I toke licence of hym. And than I put my silf in
seruice w* a Breton, called Pregent Meno, the which
brought me w* hym into Ireland. And whan we wer
there aryved in the Towne of Corke, they of the Towne,
because I was clayed w* some clothes of silk of my
said Maisters, caooae vnto me and threped vpon me that
I shuld be the Duke of Clarence sone, that was before
tyme at Develyn. And for as moch as I denyed it
there was brought vnto me the holy Euaungelist and
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PEBKIN IN IRELAND 185
the Crosse by the Mayre of the Towne, which was Noyember-
called John Lewelyn ; and there in the presence of hym 1497.
and other I toke myn Othe as trouth was that I was
not the forsaid Dukes Son, nother of none of his blood.
And after this came vnto me an Englissh man, whose
name was Steffe Poytron, w* one John Water, and said
to me in sweryng grete Othis, that they knew wele
I was kyng Bichardes Bastarde Son ; to whome I
answerd w* hie Othis that I were not. And than they
advised me not to be afferd but that I shuld take it
vpon me Boldly, and iff I wold so do they wold ayde
and assiste me w^ all theyr powr agayn the kyng of
Englond ; And not only they, but they were well as-
sored that therles of Desmond and Eildare shuld do
the same, ffor they forsid not what party so that they
myght be revenged vpon the kyng of Englond ; and so
agaynst my will made me to lerne Inglisshe, and taughte
me what I shuld doo and say. And after this they
called me Duke of York, the Second Son of kyng
Edward the ffourth, because kyng Bichardes Bastarde
Son was in the handes of the kyng of Englond. And
vpon this the said John Water, Steflfe Poytron, John
Tiler, Huberd Bourgh, w* many other, as the forsaid
Erles, entred into this fals Quarell. And w^in short
tyme after this the ffrensshe kyng sent vnto me an
Embasset into Irelond, whose names was loyte Lucas
and Maister Steffes flrion,^ to aduertise me to come into
fEraunce ; and thens I went into fiEraunce, and from thens
into fflaunders, and from fi9aunders into Ireland, And
from Ireland into Scotland, and so into England."
The Tuesday before Seynt Andrewis day, beyng the
xxviij day of Nouembre, the sayd Perkyn was conueyd
vpon horse bak thorowh Chepe and Come hyll vnto the
* Formerly French Secretary to Henry VII. See Campbell,
ii., 60.
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186 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Novonbar- TowT of London : and after hym was also on horse bak,
1497. ' clad in armittes abyt, a man, ffast bound hondes and
ffete, which some tjnne was, as it was reportyd, Sargeaunt
fferrour vnto owir Souerayn Lord the kyng Henry
the vi]^, also lad vnto the said Towir and ther lefte
as prisoner; which said fferrour departyd oute of the
kynges sendee long tyme before and went vnto the
said Perkyn, and became his semant and was w^ hym
yens and days, and after the said Perkyns takjrng,
wandrid abowte in the habit and ffourme of an Ermyte,
and so was takyn and browght vnto the kjmg. And
after thys prisoner thus lafte in the Tower the said
Perkyn was conueyd ayen thorwth Candylwyke strete,
and so ageyn thorwth Ghepe toward Westmynst'. with
many a curse and wonderyng Inowth. The Monday
next ffolowyng, beyng the iiij*^ day of Decembre, the
forsaid fferrour and one caUid Edwardes, which some
tjnne had ben in seruice w^ the Quens grace in the
Boume of a yoman, wer drawen from the towir to
Tibome and ther hangyd, and the said ffenour hedyd
and quarterydy and after bothe buryed in the ffrere
Austyns : vpon whos sowlys god haue mercy ! Amen !
125.
[Sanuto's abstzaot of despatohee from Trevisano, <' Venetian Cal.,"
i. No. 760.]
28 NoTem- Beceipt of letters from the ambassador Andrea
Trevisan, dated 28 November, stating that on the 22nd
the King returned from the camp to London, having
been against the Cornish men. He did not enter the
city with any triumph, whereas on the former occasion
when he returned it was his wont to come with pomp,
neither did he choose any of the resident ambassadors
to go out to meet him, saying that he had not gained a
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PERKIN IN LONDON 187
worthy victory, having been against such a base crew November,
as those Cornish men.
Subsequently the [Venetian] ambassador went to the
King, who gave him a gracious greeting and chose to
give audience to an ambassador from the King of Scot-
land, who was come to negotiate an agreement, in the
presence of all the ambassadors, including the one from
the King of France. The King was well arrayed with
a very costly jewelled collar. Has also seen that Perkin,
who was in a chamber of the King's palace and habit-
ation. He is a well favoured young man, 23 years old,
and his wife a very handsome woman ; the King treats
them well, but did not allow them to sleep together.
Asks leave to return home, perceiving that his stay in
England is of no importance..
126.
[Qaeen Elizabeth to Isabella of OastUe, Wood's " Letters of Royal
and ninstrioufl Ladies,'' p. 114.]
To the most serene and potent princess the Lady Weetmin-
Elizabeth, by God's grace queen of Castile, Leon, Ara-oemUr.
gon, Sicily, Granada, etc our cousin and dearest rela-
tion, Elizabeth, by the same grace queen of England
and France, and lady of Lreland, wishes health and the
most prosperous increase of her desires.
Although we before entertained singular love and re-
gard to your highness above all other queens in the
world, as well for the consanguinity and necessary
intercourse which mutually take place between us, as
also for the eminent dignity and virtue by which your
said majesty so shines and excels that your most cele-
brated name is noised abroad and diffused everywhere ;
yet much more has this our love increased and accumu-
lated by the accession of the most noble affinity which
has recently been celebrated between the most illustrious
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188 THE BEIGN OP HENRY VH
Deo0mbflr» Lord Arthur, prince of Wales, onr eldest son, and the
most illustrions princess the Lady Catherine, the infanta,
your daughter. Hence it is that, amongst onr other
cares and cogitations, first and foremost we wish and
desire from onr heart that we may often and speedily
hear of the health and safety of your serenity, and of
the health and safety of the aforesaid most illustrious
Lady Catherine, whom we think of and esteem as our
own daughter, than which nothing can be more grateful
and acceptable to us. Therefore we request your serenity
to certify us of your estate, and of that of the aforesaid
most illustrious Lady Catherine our common daughter.
And if there be any thing in our power which would be
grateful or pleasant to your majesty, use us and ours as
freely as you would your own ; for, with most willing
mind, we ofiEer all that we have to you, and wish to have
all in common with you. We should have written you
the news of our state, and of that of this kingdom, but
the most serene lord the king, our husband, will have
written at length of these things to your majesties. For
the rest may your majesty fare most happily according
to your wishes.
127.
[Baimondo de Sonoino to the Dake of Milan, ** Milanese Calendar,"
L336.]
London, To tell the truth, his Majesty is right in behaving well
l^^' to the French, as every year he obtains 5,000 [50,000]
crowns from them, some say for observing the peace made
between King Edward and King Louis ; others, whom
I believe, say that it is because his Majesty, having
supplied the Duchess of Britanny with much money,
receiving in pledge some fortresses which the King of
France afterwards captured, the king here, among other
articles arranged with the French when he went to
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PERKIN'S ESCAPE 189
Picardy, provided that the money lent to the duchess, Deoember.
now Queen of France, should be restored by the pay-
ment of 50,000 crowns yearly. The French not only pay
this sum to his Majesty, but with his knowledge and
consent they give provision to the leading men of the
realm, to wit, the Lord Chamberlain, Master Braiset
[Bray], Master Lovel, and as these leading satraps are
very rich the provision has to be very large. I hear also
that they give to others, but this is not so well estab-
Ushed as in the case of these three.
Perkin has been made a spectacle for everybody and
every day he is led through London, in order that every-
one may perceive his past error. In my opinion he
bears his fortune bravely.
1498.
128.
[Perkin Warbeok's escape and recapture, Eingsford's " Ohronioles,"
p. 223.]
Ye haue hard before of the takyng of the Perkyn,9-i7 June,
and his confession and pedigrew ; and how graciously
it plesyd the kynges grace to Deale w* hym, and after
kept hywi in his court at liberte ; which grete benefetes
vpon the said Perkyns party forgotyne, he vpon Trinite
Sonday evyn, vpon Saterday, beyng the ix*** day of Junii,
aboute Mydnygth, stale A way owte of the Court, the
kjmge beyng then at Westmynst.' for whom was made
grete serch.^
The said Perkyn after he was departed, as before is
l«M
' 9 June. To Steven Bull and Bamsefeld sekyng for Perkyn,
for there costs, £1 6s. 8d." (" Excerpta Historioa," p. 118). "10
June. To Bradsha riding for Perkyn, Ids. 4d. To four yomen
watching one night with four botes, 6b. 8d." (ibid,).
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190 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Jima, 1408. said. Went vnto shene ; and ther made swych petyons
mocyons vnto the ffader of the plaise, that after he had
set hym in Suyr kepjrng went vnto Westmynst* and
ther gate pardon of the kyng for hys lyffe, and so was
browgth Agayne to the kyng. And the £Eriday next
folowyng was made w*in the palays at Westmynst' a
scafbld of pipis and of hoggysshedes ; and there vpon a
peyr of stakes he was set A good part of the fore none ;
And ther was wondred agene vpon, as he had ben
ofte tymys before.
And ypon the monday folowyng was a scaffold made
in Chepyssyde, foreagayn the kynges hede, where vpon
the said Perkyn stood from x of the momyng tyll iij
of the clok at after none, where he was excedyngly
wondred vpon. And the same after none abowte thre
of the Clok he was browgth from the said place thorwth
Comhylle vnto the Towir of London, w* Officers of the
Cite and also of the said Towir folowyng.
129.
[De Puebla to Ferdinand and Isabella, '' Spanish OaL/' L 198.]
London, I wrote a long while ago to your Highnesses, sup-
^ ' plicating you to give your opinion and advice as to how
the King of England ought to deal with Perkin. Your
Highnesses have not to this day, no doubt for some just
reason and impediments, sent a word in reply, or written
anything. I say this because the said Perkin fled a
few days ago, without any reason. Your silence causes
much pain to me, because I am sure the King of England
would do what your Highnesses might advise. Gkxl be
thanked I Perkin is already captured. The same hour
that he was arrested the King of England sent one of
his gentlemen of the bedchamber to bring me the news.
I have not yet had time to ascertain what will become
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PEEKIN'S BECAPTUEE 191
of Perkin, becauBe I am writing these lines at the same June, 1498.
hour that the King of England sent me the news. I
think he will either be executed, or kept with great
vigilance in prison.
130.
[Agostino de Spinula, Milaneee agent in England to the Duke of
Milan, '* MQanese Calendar," i. 348.]
There is httle fresh to advise except that on the 12*^ London,
inst.i at midnight Perichino Oxbeke, when sleeping ^^'
between two warders in the wardrobe of the king's
palace at Westminster, escaped through a window, but
was found on the following day in the Carthusian
monastery of Sheen, seven miles from that place. He
was brought here, and after receiving much contumely,
he remains in the Tower of London, under better
guard.
131.
[Skelton*8 attack on Perkin Warbeok, " Works," ed. Dyoe, i. 15.]
Skelton Laureate
agaynst.
A comely coystrowne that curyowsly chawntyd, and
cunyshly cowntred, and madly in hys musykkys
moldsyshly made aga]m8te the ix ISf usys of polytyke
poems and poettys matryculat.
Of all nacyons vnder the heuyn,
These frantyke foolys I hate most of all ;
For though they stumble in the symiys seuyn.
In peuyshnes yet they snapper and fall,
Which men the viii dedly syn call.
This punysh proud, thys prendergest,
When he is well, yet can he not rest.
^ The 9th seems the more oorreot date.
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192 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
June, 1498. A swete suger lofe and sowre bayardys bun
Be snmdele lyke in forme and shap,
The one for a duke, the other for don,
A maonchet for morell theron to snap.
Hys hart is to hy to haue any hap ;
Bnt for in his gamut carp that he can.
Lo, Jak wold be a jentylman I
Wyth, Hey, troly, loly, lo, whip here, Jak
Alombek sodyldym syllorym ben !
Cnryowsly he can both counter and knak
Of Martyn Swart and all hys mery men.
Lord, how Perkyn is proud of his pohen I
But ask wher he fyndeth among hjrs monacordys
An holy water clarke a ruler of lordys.^
He can not fynd it in rule nor in space :
He solfyth to haute, hys trybyll is to hy ;
He braggyth of his byrth, that borne was full bace ;
Hys musyk withoute mesure, to sharp is hys my ;
He trymmyth in hys tenor to counter pyrdewy ;
His dyscant is besy, it is withoute a mene ;
To fat is hys fantsy, hys wyt is to lene.
He lumbryth on a lewde lewte, Roty bully joyse,
Rumbyll downe, tumbyll downe, hey go, now, now !
He fumblyth in hys fyngeryng an vgly good noyse,
It semyth the sobbyng of an old sow :
He wold be made moch of, and he wyst how ;
Wele sped in spyndels and turning of tauellys,
A bungler, a brawler, a pyker of quarellys.
Comely he clappyth a payre of clauycordys ;
He whystelyth so swetely, he makyth me to swete ;
His descant is dasshed full of dyscordes ;
^ PoBsibly a referenoe to William Lound, ohaplain and steward
of the household to Sir Ralph Hastings^ see pp. 139, 182.
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SKELTON'S SATIEE 193
A red angry man, bnt easy to intrete : June, 1488.
An vssher of the hall fayn wold I get,
To pojmte this proude page a place and a rome,
For Jak wold be a jentylman that late was a grome
Jak wold jet, and yet Jyll sayd nay ;
He coonteth in his conntenannce to checke with the best :
A malaperte medler that pryeth for his pray,
In a dysh dare he rush at the rypest ;
Dremyng in dnmpys to wrangyll and to wrest :
He f3mdeth a proporcyon in his prycke songe.
To drynk at a draught a larg and a long.
Nay, jape not with him, he is no small fole,
It is a solemnpne syre and a solayne ;
For lordes and ladyes leme at his scole ;
He techyth them so wysely to solf and to fayne.
That neyther they synge wel prycke songe nor playne :
Thys docter Deuyas commensyd in a cart,
A master, a mynstrell, a fydler, a farte.
What though ye can cownter Custodi nos t
As well it becomyth yow, a parysh towne darke,
To syng Sospitati dedit aegros :
Yet here ye not to bold, to braule ne to bark
At me, that medeled nothyng with youre wark :
Correct fyrst thy self ; walk and be nought !
Deme what thou lyst, thou knowyst not my thought
A prouerbe of old, say well or be styll :
Ye are to vnhappy occasyons to fynde
Yppon me to clater, or els to say yll.
Now haue I shewyd you part of your proud mynde ;
Take thys in worth the best is behynde.
Wryten at Croydon by Crowland in the Clay,
On Candlemas euyn, the Ealendas of May.^
^ A purposely absurd date ; Candlemas was the 2nd of February.
VOL. I. 13
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194 THE EEIGN OF HENBY VU
1498. 132.
[Londolfo and the sub-prior of Santa Oms to Ferdinand and Isabella,
'' Spanish Oal.," I pp. 161-3.]
London, The Doctoi (De Puebla) is in such a state of irritation
18 July. ^IjJ^ pqjj Pedro de Ayala that it has been the cause of
many disagreable scenes which are notorious in Eng-
land. There is no remedy for it. De Puebla cannot
bear any other ambassador. He has been unable to
conceal his fear and distrust towards them, though he
had been told that his services are fully appreciated in
Spain. Have observed that he is a great partizan of
the King of England. He magnifies everything that
relates to Henry as much as possible. He thinks that
the affairs of the King of England are to be considered
as more important than those of any other prince.
King Henry says that he is very well satisfied with De
Puebla, who is a good servant of the King and Queen
of Spain, and that no other ambassador could conduct
the negociations so well as he does, adding, that he
makes these observations only in order to recommend
De Puebla to his masters. Suspects, however, that De
Puebla had begged the King to speak of him in that
way, as De Puebla had gone alone to the palace the day
before, and had not liked to accompany them the next
day. Moreover, some persons have told them that De
Puebla had besought the King to conmiend him. King
Henry is certainly satisfied with De Puebla, not because
he thinks him a good man, or a good servant of the
King and Queen of Spain, but because he carries on
negociations rather in the interest of England than
of Spain.
De Puebla is a quarrelsome intriguer. He is disliked
by the Spanish merchants in England. They say that
he could easily have induced Henry to abolish the ex-
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SPANISH BECRIMINATIONS 195
tra duties imposed upon them when the last treaty was July. 1498.
concluded. The King was then in such difficulties that
he would not have refused even the half of his revenues
if De Puebla had asked it. But De Puebla is more an
agent of the exchequer of the King of England than
ambassador of Spain. He is under such subjection to
Henry that he dares not say a word, but what he thinks
will please the King. The Spanish merchants had told
them all this without being asked. Intend to send the
complaints of the merchants in writing.
Doctor Peter Panec [?], a privy counsellor of Henry,
who had transacted business with De Puebla, asked them
whether he had been sent to superintend the affairs of
the King and Queen of Spain, or those of the King of
England and his own ? He added that De Puebla had
conducted the business of Spain very badly. Many
things have been left entirely to his decision, and he has
not decided them in favour of Spain. This has especially
been the case with respect to the marriage. Henry was
then in the midst of his difficulties with Scotland and
Perkin. The Cornish rebels were in arms against him,
and had even advanced to within a few leagues of
London. If any other man had been the ambassador
of Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella could, in that con-
juncture, have dictated conditions to England. In fact
Doctor Panec says Henry is indebted for his crown to
Spain, because, as soon as the marriage was known to
be concluded, all became quiet. But De Puebla, during
all that time, went from one privy counsellor to another,
begging that the marriage might be concluded, as though
there were no other means to do it. He had said every-
where that King Henry had made great difficulties about
concluding the marriage. If another ambassador had
been in the place of De Puebla, Henry would have
begged exactly the same things of him which De Puebla
13*
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196 THE REIGN OF HENRY VU
July, 1498. has been begging of Henry. The King would have
given much money besides. There is only one opinion
about these things in England. The same infoimant
said further that the peace with Scotland had been
delayed by De Puebla, who had falsified the letters of
Don Pedro de Ayala, which the King had asked him to
translate from Spanish into French. King Henry was
very angry with De Puebla on this account, and De
Puebla had the insolence to say that everywhere he re-
gretted he had concluded the marriage because Henry had
not been so liberal towards him as his services deserved.
Henry is rich, has established good order in England,
and keeps the people in such subjection as has never
been the case before. He is on good terms with the
King of France, to whom he has sent an embassy. He
is a friend of peace.
To the Italian ambassadors he answered that he liked
to live on good terms with France, and that Italy is
too far distant for an alliance. The ambassadors from
Milan are expected.
The persons who have the greatest influence in Eng-
land are the mother of the King, the Chancellor, Master
Bray, the Bishop of Durham, Master Ludel [Lovell],
who is treasurer, the Bishop of London, and the Lord
Chamberlain.
A short time ago ambassadors arrived from the King
of the Romans. De Puebla says that they have asked
Henry to take part in the war against France.
Remained a few days longer in England, because the
ambassadors from France were hourly expected. The
ambassadors are, the Bishop of Cambray, and two
literary men. They say that they are come to conclude
peace, and to bring about an understanding respecting
English commerce in Flanders. The truce with France,
they say, is converted into a perpetual peace.
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JAMES IV'S CHARACTEB 197
133. 1498.
[Ayala's desoription of James IV of Scotland, ** Spanish Calendar/'
L 169.]
Obedient to their orders, sends them a description of 26 July,
the King and the Kingdom of Scotland.
The King is 26 years and some months old. He
is of noble stature, neither tall nor short, and as hand-
some in complexion and shape as a man can be. His
address is very agreeable. He speaks the following
foreign languages ; Latin, very well ; French, German,
Flemish, Italian and Spanish ; Spanish as well as the
Marquis, but he pronounces it more distinctly. He
likes very much to receive Spanish letters. His own
Scotch language is as different from English as Ara-
gonese from Castilian. The King speaks, besides, the
language of the savages who live in some parts of Scot-
land and on the islands. It is as different from Scotch
as Biscayian is from Castilian. His knowledge of
languages is wonderful. He is well read in the Bible
and in some other devout books. He is a good historian.
He has read many Latin and French histories, and
profited by them, as he has a very good memory. He
never cuts his hair or his beard. It becomes him very
weD.
He fears God, and observes all the precepts of the
Church. He does not eat meat on Wednesdays and
Fridays. He would not ride on Sundays for any con-
sideration, not even to mass. He says all his prayers.
Before transacting any business he hears two masses.
After mass he has a cantata sung, during which he
sometimes despatches very urgent business. He gives
alms Uberally, but is a severe judge, especially in the
case of murderers. He has a great predilection for
priests, and receives advice from them, especially from
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198 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July, 149a the Friars Observant, with whom he confesses. Rarely,
even in joking, a word escapes him that is not the truth.
He prides himself much upon it, and says it does not
seem to him well for Kings to swear their treaties as
they do now. The oath of a King should be his royal
word, as was the case in bygone ages. He is neither
prodigal nor avaricious, but liberal when occasion re-
quires. He is courageous, even more so than a King
should be. I am a good witness of it. I have seen him
often undertake most dangerous things in the last wars.
I sometimes clung to his skirts, and succeeded in keep-
ing him back. On such occasions he does not take the
least care of himself. He is not a good captain, be-
cause he begins to fight before he has given his orders.
He said to me that his subjects serve him with their
persons and goods, in just and unjust quarrels, exactly
as he likes, and that, therefore, he does not think it
right to begin any warlike undertaking without being
himself the first in danger. His deeds are as good as
his words. For this reason, and because he is a very
humane prince, he is much loved. He is active and
works hard. When he is not at war he hunts in the
mountains. I tell your Highnesses the truth when I
say that God has worked a miracle in him, for I have
never seen a man so temperate in eating and drinking
out of Spain. Indeed such a thing seems to be super-
human in these countries. He lends a willing ear to
his counsellors, and decides nothing without asking
them; but in great matters he acts according to his
own judgment, and, in my opinion, he generally makes
a right decision. I recognise him perfectly in the con-
clusion of the last peace, which was made against the
wishes of the majority in his kingdom.
When he was a minor he was instigated by those
who held the government to do some dishonourable
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THE BISHOP OF CAMBRAI 199
things. They fayoared his love intrigues with their July. 1498.
relatives, in order to keep him in their subjection. As
soon as he came of age and understood his duties,
he gave up these intrigues. When I arrived, he was
keeping a lady with great state in a castle. He visited
her from time to time. Afterwards he sent her to the
house of her father, who is a knight, and married her.
He did the same with another lady, by whom he had
had a son. It may be about a year since he gave up,
so at least it is believed, his lovemaking, as well from
fear of God as from fear of scandal in this world, which
is thought very much of here. I can say with truth
that he esteems himself as much as though he were
Lord of the world. He loves war so much that I fear,
judging by the provocation he receives, the peace will not
last long. War is profitable to him and to the country.
134.
[De Puebla to Ferdinand and Isabella, '' Spanish Calendar," i. pp.
186-6.]
With respect to the observations of your Highnesses 26 August.
on Perkin, there is nothing to be said, except that he is
kept with the greatest care in a tower, where he sees
neither sun nor moon. The Bishop of Cambray, am-
bassador of the Archduke, wished to see Perkin, because
he had formerly transacted business with him. The
King, therefore, sent a few days ago for Perkin, and
asked him in my presence why he had deceived the
Archduke and the whole country. Perkin answered as
he had done before, and solemnly swore to God that the
Duchess, Madame Margaret, knew as well as himself
that he was not the son of King Edward. The King
then said to the Bishop of Cambray and to me, that
Perkin had deceived the Pope, the King of France, the
Archduke, the King of the Bomans, the King of Scot-
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200 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
A^n28t, land, and almost all Princes of Christendom, except
^ yonr Highnesses. I saw how much altered Perkm
was. He is so much changed that I, and all other
persons here, believe his life will be very short. He
must pay for what he has done. I do not remember
whether I have already vmtten to your Highnesses
respecting what the Biscayans did who brought him
from Ireland to Cornwall The ship in which Perkin
was, falling in with the fleet of the King, was boarded.
The commander of the said fleet called the captain and
the crew of the ship into his presence and told them,
that, as they were aware, the Kings of Spain and
England were living on terms of intimate friendship,
that the Prince of Wales has now married the Princess
Katharine, and that the marriage has been really con-
tracted, I acting as proxy for the Princess. He then
exhorted them, as faithful subjects of your Highness, to
deliver up Perkin if he were hidden in their ship. The
English did not know him. The commander of the
fleet promised them 2,000 nobles in the name of the
King, besides many other favours, and showed the
letters patent under the royal signature, signed with
the royal seal, which they had on board the fleet. The
obstinate Biscayans, however, swore, in spite of all this,
that they had never known or heard of such a man.
Perkin was all this time in the bows of the ship, hidden
in a pipe. He told me all this himself ; and the man
who came to ask letters for your Highnesses, recommend-
ing the said Biscayans to mercy, gave the same relation.
185.
[De Pnebla to Ferdinand and Isabella, ''Spanish Calendar," i.
p. 188.]
25 August. But as the King of France is so near and so power-
ful a neighbour, and yet pays tribute to the King of
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HENKY'S APPEECIATION OF FEANCE 201
England, and pensions to the English, Henry esteems Ansast,
his friendship more than the whole of the Indies, especi-
ally when he sees that the whole Christian world com-
bined can scarcely resist the King of France.
136.
[Baimoiido de Sondno to Lndoyioo Sforza, Doke of MUad, '* Vene-
tian Oalendtf," i. No. 776.].
The King of England sent for him on the 11th instant, London, 17
and replied according to the accompanying nota That ^^^ *
he might understand thoroughly what he was to write,
the King, with his natural condescension, repeated the
words the second time. Thereupon he (Baimondo)
said he would draw up a minute of the message, and
present it for correction to his Majesty. This pleased
the King, to whom he took the draft in Latin on the
15th instant, when the King said, that although it con-
tained the sense of the reply, he wished it written more
fully and that he would order a draft to be prepared in
such form as seemed fitting to him.
Accordingly last evening, the 16th, Messer Pietro
Carmeliano,^ who had drawn up the minute in his own
hand, the King correcting it, delivered the document
to him, requesting him, in the King's name, not to
alter the words. Promised obedience and then copied
it verbatim. Encloses it, and would gladly have sent
the original, but Pietro Carmeliano said the £ing
chose that should be returned to him. Deems it requi-
site to make the following remarks concerning this
reply.
On the King's becoming acquainted with his arrival
in London his audience was delayed for about forty
days. Is of opinion that this was solely to avoid giving
> Henry VII's Latin secretary, a hnmaniat, and a friend of
Eraamua.
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202 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
November, umbrage to the King of France, from whom he mider-
stands that his Majesty extorts more money than from
the late King, most especially on account of the arrears
of ransom for the late Duke of Orleans,^ Although he
had had four private audiences, the King never re-
peated any of the expressions uttered by him last year,
as for instance, that '' he was to write to the Duke that
should the French King choose to invade Italy there
would be remedies," and when he charged him to tell
the Duke that he '' held his alUance in account^ as it
might aid him vastly by way of Genoa," together with
similar expressions.
Is aware, partly from the King's conversation and
partly through inquiries made by him in other quarters,
that the changes in Italy have altered the King's
opinions vastly: he is not so much disturbed by the
discord between the Venetians [and the Florentines]
about the afbirs of Pisa, concerning which he daily
receives advices, as by this tacit yet manifest confeder-
ation between the Pope and the King of France, which
he expects the Venetians will join, to the Duke's detri-
ment ; nor can he beUeve, even should they lose Pisa
(which he considers a difficult matter), that they will
fail to attack Milan.
Raimondo is also of opinion that the King of England
esteems the present King of France ^ more highly than
he did his predecessor, either because he extorts more
money from him, or because he rates his personal
quaUties more highly, or else by reason of their ancient
mutual friendship, when they jointly defended the
Duchess of Brittany against the French. Moreover,
the peace stipulated between the Sovereigns of Spain
and France makes him act with more reserve; and
1 See also p. 217 n.
' Loais Xn who succeeded Charles Vin on 7 April, 14d8.
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HENRY'S PACIFIC TENDENCIES 203
above all the large pensions paid in the English court November,
with the King's knowledge have much influence.
The King of England, who, in addition to his other
good qualities, is very communicative, complained and
expressed surprise that the League formed with so many
ties should have been thus dissolved.
Is of opinion, and the English themselves say so,
that the King has need of no one, and being at peace
with all, and perceiving so much disunion, believes he
will not compromise his reputation. Considers it cer-
tain that the King will never stir against France until
he sees it in confusion ; neither will he ever cause her
any suspicion unless for his own security and advantage.
There will be no change in England whilst the present
King lives. It is understood that the King of Scotland,
whom the English hold in very great account, is on
excellent terms with the King of England, and that
some negociation is on foot for marrying him to the
eldest daughter of England (Princess Margaret), who is
not more than eight years old, the project with Mons.
de Bohan, of Brittany, being at an end. The King of
England, however, is more inclined towards the eldest
son of Denmark, who is fourteen years old. Is of
opinion that the King is right, not only on account of
the respective ages of the parties, but because England
has more to fear from Denmark than from Scotland.
The English and Flemings are angry with each
other, by reason of fresh duties laid by the Flemings
on English cloths, and the English public threaten war
against Flanders, under which name of war, possibly
by way of fifteenth (quindena), a certain sum of money
may find its way to the King's purse ; but the sovereigns
are certain to come to terms, and the losers will have
to bear their loss.
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204 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
i*w. 1499.
137.
[Raimondo de Soncmo to the Duke of Milan, '* Milanese Calendar,"
1.364.]
26 Jana- In his Highuess's [Henry VII's] opinion he has need
*^* of no one, while everyone needs him, and although he
clearly sees what may happen to the world, yet he con-
siders it so unlikely as to be practically impossible. In
the midst of all this, his Majesty can stand like one at
the top of a tower looking on at what is passing in the
plain. He also seems to believe that even if the King
of France became master of Italy, which he would not
like, he would be so distracted in ruling it that no harm
would ensue either to his Majesty or to his heirs.
Although I may answer this and similar propositions
with all diligence, he always seemed to hold to his
opinion.
138.
[A fresh oonspiiaoy, Kingsford's '* Chronicles," p. 225 ; the pre-
tender's name was Balf Wolford^ see Fabyan's ** Ohronide,"
pp. 685-6, and " Diet. Nat Biogr.," Ixiii. 172.]
22 Febru- This yere vpon Shrove Tuesday was hangid at Seynt
"y* Thomas Wateryng a yonge flfelowe of the age of xix
yeres, which was son of a Cordwainer dwellyng at the
Bulle in Bisshoppesgate strete ; for somoche as he en-
tendid to haue made a new Bumour and Insurrexcion
w^in this lande, callyng and nsunyng hym self Erie of
Warwyk ; where he hynge in his Shirte from the said
Tuesday till the Satirday agayne nyght next folowyng.
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HENEY'S PIETY AND AVABICE 205
139. 14W.
[Pedro de Ayala to Ferdinand and Isabella, ^* Spanish Calendar," L
pp. 206-7.]
Has on former occasions written that the people of London,
England believe in prophecies. In Wales there are^^*"*'
many who tell fortunes. In the same way that people
in Galicia tell fortunes from certain signs on the bsbck
of a man, they believe here in other signs and cere-
monies which they perform. A few days ago the King
asked a priest, who had foretold the death of King Ed-
ward and the end of King Bichard, to tell him in what
manner his latter end would come.^ The priest, accord-
ing to common report, told the King that his life would
be in great danger during the whole year, and informed
him, in addition to many other unpleasant things,
that there are two parties of very different political
creeds in his kingdom. The King ordered the priest to
speak to nobody about this prophecy. But he could not
keep the secret ; he told it to a friend of his, and that
friend to another friend. Thus the King found out the
indiscretion of the priest. The friend of the friend is in
prison, but the other two persons have fled. " Henry
has aged so much during the last two weeks that he
seems to be twenty years older." The King is growing
very devout.^ He has heard a sermon every day during
Lent, and has continued his devotions during the rest
of the day. His riches augment every day. ** I think
he has no equal in this respect." If gold coin once
enters his strong boxes, it never comes out again. He
^ Of. Henry's privy purse expenses (Bentley's ** Exoerpta," p.
121). ^' 1499, 6 March. To Master William Paronos, an astrony-
myre, £1." There are similar references {ibid. pp. 110, 123).
* ** 1499, 8 February. To Olyver Tonor for relikes, in rewarde,
£2 13s. 4d *' (Bentley, p. 121).
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206 THE BEIGN OP HENBY VH
Bisrch, always pays in depreciated coin. His ordinary expenses
for his house, table, kitchen, pension, council, chapel,
servants, liveries, hunting, eta, for his own person, the
Queen, the Prince of Wales, and all his children together,
is about one hundred thousand scudos ^ a year. Parlia-
ment has lately made him a grant of 300,000 crowns, on
Condition that he leave the money of the country un-
altered. According to the laws of England, any person
can have his own gold or silver coined in the Mint;
he has, nevertheless, altered these laws. He is said to
gain, over and above the usual profits, seven reals in the
mark of silver.^ All his servants are like him, they pos-
sess quite " a wonderful dexterity in getting other people's
money". A short time ago, a certain Bemay from
Avila, a merchant, incurred a penalty. Asked Henry
to treat the said Bemay leniently, because he was a
Spanish subject, who had failed from ignoranca The
King answered, without a moment's hesitation, and very
graciously, that he would not be hard on Bernay, in
order that they might not be hard on English merchants
in Spain. *' He is so clever in all things, and in this
matter shows it so much, that it is a miracle."
140.
[Marriage of Prinoe Arthur and Catherine of Aragon, ''Spanish
Calendar," i. 241.]
19 May. On the 19th of May 1499, being Whit-Sunday, after
the first mass, and at about 9 o'clock in the morning,
Arthur, Prince of Wales; Doctor de Puebla in his
quality of proxy of Katharine, Princess of Wales;
William, Bishop of Lincoln ; John, Bishop of Coventry
and Lichfield, with many other persons, entered the
^ About 20,880 pounds sterling.
'Henry also spent various sums on experiments to turn the
baser metals into gold (Bentley, pp. 121-2).
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PRINCE ARTHUR'S MARRIAGE 207
chapel of the manor of Bewdley, in the diocese of Here- li^y. 1490.
ford, in order to perform, and respectively to witness,
the nuptial ceremony per verba de priBsenti, between
the said Prince and Princess of Wales.
The Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield said in a clear
voice to the Prince of Wales that it was well known
how much King Henry wished that the marriage be-
tween him and the Princess of Wales should be con-
tracted per verba de prcesenti, that is to say, that it was
to be henceforth indissoluble. Doctor De Puebla, duly
authorized by the Princess of Wales, had come to this
holy place, in order to perform, in the name and in the
stead of the said Princess, the rites prescribed by the
Church. Moreover, the Pope had dispensed with all
obstacles to this matrimonial union. It was therefore
his duty, there to declare his opinion and his will.
After this peroration, the Prince of Wales said in a
loud and clear voice to Doctor De Puebla that he was
very much rejoiced to contract with Katharine, Princess
of Wales, daughter of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella
of Spain, an indissoluble marriage, not only in obedience
to the Pope and to King Henry, but also from his deep
and sincere love for the said Princess, his wife.
De Puebla answered the Prince of Wales that he was
the more gratified by this declaration, since the marriage
was the fruit of his incessant labours. In the name of
the Princess Katharine he declared that he was willing
to conclude an indissoluble marriage.
The Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield then asked
De Puebla whether he had sufficient power to act as
proxy of the Princess Katharine. The power was de-
livered by De Puebla to the Bishop, and read in a loud
voice by Doctor Richard Nic. [The power of the Prin-
cess of Wales to Doctor de Puebla, dated '* in the town
of Mayorete, 12th March, X499," follows.]
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208 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
May, 1499. After the power had been read, the Prince of Wales
took, with his right hand, the right hand of Doctor I>e
Puebla ; and Richard Peel [Pole], Lord Chamberlain of
the Prince, and Knight of the QrBxter, held the hands of
both in his hands. In this position the Prince declared
that he accepted De Puebla in the name and as the
proxy of the Princess Katharine, and the Princess
Katharine as his lawfol and undoubted wife.
The same ceremony was repeated, and De Puebla de-
clared in the name of the Princess Ejbtharine that she
accepted the Prince of Wales as her lawful and un-
doubted husband.
141.
[Baimondo de Sonoino to Lndovioo Sfoiza, Duke of Milan, '' Vene-
tian Calendar," i. 799.]
i^ndon, There is nothing to write, save that, after the depar-
ture of Dr. Ruthal for France, Master (Sir Thomas)
Lovel, the King's chief financier crossed to Calais, and
returned with a good sum of crowns, paid by the French
King on account of his obligations to the King of Eng-
land. Has been unable to ascertain the precise sum ;
some say 50,000 ducats, others 100,000. Antonio
Spinola said he had heard 200,000. Does not believe
the amount to be so large, for having had a long con-
versation with the King, who holds his oym glory in
becoming account, and having assiduously endeavoured
to learn the sum, he thinks it impossible that, if it had
been 200,000, the King would have failed to tell him so.
The French respect the King greatly, and having lately
seized in France a partizan of King Edward's, by name
John Taylor, who devised Perkin's expedition to Ireland
when the latter first declared himself the son of King
Edward, they have surrendered the prisoner to the
English ambassadors. Dr. Ruthal has already returned,
13 July.
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FLIGHT OF THE EABL OF SUFFOLK 209
bat his colleague, a lajrman, remains behind to bring July, 1499.
the prisoner with him. Believes that this thing will be
held in great account by his Majesty ; much more than
100,000 crowns, as the English may say " Whither
shall I go then from thy spirit, or whither shall I flee
from thy presence ? " ^
142.
[The Earl of Oxford to Sir John Paston and another, **Paston
Letters,'' iii. 942.]
Bight trusty and welbeloved conncelloors, I com- Godahui,
aunde me to you. And where the Einges Grace is^ Augutt
lately acerteinyed that th' Erl of Suffolk is departid
owt of this his Bealme, Hys Grace hath conunaundid me
to wryte unto you that ye incontynent uppon the sight
of this my writing endeovour you to enquyre aswell of
such persones as be departid over with the seid Erie as of
theim that accompanyed hym in his repayre to the see,
and retomyd ageyn, or in any wyse were prevy to the
same, and theruppon, in as goodly hast as ye kan, to put
them and every of them in suertie savely to be kept,
and therof t' acerteyn me, to th'entent ye maye knowe
his fifnrther pleasure in the same. And if ye shall at
any tyme herafter perceyve any suspect person nyghe
unto the see costes which shaU seme unto you to be of the
same affjmyte, than His Grace will that ye put them in
lyke suertie. And Almighti Gk>d have you in His keping.
143.
[John PuUan to Sir Robert Plompton, ** Plompton Oorrespond-
enoe," p. 141.]
. . . Sir, so jt was that Parkin Warbek and other iij London.
. . ^ 21 Nov.
^ Another translation of this despatch is given in the *' Milanese ember.
Calendar," L 380. For Taylor, see above, pp. 82-4. He was, with
the mayor of Oork and the mayor's son, sentenced on 16 November
to be hanged, drawn, and quartered (Kingsford, p. 227).
VOL. I. 14
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210 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
November, were aixeyned, on satterday ^ next before the making her-
of, in the Whithall at Westmynster, for ther offences,
afore Sir John Sygly, knight marshall, and Sir John
Trobilfeild ; and ther they all were attended,* and judg-
ment given that they shold be drawn on hirdills from
the Tower, throwont London, to the Tybume, and ther to
be hanged, and cntt down quicke, and ther bowells to be
taken out and burned : ther heads to be stricke of, and
quartered, ther heads and quarters to be disposed at the
Eyngs pleasure. And on munday next after,* at the
Gildhalle in London wher ^ the Judges and many other
knyghts commysioners to inquer and determayn all
offences and trespasses; and theder from the Tower
was brought viij presoners, which were indited, and
parte of theme confessed themselfe gyltie, and other
parte were arreyned : and as yet they be not juged. I
thinke the shall have Judgement this next fryday. Sir,
this present day was new baresses made in West-
mynster hall, and thether was brought Therle of War-
wek, and arrened afore Therle of Oxford, being the
Eyngs grace comyssioner, and afore other Lords,
(bycause he is a pere of the Realme) whos names
followeth ; the Duke of Bokingham, Therle of North-
umberland, Therle of Kent, Therle of Surrey, Therle of
Essex, the lord Burgenny, lord Ormond, lord Deyngham,
lord Broke, lord of Saynt Johns,^ lord Latymer, lord De
la Warre, lord Mountioy, lord Daubeney, lord Hastings,
lord Bams, lord Zowch, lord Sentmound, lord Willughby,
lord Grey of Wylton, and lord Dacre. And ther Therle
of Warweke confessed thenditments that were layd to his
charge, and like Judgment was given of him, as is afore
rehersed. When thes persones shalbe put in execution
I intend to shew to your mastership right shortly ; and
^ 16 Noyember. > Attainted. > 18 November.
* weie. * The prior of St. John's.
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WABWICK'S ABEAIGNMENT 211
give credence unto this berrer. From Lyncolns Inne November,
at London, this xxi day of November.
144.
[Trial and ezeoutioii of Perkm Warbeok, the Earl of Warwick,
and their aooomplices, Eingsford's *' Ohronielee," pp. 227-8.]
And vpon the Monday ^ after [the xvj day of Nouem- 18 NoTem-
bre] sate at the Guild hall of London vpon an Oyerce^'ber.
determyn the Mayre, w* my lord Chief Juge, w* dyuers
other Joges and knyghtes ; and there before theym was
endyted viij prisoners of the Tour, among the which
was Thomas Mashborwth, sometyme bowyer vnto kyng
Edward, ij Citezeins of the Citie, that one named
ffynche, that other Prowde, and 6 other, which were
seraauntes to M. Dygby, Marshall of the Tour, entend-
yng aftir the Comon fE&me to haue slayn their said M.,
and to haue set at libertie therle of Werwyk and
Perkyn.
And vpon the Tuysday next ensuyng was arayned in
the greate hall at Westm' the said Erie of Warwyk,
beyng of the age of xxiiij yeres or thereaboute ; vpon
whome sate for Juge the Erie of Oxinford, vnder a
Cloth of Astate : where w*out enyiprocesse of the Lawe
the said Erie of Warwyk, for tresons by h}rm Confessed
and doon, submytted hym to the kynges grace and
mercy ; And so was there adiuged to be hangid, drawen
and quartered.
And vpon the satirday folowyng next, beyng seynt
Clementes day,* was drawen from the Tour vnto Ty-
boume Perkyn or Peter Warbek, and one John a Water,
sometyme Mair of Corf[k], as before is said, at which place
of Execucion was ordeyned a small Scafold, whervpon
the said Perkyn stondyng shewed to the people there in
» 18 November. « 23 November.
14*
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212 THE REIGN OP HENRY VU
November, greate multitude beyng present, that he was a straunger
1499. ' bom accordyng vnto his former confession ; ^ and took
it vpon his dethe that he was nener the persone that he
was named for, that is to say the second son of kyng
Edward the iiij^. And that he was forsed.to take vpon
hym by the meanes of the said John a Water and other,
wherof he asked god and the kyng of forgiveness ; after
which confession he took his dethe meekly, and was
there vpon the Galowes hanged ; and with hym the said
John a Water; And whan they were dede, stryken
downe, and their hedes striken of ; and after their bodies
brought to the ffrere Augustynes, and there buryed, and
their heedes set after vpon London Brigge.
And vpon the Thursday folowyng, which was the
xxix day of Nouembre,' was therle of Werwyk before-
said brought out of the Tour bitwene two men, and so
ledde vnto the Scaffold and there beheded ; and after
the body w^ the hede leide Into a Co%n and bom ageyn
vnto the Tour; which execucion was done bitwene ij
and ii] of the Clok at after. none: vpon whose Soule
and all christen Jhesu haue mercy I
And at the next tyde folowyng the body was conveied
by water vnto Byrsam, a place of Religion beside
Wjmdesore, and there by his Auncesturs entered and
buried.'
And vpon the ffiiday next folowyng, beyng seynt
Andrewes even,^ Sat ageyn at the Guyld hall the Mair
w* the Chief Justice and other Juges and knyghtes;
before whom was arayned the fore named viij prisoners
for lyt and deth, beyng charged one Quest with v
1 See above, pp. 173» 183-5.
' Thursday was the 28th of November.
' '* Deoember. Payd for the buriell of therle of Warwic by iiii
bilk, £12 18s. 2d." (Bentley, p. 123).
* 29 Noyember.
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WABWICK AND WAEBECK EXECUTED 213
prisoners, and that other enqjaest w^ iij ; of the which Nov6mb«r-
said vii] persones, iiij of iheyn named Strangwissh, 1499.
Blowet, Astwood, and long Boger were adiuged to be
hanged, drawyn and quartered ; which Jugement was
given vpon seynt Andrewes day,^ the Mayre and the
forsaid Juges there agayn sitting. '
And vpon Monday folowyng, sittyng at the said place
the said Justices, was brought before thejrm the fore
named %nch, Girdeler, and there Juged in like manner.
And vpon Weddensday next ensuyng was drawen
from the Tour vnto Tibom the forenamed Blewet and
Astwode, both vpon one herdell ; and there hanged, and
after heded, and their bodies brought vnto the fifreres
Augustynes, and there buryed ; which forenamed Astwod
was, in the yere [1494] that Bichard Chawry was mayre
drawen w* other transgressours from Westm*. vnto the
Towre hill there to haue been beheded; whome the
k3nig at that season, of his most bountevous grace,
pardoned ; * wherf ore as now his offence was the more
heynous and Grevous.
1500.
145.
[DePaebla to Ferdinand and Isabella, ^* Spanish Calendar/' i. 249.]
England has never before been so tranquil and obedi- London,
ent as at present. There have always been pretenders ary.
to the crown of England ; but now that Perkin and the
son of the Duke of Clarence have been executed, there
does not remain " a drop of doubtful Boyal blood," the
only Boyal blood being the true blood of the King, the
Queen, and, above all, of the Prince of Wales. Must
forbear from importuning them any more on this sub-
^ Saturday, 30 Noyember. ' See p. 100.
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214 THE KEIGN OF HENEY VH
Janiitfy, ject, as he has written so Qften concerning the execution
of Perkin, and the son of the Duke of Clarence.^
146.
[Henry VII to Sir John Paston, '' Paston Letters/' iii. 943.]
Richmond, Trusty and welbeloved, we grete yow well, letting
20 March, y^^ ^^^^ ^j^j ^^^ derest cousins, the Kinge and Queene
of Spaine, have signified unto us by their sundry
letters that the right excellent Princesse, the Lady
Eatherine, ther daughter, shal be transported from the
parties of Spaine aforesaid to this our Bealme, about
the moneth of Maye next comeinge, for the solempni-
zation of matrimony betweene our deerest sonne the
Prince and the said Princesse. Wherfore we, con-
sideringe that it is right fittinge and necessarye, as well
for the honor of us as for the lawde and praise of our
said Bealme, to have the said Princesse honourably re-
ceived at her arriveall, have appointed yow to be one
amonge others to yeve attendance for the receivinge of
the said Princesse ; willinge and desiringe yow to pre-
pare yourself e for that intent, and so to continue in
redynesse upon an houres waminge, till that by our
other letters we shall advertise yow of the day and time
of her arrivall, and where ye shall yeve your said at-
tendance; and not to fayle therin, as ye tender our
pleasure, the honor of yourselfe, and of this our foresaid
Bealme.
147.
[** Chronicle of Calais," pp. 3-4 ; of. '^ Greyfriars' Chronides," p.
26, and Kingaford, p. 229.]
8 ifayia Kynge Henry the Seventh and queue Elizabeth his
Jane.
^ For Catherine of Aragon's later belief that '* her marriage had
been made in blood," and was consequently ill-starred because her
fiither had required these executions as a preliminary, see my
" Political History of England," vi. 116 n. and ** Henry VIII," p.
179.
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HENRY AND PHILIP'S INTERVIEW 216
wyffe, comynge out of EDgland, landed at Caleis od the ^-J^>»*t
8. day of May, being friday at night, in anno 1500, and
in the 15. of his raigne. With hym came the duke of
Bnckynham, the erle of Sorrey, the erle of Essex, the
lorde Dawbeney, being then lorde lyvetenaunt of the
towne and marches of Caleis, and lord chamberlayn of
the kyng's house, the bysshope of London, the lorde of
Burgaveny, the lorde Dakers of the Northe, the lorde
William of Suflfolke, and the lord Sonche. . . .
The 9th of June kjmge Henry the Seventh and qwene
Elisabethe his wyfe, with many lords, ladyes, knights,
esquiers, gentlemen and yemen, met with the duke of
Burgoyne at owr lady of St. Petar's without Oalays.
Saint Petar's churche was richely hanged with arras,
and ther they all dyned, for the churche was partyd
with hangings into dyvers offices, and when they had
dyned and comunyd ther was a rich banqwete, and
after the duke of Burgoyne dauncyd with the ladyes of
England, and then toke leave of the kynge and qwene,
and rode that nyght to Gravenynge, for he would not
come within the towne of Caleya
The 16. day of June the kynge, the qwene, and all
the lordes and ladyes, landyd at Dover from Galleys.^
14a
[Death of Henry VII's youngest son Edmund, Duke of Somerset
(b. 20 PebruATy, UW), Kingsford's " Chronicles," p. 231.]
Also this yere, the ffiriday next folowyng Whitson 19 June.
Sonday, died at a place of the Bisshop of Elys, called
hatfeld, vpon a xx myle from London, my lord Edmond,
yongest Sone vnto the kyng, and the third Sone, vpon
whole Soule and all Christen Jhesu haue mercy ! Amen !
^ ** Paymentes made in the Einges jonmey frome Qxenewiche
to Calais, and from Calais to Grenewiohe agen, by the space of 9
weeks, £1589 12s. lOd.'* (Bentiey, p. 124).
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216 THE BEIGN OP HENBY VH
JoM. isoo. And the Monday, beyng the xxij day oi Jnyn, wns
the Corps of the raid lord Edmond broo^ and oon-
reyed hononiably throng fflete rtrete w* many noble
personages, the Doke of Bokyngfaam beyng flks Chief
moomoor, the liair and all the Craf tes In their lyneiey s
standyng in ffletestrete after their orders ; and the said
Corse so conveyed in a Chare, and all the monmoors
Bidyng toward Westmynster, where he was the said
day biuied by the Shryne of Saynt Edward.^
149.
[Death of Cardinal Morton, Kin^sford'a '' Chronidfia," p. 238 ;
cf . " Oreyfriars' Chronicle,^ p. 26, " and the same yere dyde
the archbyashoppe of Torke,' the bywhoppe of Norwydie/ and
the byaahoppe of Elye." *]
i2Oetob0r. Also this yere in the begynnyng of the moneth of
Octobre departed oat of this world Doctour Moreton,
Archebisshop of Cannterbury, Cardynall, Chaunceler
and prymat of this Bealme, a man worthi of memory
for his many greate Actes and specially for his greate
wisdom, which contynued to the tyme of his Discease,
passyng the yeres of iiij^ and odde ; in our tyme was
no man lyke to be compared w* hym in all thynges ;
Albeit that he lyved not w^ute the greate Disdayn and
greate haterede of the Comons of this land ; his body
is entered at Camiterbtiry, caryed from EnoU, where
he died : vpon whos Soule and all Christen Jhesu haue
mercy ! Amen !
> " May. Paid for the buryaU of my Lorde Edmund . . . £242
lis. 8d. " (Bentley, p. 124).
' Thomas Botherham alias Scott.
' Thomas Jane, d. September, 1600.
* John Aloook, d. 1 October, 1500.
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MARGARET BEAUFORT 217
1501. iwi.
150.
[Bfargaret Beaufort to her eon, Henry Vlly Ellis, *' Original
Letters," let Ser. i. 46. Ellis has given no year to this letter,
but it may be inferred from the next letter.]
My omie suet and most deere Ejmge and all myOoiy.
worldly joy, yn as humble manor as y can thynke yHJaaa-
recommand me to yomr Grace, and most hertely beseche ^^'
our lord to blesse you ; and my good herte wher that
you sa [say] that the Frenshe Kjmg hathe at thys
tyme gevyn me courteyse answer and wretyn . . . lettyre
of favour to hys corte of Parlyment for the treve ex-
pedicyon of my mater ^ whyche soo longe hathe hangyd,
the whyche y well know he dothe especially for your
sake, for the whyche my . . . ly beseeche your Grace
jrt . . . to gjrve hym your favourabyll . . . thanks and to
desyr him to contenew hys .... And, yeve jt soo
myght leke [like] your Grace, to do the same to the
Cardynall, whyche as I understond ys your feythfull
trew and lovyng servant. Y wysse my very joy, as y
efte have shewed, and y fortune to gete thys or eny
parte therof, ther shall nedyr be that or eny good y
have but jt shalbe yours, and at your comaundement
as seurly and with as good a wyll as eny ye have yn
your cofyrs, as wuld God ye cowd know y* as veryly as
y thinke yt. But my der herte, y wuU no more en-
combyr your Grace with f erder wry tyng yn thys matter,
for y ame seure your chapeleyn and servante Doctour
Whytston ihathe shewed your Hyghnes the cyrcom-
stance of the same. And yeve jt soo may plese your
^Apparently her claim for repayment of money lent by her
mother the Daohess of Somerset, to the Duke of Orleans, Louis
XITs father, while he was a prisoner in England (Halsted's *^ Life
of Margaret Beaufort," p. 205 ; see '' Milanese Calendar," i. 363).
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218 THE EEIGN OF HENKY VH
January. Grace, y humbly beseche the same to yeve feidyr
credense also to thys berer. And Oar Lord gyve you
as longe good lyfe, helthe, and joy, as your moste nobyll
herte can dessyre, with as herty blessyngs as our Lord
hathe gevyn me power to gyve you. At Colynweston
the xiiijtti day of January, by your feythfull trewe bed-
woman and humble modyr. — Mabgabbt B.^
151.
[Maigftret Beaufort to Henry VII, Wood's *' Letters of Royal and
mostriooB Ladies," i. 118. Miss Halsted, who has also
printed this letter, assigns it to 28 July, which was St. Anne's
day ; but Dr. Gairdner says the allusion at the end to Henry
YII's birthday must refer to St. Agnes' day, 28 January.]
January.
My dearest and only desired joy in this world.
Caiaii,j8 With my most hearty loving blessings and humble
commendations I pray our Lord to reward and thank
your grace, for that it hath pleased your highness so
kindly and lovingly to be content to write your letters
of thanks to the French king, for my great matter, that
so long hath been in suit, as Master Welby hath shewed
me your bounteous goodness is pleased. I wish, my
dear heart, an my fortune be to recover it, I trust you
shall well perceive I shall deal towards you as a kind>
loving mother ; and, if I should never have it, yet your
kind dealing is to me a thousand times more than all
that good I can recover, an all the French kings might
be mine withal. My dear heart, an it may please your
highness to license Master Whitstone, for this time, to
present your honourable letters, and begin the process of
my cause — ^for that he so well knoweth the matter, and
also brought me the writings from the said French king
with his other letters to his parliament at Paris — ^it
^ Margaret had no technical right to this royal signature.
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HENEY AND HIS MOTHER 219
should be greatly to my help, as I think : but all will I Janvny,
remit to your pleasure. And if I be too bold in this, or
any my desires, I humbly beseech your grace of pardon,
and that your highness take no displeasure.
My good king, I have now sent a servant of mine into
Kendall, to receive such annuities as be yet hanging
upon the account of Sir William Wall, my lords chap-
lain, whom I have clearly discharged; and if it will
please your majesty's own heart, at your leisure, to send
me a letter, and command me that I suffer none of my
tenants be retained with no man, but that they be kept
for my lord of York, your fair sweet son,^ for whom they
be most meet, it shall be a good excuse for me to my
lord and husband ; and then I may well, and without
displeasure, cause them all to be sworn, the which shall
not after be long undona And where your grace
shewed your pleasure for . . ., the bastard of King
Edward's, sir, there is neither that, nor any other thing,
I may do by your commandment, but I shall be glad
to fulfil to my little power with God's grace. And, my
sweet king, Fielding, this bearer, hath prayed me to
beseech you to be his good lord in a matter he sueth
for to the Bishop of Ely, now (as we hear) elect,^ for a
httle office nigh to London. Verily, my king he is a
good and wise, well ruled gentleman, and full truly hath
served you well, accompanied as well at your first as all
other occasions, and that causeth us to be the more bold
and gladder also to speak for him ; ' howbeit, my lord
marquis * hath been very low to him in times past, be-
cause he would not be retained with him ; and truly,
1 Affcerwarda Henry VIII.
^ Richard Bedmayne was elected Bishop of Ely early in 1501.
' This passage is hardly consistent with the account of Bedmayne
giyen in the **Dict. Nat. Biogr.," xlvii. 483.
^ Thomas Grey, first Marquis of Dorset.
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220 THE BEIGN OP HENBT VH
iaamry, my good king, he helpeth me xi^t well in snch matters
a8 1 have basiness with in these parts. And, my dear
heart, I now beseech yon of pardon of my long and
tedious writing, and pray Ahni^ty God to give yon as
long, good, and prosperoos life as ever had prinoe, and
as hearty blessings as I cui ask of Gk)d.
At Calais town, this day of St. Anne's, that I did
bring into this world my good and gracious prince, king,
and only beloved son.
By yoor homble servant, headwoman, and mother. —
Mabgabbt B.
152.
[Building of Richmond P^Uoe, EingBford's ^' Gbionioles," p. 233 ;
of. "Greyfriaw' Clnoniole,'* pp. 26-7.]
In this yere the kjmg, after he had f^ysshed a greate
parte of the buyldyng of his Manoir of Shene, which as
before is said was consumed by ffire,^ £for consideracion
that in the tyme of the said brennyng greate substaonce
of Bichesse, as well in Juelles and other thynges of
Bichesse, was perisshed and lost; And also that the
Beedifijmg of the said Manoir had cost, and after shuld
cost or it wer pursued, grete and notable sumes of money,
where before that season it was ones called or named
Shene, fiErom this tyme forward it was commaunded by
the kyng that it shuld be called or named Bich mount
153.
[Flight of the Earl of Suffolk, Eingaford's *<0hxomole6/ p. 233.
Suffolk had already fled onoe, in Aogcist, 1499, but had re-
turned (see above, p. 209, and ** Diet. Nat. Biogr.," xlvi. 22).]
j^ugo^. In this yere in the moneth of August departed
Secretely out of the lond the Erie of SufiL, and so sailed
vnto fraunce, where he accompanyed hym with Sir
^ 21 Deoember, 1497.
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THE COMING OF CATHEEINE 221
Bobert Cursun, knyght, before season in like maner >^pwt,
departed ; ffor the which the kyng charged all officers,
as serchers and other, to make due serche euery man in
his Contre to se that noon other in like maner departed
his land wk)ute his licence.
154.
[Arrival and marriage of Catherine of Aragon. Henry VU to
Ferdinand and Isabella, '* Spanish Calendar,'' i. 311.]
Has already told them that the Princess Katharine Richmond,
arrived on the 2nd of October at the port of Plymouth, ber.
Is very glad that the Princess and her companions are
well Had felt great anxiety about her during her
voyage from Spain to England. Has sent some of his
officers to bring her by short and easy journeys to
London. Has likewise told them that he and the
Prince of Wales went to meet the Princess on her way.
Have much admired her beauty, as well as her agreeable
and dignified manners. On the 12th of November ^ the
Princess made her entry into the capital, accompanied
by such a multitude of prelates, high dignitaries, nobles
and knights, and with the acclamation of such masses
of people as never before had been seen in England.
On the 14th of November the Princess was conducted,
with great splendour, to the Cathedral of S& Paul,
where both the primates of England, a great number of
Bishops, and the first secular and ecclesiastical Lords
of the kingdom were present. The Archbishop of
Canterbury said high mass before the principal altar of
the church, and the Prince and Princess of Wales were
solemnly wedded. Although the friendship between the
houses of England and Spain has been most sincere and
1'' November 12. Ista die venit Domina Ispan. London"
(Bentley, p. 126).
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222 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
^^▼«mber, intimate before this time, it will henceforth be macli
more intimate and indissoluble.
Great and cordial rejoicings have taken place. The
whole people have taken part in them. Begs them to
banish all sadness from their minds. Though they
cannot now see the gentle face of their beloved daughter,
they may be sure that she has found a second father
who will ever watch over her happiness, and never per-
mit her to want anything that he can procure for her.
Has already written to them about all this, but such
things cannot be too often repeated.
The Archbishop of Santiago, the Count de Cabra,
the Bishop of Majorca, and all the other ambassadors
who have accompanied the Princess, have secured for
themselves his love and esteem.
The union between the two royal families, and the
two kingdoms, is now so complete that it is impossible
to make any distinction between the interests of England
and Spain. Promises punctually to fulfill all his obliga-
tions, and even more if they wish it.
1502.
156.
[Exoommunication of Suffolk, '' Greyfriars' Chronicle," p. 27.]
22 Fefara. And the second Sonday of lent after was sir Edmonde
^^' de la Poole pronuncyd accursed opynly with boke, belle,
and candell, at PowUes crose at the sermonde before
none.
156.
[Arrest of Sir William Oouxtenay, Sir James Tyrrell, and others,
Eingsford's '' Chronieles," p. 256.]
February. And souc after [the ende of ffebruary] was the lord
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DEATH OP PRINCE ARTHUR 228
"William of Devenshire,^ Sir James Tjrrell* and his Febmuury,
Eldest Son, and one Wellesbonme, a servaunt of the
said James Tirell, taken and comytted to sauff kepyng
for fbnonrjmg of the party of the erle of Soff.
157.
[Death of Prince Arthur, Eingsford's '* Ohronides/' p. 255.]
Also in the moneth of Aprill next folowyng, that is to 2 April,
say the second day of Aprell, or nere aboute, died the
noble prynce Arthure, the Eldest Sonne of our soneraign
lord, at Ludlow; ffor whose soule the fWday next
folowyng at London was kept a G^erall procession;
and ypon the same Daye at after none In euery
parisshe Chirche of London a Solempne Dirige by note,
and on the morow a masse of Requyem ; And all the
honest inhabitauntes of euery parisshe warned to be
there present, to pray for the said Soule. And at
Powles was doon a Solempne Dirige ; where the Mair
and his brethem were present in blak, and offired on the
mome at Masse. And the body was entred [interred]
at Worcetir ; ' vpon whose soule and all Christen Jhesu
haue mercy I Amen I
158.
[Trial and execution of Sir James Tyrrell and his accomplices,
Eingsford's '' Chronicles," p. 266.]
Vpon Monday, beyng the second day of May, was 2-9 May.
kept at the Guyld hall of London an Oyr determjme,
^Sir William was eldest son of Edward Courtenay, Earl of
Devonshire ; it was not unusual in those days to describe the sons of
an earl in the fashion of the chronicler. His arrest is dated 1608
in the ''Diet. Nat. Biogr.," xiL 336.
' Sir James Tyrrell was afterwards accused of complicity in the
murder of the princes in the Tower.
' '* June 18. Payd to the Under Treasurer, the rest of his boke
made for the buriall of my Lorde Prince, £666 168." (Bentlej,
p. 128).
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224 THE EEIGN OF HENEY VH
May, 1602. where sat the Mayre, the Duke of Bokyngham, Therle
of Oxenford, w^ many other lordes, Juges, and knyghtes,
as commyssioners, before whome was presented as
prisoners to be enqnyred of, Sir James Tyrell, and sir
John Wyndam, knyghtes, a Gentihnan of the said Sir
James, named Wellesbonm, and one other beyng a
shipman.
VpcHi the day folowyng, beyng the day of the halow-
yng of the Invencion of the Crosse sat agayn there the
said Mair, Lordes and other ; where before theym agejm
were brought the said iiij persones, and there for certeyn
tresons by theym commy tted were adioged to be drawen,
hanged and quartered.
Vpon flfriday folowyng, beyng the vi*h day of May
and the morowe after the Ascension of our Lord, Sir
James Tyrell and the forsaid Sir John Wyndam,
knyghtes, were brought out of the Toure, to the scaffold
vpon the Toure hill, vpon their ffete ; where they were
both beheded.
And the same day was the forsaid Shipman laied
vpon an herdyll, and so drawen from the Toure to
Tyboume, and there hanged, hedid and quartered. And
the forenamed Wellysboum Bemajmed still in prison at
the kynges commaundment and pleasure.
Vpon the Saterday folowyng was arayned before my
lord of Derby and other lordes in the Whitehall at
Westm ' the sone of the forsaid Sir Jamys, one named
Mathew Jonys, a yoman of the Croun, and a pursevaunt,
and theder was brought the forsaid Wellesboume for to
geve Evidence agayne theym.
And the same day sat at Guyld hall the Mair and
certeyn other commyssioners, before whom was arayned
Sir John Wyndam's sone, and a harbour, dwellyng
aboute the stile yerd in London, called James Holand.
And vpon the Monday folowyng sat agayn at the
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ANOTHER ROBIN HOOD 225
yeldhall the said commyssioners, where for certeyn M»y, 1502.
tresons by theym commytted were Juged to be drwen,
hanged, and quartered, the forsaid ij persons.
And sone after the forsaid Mathew Jonys, and the
pursevaunt, which was called pursevaunt Cursxun, were
sent to Guynes, and there were put to deth. And the
Residue Remayned in prison at the kynges grace.
169.
[Capture of a famous highwayman, Kingaford's *' ChrfmicleB,"
p. 257.]
Abowte Midsomer folowyng was taken a land Rover, 24? June,
or theff, the which named hym silff Greneleff; the
which, as it was Reported, had many Thevis at his
Retynew, and Robbed moch people aboute London ; of
the which was Reported dedes and doynges after Robyn
hode.
160.
[Isabella of Oastile to Ferdinand, Duke de Estrada, Spanish am-
bassador in England, '* Spanish Calendar," i. No. 327.]
Enow that the King of France is on his way to Milan Toledo,
with an armed force, and has sent a force against us^^''^^^*
with the intention, it is said, of endeavouring to take
from US onr possessions there. He has also sent to the
frontier of Perpignan many armed men, foot and horse,
and has commanded that ban and reban be proclaimed.
All the time this was going on we were at ease here,
for we did not believe that he would break the agree-
ment which he had made and sworn.
But now you must see of how great importance it is
that there should be no delay in making the agreement
for the contract of marriage with the Prince of Wales
who now is. It is the more necessary, as it is said that
the King of France is endeavouring to hinder it, and is
intending to obtain the said alliance for hia daughter,
VOL. I. 15
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226 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
July, or for the sister of Monsieur d'Angoul6me. Therefore,
without saying anjrthing about this, since it is already
known for a certainty that the said Princess of Wales,
our daughter, remains as she was here (for so Dona
Elvira has written to us), endeavour to have the said
contract agreed to immediately without consulting us ;
for any delay that might take place would be dangerous.
See also that the articles be made and signed and sworn
at once, and if nothing more advantageous can be pro-
cured, let it be settled as was proposed. In that case
let it be declared that the King of England has already
received from us 100,000 scudos in gold, in part pay-
ment of the dowry, and let that be made an obligatory
article of the contract, with a view to restitution, in
accordance with the former directions given you. Let
it be likewise stipulated that we shall pay the rest of
the dowry when the marriage is consummated, so please
God ; that is, if you should not be able to obtain more
time. But take heed, on no account to agree for us to
pay what still remains of the dowry until the marriage
shall have been consummated. See, moreover, that
the King of England give immediately to the Princess
of Wales, our daughter, whatever may be necessary for
her maintenance and that of her people. Provide also
that, in the arrangement of her household, everything
should be done to the satisfaction of the King of England.
Take care that Dona Elvira remain with her, and any
other persons whom she may wish to retain, according
to the number which was agreed upon for her service.
Be very vigilant about this, and endeavour to have
the contract made without delay and without consulting
us. Do not, however, let them see you have any sus-
picion of hindrance, or show so much eagerness that it
may cause them to cool. But set about it prudently,
and in the manner which may seem best to you, so
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FBEDINAND'S ANXIETY 227
that there may be no delay in making the contract, and July, I602.
let us know immediately what you have done in it.^
Notwithstanding that a league of amity has been con-
cluded between us and the King of England, binding us
to aid each other in the defence of our possessions, yet
the treaty says, in what we possess at present, that is
to say, what we possessed when the treaty was made.
According to that treaty, therefore, he is not obliged to
aid us in the defence of Apulia and Calabria, because
we have obtained those coxmtries since. Consequently,
we desire that at the time when the treaty of marriage
is made, you should say to the King of England that it
is reasonable, since the treaty of kinship is being settled
afresh, he should renew the treaty of amity in such a
manner that, without altering anything in it except the
date, all that we have mentioned may be remedied.
The clauses of the treaty are very clear in this re-
spect. If you think well of it, you may make use of the
old treaty.
Before you say anything to the King of England
respecting the King of France, we desire that the affair
of the treaty of marriage should be settled, so that the
one matter may not hinder the other. On this account,
it would be well that it should be done quickly. In
case that you hear anything of the King of France,
appear as if you did not believe it, until after the treaty
of marriage is concluded. Afterwards you must show
to the King of England the relation which we send you
herewith of the matters between us and the King of
France. Let the King of England know that he is
sending against our frontiers of Perpignan a large
armed force of infantry and cavalry, and that he has
proclaimed throughout all our frontiers ban and reban,
and that he is intending to attack us in our possessions.
1 See below, Vol. iii., Nob. 13-14.
15*
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228 THE KEIGN OF HENBY VH
July, 1502. The King of England, onr brother, knows that in
accordance with the treaty of amity which has been
agreed on between us, we are bound to aid one another
in the defence of our possessions. Learn, therefore,
what it is which he desires we should do in the matter,
and let us know.
If by chance the rupture between the King of Prance
and ourselves should be already known in England, and
there should be a disposition in the Sang of England
to recover Guienne and Normandy by uniting himself
with us, and we with him, in that case the King of the
Bomans will also be on our side. So, if you see that
your negociation will be benefitted by it, and that the
state of affairs between us and the King of France
renders it necessary, endeavour to get the King of Eng-
land to take part in it, saying that he will never have
such an opportunity of recovering his own possessions.
We believe that it would be well to make use of Doctor
De Puebla for this negociation. Therefore, if you think
he will be of use, impart the business to him, and let
him add you in the way that may seem best. Try to
induce the King of England to take part in this matter,
and use the skill that we look for from you, and the
necessary diligence. K anything be said to you about
it, listen and negociate with prudence, and consult with
us. But do not speak of it without being first certified
of our rupture with the King of France.
161.
[Ferdinand of Aragon to the Duke of Estrada, *' Spanish Calendar,"
i. pp. 287-8.]
1 Sepum- Now this enterprise of the King of France cannot be
^* hindered except by putting him under the necessity of
defending his kingdom of France. This, to be of any
use, cannot, as you know, be done by means of one King
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SPANISH DESIGNS 229
only. But if we and the King of England were to join September.
together to make a descent upon France, each one
^th all his forces, we might then attack Guienne and
Normandy ; or we might descend upon Languedoc and
the parts about Fuentarabia while the King of England
attacked the duchies, in the hope, with God's assistance,
that, our army might then effect a junction there with
the army of the King of England. For, if we and the
King of England could meet in France, he might re-
cover, by God*s help, the said duchies of Guienne and
Normandy, or a large portion of them. By these
means the King of France would be obliged to quit
Italy, in order to come to the defence of his own king-
dom.
As soon as he had left Italy, having within his king-
dom two such Princes as his adversaries, it is very
certain that all the people of Italy would join together
to take from the King of France and his people that
which he holds in Italy, so that he would lose it all.
Moreover, it is probable that in order to deliver his
kingdom he would, in such a case, consent to all that
we and the King of England might require. On the
other hand, no great forces being sent against the King
of France, the people of Italy would dare to do nothing
except what he might conmiand. Therefore what above
all things we now desire is, that the King of England
should be induced to take part in the matter in the way
we have pointed out.
Having regard to what we have said, you will on this
account give this business precedence of all others, for
you must see how much it imports our royal state and
service. And you will tell the King of England, im-
mediately, from us, how the King of France, without
any just cause or reason, and without wishing to find
any means of maintaining peace and concord, has
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230 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
SeDtember, broken all that he had capitulated and sworn to with ns,
^ we having kept our faith very entirely with him. You
will also say that, after having seized upon our country
of Sicily by means of his fleet and army, we being quite
at ease the while, confident as we were of peace and un-
prepared for war, he made war upon us there, saying
that he desired to have our duchies of Apulia ajud
Calabria and our kingdom of Sicily, and has already
proceeded from words to deeds. Moreover, show him
how little security he, or any one, can have that the
King of France will keep that which he has confiixned
and sworn, after breaking with us in the way he has
done. For even if there had been no treaty of amity
agreed to and sworn between us and the King of Eng-
land, by which he would have been bound to take part
in this matter, there would still be sufficient reason for
him to join with us in remedying the evil. How much
the more need then is there for him, being, as he is,
obliged thereto on account of the treaty of amity settled
between us, to aid us in the defence of our kingdom of
Sicily and of those our other realms.
We therefore pray him that he will be willing to do
this, because, as we said before, the matter requires
strong and speedy measures to be speedily taken. For,
we are quite determined to aid him, with all our power.
God willing, to recover his duchies of Guienne and
Normandy, if he will aid us to recover our possessions.
You will also tell the King of England that suitable
security must be given on the one side and the other,
that, God willing, we should not dissolve our confedera-
tion against the King of France, or make peace or truce
with him without the King of England, or the King
of England without us. Above all, give this business
precedence of all others, and use your best endeavours
in it, making the strongest representations to the King
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DEATH OP THE QUEEN 231
of England respecting it, and endeavonring in all pos- September,
sible ways to get him to take part in it.
1503.
162.
[Death of the Queen, Eongsford's " GhronioleB/' p. 258.]
And vpon Candelmas day, in the nyght folowyng the 2-11 Pebru-
day, the kjmg and the Quene then beyng loged in the*^'
Towre of London, the Quene that nyght was delyuered
of a doughter; where she entendid to have been de-
Ijmered at Kchmount, and vpon the Saterday folowyng
was the said doughter Cristened w*in the parisshe
chirch of the Towre, and named Kateryn. And vpon
that day vij nyght or vpon Saterday, beyng the xj**^ day
of flfebruarij, in the momyng, dyed the noble and vertuous
Quene Elizabeth in the said Tour ; ^ vpon whose Soule
and all Christen Jhesu haue mercy ! Amen I
163.
[Death of the Queen, '* Venetian Calendar,'* i. No. 833.]
Beceipt of letters from the ambassador, Alvise Ajitwerp,
Mocenigo, dated Antwerp 19 February. News had Jryf ***''°*
been received that the Queen of England, after giving
birth to a female child, had died, though the English
ambassadors said they did not know this for certain.
Writes that this Queen was the daughter of the late
King Edward ; a very handsome woman and of great
ability.
^ *' March 16. Delivered to Sir Robert Hatton in prest at two
tymes for the buryall of the Quenes grace, £433 68. 8d. " (Bentley, p.
130). " 31 May. Delivered to thunder-treasurer in full payment
of £2832 78. dd. for thentirment of the Quenee grace, £2389
08. 7d. " (ibid,).
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232 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Febnmry, By a letter from the same of the 23rd, the death of
IRAS.
the Queen was confirmed ; she was 85 years old, a very
handsome woman, and in conduct very able ; has left a
son and three daughters. It is supposed that althougli
King Henry has made the agreement with the King of
the Bomans, England will make a stir, and afbirs there
be in commotion.
164.
[Ezoommmiioation of Edmund de la Pole and Sir Robert Oorson,
Eingsford's " Chroniclea," p. 259 ; cf. No. 155.]
5 Maroh. Vpon Sonday, beyng the first Sonday of Lent, and
the vtii day of March, was at Poules Crosse executed a
Solempn Curs w* book, bell, and Candell ; by Eeason or
auctorytie wherof there was solempnely accursid Ed-
mond De la Poole, Sir Bobert Cursun, and other, w* all
such as theym ayded or favered In Will or in dede.
165.
[Murder of the prior of Sheen, Eingsford's " Ohronicles,'* p. 259.]
Maich. In the Ende of the moneth of March the priour of
the Charterhous of Shene was murdered w* in the
place by meanes of a monk of the same hous, named
Goodwyn; and an other Monk also by hym and his
complices was there also murdred.
166.
[Margaret, Queen of Scotland, to her father, Henry YU, EUis,
** Original Letters,'* 1st Ser. i. 41. Margaret Tudor was
married to James IV by proxy on 26 January, 1503 ; she left
Richmond on 27 June, and made her state entry into Edinburgh
on 7 August.]
Edin- My most dere lorde and fader in the most himible
SSgMt * wyse that I can thynke I recummand me unto your
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MARGAEET'S MARRIAGE 233
Grace besechyng you off your dayly blessyng, and that AugMt.
it will please you to yeve hartely thankes to all your
servauntts the whych by your commaundement have
geven ryght good attendaunce on me at this tyme, and
specially to all thes ladies and jantilwomen which hath
accompeneyed me hydder, and to geff credence to thys
good lady the berar her off, for I have showde h}rr mor
off my mynd than I will wryght at thys tyme. Sir, I
beseche your Grace to be good and gracious lorde to
Thomas, whych was footman to the Queue my moder,
whos sowle God have soyle ; ^ for he hath byn on * off
my fotemen hydder with as great diligence and labur to
hys great charge of his awne good and true mynde. I
am not able to recumpence hjrm, except the favor of
your Grace. Sir, as for newys I have none to send,
but that my lorde of Surrey ys yn great favor with the
Eyng her tiiat he cannott f orber the oompaney off hym
no tyme off the day. He and the bichopp off Murrey
orderth every thyng as nyght ' as they can to the Eyngs
pleasur. I pray God it may be for my por * hartts ease
in t}rme to come. They calnot ^ my Ghamberlayne to
them, whych I am sur wull speke better for my part
than any off them that ben off that consell. And iff he
speke any thyng for my cause my lord of Surrey hath
such wordds unto hym that he dar speke no furder.
God send me comford to hys pleasur and that I and
myne that ben lefftt her with me be well entretid such
wayse as they have taken. For ^ Godes sak Syr, oulde ^
mea escusyd that I wryt not my syU to your Grace, for
I hav no laysyr thys tym, bot wyt a wishse I would I
wer wyt • your Grace now, and many tyms mor, wan I
wold andsyr. As for thys that I have wrytyn to your
1 aasoyle. ' one. ' nigh. * poor.
* oaU not. * These last lines only are in the Queen's hand.
'hold. "with.
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234 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
August, Grace, yt ys wery tru, bot I pray God I may fynd yt
wel for my welefer ^ efter. No more to your Grace at
this tym, bot our Lord ban you en ys kepyng. Wrytyn
wyt tbe band of yom: bumble douter, Margaret.
1504.
167.
[Henry Virslast parliament^ '' Rotoli Parliamentorum/* vi. 520.]
25 Janu- Memorandum quod die Jovis, xxy die Januarii anno
regni Regis Henrici Septimi post conquestum decimo
nono. . . Dominus W. Arcbiepiscopus Cantuariensis
. . . causam summonitionis Parliamenti . . . declaravit
. . . Nam, ut ait Augustinus, sublata justicia, quid
aliud sunt regna, quam magna latrocinia; unde
scriptum est in Ecclesiastico, " Propter injusticias
transfertur regnum de gente in gentem ". Et quoniam
inter multa que regnis ac civitatibus sunt necessaria,
leges precipuum obtinent locum, sola justicia optim-
arum legum conditrix est, eademque conditarum con-
servatrix ; cum alioquin leges aut condantur inique,
quarum auctores execrantur, unde Propbeta dicens
" Ve qui condunt leges iniquas ; " aut pervertuntur bene
condite. De quo Cicero, Existunt, inquit, sepe injurie,
calumnia quadam & nimis callida juris interpretacione,
ex qua illud '* summum jus summa injuria " factum est
jam tritum sermone proverbium. Ex biis itaque Uquet
in rebus bumanis utilius nichil esse posse justicia.
Postremo, quid preterea voluptatis babeat ipsa justicia,
certissimis argumentis ostendit. Nam quantumcumque
sit utilis, quantumvis bonesta, nisi delectet, amari non
potest. Non enim amatur, nisi quod delectat ; ut ait
Augustinus, quamquam parum ei videtur delectare
justiciam nisi eciam inter omnia que delectant, plus te
^ welfare.
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WAKHAM ON JUSTICE 235
delectet ipsa justicia ; delectant enim quedam naturali- January,
ter propter infirmitatem nostram, at cibns & potus
delectant esurientes & sicientes; delectat nos hec lax
qae de celo fanditar sole exorto, vel qae syderibas &
lana falget, vel qae in terra accenditar, laminibos
consolantibas tenebras ocaloram; delectat corona, vox
& saavisdma cantilena ; delectat odor bonas ; delectant
eciam tactam nostram qaecamque pertinent ad camis
aliqaam volaptatem; & qae delectant nos in sensibas
corporis, aliqaa licita sant, aliqaa illicita: jasticia sic
delectare debet ut vincat eciam licitas delectaciones,
nedam illicitas ; qaamqaam ne id qaidem satis sit, at
Aagastino placet, pro amore jasticie, contempsisse
qaicqaid te delectabat, nisi eciam contempseris qaic-
qaid te terrebat; contempne carceres, contempne
vincala, contempne exiliam, contempne tormenta,
contempne mortem. Hiis ac aliis nonnallis tam divin-
aram qaam homanaram legam antiqaissimis ration-
ibas & argamentis, omniam circamstanciam animos ad
jasticiam somme coUendam mirifice inflamavit.
168.
[The Doge and Senate of Venice to Nioolo Giustiniani, Venetian
consul in London, '* Venetian Calendar," i. No. 837.]
He is aware that daring the lifetime of Pope Alex- venic«,
ander VI, the Dake of Valentinois (Caesar BoTgisk)f^^'^'
ceased not by all possible ways and means to plot against
the Signory, trjring to seize their towns and fortresses.
The Eepabhc having been thas provoked by him, on
the death of Pope Alexander (18th Aagust, 1503), and
also as a measare of self-defence, took Faenza by force
from Valentinois, he having occapied and asarped it
from the Charch, together with many other cities, towns,
and fortresses.
The Bepablic also obtained the city of Bimini from
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236 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
Jamiary, its lord, Pandolfo Malatesta, who recovered it from
1504
Valentinois ; but who, not having the means either to
reduce the castle, or to maintain himself in that state,
ceded the said city to ttie Republic, in exchange for
three times as much, as will appear by the enclosed
note ; the Signory keeping for itself that which had been
tyranically held by Valentinois, and restoring to the
Church the supremacy and acknowledgement of tribute.
Declare that the appropriation of this territory can not
be attributed to covetousness, the Republic having al-
ready ample possessions, whereas the cost of the newly
sicquired places far exceeds their revenue ; and that what
has been done was solely for the honour and advantage
of holy Church, and to secure the Republic against com-
petitors already in the field, and who sought to seize
these towns, having sent troops to Faenza, putting
forward one Franckscheto de Manfredi, a bastard, for
whom, however, the State of its munificence provided
suitably.
Assert that this is what the Republic has done in the
afiEairs of the Romagna ; for which impartial and unim-
passioned minds would award praise and commendation,
and not blame, which is constantly cast on the State,
at the instigation of rivals and malignants, by the Pope,
at the Courts of the Christian powers, amongst whom
is understood to be the King of England.
Are assured that his Holiness has written to the said
King a brief, accusing the Republic heavily for the
aforesaid acts, and referring to Cesena, Imola, and
Forli, which places have been hitherto respected out of
consideration for his Holiness, although they might
easily have been seized ; the State occupying Rimini and
Faenza, and the territories thereof, by reason of state
policy, and for the advantage of the apostolic see and of
his Holiness, but restoring to him his tributes, and
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VENICE AND THE PAPACY 237
paramount rights — ^the Republic constituting itself his January,
tributary. The Pope and apostolic see can thus have
the assistance of the Signory in place of Valentinois —
an irreverent and most cruel tyrant, of whose fellow no
record exists in any history, ancient or modem ; not-
withstanding which, the Pope at the suggestion of bad
men, lays blame on the Republic, which has always
been of such service to Christendom and holy Church
as seen by innumerable proofs and instances. Without
referring to circimistances of ancient date, they would
mention what had been done recently by the State for
the election of a pontiff on the demise of Pope Alexander,
when the Signory opposed Valentinois, who had a
strong force in the apostolic palace for the purpose of
coercing the sacred College of Cardinals to elect a pope
after his fashion, and prevented these his plots and
iniquitous designs from taking effect. The consul is
charged to obtain audience of King Henry, and in detail
to acquaint him with all the aforesaid justifications in
such terms as his ability and prudence may suggest.
He is to explain the course of events to every one, as
shall seem necessary, so as to make a favourable impres-
sion. The King himself, the State is convinced, will
expect the Pope to be well disposed towards the Signory.
The consul to omit no assiduity. They rely much on
his prudence and ability. To write back word of the
execution of these commands.
169.
[The Duke of Estrada to Isabella of Castile, " Spanish Calendar,"
i.
The King had taken the Princess of Wales to Bich- London,
mond, and from Eichmond to Windsor. There they ^^ ^°«""**
stayed twelve or thirteen days, going almost every day
into the park and the forest to hunt deer and other
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238 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
August, game. From Windsor they returned to Richmond,
where they passed a week
The Princess had been mi well for three days, suffering
from ague and derangement of the stomach. She soon
got better. From Richmond the King proceeded to
Westminster, leaving the Prince of Wales behind, but
taking the Princess of Wales, the Princess Mary and
all the English ladies with him. A few days later they
all went together to Greenwich. After staying six or
seven days in Greenwich the Princess fell ill again, and
much more seriously than before.
Before she had recovered. King Henry was obliged to
leave on a visit to Kent. The Princess of Wales then
returned to the house in which she had formerly lived.
She had, however, not improved. She is rather worse,
for she now suffers every day from cold and heat. The
illness seems sometimes serious, for the Princess has
no appetite and her complexion has changed entirely.
Nevertheless the physicians have much confidence and
say that the patient will soon recover.
The King left Greenwich the same day on which the
Princess of Wales went away. He sends messages to
her very often, and offers to visit her. He offers to
convoke all the physicians of the kingdom, and is very
courteous. The Prince of Wales is with the King.
Formerly the King did not like to take the Prince of
Wales with him, in order not to interrupt his studies.
It is quite wonderful how much the King likes the
Prince of Wales. He has good reason to do so, for the
Prince deserves all love. But it is not only from love
that the King takes the Prince with him; he wishes to
improve him. Certainly there could be no better school
in the world than the society of such a father as
Henry VH. He is so wise and so attentive to every-
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PRINCE HENRY AND CATHERINE 239
thing; nothing escapes his attention. There is noAagnst,
doubt the Prince has an excellent governor and steward
ic his father. If he lives ten years longer he will leave
the Prince furnished with good habits, and with im-
mense riches, and in as happy circumstances as man
can be.
Wishes very much to leave England as soon as
possibla Was told last year that there was no
money to defray the expenses of his journey. Had,
therefore, already remained one year longer in England
than was necessary.
Expected the brief of the Pope containing the dis-
pensation ^ would have come a long while ago. As it
had not come, doubts arose whether the dispensation
would be given at all ; and a brief, of which a copy is
added, even seemed to confirm these doubts. Went to
King Henry in order to take leave of him. The King
was much surprised, and asked him to remain till the
dispensation arrived. Promised to stay in England till
the end of August. Said that if the dispensation did
not arrive during that time it would then be clear that
the Pope did not like to give it.
At last, after the King had left Greenwich, the dis-
pensation arrived. Henry sent it directly to him, in
order that he might show it to the Princess. If the
Dean,^ who is ambassador of the King of England in
Rome, should have to bring the papal bulls, they will
not arrive before the middle of October. The King,
wishing to make the marriage very solemn, will com-
municate the bulls to the principal personages of the
kingdom who usually assemble in Westminster on the
Day of All Saints. Thus November will come on be-
* For the marriage between Prince Henry and Catherine of
Aragon ; see also Vol. iii., Nos. 14 S.
* Robert Sherboroe, Peap of St. Paul's.
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240 THE EEIGN OP HENRY VH
August, fore it will be possible for him to leave England, and
^^^' a voyage in that season is by no means an agreeable
thing, especially for so bad a sailor as he is. Beg^ lier
to send him money, and a positive order to return to
Spain, which, if necessary, he can show to the King of
England.
170.
[Ferdinand of Aragon to Henry VII, " Spanish Calendar," i. 409. j
Medina del Informs him that that self same day it had pleased
^ Novem- GroA to take to Himself Qneen Isabella. Her death is
^- the greatest affiction that could have befallen him.
Does not doubt but that the King will feel her loss as
a brother. Expresses his assurance that she is in glory,
and his desire to be resigned to God's will. Acquaints
the King that she has ordained by her will that her
husband should be administrator and governor of the
kingdoms of Castile, Leon, and Granada etc., as he
already is, on behalf of their daughter Queen Juana.
On all these matters the King of England will be in-
formed by De Puebla.
171.
[Treasonable words about Henry Vll reported by John Flamank,
''Letters and Papers," i. 231-240. Dr. Qairdner dates this
doGoment 1503 ; but the reference on p. 245 to a prophecy
that Henry would not reign more than twenty- two years seems
to indicate a later date. The ** Lady Luse " on p. 246 was Sir
Anthony Browne's wife, Lady Luoy Neville, niece of the
*' Kingmaker," and daughter of John, Marquis Montagu.]
1604 or About the last day of Septembre last past, beyng in
^^^' a secrett counter within your deputie ^ is place at Calis,
he. Sir Hughe Conway, your treserer ther, and Sir
Sampson Norton, master porter of that your sayd tgmie,
^ Sir Richard Naafan.
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SUSPICION AT CALAIS 241
cald to them my brodre William Nanfan and me. Then 1504 or
said my master your depute to us ** Sirs, we must comjrn
here now of many great matres touchjmg the kyngis
grace and the surtie of this hys toune of Calis. Ther-
fore by cause ye be next unto me, I must some tyme
put you in tryst more then other. Ye shall hjrre here
thees matrys that we intend to comyn of ; but first ye
shall be boythe sworen upon a boke that ye shall never
utter nothyng that is now here spoken, without it be to
the kyngis grace yf nede shall require, or els to non
lyvjmg creature." Then after many matris spoken by
my master your depute and resonned to the same by
your treserer and porter, wiche matres and wherof they
were I ame and shalbe [ready] to shew to your hygnes
at suche tyme or tymes that best shall plese your grace
that I so do.
Then seid Sir Hughe Conway, '* Master depute, yf ye
knew as moche as I do, ye wolde saye that ye hade
as grett cause to take kepe to your sylfe as ony lyvyng
creature ; and therto ye be asmuche bownden to thank
God for that ye have askaped hetherto as ye have, for
I know thoos persons that have be sett to murdre you,
and by whoos cause and menys they so dyde." Mi
master askyd hym what they were he wold then shew
hym, but seid that he wold shew hym more of that
mater at a nodre tjrme when we shall have more layser.
So for what he said now ame I and master porter as fyr
into the daunce as ye be, for I promyse you of my faythe
that all thoos that be and were proffered hydre into ther
romes by my Lord Chamberlayn ^ shaU never love non
of us, and specially thoos that were his houssold ser-
vauntis tofore. The cause whij they soo do I cannot
tell, but for that we folow the kyngis plesure and wil do.
Therfore good yt is that we see to our owne surtie, as
^ Qiles, Lord Daubeney.
VOL. I. 16
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242 THE REIGN OF HENBY VH
1604 or well as f oie the sortie of this the kyngis tonne, that yt
may be sure to hjrm and his, wat world so ever shall
hapen to fall here after, to have in remembrans that
the gretter and more partie of thoos that be in the
kyngis retenu here be of my lordis prefferment. Also
loke hoo stronge he is in the kyngis conrte of his hons-
hold servauntis, for the more partie of his garde be of
thoos that were my Lord Chamberlayn servamitis tofore,
and hard hyt is to know mennys myndis yf Gk>d should
send a soden change, as he hayth here tofore.
Then said my master, your depute, that ''I darst
reseive the sacrament that my lord is as true to the
kyngis grace as ony man lyvyng ; " and in lyke wyse
seid master porter.
Item, my master your depute said " My lord Chamber-
layn was very shlake in oone jomy, wherwith I knowell
that the kingis grace was discontent; for and he had
done his parte welle, the Comyshe men hade never made
the kynge feld at Blake hethe, but had all ben distroyed
longe before ther comyng thedre, that I knowell the
kyngis grace hade lever hade be done then xx°^ li for
his honour.
Item, after many wordes spoken, Sir Hughe Gonwey
seid, ** Mastres, I hanot spoken theys wordis for no un-
trothe that I do thynk be now in my lord Chamberlayn,
for I dar say now as ye do that he lovyth the kynge
aswell as any man can do lyvyng ; but yt haith be sene
in tymys past that chaynge of worldis hayth caused
chaynge of mynd."
Item the same Sir Hughe said, that ''we be here
now togedres the kyngis true servauntis to lyve and dy,
and also to spend all that we have in the world to do
his grace servis. Therfore watt so ever we speke or
comyn for his surtie, and for the surtie of this his tonne,
can be no tresone; so good jrt is that we loke and
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TALK OF THE SUCCESSION 248
speke of thjmgis to come as well as thoos present. Ii504or
do speke this for a cause that is good that we loke sadly
to, for the kyngis grace is but a weke man and syklow,
not lykly to be no longe lyvis man. Yt ys not longe
sithens his hygnes was syke and lay then in his maner
of Wangsted.^ Hyt hapned the same tyme me to be
emonges many grett personages, the whiche fele in
commonicacion of the kyngis grace and of the world
that should be after hym yf hys grace hapned to depart.*'
Then he said that some of them spake of my lorde of
Buckjmgham, saying that he was a noble man and
woldbe a ryall ruler. Other ther were that spake, he
said, in lykwise of your traytor Edmond De la Pole,
but none of them, he said, that spake of my lord prynce.
Then said master porter to hym, "Have ye never
broken to the kyngis grace of this mater? " Then said
Sir Hughe Conway to hym agayn, '* I pray you souffer
me to tell forthe my talle, for I am not yet athe ynd.
Ye have in mynde wat that I have shewed you touchyng
this matris. Of my faith, in lyke wise sithens my
comyng I have shewed the same to Sir Nycholas Vaux,^
lieutenant of Gysnes, and to Sir Antony Broune, lieuten-
ant of the castell here, and they answeryd me both
this, that they had to good holdes to resorte unto, the
wiche thay seid sholdbe sure to make their paxce, ho
so ever the worlde toume." Then my master youre
depute, and master porter boyth said to hym that he
could no lase doo but shew thes matres unto your
hyghnes. He said that, "Hyt ware good that the
kyngis grace knew thees sayyngis, but asyet I have not
shewed hym no part theroff, nother never I wildo."
Then said master porter to hym angrely, and sware by
> Henry YII bought Wftostead in 1499 (Bentley, "Exoerpta,"
p. 122).
* Vaox was appointed lieutenant of Guianee in 1602.
16*
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244 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
1504 or Godis precious soule he be the more to blame to kepe
suche matris from his hygnes; and in lyke wyse said
my master yonr depute, and all we beyng there.
Item, after many wordis spoken touchyng the same.
Sir Hughe Conway said, " Yf ye knew kynge Harry oare
master as I doo, ye woldbe ware how that ye brake to
hym in ony suche matres, for he wold take yt to be said
but of envy, yll wille and malis. Then should ani on have
blame and no thanke for his trouth and good mynd ; and
that have I welle proved here to fore in lyke causes, for
that tyme that the lord Lovell lay in Colchester a trysty
frend of myn came to me and shewed me in coimcell the
day and tyme of hys departyng, and of alle hys purpos.
I was sworen to hym that I should never utter thys to
man lyvyng to his hurte; butt yet forthwith after-
wardis by cause of myn alegens, I came to Sir Raynold
Bray and shewed hym aU as is abowe, and forthwith he
said that Master Bray shewed the same unto the kyngis
[grace]. Wher uppon I was brought before hys hygnes
and I affermed all to be true as my said frend hade
shewed ; and the kynge said that hy t could not be so, and
rescued with me alwayes to the contrary of my said
sayynges. At last he asked what he was that told me
thus tale of hys departyng. I prayed hjB hygnes to
pardon me, for I said that I was sworen to hym that I
should never utter hym, to be drawen with wyld horsses ;
wherewith the kynge was angry and displesed with me
for my good wille. I shall no more tempt hym wile I
lyve in suche causes." Then said Master porter "I
thynk that ye drast never speke thees wordes to the
kyngis grace as ye have rehersed them now here," and
he sware many grett othes that he dyde.
Item, my master youre deputie said that " I knowell
that the kyngis hyghnes is harde of credens in suche
matres ; and that knowe ye," he said, " master porter,
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HENEY'S INCREDULITY 245
aswell as I, for howe longe was yt er hys grace and hys 1504 or
councell wold belyve ony thyng of untrothe to be in Sir
Jame Tyrell ; and some said I dyd seke to do hym hurte
for malis.
"Item, a nodre tjrme I dyd wryt unto his hygnes
that oone hade shewed me that Sir Robert Cljrfford
should say here in this toune to a lady that Perken
Warbeke was kjmge Edwardes sone. Never wordes
went coldre to my hart then they dyd. Hys hygnes
sent me sharpe wrytjmg agayn that he wold have the
prouffe of this matier. I hade no wittnes then but my
sylfe ; but as hyt hapned afterwardes I caused hym by
good craf te to confesse the same he had said to me be-
fore hjm that was marshell here at that tyme, and els I
hade lykly to be putt to a grett plonge for my trothe. At
the last al thought that hit was not to shewe this to
youre grace without better proffe; yet master porter
said yt was grett pitty that the kinge dyd not tryst hys
true knyghtes better, and to geve them credens in suche
thynges as they should shew for hys surtie, for grett
hurt may come by that mene."
Item, after this the treserer said, *' Master depute and
master porter, what daunger be we in now, remembryng
all thynges welle, for we have no suche holdes to resort
unto as thees other men have, considryng also oure
many enymies that we have in this toune and els where
that wilbe glade to distroy and murdre us all yf other
should come to the kyngis grace then wele. And for
trothe I knowell that he cannot longe contynu for hyt
is wryten of hym that he shall no longer raygne than
dyd kynge Edward, wiche," he said, *'was but xxi]*e
yere and lytle more." Then said my master youre
depute, ** I bysherwe hys hart that so dyde wryte, and
also I pray God send all them that thynk the same to
be true a shorte shamfull dethe *\ The treserer said
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246 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
1504 or agayn " We may not be angry in this matris when -we
shall comyn for the snrtie of oure sylfes aswell as of
this the kyngis tonne, for I thynk not veryly thns to be
all true that I have said, but I knowell that every manys
mortall and must dij, and that that I have said I shall
shew yon my boke that shall declare you the same playnly
to be as I have said and spoken '\ Master porter said,
'' Then I pray you, master tresere, brene that boke, and
a vayngens take the first wryter ".
Item, then said my master your depute to master
Convaye, " I pray you leve thys profyciyng of the kynge,
for ye speke of thynges that I never kepe never hire
nor see, and that my prayer is that I never leve day
nother oure longer then the kyngis grace and hys
chyldre shall have and inyoye the realme of Inglond."
And Ukevise spake master porter and we all beyng
there.
Item, then said master Conway, ''All this that I
have spoken is to thentent to have all thynges to be
made sure for the kynge and hys childre, and specially
this hys toune of Calis ; and that cane never be done
without good and wyse communycacion had of the
same byfore ; for I tell you for surtie that that shall
never be aslonge as the lady Luse shalbe in the castell,
that we cane sure the kynge of thys hys toune, for the
castell is the kay of this toune ; he that is therin beyng
of a contray mynd may lett men inow in oone nyght to
distri] us alle wyle we shalbe in oure beddes sleepyng.
I know, masters,'* he said, " wat longeth to suche matres
better then ye do ; therfore I pray you seuflfer me for
to speke. Lett nott us thynk the contrarij but and the
kyngis were ons departyd, she beyng in the castell here
and Edmond De la Pole hire cosen at hys lyberte, but
that she wolde helpe hym in hys causes with all hire
poure and to lett hym come into this toune by the
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SUSPECTED YORKISTS 247
postren of the castell to the distracdon of ns alle. Be- 1504 or
membre welle how ny that Kent is hydre, wat a lyans
thay be of thers." He spake of Sir Edward Poynynges,
Sir Rychard Gylforth, Sir Thomas Bouchir. Wat he
said of ther demener, master porter, jt yoxire grace
exammen hym cane shew yoore hygnes better then I
can do. Also he said, " Bemembre all the company of
this the kynges retenn here, wat ille mynde they here
nnto us that wilbe aU redy then to folow hyre mynd as
they doo now, and to doo ns the most myschjrffe they
cando," and named Bychard Wodhonse and John
Glynton speris. Item, Baynold of the Ghambre, a con-
stable of the retenn, with other. "Thees men,*' he
said, " never lovyd the kyngis grace, nor never woldo,
with many mo of the same mynd within this tonne.
Now I have shewed all the wyrst. This be a sherwde
company sett in yll mynde. Dont ye not but this will
f alle in dede bnt good provysion be made for the remedy
in tj^me."
Item, then said my master yonr depnte, " Yf snche
thyng shaU happen, as I pray God that I never leve to
se, the kyngis grace to departe byfore me, bnt and yt
please God that he shall so do, to be for the snrte and
use of my lorde prjmce and for all my mastris ohildre
to have this tonne alle tymes at ther owne wille and rule ;
and rather then yt shonldbe otherwyse I had lever
sonffer dethe. And we do wysly, I dont not but by
good counsell we shalbe able by good polici to distrii
alle the captayns and ryngledres that be of yll and con-
trari] mynde ; that done the other wilbe good to rule.
So I tryst that we shall alwayes kepe the tonne and
marches to the kyngis use and hys." More of this
touchyng this last artycle was spoken, wiche is not now
perfetly in my remembrans ; but well I remembre that
everyman named oone to ryde the world of, yf suche
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248 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
1504 or daunger should come to pase, as I tryst never to se by
Godis grace, whoo ever preserve youre hygnes.
Item by the f ayth that I here mito my Savyour Cryst
Jhesu and to youre hygnes, this before rehersed v^as
the sayjmg of every of them as nyghe as I kan call now
to my remembrans.
Thees folwyng be the wordys that Sir Hughe Conway
dyd speke in the hyryng of Sir Rychard Nanfan, knyght,
your depute of Calis, Sir Sampson Norton, your porter
there, Welyam Nanfan and John Flamank.
First, he said that the kynge is but a weke man and
syklow, and not lykly longe to contynue ; therfore good
yt is that we see for our owne surties aswell asfor the
surtie of this hys toune of Calis.
Item, he said that my lorde chamberlayn was a
stronge'and'mighti man of men in the kyngis courte as-
well as within this the kyngis toune of Calis and els
were, and said, '' Put yt that he be true as ony man
lyvyng to the kyngis grace now, yet chaynge of worldes
haith caused change of men myndes, and that haith be
sene many tjrmes.
Item, he said that the firthermust that he could ever
se or rede of the kyngis grace was that he should raygne
but as longe as kynge Edward dyde, whiche he said was
but xxii*i yere or lytle more.
Item, he said that when my master youre depute,
and master porter wolde have hym, he wolde brynge
hys boke of profici to Welyam Nanfan, and he should
rede y*, wiche should playnly declare the same.
Item ; he seid that the kyngis grace lay seke aboute
a iii] yers past in hys maner of Wangsted ; ** At wiche
tyme," he said, " fortuned me to be in the company of
many dyvers and grett personnages, the wiche as at that
tyme hapned to commune of the kynge oure master,
and wat world shouldbe yf his grace deperted, and hoo
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CONWAY'S ANTICIPATIONS 249
should have the rule in Inglond then. Some, he said 1504 or
spoke of my lorde of Buckjmgham, that said that he
woldbe a ryaU ruler, and so gave hym grett prees ; and
other of them in lykwyse spake of the traytour Edmond
De la Pole, but non of them, he said, spake of my lorde
prynce/*
Item, he said that he hade shewed all this mater to
Sir Nycholas Vaux, Ueutenant of Gysnes, and to Sir
Antony Browne, lieutenant of the castell in Calis, and
said that ther answere to hym was saying that they had
too good sure holdes to resort unto, the wiohe should
make ther peaxce hoo ever the worlde toume.
Item, he said that the lady Luoe was a proude hi]
mynded woman, and lovyth not the kyngis grace, and
that Edmond De la Pole was hyr kynnysman,^ to whom,
he said, she vdldo all the plesure and helpe she cando
in the world, and that yf anythjmg should come to
youre grace other then wele he douted not but she
wolde lett hym by the postren of the castell to the dis-
truccion of us all.
The cause and ground whij and to what intent he
spake all thes wordes by me here wryten, my master
your depute, and Sir Sampson Norton, whoo herd all
the same, and soo dyde Weliam Nanfan in lykwyse,
that cane shew and declare alle unto youre hygnes
moche better then I cando. Butt by the faythe that
I owe and here unto my Savyoure Cryst Jhesu, and to
youre most noble grace, I herde hym speke all thees
wordes in ther presens, vdth more then my poure mynd
cane serve me to declare unto your hygnes.
Item, I have herd master porter and Welyam Nanfan
sai] dyvers tjrmes, that they have herd Sir Hugh Con-
way say that ther shuldbe never more popys in Rome
after hym that is now, nother kynges in Inglond after
youre grace.
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260 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
1604 or Item, upon a tyme I brought a letter to Sir Hughe
Conway, that Sir Nycholas Vaux had sent to my master.
After that he had rede the same letter to theend, he
toke me by the arme and said to me, '' Brodre Flamank,
thi] master and master porter be not aswyse as I wold
that they were ; for now may ye see that other men
cane have knowlyche dayly of every thjmg or grett
mater that is done in Inglond and we cane have no
knowlych of nothyng but by them. This is not good,
nother no sure waye for us. I have often tymes spoken
to them to have a sure and a wyse man to lij a boute
the court styll at oure coste and charges ; he may all
tymes send us how the world goyth. I pray you tell
them that I wille here halfe yf this to be done, for God
knoweth how sodenly a change may fall ; " with many
more wordes touchyng grett peryll that my fall yf this
be not don.
1505.
172.
[Silvester de Giglis, Bishop of Woroester, to HeDry Vn, *' Letters
and Papers," i. 2i3-5.]
Borne, Sacra Regia Majestas, post humillimam commenda-
*^"" tionem etc. Jam arbitror intellexisse potuit majestas
vestra per breve apostolicum, et per instructiones ad
Johannem Paulum fratrem meum una cum ultimis
litteris missis, placuisse summo pontifici ut ad majesta-
tem vestram venirem, et bullas originales dispensationis
matrimonialis afferrem, legitimasque causas dilationis
earundem, et animi dolorem ac molestiam quam Sanctitas
sua contraxit ex transmissione ab Hispaniis in Angliam
copise dictarum buUarum, quam ad ultimam consola-
tionem serenissimaB ac Catholicissimse dominae Helisa-
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THE BULL OP DISPENSATION 251
beth Hispaniarnm reginsB morientis oratori istic suoHaroh,
concessisset sab fide et Sacramento silentii ac tacitumi-
tatis, coram majestati vestrsB exponerem, cum nominllis
aliis privatis negotiis, qnsB mihi in mandatis datnra
erant ; et insuper sacrom ensem, quo potissimnm majes-
tatem vestram ex omnibus principibns Ghristianis hoc
anno insignire voltiit eidem prsssentarem. Sane si quid
unquam votis optare, vel non immerito forsitan ex-
pectare potui ex hoc pontificatu Sanctissimi Domini
nostri, cui me Altissimus affinitatis vinculo astringere
dignatus est, satisfactum est amplissime desiderio et
expectationi mesB, assequutus sum cumulate, et supra
Yotum quod continue expectavi ex eo tempore ex quo
aliquid esse incepi sola gratia et benignitate majestatis
vestrsB. Tandem concessum est creatursB vestrsd ad
auctorem factoremque suum redire, et eum coram in-
tueri revisere et venerari, cui non solum fortunas et
faoultates debeo, sed quod vivo, quod spiro, quod omnino
aliquid sum eidem aoceptum refero. Quam profectionem
meam ad majestatem vestram, quoniam prsscsBteris
omnibus mihi gratissimam habeo, brevi accelerabo, et
intra paucos dies ex Urbe me expediam. Non dubito
quin adventum meum dementia vestra pro sua erga me
benignitate et humanitate tetanter suscipere dignetur,
et humilem creaturam suam eo vultu aspicere quo me
ab humo toUere dignata est, et tot immortalibus bene-
ficiis, honoribus ac dignitatibus honestare. Quibus cum
nuUsB gratisB mese pares esse possint, silebo potius quam
infinita ejus erga me merita inepte recensendo minora
f aciam ; sed me ipsum personamque meam eidem coram
reverenter tradam ; suum est quicquid ago, quicquid
cogito, quicquid cupio. Bogo non verba, quae debitum
meum exprimere non possunt, sed corpus, spiritum et
animum qui totus ex ilia pendet, benigne accipiat, et ita
de me sentiat, meipsum mihi ipsi tum demum placere
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262 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Karoh, poBse, si cuiQ ad illam venero inyeniam aliqnid a me
factum quod majestati vestrsB placere intelligam. Quam
opto nt AltissimuB diutissime conservet felicem, et cui
interim me qnam hnmillime commendo.
Novitatmn nihil in prsBsenti est quod auribos majes-
tatis vestrse dignum putem, prsBterquam qnod snperiori-
bus diebus Sanctissimus Dominus noeter in sBgrotatiun-
cnlam levem incidit, quam acceptis quibusdam piluli§,
statim rejecit, atque in pristinam salutem continuo
Sanctitas sua restituta est. In rebus autem qu8B
SanctsB RomansB EcclesisB statum concernunt Sanctitas
sua die noctuque vigilantia quadam mira repetitura cred-
itur quicquid occupatum superioribus annis fuerat, et
nunc cum Venetis egit ut magna terrarum pars quas sibi
ab ecclesia verterant, eidem Sanctse Romanae EcclesisB
restituatur. Reliquum est ut me iterum clementissimsB
majestati vestrsa quam humillime commendem.
Post scripta. yenit in mentem meam dignum esse
ut majestatem vestram certiorem facerem de legatis
sive oratoribus r^s PoloniaB, qui superioribus diebus
de consuetudine in Urbem suscepti, primam eorum
audientem a Beatissimo Patre nostro in publico
auditorio die x Martii superioris habuerunt, atque ipsi
Sanctissimo Domino nostro obtulerunt varia munera,
et qu8B summam duorum millium ducatorum caperent.
173.
[Henry VH's instruotions to Anthony Savage, sent on a mission to
Ayala, who was then in Flanders, " Spanish Calendar/' i. 429.
They throw some light on Henry's dealings with the Arohduke
Philip. Bergenroth assigns them to the '* spring or summer " of
1506 ; it seems probable that they are earlier than Henry's loan
in April to Philip ; see pp. 257-8, note.]
Bfarch(?) There are the articles which Anthony Savage shall
communicate to the Reverend Father, Pedro de Ayala,
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MAXIMILIAN'S PROPOSALS 253
Apostolic Prothonary, and about which he shall hearBfaroh.
his opinion.
The said Anthony shall first deliver the letters of the
King to the said Prothonotary, and then tell him what
follows. A long time has already elapsed during which
his Boyal Majesty has heard nothing from the Prothono-
tary respecting ... of that country. As the Pro-
thonotary had written to the King's Majesty a letter,
forwarded by Garter King-at-Arms, and asked him to
send the said Anthony to him, in case he had anything
to communicate which could not be safely entrusted to
writing, his Boyal Highness, wishing to inform him of
something, and to hear his opinion, sends him the said
Anthony.
After this preamble, the said Anthony shall tell the
said Prothonotary that the most Serene King of the
Bomans had sent Herman Bimbre, with credentials and
instructions, to his Majesty, by virtue of which the said
Herman had showed and explained to his Majesty the
following matters : —
1. The King of the Bomans wishes to refer the differ-
ences about the fairs of Calais to the decision and
arbitrament of the King of England.
2. He offers the King of England his daughter in
marriage.^
3. The scune Herman informed the King's Majesty
of the quarrel of the King of the Bomans with the King
of Hungary, and begged his Majesty to send an embassy
about this affair to the King of Hungary and his subjects.
4. The said Herman further told the King of England
that the King of the Bomans intends to go to Bome, in
order to be crowned there. Prom Bome the King of
the Bomans intends to go to Hungary, to take posses-
> Margaret of Savoy.
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264 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Biarch, sion of his rights. He begs for this purpose, one
thousand archers from the £ing of England, who are to
be paid for by the King of the Romans.
5. The said Herman said to the King of England that
the King of the Romans had had very great expenses
in Germany and in Gneldres, and wonld be obliged to
spend much more money on his expedition to Rome
and Hungary. The King of the Romans asked, there-
fore, the King of England to lend him money, withont,
however, stating the amount.
Anthony Savage shall communicate, confer, and treat
with the Prothonotary, separately, on each article con-
tained in the credentials of Herman Rimbre, ask his
advice, and send his answer in writing to the King of
England.
He shall also inquire whether the Prothonotary knows
anything about these articles.
He shall further beg the Prothonotary to make very
diligent search, and to communicate the truth, in this
matter, through the said Anthony to the King's Majesty,
especially with respect to the marriage, that is to say,
whether the King of the Romans means it earnestly and
sincerely, or is playing the hypocrite, and whether he
has other intentions. If the latter be the case, what
may his intentions be ?
He shall also inquire to how much the dowries amount,
which the daughter of the King of the Romans has in
Spain and in Savoy ?
Do the dowries consist in real estates and other
property, or in pensions ; and what is the amount of the
property, and how large are the pensions ?
What security has the Princess for her dowries, and
how would she be provided for in case her property
should be taken from her, or the payment of her
pensions suspended ?
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THE AECHDUKE PHILIP'S PLANS 255
Is she reputed to be rich, and in what do her riches Much,
. . ^ ^ 1606.
consist ?
Would her father and brother, or either of them, give
her, in addition to what she now possesses, a dowry for
her marriage with the King's Majesty, and what and
how much would that be?
He shall inquire whether any other Prince is asking
her in marriage, and who the Prince is, and whether
she has a liking for him, and wishes to be married to
another Prince, and who that Prince is ?
He shall inquire what sentiments, intentions, disposi-
tions of mind, and affections the King of the Bomans
entertains towards the King of England, and whether
the King of England can confide in him as in a good,
true and constant brother?
He shall also ask the Prothonotary what is the mind,
and what are the intentions of the King of Castile^
towards the King of England.
He shall question the Prothonotary whether the King
of Castile intends to go to Spain this summer or next
winter, and whether by land or by sea, with an army or
without an army ?
He shall endeavour to find out whether the King of
the Bomans, after the conclusion of the war in Gueldres,
will make oyer a portion of his army to the King of
Castile ? How great that portion would be, and who
would be the captains ? Would it be foot or horse, and
what purpose would it serve ?
He shall ask what intentions the Queen of Castile has ;
whether she is of the same mind with the King of Castile,
and whether she will accompany him to Spain ?
Are the Kings of Aragon and of Castile friends or
foes ; and if they are foes, what is the reason of their
enmity?
1 Philip.
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256 THE EEIGN OP HENRt VH
March, What is likely to become of Edmund de la Pole ?
^ Does the King of the Bomans favour him by deed or
by words ?
Does the King of the Bomans favour the said Ed-
mund?
Has the King of Castile concluded a convention with
the Duke of Gueldres respecting the said Edmund, and
what are the articles of that convention ?
He shall inquire what the Duke of Gueldres intends
to do with the said Edmund ; whether he has a liking
for him, or only esteems him a little ? How is the said
Edmund now watched ; is he kept like a prisoner in
strict confinement, or does he enjoy freedom, although
not complete freedom ?
The said Anthony shall very often repeat to himself
all these articles, and afterwards frequently confer about
them with the Prothonotary. As often as he learns
anything worth writing or communicating, he shall send
speedy messengers to the King of England, or return in
person to England in order to speak to the King.
The said Anthony shall tell the Prothonotary that the
King of England, intending to give a suitable answer
to the King of the Bomans on all subjects contained in
the instructions of Herman Bimbre, will very soon send
some privy counsellors to the King of the Boman&
These privy councillors, or ambassadors, shall first con-
fer with the Prothonotary about the answer to be given
in the name of the King of England to the King of the
Bomans.
He shall inquire for what reasons the King of Aragon
sends ambassadors to the King of France, and whether
there is hope that these two Kings will conclude a
peace?
The King of England communicates all these secret
matters to the Prothonotary as though he were one
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CATHEEINE'S INTEIGUES 267
of his most intimate coxmcillors, and expects that the Maroh,
Prothonotary will commanicate these secrets of the
King of England to no person living. His Majesty has
the greatest confidence in the Prothonotary and is per-
suaded that he will make all these inquiries by safe and
secret ways and means.
174.
[Vinoenzo Quirini to the Signory, " Venetian Calendar," i. No. 850.]
Had been informed by the Spanish ambassador that ^^*^®^
the Princess of England sent a messenger lately to the
King of Castile,^ urging his Majesty, after obtaining
Guelderland, to come to Calais, to which place she would
proceed, and would also bring the King of England, to
effect an agreement and compromise, and adjust all dis-
putes between them and their subjects. The commen-
dator (De Haro) considers this the device of Don John
Manuel, who with such a plausible pretext seeks to bring
about an interview between these two kings, in order
through his craft and cunning to compass an agreement,
or something not beneficial to all parties.
Don John induced the Princess to take this step by
means of her governess, his cousin, giving her to under-
stand that it will prove highly advantageous.
The commendator De Haro trusts, however, that
nothing will come of this, as he has acquainted the
Princess with all the villainy of these people, and feels
sure that she will immediately intercept and thwart this
negotiation, by reason of her being the obedient daughter
of the King of Spain.*
^I.e. Philip, Arohdnke of Austria, who claimed the government
of Castile in the rig^t of his wife Juana, eldest daughter of Ferdi-
nand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile.
' Three months before this, on 25 April, 1605, Henry had already
lent £108,000 to Philip '' for his next voyage into Spayne, upon
VOL. I. 17
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258 THE BEIGN OF HENRY VH
1505. 175.
[Quirini to the Signory, ^'Venetian Oalendar," i. No. 851.]
Antwerp, Aimounces the receipt of letters from the camp, pur-
^"^^ * porting that peace had been concluded between the
King of Castile and the Doke of Gaelders, who, on the
29th ultimo, was to be at Axnheim to swear to it.
The Duke (sic) of Suffolk, called " White Rose," con-
cerning whom he wrote to the State that he was be-
sieged in a ccbstle in Guelderland, is now in the power of
the King of Castile, — ^intelligence which greatly delights
this country, and his Majesty hopes by means of this
individual to keep the bit in the mouth of the King of
England.
176.
[CardinAl Hadrian de Oometo to Henry VH, '^ Lettore and Papers/'
i. 247.]
Rome, Nova nuUa hie sunt, nisi de matrimonio BUspaniflB,i
23 October. g|. jj^^i^ multa loquuutur de vestra majestate, sed quid
sit verum adhuc nos latet. Veneti continuant occupare
illas duas Ecclesise civitates, tainen sunt valde teniti de
pace ista quse dicitur inter hos duos reges,^ et etiam
acceperunt magnam jacturam in aromatibus qusB pas-
sim veniant de illis insulis per Portugallenses repertis.
Florentini quiescunt sine civitate Pisarum. P[a]pa,
intellecta compositione hujus pacis quae dicitur facta
inter istos duos reges, dixit mihi et multis aliis cardin-
alibus dum essemusin civitate Cometi, in qua ego natus
sum, " Isti duo reges diyiserunt sibi vestimenta mea, sed
sertain writings made betwen the Kinges grace and hym " (Bentley,
p. 132) ; and another sum of £30,000 was lent on 27 September
(ibid. p. 133).
^ Ferdinand's second marriage with Germaine de Foix.
^ Ferdinand and Louis XTT.
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NEWS PBOM ROME 259
illis significari fecimus aliqua snper his. Videbimns October,
qnffi sequentur ". Postea dixit mihi soli post coenam quod
offerebant EcclesisB suom annuoin censum, et quod
habebat literas a Gallia quod yestra majestas dabat
illustrissimo principi suo nato illam paellam Dangnleme
in nxorem. Dixi non posse me hoc credere cum jam
essent contracta sponsalia per verba de prsBsenti cum
filia Hispaniae, media dispensatione suse Sanctitatis, et
quod hoc . . . regi Hispanias. Bespondit quod scribitur
sibi quod in hoc consentit ipse rex Hispaniae. Nunc
vestra majestas habet quae nova audivi a sua metuendis-
sima Sanctitate.
177.
[Catherine of Aragon to her father Ferdinand, Wood's ^* Letters
of Royal and Illastrioas Ladies," i. 131.]
Hitherto I have not wished to let your highness know 2 Decern-
the affairs here, that I might not give you annoyance, ^''
and also thinking that they would improve; but it
appears that the contrary is the case, and that each day
my troubles increase; and all this on account of the
doctor de Puebla, to whom it has not sufiQced that from
the beginning he transacted a thousand falsities against
the service of your highness, but now he has given me
new trouble ; and because I believe your highness will
think that I complain without reason, I desire to tell
you all that has passed.
Tour highness shall know, as I have often written to
you, that since I came into England I have not had a
single maravedi,^ except a certain sum which was given
me for food, and this such a sum that it did not suffice
without my having many debts in London ; and that
which troubles me more is to see my servants and
' See below. Vol. iii.
17*
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260 THE EEIGN OF HENRY VH
Deeembtr, maidens BO at a loss, and that they have not wherewith
to get clothes ; and this I believe is all done by hand of
the doctor, who, notwithstanding your highness has
written, sending him word that he should have money
from the King of England, my lord, that their costs
should be given them, yet, in order not to trouble him,
will rather intrench upon and neglect the service of
your highness. Now, my lord, a few days ago donna
Elvira de Manuel ^ asked my leave to go to Flanders to
get cured of a complaint which has come into her eyes,
so that she lost the sight of one of them ; and there is
a physician in Flanders, who cured the infanta donna
Isabel of the same disease with which she is affected.
She laboured to bring him here so as not to leave me,
but could never succeed with him ; and I, since if she
were blind she could not serve me, durst not hinder her
journey. I begged the king of England, my lord, that
until our donna Elvira should return his highness would
command that I should have, as a companion, an old
English lady, or that he would take me to his court ;
and I imparted all this to the doctor, thinking to make
of the rogue a true man; but it did not suffice me —
because he not only drew me to court, in which I have
some pleasure, because I had supplicated the King for
an asylum, but he negociated that the king should dis-
miss all my household, and take away my chamber
(equipage), and send to place it in a house of his own,
so that I should not be in any way mistress of it.
And all this does not weigh upon me, except that it
concerns the service of your highness, doing the contrary
of that which ought to be done. I entreat your high-
ness that you will consider that I am your daughter,
and that you consent not that on account of the doctor
I should have such trouble, but that you will command
iS©©No.l74.
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CATHEEINE DENOUNCES PUEBLA 261
some ambassador to come here, who may be a true December,
servant of your highness, and for no interest will cease
to do that which pertains to your service. And if in
this your highness trusts me not, do you command some
person to come here, who may inform you of the truth,
and then you will have one who will better serve you.
As for me, I may say to your highness that, in seeing
this man do so many things not like a good servant of
your highness, I have had so much pain and annoyance
that I have lost my l^ealth in a great measure ; so that
for two months I have had severe tertian fevers and
this will be the cause that I shall soon die. I supplicate
your highness to pardon me that I presume to entreat
you to do me so great favour as to command that this
doctor may not remain ; because he certainly does not
fulfil the service of your highness, which he postpones
to the service of the worst interest which can be. Our
Lord guard the life and most royal estate of your high-
ness, and ever increase it as I desire. From Eichmond,
the second of December.
My lord, I had forgotten to remind your highness
how you know that it was agreed that you were to give,
as a certain part of my dowry, the plate and jewels that
I brought ; and yet I am certain that the king of Eng-
land, my lord, will not receive anything of plate nor of
jewels which I have used ; because he told me himself
that he was indignant that they should say in his king-
dom that he took away from me my ornaments. And
as little may your highness expect that he will take
them in account and will return them to me ; because
I am certain that he will not do so, nor is any such
thing customary here. In like wise the jewels which I
brought came from thence (Spain) valued at a great
sum. The king would not take them in the half of the
value, because here all these things are esteemed much
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262 THE REIGN OF HENEY VH
Dacamber. cheaper, and the king has so many jewels that he rather
desires money than them. I write thus to yonr high-
ness becaose I know that there will be great embarrass-
ment if he will not receive them, except at less price.
It appears to me that it would be better that your high-
ness should take them for yourself, and should give to
the king of England, my lord, his money. Tour high-
ness will see what would serve you best, and with this
I shall be most content.
1506.
178.
[ArriTal of i^ Arohduke Philip, " GreyfriarB* Chzoniole," p. 28.
A detailed oontomporary narratiye of Philip's stay in Rngland
until 12 February is printed in Gairdner's ** Memorials," pp.
282-303.]
16 Janu- Thys yere the xv day of January at twelve of cloke
X^ at none rose soche a tempest of wynde tyll it was twelve
at mydny th, that it blew downe tres and tyles of howsys,
and that same nyght it blewe downe the weddercoke of
PowUes Stepulle the lengthe of the ende of PowUes
church into the syne of the black egylle ; at that tyme
was lowe bowses of bokebynderes wher nowe is the
scole of Powles. And that same nyght was the duke of
Burgone that was callyd Phyllype with hys lady and
many shepes of hys, the wyche intendyd to a gone into
Spayne to a bene crownyd kynge, but by tempest were
drevyne to Porchemoth havyne, and soo the kynge send
many of the nobyll lordes and states of the realme both
sperituall and temporall to reseve hjnn and all hys
pepuli, and soo browte them to London ; and there the
kynge nobylly reseved them and made them grete chere
and soo departyd them home agayne. And that same
yere at that tyme was soch a sore snowe and a frost
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THE ARCHDUKE'S ARRIVAL 263
that men myght goo with carttes over the Temse suid Janaary.
horse, and it lastyd tyll after candlemas. And then it i^'
was agreed betwene the kynge and the duke of Burgone
that Edmond de la Pole sholde be send home agayne,
and so he was.
179.
[William Makefyrrto Roger Daroy and Giles Alyngton, ''Paston
Letters," ui. 953.]
Ryght worschypfnll masters, I recomend me nn to Windsor,
you, certyfying you that the Kynges Grace and thcary.*"^
Kyng of Gastyle mett this day at thre of the cloke, apon
Cleworth Greyn, ij mylle owt of Wyndesower, and ther
the Eyng reseyyyd hym in the goodlyest maner that
ever I sawe, and ech of them enbracyd oder in armys.
To schew you the Kynges aparell of Yngland, thus
it was : — hys hors of bay, trappyd with nedyll warke ;
a gown of purpuyr velvyt, a cheyn with a jeorge of
dyamondes, and a hood of purpuyr velvyt, whych he
put not of at the mettyng of the seyd Kyng of Castylle ;
hys hatt and hys bonett he avalyd, and the Kyng of
Castylle in cas lyke. And the Kyng of Gastyll rod apon
[a] sorellyd hoby, which the Kyng gave un to hym ; hys
apparell was all blak, a gown of blak velvytt, a blak
hood, a blak hatt, and hys hors hames of blake velvytt.
To schew you of the Kynges company, my Lord
Harry of Stafforth rod in a gown of cloth of tuyssew,
tukkyd, f urryd with sabulles, a hatt of goldsmyth worke,
and full of stons, dyamondes, and rubys, rydyng apon a
sorellyd courser bardyd with a bayrd of goldsmythes
wark, with rosys and draguns red.
And my Lord Markas [of Dorset] rydyng apon a bald
sorelyd hors, with a deyp trapper full of long tassels of
gold of Venys, and apon the crowper of hys hors a whytt
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264 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
January, fedyr, with a cott apon hys back, the body goldsmytlis
wark, the slevys of cremysyne velvyt, with letters of gold.
My Lord of Kent, apon a sorelyd hors, bald, the
hames of Yenys gold, with a dejrp frynges of half zerd
of lengh. My Lord of Kent cott was on barr of cloth
of gold, an oder of cremysyn velvyt, pyrlyd with a demy
manche cat of by the elbowe. Thyes be the lords th&t
bare the bruyt.
Sir Hew Waghan apon a bay hors trappyd with
cremysyn velvyt full of gylt bels, a gown of blak velvyt,
and a cheyn of gold, bawdryk wys, worth v. hondreth
pownd.
Theys be the sperys : Master Sant John apon a blak
hors, with hames of cloth of gold with tasselles of
plonkytt and whytt, a cott of plonkytt and whytt, the
body of goldsmyths werk, the s[l]evys full of spanguls.
John Carr and William Parr cotts lyke, the horsys
gray, of Parr trappyd with cremysyn velvyt with tas-
selles of gold, and bels gylt. Carr hors bay with an
Almayn hames of sylver, an jmch brod of betyn sylver>
both the cottes of goldsmythes wark the bodys, the
slevys on stryp of syllver, the oder gylt,
Edward Nevell apon a gray hors trappyd with blak
velveyt full of small belles, hys cott the on half of greyn
velvyt, the oder of whytt cloth of gold ; thyse to the
ratters of the spers, with oder dyvers well appontyd.
On the Kyng of Castylles party, the Lord Chamber-
layn cheyff, I can not tell hys name as yett ; hys ap-
parell was sad, and so was all the resydeu of hys company
with clokes of sad tawnye blake, gardyd, sum with
velvyt and sum with sarsnyt, not passyng a dosyn in
nowmber. It is sayd ther is many by hynd, wych
cums with the Queyn of Castyll, wych schall cum apon
Teyusday.
When the Kyng rod forth to Wyndesouer Castyle,
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PHILIP'S RECEPTION 266
the Eyng rode apon the ryght hand the Eynges of Janiuury,
Castylle, how be it the Kynges Grace oflferyd hym to^^^*
takehym apon the ryght hand, the whych he refussyd.
And at the lyghtyng the Kyng of Castylle was of hys
hors a good space or onr Kyng was a lyght ; and then
the Kynges Grace oflferyd to take hym by the arm, the
whych he wold not, hot toke the Kjmg by the arme,
and so went to the Kynges of Castylle chamber, whych
is the rychestly hangyd that ever I sawe ; vij chambers
togeder hangyd with cloth of arras wroght with gold as
thyk as cowd be ; and as for iij beds of astate, no kyng
Crystyned can schew sych iij.
Thys is as fer as I ccm schew you of this day, and
when I can know mor, ye schall have knowlege.
180.
[Vinoenzo Quirini to the Signory, '* Venetian Calendar/' i. No.
869.]
King Philip and Queen Jaana embarked at Armuy- F«imoath,
den on the 7th instant with their whole retinue, but, in^*^*"^"
order to await the full moon, the fleet did not go out of
port until the morning of the 10th. The wind was then
fair, and continued so the whole of that day and the
next until ofiT Hampton, when towards midnight, after
a dead calm, every ship having all sail set, so violent
a storm sprang up from the N.N.E., as greatly to alarm
the oldest and most experienced hands, for the night
was dark and the channel unsafe, and great was the
labour and peril of lowering the sails. That night one
third of the fleet parted company ; and the wind lasted
the whole of the 12th, taking them to the edge of the
Bay of Biscay, so far as the pilots could ascertain from
their soundings. A calm then ensued, and continued
until the evening of the 13th, when the wind rose from
the W.S.W., full upon the coast of England. Orders
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266 THE BEIGN OF HEXBT VH ^
I
iu».
wexe tfaeo gnren to tack thiooghoiit the nigbt, in the
hopes of a change for the better, but the sea and wind
rose BO hi|^y, that aboat midnight, wh^i poaeibty not
more than 50 miles from the shore, and miien soch was
the darkness that not an olqect ooold be distinguished
one span a head, a terrible hurricane commenced, of
^diich the oldest marinraoB in the fle^ say they have
not experienced the like within the last half century.
All now sought for sirfety as they best mi^ : scnne
ships stood out to sea, others made for land ; amongst
the latter was his (Qnirini's) ship. At daybreak eighteen
sail found themselves in a d^ize haze so dose iqpon the
land that all gave themselves up for lost. Attributed
their safe arrival in Falmouth to the miraculous mercy
of the Almighty, to whom they had addressed vows and
prayers, despairing of any other succour.
King Philip and Queen Juana took the other tack
and remained out at sea in the gale the whole of the
14th and 15th, when, with only two ships, they were
driven into Portland, a road and not a port, ten leagues
from Hampton.
Of the rest of the fleet, four ships got into Plymouth
and three into Dartmouth, off which harbour three
others foundered, though the greater part of the crews
were saved. Nothing has been heard as yet of any of
the other vessels On making Portland, King Philip
immediately sent expresses to Plymouth, Dartmouth,
and Falnu)uth announcing his safety, and desiring the
vessels to await further orders.
Has heard nothing of the King, he (Quirini) being in
Cornwall at the extremity of the island, 250 miles from
Hampton, in a wild spot where no human being ever
comes, save the few boors who inhabit it. Considers
it impossible that King Philip should have left Port-
land, the weatber having never been fair for one single
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AN ACCOUNT OF THE STOEM 267
hour, but always blowing a gale either from the W.S.W., January.
or W.N.W., or else from the S.E. ; everybody declaring
that in the memory of man a worse month of January
had never been seen. Mentions the arrival at Falmouth
of some sailors out of a Brittany ship, which had also
foundered in the storm : on the road they fell in with
a man who had saved himself from some wreck, and
from his garb, and so far as they could comprehend his
language, beUeved him to be a Venetian galley oarsman.
Was therefore apprehensive for the Flanders galleys,
and had sent all along the coast to enquire, but no one
could be found who knew anything about them ; and
has received assurance from many quarters that they
have not been seen in the Channel.
181.
[Edmund de la Pole's oommission to treat with Henry VII,
*< Letters and Papers," i. 278-85.]
Be hit knowen to alle princes, nobles and trueNamur,
Cristen men, by this present writing, that we, Edmund ^'J"'''"
duke of Suffolk, of England, on the xxvj day of De-
cember last passed had certain comynycacions and
wordes towching the troubles that ar in the reame of
England, by reason that it standeth by twixt the king
of England and me as hyt doeth.
Wherupon my servant, Thomas Kyllyng worth,* my
stewerd, axked me wheder my mjmd and entent was
as I spake it. I answerde '' Te on my faith ; " and soo
I, the said due, shewed to hym more largely my said
entent and mynd concemyng the same playnely as
it is.
The said Thomas therupon hath retorned to me the
xxij day of this instant moneth of January, shewinge
1 See Vol. iii.
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268 THE EEIGN OF HENEY VH
January, and acerteyning me that he hath openned suid disclosed
my said entent and mynd to the kinges servant, John
Chamberlayn, and that the same John is goon to the
kyng to thentent to yeve the king nndrestanding and
knowleage of ithe same. Wherwith I am contented
and pleased. Wherupon I have nowe eftsones of newe
comyned in this matier, and shewed my full entent and
playne mynd to the said Thomas Kyllyngworth, and
also to my servant John Gry%th. And for the trust
I have in the trowthes to me of the said Thomas and
John, I have openned at large to theym my hert in this
behalve. And by vertne and aactoritie herof I have
yeven to the said Thomas and John, and by thise
presentez yeve to them jointely full power and aucto-
ritie to have comynycacion with such person or persones,
honnest, God dreding, as shalbe by the said king of
England sufiQciently auctorized ordenned and assigned.
And whatsomever they shal on my behalve promise
by their worde or writing touching the premisses, I,
the said Edmund due of Suffolk, promise and bynde
me by this my present writing upon myn honnor and
faith to God of a true Cristen prince that I shal and
woUe faithfully and truely kepe and observe the same
in eche point and article, like as I have further aucto-
rized theym in that behalve. In witnesse wherof I,
the sayd duke, have sette my signe manuell and seall
to thise presents, and also undre written the same with
myn own hand, the xxiiij day of January, the yere of
our Lord God a thousand fyve hundreth and sex.
I seste ^ my hand to thest yn tent that ale manner of
mene sale chake [check] that I vele parforme thest be
fore vrytvn, and also vat that the [they] prommes on
my be havalf Edmund Suffolk.
^ This last paragraph is added in Suffolk's own writing.
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SUFFOLK'S TERMS 269
182. 1606.
[De la Pole's iiisi3ruoti<»is to treat with Henry VII, '' Letters and
Papers/' i. 280-285.]
Instructions yeven by the right excellent prince my N«mur,
lord Edmund due of Suffolk, the son and heire of my ^f"*"'
lord John sometyme due of Suffolk, to his trusty and
welbeloved servantes Thomas Kyllyngworth his steward
and to John Griffith, howe and undre what maner the
said ducis full mynd, entent, and plaisir ar, that the
said Thomas and John shal demeane and handell theym
self es on the said ducis behalve with the kinges highnesse
for the pacifieng and fynal determinacion of suche
gruges, variances, and causes as ar depending at this
tyme, and long saison have doon, bytwixt the kinges
said highnesse and the said due their maistre.
Edmund Suffolk.
Furst, and principally the said ducis mynd is that the
said Thomas and John on his behalve shal humbly
beseche the kinges highnes to bee his good and gracious
souverain lord, and that it maye please his grace to
withdrawe from the said due his high displaisir, and to
putte clerely oute of his hert suche grugge and malice
as his grace hath had ayeinst the said due. And that
it also maye like the kynges highnesse to accepte and
admitte the said lord Edmund to his estate as my lords
his grantfader and fader were accepted and taken in
tyme passed : and the said due is and shalbe redy to re-
ceive the kinges pardon and wolbecomme his true
sobget and liegeman, and semblably after the king our
souverain lordes decesse contynue to my lord prince the
kinges son and to his heires, withoute erring or declynyng
from the same whyles he lyveth.
Edmund Suffolk.
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270 THE EEIGN OP HENRY VH
Janmry, Secondarily, the said Thomas and John shal on the
said dncis behalf humbly beseche and require the kinges
grace that it may please his highnesse, as honour and
noblesse and right require, to restore to the said due and
to his heires alle the honours, castelles, maners, lordships
and heriditamentes apperteynyng to the said duchie of
Suffolk, holly and entierly as the same were lefte to
the possession of the said nowe dukes fader, with suche
offices as my lordes his grantfader and fader have had
of the yefte of the kynges or princes aforetyme or by
inheritance. And over this, that they shal beseche the
kinges grace that it maye please his highnes, as right
and conscience requiren, to restore to the said due alle
suche sommes of money as his grace or any persones by
his auctoritie and commaundment have received, aswele
touching thannuyties of creacions yeven by kinges for
thestat of the said duchie, as of the revenues of thin-
heritances aforsaid, from the tyme of the deth of the
said due John . to this day ; and also to bee restored to
such goodes and stuf of howsehold as the same due had
at his departing fro England.
Edmund Suffolk.
Thirdly, as to the town of Leighton Buzard, which
king Edward enforced the said ducis fader to relesse to
the colleage of Windesor, the said due besecheth humbly
the kinges highnesse to bee good lord to him therein,
and that he maye be restored therunto, and that al things
therin doon by my lordes fiEider maye bee disannulled
by the lawe and by the parliament, the said due restor-
ing to the said colleage suche money as can bee duely
proved that my lord his fader received for the same
of king Edward, or of the said colleage. Semblably for
the towne and castell of Orf ord with thapportenances,
whiche the lord WiUoughby hath ; the maner of Fil-
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RESTITUTION DEMANDED 271
berdes which Sir Richard Gyldeford hath; the maner January,
of Hanwel, whiche the Coferer hath ; and al othre lands
alienned by the said due, or by his fader to Sir Water
Herbert, or any other. And also as to the maners of
Bulcamp, Hynham, Sidesteme, and Newton, whiche
were released to Sir Tirry Robsertson at the labour of
Sir William Carewe, that the said due maye bee also
restored to eche of the same, restoring again the money
of theim received.
Edmund Suffolk.
Fourthly, if it shulde soo happenne that the king of
Castelle, or the gouvemors of his landes in his absence,
after the tyme that the kinges grace and the said due
bee accorded, wil not bee aggreable ner sufiEre that the
said due shal departe oute of their hands, but kepe him
by force, the said due then beseecheth the king to helpe
him to his libertie under the maner as his grace shal
seme best. And wher no creatur is sure of his lif it
mighte peradventure in the mean tyme happe the said
due to dye, as God forbydde; neverthalas whatsoever
maye fortune in this behalf the said due wol bee and
contynue the kinges true subject to thend of his lif.
Beseching therfor humbly the kinges highnes that in-
continent upon the said aggrement hit maye please his
grace to sufifre my lady the said dues wif tordre and
make officers in his lands as he shuld doo him sylf and
to receive the revenues of the same during the tyme he
shalbe kept as prisoner by the king of Castelle or any
othre.
Edmund Suffolk.
Fyftely, if it soo shal fortune, as Almighty God for-
bydde, that the said due decesse vnthoute issue male of
his body lieufuUy begotten and commyng in the mean
tyme and saison of his keping prisoner as afore is saied
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272 THE EEIGN OP HENKT VH
jftntiary, Or afterward. That then jrmmediately after the said
^^^' dukes decesse hit maye please the kinges highnesse to
permitte and sa£Ere my lady the said ducis wiff to have,
holde, and enjoye, paicibly and frely her jointour in the
said lands for the terme of her lyff, according to the lawe
of the land and her right. And that also at the humble
request, desir, and supplication of the said due, hit
maye like the kinges said highnesse to bee agreable and
to accorde, and that at this present comynycacion and
tract hit maye bee accorded and finally concluded, that
my lady Elizabeth, the doughter of the said due, shalbe
reputed, accepted and takenne as the doughter and heire
of the said due, and that the same lady Elizabeth and
the heires of her body lieufully begotten and commyng
for evermor maye holde, possede, and enjoye the hole
enheritaunces of the said duchie of Suffolk, as above is
eaied.
Edmund Suppoi*k.
Sextly, that it maye plese the kinges grace, aswele for
the part of his grace and my lord prince as for the part
and suretie of the said due and his heires, upon such
pointz and causes as shalbe accorded and concluded
herupon by twix the king and the said due, or by twix
the king and the said Thomas and John, in the said
ducis name, wheder the said pointz and causes bee
herin expressed or not, of whatsoever weight and sub-
stance they bee, that the same maye bee engrossed under
the writing or scales of the king and my lord prince,
and also enacted and conformed by auctoritie of parlia-
ment under suche maner a shalbe to the king thoughte
moost expedient. And also such writinges and bondes
as shalbe divised by the king, and made for the part
of the said due by the said Thomas and John in his
name and under his seal. For whiche entent the said
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SUFFOLK'S FRIENDS 273
dac hath to theym delivered his seal and certain blanks January,
signed with his hand, or ells that shalbe made by the
said Thomas and John, for the part of the said due in
theire owne names, as it shal please the king, the said
due promiseth and obligeth hym self traely to observe
and performe the same in eche behalf at the kinges
plaisir in his own person, yf Gtod sende hyme his lif and
libertie, or larger as it sheJbe devised by the king's
grace.
Edmund Suffolk.
Sevently, that it maye please the kinges highnesse at
the humble request of the said due that, incontinent
upon this aggrement, his grace wil putte to Ubertie my
lord William of Suffolk, and al suche gentylmen and
othre persones, whatsoever personaiges they bee, whiche
ar in prison for the said ducis sake or cause, or at the
kinges commandement under suretie ; and that he and .
they maye bee restored frely to their goods and lands, or
their sureties to bee.dischargeth, as the caas requireth.
And that al suche gentilmen or othre persones, whatso-
ever they bee, that been dede, and have lost their landes
for the cause of the said due that theire heires maye bee
restored to their enheritances. And over this, that it
maye like the kinges said highnesse to have respect
unto Sir George Nevyll, and that the same Sir George
maye have and enjoye such landes as he hath right unto
in his own title, or in my lady his wifes touching her
jointour and dower in therl Eyvers lands
Edmund Suffolk.
Eightely, the said due faithfully byndeth him by thise
presentez, and promiseth on his faith of a true Cristen
prince, or elles uttrely to bee reputed the contrary, that
never whiles he lyveth he shal breke nor doo contrary
to the said promesses and aggrements, ner defaulte in
VOL. I. 18
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274 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
January, hym shalbe foanden; yeving by thise presentz full
power and auctoritie to the said Thomas and John to
conclude thorougly with the kinges grace, or with his
deputies, in this behalf having the kinges power, like-
wise as the said due shulde doo if he were present hym
sylf, the suretie for the said dacis person except, and
for his submission and the maner of his commyng to
the kinges presence, which the said due reserveth, to
commone therin hym silf, as he shal see cause to re-
quire, with suche nobles and men of honnour of the
kinges coansail as shalbe in this partie deputed, and as
therin he hath somewhat opened his mynd to his said
servantes. And to thentent that thissame maye bee
groundely and playnely knowen to all kinges princes
and nobles, aswele in England, as elleswher that it is
the full mynd, dede, and conmiandement of me the said
due, I have caused the said Thomas Eyllyngworth to
write thise articles, to everyone of which I have sette
my hand for record, At the castel of Namure, the
xxviij*y day of January, the yere of our Lord God a
thousand Y^ and sex.
Edmund Suffolk.
183.
[Vinoenso Quinni to fche Signory of Venice, *' Venetian Calendar, "
i. No. 865.]
Falmouth, Whilst waiting for a messenger to convey the accom-
90 Janu- panying letter to the Consul in London, a gentleman
arrived at Falmouth, sent by King Philip to notify his
well being and his determination to come towards Fal-
mouth by land.
Never had man a narrower escape from drowning
than the King. His ship was at sea all Wednesday
and until Thursday evening, unable to make any port ;
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PHILIP S DANGER AND COURAGE 275
the guns and everything else on deck were thrown over- Janiuury.
board. When attempting to lower the mainsail, a gust ^^'
of wind laid it on the sea, carrying the ship gunwale
under ; nor did she right for half an hour. Had it not
been for the aid given by one single mariner, who thrice
plunged into the waves and, by cutting away the shrouds,
righted the vessel, their plight would have been irre-
mediable ; for both the master, the pilots and the crew
were utterly bewildered, and had given themselves up
for lost. In the meanwhile the vessel caught fire
thrice, so that the chance of death in the flames or in
the deep was equal. For a long while the King bore
up manfully, always in his doublet about the ship, en-
couraging everybody ; but at length a sea struck him,
and he was hurled below with such violence that every-
body thought he was killed. Thenceforth he remained
with the Queen, who evinced intrepidity throughout ;
and the King and some of his gentlemen to whom he
is affectionately attached, having embraced each other
mutually, awaited immediate death, without any hope
of escape. The King declared that he did not regret his
own death, since such was the will of God ; but deeply
lamented first of all, that he should cause the death of
so many brave men whom he had brought with him, as
he firmly believed that since his own ship, which was
the biggest, and manned by so many pilots and skilful
mariners, perished, there could be no salvation for the
rest of the fleet. Secondly, he grieved to leave his
children orphans at so tender an age ; and thirdly, he
deplored the ruin and confusion that might ensue in
his territories.
The King of England, on hearing of the arrival of the
King of Castile, immediately sent his master of the
horse to him, requesting him to go to London, or, if
the distance should be inconvenient, to wait at Win-
18*
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276 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
January. Chester. An interview had been appointed at Win-
chester for last Monday, the 26th, and it was expected
that the marriage with Madame Margaret and the
confederation would then be concluded.
184.
[Quirini to the Signory of Yenioe, ''Venetian Calendar," L No.
867.]
Falmouth, Since his last of the 23rd and 30th ultimo, has been
ary. daily expecting the arrival of the King of Castile. A
messenger has now arrived, saying the King of Castile
is still with the King of England, who has shown such
kindness, made such entertainments, and lavished so
many honors on his guest, that it would have been
impossible to do more. The Kings of England and
Castile have concluded and proclaimed a new and very
close alliance,^ which was ratified and sworn to at the
altar, after a solemn mass on the consecrated wafer, of
which both their Majesties partook. The King of Castile
has accepted the "Garter" from the King of England,
and given the " Fleece '* in exchange to the Prince of
Wales. The King of Castile has sent Monsr. de la
Chau, his trusty privy councillor, to Flanders, for the
purpose, as generally credited, of removing hither the
Earl of Suffolk, called ** White Rose," in order to de-
liver him to the King of England. The opinion may
be false, though it is not formed without reason. Queen
Juana is to leave Romford (14 miles from London) for
Falmouth ; and on the same day the King of Castile,
out of compliment to the King of England, is going to
visit Richmond, to remain eight days, and then proceed
to Falmouth to join his fleet, which has assembled there.
Was extremely anxious to join the King of Castile,
for the better performance of his duty to the State ; but
* See below, Vol. iii.
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DIPLOMATIC RESULTS 277
in the first place, Falmouth is 250 miles distant, and Febnuury,
the road is represented as the worst possible. Again,
he is without horses, having sent his own to Spain by
land, as already mentioned, and in a very wild place
^which no human being ever visits, in the midst of a
most barbarous race, so different in language and custom
from the Londoners and the rest of England that they
are as unintelligible to these last as to the Venetians.
From these people, pay what he might, he could obtain
no horses but pack horses, nor any other accommoda-
tion.
185.
[Sanuto's abstract of miasing deapatohes from England, '* Venetian
Calendar," i. No. 868.]
Receipt of letters from England how the Archduke v«nice,
or King of Castile had arranged matters with the King, ^^ ^'"^*
and promised to give him his adversary '* White Rose "
for whom he had sent ; also that the Archduke's sister,
the widow of the Duke of Savoy, was to marry the
King of England.
186.
[Quirini to the Signory of Venice, ** Venetian Calendar," i. No.
869.]
Until the 16th instant the lords and gentlemen at Falmouth,
. . 17 MArrh
Falmouth, who constituted almost the entire retinue of
the King of Castile, had not received any letters or
certain news from his Majesty ; for two days after tak-
ing leave of the King of England, the King of Castile
fell sick and was obliged to stop at Beading, where he
remained some days indisposed, but did not write word
of this to the Queen, who had been for some time at
Exeter, or to Falmouth, lest the Queen should take alarm
and his troops make some stir.
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278 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
March, Has had the greatest difficulty in forwarding his letters
from Cornwall.
Yestereven the King of Castile's master of the horse
arrived at Falmouth with money for the pay both of the
German infantry and of the ships which had arrived
in that port. By order of the King the master of the
horse visited him, and assured him that his Majesty was
quite recovered, and would be in Falmouth in a week,
with the intention of setting sail with the first fair wind.
Has been told by a cordial friend, a person of great
prudence, who accompanied the master of the horse,
that Monsieur de la Chau, who had according to report
been sent to Flanders, went to Spain with such speed
that he reached the court in 14 days, letters having been
already received announcing his arrival there. Some
persons fancied that the object of this journey was to
ascertain whether, on the receipt of the news of the
storm, and of the king of Castile's landing in England,
any change had taken place; others were of opinion
that Monsieur de la Chau was charged to negociate a
triple league between the Eangs of Spain, England, and
Castile.
Was also told by the same friend, that three gentle-
men had been sent to Flanders to bring to England the
Duke of Suffolk, called ** White Rose ; " but the council
of Mechlin refused to give him up, and wrote that they
would be very willing to surrender him oh hearing that
their King had quitted England, as they did not choose
the King of England, after obtaining "White Rose,"
to have power to demand some other greater concession.
The King of Castile, on the other hand, having pledged
himself to the surrender before he embarks, keeps his
word, and has written back to Mechlin, and sent aoother
of his gentlemen, a dear favourite, to bring the aforesaid
Duke of Suffolk at any rate, as he is determined not to
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SUFFOLK'S SUREENDER 279
quit this country until '' White Rose " be in the hands Mardh.
of the King of England. It is suspected that this
circumstance may delay the departure for some days.
187.
[Adrian de Oroy to Maximilian, King of the Romans, *' Spanish
Calendar/' i. 456.]
King Philip of Castile had been urged so strongly by Meohim.
the King of England that he had decided to deliver up^ **^-
Suffolk into his hands. He had not done so, however,
until the King of England had given him a solemn
promise in writing, sealed with his seal, that Suffolk
should receive a full pardon for all his past offences, and
not be exposed to persecution during the. whole remainder
of his life.
The Kings of England and Castile separated on terms
of the greatest friendship.
188.
[Surrender of De la Pole to EEenry VII, ** Ohroniole of Calais,"
pp. 6-6.]
Edmond a Poole late erle of Suffolke was browght owt 16-24
of the Duke of Burgoyn's lande to Calleys the xvi of***^'
Marche, and was convayd over to Dovar on the xxiiii
of Marche by Sir Henry Wiette knight and Ser John
Wilshere knight and comptrowler of the towne and
marches of Calleys, and Ix sowldiars of Calleys all in
hameys ; where he was receyved by Ser Thomas Lovell
and othar, and conveyed to the towre of London.
189.
[Quirinito theSignory of Venioe, ^' Venetian Oalendar," i. No. 870.]
Announces the arrival at Falmouth yesterday of the Falmouth,
27 March
King and Queen of Castile, who have been long expected.
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280 THE REIGN OF HENEY VH
March, They were in good health, and very glad to find them-
selves with so many of their servants, whom they at
one time feared never to see again. Although not very
strong, rode forth a distance of five or six miles from
Falmouth to meet the King, and received such greeting
as to prove that compcuiionship in distress greatly in-
creases affection. On seeing his pallid face, the first
words the King said were "Ambassador, it is very
evident you love me, for not merely by sea, but
likewise in sickness have you followed me"; and
added many other expressions, evincing to everybody
his great satisfaction at being attended by a Venetian
ambassador, in order that the Lord Treasurer and the
master of the horse of the King of England, with a
number of other lords who had accompanied him to
Falmouth, should have ocular demonstration of the
fact.
The King of Castile and all his attendants bestow the
highest praise on the King of England, who could not
have done more even had he been the King of Castile's
father ; and whilst the Kings were together, and also
afterwards all through the country, the King of Castile
received as much honour as if he had been the Prince
of England. The whole way along the road, thus far,
the King of Castile and all his retinue had their expenses
defrayed, but are henceforth to be at their own cost, as
has been the case with himself (Quirini) and all the
others during their stay at Falmouth.
Touching the negociations between the two Kings,
has not as yet been able to learn more than the con-
firmation of what he wrote heretofore, namely, the
alliance and close friendship ratified between them, and
the surrender of the Duke of Suffolk as promised by the
King of Castile, with a promise and public oath, how-
ever, from the King of England to forgive him every
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HENRY'S COURTESY TO PHILIP 281
injury, to restore to him his confiscated property, and to March,
treat him as his loyal kinsman.
Understands, moreover, that whilst the two Kings
^were together at Richmond, two French ambassadors
accredited to the King of England arrived there, and
^went to visit the King of Castile, condoling with him in
the name of King Lewis on the storm, and congratulat-
ing him on his escape and on having reached a spot
^V7here a warm welcome awaited him ; adding, that the
like would have befallen him had he put into Britanny
or any other port of France ; and that they were com-
missioned by their sovereign to thank the King of Eng-
land for the good reception given by him to his Majesty.
The King of Castile answered them in a similar strain,
but believes that they were s^at for the sole purpose of
ascertaining the conclusion of the negotiations to be
effected in Spain.
The Spanish ambassador resident with the Emperor
(Don Pedro de Ayala), who from ill health had remained
at Bruges, has also arrived. He tells him (Quirini)
that the King of Spain, having heard of the misfortunes
of his son-in-law and daughter, commanded him to come
to them, for the purpose, he (Quirini) supposes, of as-
sisting at the treaty, though he came too late, for when
he arrived the King of Castile had already taken leave
of the King of England.
Has been assured by the King of Castile that he
would sail with the first wind, and expects him to do
so, both from his wish to be in Spain, and also because
there is a great scarcity at Falmouth, where he incurs
intolerable expense.
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282 THE REIGN OF HENEY VH
1506. 190.
[Quirini to the SigiKMry of Venice, '' Venetian Calendar," i.
No. 872.]
JJ^JJ^' Since the arrival at Falmouth of the King of Castile,
has exerted himself vastly to learn some of the particu-
lars concerning his conference with the King of England,
and is assured by several persons that the result is a
conjGjmation between the Kings of the peace and con-
federation, with the identical terms and clauses which
the Emperor swore three years ago in his own name
and that of his son when at Antwerp, purporting that
each of the parties was bound not to harbour the enemies
of the other ; and further pledged themselves, in the
event of getting possession of such enemies, immediately
to surrender them, especial mention being made of the
Duke of Suffolk, called " White Bose," who by this
time is supposed to have been surrendered to the King
of England, but on condition that he is to be pardoned
and restored to his possessions. The marriage of
Madame Margaret is said not to be concluded, but
simply discussed ; as also that of an infant daughter of
the King of England to a son of the King of Castile.
It is also reported that Monsieur de la Chan has been
sent to Spain to negotiate an agreement between
King Ferdinand and his son-in-law, to the intent that
they be the rulers and governors of Castile, as stipulated
between them, and that Queen Jnanamay not interfere,
nor be allowed to administer affairs of state, for the
reason that her conduct since she left Flanders has been
that of a woman whose intellects are not sufficiently
sound for such a charge ; and it is strongly suspected
that husband and wife will disagree, and that the King
of Castile will speedily return to his own country ; it
being evident that on reaching Spain, the Queen will
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THE GOVERNMENT OP CASTILE 283
choose to govern and be mistress. This is the dread of Bfarch,
the King of Castile's councillors, who know how hatefal
they are to the Queen, and therefore seek to make the
arrangement with her father, that she may be put under
restraint. Others again say that the mission of Mon-
sieur de la Chau has for object to prevent the marriage
of King Ferdinand to Madame de Foix ; this assertion
being based on a belief that the King of Castile pro-
posed doing so, had he arrived in time.
This day, whilst at mass together, the King of Castile
told him he had received letters of a recent date from
Spain, purporting that his father-in-law and all the rest
were anxiously expecting him ; and that Monsieur de
la Chau, whom he sent hence, had been at the court
some time, together with the other ambassador. Monsieur
de Verre.
191.
[Quirini to the Signory of Venioe, ** Venetian Calendar," i. No.
87a]
By his last of the 30th ultimo, acquainted the State Faimonth,
with two of the reasons assigned for the mission to
Spain of Monsieur de la Chau. Has since ascertained
through a trustworthy channel that he was sent by
King Philip to arrange with King Ferdinand for the
decorous maintenance of Queen Juana as consort, with-
out giving her further'authority, and that her father and
husband should alone govern the kingdom of Castile, so
that being dissimilar to her mother in intellect, she be
likevnse dissimilar to her in authority. This was done
because in the recent arrangement between Spain and
Castile, it had been stipulated that Queen Juana might
intervene as a third party for the administration of the
state, with power to sign and command. King Ferdin-
and and King Philip now, however, say that they have
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284 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Apni, discovered her incapacity for such a charge, and all the
ministers of King Philip desire and nrge this arrange-
ment, suspecting that if the Queen, who hates them
extremely, exercise authority in Spain, she may not
only seek to disgrace them with the King, and deprive
them of their influence over him, but also annul the
pensions assigned them since the adjustment in the
kingdom of Castile; some of the ministers receiving
1,000 ducats annuaUy, some 800, and others 500.
The ministers also seek to avoid an insurrection.
They fear lest Spaniards, who are turbulent naturally
— especially the grandees who love change and have
feuds amongst each other — ^might rise and make some
stir on the plea of choosing to be governed by the Queen,
who is their legitimate sovereign. Their object now is,
that before the arrival of King Philip, his father-in-law
should circulate a report that Queen Juana is unfit to
govern, as is generally beUeved here ; and they hope
King Ferdinand will accede to their wishes, both as it
may prove to his interest, and also because, on the
death of Queen Isabella, amongst the other reasons
assigned by him for not ceding the government of
Castile, he alleged that his daughter was incapable and
unfit to rule; an opinion which he seems to retain,
according to the last letters of King Philip's ambassa-
dors, who are doing their utmost to arrange this business
as it affects them personally : Monsieur de Verre having
an annual pension in Castile of 3,000 ducats, together
with a promise of the first vacant bishopric for one of
his brothers, and Monsieur de la Chau a pension of
1,000 ducats ; and all live in hopes that King Philip may
provide their children, grandchildren, and remotest
connexions with commanderies of St. James, of Cala-
trava, or of Alcantara; for although King Ferdinand
be the master of these three orders, and has all the
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FERDINAND AND JUASA 286
revenues, yet the vacant oommanderies are in the al-Apni,
ternate gift of either sovereign, and when King Philip's
turn comes, King Ferdinand is bound to accept his
presentations.
Was informed this morning by the Spanish ambassa-
dor, who is his friend and places great trust in him,
that yesterday King Philip sent him to visit the Queen,
whom he had not allowed to see the ambassador or
anybody else for many days. When about to enter her
chamber, Don John Manuel, who accompanied him,
gave him notice that if he wished to oblige the King,
he would not stay long, and do good service. Having
entered the chamber, he received cordial greeting from
the Queen ; she would not allow her hand to be kissed,
insisted upon his being seated, and very tenderly made
many inquiries of him how her father fared, six months
having elapsed since she had received any news of him ;
and whether it was true that he wished her as much
harm as she was told he did. The Queen asked if,
after hearing of the storm, he had announced that she
and her husband were gone back to Flanders, and no
longer intended to proceed ; and last of all, whether her
going into Spain displeased him so much.
The ambassador replied that none of these things were
true ; nay, that the King her father loved her and her
husband as his very dear children, and had no greater
wish in the world than to see them. Thereupon the
ambassador took leave as quickly as he could. He told
him (Quirini), moreover, that he knew for certain that
Sang Philip's councillors had given the Queen to under-
stand that her father bears her ill will, and would fain
not see her in Spain, in order that her going thither with
this impression, she might, at their first meeting, treat
him unbecomingly; whilst King Ferdinand, being in-
formed in like manner, that his daughter loved him not,
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286 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
An^, and was such as they described her, wotdd the more
readily consent to deprive her of the government.
192.
[Catherine of Aragon to her farther Ferdinand, Wood's ''Letters
of Royal and niuBtriouB LadieB," L 138.]
Richmond, [I cannot] speak more particularly, because I know
22 April jj^^j what will become of this letter, or if it will arrive at
the hands of your highness ; but when don Pedro d'Ayala
shall come, who is now with the king and queen in the
harbour, your highness shall know all by ciphers. I
have written many times to your highness, supplicating
you to order a remedy for my extreme necessity, to
which (letters) I have never had an answer. Now I
supplicate your highness, for the love of our Lord, that
you consider how I am your daughter, and that after
Him (God) I have no other good nor remedy, except in
your highness ; and how I am in debt in London, and
this not for extravagant things, nor yet by relieving my
own (people), who greatly need it, but only for food ;
and how the king of England, my lord, will not cause
them (the debts) to be satisfied, although I myself spoke
to him, and all those of his council, and that with tears :
but he said that he is not obliged to give me anything,
and that even the food he gives me is of his good will ;
because your highness has not kept promise with him
in the money of my marriage portion. I told him that
I beUeved that in time to come your highness would
discharge it. He told me that that was yet to see, and
that he did not know it. So that, my lord, I am in the
greatest trouble and anguish in the world. On the one
part, seeing all my people that they are ready to ask
alms ; on the other, the debts which I have in London ;
on the other, about my own person, I have nothing for
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CATHERINE'S DISTRESS 287
cliemises ; wherefore, by your highness' life, I have now Ap
sold some bracelets to get a dress of black velvet, for I
yT^B all but naked : for since I departed thence (from
Spain) I have nothing except two new dresses, for till
now those I brought from thence have lasted me ; al-
though now I have nothing but the dresses of brocade.
On this account I supplicate your highness to command
to remedy this, and that as quickly as may be ; for cer-
tainly I shall not be able to Uve in this manner.
I likewise supplicate your highness to do me so great
a favour as to send me a friar of the order of San
Prancesco de Osservancya, who is a man of letters, for
a confessor ; because, as I have written at other times
to your highness, I do not understand the English lan-
guage, nor know how to speak it ; and I have no con-
fessor. And this should be, if your highness will so
command it, very quickly ; because you truly know the
inconvenience of being without a confessor, especially
now to me, who, for six months have been near death :
but now, thanks to our Lord, I am somewhat better,
although not entirely well.
This I supplicate your highness once again that it
may be as soon as possible. Galderon, who brings this
letter, has served me very well. He is now going to be
married. I have not wherewith to recompense him.
I supplicate your highness to do me so great a favour
as to command him to be paid there (in Spain) and have
him commended ; for I have such care for him that any
favour that your highness may do him I should receive
as most signal.
Our Lord guard the life and most royal estate of your
highness, and increase it as I desire.
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288 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
1606. 193.
[Jehan le Sauyage to Maximilian, King of the Romans, '' Spanish
Calendar,'' i. 476.]
Pont de The Archduchess Margaret decidedly refuses to marry
80*jJ]*y. Henry VH, although he, at first by himself, and after-
wards conjointly with the Imperial ambassador, had
daily pressed her during a whole month to consent.
But the alliance with England is not endangered there-
by. For Henry desires the marriage between his second
daughter and the Prince of Castile more than his oi^n
marriage with the Archduchess.
1507.
194.
[Ferdinand of Aragon to Henry YII, " Spanish Calendar/' i. 501.]
Naples. Before going to Naples, sent a letter to him from
16 roh. Qjyj^ijg jjy jjjg ambassador Doctor Nicholas West. That
letter contained all particulars concerning the arrange-
ments made with the late King Philip.
Has written two letters to De Puebla, one from
Castile, and the other from Barcelona, and has told
him all the reasons why it has been impossible to send
the marriage portion of the Princess of Wales to Eng-
land. Those reasons were twofold. In the first place,
the death of Queen Isabella, and the disturbances which
have taken place in consequence of it, have absorbed
all his attention and his means. Scarcely had peace
been restored, when King Philip and Queen Juana came
to Spain, and the disorders were renewed.
Has left the greatest part of the marriage portion of
the Princess of Wales in the hands of the trustees of
the late Queen Isabella ready to be sent to England.
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FERDINAND'S EXCUSES 289
Tlie small sum wanting to make up the whole amoant March,
of the portion was more than covered by jewels in the
keeping of the said trustees, and it had been settled
^th King Philip that he should take them and give
money in their stead. Had recommended King Philip
to raise no obstacles to the trustees, and he had promised
it. Before, however, the money could be sent to Eng-
land, King Philip died. This death had caused him
much grief, and to the Queen Juana unspeakable af9ic-
tion. The consequence has been that the trustees could
not send the money, because the Queen was unable to
sign the order, and himself was absent in Italy. The
trustees have, therefore, decided to wait for his return
to Spain. That has been the will of God. Hope soon to
conclude his business in Naples, and to return to Spain.
Directly after his return to Spain the money shall be
sent.
Begs he may be excused, and his daughter treated as
he would treat a daughter of his brother, the King of
England.
195.
[Ferdinand of Aragon to his daughter Catherine, '' Spanish Cal-
endar,** i. 502.]
Has received her letter sent with Cavallos. Grod Naples,
alone knows the sadness of his heart whenever he thinks M^h.
of her miserable and trying life. Loves her more than
ever a father loved his daughter. May God forgive
King Philip; for, to tell the truth, he caused all her
misery. The money of her marriage portion was ready
to be sent to England, but he prevented it He always
was hostile to him, and to all his daughters. Queen Juana
is unable to give orders, and the money cannot therefore
be sent during his absence. Intends to return to Castile
VOL. I. 19
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290 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
March, in the spring. Queen Juana and a great many other
persons have written to him, saying that his presence is
absolutely necessary in Spain for the conservation of
peace. Directly after his arrival in Castile the money
shall be sent to England.
In Naples there is not a fit person to be found to
serve her as confessor, but a Spanish confessor will be
sent to her from Castile.
Promises to send another ambassador to England.
Don Pedro de Ayala, if he could be persuaded to go,
would perhaps be the best person for that place.
If the King of England, as she believes, be not willing
to accept the ornaments plate etc. for the price at which
they were valued in Spain, he may take them at the
price they are worth in England. She must, however,
take care that nothing of the jewels, ornaments, etc. be
lost before she is married, for they form part of her
marriage portion, and it would be difficult to replace
them. The ambassador whom he intends to send will
easily persuade King Henry to arrange the affair to her
satisfaction. Meanwhile, she must try to win the good
will of the King, and always speak of her marriage as a
thing beyond all doubt.
ELas read her letter, by which she has communicated
to him the wish of the King of England to marry her
sister. Queen Juana. She must tell the King that it is
not yet known whether Queen Juana be inclined to marry
again; but if the said Queen should marry again, it
shall be with no other person than with the King of
England, especially as he has proposed such acceptable
conditions. Expects that the King of England will
send him an ambassador with whom he can treat about
this 'marriage of Queen Juana, as soon as it is known in
England that he has returned to Castile. But the
affair must be kept most secret ; for if Queen Joana
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HENRY AND JUA^A 291
should hear anything about it, she would most probably March,
do something quite to the contrary. No one knows her ^
better than himself. For this reason nothing must be
done before his return to Spain.
Sends a letter for the King of England in cipher.
The person who is to decipher it must be a trustworthy
person.
Has written something concerning the marriage of
the King of England to De Puebla. She may make
use of him till another ambassador arrives.
196.
[Catheriiie of Aragon to her father, Wood's ** Letters of Royal and
Qlostrioos Ladies/' i. 143.]
Since your highness will provide everything so quickly, Greenwich,
I have only for the present to let you know that I gave ^^ ^^^'
the letter of credence of your highness to the King of
England, my lord, and explained to him clearly that
which came in cipher.
His highness rejoiced as much as there was reason,
and sets a high value on seeing the desire that your
highness shews on this occasion to testify your good
vnll by acts, and expressed himself under much obliga-
tion to you for it; and that all your highness says
appeared to him so good and so much to his purpose,
that he could add nothing more than to commit himself
entirely to your highness, since he counts upon you so
certainly on his side. And that when your highness
has arrived and has seen the disposition that there is in
regard to this business, if it be that which we all desire,
the king of England, my lord, will send to your highness
his ambassadors, with full and entire power for your
highness, making himself known to you as though you
were one and the same person with himself, since he
19*
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292 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July, 1507. believes you nothing less in affection, and thus will
trust in your highness as much as in himself : since he
holds for certain that yon will regard him as your
highness offered him, and that no embarrassment may
cause this affair to be obstructed.
I wish to advise your highness, that by way of France
and also from Spain I have learned how the king of
France labours, that if the lady queen of Castile, nay
sister, should be married, it should be to the Conte de
Foix, and this does not appear convenient to me, either
for the estate of your highness or for that of the lady
queen of Castile, because it would be sending discord
to the very knife into that kingdom ; and your highness
could never be secure, since these inconveniences which
I here speak of, as resulting from such a marriage in
effect, might follow. Let not your highness think that
I say this by way of advising you, since I do not say
of myself anything in the world that can warn your
highness which you will not have well before prepared
for ; but I say it because I, in this, feel myself person-
ally interested. And in the negociation which I have
spoken of, I supplicate your highness to give diligence
that it may be held as was agreed upon ; since, as re-
gards the king of England, my lord, they make great
haste with marriages, as for that of the duchess of
Savoy and others ; and his highness, as well on account
of the advantage that there is in this as because he
would prefer to contract kindred with your highness
rather than with all the princes of Christendom, holds
himself entirely in suspense, without determining any-
thing, hoping in this other determination and answer
which he expects from your highness. And, since I
see with how much affection your highness desires this
may come to effect, there will be no need to supplicate
you, (or) that I labour at it, except to kiss your hands
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CATHERINE'S DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITY 293
for the favour that, for my part, in this affair I receive, Jaiy, 1607.
^who may find such new obligation to love yom: highness
more, and give myself to serve you in every respect ;
since I esteem the a&irs of the king of England^ my
lord, more mine than my own. And since his highness
writes more to your highness about this in his letter,
I conclude.
Our Lord guard the most famous and royal estate of
your highness, and increase it as I desire.
197.
[Catherine of Aragon to her father, Wood's '^ Letters," L 148.
The preoeding letter was written either at Henry's dictation,
or for his perusal. This expresses Catherine's own sentiments.
On p. 295, L 6, *' terminate " should be *' conclude ".]
I received your highness* letters, which, by a servant Greenwich,
of the king of England, my lord, you wrote to me ; and, ^^ ^'^^'
setting aside the pleasure which it gave me to know
the news of the health of your highness, which I de-
sired, since I can have no greater good after my salva-
tion, so much did the ciphers of your highness avail
here, that I have by them passed three or four days in
such good spirits as are unearthly ; and they were much
needed at the time that they came : for not two days
before the king had said to me that the journey of your
highness was postponed according to report; and I
, indeed felt it was said to do me fresh displeasure, so
that on all accounts the letters of your highness were
necessary to me. At the conjuncture that they arrived,
I gave the credence of your highness to the king of
England, my lord, and he had shewed to him clearly
that which came in cipher. He rejoiced so much to
see them that, as I tell your highness, he told me of
his great satisfaction thereupon ; and he conmianded
me that I should write on his part to your highness
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294 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July. 1607. the pleasure that he had of the good will that yottr
highness by this shewed, and that he was greatly obliged
by it, and that all that your highness said appears to
him so good and so much to his profit, that he could
say nothing more than to commit himself entirely to
your highness, since he thinks you so certainly on his
side ; and that when your highness arrives and has seen
the disposition that there is to execute that which he
wishes in case it were that which he desires, your
highness making it known to him, he will send you
ambassadors with all power for your highness, as
thongh you were the same person with himself, since
he beUeres you no less in affection ; and thus he will
trust your highness as he would himself, since he
esteems it certain you will regard him as no less (person)
as your highness offered yourself to him.
And since he writes himself to your highness I have
no need to enlarge more on his behalf ; that which on
mine he commanded me to write was to advise your
highness how, by way of France and also of Spain, they
have written that the king of France was exerting him-
self so that if the queen should marry it should be with
the Conte de Foix. He told me that I should tell your
(highness) as well on my own part, that this would be
great inconvenience for the estate of your highness, and
of the queen, and of her sons, and that Frenchmen
entering into that kingdom your highness could not be
in security ; and many other things about this which I
do not say, because they are more to his purpose than
to that of your highness. And that your highness may
provide in that which is most necessary, and that you
may see what is most conducive to your service, it
suffices to let you know this, without more apprehen-
sion or advices ; because as refers to your highness, I
consider such things improper [? impertinent].
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CATHERINE AND HER MARRIAGE 295
That which I venture to supplicate your highness is, July. 1607.
that, whatever be the dispositions that your highness
shall see entertained on this affair, you will not so act
as that it may arrive at effect ; for I thus figure it to
myself, that it must be that your highness entertains
this business in order to terminate my marriage ; be-
cause with this bait I believe that, as to that which
concerns me, things will be done better than in the
past, when some one comes who knows how to arrange
and disinvolve them as I have written to your highness.
And now I will not cease to return to it here, to
supplicate your highness that he who shall have to
come here may have the authority and rank that I have
said, because he has more to do than your highness
thinks, or I could tell you. For those of this kingdom
are as dilatory as any in the world in negotiating ; in it
(this kingdom) are needed more particulars than in any
other, especially since the necessity is doubled by all
being in the state that it is, as he who shall come will
see. And much as I say to your highness, I cannot
give you to understand the state in which things are
here, because, though I knew how to say it to you, I
think your highness would not credit me in much of it ;
and thus the person who should come here, informing
your highness of the truth concerning what is going on,
I believe your highness would be frightened at that
which I have passed through : so that as to that which
pertains to me and to the service of your highness, I
should, beyond a trifle, prefer to^see such a person as I
speak of come without the dowry, than the dowry with-
out a suitable person. And your highness may believe
I speak from experience, the which I have well learned
by what has passed and continually passes concerning
me, for want of such a person as I speak of ; because
that, if there were one here who would have devoted
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296 THE REIGN OP HENRY VH
July, 1607. himself to the service of your highness, my tribulations
would not have arrived at such an extreme ; since, also,
they would not have placed me as a pledge to make
peace — they would not have consented that I should
lead such a Ufe. But, as I have written to your high-
ness, that which I feel as most importunate is to see
myself in such a situation, and that there is no one
who will contradict it. If the ambassador whom your
highness has here were a man, he would not have con-
sented — even though I were not to be married to the
prince, — were it only considering whose daughter I am,
that I should be in this kingdom, with such a company
in my house that I am indignant to think of it ; for in
comparison of this, all the other things that I have
passed through I think Httle of. And thus I am doubly
desirous on this account for my remedy, that I may
not see myself as never knight's daughter was seen in
the kingdom of your highness.
It is certain that I desire that at the least your high-
ness should let the king of England, my lord, know
how this is felt, — above all, since you are in a case not
to satisfy him, I being in such a manner in his kingdom,
as I told him a few days ago. And I spoke so well that
I should rejoice to give account of it to your highness,
only that an affoir of such length is not to be put in
writing. I hope since your highness knows all, you
will provide in the manner that I have entreated you,
and therefore I will not detain myself in telling your
highness many continual troubles that I have passed
through ; because, since I expect so speedy a remedy,
I do not desire to give more trouble than that which,
by my past letters, I have given to your highness, since
this suffices to enable you to judge that all the rest is of
the same fashion.
The shortness of the return of your highness consoles
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FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES 297
me, since with it I hope all will be remedied, since your July, I607.
highness showed that you care for me, as indeed I need
it.
The king rejoiced much in seeing the speedy attention
that your highness intended to give about the coming of
the dowry. May it please God that it may come at the
time that is hoped for — because I fear, and not without
cause, to think that it should not be so ; and for this
reason, that it concerns my interest rather than that of
your highness. I hold it for certain that it is not [? most]
necessary that I have made haste to write, although in
fear from its not being in cipher, and from not send-
ing it by one of my own people. But I believe as to
that, that they go by as good a messenger as though he
that takes them were of my house, because I send them
by a faithful person to Martin Sanchez de Camudio, in
order that he himself may take them to your highness.
May it please our Lord that they may arrive at the
time that your highness has arrived, because, according
to what is reported, they tell me that your highness is
so already.
The king himself acknowledged the diligence which
I have given in answering your highness in that which
concerns him, and I, as well to content him, am glad
to let him (know) that which your highness commands
me ; that in reference to the king, while in the mean-
time your highness is providing, I may act as hitherto
your highness has rightly commanded me, according to
that which falls in most with the service of your high-
ness. And that nothing may be hindered by me, I do
as I have always done, since I cannot improve upon it ;
and thus I shall act until your highness sends to give
remedy in my life, which is greatly needed. And thus
I conclude, supplicating your highness so to act that I
may be here favoured by your highness ; and that you
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298 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
July, 1507. may shew that you hold me in esteem, although I may
not merit it ; because if your highness should desire it,
it is in your power that things may not be as they have
been hitherto.
That which I say in this letter may suffice in reference
to your highness, and that minute that I sent with the
king's packet was what I showed to the king as the
meaning of that which I wrote in his affair. And be-
cause, in truth, he might have had it shewn to him, I
sent it to your highness. He commcmded me that I
should add, that if the marriage which I have spoken
of with the Conte de Foix should take place, that in
length of time Spain would come to be joined to the
crown of France ; and as for himself, that he considers
himself as a true son of your highness. When your
highness writes to him, I entreat you to shew him that
in this affair I have the same good will which I shew to
him.
May our Lord guard the life and most royal estate of
your highness, and increase it as I desire.
198.
[De Puebla to Ferdinand of Aragon, ** Spanish Calendar," i. p. 439.]
London, The Eiug of England has no confidential advisers.
5 October, rpy^^ ^j^^^^ Qj.^j.-| Qhamberlain [Lord Herbert], who
is of his blood, is, however, more in his confidence than
any other person. He is much devoted to King Ferdinand
and the Princess of Wales. Begs that a gracious letter
may be written to the Lord High Steward [Shrewsbury],
and that he may be encouraged to continue.
There is no finer youth in the world than the Prince
of Wales. He is already taller than his father, and his
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PRINCE HENRY 299
limbs are of a gigantic size. He is as prudent as is to October,
be expected from a son of Henry VII.
The Princess of Wales is well, and her health con-
stantly improves. She suffers from no other evil than
the anxiety she feels because she has heard that her
marriage is not yet rendered indissoluble.
199.
[Skelton*8 eduoation of Prince Henry, ''Works," ed. Dyoe, i.
150.]
The honor of Englond I lemyd to spelle,
In dygnyte roialle that doth excelle :
Note and marke wyl thys parcele ;
I yaue hym drynke of the sugryd welle
Of Eliconys waters crystallyne,
Aqueintyng hym with the Musys nyne.
Yt commyth th6 wele me to remorde,
That creaunser was to thy sofre[yne] lorde :
It plesyth that noble prince roialle
Me as hys master for to calle
In hys lemyng primordialle.
200.
[Imprisonment of Torkist nobles, *' Ghroniole of Calais," p. 6.]
Ser Richard Carow knight, lievetenaunt of the castle is October,
of Caleys, browght owt of England, by the kyng's com-
aundement, the lord marques Dorset and the lord
William of Devonshire the erle of Devonshire's son and
heyre, whiche were bothe of kynne to the late qwene
Elizabethe and of hir blode. They had bene in the
towre of London a greate season. They were kepte
prisoners in the castle of Caleys as longe as kynge Henry
the Seventhe lyved, and shulde have bene put to deathe,
yf he had lyved longar. They wer browght in to the
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300 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
October, castle of Caleys the xviii of Octobar the xxiii of Henry
the Seventhe.^
201.
[Oatherine of Aragon to Queen Juafia of Castile, ** Spanish
Calendar/' i. 553.]
Bichmond. Most noble and most mighty Princess, Queen and
' Lady, after having kissed the royal hands of your High-
ness and humbly commended myself to you I have to
express the very great pleasure it gave me to see you in
this kingdom, and the distress which filled my heart, a
few hours afterwards, on account of your sudden and
hasty departure.^
My Lord the King was also much disappointed in
consequence of it, and if he had acted as he secretly
wished, he would, by every possible means, have pre-
vented your journey. But, as he is a very passionate
King, it was thought advisable by his Council that they
should tell him he ought not to interfere between hus-
band and wifa On which account and for the sake of
other mysterious causes with which I was very well ac-
quainted, he concealed the feelings occasioned by the
departure of your Highness, although it is very certain
that it weighed much upon his heart.
1 The editor of the '* Chronicle of Calais " adds ** [1508] " ; and is
followed by the '* Diet. Nat. Biogr.," xxiii. 202 ; but the 18th of Octo.
ber in the twenty-third year of Henry VII was in 1507^ and Bernard
Andr4 gives this as the date (Gairdner's '^ Memorials," p. 100).
' It is almost incredible that Catherine should have written in
October, 1507, in these terms of her sister's departure in April,
1506, without the least allusion to the death in the meantime of
her sister's husband. But the contents of the letter show that its
date is October, 1507> and not October, 1506. It is, however, safer
to interpret the letter as expressing Henry VII's diplomacy
rather than Catherine's feelings.
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CATHEKINE TO JUAff A 301
The great affection he has felt, and still feels, towards Ck^ber,
your Eoyal Highness from that time until now, is well
known. I could not in truth express, even though I
were to use much paper, the pleasure which my lord the
King and I felt on hearing that the King, our lord and
father, had returned to Castile, and was abiding there
with your Highness, and that he was obeyed throughout
all the kingdom, peace and concord prevailing every-
where.
It is true that I have experienced, and am still ex-
periencing, some sorrow and depression of mind on
account of having heard, a few days ago, that the
French have taken a large and beautiful city called
Tilmote, belonging to my nephew,^ and that all his
subjects and the whole land are in great fear of the
French. Wherefore, as a remedy for everjrthing, and
not less for the destruction and chastisement of the
Duke of Gueldres his rebel, I have ventured to write
these lines to your Highness, entreating you to hearken
to my wishes respecting this matter. I have, moreover,
written to my lord the King, our father, about this
business, which is of great advantage and importance
to your Highness, to the increase of your state, the
tranquillity and welfare of your subjects, and those of
the said Prince, my nephew, and which also affects my
lord, the King of England. He is a Prince who is
feared and esteemed at the present day by all Christen-
dom, as being very wise, and possessed of immense
treasures, and having at his conmiand powerful bodies
of excellent troops. Above all he is endowed with the
greatest virtues, according to all that your Highness will
have heard respecting him.
If what my lord the King, our father, shall say to
' The future Emperor Charles V, who had suooeeded Philip as
Duke of Burgundy.
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302 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
October, you should please, as I think it will, your Highness,
I do not doubt bat that your Highness will become the
most noble and the most powerful Queen in the world.^
Moreover, nothing will more conduce to your pleasure
and satisfaction, and the security of the kingdom of
your EQghnesa In addition to all this, it will double
the affection subsisting between my lord the King, our
father, and my lord, the King of England. It will also
lead to the whole of Africa being conquered within
a very short time, and in the hands of the Christian
subjects of your Highness, and of my lord the King
our father.
I entreat your Highness to pardon me for having
written to you, and for having meddled in so great and
high a matter. God knows what my wishes are, as I
have already said ; and I have not found it possible to
resist the desire I felt to write to you. For it appears
to me that if this be not done, it will be committing a
great sin against God, against the King, our lord and
father and against your Highness, whose life and royal
estate may our Lord guard and increase.
202.
[Treaty of marriage between Oharles and Mary Tudor conduded at
Calais, '* Chronicle of Calais," p. 6.]
27 October- The xxvij of Octobcr there came out of England the
^Decern- |jyggj;jQpQ qI Wynchestar lorde prevye scale, the erle
of Surrey lorde treasurar, and the lord of Saint John's,'
with doctor Weston, all ambassadors ; they landed at
Temperlto [sic] in Pecardye, and the ij of November, there
came to Caleys out of Flaunders from the duke of Bur-
goyne the erle of Fynes, the lorde of Barowe, and
the presydent of Flaunders, with dyvers othar of the
^ This refers of course to Henry VU's proposal to marry Jaa&
himself. > Sir T. Doowra suooeeded Kendal in 1501.
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CHARLES TO MARRY MARY 303
contiye, and with them met ser Richard Carew, live- Octobeir-
tenaont of the castle of Galleys, and syr John Wilsherei507.
comptrowlar of Galeis, and Waltar Culpepar nndar-
marshall of Oaleys, and all the speres and archars on
horsbacke and dyvars sowldiers all in harnes, for thes
strangars feared the Frenche men ; bat beinge browght
in savetie to Caleys, there the lords on bothe partyes
concluded the manage betwixt the duke of Burgojnie and
the lady Mary dowghtar to kjmge Henry the Seventhe,
where on seynt Thomas day the Apostle^ was great
trinmphe made in Calles.
203.
[Henry VU to the Mayor and Aldermen of London, HailiweU's
*« Letters," L 194-6.]
Trusty and well-beloved, we greet yon well. And for- December,
asmuch as we doubt not but it is and shall be to you
and all other our true subjects right joyful and com-
fortable to hear and understand, from time to time,
specially of such causes and matters as redound to the
great honour and exaltation, universal weal, surety and
restfulnesB of us, this our realm, and our subjects of
the same; we signify unto you that, by our great
labour, study and policy, ^this great and honourable
alliance and marriage betwixt the Prince of Castile and
our right dear daughter the Lady Mary, is now (our
Lord be thanked) betwixt our ambassadors and the
orators, as well of our brother and cousin, the King of
the Bomans, as of the said young prince at our tovm
^ 21 December. The treaty was not confirmed by Margaret of
Savoy, the regent of the Netherlands until 1 October, 1508 (see
below, YoL iii), after Wolsey's mission which apparently had
this object (see Qairdner's ** Letters and Papers of Richard m
and Henry YII," i. 425-52 ; his despatches are too badly mutilated
to be suitable for reproduction here).
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304 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
i^Mmber, of Calais, accorded, agreed, concluded, and finally deter-
mined with a great, ample, and large amity and con-
sideration to the surety, strength, defence, and comfort,
as well of us and the said prince, as of either oar
realmes, countries, dominions, and subjects. And, con-
sidering the noble lineage and blood whereof the said
young prince is descended, which is of the greatest
kings and princes in Christendom ; remembering also
the regions, lands, and countries, wherein, by rightful
inheritance, he shall succeed, with the manifold com-
modities and goodness that may follow and ensue to us
8ind this our realm, as well by the said alliance and
amity, as also by the free and sure intercourse of mer-
chandize, that our and his subjects may and shall have
in the regions and countries specially being so nigh
joined together as they be ; we think verily that, though
the same shall be right chargeable, yet for the honour,
surety, weal and profit of this our said realm, none so
noble marriage can any where be found ; so that, by
the mean thereof and the other alliance which we have
with our good son the king of the Scots, this our realm
is now environed, and, in manner, closed in every side
with such mighty princes, our good sons, friends, con-
federates, and allies, that, by the help of our Lord, the
same is and shall be perpetually established in rest and
peace, and wealthy condition, to our great honour and
pleasure, the rejoicing and comfort of all our loving
friends, confederates, and allies, the fear and discomfort
of our enemies, that would intend or presume to at-
tempt anything to the contrary.
The premises therefore considered, we do advertise
you of the same, to the intent that, like as we doubt
not but ye and every of you will take pleasure and com-
fort in hearing thereof ; so, with convenient diligence,
upon sight of these our letters, ye will cause demonstra*
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A FRENCH MATCH FOR THE PRINCE 305
tions and tokens of rejoicing and comfort to be made in December,
sundry places within our city there, as well by making
fires in such places as you shall think convenient as
otherwise in the best and most comfortable manner
that ye can, so that thereby ye may be evidently known
what gladness and rejoicing is generally taken and made.
1508.
204.
[Doubts about Henry's marriage with Oatherine ; the Provost of
Cassel to Margaret of Savoy^ ** Letters and Papers," L 345-9.]
. . . Affin madame, que je ne voz celle rien, je croy London,
que a Ja fin ancoirez^ voz ourez parler du manage de^**^^*-
monseigneur le prince de Galles, et de madame Lyonoire,
[Eleanor] quelque chose que je voz en ay escript parcide-
vant ; toutesfois de cy a ung mois je voz en escriray plus
certainement que je ne sauroye faire maintenant. Tant
y a que pour maintenant je say de vray et le comman-
deur de Haro la dit publiquement, que le roy de France
comme vray allie et ami du roy Darragon a puis nagheres
escript au roy Dangleterre, le pryant bien acertes pour
laccomplissement du manage de madame Eatherine
Despangne, avec monseigneur le prince de Galles, etc.
Et ma on dit que le roy Dangleterre na point este fort
content que le roy de France sen mesle si avant. Et
que plus est. Ion dit que mondit sieur le prince ny est
gheres enclin. Toutesfois, madame, en pen de temps
Ion en saura plus.
Ledit de Haro a bruyt destre fort Fran9ois et je le
croy, car yl se declaire aulcqune fois trop quant aulc-
qunes nouvelles viengnent. Mais il lui fait a pardonner ;
car son maistre [Ferdinand] est tel. Mais se [si] Dieu
donne sa grace touchant Gheldres, madame, voz cog-
^ Encores vous ouirez, you will yet hear.
VOL. I. 20
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306 THE REIGN OF HENRY VII
June, 1&08. Doisterez grandz choses et toatz les amys de fortune
demanderont votre ayde et assistence. Dieu voz en doint
la grace, comme jespoire fermement quil fra ; mais yl
est mestier que chascan se mette maintenant en oeuvre
plus que jamais a rebouter les Francois, si viengnent.
Ne pensez point, madame, que au cas que les affaires
se portent bien en Gheldres, il ny aura roy de France
ne Dangleterre quil ne voz estime plus que nulle aultre
princesse, et le roy Darragon avecques. Mais princi-
palement le roy Dangleterre; car jamais si dingne et
profitable pour lui alliance ne pourra avoir en ce monde,
comme quelque jour, quant yl voz plaira que je soy
retoume, voz diray bien au long. Parquoy en bonne
raison il pouroit avoir noz affaires pour recommandees ;
mesmement considere lestat on [en] quel cheulx [ceux]
de Gheldres sont maintenant, au sort yl noz fault ayder
noz mesmes, dumoingz durant ses [ces] trois ou quatre
mois.
Madame, comme je voz ay escript pluseures fois que
le delay de la venue de messieurs les ambassadeurs nest
cy [si] non pour entretempz veoir ou la Fortune f avorisera,
et selle [si elle] est bonne pour lempereur et votre maison ,
voz aurez des grandz offres de plaisirs et services.
II y a ung astrologue par de ca quil ma dit que les le
xxiie ou xxiii® de ce mois la fortune de lempereur sera
si grande et si bonne plus que jamais. Dieu le face
ainsi. Je ny adjouste nulle foy ; mais neantmoingz sy
fault yl que chascun sy etnploie a son extreme possible
a la conservation de la juste querele, mesurement de
celle de Gheldres, ainsi que jay remonstre par deca si a
plain que nul nen pouroit dire au contraire. . . .
. . . Madame si le roy Dangleterre se peult apercevoir
que voz escris telles choses, yl me tiendra pour ung espye,
et par avanture me vouldroit nuyre. Dieu saif de quelle
foy et lealte je y procede. Parquoy, Madame, voz prye
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THE PROVOST'S FEARS 307
de deschirer ses [ces] lettres quant voz aurez le tout June, 1508.
[b]ien entendu.
205.
[The Provost of Cassel to Margaret of Savoy ^ " Letters and
Papers/' i. 365-6 ; the words printed in italics are in cipher.
Compare Van den Bergh's ** Correspondance de Marguerite
d'Autriche," pp. 123-33.]
Ma tres redoubtee dame, je me recommande tres London,
humblement a votre beningne grace. Ma dame, pour ce ^'
que pas lea deux derrenieres bougettes monsieur 1am-
bassadeur de Burgho ne moy avons receu aulcqunes
lettres de voz, noz en sumes estez fort maris et perplex,
et mesmement que entendons assez le reta/rdement des
ambassadeurs,
Madame, voz savez ce que ycellui seigneur de Burgho
et moy voz en avons escript, et en effect je crains que
le roy Dengleterre se joindra avec le roy de Fra/nce
entierement a notre destrtiction. Comme je voz ay escript
par tant de fois, le roy Dengleterre a toutjours espie la
Fortune et ne vouldroit que eussions lepays de Gheldres.
A ceste fin yl fait les difficuUez touchant argent et le
prest.
Ma dame, au cas que le roy Dengleterre soit
entierement aA)ec le roy de France comme il fait a
craindre, sans doubte se [si] les ambassadeurs ne vieg-
nent, tout se pouroit perdre, Voz en saurer bien user.
206.
[Sir Edward Wingfield to Margaret of Savoy, *' Spanish Calendar/'
i. No. 600; the editor of the '* Spanish Calendar" has
ascribed this despatch to *' Edmund " Wingfield, but its author
was clearly Sir Edward, see '^ Letters and Papers,'' ii. 366.]
Henry VII has it much at heart that the affairs of November,
the Emperor, and the Prince his son, should be settled
20*
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308 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Noyember, to the greatest advantage in the approaching Ciongress
of Oambray, and that their enemies should be entirdj
discomfited.
As long as the alliance between the King of France
and the King of Aragon continues, it is to be feared
that the principal enemy ^ of the Emperor and Prince
Charles will triumph. For if he be assisted by France,
the King of Aragon will most probably be able, not
only to keep the usurped government of Castile in his
own hands, and the other dominions belonging to that
kingdom, as long as he lives, but also to deprive the
Prince of his right of succession. To prevent this, it
seems to Henry that the best plan would be to exclude
the King of Aragon from the treaties that are to be
made at Cambray, and to sever the alliance existing
between him and the King of France. The King of
Aragon has usurped the government of Castile only by
means of the help of the King of France. If he were
to be isolated, he would be unable to preserve it, and
the Emperor would have it in his power, aided by those
who are inimical to the King of Aragon, to take the
government of that kingdom into his ovm hands.
Since it might be difficult to dissolve the alliance be-
tween the King of Aragon and the King of France,
has bethought himself of some expedients which might
be useful. The King of France, at divers times, has
proposed to Henry that the Prince of Wales should
marry the sister of the Duke of Angoul6me, and that a
treaty of alliance and friendship should be concluded
between the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Angou-
16me. The King of England has constantly rejected
these offers, though the King of France has been ready
to make great sacrifices. He would not even now ac-
cept them, were it not that they would be advantageous
^ Le. Ferdinand of Aragon.
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FERDINAND'S DESIGNS ON CASTILE 309
to the Emperor and the Prince. But as the King of Noyambtr,
France could not be induced to dissolve the alliance
with the King of Aragon on any other terms, the King
of England would condescend to accept either the mar-
riage or the alliance.
It is known that the King of France greatly desires
this marriage and alliance, and it is therefore probable
that, if he could obtain them, he would make peace with
the Emperor, and give up his alliance with the King of
Aragon. As she and the Cardinal of Gurk are to be
present at the conferences of Cambray, he begs them
to broach these matters to the Cardinal of Amboise.
But it must be understood that it is to be kept secret,
that these proposals come from the King of England.
If it should be found that the King of France is inclined
to enter into the negociations, the Emperor must write
to King Henry, and beg him to consent to either the
alliance or the marriaga
If the King of France should abandon his alliance
with the King of Aragon, a new alliance could be con-
cluded between the Pope, the Emperor, the King of
Englsmd and the Ejng of Frsmce, from which the Ejng
of Aragon would have to be excluded. Deprived of all
assistance and succour, the King of Aragon would soon
be expelled from Castile by the Castilians themselves,
who tolerate him only through fear of France.
The Emperor could thus easily obtain the government
of Castile, and would not only be able to gain much
thereby, but would also have it in his power to ad-
minister better justice and to secure the succession to
his [grand] son. Prince Charles.
Another important advantage to the Emperor would
be that he would gain great reputation, and consider-
ably augment his power. He could employ the army
and navy of Castile against the Venetians, take venge-
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310 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Noymnber, ance On them, and reconquer all of which he has been
deprived. The Emperor would, moreover, be enabled
to proceed to Rome to his coronation. The King of
England loves the Emperor and Prince Charles above
all other Princes, and would therefore gladly take all
the trouble of the negociations concerning the peace
between the Emperor and the King of France, and the
alliance of the Pope with the Princes upon himself.
207.
[The Provoet of Cassel and other Flemish ambassadors to Margaret
of Savoy, " Letters and Papers," i. 368-74.]
London, Madame, tant et le plus humblement que povons
bor. ^ nous nous recommandons a vostre bonne grace.
Madame, nous avons desavant hier v[eille] de Saint
Nicolay aux champs entre Dartford et ceste ville recea
voz lettres de Gambray du second de ce mois; dont
assez humblement ne vous saurions mercyer, car vous
nous avez par icelles et par les bonnes et joyeuses
nouvelles y contenues tant confortez et resjoys que ne
le vous saurions escripre. Prians Dieu nostre Createur
vous par . . . ster jusques a lexecucion des matieres
conceues, ainsi quil a fait jusques ores, et espero[n8]
infailliblement quil fera enoultre jusques a la fin. Nous
vous supplions aussi en toute humilite que en ensuyvant
ce que de vostre grace vous a pleu nous escripre par
vosdites lettres nous vouloir signifier de la conclusion
desdites matieres quant elle se fera pour icelle nostre
joye confirmer et radoubler.
Quant a noz nouvelles, madame, depuis que demiere-
ment vous avons escript nostre arrivee a Douvres,
sommes le lendemain de la Saint Andrieu partiz dudit
lieu de Douvres, accompaigniez du gra[n]t prieur de
Canturbery, de messieurs Eduart de Pouninghe^ et
■ * Sir Edward Poynings.
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THE FLEMISH AMBASSADORS 311
Gilbert de Talbot depute de Calays, chevalier de lordre, December,
et allez ledit jour au giste audit Canturberey en labbaye
illec. A notre entree devant ladite abbaye furent aude-
vant de nous [t]ou8 lea officiers principaulx et gens de
la ley de ladite ville en grant nombre, qui nous bien-
viengnerent et feirent tant bon recueil avec oSre et
presentacion de tout plaisir et service de si bonne sorte
que riens plus. Et le soir nous vindrent faire presens
de vin, eyre, espices, et pluiseurs autres choses, selon la
coustume du pays, en grant quantite et bien honorable-
ment.
Le Samedi partismes, et venismes au giste a Setim-
borch/ ung village a dix milles plusavant dont aussi
nous partismes le lendemain, qui fut Dimence, apres la
messe, et venismes au giste a Bochestres. Dudit Bo-
chestres feismes une autre joumee, qui fut le Lundy,
jusques a Dartfort, a douze miles pres de ceste cite. Et
partout estions recueillez et tant bien venuz que mer-
veilles. Jusques apres dudit lieu de Dartfort nous con-
voyerent et conduirent tousjours le grant prieur de
Canturbery et Messire Eduart de Pouninghe, qui furent
a nous recevoir au descendre des navires audit Douvres,
avec aussi le depute de Oalays, et illec print congie de
nous ledit sieur prieur et retouma en son eglise.
Lesdits depute et de Pouninghe nous ont tousjours
accompaignie jusques icy. Et devant h[ie]r Mardy en
deslogeant dudit Daxtfort a demye lyeue pres dillec,
trouvasmes au devant de nous aux champs messieurs
lesvesque de Worcestre, le conte de Serosbery, grant
maistre Dengleterre, le conmiandeur de Saint Jehan,
messire Eduart Brandon, chevalier de lordre, et le
doctor West, avec grant multitude de gens de bien en
nombre de cent et cinquante chevaulx ou plus ; lesquelz
avec aussi lesdits depute de Calays et le sieur Pouninghe
* Sittingboume.
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312 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
i^«nber. nous conduirent jusgues en notre logiz. A lentre de la
ville trouvasmes nouvelle compaignie de gentilz homines
de lostel du roy et autres, bien accoustrez et montez.
Le soir nous vint on semblablement faire des presens
de par la ville, non moindres, ains plus grans gne jusques
ores Ion avoit fait, tonsjonrs en accroissant.
Hier, le jour Saint Nicolay, entre une et deux henres
apres midy vindrent devers nous en notredit logis mes-
sieurs lardievesque de Canturberey et le conte Doxen-
fort, ung des grans, et, comme Ion nous dit, le principal
personnaige de ce royaulme. Apres la congratulacion
faicte de notre bien joyeuse et desiree venue, qui seroit
trop longue a escripre, nous dirent que le roy estoit
prest de nous recevoir et donner audience quant nous
vouldrions, et en leur disant que nous estions prestz
quand il plairoit a sa majeste, nous consignerent heure
ce jourdhuy devers luy en sa court de Grunevuyse, hors
de ceste ville, a unze heures devant midi. Et pour y
aller nous enyoya sa barge avec aussi les seigneurs et
personnaiges dessus nonunez.
Madame, nous y sommes allez a Iheure assignee.
Ulec venuz avons trouve ledit sieur roy accompaignie
de monseigneur le prince de Gales, son filz, de lam-
bassadeur du roy Darragon, de douze on treize evesques,
et de pluiseurs et la pluspart des princes et grans
maistres de son royaulme. De vous escripre lonneur et
le recueil quil nous feist et demonstra, ce seroit chose
trop longue, et ne saurions. II seroit impossible de
meilleur.
Apres la presentacion et visitacion de noz lettres de
Credence, et lexposicion de notre charge, et responce de
par luy sur ce faicte par la bouche de monseigneur de
Canturbery, son chancellier, nous dit et repeta a diverses
fois et de tant bonne affection quil estoit possible, que
nous luy estions les tres bien venuz. H nous dit aussi
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TREASURY PROSECUTIONS 313
que vray estoit quil avoit eu quelque regret et anvy December,
a notre retardement et longne demenre ; mais notredite
venae, congnoissant par icelle la bonne et entiere
affection le lempereor et de vons, madame, pour laccom-
plissement des choses faictes et traictees a Calays, Iny
fait oblier le tout
Apres, pour la presse qui estoit en la salle ou il nous
avoit receu, nous mena en sa chambre, et illec se devisa
longuement et priveement de sa grace avec moy,. de
Berghes, et me dit tout plain de bonnes choses. En
effect, pour demonstrer quil a aussi grant desir a la-
ccomplissement des choses traictees, et a nostre des-
pesche comme nous meismes, nous dit que demain
envoyera devers nous ses deputez pour veoir et visiter
les lettres, tant dun coste que dautre, et apres adviser
et conclure du jour de la solempnisacion des fianchailles
et des choses qui en deppendent, tellement que esperons
bien brief avoir bonne expedicion du tout.
208.
[" Greyfriars' Chronicle," p. 29.]
Thys yere was many aldermen put in to the tower,
and sir William Capell put toward in the shreffes howse.
209.
[Kingsford's •* Chronicles," p. 262.] <
This yere was Sir William Oapell ayein put in vexa-
cion, by sute of the kyng, for thinges doon by hym in
the tyme of his mairaltie.
In the begynnyng of this Maires tyme Sir William
Oapell, after his prisonment in the Contour, and
Shiyvishouse, was by the kynges Counceill commaundid
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314 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
December, to the Tower, where he remayned till the kyng died.
^ And shortly after was deliuered w* many other.^
And in lykewise was Sir Laurence Aylemer delt "w*,
and commytted to the ward or hous of Richard Srajrib,
Shyryve. And there remayned as prysoner by the space
abouesaid.
1509.
210.
[Membrilla to Ferdinand of Aragon, ** Spanish Calendar/' SuppL
to vols. i. and ii. p. 13.]
London. Much have I laboured to depart spotless from Eng-
land, and to save your Majesty from vexation, hoping
from day to day that the marriage of the Princess of
Wales would take place, and that the disorders in the
house of the Princess would be remedied without annoy-
ance to your Highness. I confess that it has been an
error, because if I had written it in time it might have
been possible to remedy it, and not have gone too far
forward ; but it is better late, as they say [than never].
Tour Highness should know that there is much need
of a person who can rule this household, and that it
should be such a person whom her Highness holds in
honour, and those of this household in respect, for now
the household is governed by a young friar, whom the
Princess has for confessor, and who being, in my view
and in that of every one, unworthy of having such a
charge, causes the Princess to conmiit many errors.
1 Of. ibid. p. 261 : "And this yere [1506-7] was Thomas Eneys-
worth, late maier, and his ij shryyes oondempned to the kyng in
great sommes of money, over peynfull prisonment by them in the
Marshalsy sosteyned ". See also Vol. ii. Nob. 23-30. These fines
and imprisonments were due to prosecution by Empson and Dudley.
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TVIEMBRILLA COMPLAINS OF CATHERINE 316
As yonr EUghness knows how full of goodness she is, March.
and so conscientions, this her confessor makes a sin of
all acts, of whatever kind they may be, if they displease
him, and thus causes her to commit many faults. This
servant of the Princess goes despatched behind my back
to your Highness, to give time to those who wish to
raake complaints of me. I will not say now all the
things which have need of correction, submitting to the
opinion of those your Highness may order to interrogate
him [the servant] as to the condition in which the
house of the Princess is, and as to the things which for
tv70 months past have happened, and from his report
you will know more of it than I should be able to
v^rite. If, after having been informed of their com-
plaints of me, your Highness should desire to know
the truth, although it may be against me, I will tell it
to your Highness without lying on any point. Because,
however, the beginning, and middle, and the end of
these disorders is this said friar, I say that he is young,
and light, and haughty, and scandalous in an extreme
naanner; and the King of England has said to the
Princess very strong words about him. Because I have
&aid something to the Princess which did not appear
to me right of this friar, and the friar knew it, he has
been so far able as to put me so much out of favour
with the Princess that if I had committed some treason
she could not have treated me worse ; and I have some
letters preserved to show to your Highness, which the
Princess has written to me. Certainly, unless I were
80 faithfully devoted to the service of your Highness,
neither the dread of losing that which I have, nor of
putting my life in peril, would detain me longer in
England. I would already be gone, had not the service
of your Highness such power over me that I have not
the free judgment which God gave me to do any other
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316 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Biarch, thing, except to die and serve yotu I entreat your
Highness, that, having heard the information \^liich
he who brings this letter, and who is a servant of the
house and knows everything, will give, your Higbness
amend the life and tiie household of the Princes,
sending her an old and honest confessor and of the
order of San Francisco, because such an one might
stay in England with less scandal than this one, and
more according to the pleasure of the King of England.
In order that your EUghness may know of what kind
this friar is, I will tell you what he said to me, and
they were these words exactly, without making them
worse or better. He said to me : I know they have
told many things of me to you. I said to him : Cer-
tainly, father, they have said nothing of you to me.
He said : I know it, for he who told you told me. I
said to him : Well, any one can rise as a folse witness
but I swear to you by the Corpus Cristi that they have
told me nothing which I remember. He said : Be it
so, but in this house there are evil tongues, and they
have slandered me, and not with the lowest in the
house, but with the highest, and this is no disgrace to
me, and if it were not for contradicting them I should
ahready be gone. Certainly I tell the truth to your
Highness, that I was excited and almost beyond power
of restraint from laying hands on him. Moreover, the
King of England, and all the English abhor so much
to see such a friar so continually in the palace and
amongst the women, that nothing could be more de-
tested by them; and it is not a good token that the
King of England does not remedy a thing which dis-
pleases him so much.
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CATHERINE'S SIDE OF THE QUESTION 317
211. 1509.
[Catherine of Aragon to Ferdinand, ''Spanish Calendar," Suppl.
to vols. L and iL p. 16.]
From a letter which your EUghness has written to Richmond,
the ambassador I have seen that you have determined
to send hither a -prelate to conduct these negociations.
I kiss the hands of your Highness for it, for as things
here become daily worse, and my life more and more
insupportable, I can no longer bear this in any manner.
Those [servants] whom up to this time I have had are
no longer of any use to me, because my ill fortune
wills it that those whom your Highness sends hither,
however sufficient they might be, have always so much
crippled your service, that the sending of a new ambas-
sador is my only support and comfort. Your Highness
knows ahready how much the King of England, who
does not like to see or to hear this one, would be pleased
at it. Not that he is not loyal, but I think he does not
know how to treat matters. For as Doctor de Puebla
conducted the a&irs with too great gentleness in every
thing that regarded the interests of this King, so this
other behaves with too great rigour towards him and his
servants, especially as I, being dependent on them, can-
not make use of anything that is not done with modera-
tion. Therefore, I beseech your EQghness not to forget
what I have written to you so many times, but immedi-
ately to send redress, and to determine as to the way in
which your EUghness desires me to live. It is impossible
for me any longer to endure what I have gone through
and still am suffering from the unkindness of the King,
and the manner in which he treats me, especially since
he has disposed of his daughter in marriage to the
Prince of Castile, and itherefore imagines he has no
longer any need of your EUghness, as this has been
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318 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
March, done without yoor consent. He tries to make me feel
this by his want of love, although in secret and without
confessing it he knows that as long as he does not pos-
sess the goodwill of your Highness, he is wanting in the
greatest and best part. All this causes me much pain,
as being against the interest of your EQghness, and if I
had not any other cause, this alone would not permit
me to let it pass without making you acquainted with
it. God knows how much I am grieved that I have to
write to you always of so many troubles and difficulties.
But remembering that I am your daughter, I cannot
prevail upon myself to conceal them from you, and not
to beg you to remedy them as your station and service
require. To tell the truth, my necessities have risen
so high that I do not know how to maintain myself.
For I have already sold my household goods, as it was
impossible to avoid it, and I do not know whence I can
have anything else. Some days ago, speaking with the
King about my wants, he said to me, that he was not
bound to give my servants food, or even to my own self,
but that the love he bore me would not allow him to do
otherwise. From this your Highness will see to what
a state I am reduced, when I am warned that even my
food is given to me almost as alms. What I feel most,
is to see all my servants in such a ruined state as they
are. Although not all have served me as they ought,
it gives me pain and weighs on my conscience that I
cannot pay them, and send those away who cause me
great annoyance, especially Juan de Guero, whose
audaciousness it is very difficult for me to bear. He is
the cause that others do not do what they ought to do,
and I must be silent, ovnng to my necessities, of which
I have informed your Highness. What afflicts me most
is that I cannot in any way remedy the hardships of my
confessor, whom I consider to be the best that ever
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DOMESTIC QUARRELS 319
woman of my position had, with respect to his life, March,
as well as to his holy doctrine and proficiency in letters,
as I have oftentimes written to your Highness. It
grieves me that I cannot maintain him in the way his
office and my rank demand, because of my poverty,
during which he has always served me with such labour
and fatigue as no one else would have undergone. He
is very faithful in his office as well as in giving good
advice and a good example, and it seems to me it would
be ingratitude if I neglected to inform your Highness
how badly the ambassador has behaved towards him.
The service of your Highness suffers thereby, and I
have been much annoyed. The reason of it is that the
ambassador has strongly attached himself to the mer-
chant Francisco de Grimaldo, whom he has brought
over with him, and to a servant of mine, Francisca de
CAceres, who, by his favour, were about to marry, con-
trary to my wishes. And situated as I am, I had to
conceal my feelings for the sake of the honour and
honesty of my house. I found myself in so great a
difficulty, that I could not help giving a bond for a cer-
tain sum of money, and I believe that if your Highness
knew the reason which moved me to do so, you would
not reproach me, but rather recognise me as your
daughter. On account of the annoyance this woman
has caused me I sent her away, but the ambassador of
your Highness received her into his house and at his
table, which did not seem well to me considering his
official position as representative of the person of your
Highness. He has caused me many annoyances every
day with this merchant, giving me to understand that
he wanted to go away, and to carry off my marriage
portion, unless I b^an to pay something of what I had
promised him. But if my bond is attentively considered,
it appears that I owe him nothing. Because the con-
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320 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
March, fessor gave me advice in all this, the ambassador has
quarrelled with him, and when he saw how little reason
he had to do so, he tried to excuse himself by saying
that the confessor meddled in the aiOhirs of the embassy.
I swear by the life of your Highness, which is the great-
est oath I can make, that that is not the case. I sent
him to ask for the [marriage] treaty, of which I wanted
to see one article. As the King does not like that I
should see it, I was forced to send and to ask it from
him. On account of this he grew angry, and permitted
himself to be led so far as to say things which are not
fit to be written to your Highness, and of which I shall
only observe that he has had no regard for the service
of your Highness and the honour of my house, and said
what is not true. I therefore entreat your Highness to
write to him, and to give him to understand that you
are not well served, and I do not consent that my con-
fessor be treated in such a manner. Your SUghness
would render me a signal service if you would write to
him another letter, telling him that you are satisfied
with the manner in which he serves me, and command-
ing him to continue and not to forsake me. For, in con-
sequence of what the ambassador has said to him, he
asks me leave every day, and I think, on no condition
will he remain here if your Highness does not force
him to do so. As I am in great want of such a person
as he is, I implore your Highness to prevent him [from
going away] ; and to write also to the King that your
Highness has commanded this father to stay with me,
and to beg him that for the love of your Highness he
should order that he be very well treated and humoured ;
and to tell the prelates that your Highness is pleased
with his staying here. For the greatest comfort in my
troubles is the consolation and the support he gives me.
Your Highness may believe that I feel myself reduced
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CATHERINE'S DESPAIR 321
to such a state, that I send almost in despair this my icuoh.
servant to your Highness to implore you not to forget
that I am your daughter, and how much I have suffered
for your service, and how much [my sufferings] continu-
ally increase. Do not let me perish in this way, but
write directly by this messenger what you decide, other-
wise, in the condition in which I am now, I am afraid
I might do something which neither the King of Eng-
land nor your Highness, who has much more weight,
would be able to prevent, unless, and that is necessary,
you send for me so that I may conclude my few remain-
ing days in serving God. That would be the greatest
good I could have in this world. God guard your High-
ness' life and the royal estate, and augment it as I de-
sire.
From Richmond, 9th of March.
I beseech your Highness soon to send back this
messenger^ and to give him money for his return. In
order to provide him for what woa necessary for his
journey there, I was obliged to sell from my wardrobe.
I do the same always when I am unwell during fasting
time, for in the house of the King they would not give
meat to anyone, even if he were dying, and they look
upon them who eat it as heretics.
212.
[Membrilla to Ferdinand, "Spanish Calendar," SuppL to Yob.
i. and ii. p. 23.]
Since I wrote to your Highness by Martin Sanchez London,
de Zamudio, ambassadors from the King of the Romans ^ ^''^**^'
and Madame Margaret have come here. They arrived
on the sixth day of March, and were eight days without
seeing the King, because he was ill of the sickness of
last year, and does not allow himself to be seen. The
Prince received the ambassadors. Concerning this em-
VOL. I. 21
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322 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Uxnh, bassy, I have understood that they have moved a mar-
riage for the Prince of Wales with the daughter of the
Duke Albert of Bavaria, a daughter of the sister of the
King of the Romans, assuring him (the King) that if he
concludes this marriage he shall still wed with Madame
Margaret, and they will give all the securities that he
may desire that the match between the Prince of Castile
and his daughter shall be confirmed. I have not learned
this from such a source that I can hold it for certain,
but as all the afEairs of this court directly that they are
negotiated become public, it may be that he who told it
me may have heard it in a good quarter. Also I am
informed that the nobles of the kingdom press the King
much that he may marry his son, above all since they
have seen him ill, and they do not speak for one more
than for the other, but tell him he should decide on that
which he wishes, or is more profitable for him, and that
he should marry the Prince, because he is already very
manly, and the kingdom is in danger with only one heir.
They tell me he has taken a period of two months to
decide, and they are all much astonished at your High-
ness's great delay in answering, and at the slowness of
him whom your Highness is to send. For John Stile
has written to the King that a prelate would come
quickly here, and even certified that it would be Don
Pedro de Ayala, Bishop of Canaria.* In order that your
Highness may be informed of everything, I decided to
send this messenger. For it appears to me that one
way or the other it would be well that your Highness
should determine that which you wish in this affair.
They do not cease to preach to the people, wherever
they can, that because your Highness does not fulfil
your obligations towards the King of England, this
marriage is not concluded; and although on our side
^ See below, YoL iii.
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MEMBBILLA'S SITUATION 323
we might have better preachers, they would not make March,
them believe anything except that which they have
abready imagined.
I have not seen the King of England since he be-
trothed his daughter, because he appears to be very
angry with me, and he does not say that the cause is
because I did not choose to be present at the espousals
of his daughter, but because I had made sinister reports
to your Highness, in consequence of which your High-
ness has not conceded that which he asks, according as
I wrote to your Majesty, and the Lord Privy Seal had
sent to tell me ; and on that account he did not wish
to see me unless I had business on which to talk. And
neither have I seen the Princess from that time, for to
those who advise her Highness it does not appear good
that her Highness should see me, as the King of Eng-
land is not very friendly to me, and her Highness has
such faith in them, that she believes what they tell her
is good. And not only does her Highness feign to be
angry with me, but shows herself to be so in reality.
And this they have advised because they fear that, if
I go to see the Princess, I shall not be able to refrain
from telling her something which does not appear to
me. good in those who advise her thus, and with this
fear not only have they prevailed with the Princess
that she is angry with me, and that she shows it, but
they have managed on all sides, where they have been
able to do so, in such a manner as to remove me so that I
may not communicate with her Highness. Many things
happen in her house which have need of amendment,
but her Highness is so submissive to a friar whom she
has as confessor, that he makes her do a great many
things which it would be better not to do. Lately he
made her do a thing which much grieved the King.
It was this, that whilst staying in a lonely house which
21^
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324 THE BEIGN OF HENBT VH
Maroh, is in ft park, the King of England wished to go to Bioh-
mond, and sent to say to the Princess that next day
her Highness and Madame Mary his daughter dionld
be at Richmond, where he would go before or after
them. The Princess obeyed the order, bat next day
when she was about to start, and Madame Mary was
waiting for her with the company deputed to go with
them, the friar came and said to the Princess, '' You
shall not go today." It is true that the princess had
vomited that night. The princess said, ''I am well;
I do not wish to stay here alone." He said, '' I tell
you that upon pain of mortal sin you do not go today."
The Princess contended that she was well, and that
she did not wish to stay there alone. The friar, how-
ever, persevered so much that the Princess, not to dis-
please him, determined to remain. When Madame
Mary had been waiting for more than two hours she
sent to tell Madame Mary to go, but that she did not
feel well. The English who witnessed this, and had
seen the Princess at mass and at table, rode off with
Madame Mary and went away, whilst the Princess re-
mained alone with her women and only the Maestre
Sola and her chamberlain, who had been absent and
came by chance. The distance was at the utmost less
than one league. There is no need to speak of the pro-
visions the Princess had that night, for bb the contin-
gency was not expected it was not provided for, nor did
they give themselves much trouble to provide for it
Next day the Eang of England did not again give an
order to send for the Princess, as though she had been
staying in such company as suited her, and they tell
me that the King was very much vexed at her remain-
ing there. The following day the Princess went [to
Richmond] accompanied by no other living creature
than three women on horseback, the Maestre Sala, the
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CATHERINE'S CONFESSOR 325
chamberlain, and the friar, a nnmerooB [company] I Mmh.
These and other things of a thousand times worse kind
the friar makes her do. It is more than 20 days since the
King last saw the Princess, nor has he, since her staying
away, sent to know how she is, although she had been
ill. May Qoi forgive me, but now that I know so well
the affairs of the Princess's household, I acquit the
King of England of a great and very great portion of
the blame which I hitherto gave to him, and I do not
wonder at what he has done, but at that which he does
not do, especially as he is of such a temperament as to
wish that in house and kingdom that be done without
contradiction which he desires and orders. That the
King allows these things of the friar, which appear so
bad to him and which are so much brought before his
eyes, to go on is not considered as a good sign by those
who know him. As I have written by a servant of the
Princess, whose name is Juan Azcotia [or Ascuetia], and
who was despatched behind my back, I shall not dilate
here on this subject, because your Highness can hear
from him the truth of all these things if you desire to
know them. He is a loyal servant of your Highness, and,
as a man, being unable to endure many things which ap-
peared bad him, he has said something of this to the friar>
for which no good has come to him. Your Highness
must know that there is very great need to remedy these
things of this friar, and to remove him from here as a
pestiferous person, for that he certainly is.
The Chamberlain, Juan de Cuero, being a good
servant, cannot do otherwise than speak the truth,
which they do not desire to hear. The Princess behaves
towards him as though he had committed the greatest
treason in the world, and all because he hinders them
from selling every day a piece of plate to satisfy the
follies of the friar. I entreat your Highness to grant
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326 THE REIGN OF HENRY VH
Maeb, him the favour of an order that he whom your High-
ness should send may settle with him the accounts of
the office which he has held, because he is very old and
would not wish that death should overtake him before
having accounted for all that for which he is respon-
sible. Your Highness ought to do it, and to place a
restraint on the selling, for in fifteen days they have
sold gold for two hundred ducats, with which the
Princess has done nothing that can be seen, nor is it
known in what she spends it, exc^t in books and the
expenses of the friar. Fearing that this King should
resent that your Highness commanded that the Princess
should be claimed, unless he should consent to her
marriage, as he has resented and known it in conse-
quences of the little secrecy that there is in the chamber
of the Princess, I told Francisco de Grimaldo that by
degrees he should send out of the country as much money
as he could ; and so he has done, for happily tiiere are
out of England more than thirty thousand crowns.
The remainder shall be sent away by degrees, and pre-
served at a place whence, if it should be necessary to
make the payment to the King of England, it could be
remitted without any inconvenience. This I have done
to satisfy my conscience, for, according to what I have
perceived and do perceive, it seems to me that thus it
ought to be done. If your EUghness should conmiand
anything else, inform me by the flying courier that
I may not be in error. I desire not to err in this, I am
sure.
213.
[Membrill* to Secretary Alfimwin, *' Spanish Calendar," SuppL to
YoIb. L and ii., p. 29.]
London, In many ways I am afflicted at the delay which there
ao March, y^^ y^^^ ^^ j£jg affair, for every day we lose ground,
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SPANISH DELAY 327
and as I write to his Highness, ont of every bush springs Mtfoh,
a hare, and considering, the time that has passed since
you wrote to me from Alcala del Keyno, I know not
what to think of such delay, above all as the King of
England had already news of the coming of him, who
has to come, before I received the letters of his High-
ness. As they see that he delays [his coming] they
make many conjectures, and prepare themselves for
whatever may happen. They will not err in the answers,
as they know that which we desire. For, as some days
ago I wrote to his Highness, the little secresy which
there is in the chamber of the Princess has done us
injury, because there is nothing which I have written
recommended to secresy which the King of England
does not know as I know it, and even with some addi-
tions of the reporters. For this anxiety which I have,
and in order to inform his Highness of that about which
I am writing, I determine to send this messenger, and
I entreat of your Honour that, if this business is to be
prolonged, his Highness will withdraw me hence, be-
cause I shall not be able to serve either God or his
Highness, as I am at variance with every one.
I wrote to your Lordship about a friar who is here aa
confessor to the Princess, who would to God he were
in his monastery, and not here, because he neither
brings nor has brought any good, and if he is here much
longer he will bring greater injury on her Highness. 1\
write something, and not so openly as I should desire*,
because there goes to his Highness a servant of the Prin-
cess who is called Juan de Ascuetia [or Azcotia], who
was despatched behind my back ; and because his High-
ness may be informed by him of what I say to him, con-
cerning this friar, in parables. For this reason I do not
write more at length on the affair since he, as a man
who has seen and knows it all, and as servant of the
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328 THE REIGN OF HENRY VU
icuoh, house, will be able well to tell, and he is a yery byal
servant of the King and of the Princess, although such
are not here held in so much esteem as good servants
are worth.
I wish only to say here that this ought to be remedied
by withdrawing this friar from the Princess, for he is
with her Highness against the will of all the English,
and especially against the will of the King and his
Highness. You ought to consider that which ought to
be considered in this case, and may Qoi destroy me if
I see in the friar anything for which she should have so
much a£fection, for he has neither learning, nor appear*
ance, nor manners, nor competency, nor credit, and yet
if he wishes to preach a new law they have to believe it.
A bill for five hundred ducats, which I have taken in
exchange, I sent to your Lordship, the which I took
from one Pedro Centurion, a Genoese. I supplicate
your lordship that if it is not paid you will give orders
to pay it, because directly it is known that it is not
accepted they will draw upon me, and your Lordship
knows what might follow from that. I also entreat
you to send orders to provide for me ; for I swear by
my faith that this country is so expensive that what I
possess there and here does not suffice, and I swear by
our Lord that three hundred and ninety ducats, which
they sent me from Naples, with all that I received from
there and here, is spent, and if you do not supply me,
and do not pay that which I have taken, I shall not
find anyone who will give me a ducat, or who wUl
stand security for me, nor shall I be able to go from
here nor to remain, unless I sell that which it is not
reasonable to sell.
This Gallician is to have for the journey going and
coming, twenty five ducats ; I have given him here ten,
thus you ought to give him there fifteen ducats. May
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CATHERINE'S ANGER 329
our Lord add to the life and estate of yoox Lordship as Hanb,
m 1509.
you desire.
214.
[Catherine of Aragon to Ferdinand, *' Spanish Calendar," Suppl.
to vols. i. and ii. p. 33.]
The ambassador sends to tell me that it is yery neces- Ridhmond
sary for him to despatch this messenger in all haste to
your Highness, because many things have been dis-
covered to him, and as I fear that some of them may not
be true, I do not like to let him go without a letter from
me, beseeching your Highness that if he writes anything
about my household and especially about my confessor,
your Highness will not credit it. For, by my salvation,
and by the life of your EUghness, he does not tell the
truth if he states anything except that [the confessor]
serves me well and loyally. A few days ago I wrote to
your Highness, by a servant of mine, although not so
much in detail as I could wish ; for all that the ambas-
sador, with his disorderly tongue, has said against my
person and the honour of my house, from affection for
^ certain Francisca de C&ceres, a former servant of
mine, can not be put upon paper, and I would rather
die than see what I have suffered and suffer every day
from this ambassador and all my servants. I shall not
believe that your EQghness looks upon me as your
daughter if you do not punish it, and order the ambas-
sador to confine himself to the affairs of his embassy,
and to abstain from meddling in the affairs of my house-
hold. May your Highness give me satisfaction before
I die, for I fear my life will be short, owing to my
troubles.
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330 THE KEIGN OF HENRY VH
1509. 215.
[Henry VII's death, Eingsford's *< Chronidefi," p. 262.]
21 April. This yere vppon the Saterday^ next before Seint
Georges Day died the king oar soueraign lord at his
lodging called Eichemount. Vpon whose soule and all
Cristen, Jhesu have mercy ! Amen !
216.
[" Greyfriars' Chronicle," p. 29.]
Thys yere the xxii day of Aprill dyde kynge Henry
the Vn^ at Bichmonde, and browth to London over
the brygge and soo to FowUes the furst nyght, and the
nexte day to Westmynster nobylly and there buryd.
217.
[Sanuto's abstract of news letters relating to the death of Henry
Vn, ** Venetian Calendar," i. No. 942.]
Venice, Beceipt of letters from Bome, dated the 3rd and
8 May. ^^j^^ stating that sure news had been received there of
the death of the Eling of England on the 20th of April,
and his son had succeeded to the kingdom peaceably ;
and this the Pope said in the Consistory. The truth
of this was also known on the 6th at Lucca, as read in
letters dated the 26th, received from London by the
bankers Bonvisi, who have a bank there; and that
down to that day, the Flanders galleys, commanded by
Agostin da Mula, were there. The new King is
years old, a worthy King and most hostile to France ;
it is thought he will indubitably invade France, and
^ 21 April in 1509 was a Saturday ; the statement in the follow-
ing passage from the " Grey&iars' Chronicle *' to the effect that
Henry VII died on the 22nd perhaps arose from the practice of
dating Henry YIII's reign from the 22nd.
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DEATH OF HENRY VH 331
has perhaps had our galleys detained for the convey- iday. 1609.
ance of troops. He is the son-in-law of the King of
Spain. His name ; and it seems that he was crowned
there on the 26th. The King his father was called
Henry, years of age ; was a very great miser, but
a man of vast ability, and had accumulated so much
gold that he is supposed to have more than well nigh
all the other Kings of Christendom. This King, his
son, is liberal and handsome, the friend of Venice and
the enemy of France; and the ambassador Andrea
Badoer and [Nicol6] de Ponte, who is intimate with the
King, being on the spot, and his councillors being
hostile to the French, the King will assuredly take the
offensive: so that this intelligence is considered most
satisfactory.
218.
[Skelton'a epitaph on Henry VH, Works, ed. Dyoe, i. 178.]
Orator regius Skeltonis Laureatus in singulare merit-
issimumque praeconum nobillissimi principis Henrici
Septimi, nuper strenuissimi regis AnglisB hoc epi-
taphium edidit, ad sinceram contemplationem reverendi
in Christo patris ac domini, Domini Johannis IslippsB
Abbatis Westmonasteriensis optime meriti, anno domini
MDXn pridie divi AndreaB Apostoli etc.
Tristia Melpomenes cogor modo plectra sonare,
Hos elegos foveat Cynthius ille meos.
Si quas fata movent lacrymas, lacrymare videtur
Jam bene maturum, si bene mente sapis.
Flos Britonum, regum speculum, Salomonis imago,
Septimus Henricus mole sub hac tegitur.
Punica, dum regnat, redolens rosa digna vocari,
Jam jam marcescit, ceu levis umbra fugit.
Hulta novercantis fortunse, multa faventis
PasBusi et infractus tempus utrumque tulit.
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332 THE KEIGN OF HENBY VII
Nobilis Anchises, annis metnendus Atrides,
Hie erat ; hnno Scottns rex timoit Jacobus.
Spiramenta animsB vegetans dum vescitor aura,
Francoram popnlns conticoit pavidns.
Immensas sibi divitias comnlasse qnid hones ?.
Ni cumalasset opes, forte, Britanne, iuas.
Urgentes casns tacita si mente volutes,
Vix tibi sofficeret aurea ripa TagL
Ni sua te probitas consnlta mente laborans
Bexisset satins, vix tibi tuta sains.
Sed quid plura cano ? meditans qnid plnra volute ?
Quisque vigil sibi sit : mors sine lege rapit.
Ad Dominum, qui cuncta regit, pro principe tanto
Funde preces quisquis carmina nostra legis.
▲BIBDBm : TBI URIfXBSin
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