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AT the date of his death, on February 28th, 1914, 
Dr J. H. Wylie had corrected the proof sheets of 
this volume up to page 96. His manuscript of the whole 
volume was then substantially ready for the press, subject 
in many cases to the checking and verification of references 
in the notes, and to some passages of obscurity which were 
clearly intended to be revised. The manuscript is often 
difficult to read and follow and could, perhaps, only have 
been satisfactorily dealt with by one able to refer repeatedly 
to the authorities quoted. We do not claim more than to 
have attempted to reproduce the text and notes as written, 
in the hope that any errors in names and references, which 
will no doubt appear obvious to those acquainted with the 
subject matter, will be pardoned. They would not have 
occurred had the author lived to complete this work, the 
sole occupation of his leisure and the last thing in his 
thoughts when he died. 

J. W. 

A. M. W. 

November , 1918. 














1 08 




ACCORDING to the latest orders 1 the ships were to be at 
Southampton by Lammas (Aug. i, 1415), but long before 
that date vast numbers of sailors 2 had been drawing wages 
at various ports, and when the king arrived a fleet of at 
least 1500 vessels 3 of all sizes from 20 tuns portage and 
upwards had assembled, but even these were insufficient 
for the work, and though as late as July 27* an order 
was issued to secure more vessels, yet in the end many of 
the troops had to be left behind for lack of transport 5 . At 
length, when all victuals and other freight had been em- 
barked 6 , the king left Porchester 7 on Wednesday, Aug. 7, 
and went on board his ship 9 the Trinity Royal, which 
was standing ready 11 in the open roadstead between the 
Hamble and the entrance to Portsmouth harbour 12 . She 
was the best and most noble ship in the kingdom and was 

1 Caxton, Chron. 144; Brut, ii. 375. 

2 Reported at Bordeaux as 22,000 on June 8, 1415, Jurade, 193. For account of 
John Jacobson (3 H. V), for wages paid to sailors going with the king to France, 
see For. Accts. P.R.O. p. 21. 

3 See App. X 2 . 

4 Pat. 3 H. V, i. 25, which also calls for more bows, arrows and strings. 

5 Par defaute d'eskipeson, Hunter, 8; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 223, 226, 229. 

6 And alle her schippes were redy dight, 
And fraught with vitayles and wel pight. 

Laud Troy Book, 81. 
Cf. vitayled and frauzt, ibid. 366. 

7 For previous embarkations of King John and Edward III at Porchester, see 
Archaeol. Inst. (Winchester), 30, 41. 

8 Gesta, 13; Hard. 389. En la saison d'aoust, Cordeliers, 228. Called Aug. 10 in 
Tyler, ii. 142; or Aug. n in Mon. Franc, ii. 165. Not that the embarkation was 
delayed " for some weeks " in consequence of Scrope's conspiracy, as Schmidt, ii. 248. 

9 Cf. I-entered withynne the schippis borde, Lydg. Troy Book, 121. 

10 Pat. 3 H. V, i. 29 d ; Nicolas, 49. 

11 Standing redi on the see, Laud Troy Book, 37. 

Betwene Hampton and the Yle of Wyght, 

These goodly shippes lay there at rode, Harflet, App. 71. 

W. II. I 

2 Landing [CH. xxvm 

known as the king's chamber, other ships in his imme- 
diate attendance being called his wardrobe, his larder, his 
kitchen, and so forth 1 . She flew the Trinity banner 2 with 
2 streamers and 8 getons, gay with figures of the Trinity, 
and of Our Lady, and the arms of St Edward*, St George 
and England 4 . Her top-castle was burnished with a copper- 
gilt crown 5 ; on her capstan was a sceptre wrought with 
three fleur-de-lis 6 , and at her beak-head' stood a painted 
wooden leopard 8 crowned with copper-gilt. She had just 
been launched from a dock 9 at Greenwich 10 where she 
had been undergoing extensive enlargements and repairs 11 , 

1 Black Book of Admiralty, i. u ; of. pro stuffura cujusdam navis ordinatae pro Aula 
ejusdem Reginae (i.e. Philippa going to Denmark in 1406), Rym. viii. 447; Archaeo- 
logia, xi. 155; Charnock, 363; Wylie, ii. 447. Called regium thalamum, regiam aulam 
in Tit. Liv. 33 ; First Life, 80. 

2 For the Trinity Banner with triangle, see Soleil, 212; Retrospective Rev. (1827), 
Frontispiece; Nicolas, 114, 331; Knight, ii. 64; Towle, 324. Cf. Fourth they went in 
the name of the Trynyte, Harflet, App. 71. 

3 At Westmynster seynt Edward shall not fayle, Lydg. Min. Po. in. 

4 For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 32 (Catton's); Exch. Accts. 49/29 (Soper's). 

6 i corona de cupr' de aurat p' le Topp' with i spindell ferri p' eadem, For. Accts. 
8 H. V, m. 32, or "spynell," Exch. Accts. 49/29, m. 4. Cf. "a corone of laton" 
(i.e. copper and zinc), Oppenheim, Accts. 39 (1492). She carried i toppe, 10 stockynge 
spars, i boat (bateW) with a mast and sail, and 2 cockboats (coks), For. Accts. 8 H. V, 
m. 32. 

6 i septr' aur' de cupr' p. le capstan scilicet ad modum trium florum deliciar' opat, 
Exch. Accts. 49/29, though referred to the Holy Ghost by Oppenheim, Accts. 190. 

7 Ibid. 39. 

8 i leopard lingn' (sic); i leop. ligneus pictatus, Exch. Accts. 49/29 (4), Oppen- 
heim, 15. 

9 Post extractionem ejusdem del Dok in aquam, For. Accts. 8 H. V. Called mud 
ground surrounded by a fence of brushwood, Oppenheim, Accts. xxxv. The order for 
her construction was issued on Nov. 8, 1413, and the account records payment of 
/i686. 15-r. n^d. between that date and Jan. 17, 1416, where she is called the "Trinite 
de la Tour" (not Roiall). She was in the Thames under the charge of 12 ship-keepers, 
from Feb. 16, 1415, to March 21 (or June 20), 1415, and 25 sailors were working in her 
"circa rigging" from Jan. 20 to July 4, 1415. For ship-keepers and riggers, see 
Oppenheim, Accts. xxvi. 

10 For. Accts. 8 H. V, which contains entries of payments for oak-branches and bark 
used in building her (Jan. 29, 1416); also for sale of old timber, such as shores, planks 
and piles afterwards (Jan. 2, 1416). Cf. apud Depfordstrande juxta Grenewich, Exch. 
Accts. 49/29 (Soper's account for making the "Thomas de la Tour" in Sept. 1420) ; not 
at Southampton, as Oppenheim, 13. 

11 Pro elargacione et emendacione of Trinite Roiall, Exch. Accts. 49/29, m. i ; de 
novo elargando, construendo et faciendo apud Grenwich, For. Accts. 8 H. V, showing 

for carriage of timber to Greenwich from Eltham, Westwode, Hatfeld, Heybregh, 
Lellingho, Colchester, Wodeham Park, Croydon, Horsemynden, Ealdeng (i.e. Yalding), 
Newhithe, Bromley, Levesham, Bexley, London, Langle Park and Holwode, some of the 
oaks being gifts from the Abbots or Priors of Byleigh, Colchester, Canterbury, St Osyth, 
Hatfieldand Dorchester and the Dean of St Paul's. For ^140 + ^13. 6s. 8d. paid for 
building and repairing the king's ship La Trinite at Greenwich, see Iss. Roll i H. V, 
Mich., Nov. 8, Dec. i, 9, 1413; also 66 paid Oct. 30, 1414, and 133. 6s. &, April 17, 
1415, for making La Trinite at Greenwich, Q. R. Accts. 44/24. Two of the king's 

i4 T 5] "A city on the inconstant billows dancing" 3 

and from existing accounts we know that she had a portage 
of 500 tuns and a crew of 300 men, including a constable, 
a carpenter and her master whose name was Stephen 
Thomas 1 . 

When the king came on board, her sail was hoisted 2 to 
half-mast as a signal to the swarms of other craft that lay 
scattered among the neighbouring creeks to be ready for 
instant departure as soon as they should get their weathering 3 . 
As each came up she struck sail 4 to the Trinity and fell 
into position astern, and as they lay dotted across the haven 
in the gay sunlight, their red waists 5 decked with strange 
serpents 6 , their bulwarks splayed with gay tapets 7 and hung 
with red-cross pavises 8 , their sails 9 broidered with swans and 

balingers (i.e. the Gabrielle de la Tour and the Peter) were employed in transporting 
materials, the latter going to Winchelsea, Smallhithe and Newhithe for timber and board 
to be shipped thence to Greenwich. 

1 Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, 1416. He was still her master on Feb. 27, 
March 19, 1417, Sept. 26, 1418, though her crew was then reduced to 130; see Iss. Roll 
4 H. V, Mich., where she is called Trinite Royal de la Tour. In For. Accts. 8 H. V, 
she is magna navis regis Le Trinite; Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch. 

2 Cf. hoise up saile...hyse his sayle, Black Book, i. 25, 37; hoise up sailes, Holinsh. 
iii. 549 ; velis elevatis, Rym. ix. 508 ; haunced saylles up, Melusine, 269 ; tendre et traire 
les voiles, Frois. i. 106; firent voile, Margry, 194; they hoysed theyr sayles aloft. ..the 
saylles shuld be had up to the wynde, Melusine, 164; have up the sayle, Pol. Songs, ii. 
182; or "halen up," Pauli-Hertzberg, 46; "hailed up," First Life, 70. 

3 Loseth his wederyng, Black Book, i. 117. 

4 For " strike sail," see Lydg. Troy Book, 377; Hazlitt, iv. 50; cf. avaller, Black 
Book, i. pp. xxiii, 131; vailing her high top, Merchant of Venice, i. i. 28. For this 
salute supposed to date back to the reign of King John, see Black Book, I. xxiii, though 
the early records are said to be apocryphal, Stubbs, ii. 314. For abattre le tref (i.e. la 
grande voile, voile de tempete, Jal, s.v. ; Cotgr., s.v.; but called mast or yard-arm in 
Godefroy, s.v.) as a sign of surrender to pirates on the high seas, see Freville, ii. 280. 

5 For painting on the hull, see Wylie, iv. 305 ; cf. dightes yowre schipps, Laud Troy 
Book, 77. 

6 For a ship built in 1448 for Charles, Duke of Orleans, for use on the Loire, with 
dragons and serpents below the castle and the name in Irish oak, see Champollion, 
Meuble, i. 100. 

7 See Humphreys, Frois. i. Plate i; Montfaucon, ii. 334; Besant, Survey, i. 83; 
cf. windowes with carpettis splayed, Mann, and Meals, i. 179. For arms painted on 
linen for ships, see Sercambi, ii. 38. 

8 For pictures of ships (middle i5th century) with shields hung over the sides, from 
Harl. MS. 4379, see Frois. (Johnes), iv. 171; Humphreys, Froissart, Plate iv ; Strutt, 
Manners, ii. Plate XLIII; Montfaucon, ii. 334; L'lllustration, Vol. vi. p. 252 (Dec. 20, 
1845); Ronciere, ii. 472; Nicolas, Navy, i. Frontispiece ; Cassell, i. Frontispiece; ii. 163; 
Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 464 ; Aubrey, ii. 84. For 10 paid to William Soper for making 
pavys pro navibus at Southampton, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., July 24, 1416. For 
pavois de gallee at Rouen (1410), see C. Beaurepaire, Invent. Rouen, 41; called a 
Brustwehr in Jahns, 1238. For "pavesses," see Oppenheim, Accts. 51, where they are 
"survivals of great shields fixed in earlier days along the bulwarks till fighting com- 

9 For ships with painted sails, see Craik-Macfarlane, i. 831 (temp. R. II); Bloom, 
225 (i.e. seal of Hastings); also Supino, Camposanto, 138, in the frescoes of S. Ranieri 
in the Campo Santo at Pisa; Lafenestre, 121; Strutt, ii. PI. XV, XLii; Carysfort, Pag. 
ix, xxxvi (from MS. Julius, E. iv) ; Archaeologia, xx. 75 ; Thomson, Pt. ill. 

I 2 

4 Landing [CH. xxvm 

antelopes 1 , and dressed with worsted ensigns 2 , standards 3 , 
getons 4 , pensels 5 and streamers 6 , with the arms of England 
and St George 7 fluttering endlong 8 and spreading over- 
head 9 , square banners with the leopard or the ostrich- 
feathers on buckram or white linen planted on poop and 
prow 10 , and the great bellying sails ablaze with painted 
heraldry 11 , the picture seemed a second Paradise 12 . 

1 For i sign (i.e. ensign) de worsted, i swan cont', also with i antelope ascendent' 
sup. uno belyn cont' cooptor' ordinal', p' corpore veli ejusdem navis (i.e. the Thomas de la 
Tour), see Exch. Accts. 49/29. 

2 For 4 sign' de worsted broudat' p. vel' navium regis, one of them with the king's arms, 
see For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 31 ; also i sign' for sail embroidered with king's arms in 
panno de worsted, and i cooptor' de worsted sufficient for 2 bonnets of such sail, Exch. 
Accts. 49/29; i sign' parva with king's arms embroidered in panno de worsted, For. 
Accts. 8 H. V, m. 32 ; i signum de worsted embroidered with a swan ad infigend' infra 
vel', Exch. Accts. 49/29. 

3 For 22 standards de diversis armis for Trinity Royal and Holy Ghost, also i 
standardes and i streynour, see For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 31. For a linen standard cum 
j leopardo (1415), see Wardrobe Accts. 406/26. 

4 For guion, pendon, bandera and estandarte on the poop, see Navarette, p. 387. 
For 22 gitons diversis modis broudat', see For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 31. For i geton de 
Plum' Hestrie (i.e. ostrich-feathers), and i del swan, see ibid. m. 32; also for the Holy 
Ghost, Exch. Accts. 49/29 (5). For gittons (Fr. guedon), see Oppenheim, Accts. 40. 

5 For 400 pencels bete with ragged staffes of silver, i gyton of 8 yards long for the 
ship, i grete stremer 40 yards long and 8 yards broad for the ship, powdered with ragged 
staves, for Richard, Earl of Warwick, in 1428, see Dugdale, Warwickshire, 292. 

6 For pictures of streamers, see Strutt, Manners, ii. PI. XLli; Duro, 440. For 
5 streynours of worsted broudat' for the Holy Ghost, see For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 31. 
For standards and streamers of linen cloth or say, see Oppenheim, Accts. xxiv. For 
4 streamers with swans and ostrich feathers, see Exch. Accts. 49/29. For i strem. of 
St Nicholas for the balinger Gabriel, see For. Accts. 8 H. V, m. 32. 

7 For divers banners (vexill'), pennons, trappings (trappura) and pensels made of 
buckram, satin, tartrin with the king's arms, the arms of St George, and ostrich feathers, 
together with linen standards, getons and streamers (strem.} for the king's ships, see 
Wardrobe Accts. 406/26. For St George's Banner, see Oppenheim, 15. 

8 Wylie, iv. 76; Retrospective Rev. i. 208; or "andelong," Halliwell, i. 60; ende- 
long the stronde, Lydg. Troy Book, 40, 274, 322, 383, 412, 423; alenonlong the nekke, 
York, 99. 

With mast yardes across full semely of sight, 

Over all the haven sprede abrode, 

On every panes (i.e. pavise) a crosse rede, 

The wastes decked with serpentynes, 

St George's stremers spred over hede, 

With the arms of England hangynge all alonge. 

Harflet, App. 71. 

Clowes, i. 125, 135, 147; cf. the baners and standarts wayved with the wind upon the 
toppes, Melusine, 266. 

10 Ensignes high upon each Pup and Prow, Drayton, 33. For St George's square 
banner at the prow, see seals of Faversham (Hasted, ii. 710), Rye (Boys, 782; Lewis, 
iii. 723; Pedrick, p. 108, PI. xxxv), Tenterden (Boys, 815, 822; Pedrick, p. 118, 
PI. xxxix), Lyme Regis (Duro, 60; Lewis, iii. 200; Pedrick, p. 88, PI. xvi), and 
Yarmouth (ibid. p. 134, PI. XLIII). 

11 Cf. saile red of hewe, Lydg. Min. Po. 50; with ryche sayles and heye top-castell, 

Cl alrambault 82 5,. p. 56, see Ronciere, ii. 248. Probably William de la Pole, 
E. of Suffolk, who was made Admiral of Normandy, May 19, 1419, Boyle, iii. 436. 
2 Vita, 37; a goodly syght it was to see, Harflet, App. 71. 



As the ships lay dancing in the roadstead, one of them 
caught fire, not wholly, it seems probable, as the result of 
accident 1 . The flames spread to two others and all three 
had to be abandoned to their fate till their timbers burnt 
to the water's edge 2 , none daring to approach for fear 
of spreading the destruction. Again advice poured in to 
recognise the hand of God and go no further with the 
business, or at least let the king remain at home and keep 
himself out of harm's way 3 . But he would not be dissuaded, 
and it was thus with forebodings of deep gloom that the 
ships at length drew up sail 4 and weighed anchor 5 with 
the tide amidst the din of drums and trumpets 6 and the 
shouting of the crews at 3 o'clock in the afternoon 7 of 
Sunday, Aug. n, 141 5 8 , on which day a document was 
signed at Portsmouth 9 formally appointing the Duke of 

1 See Vol. i. p. 525. 

2 Le marien d'icelles navires ardoit tout cler a flambe dedens 1'eaue, Le Fevre, i. 224; 
Waurin, ii. 180. 

3 Pro cujus exitu plurimum sollicita reddebaris, Vita, 70. 

4 Ther sail is drawe, Laud Troy Book, 12, 535 ; drow up sail, ibid. 34, 87 ; thei drew 
ther sayle unto the top, ibid. 106, 548; thei turned ster and sail up drow, ibid. 366; lifte 
up saiel, Lydg. Troy Book, 48; the sail on high, the stere on honde, Gower, Conf. 430; 
the sayle is up, Skelton, 33. 

Every ship wayed his anker in dede, 

With the tide to haste them to the se. Harriet, App. 71. 

Toke up theire ancres, Melusine, 265 ; here ankeres alle in-wounde, Laud Troy Book, 
106; to hale up anker, Lydg. Troy Book, 46, 241, 316; our ankers up we pulle, ibid. 
373 ; drow up anker and her ropes, Laud Troy Book, 487 ; losed both anker and cordes, 
ibid. 535; weigh up anchors, Holinsh. iii. 549; Wylie, ii. 387; disanker, First Life, 70. 

6 For le Depart with trumpeters at the poop, see Ronciere, i. 268, 370; Wylie, 
iv. 76 ; cf. subito auratis vexillis copiosa militum et armatorum manu effulsere ac plausibus 
sonoque tubarum aera verberarunt, Pisano, 37 (of the departure of the fleet from Lisbon 
for Ceuta in 1415); al tant les galeres van tocar las trompes et los tabals (i.e. tambours), 
Vidal, Perpignan, 311, from Dez Clots. For pictures of trumpeters in the stern (i3th 
century), see Vigne, ii. 4, Plate XII ; also in stern-castle and on bowsprit, De Witt, 19 
(circ. 1450). See also seals of New Shoreham (Jewitt-Hope, ii. 371), Dover, 1305 (Boys, 
797 ; Lewis, ii. 82; Pedrick, p. 61, PI. xxm), and Southampton (Lewis, iv. 143). 

7 Chron. Lond. 100. 

8 St Tiburtius, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 106; Gesta, 13; Capgr. De Illustr. 115; the 
morrow after St Laurence, Chron. Lond. 100; Kingsford, Lit. 294; not "in the spring of 
1415," as Power, p. i; nor June 13, Kingsford, Lit. 325; nor Aug. 7, as York, xxiv; 
nor Aug. 10, as Hazlitt, ii. 97; J. E. Price, 188; L. W. Pulling, 552; nor Aug. 12, as 
First Life, 33; Greg. Chron. 109; Sharpe, i. 258; nor Aug. 13, as Tit. Liv. 8; 
Vita, 36 [though both of these reckon Sept. 22 as the 38th day of the siege (Tit. Liv. ii ; 
Vita, 50) and ought therefore to start the expedition on Aug. u]; Pol. Verg. 443; Stow, 
Chron. 347; Duck, 69; Furnivall, in Hoccleve, Min. Po. xx; Larrey, 810; Wright, i. 
469; nor Aug. 14, as Halle, 62; Holinsh. iii. 549; nor Aug. 15, as Goodwin, 67; 
Guthrie, ii. 460; Brougham, no; Towle, 296; nor Aug. 17, as Roujoux, ii. 242; nor 
Aug. 18, as Rapin, iii. 442; Tindal, i. 511; Lediard, i. 65; Tickell, 40; nor Aug. 19, as 
Mazas, Vies, v. 570. 

9 Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 41 ; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 353; Rym. ix. 305, although he had already 
drawn part of his allowance, e.g. .666. 135. ^d., Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 8, 1415. 
In Waurin, ii. 177, Henry appoints him avant son partement de Londres, see Vol. i. 
p. 455. For documents signed by him as custos Angliae on Aug. 28, Sept. i, 1415, see 
Rym. ix. 309, 310. 

6 Landing [CH. xxvm 

Bedford as Warden of England until the king should 
himself return. 

Though Harfleur had been clearly indicated as their 
probable destination some months before 1 and it was 
obvious to all that they could not stay in France two 
months unless they secured some large port 2 , yet up to the 
very hour of starting there was no certainty as to the point 
for which they were to make 3 , some thinking that they 
might merely be crossing the narrow sea, while others were 
expecting a long voyage which would land them ultimately 
in Guienne 4 . The French expected them at Boulogne and 
the Flemings kept a constant look-out for them along the 
coast from Nieuport to Sluys 5 . But as the armament in- 
cluded a siege train and heavy guns it was surmised that 
they were making for some town on the Normandy coast 
where hard fighting would soon be forthcoming. 

The wind was good 6 as they put to sea and as they coasted 
along the Isle of Wight a flock of swans, probably from the 
breeding-ground at Brading, clustered about the king's ship 
and put heart into those who cared to read the omen cheer- 
fully. The Earl of Dorset 7 , as Admiral 8 , acted as convoy 

1 i.e. before April 19, 1415, Devon, 340. 

2 S'il n'avoit grant port, Mirot, Fusoris, 178. 

3 Celato poene omnibus praeterquam strictissimo suo concilio quorsum proras verteret, 
Gesta, 10 ; Chron. Giles, 10; ignorantibus universis, St Denys, v. 532; Goodwin, 61 ; 
non cognovit rex traditionem usque in articulum temporis, Capgr. De Illustr. 114. 
K. Stephen (130) thinks that Harfleur was "the first town that came in his way." 

4 As parties de Guien ou aillours, Ryrn. ix. 224, 260; Duval-Pineu, ii. 189. For 
muster of William, Lord Bourchier (30 + 80) for Guienne in 3 H. V, see Dugd. ii. 128; 
though he was certainly present at Agincourt, Wylie, Notes, 137. In the compact signed 
at Ypres on Aug. 7, 1414 (Vol. i. p. 415), the troops to be supplied by the Duke of 
Burgundy might be required to travel versus partes Attquitanie pro conquesta, Cartellieri, 
Beitrage, iv. 8, 22. For "les gages de Guyenne," see Rym. ix. 258 ; Vol. i. p. 457. 

5 Gilliodts van Severen, 338. 

6 The wynde was goode and blew but softe, Harflet, App. 71 ; Lydg. Troy Book, 48, 
321 ; nullis ventorum praepedita tumultibus, Vita, 37. 

Par ung matin cler et serin, 

Et par le gri de Dieu Nerin. Pastoralet, 759. 

The wind sitts fair and the calme sea smiles, G. Daniel, iv. 123; Drayton, Ballad in 

George and Sidgwick, 1-5, etc. 

7 Sloane MS. 4600, f. 277, which contains an order dated June 20, 1415, for him 
to remain at sea safeguarding it. For payment (^"1231. 15^. od.) to him for this purpose 
with 50+ 150 from June 24 to Nov. i, 1415, including ^"419. gj. od. paid to the masters 
of 4 ships at 6d. per day, and 3^. per day each to 250 sailors, see Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 180; 
not .1631. 15.?. od. as Nicolas, App. p. 21. 

8 For "Admiral" as a land officer, see Laud Troy Book, passim. It is derived from 
the Arabic "Emir" or Count, see Trokelowe, 30; Stubbs, i. 666; ii. 313, 314, who 
dates the appointment of a single Admiral in 1360. Previously (i.e. since 1306), the 
jurisdiction had been divided according to districts, e.g. from Dover to Cornwall and 
from the Thames to Berwick, Black Book of Admiralty, i. 19, 4 n; Nicolas, Navy, ii. 
487. For seal of the Earl of Dorset as Admiral of England and of Aquitaine, with a 



with three large ships, six barges and six balingers, carrying 
a fighting force of 150 men-of-arms and 300 archers, one of 
his vessels taking the lead with two lanterns at her mast- 
head 1 . The king gave the orders on the voyage and after 
two nights' uneventful sailing 2 they sighted the beacon on 
the Castilian tower 3 erected on the groyne 4 or tongue of 
land long since washed away 5 , at the foot of the great chalk 
headland then known to the French as the Chef de Caux*, 
and to the English as " Kidcaus " or " KidcocksV This 
was at early dawn on Tuesday, Aug. 13', and by five o'clock 

cresset on the poop, see Nicolas, Navy, i. title-page; Hope, Plate xiv; with similar seal 
of Richard III when Duke of Gloucester, with arms on sail, do. Plate LXXIV. For the 
Earl of Dorset's re-appointment as Admiral of England, Ireland and Aquitaine, June 3, 
1413, see Black Book, I. xix; Wylie, i. 376, note 6. For treatise on the office and 
function of the Admiral, a beautiful, clean, legible MS. (Vespasian B, xxii), probably 
written and illuminated for him about this time, see Black Book, i. xviii; Warner, Ser. II, 
who suggests that it was compiled for John Cokayn, one of the judges of Common Pleas 
(d. 1438), because of special mention of the feast of the dedication of the church at 
Ashbourne in Derbyshire; cf. Wylie, ii. 339, note 2. The latest entry = March 21, 1413, 
with the death of Henry V added in another hand. In Bree, 85, he remains Admiral till 
July 26, 1426. He died Jan. i, 1427, Diet. Nat. Biog. Iv. 50. For John Urban as Lieutenant 
of the Admiral of England, see Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 366, 406, July 13, Oct. 23, 1415. 

1 For light at the mast-head of William the Conqueror's ship in sailing from Dives in 
1066, see Freeman, iii. 398, who calls it ''the guiding-star of the whole navy." For 
ship with a lantern on the top-castle, see seal of the Earl of Huntingdon in 1443, Bibl. 
Top. Brit. ii. 34; Clowes, i. 383. Cf. el so fano inpiado, Morosini, i. 128, 131 ; Wylie, 
i. 321. 

Theyr course they toke towarde Normandye, 

And passyd over in a day and a nyght. 

So in the seconde morninge yerly, 

Of that country they had a syght. Harflet, App. 71. 

Not apres qu'ilz eulrent longtemps wauere (i.e. wandered, see Godefroy, viii. 321, s.v. 
Walcrer} supz mer, as Pays-Bas, 353; nor after he had scattered a portion of the French 
fleet rencontre vers Harfleur, as Boule, i. 414, which seems to be a confusion with the 
events of 1416. 

3 For the "foyer de guerre" or " feu des Castillans," placed there in 1364, see Borely, 
i. 97; A. Martin, Chef de Caux, 19, 27, 72, 73, 74. For la tour des Castillans washed 
away by the sea, see Morlent, Eva, 2. It probably stood near St Denis or St Adresse. 
For la Tour de Cordouan at the entrance of the Gironde, see Grande Encycl. xii. 957 ; 
Wylie, iii. 70. For pictures of towers built in the sea with a flaming brasier or hanging 
lantern in Genoa and Liibeck, see Miinster, 136, 305, 562 (1545). For fallots (i.e. cressets 
or lanterns) at Rouen in 1410, see Richard, 67 ; Puiseux, Rouen, 21. For the Estbekenes 
at Calais, see Exch. Accts. 187/6. 

4 Que 1'en face en touz temps de nuit feu au groing (or grouing, A. Martin, Chef de 
Caux, 1 8, 27) de Caux arm que les nefs et na vires qui vinront au Port de Harafleur 
puissent venir seurement, Sauvage, 43; Ordonnances, iv. 428 (1364); Morosini, ii. no. 
For "groing," i.e. ness, see Cotgr., Godefroy, s.v. 

5 In the r 2th century it extended 600 metres out to the bane de 1' Eclat, A. Martin, 
Chef de Caux, 62, 76. Called " escale (?) qui remontait vraisemblablement a 1'epoque 
romaine," Albert-Petit, 165. In 1524 the light is "assise sur le bout de la falaise," 
ibid. 74. 

6 Now the Cap de la Heve ; not Cap d'Antifer, as Morlent, Arrondissement, ii. 43 ; 
quoting Marius Mercator. 

7 See App. O 2 . 

8 Called the night of Aug. 14 in Monstr. 366; Le Fevre, i. 225; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 
106; "our Ladiez Evyn the Assumpcion," Brut, ii. 376, 553; "environ Lamy (i.e. la mi-) 
Aoust," Tillet, Guerres, ma; not Aug. 16, as Nameche, iii. 54; nor Aug. 18, as 

8 Landing [CH. xxvm 

on the same afternoon they lowered sail and cast anchor 1 
under the shelter of the head, where at that time a small 
town and harbour 2 existed, known as St Denis, which has 
long ago disappeared under shingle and shifting sand, and 
has been replaced by the suburb now known as St Adresse 3 . 
The town of Harfleur 4 lay on the north bank of the 
estuary where the little river Le"zarde 5 flows into the Seine. 
Although at the time of the siege it was (as it still is) 
a good mile from the Seine 6 , its name is in itself an evidence 
that it once had that river washing its very gates even at 
scant water 7 , for the Norman pirates had called it u Heruf- 
fluth*" (i.e. "on the river"), while they called its opposite 
neighbour " Onder Fluth" now Honfleur, from its position 
on the other bank beyond the Seine 9 . In its very early 
days 10 the town of Harfleur had been granted to the great 
neighbouring Abbey of Montivilliers 11 , but by the end of the 

Cassell, i. 527; Aubrey, ii. 46; Bouchard, cli, who thinks that the English king was 
Henry IV; nor Aug. 21, as Tickell, 90; Hennebert, iii. 320; Labitte, 133; nor end of 
August, as Leyden, 342. 

1 Cf. thei lete doun saile and ankeres caste, Laud Troy Book, 148; Lydg. Troy 
Book, 377; every ship his anker let falle, Harflet, App. 171; cf. keste hyr ancres, 
J. Page, 10 ; ankeres gret cast in the sond, Kempe, 20; Laud Troy Book, 38; to cast an 
anker, Lydg. Min. Po. 50; do. Troy Book, 45, 129, 242; she kyste an anker, Skelton, 
i. 31 ; jecterent les ancres, Weale, Van Eyck, Ixviii; anker thei caste and tyed here schippes 
in that port, Laud Troy Book, 81 ; 

Thei made teye her schippes strong, 
Fer in the depes and hir ancres caste. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 392. 
For picture of a ship held by the anchor (1441), see Schultz, 606. 

2 Port aux Bateaux, A. Martin, Chef de Caux, 30; cf. aler au Chief de Caux apres le 
navire de 1'armee qui la s'estoit assemble (1382), Breard, 87. 

3 Borely (i. 99) derives the name from une certaine adresse which was necessary in 
doubling the head. For a later story as to the origin of the name, see Macquoid, 160. 
See also A. Martin, Chef de Caux, pp. iv, 188. 

4 For modern view of Harfleur, see Janin, 96, 156; do. Normandie, 568; Dearmer, 
324; Knight, ii. 35; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 35. Not that it was on the left bank of the 
Seine, as Macfarlane, Battles, 28 ; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 558. 

5 Not "Luzarde," as Vickers, 22. For the channel of the Lezarde assez large et 
profond flowing into the Seine at the Hoge (or Hoc, i.e. Hook) in 1676, as it does now, 
see Lamatte, 2. 

6 Gesta, 1 6. Cf. 

Le pare qui sist joust la mer, 
Harfleu dessus la marine. Pastoralet, 850. 
Called " a little back from the Estuary" in Vickers, 21. 

7 Black Book of Admiralty, i. in. 

8 Herumueth, Deville, 63; not Heranfluet, as Morlent, Arrondissement, xxii, where 
Duke William of Normandy grants to the Abbey of Boscherville duas pensas salis in 
Heruffluet and Lure in 1050. For variations of spelling, see App. P 2 . 

* Duo fortalicia in maris situ priscorum providentia constructa Harofluctus ex latere 
Caleti et Honofluctus ex altero, Blondel, Expulsion, 154. 

10 i.e. in 1035, with the tonlieue, Dumont, Montivilliers, 8. 

11 For Herflew Montevilleris nomine, see Scotichron. iv. 1184. Not tftat il wa s 
"a little suburb" of Harfleur, as Strang, 73. 

1415] Harfleur 9 

thirteenth century she had secured her independence 1 , and 
as the Seine receded and the ceaseless silt of shingle 2 
threatened to block her trade, she began to cut a fresh 
channel for the Lezarde to find its way out into the sea. 
Her salt marshes were always a source of profit 3 and in the 
course of time a prosperous trade 4 sprang up in weaving, 
washing, fulling and dyeing the grey woollens, burnets, 
blacks, scarlets, browny-greens, marbles and other mixtures 
for which the old Abbey town had long been famous all 
over Europe 5 . Harfleur had her own alnagers and bou- 
jonners, and her ingrains, migraines, crimsons and common 
cloths ranked with the " Musterdevilers " of her neighbour 
and rival, whose toilers 6 she affected to despise as compared 
with the quality that thronged her own streets 7 . She 
granted special privileges to foreigners, and trade flowed in 
from England 8 , Ireland 9 , Flanders, Genoa, Venice, Portugal 10 , 
Aragon 11 and Castile 12 . Foreign money was abundant in the 
town 13 ; knights, squires, merchants and soldiers embarked 
and re-embarked at her quays 14 ; pirates found it just the 
right jumping-off place for a busy livelihood 16 , and every- 
where it was accounted not only as "the sovereign port" of 
Normandy 16 but as one of the best seaports in northern 

1 i.e. in 1281, Dumont, 6; Sauvage, TO. 

2 For banes de galets at the mouth of the Seine, see Freville, i. 79; also perreys et 
gligues, Dumont, 54. 

3 Morlent, Le Havre, ii. 77; marais salients, A. Martin, i. 145. 

4 In 1387 the trade of Harfleur includes grains d'escarlates, madder (garence), boure 
de soie, etc., A. Martin, i. 116, 117, 1-23. 

5 On y fait beaucoup de draps d'etoffes fines, Gamez, 315; Dumont, 62; de moult 
bons draps, Bouvier, Description, 48; see App. Q 2 . 

6 Gens de mestier et de labour (1378), Sauvage, 58; Dumont, 14. 

7 Morlent, Arrondiss. 25, guesses the population at 100,000. 

8 A cause que les niefs d'Engleterre viendrent plus tot au dit port, Exch. Accts. 32/18, 
from John Pelham's account, Oct. 1414, as a reason for sailing to Harfleur in English 

9 For trade with Dartmouth and Limerick in 1397, see Freville, ii. 263, 265. 

10 For privileges to Portuguese merchants in 1362 and 1387, see Picot, i. 233; 
Hippeau, 126; A. Martin, i. 124-127. For Portuguese ships at Harfleur in 1309, 1341, 
I 35> 1362, see Morosini, ii. 23. 

11 For Lombards and merchants of Aragon and Majorca with their vales ou bermans 
(see Wylie, iv. 335) at Harfleur in 1340, see Formeville, 290. 

12 Sauvage, 27; Freville, i. 256, 257; Black Book of Admiralty, II. pp. Iv, Ivii. For 
privileges granted to Castilians in 1364, see Ordonnances, iv. 423; A. Martin, i. 197. 

13 For coiners at Harfleur in 1390, see Duples-Agier, i. 481. 

14 Les chevalier, escuier, marinaulx et aultres gens, Sauvage, 62; cf. soudoyer 
(i.e. mercenaries) in 1338, Freville, i. 261; Dumont, 8. 

15 For pirates of Harfleur in 1404, see Roy. Let. i. 128; Echard, i. 184, who calls it 
" a place grown opulent by Piracy." 

16 L'un des plus notables ports de ce royaume et clef du pays (April 25, 1417), 
D. Godefroy, Charles VI, p. 680; clef de tout pays, Monstr. 399; Plancher, m. ccciv; 

io Landing [CH. xxvm 

France 1 . In 1404' the Duke of Orleans collected a large 
fleet there in readiness for a descent on England. On 
Jan. 24, 1405, Jean de Bethencourt 3 landed there after 21 
days' sailing from Fuerteventura 4 , and five months later, 
i.e. on May 5, 1405", he collected 160 fighting men there 
(24 of whom were accompanied by their wives), and re- 
embarked in two barges on his second voyage to the 
Canaries 6 , while in 1406, when the English were expected 
to make a descent on the place 7 , 12 armed vessels were 
assembled in the harbour prepared for the customary re- 
prisals 8 . Nowadays the visitor to Harfleur will need the 
fullest help from his imagination to realise the activity of 
those busy years. The river is there, with the bridge, the 
church, a few silent streets and large portions of the ditch 
and the walls, but the basin which once formed the galley- 
close is now filled up and forms a restful Place d'Armes* 
on which the burgesses may promenade in somnolent re- 
flection on the trade and traffic of a vanished past. 

In the days of which we write the site now covered by 
the docks of Havre was an unpeopled swamp belted with 
a huge pebble bank called the Hoc 10 , which shifted with the 

clef du pays de Normandie en laquelle y a port de mer, Juv. 509 ; famosiorem portum 
tocius ducatus et qui in omnes terras vela mittit, St Denys, vi. 100; portum munitissimurn 
Normanniae, Scotichron. iv. 1184; Monstr. 367; Waurin, ii. 184; La Motte, 31; 
Dumont, 6; Jouin, Voyage, 95, 97; do. Normandie, 568; Cochet, Eglises, i. 140; 
Letellier, 394; Morlent, Le Havre, xxii; do. Arrondiss. ii. 21 ; Halle, 62; Grafton, 513; 
A. Martin, i. 172; ii. 5, 12; toujours bien munie et riche et marchande, Gamez, 315; 
Dumont, 62; ein gude stat, Hegel, ii. 106; eyne mechtige stad, Posilge, 358. It is 
called " der Hafen von Paris " in Kohler, ii. 742. Not "the chief seaport of France," as 
Airy, i. 143. 

1 Un des meilleurs portz de mer nous appartenants en Languedoylx (1385), Sauvage, 
18; une des notables villes du roy de France, Blanchard, v. 205; i.e. excluding the ports 
of Languedoc such as Bordeaux, Marseilles, Toulon, Agde and Aigues Mortes. 

2 Wylie, i. 467. For 46 liv. 10 sols paid for white linen and buckram (bougrante or 
bougrans, C. Louandre, i. 183; cf. double de bougran, Novilleau, 312; bolerean, 
Engelrechts, 218) for standards and pennons for this occasion, see Add. Ch. 50, Sept. 22, 

3 Duro, 251. For pictures of him, see Charton, iii. 4, 8. 

4 Otherwise called Albanne or Elbanne, see Wylie, i. -239. 

5 Bethencourt (Gravier), 156, 160, 161; Azurara, n. Ixix, Ixxiii; Morlent, Arrondiss. 
ii. 25; Sauvage, 64; Delisle (Margry), 15; Merk, 46. 

6 For the bishopric of Rubicon in Lanzarote founded by Benedict XIII, July i, 1404, 
see Eubel, zur Gesch. 267. For a bishopric of the Canaries founded by Innocent VII, 
see Merk, 46. 

7 Deville, Tancarville, 170. 

8 Wylie, iii. 45. 

9 De ce port si vaste il n'existe plus aucune trace, Belleval, 43 ; Kingsford, 242. 

10 i.e. the Hook; cf. "potte-hok," Walcott, Osythe, n. The name still survives in 
the Pointe du Hoc, where the Lezarde now enters the Seine. For an excellent map of 
the Hoc at the present outfall of the Lezarde, showing the Lazaret still standing as 
two desolate blocks of unoccupied buildings known as the Hospital, see Morlent, 

i4 T 5] Leure n 

roll of the sea from the Cap de la Heve to Tancarville 1 , 
and Harfleur's rival was not Havre, which as yet had no 
existence save for a little chapel where thank-offerings were 
hung up to Our Lady in gratitude for deliverance from the 
perils of the sea, but its predecessor the port of Leure 2 , 
which sprang up in the eleventh century on a creek that 
has long since been reclaimed and is now built over with 
streets in a dismal suburb of Havre that still bears its name. 
For a time it throve rapidly and during the thirteenth and 
early fourteenth centuries its haven, known as the Fosse, 
was crowded with shipping, its relative importance when 
compared with Harfleur being proved by the fact that of 
the French fleet that was defeated at Sluys in 1340, Harfleur 
had sent 9 ships with 800 men, while Leure sent 42 ships 
with no less than 456o 3 men. But in those pre-engineering 
days the remorseless pebbles were fatal to all the seaports 
on the French side of the Channel. The trade of Leure 
declined and she was powerless to resist a devastating attack 
made by the Navarrese in I36i 4 , after which she never 
lifted head, and the Fosse where once the world's shipping 
used to ride is now a centre of street traffic quite cut off 
from access to the sea. 

Before the close of the thirteenth century 5 we have 
evidence that the men of Harfleur had determined to secure 
an independent outlet for their trade 6 by turning the channel 
of the Lezarde into the creek of Graville 7 in order to avoid 
transhipment of goods into lighters 8 at the Fosse of Leure 

Arrondiss. ii. For dem Hocke indem Swene (i.e. Houcke near Damme in the Zwyn), 
see Black Book of Admiralty, iv. 358, 360, 362 ; also Hook near Goole, Hamble-in-the- 
Hook near Portsmouth, see Vol. i. page 525; also Hok or Hogges (i.e. La Hougue), 
Hunter, Proofs, 383. 

1 A. Martin, i. 98, 114. For picture of Tancarville Castle, see Cotman-Turner, i. 101. 

2 See App. R 2 . 

3 Freville, i. 262; Lacabane, 15 ; Lalanne, 81; Dumont, 8; not 54 ships as Guerin, 
i. 264. P'or list of the ships with their names and those of their owners and captains, 
see Borely, i. 445; A. Martin, i. 169; Ronciere, i. 440. 

4 A. Martin, i. 191-193; ii. 8. 

8 Freville, i. 81, 82; Beugnot, in. i. p. ii ; Dumont, 55. 

6 In the direction of Ingouville, Freville, i. 82. 

7 For la Crique de Graville ou coste de Leure (1403), see ibid. ii. 275. Called 
Fossa Girdivillae in the 9th century, A. Martin, i. 45, 46. For embouchure of the 
Lezarde at Graville, temp. Henry V, see Morlent, Le Havre, ii. 70, though doubted in 
Cochet, Eglises, i. 60. For la Crique d'Espaigne (1475), see Dumont, 57. 

8 Mercaturas quas mercatores tradent et liberabunt batellariis allevando naves pro 
veniendo de Lora apud Harefleu (1310), Deville, Tancarville, 164; alleges charges de les 
porter du havre de Leure a Harfleur, Sauvage, 22 ; tonneaux de vin qui furent deschargiez 
a Leure, Sauvage, 36; Morlent, ii. 76. 

12 Landing [CH. xxvin 

and the consequent exaction of dues 1 ; but Leure objected 
that they were thereby " completely diverting the fresh 
water from its ancient and natural course 2 ." This protest 
however was without avail, and it is certain that by the 
middle of the fourteenth century 3 ships sailed up on the 
tide to Harfleur by the creek 4 , those coming by the Fosse 
of Leure paying double duty at Graville, which was the 
boundary of the jurisdiction of the two provosties of Harfleur 
and Leure 5 , being itself just within the limits of the former. 
In 1403 a visitor to Harfleur described half of the town as 
bordering on the sea 6 , meaning thereby the western portion 
towards Graville, where ships were moored close under the 
walls of the castle 7 , which stood on a mound at the foot of 
the hill below the Priory, near the aqueduct which conveys 
water by the high-road to Havre. In 1394" we have a note 
of ships from Rouen coming to anchor in the creek of 
Graville, because the haven of Leure was unsafe, and 
Graville was now a regular port of departure for vessels 
crossing the Seine to Honfleur, while in 1418, goods were 

1 For the customs of Leure, see Sauvage, 39 ; also of Harfleur to be paid at the creek 
of Graville (1387), see Freville, ii. 147, 153, 155, 163, 275. For le hable d'entre la ville 
de Harefleur et le Leure in 1372, see Dumont, 13; el chable de Leure et de Harfleur, 
Sauvage, 24. 

2 Borely, i. 101 ; A. Martin, i. 101. 

3 i.e. circa 1350; et la (i.e. at Harfleur) venoient et povoient venir poser et descharger 
iceulx nefs et vesseaulx, Freville, ii. 279. 

4 Nagueres il a pleu a Dieu que depuis un pou de temps en a le cour et le diep 
de 1'eaue soit mue tellement que les nefs les quelles apportoient les marchandises ne 
povoient passer la dicte fosse de Leure ou le dit vieil hable sans deschargier aux lieux 
et ils viennent maintenant (i.e. in 1403) jusques aupres de la dicte ville de Harefleu et au 
dessus tout es mettes d'icelle prevoste de Harefleu et hors des mettes de la dicte prevoste 
de Leure et ouquel lieu eulx sont plus a seur de tous malveillans qu'ils n'estoient ne 
seroient en la dicte fosse ou vieil hable de leure, Freville, ii. 276; Dumont, 13. For 
payment to a marinier d'avoir porte en son fousset (vaissel) from Harfleur to the Fosse de 
Leure in 1382, see Breard, 71, 72, 87, 88. 

5 La prevoste de Leure (1404), C. Beaurepaire, Invent. Rouen, 24; Freville, ii. 275. 
For the le Prevot de Leure (1402), see ibid. i. 292; ii. 269, 271. For praepositurae 
de Hareflu et de Lure, see Puiseux, Emigration, 120. The two places remained under 
separate jurisdictions each with its own customs. For " provosty," see Caxton, Dial. 30 ; 
A. Martin, i. 113, 119. 

6 La mer borde la moitie de la ville, Gamez, quoted in A. Martin, ii. 8; ein gude stet 
an der see, Hegel, ii. 106; Windecke, 87; a proximite de la mer (1465), Dumont, 63; 
size sur la mer (1492), ibid. 64; assise sur port de mer bonne ville et profitable pour 
vostre royaume (1378), Sauvage, 58; fortalicium in ample Secanae amnis nare aquas in 
pelagus vomenti constructum, Blondel, 151; portus maris ad classem reficiendam late 
patentis, ibid. Cf. sur la cdte de Graville, A. Martin, Patriote, p. 9. 

7 For the castle at Graville, see C. Beaurepaire, Notes, i. 99, 101. The remains of it 
were demolished in 1787 in making the high-road from Havre to Rouen, Malte-Brun, 83. 
For rings in the castle walls for mooring ships, see A. Martin, Leure, i. 27, 112, 119, 120; 
ii. 6, 7. For picture of a ring for mooring, see Strutt, Manners, ii. Plate XXVII. 

8 Dumont, 13. 

1415] " Wallid strong and tourid rounde aboute" 13 

taken from " Old Harfleur" to "New Harfleur" (i.e. 
Graville), whence they were shipped in balingers to 
Rouen 1 . 

Thus it may be taken as proved that when the English 
expedition started in 1415, Harfleur was wholly independent 
of Leure both as to traffic dues and access to the sea, and 
long after her old rival had succumbed she still maintained 
a gallant struggle against their common enemy the pebble- 
drift that cumbered up the approaches to the creek, defying 
all efforts of the enforced labour of the peasantry 2 to 
unpester 3 it by means of sluices 4 , stakes, mills, dykes 5 , 
trenches 6 and all the appliances that could be brought to 
bear by the best engineering skill of the time, until in the 
sixteenth century she finally gave up the game 7 , and Francis I 
planned out the first beginnings of another haven on an 
adjoining site which has since developed into the splendid 
docks and spacious streets of the great modern city of Le 

About the year i36o 8 Harfleur had been surrounded 
by a heart-shaped brick wall 9 about 2\ miles in circum- 
ference 10 , with the apex pointing north, where it was pierced 
by the Monti villiers gate, with the gates of Leure and 
Rouen at the south-western and south-eastern corners 

1 De veteri Harfleu usque novam Harfleu, Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 28, 1418. 

2 e.g. in 1372, Deville, Tancarville, 163; Dumont, 12. 

3 Cotgr., s.v. Desblayer. 

4 Cf. deux eventelles pour curer et approfondir le dit hable, Dumont, 57. For 
esventaille ( = sluice), see Richard, 46; Revue de Rouen, ii. 106 (1843); Godefroy, iii. 
666 ; a oster la glize et perroy qui estoient au havre de Harfleur pres de la fosse de Leure 
(1475), Dumont, 56; A. Martin, ii. 13. 

5 Le grand batardeau au travers du havre (1477), Dumont, 52. 

8 For la tranchee du Hoc faite par la travers de la tete du perrey a 1'entree de ce port 
see Dumont, 57. 

i the reign of Elizabeth Harfleur was called illud oppidulum, Ocland, H. iij ; cette 
petite ville inconnue, Belleval, 48. 

8 For la forteresse et les gens ordenez a la garde d'icelle ville (1360), with orders 
sur le fait de la clousture et enforchissement de la dicte ville, see Freville, ii. 121. 

9 Dumont, 69, 74. For a few remains of a castle made subsequently by the English, 
see ibid. 62; Joanne, Normandie, 88. For the modern chateau built in the i7th 
century, see Letellier, 399. The walls were dismantled in 1718 and again in 1839, 
Viau, in Rev. de Rouen (1845), p. 12. 

10 Or 2900 metres, Dumont, 64, who gives an excellent plan dated 1759, now in the 
museum at Montivilliers, worked out from details of surveys of 1465, 1477 and 1492, 
though he might have compared it with the description given by Elmham (Gesta, 16), 
which seems to be quite accurate in every particular recorded. For repairs to the walls 
in 1455-1495, see Letellier, 393. For plan of Harfleur and neighbourhood, see Mem. 
Soc. Ant. Norm. xii. 122. For pictures of the siege of a town with circular walls and 
a church with a spire in the centre, see Royal MS. 20 C. vii. 13, 37, 134; 20 E. ix. f. 222. 
Not Harl. 1892, as Green, ii. 524. 

7 In 

14 Landing [CH. xxvm 

respectively 1 . Each of these three gates 2 had its draw- 
bridge and portcullis 3 and was covered by an outlying 
bulwark or barbican 4 , curtained with a " sparrow 5 " or ravelin, 
according to the most approved skill that military science 
could command. A portion of one of these may still be 
seen a little to the south of the present Rue de 1'Eure. 
The whole enclosure was encircled with a deep ditch 6 as 
a protection against mining 7 , of which a large section still 
remains, cut deep into the hillside on the north-east 8 . This 
moat was pitched and scarped with lime and stone 9 and 
was itself protected in places by an outer palisade 10 of tree- 
trunks clamped together with iron bands. Besides the 
three main gates the walls were crowned with 26 towers 11 , 

1 Not that there was one gate on the west side and two on the east, as Towle, 298 ; 
Yonge, 270. 

2 Introitu trino portula trina datur, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 107. Called two only in 
Monstr. 367, who omits the northern gate which was hard to approach by reason of the 
stanks and sluices. One of these two gates he calls " Calcinencis," i.e. " Porte de Caux," 
probably the Porte de Leure; vers la marine, Waur. ii. 182; called " Caltinant," in La 
Motte, 26, who supposes it to be the Porte de Rouen ; see also Goodwin, 68, 69 ; 
Nicolas, Agincourt, 192; not " Calthurances," as First Life, 35; nor " Culturances," 
as Stow, Chron. 347. In Revue de Rouen (1845), P- I2 the " Porte Cancinence " 
is supposed to be the Porte de Rouen. Called " Porte de Caux " in G. Kohler, ii. 742, 
who places it on the east side and considers that it is improbable that there were really 
three gates because only two attacks were made. 

3 Dumont, 64. Cf. portecolys strenge at every gate, Lydg. Troy Book, 162. 

4 Fabrica prae portis lignea fortis erat, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 107; cf. quod nos 
"barbican" seu communis "bulwerke" appellamus, Gesta, 17. For English working 
circ' les logg' duorum Bulwerkes extra portam beatae marie in 1416, see Exch. Accts. 
48/8. Cf. " barbiqueinne," Priorat, 273, 280; "barbacanne," Meun, 139; "boulevard," 
Dumont, 69. For picture, see Cutts, Middle Ages, 389. For turris lign. vocat. Bulwerk, 
see Exch. Accts. 49/29. Cf. 

Barbykans and bolewerkys huge, 
Afore the town made for hize refuge. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 162. 

5 Moyneau, Dumont, 70; circumcincta muris externis angularibus, Gesta, 16; coni 
(i.e. coigns) circumducentis aquae, ibid. 17. Cf. oporteret foveas facere multorum 
angulorum, Aegidius, 24; ex angularitate murorum, ibid. 56; Clarke, 170; Meun, 138; 
Priorat, 271. 

6 Ayant grands et profonds fosses, Monstr. 367; Waur. ii. 182; fossas undique replet 
aquis, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 107 ; Pauli, v. 105. Cf. 

Without the town is mad a dike, 

Hit was diked down plum, 

That no man myzth ther-over com. 

Laud Troy Book, 54. 

With dyche and wallis wide and long, do. 86, 107; dykes dolven depe and drye, ibid. 
108; dyched wel withoute, Lydg. Troy Book, 48, 323. 

7 Aegid. 61; Clarke, 171. 8 Dumont, 73. 

9 Gamez, 314; Dumont, 62. 

10 Dumont, 78, 80. For pictures of such palisades, see Hewitt, xv. 22, 30, 176. Cf. 

And zit he dede a paleis make 
Without the diche of many a stake, 
That no man schulde the diche come to. 

Laud Troy Book, 5*. 

11 Not three, as Towle, 297. 

1415] The Galley-Close 15 

ranging from 10 to 20 feet in thickness 1 , and having their 
own distinctive names, as the Lion, the Dragon, the Stork, 
the Swan, the Snail, the Stag, the Tin Pot, the Pies' Nest, 
each one surmounted by a leaden figure of the object 
painted with blue and gold. 

The stranger approaching Harfleur from the sea could 
not but be struck by the beauty of the crested walls a 
standing out against their steep background of wooded 
hills 3 to the north, while Frenchmen never ceased to boast 
that it was not only the strongest port in Normandy 4 but 
a fortress impregnable against attack from any side 5 . The 
Le*zarde entered the town on the north-west 6 , midway 
between the Leure and Montivilliers gates, forming before 
it flowed out 7 the famous walled harbour 8 or galley-close 9 , 
the approach to which was flanked by two towers 10 of 
immense thickness in which were engines with copper 
wheels 11 and pulleys 12 to work the chains 13 and sluices that 

1 Dumont, 78, 80. 

2 " Pulchra valde," "decentis structurae," Gesta, 16, 17; villa quidem sed pulchra 
nimis patet ilia, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 107; cf. s'extasiaient a regarder le panorama, 
A. Martin, Patriote, 9. 

3 Inter duos monticules ad Sequanam positum, Pol. Verg. 443 ; Halle, 62 ; Grafton, 
i. 512; Letellier, 393. 

4 Portus tarn famosissimus et insignis, St Denys, v. 540; nobiliori et utiliori portu, 
ibid. v. 542 ; portus regni Franciae tutissimus, Anjou Lett. 3 ; un si noble port, 
Monstr. 381; Le Fevre, i. 264; portus validissimus, Tit. Liv. 9, 10; nobilissimi portus, 
Vita, 40 ; see page 9, note 16. 

5 Dumont, 69, 74. Fortalicii praevalidi, fortalicium natura et arte munitissimum, 
Blondel, 151 ; fortalicium quod Gallorum superbia semper invictissimum arguerat, Gesta, 
28; Vita, 43, 50; qui fuit le pluis fort (sic) ville cestes parties du mond, Rot. Parl. iv. 62; 
quod est fortissimum, Niem, Vita, 36; Raynaldi, viii. 438; une des plus fortes defences 
de Normandie, Monstr. 410; castrum munitissimum, Blondel, i. 260; opidum fortissimum 
hominum reputatione invincibile, Anjou Lett. 3; "one of the strongest places perhaps in 
France," Guthrie, ii. 461 ; " ein Musterfestung des funfzehnten Jahrhunderts," Pauli, v. 106. 

6 Dumont, 68 ; qui et entrat divisim sub muris per medium villae, Gesta, 16. 

7 Dumont, 66. 

8 In Debat, 27; Pannier, 27, Dieppe and Harfleur are havres fermes. 

9 Clos aux Galeres, Dumont, 59, 61. For ships built in the galley-close at Harfleur 
in 1295, see A. Martin, i. 86, 87. For picture of a port de guerre with enclosed harbour, 
see Ronciere, ii. Frontispiece, from Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 5594, fol. 205. Cf. "the bar- 
ryers of the Clos," Melusine, 267; "fayre porte garnyssed with toures for the savegard 
of the navye" (at Jaffa), ibid. 278. 

10 Cf. Portus munitur claudentibus undique muris, 

Cum defensivis turribus ante sitis. 

Elmham, Lib. Metr. 107 ; 

do. Gesta, 18; First Life, 38, 41. Not that they " stood on the north side of Harflew," 
as Trussel, 100. 

11 Dumont, 77, 78. 

12 For poleyns, see Rous, 365; Wylie, iv. 358. Cf. poleys ferr', poleas eneas, 
Rackham, 36. 

13 At Grenoble in 1422 chains were to be stretched across the streets every evening 
ante horam simbali and lifted at dawn, Prudomme, 211. Cf. keden uf sloten, Black 
Book of Admiralty, iv. 446; the chayne that anon was open, Melusine, 267. 

1 6 Landing [CH. xxvm 

closed the entrance at night, and in the larger of the two 
towers hung the bell that rang out the watch 1 . This galley- 
close is now a sleepy fair-ground 2 , but it then gave shelter 
to warships 3 and trading-ships from every land 4 . 

When the fleet had come to anchor at Kidcaus the 
banner of council 5 , bearing the royal arms and the George, 
was flown at half-mast from the Admiral's ship as a signal 
for the various captains to come aboard for orders, and on 
their return it was known that the landing would take place 
early on the morrow morning, but that no one was to set 
foot on shore until the king had disembarked, lest the first 
reckless spirits might mount 6 and scatter for a skry 7 or 
havoc 8 , and so by their rashness wreck the prospect of a 
secure landing for the bulk of the forces that were to follow. 

Before the first glimmer of dawn 9 on Wednesday, Aug. 14, 
141 5 10 , John Holland 11 with a party of notable campaigners, 

1 Dont 1'en sonne le guect, Dumont, 79. For le berfroy de la cloche du guet de la 
tour carree at Cherbourg, see Amiot, 127. For picture of the bell-tower at Calais, see 
Strutt, Manners, ii. Plate xxxil. 

2 See page 10, note 9. 

3 Six balleniers bien armez, Gamez, 387. 

4 Commendabiliorem portum qui in omnes terras vela solitus est mittere, St Denys, 

v. 53 2 - 

5 Vexillo concilii, Gesta, 14; Black Book of Admiralty, i. 19; i baner de consilio de 
armis Regis et S d Georgii, For. Accts. 3 H. V, m. 31 ; also i baner de consilio, ibid, 
m. 32 ; also Exch. Accts. 49/29 (4) ; une baner de conseil, Nicolas, Navy, ii. 196, 488. 

6 Ilium clamorem quern "mownte" appellamus, Upton, 137; cf. Black Book of 
Admiralty, i. 287, 455, 462; Nicolas, Agincourt, App. 33; "The Frensshmen cried 
* Amound ! Amound ! ' " Harflet, 309. 

7 Escrie the which is callid mount, Black Book of Admiralty, i. 462 ; at all tymes 
and every skry, Pol. Songs, ii. 154; cf. tohosteiyng and to soudyours, Lydg. Troy Book, 
326, 360. 

8 Grose, Mil. Antiq. ii. 66; Black Book of Admiralty, 286, 462; not " Lanock ! " as 
Upton, 138. It is probably derived from havot, i.e. pillage, Godefroy, s.v. ; cf. Pille, 
Puiseux, 54. Not "mord! schlagt todt ! " as Kohler, ii. 757; or "No quarter!" as 
Kingsford, 209. 

9 Be shippid in the dawenyng, Lydg. Troy Book, 374. 

10 On our Lady Even the Assumcion, Harflet, 306; App. 71; des anderen dags 
Tede der hilliger jungfrauen, Hegel, ii. 200; Gesta, 14; Wals. ii. 307; do. Hypodig. 
459; Capgr. 310; do. De Illustr. 115; Chron. Lond. 100; St Denys, v. 536; Morosini, 
ii. 52; Strecche, 266; Vita, 37; la vigille de la my-aoust, Verneuil, 217. Called le 
moys d'aoust au commencement, in Bourgeois, 61 ; la mi-aoust, Pays-Bas, 354; not 
Aug. 13, as Usk, 125; Normandie, 168; Dumont, 16; nor Aug. 16, as Chron. Lond. 
157; Greg. Chron. 109; Short Chron. 55; Fab. 579; Towle, 296; Jul. B. i, f. 37 
(i.e. a list of wardens, etc. of London from 23 Edward IV), in Nicolas, Agincourt, 209, 
who supposes the writer to be a contemporary chronicler, but it is really based upon 
Walsingham and is quite similar to Gregory, cf. Greg. Chron. xix. Not Aug. 21, as 
Saint Foix, iii. 187; Du Bois, 173; Gaste, Chansons, 121; do. Basselin, 170; Rapin, iii. 
442; Tindal, i. 511; Gaujal, ii. 279; nor Aug. 23, as Allier, Ancien Bourbonnais, ii. 18; 
nor Aug. 24, as Mazas, Vies, v. 574; nor in fine Augusti, as Pauwel, 242. 

11 For his retinue (20 + 60) with his seal (a wheatsheaf) attached to his indenture of 
jewels dated June 5, 1415, see Exch. Accts. 45/18, 22 (30). The names include Thomas 


Port-aux-Bateaux 1 7 

including Gilbert Umfraville 1 , John Cornwall 2 , John Grey 3 
and William Porter 4 , who probably now received his 
knighthood 5 , slipped ashore in a pinnace in the deep still- 
ness of a lovely summer night, selected a favourable spot 
for the rest, and between 6 and 7 in the morning a thousand 
fighting men got swiftly into the long-boats and took land 6 
without any shadow of opposition 7 , the king falling on his 
knees and praying God to do him justice on his enemies 8 . 

The spot where the landing was effected is described as 
a dangerous ridge about half-a-mile 9 in breadth and strewn 

Talbot and William Wymundeswold. The numbers are given as 20 + 40 in Rym. ix. 223, 
reduced to 16 + 35 before the battle of Agincourt, Nicolas, Agincourt, 337; Belleval, 
340; Wylie, Notes, 128, 137. Called 350 + 700 in Dugd. ii. 80. For liveries to him 
and his brother Edward Holland in 1415, see Exch. Accts. 406/26. For his signature, 
see Doyle, ii. 230. He was restored to his father's title as E. of Huntingdon soon after 
Oct. 19, 1416; Rot. Parl. iv. 100 (called before April 5, 1416, in Doyle, ii. 229). For 
letter dated Chudleigh, Oct. 8 (s. a.), addressed to him by Bishop Lacy as " Excellent prince 
my Lord of Huntingdon," in the Chapter Registers at Exeter, see Hist. MSS. Rept Var. 
Coll. iv. 82. It refers to his wish to be a brother of " the Chirche of Exetre." He was 
created Duke of Exeter, Jan. 6, 1443, Doyle, ii. 230. 

1 Nominatum comitem de Kyme, Hard. 389. Called " Comte de Kint " in Cordeliers, 
228; Le Fevre, i. 245; "Earl of Kent," as Speed, 776; Echard, i. 183; Rapin, iii. 
442; Tindal, i. 511; Mazas, Vies, v. 571; Comes de Kyma nomine Gilbertus de 
Umfervilla, Strecche, 271; Conte de Quien (Verneuil, 219), or Quient (Juv. 535), or 
Quin (Brequigny, 97), or Ken or Kent (Waurin, ii. 188, 240); really Kyme in Lincoln- 
shire (Wylie, iv. 63, note 8); not " Ryme," as H. Morley, vi. 156; Holinshed (iii. 561) 
calls him " Earl of Kyme or Angus" ; Kingsford, 72 (following Ramsay, i. 131), supposes 

grissel Umfraville" to the king and receives one called "sorell kyng," and another called 
"mule grenewe." Not " Umferville," as Kohler, ii. 766. 

2 Not "Cornwales," as Kohler, ii. 766; nor Earl of Cornwall, as Speed, 776; nor 
" Stanhop," as Rapin, iii. 447 (i.e. Fanhope or Fownhope, though he was not made Lord 
Fanhope till July 17, 1433, Dugd. ii. 213). He was in command of English mercenaries 
(60 + 500) serving with the Bishop of Liege at Othee in 1408. For " Bayard Cornwaill" 
and "mulect Cornwaill" (i.e. mule, Du Cange, s.v. Muletus) among the king's horses, 
see For. Accts. 3 H. V. 

3 Son and heir of Richard, Lord Grey of Codnor, then 19 years of age, Dudg. i. 711 ; 
Comp. Peer. iv. 97. 

4 Gesta, 27; Hard. 374, 389, 390; where the list includes John Stewart. 

5 See Vol. i. p. 345. 

6 Cf. taken have the land, Lydg. Troy Book, 32, 189, 321, 376; the stronde y-take, 
ibid. 39; the lond hath nome, do. 108; taken have the see, do. 185, 193, 323; to make 
the lond, do. 243. 

7 Felici remigio, Vita, 37; sans detriement, Waurin, 180; nul lui contredist, Cochon, 

8 Tit. Liv. 8 ; Harpsfeld, 588. 

9 Gesta, 15 ; Chron. Giles, 14 ; " pres de Harfleu et aultres parties sur la mer," Mirot, 
Fusoris, 205; prope Herflete (125); non longe a viM de Harflet, Strecche, 266. 
Called 3 leagues in Tit. Liv. 8; Vita, 38; Carte, ii. 679; Henry, v. 35; not 7 miles, as 
Brougham, no; nor 3 miles above Harfleur, as Clowes, i. 373; not at Caudebec, as 
Burchett, 334; nor at Touques, as St Paul, 52 ; nor at Harfleur, as Verneuil, 217; Pays- 
Bas, 353 ; sont descendus en pays de Caulx (not " about Caulx," as Catalogue) et pres 
la ville de Harfleu, Add. Chart. 260, dated Rouen, Nov. 8, 1415; fait sa decente au Chef 
de Caux, La Motte, no, from the charter of 1493. Called "au desoubz de Rouen" in 
Brioc. Chron. 891. 

w. n. 2 

1 8 Landing [CH. xxvm 

with rocks and shingle intersected by ditches 1 and channels 
banked with mounds of earth 2 , which were cut here and there 
with small passages just wide enough for one man to get 
through 3 and strengthened with bastions like the walls of 
a castle. Various guesses have been made as to the exact 
locality referred to in the above description. It seems clear 
that it lay somewhere near the harbour of St Denis 4 at the 
entrance to the creek of Graville, though in a letter written 
in London on Aug. 20, 1415, it is distinctly stated that they 
landed at the fosse of Leure 5 . As to the other details, 
nothing can be now made out on the spot, as the fosse has 
entirely disappeared, but the mounds and fortifications were 
possibly portions of the disused mole which once embanked 
the channel leading from Leure to Harfleur, a long section 
of which was still traceable in I7I7 6 , the bastions being 
similar to those whose foundations were discovered at 
Les Neiges, or Little Leure, during some excavations in 

As soon as each boat-load had landed, the men made 
their way across the marsh to the wooded hills that faced 

1 In Gesta, 15; Chron. Giles, 14, these ditches are inter nos et terram (i.e. the dry 
ground about Harfleur). Not "on the opposite shore," as Nicolas, 52. 

2 Fossis et muris plena patebat humus, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 107; fiebant magnae 
fossae profundae plenae aqua ac muri magni terrei grandis spissitudinis, Harl. MS. 661 
in Hard. 389. Not that "he caused a deep trench to be cut bringing in water to 
impeach (i.e. obstruct, cf. Cotgrave, s.v. Empecher) the bottom and raising the rampire to 
a great thickness," as Speed, 776; cf. "sconces of earth like castles," Echard, i. 184, 
who supposes that Henry made all this intrenchment "from the Rock on which he 
placed his head-quarters (i.e. Graville) to the sea." Ramsay, i. 201, thinks that "ex- 
tensive earthworks had been erected along the beach," but that they "could not be 
manned"; also Kingsford, 129, "in preparation for their enemy." Cf. "a dike and 
a wall between the shore and the marsh," Historians' Hist, xviii. 531. 

3 Not that there was " only a path 2 feet wide separating each rampart and ditch," as 
Yonge, 269. Called " a pathway of only a cubit width over the ditches and through the 
wall," Beamont, 235. 

4 Page 8; Cagny, 94; Heron, 77; Morosini, ii. 53 note; Borely, i. 98, 105; Luce, 
ii. 176; Ronciere, ii. 214. Roujoux (iv. 168) even thinks that they landed on the south 
bank of the Seine and attacked Honfleur ( !). 

5 A uno luogo dito la Fosa, Morosini, ii. 52. The letter was received in Venice on 
Sept. 18, 1415. Cf. deschendi a la fosse de Leure, Cochon, 273 (who was specially 
acquainted with the locality); Bouvier, 428; A. Martin, Chef de Caux, 82, who thinks 
they landed at both points, which is probably the true explanation ; cf. A. Martin, 
Fecamp, i. 121 ; do. Leure, i. 207. G. Dupont, ii. 511, thinks they arrived before the 
Fosse de 1'Eure (sic) on Aug. 13. Bordier-Charton (i. 500) thinks that they landed 
"pu est aujourd'hui le Havre"; not "at the port of Le Havre," as Calthrop, ii. 83. 
Viau, in Rev. de Rouen, 1845, P- 6, places the landing either at the Fosse de 1'Eure (sic) 
or at the Port-aux-Bateaux at Neiges, or at Sanvic, which gives plenty of choice. 

6 A. Martin, i. 138; though regarded not as a fortification, but a dike to regulate the 
inflow of the tide into the salt pans, do. Patriote, 7. 

7 A. Martin, i. 139; Borely, i. 100; Dumont, 54. 


Graville 19 

them to the north 1 where much of the timber had just been 
felled, and here they rested amidst the paddocks and 
orchards 2 , while the tents, stores, guns, horses and baggage 
were discharged into shouts, flats and lighters from the 
fleet 3 which was lying out in the Seine 4 . The king with 
his brothers, the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, took up 
his quarters in the Priory on the hillside at Graville 5 , and 
all alike expressed amazement that the landing had not been 
disputed 6 , for the mere stones were there ready at hand and 
had the French only had the hearts of men, a handful of 
them could have held us for a long time and perhaps for ever*. 
Several squires took knighthood 8 at the landing 9 , and 
three days were spent in unloading the first necessary 
freight. Being entirely unresisted the English scourers 10 
soon spread to both banks of the Seine 11 and gave vent 

1 Not entre Fecamps (sic) et Montivillers, as Mazas, Vies, v. 575. 

2 Pomaria, Gesta, 14; pomeria, Hard. 389; campis, hortis, clausulis et aliis locis, 
Gesta, 19; Chron. Lond. 100. 

3 St Denys, v. 536. 

4 Lequelle estoit venue en Saine, Deseilles, 415; ou chenal et entree de la riviere de 
Saine, Chron. Brioc. 891. 

8 Monstr. 366; sous la cote St Aubyn, Viau, in Revue de Rouen (1845), p. 7; 
i.e. Graville-Ste-Honorine, Cochet, Eglises, i. 61, with the beautiful sonnet of Victor 
Hugo, ibid. 96; not that it was i days' journey from Harfleur, as reported in Venice, 
Morosini, ii. 60. Called " Graule " in Waurin, ii. 181 ; "Gueraville" in Le Fevre, 
i. 225; cf. Hellot, Recit, 14; Tit. Liv. 8, 9; Vita, 38, 41, where it is represented that 
the king pitched his tent on the top of the hill close to a chapel in order the better to 
keep the Feast of the Assumption; called "an high hill dificile and uneasie for armed 
men to mount uppon," First Life, 34. Cf. 

Myne engynes that bethe so kene [or that be of tre so clene], 

They shall be sett be syde this hill, 

Over all Harflew that they may seen. Harflet, 308. 

To the highest earth whilst awful Henry gets 

From whence strong Harfleur he might easl'est see. Drayton, 35. 
Echard, i. 183. For pictures of the church at Graville, see Bordeaux, i. i. 44 ; H. Gaily 
Knight, 186; Ruprich-Robert, PI. XXIII; Cotman-Turner ; Normandie Monumentale, 
387; Grande Encycl. xiv. 252; Macquoid, 169; Dearmer, 326; Joanne, iii. 1781. The 
old Priory buildings adjoining the church were rebuilt (as they now stand) in the i8th 
century. For map of Harfleur and Graville, see Ardouin-Dumazet, vi. 408. 

6 Choisy (318) thinks that the English first engaged and defeated 9 large ships at 
Honfleur, which is a confusion with the events of 1416. 

7 Gesta, 15; St Denys, v. 532. 

8 Cf. when he the order of knyght had tane, Laud Troy Book, 460, 486, 488. 

9 e.g. Thomas Geney and John Calthorpe in the retinue of Sir Thomas Erpingham, 
Exch. Accts. 47/20; Hunter, 35, where both are invalided home from Harfleur; also 
John Radcliffe the elder, Blomefield, i. 513. For William Porter, see p. 17. 

10 Cf. scourers, Sloane MS. 4660, f. 265; coureurs, Nicolas, Agincourt, 197; ex- 
ploratores vocat' scoras, Wylie, iv. 253; cf. voisent en courerie, Beaurepaire, Accord, 315, 
317 ; cf. coureurs et decouvreurs de pays, Chastellain, i. 93. For " rufHers of the camp," 
see Beamont, 232; also Cent. Diet., s.v. 

11 Before Aug. 30 they had appeared before the Abbey of Grestain near Honfleur, 
whence the monks fled in terror at their approach, Mirot, Fusoris, 260, 261, where it is 
called "Grassy quae est ultra Secanam." 

2 2 

20 Landing [CH. xxvm 

to their fierce instincts in firing farms, looting pigs, geese, 
hens and hencotes, and working all such horrors 1 as made 
the name of soldier 2 or brigand 3 a terror in the Middle 
Ages, till men said that if God Himself had been a man-of- 
arms even He would have been a thief and a robber 4 . 

To check their fatal fury orders were put out that all 
this wanton destruction must at once cease under pain of 
death. Peasants who were brought in as captives were 
told to go about their work as usual 5 , for the king of 
England had only come to release them from oppression. 
Churches and monastic buildings were to be left unharmed 
with their contents and no man must lay hands upon a 
priest, a woman or any minister or servant of a church, 
unless they were found actually armed or planning an 
attack with violence 6 . These rules and others that he 
subsequently issued 7 in greater detail have often , been 

1 Faisant tous les maux que faire poroient, Le Fevre, i. 225 ; innumerables maulz ainsi 
que gens d'armes ont coustume de faire, Waurin, ii. 182; Pays-Bas, 354; couroyent es 
villages ylec entour, Mirot, Fusoris, 205. Cf. . 

Us n'ont laisse pore ne oue, 

Tout entour nostre cartier, 

Ne guerne ne guernellier (hencote). Du Bois, 178. 

Leroux de Lincy, Chants, i. 301; Gaste, Chansons, 94; Basselin, 24. For 5000 liv. 
claimed by the Lord of Graville on Nov. 19, 1415, for loss of his lands near Harfleur, 
see Baye, ii. 225. 

2 i.e. = solidarius, Du Cange, s.v. Solidata ; see Vol. i. p. 462. 

3 For "brigand" connected with brigue, brigade, see Littre, s.v.; S. D. Scott, 
i. 320, 321 ; cf. qui Brigantini dicti sunt, St Denys, vi. 81; cf. Boutaric, 284; i.e. gens 
armes de brigandines, Joubert, Invasions, 55; i.e. a stuffed and ornamented jack, 
called "a quilted coat with small iron plates sewn inside on canvas," in Strang, 78; 
lorica annulis contexta, Du Cange, s.v. Jazeran\ not a coat of mail, as Wylie, iv. 337. 
For 1 6th century specimen of a brigandine at Warwick Castle, see S. D. Scott, i. 258. 
For pictures, see Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, v. 228; Planche, i. 59; Ffoulkes, 32. Fora 
brigandier in will of Duke of York (1415), see Gibbons, 146; for i payre of Briggandires, 
see Amyot, 271 (1460); do. brigandines helyd with rede felwet (i.e. velvet), ibid. 252. 
For briganter, see Wylie, iv. 161 ; brigantayle, Halliwell, s.v. For brigata (i.e. army), 
see Sercambi, ii. 249, 398; iii. 45, 144 and passim. For brigans (i.e. infantry), see 
Wrottesley, 29; Hewitt, ii. 52, from Froissart (1327); C. A. Costa de Beauregard, 12; 
bringuans, Trahisons de France, 131. 

4 A saying attributed to John Talbot in Boutaric, 266. Cf. c'est coustume de guerre 
que tous jours les pouvres gens en ont charge, Pays-Bas, 355. For "bribours (i.e. thieves, 
Stratmann, s.v.) and arblasteres," see Laud Troy Book, 254. 

Cf. Hi cum securi debent fore tempore guerrae, i.e. presbyter et monachus, 
mercator, cultor agrique, Pol. Songs, ii. 119; Juv. 505. Murray-Smith (60) refers to 
"traditions still repeated at Harfleur" of Henry's cruelty to the villagers, but I have 
found no reference to this elsewhere. 

6 Gesta, 15 ; Chron. Giles, 15. 

7 Upton, 133-145; "perhaps the originals of the Ordinances of Mantes," Grose, 
Mil. Antiq. ii. 68; or "a Latin paraphrase of them," Black Book of Admiralty, i. 283; 
also at Mantes in the summer of 1419, ibid. 282-295, 459-472; Nicolas, Agincourt, 
A PP- 3 r -4; Excerpt. Hist. 28-43; Bridgett, ii. 101 ; Kingsford, 209; not at Le Mans, 
as Grose, Mil. Antiq. ii. 69 ; similarly at Rouen, Pontoise and 35 other places mostly in 
Normandy, Rym. x. 108, April 25, 1421. For Henry VII's edition of them in 1486, see 
Lei. Coll. iv. 210. De nostrorum procerum dominorum et magnatum consilio quasdam 

Ordinances 21 

pointed to as evidence of the magnanimity of the English 
king 1 , who was styled by his contemporaries the "well of 
worship," the "very lodestar of knighthood " and the " father 
of military honour 2 ." But there was really nothing new in 
this practice of issuing such proclamations. Since the days 
of the early crusades rules of the utmost stringency had 
been found necessary for stopping contek 3 and barratry 4 
among troops employed in foreign service, and in the days 
of the Lion Heart 5 if one crusader struck another with 
a knife, his hand was cut off for it ; if convicted of theft on 
board ship, he was to be cropped like a champion, tarred and 
feathered 6 from head to foot and put ashore naked at the 
first port they touched at ; if he killed a man on land, he was 
to be buried alive with the dead body, and if on board ship, 
the two were to be tied together and pitched into the sea. 

A large portion of King Henry's rules are purely self- 
regarding 7 and are framed to check camp-rioting, chance 
raids, skries 8 and other disorderly derays amongst a motley 

constitutiones fecimus, Upton, 133, i.e. probably before the expedition started ; easdemque 
in eodem exercitu nostro promulgatas publice fecimus proclamari; each captain was to 
have a copy in writing (p. 134); Black Book of Admiralty, i. 295. 

1 Tit. Liv. 8; Vita, 38; Cassell, i. 542 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 82. 

2 Upton, 75 ; Greg. Chron. 53. For Nicholas Upton, Fellow of New College, 
Oxford, see Vickers, 388; also Fuller, Worthies, i. 280, where he is a Canon of 
Salisbury, Wells and St Paul's. In his preface (p. 2) dedicated to Duke Humphrey, he 
calls himself "minimus orator tuus." He was then (temp. H. VI) an old man, " ebetiorem 
senectus me reddat " (p. 3). He was in the service of Thomas Montagu, Earl of Salis- 
bury (d. Nov. 3, 1428), whom he calls "dominum meum specialem " (p. 75), adding that 
he had often seen him preside at lists and reconcile the combatants after they had fought. 
On April 6, 1431, he received the prebend of Dinder or Dyndre (not Dyme, as D. N. B. 
Iviii. 39) in the Cathedral of Wells. On April 10, 1443, he held the prebend of 
Wildland (or Wedland) in St Paul's, which he resigned in May 1446, on becoming 
Precentor of Salisbury. He died in July 1457, Le Neve, ii. 448, 643. For John 
Upton, a Carmelite, confessor to the Duke of Clarence, see Harl. MS. 3838, f. 35 [37]. 

3 Cf. "contake," Laud Troy Book, 60; Halliwell, i. 268; contek and debate, Lydg. 
Troy Book, 34, 76, 221, 307 ; cf. debate and battell, Misyn, 18; descort et debat, Vidier, 
Notes, 346; contekour, Kingsford, Hard. 746, 749. 

4 Black Book of Admiralty, i. 285, 461, 462 ; Rym. x. 107. Cf. foule baret, Laud 
Troy Book, 410, 412, 497; baratous, Lydg. Troy Book, 276; a chydere, a barratoure, 
Secreta, 234; comon Barectours, Kingsford, Hard. 745. 

5 Dated at Chinon, June 1190, Roger of Hovedon, iii. 36; Henderson, 135 ; Rym. i. 
65 ; Grose, Mil. Antiq. ii. 63 ; Nicolas, App. 32, 33 ; Nicolas, Navy, i. 89 ; Oppenheim, 3 ; 
Marks, 19. For similar rules issued at Dijon, April 20, 1396, for the force of the Count 
of Nevers before starting for Nicopolis, i.e. que gentilhomme faisant rumour perd cheval 
et harnois et varlet qui fest du coutel perd le poing et s'il robe il perd 1'oreille, see 
G. Kohler, 9; C. A. Costa de Beauregard, 157; cf. upon peyne of hors and daryneys, 
Melusine, 192; sur peine de perdre harnois et chevaux, Bourgeois, 627. 

6 Cf. inter plumas corpus volutaverunt, Otterbourne, 281. 

7 Cf. ne seuffre tensons ne discors, Cent Ballades, 16. 

8 Cf. "askrye," Nicolas, Agin. App. 37 ; "ascrie," Black Book of Admiralty, i. 467. 
Not "estrie," as ibid. 292 ; cf. "askryeth," ibid. 282, 462. Not "asketh," as Nicolas, 
App. 33; cf. " seit la crie fete," Stat. i. 96. See p. 16, note 7. 

22 Landing [CH. xxvm 

host composed of Gascons, English, Welsh and Irish 
barrators 1 , who would fall out at any moment over prize- 
money, prisoners, harbourage or old standing feuds. Ac- 
cording to such rules all victuals which might be useful for 
the support of the army were to be spared from waste and 
pillage 2 ; every man in the muster was compelled to wear 
a large red St George's cross 3 on his chest and back ; and 
loose women were not to come into the camp, but to be 
collected in some spot at least three miles away under pain of 
having their left arm broken, after having been once warned 
off 4 . But apart from these disciplinary rules which had be- 
come a necessity for any force that meant to hold together 
in a foreign country, there were humaner clauses built upon 
higher principles of kindness, such as the prohibitions against 
taking ploughs, harrows, carts, horses and oxen, or other- 
wise hindering the men of labour, against making captives 
of children under 14 years of age, or requiring that the 
room should be spared in which a woman was lying-in with 
child 6 , though it is certain that the rules regarding priests, 
women and plundered churches cannot be attributed in the 
first instance to Henry V. A contemporary writer indeed 
regards them as of very great antiquity 6 , tracing them back 
even to the days of the mythical Arthur both in France and 

1 Cf. barrateurs, barratours, Black Book of Admiralty, i. 461, 470; Wylie, iv. 334. 
Not " barteteurs," as Nicolas, App. 32; cf. "withoute fraude ne barat," Curial, 15; 
barat, tu seras barate, Rouyer, 30 ; n'ont barat ne guille, Petit, 40 ; Hellot, Nobles, 43 ; 
dy moy sans guille, Petit, 210; par ses faussetes et baraz, Cagny, 16. 

2 For proclamations of Henry V "that no man take vitaille be force without payment 
made in hand," see Noblesse, pp. xiii, 31, 72. For order of the Duke of Burgundy 
before St Denis in Feb. 1414, fit crier qu'on ne prinst rien sans payer, see Bourgeois, 617. 
Cf. and toke ryzt nouzt but it were to selle, Lydg. Troy Book, 30. 

3 Black Book of Admiralty, i. 289, 456, 464. For vexillum Sti Georgii, see Upton, 
139. For pictures of English soldiers with red cross on their back and chest, see 
Wallon, 211 ; A. France, ii. 63, 131; iii. i, 49, 129; iv. 129, from Bibl. Nat. MS. 5054, 
dated 1484; Froissart (Johnes), iv. 668; De Witt, ii. 29, 147, 167, 308; Sarrazin, 
Cauchon, 105; do. Jeanne d' Arc, 14, 427, 430, 470, 499; do. Rouen, 120; B. Zeller, 52; 
called "une croix rouge dedans ung souleil" in Verneuil, 219. For English troops leaving 
for France in 1430, cruce S. Georgii in vestibus eorum inticta, see Amundesham, i. 51 ; 
Englois ont pour ensaigne la croix rouge, Pastoralet, 851; cf. Angloiz portant la croix 
rouge, Longnon, Paris, 306. 

4 Upton, 145; Grose, Mil. Antiq. ii. 70; Lei. Coll. iv. 211; M. Bernard, 99. For 
harlots with armies, see Rabutaux, 139; cf. Scipio comandid that no bordelle were 
founde in hure company, Secreta, 189. 

5 In geseme, Black Book of Admiralty, i. 4 68; Nicolas, App. 38; M. Bernard, 99. 

Statuta antiquissima, Upton, 133. Called "earlier fragments of legislation" in 
Stubbs, iii. 95; "of an apocryphal character," ibid. i. 666; ii. 314. For rules for 
sparing women and churches, see Black Book of Admiralty, i. 25; Nicolas, Navy, 
ii. 489. 

1415] ' ' Bloody-hunting slaughtermen " 23 

But whatever their age and place of origin, they had 
produced little effect in either country. In France the 
code of strategy prescribed cruelty to the enemy, death to 
man, woman and child, and fire and pillage to the land 1 . 
War was the mother of all wrong; it slew the priest, de- 
flowered the maid 2 and slaughtered flocks and herds, not for 
food but to vent its fury like a wild beast 3 ; while with the 
English the rule against plundering churches had certainly 
secured little general acceptance as yet, for when an English 
army, 12,000 strong, invaded Scotland in I385 4 and burnt 
the abbeys of Dryburgh, Melrose, Newbattle and Dun- 
fermline and the great church of St Giles 5 in Edinburgh in 
spite of the proclamation of their king, the fact was quite 
mechanically recorded by the chroniclers of the time without 
the slightest sign of shock or disapproval 6 . Indeed so little 
were these precepts regarded by the armies of Henry V in 
France, that six years later the proclamations had to be 

1 Cf. Soyez crueulz centre vos enemis, 

Que leur terre soit destruite et honnie. Deschamps, ii. 75. 

Vous entreres dessus ses terres et meteres tout a 1'ouny tueres hommes femmes et entfants 
et boutere"s fu en tous costes, Trahisons de France, ii. 78 ; 

Les desfianches faites en ou pais entres, 

Hommes femmes en riens n'i deported, 

Vilaiges et houmiaus ardes et embrases. Ibid. ii. 410. 

Se a guerre convient venir y soyes larges, aspres et diligent et tant hastez vos ennemies 
qu'il n'ayent pas loisir de vous presenter la victoire, Lannoy, Oeuvres, Ixxxvi. 391. 

2 The werre is mothir of the wrongis al, 

It sleath the priest in holy church at messe, 
Forlith the maide and doth hir flour to falle. 

Gower, in Urry's Chaucer, 540. 

3 Haec sunt modernorum militum exercitia omnibus inimicari, omnes toto posse 
depraedari, colonos et agricolas ex agris fugare, equos culturae declitos rapere, domos 
pauperum subintrare, totum evolvere, lectisternia, utensilia, et supervenalia asportare, 
areas rumpere, infantium et parvulorum panem tollere, matres etiam gravidas pedibus 
calcare, volatilia greges armentaque interficere, ad non victum competentem ut faciunt 
ferae sed ad explendam furiam ut bestiae, Pierre de Versailles, in Mart. Anec. i. 1729 
(written in 1418). 

4 For ordinances of Richard II, dated Durham, July 17, 1385, concluding: "If one 
overthrow an enemy but from going on another should receive his faith," from Harl. MS. 
1309 ; also in MS. Nero D. vi, from MS. L. 5 in College of Arms ; see S. Turner, v. 401 ; 
Michelet, vi. 21 ; Nicolas, Agin. App. 31 ; Black Book, i. 453-458; Grose, Mil. Antiq. 
ii. 64; M. Bernard, 98; Kohler, ii. 757; Tytler, i. 333, quoting Records of the Parlt. 
of Scotland, 135, 136; i.e. Acts of Parks, of Scotland, i. 188. According to these, 
pillage in Scotland was to be forbidden, merchants and victuallers were to be paid 
prompt, any soldier who killed another was to be hanged, if a varlet defied a gentleman 
he was to lose his ears, and no burning of churches, or ravishing or slaughter of women 
was to be allowed. See also Ridpath, 355 ; Exch. Rolls Scot. in. Ixvii ; Wallon, i. 243 ; 
Archaeologia, xxii. 13-19 (where the composition of the force is given). 

6 Scotichron. iv. 1067. For position of it outside the western wall, see map (1550) in 
Scottish Hist. Review, i. 25 (Oct. 1903). 

6 Wals. ii. 131 ; elle fut toute arse abbaye et ville (i.e. Dunfermline), Frois. ii. 335. 

24 Landing [CH. xxvm 

solemnly re-issued on account of the " enormous crimes and 
excesses 1 " that were being everywhere committed through 
the plunder, theft and villainy of that same blind and 
bloody soldiery 2 . On the other hand, it is not to be for- 
gotten that from the first the humane intentions of the 
English king had made so deep an impression in France 
that one of the most high-minded of the French ecclesiastics 
appealed to him to protect French churches from the 
plundering violence of their own people 3 . 

When the whole force had landed, the channels of the 
L^zarde were searched in boats 4 but it was found impossible 
to cross and occupy the ground on the eastern side of the 
town 5 , so they assembled at the foot of the western hill 6 
fronting the port of Leure 7 about a mile from the walls. 
Here the king called a council of war, where he arranged 
for watch and ward and foray, and finished with a little 
speech, saying : " Fellows 8 ! be of good cheer, breathe you 9 

1 Praedantur, furantur, diripiunt, exigunt et extorquent, tenent mulieres in con- 
cubinatu et (quod deterius est) in adulterinis et aliis illicitis amplexibus, Rym. x. 107, 
Apr. 25, 1421. Cf. 

Aut paulum aut certe nil relligionis in altum 
Caelorum Regem cujus non alma verentur, 
Templa manu si quando queunt violare nefandi 
Quae Galli exornant ingenti semper honore. 

Astesan, 550 (writing of the English in 1451). 

2 H. V, iii. 3. 34. 

3 Videmus nostrae hodiernae nobilitatis summum esse praecipuumque studium personas 
scclesiasticas insectari, spoliare, depraedari, bonis omnibus exuere, nihil illis quod utile 
sit aut quod asportari valeat relinquere et in tantam jam vulgo prorumpunt amentiam ut 
effractis portarum claustris serisque revulsis ipsa Christi sanctuaria non vereantur irrum- 
pere, Clamenges, Epist. 351 (circ. 1420). Cf. en eglises prennent ils livres et toute autre 
chose qu'il pouvoient happer, Bourgeois, 626 (of the Burgundians in 1417). 

4 "Tok hys bottes and scherchyd ye water," Cleop. C. iv. f. 22 (not 15, as in 
Cotton, Catalogue); Nicolas, Agin. 206; Kingsford, Chron. 117. Not that he took 
off his boots I as Gesta, 19 note, adding "with his sword to ascertain the depth." 
For the habners (i.e. haveners) at Rye, see Hist. MSS. 5th Rept. 501. 

5 Propter fluvios prohibentes, Gesta, 20. 

6 Super ripam mentis, Gesta, 16 ; super litus mentis, Hard. 389. Not "on the top of 
the hill," as Echard, i. 183 ; nor that Henry "marched up the Hill and from the Height 
presented himself before Harflew," as Speed, 776; cf. Goodwin, 67, 69; nor "couron- 
naient les hauteurs," as Borely, i. 108. 

7 Gesta, 17; Dumont, 65; devers la mer, Normandie, 168. Not the Porte de 
Montivilliers, as Kohler, ii. 742. 

8 "Felwys" or "ffelowes," Kingsford, Chron. 117. Called "Lodys" in Gesta, 19, 
where it is translated "Lads!" For "ffelowes be mery now everychone," said by 
Henry Vat Rouen, see J. Page, 16, 30; Archaeologia, xxi. 61 ; cf, "Loofelow," Kail, 7, 
16; "felaw or frinde," Forster, 44 ; "felaws of oure," Anjou Lett. 22. Cf. "fellowys be 
of good chere," Pol. Songs, ii. 153; "falawes myne alle!" Laud Troy Book, 478, 479; 
thi felowis, Secreta, 189. 

9 "Ablowe yow"; called "save your breath and keep cool" in Kingsford, Chron. 
xxxix. 117, 304; cf. "to abreth hym," Lydg. Troy Book, 383; "till they had farther 
brethed," Halle, 57; Holinsh. iii. 547; "hardie, deliver and wele brethed," Noblesse, 
pp. xiv, 76. Not "eat heartily," as Gesta, 19 note. 

i4 J 5J Raoul Le Gay 25 

and cool you 1 and then come up with your ease, for with 
the love of God we shall have good tidings ! " 

It is at this point that we are able to work in with 
unusual exactness an episode relating to the capture of 
a Norman priest whose name is held up by a modern writer 
as the model of a French patriot 2 , but whose adventure is 
at any rate of exceptional interest to the researcher. Raoul 
Le Gay was the son of a Norman labourer who had been 
ordained priest at 1 8 years of age and had now attained 
the age of 28. Up till the summer of 1415 he had been 
a chaplain to the Abbess of Montivilliers 3 and had after- 
wards joined the household of a rich burgess of that town 4 
who resided at a place called La Demi-lieue in the suburbs 
of Harfleur. When the English landed, his employer fled 
to Rouen, and on Friday, Aug. 16, Le Gay was sent after 
him to try and bring him back. But soon after starting 
he was captured at Bois Bernard 5 between Epretot and 
St-Romain-de-Colbosc by a company of seven English 
scourers 6 , who stripped him of his jupe 7 , his knife and his 
purse containing 3 francs, tied his hands and took him to 
Epouville, and thence in the night time to Sanvic 8 near 
the Chef de Caux, where they kept him during the following 
Saturday and Sunday (Aug. 17 and 18). Here he was 
taken to the tent of an elderly English knight, who having 
ascertained that he was a priest, asked him the name of the 
commander at Harfleur, but he replied that he did not 
know. The English demanded 100 crowns as ransom, 
which of course he was not able to pay, and on the follow- 
ing day he was taken to Graville, where his guards kept 
him seated on the ground till midday, without food or 
drink, while they enjoyed the beautiful view from the hill. 

Hereupon a young Englishman came up and spoke with 

1 "Kele yow wel," or " rekelem yow," J. F. in Stone, xxi. Called "regale your- 
selves" in Gesta, 19 note, but more probably from "kelen," to cool, see Stratmann, 
Toller, and Murray, s.v. Cf. "lete coule themself," Melusine, i68 = "les laissons 
refroider," Arras, 185; "hit wolde make thy corage kele," Kail, 101 ; lat it kele, 
York, 50. 

2 A. Martin, Patriote, 8-14. 

3 For which he received an allowance of 18 sols a fortnight. Et ses despens per 
fortnight, Mirot, Fusoris, 205. 

4 Mirot, 255. 

5 Mirot, 205, 255 ; prins a Harfleu, ibid. 201. 

6 Qui discurrebant per campos, dispersi per patriam, Mirot, 256. 

7 Or jupon, see Baildon, Wardrobe, 501, 509. 

8 Sandwych, Mirot, 256. 

26 Landing [CH. xxvni 

him in Latin, and finding out his plight turned to the 
guards and spoke to them in English 1 , but the only word 
that he could make out was "drinch," the meaning of 
which he knew before. The English then helped him up, 
saying : "comine ! comine ! " quivoulait dire Venez ! Venez ! 
as he says, and took him into the Priory precinct, where he 
found many great lords, to whom he uncovered and crooked 
his knee respectfully as he passed. Noticing his tonsure 
they asked him in French if he was a priest, and when he 
said " Yes" they wanted to know where the soldiers were 
who had captured him, but they had disappeared. Then 
the Englishman who had stood his friend before called 
one of his men named Burgess {Bourgeois) and said: " Take 
him to the Earl of Dorset who is lodged near Graville." 
This was done, and Burgess told the Earl that this was 
a priest and that the king had sent him. The Earl then 
questioned the prisoner in French and told him to sit down 
on a mill-stone and not stir. So there he sat with nothing 
to eat or drink till nightfall, when they gave him a piece of 
bread and some ale (de la biere appele'e cervoise), and so he 
remained in the Earl's quarters for a week 2 in great penury 
and want. During all this time he kept demanding his 
liberty and asking for a safe-conduct, and on Sunday, 
Aug. 25, they took him before the king, though of this 
interview he unfortunately gives us no particulars, except 
that the king asked him if he had been taken in arms 3 . 
In the morning of Tuesday, Aug. 27, he was passed on to 
Bishop Courtenay's tent which was close to the king's 4 . 
Here he lay on a mattress in his clothes 5 and when the 
bishop came in he wanted to rise, but Courtenay told him 
to lie still while he went into his retreat behind a curtain 6 
and changed his dress preparatory to paying a visit to the 
king. The next morning the bishop heard Mass in his 
tent about 9 o'clock, and then Le Gay was taken to the 
king's chapel where he heard the king's choir and was 
struck with the beauty of the service 7 . Afterwards the 

1 Just before the battle of Bauge in 1421 it is noted that the Duke of Clarence spoke 
with the Scottish spies "en langage Anglois," Bouvier, 440. 

2 Or 10 days, Mirot, Fusoris, 139. 3 Prins arme, ibid. 212. 
4 Ibid. 207. 5 Ibid. 258. 

6 Ibid. 261. 

7 Audivit cantores capelle regis qui faciebant pulchrum servitium, ibid. 258. 

Letters 27 

bishop asked him if he knew one of his friends named 
Jean Fusoris who was a canon of Notre Dame in Paris, 
this being the French astronomer whose visit to Winchester 
a few weeks before has been already recorded 1 . The bishop 
then promised that he would set him free if he would carry 
a message to the canon, holding out to him also the 
prospect of a good benefice and that he should be a rich 
man ever after. 

At first Le Gay refused, never having been in Paris 
before, but fearing lest they might ship him across to an 
English prison he at last agreed to the terms, and on Thurs- 
day, Aug. 29, Bishop Courtenay took him into his retreat, 
where he handed to him a letter written on paper and tied 
with thread 2 to which was attached a seal with the figure of 
a swan 3 . He gave him also a small parchment schedule, 
a finger-length long 4 , making mention of certain pumpkins, 
melons, almonds and other fruits which Fusoris was to get 
from the Prior of the Celestines in Paris 5 and send back 
with his answer and for which he would receive payment. 
The bishop likewise charged him to tell Fusoris that the 
king of England had landed with 50,000 men, 4000 barrels 
of wheat, 4000 casks of wine and 1 2 large guns and sufficient 
material for a 6 months' siege of Harfleur, and to ask 
whether the king of France was agate 6 and whether he had 
decided to oppose him, and if so whether " Mons. de Guienne 
(i.e. the Dauphin) and Mons. de Bourgogne " would be with 
him and how many other lords and with how many men. 
One of Courtenay's chaplains also, whose name he gives as 
William 7 but who appears in the letter as Jenkin 8 , com- 
missioned him to deliver a letter to a friend of his in Paris 

1 Vol. i. p. 498. 

2 Close d'un fil de scellee ; ligate modico filo, Mirot, Fusoris, 259. 

3 Le signet dudit evesque, ibid. 177, 201, 232, 251, where Courtenay claims some 
consanguinity with Archbishop Boisratier quia defferebant ambo in suo signeto cygnum. 
In Blomefield, iii. 528 ; Bedford, Blazon, 92, Courtenay's seals show 3 torteaux or roundels. 

4 Mirot, Fusoris, 178. 

5 Referring apparently to the incident in the Priory garden in Aug. 1414, see Vol. i. 
p. 230; Mirot, Fusoris, 149. For le clos des vignes des Celestins, see Thibault, 410. 

6 S'est mis sus, ibid. 140, 208. Not "sur," as A. Martin, Patriote, n. 

7 Mirot, Fusoris, 140, 209. 

8 Quidam juvenis vocatus Guillermus multum habilis de scienci& astrologie, Mirot, 
231; familiaris dicti episcopi, ibid. 233; un joennes horns familier et clerc ou varlet 
de chambre du dit evesque, ibid. 209, 211 ; called Jennekin, ibid. 201. For Gulliermus 
qui se mesloit d'astrologie, see ibid. 163, 177, showing that he was attended by Pietro of 
Milan when ill at Harfleur on the return of the first embassy from Paris. 

28 Landing [CH. xxvni 

called Denisot le Breton 1 who was in the service of the 
Princess Catherine. The text of both these curious letters 
is still preserved. In the former, the bishop writing in 
Latin 2 with his own hand on Aug. 29, 1415, addresses 
Fusoris as "my dearest friend and comrade," refers to their 
previous acquaintance (inchoata noticia), how they had 
frequently talked together face to face and how he had 
lately heard of him from his clerk T. B. He urged him to 
reply in writing within the next 8 or 10 days, but to be 
careful in his answer not to mention either of their names, 
as the matter was an entire secret from everybody except 
the king "who is very close, as you know 3 ." "Jenkin," 
the chaplain, writing in French, told his friend in Paris that 
the king had come to France " to win his right and for the 
love of Madame Katherine," and asked if she was married 
or engaged 4 , ending up with: "Commend me to all my 
ladies, especially to the one who gave me an apple." No 
one ever found out who was meant by this last pretty 
allusion 5 , for when the judicial inquiry was subsequently 
held, Le Breton who was lame 6 had left the Princess' service 7 
and nobody knew where he was; neither could anything be 
made of the melons, and the Prior of the Celestines could only 
suggest that it was a mistake as no such things grew in his 
garden, though perhaps the bishop might have seen some 
in their house at Mantes 8 . With his letter Courtenay 
handed to Le Gay a silk-covered leathern purse containing 
20 half-nobles 9 , into which he placed the letters and the 
schedule, fastening it round his neck and underneath his 
shirt, and so he passed through the English lines and 
started westward as if on the road to Paris. 

But after a while he doubled back in the darkness and 
presented himself before one of the gates of Monti villiers 
before sunrise on Friday, Aug. 30. Waiting till the gate 
was open he passed into the town with his English safe- 

1 Mirot, Fusoris, 140, 209. For gold and silver vases and flagons sold to Bishop 
Courtenay by another Le Breton in Paris in the previous spring, see ibid. 148. For pay- 
ments by the Duke of Burgundy to Denisot le Breton for divers embassies, see Mirot, 
D'Orgemont, 140, 144. 

2 Mirot, Fusoris, 161, 177, 194, 201, 213, 214. 

3 Qui secretissimus est ut novistis, ibid. 141, 213. 

4 Mariee ou accordee, ibid. 209, 211. 

5 Ibid. 176, 275. Ibid. 276. 

7 i.e. in April 1416, ibid. 169. 8 Ibid. 149, 178. 

9 Or mails, Wylie, iv. 45. 

14*5] Arrests 29 

conduct in his hand. Asked whence he came he said: 
" From the host," where the English had kept him a 
prisoner. The watch looked at his passport and tore it up 
saying that it was nothing to do with them, but they let him 
in without any questions as to the letters. So he wandered 
about the town and had a drink with some friends, but 
being accosted later in front of the Town Hall he was sent 
to prison in the Abbey, where however he was neither 
searched nor interrogated. On the day following he 
was taken to the Town Hall, where he was confronted 
with a Benedictine monk from Grestain near Honfleur, 
who had also been captured by the English and knew 
that he was the bearer of a letter 1 ; whereupon he con- 
fessed to having it, but averred that he never meant to 
deliver it. 

Word of all this being sent to Paris, Fusoris was arrested 
on Sept. 6, 1415, and thrown into the Little Chatelet 2 , and 
on the next day he was brought before the President of the 
Parliament and charged with high treason. On Sept. i8 3 
an official was despatched to Montivilliers, who brought Le 
Gay to Paris where he was kept for three months a prisoner 
in the Chatelet and the Conciergerie. On Dec. 14 and 21, 
1415*, he was examined as to his share in the business and 
after that we hear of him no more. His story, as told 
above, is taken from the depositions in Fusoris' trial, which 
are still preserved among the archives in Paris. It tells a 
plain, intelligible human tale, affording many undesigned cor- 
roborations of the few details we now possess from other 
sources of the days that passed between the English landing 
and the surrender of Harfleur. 

Moreover, if we would truly picture the scenes accessory 
to the siege, we ought not to forget that, in contrast to the 
miseries endured by the attacking force in the swamps 
around the walls, the king himself abated nothing of the 
splendours and comforts of his court on the hill of Gra- 
ville, where the royal household was installed beyond the 
reach of danger. He had put to sea with regal array 5 , 
taking with him a gold crown and a sword of state, with 

1 Mirot, Fusoris, 137. 2 Ibid. 161. 3 Ibid. 203. 

4 Ibid. 164, 204, 210. 

5 And our kynge with ryall array, 
To se he put. Harflet, 306. 

30 Landing [CH. xxvm 

gold and silver spoons and jewelled salsers 1 for his table. 
We have already noted 2 the amazing quantity of sweet- 
meats that were purchased for the royal table. He had 
with him his heralds, minstrels 3 , kings-of-arms 4 , chaplains 5 , 
surgeons 8 , pages, painters 7 , hall -carpenters, pavilioners 8 , 
grooms, night-watchmen, clerks, and purveyors 9 of the 
stable, the avenery 10 , spicery, ewery, buttery, napery, pestry 11 , 
scullery 12 , kitchen, wardrobe and marshalsea, with other 

I Nicolas, 259 ; Monstr. 376. 2 Vol. i. p. 482. 

8 For claim of John Cliff of London, minstrel, who served with 17 others throughout 
the campaign, see L. T. R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/n, where both he and his wife Joan 
are dead (temp. H. VI), the account being presented by Joan's executor, Henry Jolypas, 
each minstrel receiving is. per day. For their names, 15 or 18 in number, see Nicolas, 
101; called 18 in Rym. ix. 255, 260; several of them were minstrels to Henry IV, 
Wylie, iv. 245 ; Chambers, i. 50. 

4 i.e. Guienne, Ireland and Leicester, Nicolas, 387. For petition of the latter named 
Henry Greve for payment of arrears (10 marks per annum), see Vol. i. p. 493, note 4 ; 
Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 298, 311; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 209. It was granted to him by Henry 
when Prince of Wales for going twice to Coity " in the time of the rebellion," i.e. in 1405, 
see Wylie, ii. 305. 

8 For Simon Morpeth, Thomas Redborne or Rodborne (chapellain du roy, Q. R. 
Exch. 44/30 (i)), and 12 more chaplains going to Harfleur, see Sloane MS. 4600, f. 275, 
July 5, 1415; Nicolas, 389; Hunter, 51, 55. For Master Esmond Lacy, Dean of the 
Chapel dans lostel du roy, see Exch. Accts. 44/27 ; Gams, 186. The following chaplains 
occur in Exch. Accts. 45/5, m. 10: viz. Edmund Lacy, Dean of the King's Chapel 
(Nicolas, 389), Stephen Morpeth (called Simon in Q. R. Exch. Accts. 44/30 (i)), John 
Seeward, John Woburn, Thomas Kylham, Thomas Donnet (PDumet), Thomas Gyles, 
John Prentys, Dean of the King's Chapel (i.e. St Stephen's at Westminster in 1425 
and 1430, Monast. vi. 349), John Arundell, John Burell (probably the same as Burnell 
or Burwell, infra), John Cook, Thomas Walker (repetitor in capella regis, Brodrick, 
Merton, 228), Nicholas Storgeon, William Cave (or Cane), and John Hereford, together 
with 16 servants of'xthe vestry (or revestry), including Friars Alain Hart and John 
Brotherton (Nicolas, ,^89). In Exch. Accts. 46/3, John Stevens is named as a chaplain 
with one varlet (Hunter, 53); in Sloane MS. 4600, f. 270, June 19, 1415, John Burnell 
or Burwell and John Mildenhall are chaplains of the king's chapel with one servant. 
Both of them, as well as John Hereford, are on the roll of the sick at Harfleur, Hunter, 
55. In the king's will in 1415 (Rym. ix. 292) he left a missal or a portos to the following 
amongst his chaplains, viz. John Wickham, Henry Romworth, Thomas Rodbourne and 
Richard Gassy. In Wardrobe Accts. 406/26 (Easter, 1415), 9 parsons of the royal chapel 
receive gowns, hoods, and fustian doublets as vestura sive aestivales ; cf. i doubletz de 
fustyan, Add. MS. 4601/95 (122). For gown, tabard, cape, doublet, shoes, boots (2 pair), 
and black spurs (2 pair), see ibid. For John Wade, one of the king's chaplains, Dec. n, 
1413, see Devon, 328; he held prebends in Lincoln Cathedral, Le Neve, ii. 102, 197, 214. 
For Dom Edward as one of Henry's chaplains when Prince of Wales, see Wylie, iv. 89, 
note 8. 

For Master Nicholas Colnet (see Vol. i. p. 467) and 20 surgeons, see Rym. ix. 235, 
262, where his stipend as the king's physician is 40 marks per annum; not per quarter, 
as Power, p. 2. For Thomas Morstede, king's surgeon, with a retinue of 3 archers, see 
Rym. ix. 235, 252, 363, where he receives is. per day; also William Bradwardyn, each 
with 9 more surgeons, Nicolas, 97. 

7 For 6 vallectz peintours, see Nicolas, 387 ; Belleval, 364. 

8 For John Covyn, sergeant of the king's tents, and 28 other yeomen of the pavilions, 
see Nicolas, 97. 

9 Not "surveyors," as Nicolas, 387. 

10 Sloane MS. 4600, f. 271. For 1'office de Avenerye, see Pat. 8 H. V, 23; Panetrie 
et Aveynerie, Rot. Pad. iv. 325. 

II For 1'office de pestrie al hostel le roy, see Pat. 8 H. V, 23 ; cf. pestour, Wylie, iv. 357. 
12 Pourvayoiors de la Squylerey. See Skeat, s.v. Scullery. 


The Household 31 

bowgemen 1 who were dressed in scarlet 2 and lived at free 
quarters about the court. And among the chief officers of the 
household 3 , many of whom came accompanied by retinues 
of 3 pr 4 lances or archers, the indentures 4 show the 
names of the king's cofferer (William Kinwolmarsh), the 
clerk or under-clerks of the green cloth (John Feriby) 5 and 
of the kitchen 8 , grooms of the chamber, and sergeants of 
the counting-house and the poultry 7 . 

1 Sloane MS. 4600, f. 276; Nicolas, 389; i.e. taking bouche or rations, see Cotgrave, 
Stratmann, s.v. Bouche; Murray, Diet., s.v. Budge-a-court. For bouche-en-cour (sic), 
see Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Charles, xx. 436; bouche-a-court, Lobineau, i. 534; ii. 912; 
Bozon, 18 1 ; budge or bowge of court, Skelton, i. 30-50; Letters and Papers, xx. Pt. 2, 
p. 549; Stow, vi. 49; Besant, Westminster, 37, 54, 9.2; Nicolas, App. in ; S. D.Scott, 
ii. 364; bouche au court, Blount, s.v. from indenture, March 29, 1383; bouche at court, 
Anstis, i. 326. For a list of 82 valletz de chambre et des offices sont a bouche de courte, 
see Exch. Accts. 407/10, including William Porter, John Cheyne, Nicholas Merbury, 
William Kinwolmersh, etc. For John Bugecourt at Calais in 1414, see Exch. Accts. 
187/4. In an indenture dated June i, 1415, between the Earl of Salisbury and William 
Besly, kt. the latter is to serve for a year and to have Bouche de Courte for himself and 
i varlet desa la mere a tout temps, Rym. ix. 259. For despens de benches, see Toulgoet- 
Treanna, 123. 

3 Cf. vestivit caros coccum, Acta Regis, H. V, in Bodl. MS. 496 (2159), f. 224 b, 
with the gloss: Rex vestit suos rubio. Called "rubro" in Archaeologia, xxi. 292, where 
it is supposed to mean that "the military uniform of the army was red." For 4000 
archers soiont vestuz d'un suite, see Chancery Warrants, file 1538, temp. Ed. Ill; de una 
secta", Vol. i. page 458, note 5. 

3 For constitution of the king's household (domus) in 1135, see Liber Niger Scac. i. 
341-359; Red Book of the Exchequer, iii. 807-813; Abram, Life, 12. For servientes 
regis' ad arma, valetti regis, scutiferi regis, forming the permanent household, see 
J. E. Morris, 85, 86. 

4 Nicolas, 389 ; Belleval, 354. 

5 For John Feriby as the king's clerk, see Cat. Pat. H. V, i. 250, 272. In Iss. Roll 

7 H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1420, he buys silver vessels as cofferer. On July 23, 1419, he is 
cofferarius hospitii nostri at Rouen, Brequigny, 103. For his account, 1421, 1422, for 
wages paid to soldiers in France, see For. Accts. P.R.O. p. 22; see also Iss. Roll 

8 H. V, Pasch., May 6, 1420, where he is "coferar" to Henry V. In Rec. Roll 8 H. V, 
Pasch., May 23, 1420, he is farmer of the subsidy and of the ulnage of cloth in Norfolk, 
Suffolk, Essex and Herts. 

* For William Bangor one of our kitchen varlets who receives a grant of the manor of 
Nettlebed near Henley, see Pat. 2 H. V, 13, Oct. 7, 1414. For Richard IPs master- 
cooks, see Forme of Cury, xviii. For coquus dominicae coquinae, see Lib. Niger Scac. i. 
347 ; Red Book of Excheq. iii. 809. For brass of Richard Burton, "cocus " (not magister, 
as Lysons; Ironside, etc.) to Henry VI, in Twickenham Church, see Cobbett; Haines 
(Brasses), etc. For livery for 3 varlets de cuisine of Duchess of Burgundy at Dijon in 
1415, see Itin. 608. 

Cf. Ces garcons de fouyers 

Qui contrefont les escuiers, 

Ces happelopins de cuisine. Petit, 63 ; Hellot, Nobles, 18. 

7 i.e. John Hanham, clerk of the poultry, and John Ryder, sergeant of the king's 
pallie or poletrie. In Rot. Parl. iv. 325 he is sergeant Pult' et Ewer' (i.e. Ewery). In 
Du Cange, s.v. Pulteria = pulmentum, pulsatorium, unless it be straw; see Godefroy, v. 
693, s.v. Paillis. 



THREE methods of reducing a fortress were prescribed 
by mediaeval strategists, who laid down scientific rules 
for proceeding either by methods of drought, famine or 
fight 1 , "after the doctrine of Vygecius 2 ." The first was 
worked by poisoning or cutting off the supply of water 3 , 
the second by blockade, and the third by assault. At 
Harfleur the first plan would be frustrated owing to the 
steady plenty of sweet water from the Lizard e that flowed 
through the heart of the town ; the second would be tedious 
and uncertain, as the crops had already been harvested, 
and no other course was open except a sharp and vigorous 
siege 4 . For this purpose the first rule prescribed mining, 
i.e. working a passage underground with spade and pick 5 
right up to the foundations of the wall, shoring up the roof 
with stanchions of dry timber 6 and then setting fire to the 
staging 7 so that the foundations of the wall would tumble 
in 8 . But the full success of this method was barred at 

1 Per sitim, famem, pugnam, Aegid. 45, 58; Clarke, 172; Meun, 141. 

2 Lydg. Troy Book, 3. See App. S 2 . 

3 There watrys destrye or elles envenyme, Lydg. Burgh, 78. 

4 Ipse villam ipsam per viam sedis fortiter perquisivit, Lansdowne MS. 1054, C. 53 
(Salisbury Records). 

En mines, en eschielle en tous lieux, 
On proesce les bons avance. Cent Ballades, 14. 

The Spade and Pickaxe working are below, Drayton, 37. For miners' tools, see Caxton, 
Fayt, ii. 26, including pickoses, shovels of wood, scoops for to void water, iron levers, 
large iron hooks with 2 bokels to each, 1500 back-paners (or creels, Halliwell, 134) all 
garnished, 200 lanterns, 1000 great iron pins \\ feet long, 1200 other pins, barrels of 
nails 2, 3, 4 or 6 inches long, and 1200 paveyses. 
6 Appodiamentis ligneis sustentare, St Denys, vi. 312. 
Estachier a Paris 1'apeloient, 
Et per ce les font estachier, 
Qu'il se gardent de trabuchier. Priorat, 308. 
Cf. Meun, 155; Clarke, 188; Boutaric, 295; Scott, ii. 177. 

8 Aegid. 48. Cf. succensa et collapsa turri (at Antequera), Valla, 1012; apposito 
igne in minis (at Avignon), Ehrle, Perpignan, 429 ; the walles stode only upon postes to 
fal when fyre should be put to it, Halle, 78; Grafton, i. 524; Holinsh. iii. 559. 

i4 J 5] Guns 33 

Harfleur by the water-ditch that encircled the western 
portion of the walls, and it was accordingly decided to 
proceed at once by bombardment, to be followed by direct 
assault when sufficient breaches had been made. In the 
old days this preliminary work used to be done by means 
of rams 1 brought up under the protection of movable 
sheltrons, which the guard-room gaiety of the time called 
cats, sows, plover-cotes, snails, mussels, cowls, hutches, 
mantles, rondels, or any other familiar figure, indicating 
that a farrow of devilry lay littered inside. The defenders 
on their side were ready to snap up the ram's head with 
scythes or great iron shears called wolves. In addition to 
the rams there were arblasts, bricoles, catapults (sometimes 
known as wild asses or scorpions), mangonels, springalds, 
robinets, trepgets, all of which were stone-slinging engines, 
fitted with every variety of mechanism for tension, torsion 
and counterpoise, to increase the force of the projectile. 

It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that much 
change had been yet made in siege methods by the intro- 
duction of gunpowder 2 . That invention had been known 
and developed in Europe for over three-quarters of a century, 
but though guns were by this time cast 12 feet in length, 
with a calibre of over 2 feet, which could throw stones 
of 400 or even 500 Ibs., yet owing to their great weight, 
the shortness of their range, and the general difficulty of 
handling, either by hoisting them up with the muzzle down- 
wards and loading at the breach 3 , or by inserting a movable 
box or chamber, the new invention had not yet superseded 
the older methods of battery. Each gun was furnished with 
two or three chambers, known as thunder-boxes, whose 
weight varied from 9 to 66 Ibs. ; these were filled by means 
of a powder-spoon, and were fitted with a tube to insert the 
heated touch, or lunt, which fired it. The chamber-mouth 
was closed with a tampion or bung, made of soft wood such 
as walnut, willow, or maple, to act as a wad between the 
charge and the stone, as hard wood was liable to cause an 
explosion. When this had been rammed in with a pusher, 
the box was lifted into the breach by the handle and 

1 Moutons, Meun, 143. 2 See App. T 2 . 

3 See the early pictures in Essenwein, 10, Plates A. in, iv, xxiv, xxv, xxx, with 
guns at Possneck in the Thiiringer Wald showing rings for lifting them. 

W. II. 

34 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

clamped in its place by means of a flail or iron rod, which 
pivoted from the middle ring of the tube and fitted into 
staples before and behind. Each large gun had its trunk 
of elm or oak, in which it was set with a packing of hay or 
tow at each side. It had a pair of wooden gemels on 
which it could be raised or lowered by means of chains, 
pins, pulleys and levers. Nails, bands and bolts were 
always wanted for repairs, and forges and bellows formed 
an essential part of every siege-train. 

It is true that the old primaeval ram no longer played so 
large a part as in earlier days, but the siege operations still 
bustled along at quite close quarters. The arblast and 
springald still shot their shafts and quarrels at very near 
range, and the mangonel and trepget slung their stones as 
they had done any time since the "disciplines of the pris- 
tine wars 1 " in the days of ancient Rome. The only real differ- 
ence yet produced by the new explosive was the increased 
power to throw stones of heavier weight and hurtle them with 
greater force, and as the guns were usually laid at points 
quite near to the gates and vulnerable portions of the walls, 
often inclined at a steep angle in order to crash stones on 
to the roofs of the houses within, it is no wonder that their 
booming thunder gained for them the name of bombards, 
while their smoke and fury seemed like all hell's devils let 
loose on the road. Besides the general name of guns, 
cannons, brides, bombards and busses, certain definite kinds 
of them were known as coillards, fowlers, ribalds, lancets, 
martinets, falconets, muskets, demicannons, demiflutes, 
bombardettes, culverins, and serpentines, many of these 
names being derived from the shape of the open throat. 

The siege of Harfleur was begun on Aug. 17, 14 15 2 , 
and though the French had missed their chance of opposing 
the landing on the shore, they had not been altogether 
inactive in preparing their defence of the town. On the 
northern side of it they had broken up the causeways and 
bridges of the Lezarde, dammed up the river itself 3 , thereby 

1 H. V, iii. 2, 77 ; d'apres les principes qui remontant a 1'antiquite, Boutaric, 294. 
Not that they were "antiquated weapons," as Cook, 177. Viollet-le-Duc, Architecture, 
v. 249, thinks they had disappeared since 1412. 

2 Letter Book I, 131; Riley, Mem. 619; Halliwell, Lett. i. 84 ; Gesta, 15; Wals. 
11. 307; Hypodig. 459; Chron. Lond. 100; Greg. Chron. 109. Called Aug. 16 in 
Cochon, 274. 

3 Tit. Liv. 10 ; Vita, 42. 

1415] Defence 35 

flooding the valley to the breadth of a mile 1 towards 
Montivilliers. On the western side they had built up a 
semicircular outwork 2 , known in those days as a bastille, 
barbican, or bulwark, about a stone's throw in diameter, to 
strengthen the Leure gate. This projected into the moat 
and was fenced with tree trunks, standing as high as the 
wall itself, held together with iron bands and strengthened 
with earth and timber, behind which guns and arblasts were 
trained through loops commanding the entrance in all 
directions. Besides this they had barred the approaches to 
the galley-close with stakes 3 and had strengthened and 
raised the enclosing wall with a high breastwork of timber, 
and so with these preparations well in hand they awaited 
with much confidence the onslaught of the invader. 

The defence of the town was in the hands of a group 
of Norman barons 4 , including Jean, Lord of Estouteville, 
the lords of Blainville 5 , Cleres 6 , Hacqueville 7 and Quitry 8 , 
Monsieur Lionnet de Braquemont , the Castellan of 
Beauvais 10 and many others 11 . These were now joined by 

1 Kingsford, Chron. 117. 

2 Antemuralis fortissimini munimine roborata, Vita, 52; fortalitium, Gesta, 17, 23. 
There is no reason to suppose that "the ordinary fortifications were in bad repair," 
as Hume, ii. 355 (edition 1854). 

3 Then caused his ships the river up to stake, Drayton, 35, who supposes that this 
was done by the English. 

4 For list, see Masseville, iv. 44; Borely, i. 108, who supposes that there were 4800 
fighting men in the town together with une foule de braves chevaliers. Called " 800 men 
of werre without lordes and states" in Brut, ii. 553; or "states of the towne," ibid. 554. 
Not that there were only 200 defenders in all, as Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 137. 

5 Near Rouen. Called "Bleynvile" in Brut, ii. 553; or Villantville, Waurin, 
i. 181. 

6 Brut, ii. 554. 

7 Near Fresles. Called Hankville, Riley, Mem. 619; or Hakvyse, in Brut, ii. 553; 
i.e. Guillaume II, Seigneur du Lion, Hellot, 54, 61, 98. 

8 i.e. Guillaume de Chaumont, Lord of Quitry, near Les Andelys, Anselme, viii. 885. 
Called "Count de Guitri" in Cassell, i. 527. 

9 Tit. Liv. ii ; Vita, 48; St Denys, v. 538; Cagny, 95; not " Bruequemount," as 
Speed, 776. He is called captain of Harfleur in 1406, Hippeau, 126. In 1415 he was 
a chamberlain in the service of the Duke of Orleans, Cagny, 69. For William, Lord of 
Braquemont as an Orleanist, April 6, 1414, see Add. Ch. 63. The mother of Jean de 
Bethencourt was Marie, daughter of Regnaut de Braquemont, knight, Lord of Travessain, 
and Lyonnet de Braquemont was her nephew, Bethencourt, Ixiii, 165, 213; Boutier, 292, 
296, 303. 

10 Called " the Lord of Chasteleyn de Beauvise " in Brut, ii. 554. 

11 St Denys, v. 538, who gives also Baudran de la Heuse, Manigot de Courtes 
(or Mignet de Coutes, Juv. 504), and 200 others; called 100 knights in Bouvier, 
428. For other names including Hermanville, Gaillart-Bos, Bethonde and Liladan, see 
Monstr. 366; Waur. ii. 181 ; Le Fevre, i. 225; "and other also both more and lasse," 
Harflet, App. 73; Brut, ii. 553, adds the Lords of Florry (?Fleury), Tiptot (?Yvetot), 
Combrevyle and Beushvyle (PBoscherville, or Guilliam Buchier, Bocher, Bowser, Harflet, 
App. 73)- 


36 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

Ralph, Lord of Gaucourt, who entered the town from the 
eastern side with 300 or 400 men-of-arms 1 on Sunday, 
Aug. i8 2 , and at once put heart into the defence. But on 
the same night the Duke of Clarence started with the Earl 
of Salisbury 3 and a large force to work round to the east of 
the town. Finding the fields flooded and the Le"zarde 4 
swollen to about a quarter of the breadth of the Thames at 
London Bridge, they made a long dttour of 9 or 10 miles 
up the valley through difficult country, where they crossed 
the river unopposed 5 with some of the big guns 6 which 
were named the " London," the " Messenger," the " King's 
Daughter" and her " Maidens 7 ," and appeared at daybreak 
on the hillside that overlooks the town to the north-east, to 
the surprise and dismay of the besieged, who appear to 
have regarded this side as impregnable owing to the steep 
abruptness of the ground up which the walls and moat 
were carried at this point 8 . The Duke fixed his head- 
quarters near a chapel on the slope 9 , and promptly made a 
capture of guns, barrels of powder, quarrels and cross-bows 
that were being hurried up in carts from Rouen for the 
defence 10 . Thus was Harfleur completely invested on the 

1 Waurin, ii. 181; Le Fevre, i. 225; Monstr. 366; Juv. 504; La Motte, 24, 218. 
Called 500 in Vita, 41. 

2 Gesta, 19; lux fuit haec domini, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 108. 

3 Therle Montague did wel there alweye, Hard. 374. For expenses in his household 
in 1421, see Vol. i. p. 318, note 2; Arundel MS. xlviii. 54, in Heralds' College (Black, 
82), where he is Lord of Monthermer (in Bucks.), Haywardyn (i.e. Hawarden, Wylie, 
iii. 286, note 4), and Mount Joye. 

4 Not the Seine, as Guthrie, ii. 460. 

The Duke did so of Clarence withoute lette, 

On the ferre sode wher as he then laye. Hard. 374. 

6 For the "Messenger," weighing 2 tons, broken at Aberystwith, and the "King's 
Daughter," broken at the siege of Harlech (i.e. in 1409, Wylie, iii. 266), see Ord. Priv. 
Co. ii. 339. 

The tother syde shull ye kepe, 

With my doughter and hyr maydyns gay 

To wake the Frensshmen of there slepe, 

London he seyde shall with here mete, 

xxx tj is myn seyd messagere. Harflet, 310. 
Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 340. 

8 For pikes, halbards, cuirasses, and human bones found on the eastern side of the 
town, see Morlent, Voyage, 22; do. Arrond. Ingouville, 53. 

9 Juxta quandam capellam in mentis clivo situatam, Tit. Liv. 9; Vita, 41; dans le 
champ qui louche au calvaire sous la cote St Eloi, Viau in Revue de Rouen (1845), P- 7- 
Belleval (44) locates him at Guinneville and Rogerville but gives no authority. 

l Monstr. 367; Waurin, ii. 182; Halle, 62; quadrigas, tela, pulvera, vasa simul, 
Elmham, Lib. Metr. 108. Kingsford (130) thinks that they were captured near Monti- 
vilhers. Not by the king's ships that watched the river, as Holinsh. iii. 5150; nor "upon 
the sea," as Stow, Chron. 348. 

14*5] " Hee roundes the Towne" 37 

land side, while access from the sea was barred by the 
presence of the English fleet in the Seine 1 , and boats were 
placed on the Lezarde both above and below the town 
to secure communication between the divided sections of 
the force 2 . 

Having thus closed all approaches, burnt the suburbs 
and cleared away all surrounding buildings 3 , the king sent 
to call for the surrender of the town, with an offer of peace 
if the captain would immediately open the gates. On 
receiving a refusal he brought up his guns and other 
engines 4 as close as possible to the walls and trained them 
on the gates and towers. Some of them were sheltered in 
trenches bordered with fascines, others were mounted on 
wheeled timber-towers known as bastilles, belfries or equi- 
pars, hung with hides to screen them from the enemy's 
fire, and from the ground in the rear he tunnelled three 
mines 6 or coney-clappers in the direction of the bulwark 
before the Leure gate. All these operations were closely 
supervised by the king, who worked hard throughout the 
day and went the round of the sentries at night, barely 
closing his eyes for short snatches of necessary sleep 6 . 
Three times each day 7 a rain of stones was battered against 
the bulwark and the adjoining walls, to which the besieged 
stoutly replied with guns, arblasts and springalds 8 , flinging 

1 Classis in pelago, Wals. ii. 307 ; Hypodig. 459 ; in faucibus Sequanae, Vita, 40 ; the 
schippis be the water, Capgr. 310; on every side by land and water wanne, Hard. 374; 
by lande and eke by water, Claudius A. vm. f. 23, in Nicolas, Agin. 213; Chron. R. II 
H. VI, p. 40; par mer et par terre, Fenin, 558; Cousinot, 133 ; Add. Ch. 69, in Nicolas, 
Agin. App. 86. 

2 Not that the English built a bridge, as Goodwin, 68, quoting Tit. Liv. MS. f. 233, 
p. 2; Monstr. Ch. 142, f. 223; though there is no such passage in the printed edition of 
Tit. Liv. p. 9. Called " a readie and safe passage" in First Life, 36. 

3 St Denys, v. 536. 

4 Avec grosse artillerie, bombardes et canons et gens se cognoissans en armes, Juv. 
504. Cagny (94) says that he had with him 5 or 6 des plus grosses bombardes qui eussent 
este veues par de9a ; cf. grantz instrumentz motz subtins (moult subtils) per pren la bila, 
Jurade, 257. 

Hyse grete gunnys and engynes strong, 

At London he shipped them all on fere (i.e. together). 

Harflet, 304. 

5 Monstr. 367; Waurin, ii. 184; Le Fevre, i. 226; subterranezi fodina aream 
contribulat, Usk, 125. 

6 Gesta, 21 ; Tit. Liv. 10; Vita, 46; absque sopore tenens noctes, Elmham, Lib. 
Metr. 109 ; en grand diligence et labeur, Monstr. 367 ; Le Fevre, i. 226. 

7 Morosini, ii. 60. 

8 For Thomas Hostell, who was "smitten with a springolt (sic) through the head" 
at the siege, whereby he lost one eye and had his cheek-bone broken, see Orig. Lett. 
Ser. ii. i. 95; Nicolas, 173. 

38 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

fire-hot 1 torches from the battlements 2 , pouring hot water 3 
or boiling oil 4 and fat 5 from the brattice, or shooting 
mallets 6 , distaffs 7 and tow-trenders 8 , i.e. flaming arrows 
rolled round with tow dipped in resin or pitch 9 , and when the 
English mined 10 they countermined and brought off prisoners 
from the workings after hard fighting underground 11 . 

A few days' pounding served to reduce the bulwark 12 , 
and many buildings were shattered in the heart of the town 13 . 

1 First Life, in. 

From the crestis caste the grete stonys, 
With lym also and caste of wilde fyre. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 328. 

3 Cf. With boylyng cawdrens both grett and smalle 

All hote to gev them drink. Pol. Songs, ii. pp. xl, 154. 
A jetter grosses pierres, eaues et graisses bouillantes, Juv. 562. 

4 Oleum quod incendiarium vocant, Clarke, 174, 208; = oyle ardent que on appelle 
feu grijois (Greek fire), Meun, 174. 

5 Hard. 389; see Speculum Regale (i4th century) in Meyrick, i. 200; Antiquarian 
Repertory, Vol. iv. 625-631. 

6 Malleoli, Clarke, 181 ; mailles, saietes en gros, quarrians, Meun, 149; melliz, 
Priorat, 295. 

7 Aegid. 60, 63, 66. 

8 That men cleputh totrendare, Digby MS. 233 in Gesta, 24; i.e. tow-rollers, 
Stratmann, s.v. Trendere; Bosworth, s.v. Trendan\ cf. trendle the appel never so far, 
Bozon, 23. For "trendle" ( = roll) see Halliwell, 887; Nares, 899; Ogilvie, Diet. ii. 
1055. For arrows tipped with wild fire (1250), see Hime, 168. For Raketen, Rute, 
Feuerpfeile in Kyeser, see Romocki, 152, 155, with picture. 

9 For garros a' feu (1337), see Larchey, 21 ; Tout, Firearms, 670. Cf. per ensulfrar 
los viratos at St Flour, 1380, Boudet, 143. For viretons that spun in the air, see Laca- 
bane, 40, where 3000 of them are packed in 6 barrels and 292 in i barrel in 1359. Not 
siege-engines, as Wylie, iv. 367. Cf. le chastel doit estre garni de quantite d'oyle, de pois 
et de souffre pour ardoir les engins de leurs adversaires, Christine, Charles V, p. 270; 
urens sagitta, Romocki, 168, 237. 

10 Cf. thei undermine, Lydg. Troy Book, 325. 

Tryal many oure kyng ded make, 

And thorough the dyke they gan pas. 

The Frenchemen spyd ther wallys gan schake, 

And conterminyd azeyne in that place, 

Togyderes hereyn they gan race, 

Hyt ys gret frad to se hem fyzt, 

Presoneres oure men there they dyd take, 

And out of the mynde (i.e. mine) they had hem dyzt. 

Harriet, 309. 

For fights in mines, see Maizeroy, 228; by countermynes doe meete with them 
belowe, Drayton, 40; Bullen, 134; cf. contreminer doivent avoir a 1'entree grand cuves 
plaines d'eaue et d'orine to pour in and flood the miners out, Christine, Ch. V, 
p. 270. 

Fabrica conteritur hostilis lignea fortis, Elmham, Lib. Metr. no; cf. lignea castra 
cremans, ibid. in. 

An Englysshman the bulwerk brent. 

Ther wallys that were right sure, 

He brast them down the sothe to say. Harflet, 310. 
Cf. whan thei had the bolewerkis wonne, Lydg. Troy Book, 328. 

Wharevere that the ball gan glyde, 

The houses of Harflew they al to-rent. Harflet, 310. 

The wallys ben down on every side, ibid. 312; cf. "fireworks shot into the streets," 
Speed, 776; Echard, i. 284; "by darting upon them all their means of inflammation," 

i4 J 5] The Siege 39 

But as fast as the besiegers battered, the besieged repaired 1 . 
They banked up the lanes and vennels with earth and mud 
in the hope of saving their buildings 2 . The breaches made 
in the day were patched up with sand, stones and faggots 3 
in the night, and as each section was laid in ruins they 
opened loopholes for a fresh attack 4 , keeping pots full of 
hot lead, resin, oil and pitch 5 ready to pour on to the 
besiegers, with chalk, quicklime 6 and powdered sulphur to 
dash into their faces if they should dare to scale 7 or venture 
an assault. On the eastern side the English tried to drive 
a trench, but as they started from the hillside and had not 
sufficient cover they were foiled from the outset. Then the 
Duke of Clarence piled up vast heaps of faggots, ran a 
trench 8 up to the fosse, using the faggots as a screen from 
the dards and quarrels discharged at his men from the 
walls. He divided the work into so many yards for each 
archer and man-of-arms, who pushed up their shelters foot 
by foot as the task proceeded, until they were able to seize 
the eastern portion of the moat, though even this success 
was not obtained without suspicion of treachery on the part 

Turner, v. 406. For the Quartier des Mines demolished by shot at 300 metres (and never 
rebuilt), see Revue de Rouen (1845), p. 7. 

1 St Denys, v. 538; Vita, 44. Cf. atrovado la (i.e. at Harfleur) le Franzeschy eser 
molto posenty a resysten, Morosini, ii. 60; furono mal trattati da' Franzesi, Sanuto, 898; 
I Franzeschy malmenase molto Ingelexi e trovandoly molto potenty per mucho i non 
pote daniziarly, Morosini, ii. 54. 

2 Cf. Frois. ii. 80, of the siege of Audenarde in 1386, Bonaparte, ii. 67. 

3 Hostes portabant dolia, ligna, petras, Elmham, Lib. Metr. no; lignis petrisque 
fimo, ibid. in. For pictures of a breached wall, see Larchey, Planches, 87; Villeneuve- 
Bargemont, ii. 390. 

* Cil dedens despiecent les maisons et facent 1'autre mur par dedens, Meun, 154; 
Clarke, 186. 

6 Cf. poys clere, Meun, 142; Priorat, 280; pois roisine, Meun, 149; poi, Godefroy, 
i. 141. Look thou have plente of betyn, talwe, grece and oyl, Gesta, 24. For betyn, 
i.e. bitumen, cf. bethumine, Godefroy, i. 641; bitume, Cotgrave, s.v. Beton\ Webster, 
140; Murray, i. 831. For feu de meschef, see La Fons-Melicocq, Noyon, 211; at St 
Flour in 1380, see Boudet, 86, 138, 141. For ingredients of Greek fire, such as oil, pitch, 
sulphur (sulfre viev, i.e. vif, cf. La Fons-Melicocq, Artillerie, 9; Wylie, ii. 269), guarapot 
(or galipot, i.e. resin), cf. Murray, s.v., where it is derived from garipot ("a species of 
pine"). Cf. Wylie, iii. 83, note 4. 

6 Aegid. 60, 67 ; with smolder and stynche they drowe ham out, Lydg. 309. Called 
"combustible powders of sulphur and quick lime" in Nicolas, Agin. 198; "vessels of 
scorching earth and oils and hot combustibles," Towle, 299; "pots of gunpowder," 
Yonge, 270; vasa furentium pulverum, Gesta, 24; Chron. Giles, 22; translated "pots 
charged with burning earth," Nicolas, 56; de la poix enflammee, Belleval, 46. For 
arrows charged with phialas plenas calce, cf. Matt. Paris, quoted in Scott, ii. 147; 
cf. pierres et chaulx pour deffendre 1'entree, Christine, Charles V, 269; "ciment," 
Meun, 142, 149; or "cimant," Priorat, 280. 

7 For picture of scaling ladders in position, see Villeneuve-Bargemont, ii. 390. 

8 Not "an extremely deep ditch and a rampart above it to protect his camp," as 
Yonge, 271. 

40 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

of those who were set to defend the towers on this long 
and exposed section of the walls. 

On the 3rd of September 1 the king wrote to the Jurade 
at Bordeaux that he and his company were in the best of 
health, but asked that guns might be forwarded to him as 
well as 500 or 600 casks of wine, assurances being given 
that he meant to make it impossible for Harfleur pirates 
to injure the wine trade for the time to come. All were 
then in high hopes, the town was, completely cut off on 
every side and totally ruined within 2 . Eight days more 
would probably finish it and then the victorious army 
would move on to Montivilliers, Dieppe, Rouen and Paris, 
and the king would ultimately make a triumphal progress 
through to Bordeaux. 

But already we have evidence that this rosy view was 
not without its shadowy side. When the army sailed 
from England, victuals in abundance had been shipped 
across with it 3 , and orders were issued to the Cinque 
Ports to send over nets, boats and men to fish the 
Normandy coasts and supply the needful fresh fish for the 
army 4 , while eels, pike (dentrices], sturgeon and salted fish 
were regularly forwarded from England for the king's 
special service 5 . Though thousands of quarters of wheat 6 
had been commandeered by the royal purveyors to be paid 
for " at the king's price," and money was still being borrowed 
from the collectors of customs and the Florentine merchants 7 
to purchase and forward across other necessaries 8 , yet 
supplies were already becoming insufficient as the army was 
increasing in numbers every day 9 . Moreover, when the 
king's letter was received in Bordeaux its sanguine estimates 

1 Jurade, 256. 2 Tota rota et tota destruita dedeinz, ibid. 257. 

3 Gaguin, Mer des Chron. 140. 4 Devon, 341. 

5 For ;2oo paid on this account, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 2, 1415, where 
the fish is bought from Richard Buckland and sent over with William Godeman, master 
of the king's barge. The entry also contains payments for deals, mast, sailyards, cables, 
and anchors for the barge, as well as wages for carpenters and others for making them. 

6 Rym. ix. 312. 

7 Ibid. ix. 310-312 ; e.g. 700 marks from Whitington; ^220 from J. Butiller; ,200 
each from J. Norton and Richard Buckland, collectors of tonnage and poundage; 
^50 each from Robert Cotton and Thomas Denton, collectors of small customs; 1000 
marks from Lawrence and Philip de Albertis, Gerard Dameus and Stephen Tourneton, 
merchants of Florence. 

8 Outre qu'il en vendit tous les jours d'Angleterre par mer tres largement, Bouvier, 428. 

9 See letter of John deu Bordiu, written Sept. 3, 1415, sur los camps prop. d'Ayreflor, 
Jurade, 257. For order dated Sept. i, 1415, to secure sailors for shipping victuals, arms, 
etc., see Pat. 3 H. V, 34 d. 

H The Flux 41 

were prudently discounted, and at their meeting on Oct. 30, 
1 415*, the Jurade decided to put off sending the guns for the 
present, assuming that active operations would be suspended 
during the winter and that it would be sufficient if they were 
despatched in time for the resumption of the siege in the 
following spring. 

But it was well that no such suspension was in fact 
required. For the salt-marshes of the L^zarde were 
pestilential death-traps 2 ; provisions as they arrived were 
spoiled by the infected air 3 ; and the men drank inordinately 
after working in the sweltering heat 4 . Failing their usual 
rations 5 they ate too freely of the unripe grapes and other 
abundant fruit 6 ; on fish-days 7 they greedily devoured the 
cockles and mussels that swarmed that year in the muddy 
creeks 8 , and when the chilly nights succeeded to the hot 
autumn days they lay down where the offal of the slaugh- 
tered beasts lay rotting in the surrounding swamps 9 . 
Hence fever, flux and dysentery 10 struck down high and 

1 Durant loquan no es bersemblant que lo Rey tenga seti, Jurade, 279. 

2 For the marais salants before the i5th century, see Janin, Voyage, 99. For the 
salines de Leure, see A. Martin, i. in. For the deplorables conditions hygieniques at 
Leure, see Morlent, Le Havre, ii. 57; do. Arrondiss. Ingouville, 55. For Gonfreville 
and Ondane (POudalle), see Freville, i. 79, 80. Called "that district of overflowing 
marshes," in Historians' Hist, xviii. 531. 

3 L'air de la mer, Monstr. 367; Waurin, ii. 183; Le Fevre, i. 226. Not "damaged 
in the passage across the channel," as Church, 67, 69. Cf. la plage malsaine, cette cote 
humide, Monstr. vi. 17, 18; "the deleterious effects of a place so enveloped in waters," 
Turner, v. 406. 

4 Guthrie (ii. 461) attributes the sickness to the new wine; H. Martin (vi. n) to the 
immoderate use of cider. Cf. avoient vecu dans la debauche, Sismondi, xii. 475. 

5 Ex inediis intollerabilibus, St Denys, v. 544, 548 ; eurent assez de disettes de vivres, 
Monstr. 367 ; grant necessite de vitailles, Waurin, ii. 183 ; grans deffaulte de vivres, 
Le Fevre, i. 226. 

6 Uvas crudas et varios fructus indiscrete cunedendo, Strecche, ^67 ; Henry, v. 35. 

7 Cf. " fyssday," Two Cookery Books, 9. For weekly menu in the Maison-Dieu 
at Gonesse, i.e. fresh meat on Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday, bacon and beans on 
Monday, and eggs on Wednesday, FViday and Saturday, see Delisle, Gonesse, 18; 
L. Legrand, xxiv. 242; do. Maison-Dieu, 123. 

8 Non prius ibidem solito, Vita, 44 ; ostreas et concas in cavernis fluvii Secane latitantes, 
St Denys, vi. 304. For mussels, whelks and shrimps as food, see Wylie, iv. 177. 

9 Wals. ii. 309; Hypodig. 461; Vita, 44. 

But mikell folke at that siege yet died 
Of frute and flixe and colde were mortified. Hard. 375. 
Cf. coldd in nytes and frute etyng, eke of stynke of careynes, Capgr. 311. 

10 Ex fluxu sanguinis, Gesta, 26, 36; Chron. Giles, 24; fluxus ventris ac sanguis, 
Kirkstall Chron. 285; Tit. Liv. n; Capgr. De Illustr. 115; morbo dissenterico, Otter- 
bourne, 276; fluxu ventris vel dysenteria, Wals. ii. 309; Hypodig. 462; hie dysenturiae 
nece trivit passio plures, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 114; cours de ventre, Monstr. 367; Le 
Fevre, i. 226; flux de ventre, Waurin, ii. 183; laxatione ventris, Tit. Liv. 21; letargi 
horribiliter invadente, Niem, Vita, 36; Raynaldi, viii. 438; cf. "thefflyx," Hard. 375; 
Brut, ii. 604, temp. Ed. IV, where it is said that it " never was seen in Engelond before" ; 
a bowel complaint that became epidemical, Turner, v. 409. Cf. "the dyarye that is only 

42 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

low alike, and though wine, beef and flour were served out 
from the royal stores 1 freely to the sufferers, yet these com- 
forts could not save their lives, and more than 2ooo 2 of 
them died on those melancholy flats, the churchmen, as 
was natural, attributing the visitation to the anger of God 
who was punishing us for our sins, and even striking down 
many of the victims in order that they might not share 
the glory of Agincourt with Henry as His minister 3 . 

Bishop Courtenay 4 fell ill on Sept. 10 and died on the 
following Sunday 5 , to the great grief of the king, who 
with his own hands bathed his feet and closed his dying 
eyes 6 . He was the eldest son of Sir Philip Courtenay of 
Powderham, and as a young man had been remarkable 
for his good looks and handsome figure 7 . On Oct. 3, 

1399, when only 18 years of age he had been appointed 
to a canonry in Exeter Cathedral, being at the time 
precentor in the cathedral at Chichester 8 . He was then 
only in subdeacon's orders, but on Dec. 14, 1399, Pope 
Boniface IX granted him a dispensation to be ordained 
deacon and priest as soon as he should be 20 years of age. 
He was fully ordained accordingly in St Michael's Chapel 
at Chudleigh on Dec. 18, I4OO 9 , and constantly mounted 

the flux of the wombe with blood," Arderne MS. (Emm. Coll. Camb.), f. clviiib. For 
the dyssenterye in menysone (Kalliwell, s.v. Mensori), see ibid. f. clix. 

1 Hunter, 10, 36; e.g. Sir James Harington's bowmen received 107 quarterns of flour, 
23 cwt. of beef, 18 tuns (i.e. casks) 15 galls. 2 pitchers of wine, Beamont, i. 239. 

2 Cf. Whitaker, Whalley, ii. 345, quoting liarl. MS. 2069, f. 83 b; Sloane MS. 1776, 
f. 56; Monstr. i. ch. 142, p. 224; not 5000, as Nicolas, 74; Beamont, i. 238; albeit 
that it consumed gretlie his peple, Noblesse, 16. For a list of over 100 sick, called "the 
roll of the sick," see Hunter, 10, 21, 30. 

3 Absentes esse voluit, Anjou Lett. 4. 

4 Not Courtenoy, as Kohler, ii. 747. 

5 i.e. Sept. 15, Gesta, 26; Chron. Giles, 24; Blomefield, iii. 527; Stubbs, Reg. 85; 
Boase, i.lxviii; II. 74; Eubel, 1.389. Not Aug. 15, as Angl. Sacr. 1.416; nor Nov. 15, 
as Mirot, 146; nor Sept. 13, as R. II. Mason, 216, who nevertheless thinks that he "was 
at Agincourt," ibid.; nor Sept. 18, as Cleaveland, 275, though the correct date is given 
in the Inquisition, ibid. 276. The date appears to have been entered as Sept. 14 in 
Chichele's Register and the obit was kept on Sept. 16, Angl. Sacr. i. 416 note; Monastr. 
iv. 2. Prince (163) gives Sept. 14 or 16; also Neal, ii. 116. Wade (81) seems to make 
him die on the march to Agincourt. 

6 Pedes ejus tergente post extremam unctionem, Gesta, 27. Not " covered his feet 
with extreme unction," as Nicolas, 202, who thinks that he "received the last offices of 
religion from the king's own hands" (ibid. 60). In Tyler, ii. 147, the king "joins in the 
offices of the Church." In Towle, 300, he "kneels by his couch and prays with him," 
expanding in the Protestant direction. 

7 Wylie, iii. 113. 

8 Also April 24, 1398, Nov. i, 1399, Papal Letters, v. 140, 150, 229. On July 19, 

1400, he has permission to study civil law at a university on the ground of nobilitas 
generis, both his parents being of noble descent, ibid. v. 271. 

9 Oliver, Bishops, 98, where he is ex utroque parente de nobili gente procreatus. 

14*5] Richard Coitrtenay 43 

higher up the ladder of promotion. But he was always 
a delicate man and he was seriously ill in Paris during both 
of his embassies in August 1414 and March I4I5 1 , at which 
time he was getting very stout and constantly complained 
of lightheadedness, especially on getting out of bed 2 . 
Fusoris, the French astrologer, advised him to consult the 
best doctors when he got back to England, prescribing 
in the meantime a sippet of toast in hippocras in the early 
morning 3 . When the Frenchman saw him next at Winchester 
in July 1415, he found him very nesh and delicate 4 and 
advised him not to cross with the expedition 5 as he could 
scarcely expect to escape the contagion to which all could 
be liable both on the voyage and in the camp, especially in 
the autumn months. During the siege of Harfleur he had 
occupied a tent adjoining the king's 6 and at times had 
actually shared the royal tent itself. Men called him the 
king's bishop 7 , and by his death there is no doubt that 
Henry lost a real comrade of like tastes and an intimate 
personal friend 8 . He died at the age of 35, leaving large 
estates 9 to his nephew Philip, son of his brother John 
Courtenay, who was at the time under age 10 . His body 
was sent across to England and buried near the Confessor's 
shrine behind the high altar in the Abbey at Westminster 11 , 
though there is now no memorial to mark the exact spot 
where it was laid 12 . 

1 Mirot, Fusoris, 149, 195, 196. 

2 Plurimum ponderosus et debilis sic quod in exitu lecti vix poterat sustinere de 
quadam inania et debilitate persone, ibid. 236. 

3 Modicum panem assatum cum ypocrate, ibid. 154, 236. 

4 Multum delicatum hominem et tenerum, ibid. 248. Cf. lyk women neshe and 
feynte, Secreta, 139; Wylie, ii. 329. 

5 Mirot, 177. He was in nave regis at Southampton on June 8, 1415, Rec. Roll 
3 H. V, Pasch. 

fi Page 26. ' Mirot, Fusoris, 261. 

8 Vol. i. p. 313, note 5. Du Pin, Hi. 59; Wharton, Hist. Litt. p. 86, from the MS. 
in Trin. Coll. Camb. which contains a tract by Richard Ullerston, written in 1408. 

9 Including land in Powderham, Plympton, Moreton, Honiton, Alphington and 
Dunster, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 19; Cleaveland, 276. On Sept. 23, 1415, Stephen Payne 
(the king's almoner), John Thorlethorpe and others were appointed to take over all his 
goods, etc., Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 361. For commission, Oct. i, 1415, to Thomas 
Barneby, John Thorlethorpe and others, to hold an enquiry as to his possessions in 
Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, see Mem. Rolls K.R. 3-4 H. V, m. 3. For receipts from 
Stephen Payne et soc. from custody of his property, see Rec. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., 
Feb. 14, 1419. 

10 Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 369, 383, Nov. 17, 25, 1415. 

11 Angl. Sacr. i. 416; Lei. Coll. ii. 353; in sepultura regia, Gesta, 26; Chron. Giles, 
24; Blomefield, iii. 527; Stanley, Mem. 179; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xi. 341. Not that he 
was buried in St Paul's, as Strecche, 267. 

12 Prince, 163; Neal, ii. 116. 

44 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

Three days after Bishop Courtenay's death, viz. on 
Wednesday, Sept. 18, 1415', the Earl of Suffolk 2 , Michael 
de la Pole 3 , died itl camp at the age of 54". All his life 
long he had been a devoted adherent of the house of Lan- 
caster; he had travelled with the king's father when he was 
Earl of Derby 5 , and had served him faithfully throughout 
his troubled reign. Before leaving England he had made 
his will on July i, 141 5 6 , in his great brick house near 
St Mary's Church at Hull 7 , declaring his wish to be buried 
either in the Carthusian Priory that he had founded in that 
town 8 , where his family had originally made their wealth as 
traders 9 , or in the collegiate church at Wingfield near 
Eye in Suffolk, which had recently come to them by his 
father's marriage with Catherine, eldest daughter of Sir 
John Wingfield 10 , who owned land in Suffolk 11 . Hither the 

1 i.e. Wednesday after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, For. Accts. 4 H. V, 14 ; 
called Sept. 17 on his retinue roll, Exch. Accts. 46/24; Hunter, 27; Beamont, i. 240; 
Doyle, iii. 435; Gesta, 31; Knight, ii. 58. Not Sept. 14, as Dugd. ii. 186; Comp. Peer, 
vii. 305. 

2 Not Surrey, as Mon. Francisc. ii. 165 ; nor Stafford, as Monstr. ii. 183 ; Doyle, Chron. 
365; Stanford, Le Fevre, i. 226; Estamfort, Waur. ii. 183; Suffort, Pays-Bas, 353. 
Goodwin (69) gives both the Earls of Stafford and Suffolk ; called the Earls of Stafford 
and Warwick in Mazas, Vies, v. 581. For his indenture of jewels, June 6, 1415, see 
Exch. Accts. 45/20 (83) ; for his retinue (40+120), see Nicolas, 374; Belleval, 355. 
In L.T.R. Enrolled Accts. 6/2, his wife, Catherine, claims as his executrix for the service 
of 36 + 80 present at Agincourt, as well as 11 + 21 who remained in garrison at Harfleur. 

3 Tit. Liv. 8. Called "Atte Poole," Wals. ii. 309; Hypodig. 462; or "At the 
Pool," Capgr. 311. For pedigree of his family, see Gough, iii. 321. 

4 He was born circ. 1361 (Comp. Peer. vii. 304), and married Catherine, daughter of 
Hugh, Earl of Stafford (Doyle, iii. 435). Cf. " dyed of the flixe contynually," Hardyng, 
375. For his possessions, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 15. 

5 In all the viages in his daies both by see and lande that were made out of the lande, 
Rot. Pad. v. 176, dated 1450 (not 1459, as Nicolas, 159); Doyle, iii. 434. 

6 Dugd. ii. 186, quoting Chichele's Register, i. 283; proved at Lambeth, Geneal. vi. 
134; Test. Vet. 189; Napier, 315. 

7 Dugd. ii. 185. 8 Tickell, 161, 197; Monast. vi. 781. 

9 They had removed into Hull from Ravenser in the reign of Edward I (not 
Edward III, as T. Thompson, 163), Tickell, 20, where it is called Ravenstrod (i.e. Ravenser 
Odd, Wylie, iv. 145, note 5). For the town of " Odd juxt' Ravenser," see T. Thompson, 
131, quoting Cotton MS. Vitellius C. Vi. f. ii. For the warden, commonalty and 
burgesses of Ravenserodd, temp. Ed. Ill, see Ancient Corrdce, 155, 176. Called 
Ravenserot in 1251, T. Thompson, 130 ; Ravensroad in 1285, ibid. 134; Ravenesrode in 
1344, Rym. v. 406 (where it has its own bailiffs, distinct from those of Ravenser); 
Cat. Close Rolls 15 Ed. Ill, p. 302; Ravensrod, T. Thompson, 175; Fox-Bourne, 47; 
Barnard, 275. For Ravenspurne, Ravenscrossbourne, with the hermit Matthew Druthorpe 
at the landing of Henry IV in 1399, see T. Thompson, 152, 182, 188; Cal. Rot. Pat. 
238, where "Quinti" is a misprint for "Quarti"; called " Ravenspore," Kingsford, 
Chron. 19; not " Ravensport," as Brut, ii. 593; Coville (Lavisse), 34; nor "Ravens- 
purg," as Tyler, ii. 231; nor " Ravensee," as Bree, 344, where it supplies i ship with 
27 sailors in 1347; not that there was a "battle of Ravenspur" at Henry IV's landing, 
as Holmes, p. xxiv. 

10 Doyle, iii. 434. 

" Not that he married a daughter of Gilbert Granville, Earl of Suffolk, as Tickell, 
27 ; meaning apparently Sir Ralph Glanville, Comp. Peer. vii. 304. 

I Michael de la Pole 45 

body of the dead earl was now conveyed for burial under 
the escort of two of his squires and four archers selected 
from his retinue 1 , and his monument remains in the church 
at Wingfield to this day 2 . The title passed to his eldest 
son Michael 3 , who was likewise with the army and had 
established a reputation among his comrades for dash 
and courage 4 , which was soon to be cut short by his death 
on the field of Agincourt. 

Among many other victims 5 of the flux at Harfleur, the 
names of eight knights are known, viz. William Beaumond 6 
from Devonshire, Roger Trumpington 7 from Cambridge- 
shire, Edward Burnell 8 from Norfolk, John Marland 9 from 

1 Exch. Accts. 46/24; Hunter, 27; Beamont, i. 240; T. Thompson, 163. 

2 For his effigy in plate armour and that of his wife Catherine, daughter of Hugh, 
Earl of Stafford, see Stothard, 84; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 241; Macfarlane-Thomson, 
i. 686; Kingsford, 130; Doyle, iii. 434. For estate of his wife Catherine, who died in 
1419, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 42, which includes a long list of her estates in Norfolk, 
Suffolk, Essex, Lines., Notts, and Yorkshire. For Catherine, widow of William 
Wyngfield, kt. defunctus, see Claus. 8 H. V, i, Feb. 27, 1421. 

3 Not John, as Yeatman, ii. 139. His other children were John, Thomas, William, 
Richard, Ann and Margaret, Tickell, 198. Of these, John became a priest and held the 
prebend of Wistow (York), but died in 1415. For his will, dated July 16, 1414 (proved 
Feb. 1415), see Test. Ebor. i. 372, in which he leaves his primer to this brother Michael, 
the 2nd earl, Test. Vet. 190. On Oct. 13, 1415, the custody of the dead earl's lands is 
granted to his son Michael, in spite of his absence from England, Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 32. 
For reference to William, brother to Michael de la Pole, late Earl of Suffolk, who died 
while under age, see Claus. 6 H. V, 20, May 9, 1418; Dugdale, ii. 186; qui obiit dum 
infra etatem et in custodia nostra fuit, Exch. Accts. 215/3, Dec - 8 > I 4 I 5 5 Claus. 3 H. V, 2, 
Feb. i, 1416, where his goods are still in the king's hands. For Elizabeth, widow of 
Thomas de la Pole, deceased, see Claus. 6 H. V, 16, June 10, 1418. For Walter de la 
Pole, sheriff of Cambridgeshire and Hunts, from Nov. 10, 1417, to Nov. 4, 1418, see 
Sheriffs' Lists, 13 ; Rec. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch. and Mich., April 25, Oct. 22, 1418. For 
Edmund De la Pole, kt. of Cambridgeshire, as debtor for 100 marks to Master Richard 
Holme, clerk, see Claus. 6 H. V, 3d, Feb. 16, 1419. For possessions of Edmund 
Pole, kt. in Oxon., Beds, and London, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 43 (1419). 

4 Juvenem fortem audacem et agilem inter omnes curiales, Gesta, 31 ; juvenem 
strenuum, ibid. 58. 

5 e.g. William Bradshaw, esquire, L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/9, where his 
executors are his widow Joan and his daughter Elizabeth and her husband Richard 

6 Inq. p. Mort. iv. 21 ; Stow, 348; called Beaumont in Monstr. 367; Waurin, ii. 183; 
Le Fevre, i. 226; not Lord Beaumont, as Goodwin, 69. 

7 Inq. p. Mort. iv. 12. Not Trumplanton, as Belleval, 49. For his retinue (3 + 9), 
see Exch. Accts. 45/5 (4); Nicolas, 358, 384. For his indenture of jewels (4 + 9), dated 
June 17, 1415, see Exch. Accts. 45/21 (74). For his journey to Cologne for the marriage 
of the Princess Blanche in 1402, when he left London on April 17 and was back there by 
July 26, see For. Accts. 3 H. V. For his wife Margaret, see Claus. 4 H. V, 21 d; 
Pat. 4 H. V, 21, June 2, 8, 1416; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 258 (1453/4). In Exch. Accts. 
407/11, she is one of Queen Joan's four ladies. 

8 Inq. p. Mort. iv. 21; Blomefield, viii. 193; ix. 337. Called Morissa Brunei in 
Monstr. (earliest printed edition, 1500); Marice Brune (or Brome), Nicolas, 87; Belleval, 
357; Molyns Burnell, Holinsh. iii. 546; called Lords Molyns and Burnell in Halle, 62; 
Grafton, i. 513; Holinsh. iii. 550; Martyn, 181 ; Biondi, 116; Lord Brunell, Goodwin, 
69; Burnet, Baker, 170; Lords Morris and Brunei, Beamont, 238. 

9 Inq. p. Mort. iv. 12; or Merlaund, Collinson, ii. 222. This is possibly the ex- 
planation of Morissa, Marice, etc. in the above note. 

46 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

Somerset, three Lancashire men, viz. John Southworth 1 , 
Hugh Standish 2 and William Butler 3 , and John Phelip of 
Kidderminster, of which the two latter may claim some 
separate mention here. 

William Butler, lord of the manor of Warrington, had 
been made a knight of the Bath at the coronation of 
Henry IV 4 . He had come out in charge of a group of 50 
Lancashire archers 5 besides his own personal retinue 6 . 
When the surrender of Harfleur took place he was mortally 
sick of dysentery, and he died on Sept. 26, 141 5*. His 
body was sent across to England in the same ship with that 
of the Earl of Suffolk and was buried in the church of the 
Austin Friars near the bridge at Warrington 8 . Within 
a year his widow Elizabeth 9 married William Ferrers of 
Groby 10 . William Butler was succeeded by his son John, 
who was at the time only 13 years of age 11 . His son again, 
John Butler 12 , whose name survives in a local legend 13 , lies 
buried beneath a splendid tomb 14 in the Butler chantry in 
the parish church of St Elfin at Warrington. 

1 Kirkstall Chron. 285; Baines, ii. 210; L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/4, showing 
that he died at Harfleur, Sept. 27, 1415, his heir being his son Thomas, and his retinue 
2 + 6, of whom i + 6 were at the battle. He is called Gybon de Southeworke in Broke's 
List, p. 51; Nicolas, 334; Whittaker, Whalley, ii. 345. 

2 Beamont, i. 238, who adds "a Cheshire Brereton," whom I cannot identify in 
Ormerod. Hugh Standish's inquisition is given under 9 H. V (i.e. 1421) in Inq. p. Mort. 
iv. 56. 

s Inq. p. Mort. iv. 12; Nicolas, Agincourt, 353, 357, 377; Belleval, 349, 351; 
Baines, ii. 21; Thoroton, i. 193, where he owns the manor of Cropwell Butler near 

4 Kingsford, Chron. 48, where he is called "Botaller" ; Beamont, i. 226, who gives 
a full account of him. 

6 Exch. Accts. 46/35, where he is called William Botiller. For his receipt for wages 
for 50 archers for i year, dated at Winwick, June 27, 1415, see Viet. Co. Hist. Lanes, 
i. 346. 

6 i.e. of 4+12, Exch. Accts. 46/35, though he indentured (on April 3, 1415) for 
10+30, Wylie, Notes, 130; Beamont, i. 231. 

7 Viet. Co. Hist. Lanes, i. 346; Beamont, i. 240, from Inq. p. Mort., though called 
Sept. 20 on his epitaph, ibid. i. 239. 

8 Monast. vi. 1592; Baines, ii. 224. 

9 She died in 1440, Beamont, i. 248. 

10 In L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/3 they both appear as executors of William 
Butler's will. 

n He was born at Bewsey near Warrington in 1401-2, Baines, ii. 221. For account 
of him, see Beamont, 296. 

12 He was born March 12, 1430, and died Oct. 22, 1463, Baines, ii. 222, 230; 
Beamont, ii. 263, 294; do. Warrington Church Notes, 39. 

13 For the legend of his murder at "Busye Hall" in 1463, see Child, iii. 327; 
Baines, ii. 222. 

14 Beamont, i. 255; ii. 263, 297, 300; Baines, ii. 230, together with his wife Margaret 
Gerrard who died circ. 1452. Her effigy shows a high head-dress and his a close-cropped 


Alice Chaucer 47 

John Phelip 1 , who came of a Suffolk family 2 , was now 
31 years of age 3 and had greatly distinguished himself in 
helping the Burgundians to recapture the bridge at St Cloud 
four years before 4 . He had landed at Harfleur with a 
retinue of 30 men-of-arms and 90 archers 5 , had shown great 
dash and daring at the siege and was reckoned among the 
king's intimate personal friends 6 . He died on Oct. 2, 141 5 7 , 
and his body was taken to England for burial beneath 
a noble slab in the middle of the choir of the parish church 
of St Mary and All Saints at Kidderminster 8 by the side of 
his second wife Maud 9 , widow of Walter Cooksey 10 of 
Caldwell castle on the Stour. But our chief interest in him 
centres round the fact that after his second wife's death he 
had married Alice 11 , the only child and heiress of the 
Speaker, Thomas Chaucer, and granddaughter of Geoffrey 
Chaucer the poet. At the time of John Phelip's death she 
was only 1 1 years of age 12 , but they are always spoken of 
in official documents as man and wife 13 , and it was probably 
through this marriage that she became possessed of the 

1 So spelt in For. Accts. 3 H. V; or "Phelype," Exch. Accts. 45/1; otherwise 
" Phillyp," Chron. Lond. 100; not " Phylpot," as Grey Friars' Chron. 13 ; or "Philips," 
as Beamont, i. 238, where he is called a Cheshire man; or "Phelipp." See App. U . 

2 i.e. from Dennington near Framlingham, Stapleton, civ; not Donyngton, as 
Weever, 782 ; Gough, ii. 44 ; nor " Penyncton," as Nash, ii. 49. For their arms, see 
Copinger, iv. 33. 

3 Stapleton, clvi, clxvii. 4 Wylie, iv. 62. 

5 Nicolas, 93; Stapleton, clvi; Exch. Accts. 45/22 (ii), which contains his indenture 
of jewels dated June 6, 1415, in which he is Monsieur John Phelipp. For another 
indenture of jewels dated June 8, 1415, in which he is "John Philipp," see Exch. Accts. 
45/20 (83), with his seal attached showing a cross potent. 

6 Henricus quintus dilexerat hunc ut amicus; 
Audax et fortis apud Harffleu John bene gessit, 

from his epitaph, Gough, ii. 44; Nash, ii. 49; Macklin, 164, where he is "John Phelip 
baro" ; Murray, Handbook of Worcester and Hereford, p. 29. 

7 i.e. Wednesday before St Faith's Day, Stapleton, clvi; Napier, 32 ; not Sept. 2, as 
Stapleton, civ; nor 1418, as Comp. Peer. vii. 36; MC quater V (sic), in Gough, ii. 44. 

8 Where he is represented in plate armour with his initials IP repeated on the belt, 
Macklin, 152, 157, 164; called " PYPYPIF " in Gough, ii. 44; Nash, ii. 49; 
Napier, 33. 

9 Stapleton, clvi. His first wife was a Bottetourt. For a picture of him in plate 
armour with his first and second wives, see Napier, 32, from a window formerly in the 
church at Kidderminster. 

10 He died in 1405, Nash, ii. 47; Inq. p. Mort. iii. 302; not 1410, as Nash, ii. 50, 
for on Nov. 14, 1408, Maud is described as widow of Walter Cooksey, Cal. Pat. 
H. IV, iv. 30. 

11 i.e. before Nov. 2, 1414, Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 259; ii. 29. 

12 She was born in 1404, Napier, 30. 

13 e.g. quae fuit uxor Johannis Phillyp, or Phelip, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., March 18, 
1416; do. 4 H. V, Pasch., Mich., July 13, Nov. 4, 1416; do. 5 H. V, Pasch., June 5, 
1417 (where she receives ^100 per annum and the manor of Michelhampton in Gloucester- 
shire, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 13); Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Pasch., Mich., May i, 22, Dec. 4, 1419; 
For. Accts. 6 H. V, 20; nuper viro suo, Rot. Parl. v. 77 ; Napier, 46. 

48 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

castle of Donnington 1 near Newbury, with which her name 
is so intimately associated. After Phelip's death she married 
Thomas Montague, Earl of Salisbury, who died at the 
siege of Orleans, Nov. 3, I428 2 , and two years later 3 she 
became the wife of William de la Pole, Earl (afterward 
Duke) of Suffolk, who was murdered on May 2, 1450. 

On Sept. i6 4 the besieged in Harfleur made a desperate 
sally and burnt some of the English stores, but were driven 
back with much slaughter. Not to be again caught napping 
Sir John Holland together with Sir John Cornwall, Gilbert 
Umfraville 5 and others led a furious assault on the bulwark. 
The ditch was filled with long faggots 6 and under a shower 
of flaming darts 7 the work was set on fire and a distinct 
step forward was taken in the progress of the siege. Still 
the besieged held on with all their might 8 . As fast as a 
breach was made, it was closed again with logs, stones 
and earth, and submission was as far off again as ever 9 . 
Finding his own army to be dwindling under the stress of 
disease, King Henry at length decided for a final strong 
effort, and an assault was ordered for the morning of 
Sept. i8 10 . All night long the besieged were kept alert 
at their posts by a constant cannonade. They had sent 

1 Inq. p. Mort. iv. 13; Napier, 46. It was a manor house which was crenellated by 
its owner Richard Atterbury in 1392, T. H. Turner, iii. 419; Inq. p. Mort. iii. 255; 
Lysons, Magn. Brit. i. 356; Nicolas, Chaucer, 89. King (100) seems to think that it 
remained in the hands of Thomas Chaucer till his death which happened on Nov. 18, 
1434, Lei. Itin. ii. 6; Grainger, i. 64, but it was given to John Phelip and his wife Alice, 
Napier, 46, though certainly not by Geoffrey Chaucer, as supposed by Turner, ii. 270, 
iii. 419. 

2 Comp. Peer. vii. 36; Doyle, iii. 242; Napier, 35. For his arms, see Sarrazin, 
Jeanne d'Arc, 46; for his seals and stall-plate as K.G., see Hope, Plate L. For 
picture of him with John Lydgate, see Vol. i. p. 318; Wylie, iii. 287, note 3; S. E. 

3 i.e. in 1430, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlvi. 55; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 122; or 1431, Napier, 51. 
For her effigy at Ewelme (d. 1475) see Hope, Heraldry, 284. 

4 Hard. 390. 

5 Reading "Kyme" for "Kent" in Hard. 374. Not Reginald, Earl of Kent, as 
Hardyng, Index, s.v. ; cf. Waurin, ii. 181; Monstr. 366; Drayton, 39; Bullen, 133. 
Hard' (374) names also Gray, Stewart and Porter; cf. Redman, 421; Holinsh. iii. 549, 550. 
For Gilbert Umfraville's retinue of 30 + 90, see Sloane MS. 4600, f. 272 (not 20 + 90, as 
Nicolas, 385; Wylie, Notes, 136). For the king's legacy to him, viz. a gold cup and a 
horse, see Rym. ix. 292. 

6 Vita, 46; with fagottes that were there, Hard. 374. 

7 With his gunes castyng, 
Thei made the toure to fall, 

And their bulwerke brent with shot of wild fyre. Hard. 374. 

Cf. page 38, notes 2, 4. For a fancy picture of the scene at night, see Michelet, vi. 18. 
Viriliter resisterat, Capgr. De Illustr. 115; Juv. 506. 

9 Niente anchora averly posudo par, Morosini, ii. 60. 

10 Letter Book I, 131 ; Riley, Mem. 619; Halliwell, Lett. i. 84. 

Composition 49 

message after message to Rouen for help 1 but no sign of 
help had come. Their food was fast failing 2 ; their walls 
were breached 3 ; and their outlook was nothing but wholesale 
butchery and bottomless despair 4 ; and so before the sun 
was up 5 a message came out to the Duke of Clarence 6 on 
the eastern side offering to submit if no succour 7 should 
reach the town by noon on the following Sunday, Sept. 22 s . 
At first the king would hear of no such terms 9 , demand- 
ing that the surrender should be made without conditions on 
the very next clay, but on reflection he appointed the Earl 
of Dorset with Lord Fitzhugh 10 and Sir Thomas Erpingham 11 
to ascertain officially the real intentions of the besieged. 
The negotiators were escorted to the walls with a solemn 
procession in which the Host was carried by Bennet Nicole, 
the Bishop of Bangor 12 , preceded by the king's chaplains 
clad in surplice, amice 13 and copes of bright silk or cloth of 
gold 14 , the chief narrator of the incidents of the siege being 

1 Gesta, 30, quoting Claud. A. vm. i. Cf. unto Roon for to ride, Lydg. 312. For 
Johan Lescot lequel M. de Gaucourt avoit boute hors secretement pour faire par icellui 
savoir a mondit seigneur le connestable 1'estat de lui et de la ville, see Hellot, 98, from 
Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 26,040, no. 4974, Sept. 13, 1415. 

2 Nicolas, App. 25; Juv. 506; magna ciborum maceratis media, Croyl. 500. 

3 For breach made at a place still called La Breque, i.e. at the entrance to Harfleur 
from Havre, see Revue de Rouen (1845), p. 7. The present Cafe de la Breque is about 
a ^ mile to the west of Harfleur on the main road from Havre. 

4 Juv. 507 ; inaudita tormenta, Blondel, i. 260. 

5 Not on Sept. 28, as Kingsford, Chron. 117, 118. The message was brought by 
William Boucher and John Graunt and 12 other burgesses, Caxton, Polychron. 145; 
Brut, ii. 376. 

6 Wals. ii. 308; do. Hypo. 460; Capgr. 310; Greg. Chron. 109; Julius B. I. f. 37, 
in Nicolas, Agin. 209. St Denys, v. 242, on the authority of those who were present, 
says that they stood an attack on the south side (circa meridiem) for 3 hours, but that 
those on the other side opened the gates to the English. 

7 "If eny maner rescouse myght come," Brut, ii. 553. 

8 Riley, Mem. 619; Gesta, 30. Unto it be Sounday atte non, Harflet, 312, App. B; 
a Pheurede midy, Juv. 507 ; "at twayne after none," Cleop. C. IV. f. 22, in Nicolas, 206 ; 
not "until nine of the clock," as Holinsh. iii. 550; nor "within 6 days," as Tit. Liv. 10; 
Vita, 47; nor "by Sept. 18," as Hume (1854), ii. 355. 

9 For similar condition at Rouen in Jan. 1419, see Archaeologia, xxii. 357; also at 
Cocklaw, Wylie, i. 339. For statement that Harfleur surrendered on condition that 
Henry won his way safely through to Calais, see Gaguin, 202, upon which Fabyan (579) 
remarks that Gaguin "boroweth of his conscience for sparynge the trouth in report 
of many thynges." 

10 Not "Fitzhen," as Brequigny, 6. 

u Wals. ii. 308; Hypo. 460; Julius B. i. f. 37 (i.e. the same as Greg. Chron. 
continued) cf. Chron. Lond. 157, where the conference with Gaucourt takes place on 
Sept. 17; called "another contemporary chronicler" in Nicolas, 209; "pent-fore un 
temoin oculaire," Brequigny, 6. 

12 Not Norwich, as Juv. 507; nor Norfolk, as Barante, iii. 150. In Guthrie (ii. 460) 
he is said to have been the first to enter the town with 500 gentlemen. 

13 See Du Cange, s.v. Almuciuni', G. F. Lee, s.v. Amice. 

14 Greg. Chron. no; "with 24 copes of a sute," Julius B. I. f. 37, in Nicolas, 210; 
Chron. Lond. 158 ; " xxiii copes of o sainct (i.e. suite) before goddes bodye," Brequigny, 6. 

w. ii. 4 

50 Harfleur [CH. xxix 

amongst the number, and when they came within ear-shot 
the bishop cried out : " Fear not, the King of England has 
not come to waste your lands ; we are good Christians and 
Harfleur is not Soissons 1 ! " Then the Lord of Gaucourt 
and other leaders came out to meet them and as a result of 
the parley 24 hostages 2 were given up as a guarantee of 
good faith and declarations were made on oath in front of 
the king's tent, which was distinguished by a crown among 
the crowds of others, embroidered with arms and gay with 
fluttering pennons 3 . After the surrender a rumour was 
widely circulated that the town had been betrayed and the 
eastern gate opened to the English by traitors within 4 , but 
the evidence all shows that Harfleur yielded "by com- 
position 5 , 5 ' though the story served its purpose for the 
moment in soothing the wounded amour propre of the 
capital and was even reported as far as Venice 6 before 
a month was out. Modern French opinion has inclined to 
regard it as "altogether imaginary 7 ," though it is certain 
that one of the towers was afterwards known as the Treason 
Tower 8 . 

1 Juv. 507 ; see Vol. i. p. 395. 

2 Or 22, according to Wals. ii. 308; Hypo. 460; Capgr. 310; Julius B. I. f. 37, 
in Nicolas, Agin. 210; or 12, according to Tit. Liv. n; Vita, 47; or 30, according to 
Pol. Verg. 443; Halle, 62; Grafton, i. 513. For their names, see Brut, ii. 554. For 
names of 8 of them with 30 leading townsmen, see Cleop. C. iv. f. 22, in Nicolas, 206, 
208; Kingsford, Chron. 117, 118, 304; cf. Tit. Liv. 10. 

With baners bryght and many penoun, 
And there they pyght there tentys adown, 
That were embroudyd with armys gay, 
First the king's tent with the crown, 
And all othere lordys in good aray. 

Harflet, 307; App. 71. 

4 St Denys, v. 542 ; cf. laquelle par aucunes mauvaises gens fut ouverte, Juv. 506 ; 
Ruisseauville, 137, who accuses Gaucourt and Pierre de Brebant. Zantfliet, 406, thinks 
that the captain of Harfleur was pecunia corruptus; Wright, i. 470. 

5 Par composition, Raoulet, 154. Not that it was "taken by storm after tremendous 
slaughter on both sides," as Strickland, ii. 119. 

6 Per uno tratado (complot) iera ly dentro quelo dito chapetanio (probably Gaucourt) 
s'aveva fato Ingelese (s'etait fait Anglais), Morosini, ii. 62, as reported in Venice on 
Oct. 1 6, 1415. 

7 Borely, i. 105, 113, who supposes that "cette fletrissure" was given by the English 
(p. in). 

8 See page 39. For the Tour de la Trahison on the eastern side, so named in the 
accounts of Louis Raoulin, receveur des deniers communaux (1484-1491), see Viau in 
Revue de Rouen, 1845, p. 9, who supposes that the story arose from the name of the 
tower. Traces of it still remain, ibid. p. 12. It is no. 9 on the plan in Dumont, 71. 



WHEN the composition had been drawn up by the 
negotiators before the walls of Harfleur, the siege operations 
were suspended until the French king's decision should be 
known. Five weeks 1 had now run out since the English 
had landed, but the French still hugged their laggard policy 
of devil-may-care and lethargy 2 . The landing had been long 
expected 3 , but no one had been able to forecast the actual 
spot. Some thought that Flanders might be threatened, 
and activity was accordingly shown in protecting the towns 
thereabout 4 . At Boulogne the actual departure of the fleet 
from Southampton was reported by the fishing-boats, and 
warnings were at once despatched to Le Crotoy, St Valery 
and Ktaples to be prepared for a possible attempt at the 
mouths of the Canche and the Somme 5 . As far back as 
April 26, 141 5 6 , the Dauphin had been appointed Captain- 
General of the French forces to resist the coming invasion, 
and the Constable 7 Charles dAlbret had been subsequently 
entrusted with all arrangements for the defence of the coun- 
try 8 . But his authority was weak and after the enemy had 

1 Not "bien trois semaines," as Verneuil, 217. Masson (240) thinks that the siege 
" lasted a whole month " ; also Radford, 48 ; Trevedy, 13 ; " bethyn xl days," Noblesse, 
29; infra duos menses, Kingsford, Lit. 277. 

a Segnitia, veccordia, seu saltern incautela, Gesta, 15; see Wylie, iv. 59, note 4. 
Borely (i. no) thinks that any attempt to relieve Harfleur could but have had disastrous 
results and that the interests of France imposaient cette reserve et cette temporisation. 

3 For letter of Charles VI received at Noyon, July 14, 1415, saying that " les Engles 
sont prests pour venir descendre au royaume," see La Fons-Melicocq, 24. 

4 A cause que les Engles estoient supz mer a grand force waucrans ( = roaming), 
Pays-Bas, 353. 

5 Deseilles, 415; A. Martin, Fecamp, i. 121. 

6 Thres. des Chartres J. 369, in Transcripts, P.R.O. ; Vol. i. p. 447. 

7 For duties of the constable, see Boutaric, 269. 

8 Juv. 505. 


52 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

actually crossed he was freely accused 1 of having entered 
into an understanding at his recent visit to England that 
their landing should not be opposed 2 . At any rate he did 
little more than post himself with 1500 men at Honfleur 3 
in the belief that the English might attempt to land on the 
south bank of the Seine 4 , while the Marshal Boucicaut, who 
had been appointed Lieutenant and Captain-General for the 
king on July 28, HI5 5 , waited for them with a similar small 
force on the north bank near Caudebec 6 . Money was 
certainly procured by means of loans 7 , but whether it was 
laid out to the most effective purpose may well be doubted. 
Out of it some small payments appear to have gone to 
maintain eight cross-bowmen at Caen under the love-lorn 
poet Jean de Garencieres 8 to help to defend that city against 
the English. As to Harfleur itself such preparations as 
there were appear to have been limited to lifting the 
rounded stones from the Montivilliers road 9 and storing 
them in the town to be used as missiles if required 10 . It 
was not, however, till the whole English force had safely 
landed and Harfleur was completely cut off that the powers 
of France began to shake off their torpor. On Aug. 19, 
1415", letters were despatched to various places announcing 

1 i.e. by the Bastard of Bourbon, Juv. 508; Le Fevre, i. 225; Pol. Verg. 443. In 
Ruisseauville (137) it is said that Charles d'Albrech allait bien sou vent boire et mangier 
avec le roi en lost des Engles; though Guthrie (ii. 461) thinks that " the animosities that 
had of late torn their government were now sunk into revenge and fury against the 
English," etc. Nicolas (85) thinks that " with proper devotion to their country they 
forgot their mutual jealousies and supported the common cause," etc.; also Crowe, i. 125. 

2 St Denys, v. 334 ; Fenin, 558. 

3 Not Harfleur, as Speed, 778; Nicolas, 84. At the end of August 1415, messengers 
from Boulogne were sent to him at Abbeville, Dieppe and Honfleur, Deseilles, 415; 
Mem. Soc. Antiq. de Boulogne, v. 101. 

4 Juv. 505 ; Holinsh. iii. 549. 5 Morosini, ii. 26, quoting Vaissete, ix. 1028. 

6 Bouvier, 428; Gaguin, 202; Mer des Chroniques, 140; Pol. Verg. 443; Halle, 62; 
Grafton, i. 513. Called "Caudebuc," in Speed, 778; "they with their powers to 
Cawdebek retire," Drayton, 36; Mazas, Vies, v. 573, who has nothing but praise for 
Boucicaut, blames the Constable for stationing the forces on opposite sides of the Seine. 
For account of Caudebec, see Dearmer, 313, 318. 

7 e.g. on Feb. 16, 1415, the Duke of Alenon lent 23,000 francs, receiving jewels 
and a gold boat as pledges for repayment, Moranville, 421. For ^70 lent by Gerard 
Montaigu, Bishop of Paris, on May 25, 1415 (repaid April 27, 1416), to pay men-of-arms 
on the frontiers of Picardy, Normandy and Guienne, see ibid. 425. For measures of 
defence taken in Normandy, see remissions granted in Sept. 1415 to Guillaume de Lescaut 
in Archives Nat. J. J. 168, fol. 246, quoted in Bourgeois, 62. 

8 For his receipt for wages for them dated Sept. 15, 1415, see Romania, xxii. 432, 
quoting Clairambault, Titres scelles. 

9 Monstr. 366; Waurin, ii. 181. See page 34. 

10 Not "throwing them into the Seine (sic), as Belleval, 42. Yonge (269) thinks that 
they took up the pavements to make the roads worse. 

11 For letter to Verdun, see Clouet, iii. 554. 

1 4 1 5] Desperation 53 

that the English had landed, and on Aug. 28' orders were 
sent out summoning forces to assemble at Rouen. In this 
way, after much vacillation 2 and many appeals and promises, 
an army of 14,000 men-of-arms 3 was being at last got 
together, when on Sept. i 4 the Dauphin set out from Paris 
with sound of trumpet to head the great force that was 
beginning to muster at Rouen 5 . So leisurely however were 
his movements that on Sept. 3 he was still at St Denis, 
where he was confronted by a man who had dropped from 
the walls at Harfleur and made his way through the English 
lines by night bearing a desperate message as to the true 
condition of things within the besieged town 8 . But the 
message roused no fire in Paris, except that some very 
striking processions were marshalled to the churches, orders 
were put out forbidding the use of swear- words 7 and a new 
coinage of gold crowns was issued from the mint 8 ; or if 
a force did try to move and check the wholesale ravage that 
was being carried on by the English foray ers 9 , they only 
quarrelled among themselves, retiring before they got within 
sight of the town and effecting little beyond the slaughter 
of some prisoners whom they captured in the woods 10 . 

The Duke of Burgundy had already been apprised 11 of 
the landing of the English and the siege of Harfleur, 
and on Sept. i messengers were despatched from Paris 
summoning him as well as the Duke of Orleans and the 
Count of Nevers to come to the rescue, each with 500 
picked men-of-arms, but not a step could be taken without 
fresh outbursts of jealousy and bitterness 12 . The Armagnac 

1 Plancher, iii. 420. For a letter dated Sept. 6, 1415, to Tournai to send as many 
men-of-arms, archers and cross-bowmen as possible to go to Harfleur which is being 
besieged, see Vandenbroeck, 123. In response to this 50 cross-bowmen left Tournai on 
Sept. 17, returning home on Nov. 18, 1417, not having been actually in the battle at 

2 Cf. a Rouen ou ailleurs quelque part que sera vostre adversaire, Juv. 509, 516, 
written to Duke of Burgundy, Aug. 23, 1415. 

3 Loricati, St Denys, v. 540. 

4 J uv - 55> Bourgeois, 61. 

6 Le haut appareil qui est commence a 1'encontre, Juv. 517, written at Argilly on 
Sept. 24, 1415. 

6 Page 49, note i. 

7 Ordonnances, x. 243, Sept. 7, 1415. For similar order by the Dauphin at Mehun- 
sur-Yevre, Oct. 8, 1420, see ibid. xi. 105; quoted in Vallet de Viriville, i. 257. 

8 Escuz a la couronne, Ordonnances, x. 248, Oct. u, 1415. 

Fourriers, Le Fevre, i. 225; Monstr. 367; Normandie, 168; Cousinot, 133. 

10 Juv. 517. 

11 See note 2 supra. 12 Juv. 505. 

54 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

was not going to play into the hands of the Burgundian, 
for the nettles had choked the lily-garden 1 before and 
so they would again if they got the chance. The Duke 
of Orleans agreed to send his quota of men but gave 
no undertaking that he would come himself, while 
the Duke of Burgundy protested that he would come to 
serve his king with his whole force, but as this was con- 
sidered an inconvenient offer it was judged better to ask 
him not to come in person 2 but to send his son instead, 
with the result that neither father nor son ever came at all 3 . 
An Armagnac, Pierre de Brabant 4 , was appointed captain of 
Picardy 5 , but the Duke of Burgundy refused to recognise 
him and when the lords of that province were summoned 
to put themselves with all speed at the disposal of the 
Dauphin, they hung back till they should receive definite 
orders from their own Duke 6 . 

At length the Dauphin made a start for Rouen though 
his total force was altogether inadequate for effective war- 
fare 7 . He reached Vernon on Sept. 3, where many of the 
younger nobles were awaiting him 9 , and on Sept. io 10 the 
King of France, though still periodically insane 11 , took the 
oriflamme 12 with all the solemnities at St Denis, handing 
it to. the keeping of Guillaume Martel, Lord of Bacque- 
ville 13 , and marched through Mantes 14 to add splendour to 

I Vol. i. p. 129. 2 Plancher, Hi. 422. 3 Monstr. 370. 

4 Coville, 395 ; Wylie, iii. 82, note 7. Cf. 

Clugnet de Brebant, 

Qui fut de sy tres grant beubant, 

Et si plains de pompe et d'orgoel, 

Que son pareil ne vit nuls d'oel. Pastoralet, 845. 

He was Lord of Landreville (near Buzancy, Ardennes), Boule, 3. For account of him, 
see Montandre, 22. He is called Clingarto de Borbonio, Impens, 356; Claunet or 
Clougnet de Braibant, Ruisseauville, 137, where he is accused of having sold Harfleur to 
the English. See Vol. i. p. 401. 

5 Monstr. 367 ; Waurin, ii. 183. 

6 Monstr. 369; Waurin, ii. 186; Le Fevre, i. 228. 

7 Ilz estoient trop petit nombre, Pays-Bas, 354. 

8 St Denys, v. 540; Monstr. 367; Waur. ii. 184; Le Fevre, i. 227; E. Mayer, i. 173. 
For letters of his dated at Vernon, Sept. 18, 22, 1415, see Vaissete, iv. 439; Bee Chron. 
82 note. 

9 Bourgeois, 62 ; Juv. 505. 10 Felibien, St Denys, 335. 

II Monstr. 362; Waurin, ii. 169; si incolumis perstitisset, St Denys, v. 542; comme 
tout malade et sans pou de sens, Normandie, 1 1 ; the king of Fraunce that is so old, 
Harflet, 302. 12 See Vol. i. p. 393. 

13 He was with the king from Sept. 7, 1415 (Hellot, 98), and could not therefore have 
been amongst the defenders of Harfleur. On Oct. 7, 1415, he was made captain of 
Chateau-Gaillard, Hellot, 99. 

14 Pays-Bas, 354. Towle (308) thinks that it had been displayed from the tower of 
Notre Dame. 


Surrender 55 

the muster that was slowly assembling at Rouen. But 
though crowds of French lords were ready and chafing for 
action, yet when the despairing message arrived from 
Harfleur 1 the army at Rouen still stuck motionless as if 
bound under a spell 2 , and so callous was the council as to 
the fate of the defenders of Harfleur that in an official 
proclamation dated at Meulan on Sept. 2o 3 , the town is 
spoken of as having already fallen, though fully two days 
yet remained within which relief might have been attempted. 
So when the noon of Sept. 22 4 arrived and no effective help 
had come 6 , 500 English troops presented themselves at the 
gates demanding the stipulated surrender. 

The final scene was staged with impressive solemnity. 
A gay silken tent 6 was pitched at the foot of the western 
hill 7 and within it King Henry took his seat on a throne 
draped with linen 8 and cloth of gold. On his right Sir 

1 For the Lord of Hacqueville's visit to the Dauphin at Vernon, see Monstr. iii. 85 ; 
First Life, 39. 

2 Quasi cantato carmine fascinati, St Denys, v. 542; quibus nullus tulit auxilium, 
Blondel, i. 260; "for the Dolfyn wolde not abyde," Brut, ii. 376. 

3 Monstr. iii. 90. 

4 Gesta, 31; Wals. ii. 307; Hypodig. 459; Chron. Lond. 100; Worcester, 453; 
Julius B. i. f. 37, in Nicolas, Agin. 209; Kingsford, Chron. 70; do. Lit. 317, 351; 
Greg. Chron. 109; 

In Mauric festo rex Henricus memor esto 

Obsiderat quintus Harfew sibi plebis (sic) subintus. Stone, 19. 

Harflu fert [or fest] Mauric, Usk, 129; Strecche, 267 b; Twysden, 2290; Elmham, 
Aug. 73; Lib. Metr. 124; Lambeth MS. 84, f. 195; Bermondsey, 484; Brut, ii. 598; 
or "Maoric," MS. Bodl. 496 (2246). In L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/7, John 
Radcliflfe with his retinue enters Hareflieu with Thomas, late Duke of Exeter, on 
Sept. 22, 1415, as certified by the Duke's executors William Phelipp, kt., Thomas 
Walberr and others. Called circa festum beati Michaelis, Kirkstall Chron. 205 ; Sundy 
befor Myhilmesse, Capgr. 310. Not "Sunday after Michaelmas Day," as Guthrie, ii. 
459; nor "towards the middle of October," as ibid. 461; nor "in the beginning of 
October," as Strickland, ii. 119; nor Sept. 30, as Mazas, Vies, v. 579, though he gives 
Sept. 24 on p. 578; also Heron, 77; Duchesne, 823; Deseilles, 418; A. Martin, 
Fecamp, i. 122; nor Sept. 28, as Kingsford, Chron. 117, 118; Saint Foix, iii. 187; nor 
Sept. 27, as Beaucourt, i. 260; Valois, iv. 354; nor Sept. 21, as Ruisseauville, 137; 
G. Du Pont, ii. 511; nor Sept. 20, as Short Chron. 55; Cochon, 338; Blanchard, 
ii. 205, note; nor Sept. 18, as Sharpe, i. 259; Bess, Perpignan, 699; do. Bundniss, 640; 
nor Sept. 17, as A. Martin, Patriote, 14; nor Sept. 16, as Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 137; 
nor Sept. 14, as Bourgeois, 67; Godstow, 211 ; Cosneau, Connetable, 40. 

8 Perficitur nihil hinc et nihil inde venit, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 112 ; withoute any help 
of Kyng or of Daufyn, Capgr. 311 ; do. De Illustr. 115; mais ils n'eurent aucun secours, 
Juv. 506. 

tt A "great pretory of silk," First Life, 40. For picture of a rich tent with blue pat- 
tern on a white ground, see Humphreys, Frois. i. Plate xxvi ; also Willemin, i. 134. Cf. 
Statly tentes anon they pyght, 
Large and long and gret of syzth. Pol. Songs, ii. 152. 

7 In cardine montis, Gesta, 31; in piano, Tit. Liv. ii; in ruris planicie, Vita, 48; 
not "on the summit of a hill," as Lingard, iii. 490; Tyler, ii. 149; Cassell, i. 527; 
Towle, 303; Church, 69. 

8 Vestibus aureis carpasitis, Hard. 389. Called " under a cloth of estate," Speed, 

56 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

Gilbert Umfraville 1 held the royal tilting-helm 2 aloft on a 
pike 3 , and round the throne were ranged a throng of 
knights and nobles, while all the space between the tent and 
the town was lined with English soldiery. Between these 
files the captain of the garrison (Lionnet de Bracquemont 4 ), 
with the Lord of Gaucourt and others, passed out in the 
shirts of penitence with ropes about their necks 5 to deliver 
up the keys 6 and throw themselves wholly on the royal 
mercy. For a time King Henry would not look at them 7 , 
but kept them waiting on their knees in three or four 
adjoining tents, but this humiliation being over he gave 
them a promise that their lives should be spared and after 
having well supped 8 they were distributed amongst the 
various captains for safe custody for the present 9 . Then 
the red-cross banner of St George 10 was hoisted over each 
of the gates of Harfleur and the Earl of Dorset 11 , who as 

778; not "clad in gold and caparsites," as Nicolas, Agin. 209; cf. "as it is saide there 
was never Chrystyn Kyng so Ryall, nother so lordly sat in his see as dide he," Cleop. 
C. IV. f. 24, in Nicolas, 211 ; Tyler, ii. 149 (who fancies that the writer was "probably 
an eye-witness"). Belleval, 53, calls it "pompe theatrale et affecte." 

1 Not Robert, as Lingard, iii. 242 ; Church, 69. 

2 Coronata galea triumphal! , Gesta, 32; "the coroneted helm," Kingsford, 132; not 
"his crown," as Airy, i. 143 ; called a casket (cf. Capgr., s.v. Casquet}, whereupon was an 
imperial crown set with stones of great prices, in Speed, 778, though not in Hard. 389. 
For Henry's "tilting casque" or "tournament helmet" in Westminster Abbey, see 
Meyrick, in Nicolas, App. 48 ; Murray-Smith, 62 ; Bradley, Guide. For the tilting-helm 
worn over the coiffe de maille, see Brett, 68. In Harl. MS. 4380, f. 186 ; Johnes, Frois. 
iv. 671; Humphreys, Frois. ii. PI. xxiv; Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 428; W. H. S. Aubrey, 
ii. 8; Wright and Smith, 178, one of the 3 attendants at the coronation of Henry IV 
holds the helmet surmounted by a crown. For heaulme surmonte du tymbre portant les 
armes ou couleur du chevalier, see Prost, Frontispiece. For timber (tumbre) of John, 
Duke of Burgundy, with 2 pennar (i.e. labels, lambrequins) minivered with lettice 
(erminez de letice), painted by Colart de Laon in 1409, see Archives hist, artist, et litt. 
i. 76. 

3 Cf. the captain bare byfore him hys helmet on a tronchon of a spere, Melusine, 151. 

4 Page 35. Called " Sir Jakes de Harecourt " in Brut, ii. 553, 554. 

5 Nudis in colla funatis et cordulatis, Usk, 125. 

Here y have brought yowe the keyes alle 
Of Herflew that faire town. Harflet, 313. 

7 Wolde note rewarde them with non eye, Cleop. C. iv. 24, in Nicolas, 211; 
Kingsford, Chron. 119; Cassell, i. 527, who regards this as "opposed to his usual 

8 Turner, v. 410, who makes the king " soothe them with a supper of that magnificence 
whichjessened their mortified feelings and satisfied their sensual tastes." 

For represents 

Dibdin, i. p. cxxxvi. For Thomas Strickland, bannerer of the banner of St George at 

Agincourt, see Nicolas, 375. 

11 Myn uncle Dorset withoute lettyng Capteyn of Harflewe schall ye be, Harflet, 313 ; 
App. 74. He is still captain on April 2, 1416, Rym. ix. 337. Called "Thoma Bewfo" 
(i.e. Beaufort) in Vita, 49; "Beaufort his unkill," Brut, ii. 554; "his Em," Chron. 
Lond. 100 ; Normandie, 169; Lei. Coll. ii. 487. Not "the 'Duke," as D. Turner, 

i4 J 5] Entry 57 

constable of the host had been foremost in every operation 
of the siege and was known as the " little king 1 ," was 
appointed captain of the place with Henry Verney 2 as his 

Before the capture it had been understood that the king 
would not enter the town 3 , but for some reason he changed 
his mind and made a solemn entry on the day after the 
surrender. Dismounting from his horse at the gate 4 , he 
unlaced 5 his shoes and walked barefoot 6 through the streets 
to the parish church of St Martin 7 , whose steeple and bells 
were all wrecked by the stone-shot 8 . Here he offered 
thanks to God for his success 9 and then took up his 
quarters in the town 10 to make arrangements for its future 

Caister, 27; nor " Herzog d'Orset," as Kohler, ii. 750; nor "Duke of Bedford," as 
Cordeliers, 220; nor "Contede Helsortd," as Pays-Bas, 352; nor "his unckle Excester," 
as Drayton, 42; H. V, iii. 3, 52; Duchesne, 823; also Lay, 46, 57, 130. For his 
retinue (100 + 300), see Nicolas, Agincourt, 83; Wylie, Notes, 136. L.T.R. Misc. 
Books, no. 79, shows that on Nov. 30, 1416, Philip Caxton, clerk (or Caxston, Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, 1416), was attorney for him in England; see also Iss. Roll 
6 H. V, Pasch., Apr. 8, June i, 1418; Rec. Roll do. do., June i, 1418; Devon, 359 
(July 24, 1419) ; Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 23, 1420. See Vol. i. p. 121. 

1 Conestable de 1'ost es le petit rey, Jurade, 257, where the writer reports that the 
king da grand fey a lui. 

? T.R. Misc. Books, no. 79, shows that he was lieutenant of the Earl of Dorset 
before Sir John Fastolf; cf. Dumont, 20; Goodwin, 72. 

3 Jurade, 257. 4 Not at the church door, as Pauli, v. 109. 

8 Cf. Mark i. 7 (Wycliffe). Cf. his shon laced or bokelid, Mann, and Meals, i. 178. 

6 Barefooted and barelegged, First Life, 93; without hosen or shooes, Stow, 348; 
and on his bare feet to the church he came, Drayton, 41 ; the church was Harrie's object 
not the towne, G. Daniel, iv. 137. Trebuchet (72) calls it cet exces de piete. For the 
Archbishop of Rouen walking barefoot from the church of St Ouen to the cathedral at 
Rouen in 1415, see Fallue, ii. 316. 

7 Solum unica parochiali eclesia decoratur, Gesta, 18; parochiali d'icelle ville, 
Monstr. 370; metropolitaine of the town, Stow, 348. Not the present church with its 
great tower and spire and porch which was built subsequently, though not by the English 
as has been supposed, seeCochet, Eglises, i. 140, 142, 150-167, 201 ; Joanne, Normandie, 
88; Letellier, 393, 395; Dumont, 87; Morlent, Arrond. ii. 37; Macquoid, 161 ; Grande 
Encycl. xix. 854; Le Flaguais, iv. 171. For picture, see Bordeaux, i. i. 47; Normandie 
Monumentale, 393 ; Knight, ii. 92 ; D. Turner, i. 75. For altars consecrated in the old 
church in 1411 by the Bishop of Bangor (possibly Griffin Yonge, Vol. i. pp. 112, 445), on 
one of his visits to France as a negotiator for Owen Glendower, see Moranville, 420. For 
William Edsale made parson of St Martin's, Harfleur, see Rym. ix. 598, June 18, 1418. 
In 1421, Edsale was made governor of the hospital at Harfleur, Carte, Rolles, i. 359. 
On March 24, 1421, Jean de Suillot is chaplain capellanie beatae Mariae, founded in 
ecclesia sancti Martini de Harefloto, Rym. x. 89; Ewald, xlii. 413; Carte, Rolles, i. 359, 
where there is a reference to vicus vocatus de Jumeaux. p 

8 That the stepyll of Harflete and bellys also, 

With his breth he (i.e. "London," the great gun) dide down blowe, 

His ball foull fayre be gan throwe 

Agayne the stepyll of stone roue (i.e. rough), 

The bellys they rowng up a rawe. Harflet, 310. 

9 St Denys, v. 542 ; Monstr. 370; Waurin, ii. 186; Le Fevre, i. 228. 

10 Oure kyng unto the castell yede, 

And rested hym there as hys will was. Harflet, 314. 
Aulcune espace avec sa gentilesse, Pays-Bas, 354. 

58 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

government. One of his brothers 1 went round from house 
to house threatening to hang 2 all inhabitants who failed to 
make a true declaration of what they were worth. Schedules 
were drawn up under each man's name 3 and all who were 
willing to take an oath of allegiance to King Henry were 
allowed to retain their goods and possessions 4 , though 
numbers of horses that were found in the town 5 together 
with large quantities of other plunder were distributed 
amongst the victors 6 . Such of the well-to-do burghers as 
would not accept the king's conditions were shipped across 
to England till they could find ransoms 7 , and it was after- 
wards believed that they were all poisoned at Calais 8 . 
All priests and churchmen were allowed to go free, while 
some 2000 of the poorer residents 9 , together with the 
women and children 10 of every rank, were sent away to find 
new homes in other towns 11 where they would be safe from 

1 Not the king himself, as Belleval, 54. 

2 Sur peine de la hart (i.e. halter), Juv. 507 ; Cotgr., s.v. 3 Monstr. 370. 

4 Cousinqt, 133; though Brougham (in) thinks that Harfleur was "given up to in- 
discriminate sack and plunder"; also Duval-Pineu, ii. 188; Lavallee, i. 377. Barante 
(iii. 151) thinks that "la ville fut cruellement traitee." 

6 Tit. Liv. ii ; Vita, 49. For 3 coursers, 5 trotters, i jenett and i hackney de 
inventione de Harefliewe tempore lucrationis ejusdem, see For. Accts. 6 H. V, 19. For 
their names, e.g. Gryssell Harflewe, Sorell Gaukworth, Bayard Blowente, see Exch. 
Accts. 106/24 (i) 

6 Monstr. 370; Waurin, ii. 187; Le Fevre, i. 229. Cf. pro piraticis rapinis in 
praedam vice versa, Basin, i. 19, who quotes Isaiah xxxiii. i: "Woe to thee that robbest 
whether and thyself shalt not be robbed." 

7 St Denys, v. 544; Juv. 506, 507. For names of 221 exproprits from Harfleur, 
collected from Carte, Rolles, see Puiseux, Emigration, 105, in. Fallue (ii. 318) thinks 
that they were almost all sent to Calais; also Ardouin-Dumazet, vi. 404. 

Et qui ne voult lors son party, 
Tenir du pare (i.e. Harfleur) se departy, 
Mais qui le tint y demoura, 

Dont 1'un rist et 1'aultre ploura. Pastoralet, 764. 
Gives pene omnes bonis ademptis vita solummodo relicta alio abire dimissf sunt, Basin, i. 19. 

8 La Motte, 36; Viau, in Revue de Rouen (1845), p. 8. Borely, i. 112, rejects the 
story for want of evidence, though it occurs in the charter of 1493, La Motte, in. 

9 Les manans, Waurin, ii. 187. Called 1600 families in La Motte, 34, 91 ; Mazas, 
Vies, v. 580; Bordeaux, i. i. 47. One and 20 M. men myght see, Harflet, App. 74; 
VIII. C. (i.e. 800) men and litell schyldren, ibid. 314. 

10 Blondel, i. 260, 442; four hundred women and children might see, Harflet, 314. 

Wyf no child lett not abide, 

But have them ought both grete and small. Ibid. 

11 Non sine plurium gentium depopulatione, Otterbourne, 276 ; expulsis habitatoribus, 
Bee, Chroniques, 8r; omnes olim indigenas expellit, 126; to put out al the Frensshe 
pepill that were within, man, woman and child, Brut, ii. 377, 554. 

They left no Ffrenssh blod withinne the wall, 
But had all oute the communelte. Harflet, 314. 

V. Freville, 92 ; Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 457 ; qui omnes capti ad Angliam captivi perducti 
fuerunt, Niem, Vita, 36, giving the account that reached Constance in November 1415, 
Raynaldi, viii. 438; les envoyans tous en Angleterre, Argentre, 729; cf. vous avez 
emmenne les enffants filz et filles de ce royaume, D6bat, 49; Pym, 86, 120. 

Deportation 59 

the unhallowed touch of the English soldiery, who dealt less 
in piety than in plunder and heeded not the tears of the 
innocent if only they could get their fingers on the loot 1 . 
In all this the king appears to have directly defied the 
current maxim that all captured towns should be given up 
to plunder if the chief would win his soldiers' hearts 2 . It 
is certain that this lenient treatment came as a welcome 
surprise to the French 3 who had expected that the conqueror 
would exact the " punishment of Deuteronomy 4 " and smite 
every male with the edge of the sword in return for the 
town's black record as a nest of pirates and robbery 5 , and it 
is interesting to note the praise bestowed on him for his 
clemency by some contemporaries 6 who apparently expected 
that the English would not be bound by the ordinary rules 
of warfare, for such punishment was only meted out when 
the besieged resisted obstinately to the last. The next 
generation however took no such favourable view, but cursed 
him roundly for carrying off the good French folk away out 
of their nation 7 . 

Each one of the refugees was provided with a small 
sum of money variously stated at $s. or icxr., but they were 
robbed of this by French plunderers on the road 8 , so that 

1 Gesta, 33 ; Puiseux, 14. 

Such as castels mowe colche or eny clos tounes, 
Geve hem as gladly, than shalt thou get hertes. 

Crowned King, 528. 
Honge and brenne and faste bynde, 
And sell hem all. Laud Troy Book, 40. 

3 Micius quam sperabatur, St Denys, v. 544; fort humainement, Montfaucon, iii. 163; 
Goldwin-Smith, i. 255, notes Henry's "comparative humanity"; Belloc (231) has a 
cryptic reference to his "mystic cruelty"; Vickers (26) thinks that Harfleur was 
"treated with justice if not with leniency." 

4 Deut. xx. 13; Gesta, 21, 30; Chron. Giles, 27; "according to the custom of the 
country," Wylie, iv. 63. In Melusine, after the capture of Arval, all the prisoners are 
hung from the gates and windows, Lecesne, no. For the "law of arms," see Froude, 
v. 492. 

5 J. Meyer, 245 ; see page 9, note 15. 

6 Absque habitatorum spoliatione et violentia mulierum, Roye, 168. 

Mais pour se monstrer pitoiable, 

Mains dommageux et anoiable, 

A ceux du pare rien ne mesprist, 

Fors sans plus que lor houles prist. Pastoralet, 764. 
i.e. their scalps or pots, see Godefroy, s.v. Ole. 

II a voullu hors du pays mener, 

Les bons Frahcoys hors de leur nation. 

Gaste, Chansons, 122 ; Basselin, 105. 

8 Le Fevre, i. 229; Ruisseauville, 137, who adds that the French violated many of 
the women; Biondi, 115; Nicolas, 69; Lingard, iii. 490; Bor61y, i. 112, who thinks that 
the money was given to the women only; not 5 pennies, as Cassell, i. 527. Called 
"a miserable pittance" in Church, 70; "an insulting mockery," Brougham, in. 

6o Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

when the sad long line of carts 1 in which the women alone 
numbered at least 1500" halted at St Aubin 3 , they had 
nothing with them but the clothes they stood in 4 . Here 
they were fed with bread and cheese and wine and thence 
passed on to Lillebonne 5 , which was then a veritable island 
as its name implies 6 , surrounded by swamps and marshes, 
though now some four or five miles from the Seine 7 . Here 
they were met by Marshal Boucicaut who sent them on in 
boatloads to Rouen 8 amidst cries of weeping and lamentation 9 . 
This wholesale deportation was a necessary part of 
Henry's fixed intention to stuff Harfleur with Englishmen 10 

1 Quadrigis et equis mulieres hinc generosas 

Salvo conductu mandat abire simul. 

Elmham, Lib. Metr. 112. 

2 Le Fevre, i. 229. 

3 i.e. St Aubin Routot near St Remain de Colbosc; not St Aubin de Cretot, as 
Puiseux, 15; Ronciere, ii. 216. Not St Aubon, as Tyler, ii. 151. 

4 St Denys, v. 544 ; sans fardeler, Juv. 507 ; leur corps tant seullement, une partie de 
leur vetements, Monstr. 370; Normandie, 168; Nagerel, 166; nullis asportatis bonis, 
Tit. Liv. 10 (not "with their goods," as Vickers, 26); aulcuns de leurs moindres 
vestements, Waurin, ii. 187; vetusde leurs simples pourpoints, Villaret, xiii. 347; "with 
their doublets," Ling. iii. 490. Tyler (ii. 151) thinks that they carried "each a 
moderate bundle with them"; Ronciere (ii. 216) regards them as "rich burgesses"; 
Echard, i. 184, as "ladies in their best habits," adding: " strictly forbidding all immodest 
and licentious behaviour to them." Cf. maestus, inarmatus, vacuus, miser, aeger 
inopsque, Ocland, H. IV; cum binis vestibus (i.e. at Antequera in 1410), Valla, 1012; 
cum camisiis solum, St Denys, iv. 378; Wylie, ii. 227, note 4. Haggard (113) thinks 
that they were " stripped to the waist and left only a petticoat apiece." 

5 Not "Lilesbon," as Guthrie, ii. 461; nor "Lislebone," as Tyler, ii. 151; nor 
" Lillebourne," as Adams, i. 215. For the castle at Lillebonne, see Cotman-Turner, 
ii. 75; Normandie Monumentale, 413; C. Beaurepaire, Notes, i. 283, 285, where the 
great hall was set on fire by the English in 1415. In 1391 the castle was roofed with 
splints of wood aosende, C. Beaurepaire, Melanges, 399. For the Roman amphitheatre 
at Lillebonne, see Dearmer, 319; Dibdin, Tour, i. 217; Bordeaux, i. i. 51 ; H. Gaily 
Knight, 181. 

6 Insula bona, Carte, Rolles, i. 331 ; Blondel, ii. 153; Insula de Caux, Bretigny, 33. 

7 Ronciere, ii. 216. 

8 Juv. 507; Gesta, 33. Cf. passer Saine a Lislebonne (1411), a 1'endroit de la ville 
de Lislebonne, Soc. de 1'Hist. de Normandie, Melanges (1893), ii. 298, 302, 305, 309, 
312. For batel passager between Lillebonne and Quillebeuf by the river (or channel) of 
Le Mesnil and the marshes (alluvions), see C. Beaurepaire, Notes, i. 317, 319. 

9 When they went out sore gon they wepe, Harflet, 314. 

And let stuffe the town overall, 
With Englysshmen thereinne to be. Ibid. 

MS. Cott. Claudius A. vm. f. 23, in Nicolas, 214; Chron. R. II to H. VI, 40; 
Caxton, Chron. 145 ; Brut, ii. 377, 554. II mist un grande stuffe de ses gentz en mesme 
la ville pur la savegarde d'icell, Rot. Parl. iv. 62 ; cf. stuffe youre castels on eche coost, 
Kail, 59; I-stuffyd wel with sowdyours, Pol. Songs, ii. 254; stuffyng the castel with 
meine strong, ibid. 326 ; homme d'armes de estoffle, Boutaric, 303 ; estuf de gentz, 
Delpit, 217; not "sufficient staff of people," as Halliwell, Letters, i. 84; Riley, Mem. 
620; cf. Godefroy, iii. 646, s.v. Estoffe, Estuffe. Cf. pour estoffer la forteresse, 
Champollion-Figeac, Poesies, 78; to stuffe with the fortres, G. W. Taylor, 46. 
That had stuffed wel the town, 
With the good and vitayle. Pol. Songs, ii. 154. 

Her schippis stoffid with al maner thinges, Lydg. Troy Book, 129, 201, 255, 350 (=stuf 
and charge), 360 ( = stuf and lade), 361. 


A Second Calais 61 

and make of it a second Calais 1 , from which he would be able 
to command the entrance and control the traffic of the Seine. 
On the very day of the surrender he wrote a letter 2 to the 
Mayor of London announcing his success, and on Oct. 5 3 
a proclamation was issued at Westminster to the merchants, 
victuallers and craftsmen 4 of the capital and other large 
towns in England 5 , offering free houses 6 and special privi- 
leges to all who would cross to Harfleur and settle there 7 . 

The Lords of Estouteville, Gaucourt and Cleres, 
together with the other leading defenders of the town, 
amounting in all to 60 knights and over 200 gentlemen of 
the best families of Normandy 8 , were allowed their parole 
on condition that they would deliver themselves up at 
Calais 9 by Martinmas, if general terms of submission had 
not been previously arranged. Immediately on his release 
Gaucourt was specially commissioned to carry a formal 

1 Un havre purement Anglais, Argentre, 729 ; sorte de Calais Normand, Rapin, 
iii. 442; do. Tindal, i. 511; Valois, iv. 361; Niethe, 13. 

2 Dated Sept. 22, 1415, Letter Book I, 131; Delpit, cxlvi. 217; Riley, Mem. 620; 
Halliwell, Lett. i. 83. 

3 Letter Book I, 159; Delpit, 217; Sharpe, London, i. 259; Gesta, 35. For an 
undated proclamation by the Mayor of London inviting merchants and others "for 
comune passage toward Hareflieu," to be ready with all manner of victual, clothing, 
armour and artillery "between this and today sevenyght to speed to the king beyng 
atte Harflewe," and that the Mayor would assign them shipping and passage, see Letter 
Book I, 161 ; Riley, Mem. 628, who supposes it to refer to the events of May 1416. 

4 "Merchauntez and craftimen," Brut, ii. 377; Caxton, Chron. 145; do. Polychron. 
226; "Craftymen, Artificers and Artisans," Speed, 778. 

5 Did crie in every good town of England, Cotton MS. Claud. A. vin. f. 23, in 
Nicolas, Agincourt, 214. 

6 Rastell, 249; Holinsh. iii. 550; "free inhabitation," Lei. Coll. ii. 487; an house of 
habitation, Biondi, 116. For an order (July 26, 1419) to allot domos et hospicia to 
merchants and others settled at Harfleur, see Brequigny, 103. For a house in Harfleur 
ubi cornu habetur signum, granted to James Cambridge, and another to Philip Maidstone, 
see Carte, Rolles, i. 262 (1418). For many similar instances in the Norman Rolls, see 
Ewald, xli, xlii, and Brequigny, passim, of which the following are examples on Dec. 15, 
1419, Brequigny, 115; Ewald, xli. 808; xlii. 347, 348; Carte, Rolles, i. 321, viz. John 
Edwards of Barnstaple (marinarius), John Ward, William Baudewin, John Otterbourne 
(marinarius, of London), Thomas Fekenham, Vincent Clark, John Olivier, John Asshe 
(mercer), Geoffrey Aghton (or Acton), William Colwell, John Holand, Thomas Harpifeld, 
John Russel, William Soper, John Botiller, Robert Barbot, John Wonderwale, John 
Barbier (of London, mercer), John Boure, Hugh Spenser, William Breton, John Under- 
wood, Simon Flete, John Weston, John Limburg, Henry Leddebeter, Walter Churchman, 
William Grey, William Fynbarowe, John Stevens, William Kempe, John Gore, Simon 
Holcroft, John Billing; also William London (1421), Ewald, xlii. 400; Carte, Rolles, 
* 354> 355> William Crane and John Plant. For other lists, see Ewald, xlii. 404; Carte, 
Rolles, i. 356, Feb. 24, 1421 ; also Carte, Rolles, i. 359; Brequigny, 31 (1418); do. 122 
(1420), naming William Bernam, John Hopingdon, Thomas Wodeman, and a long list of 
other Englishmen mostly carpenters and masons. 

7 Colonis ex exercitu regis lectis...relictos colonos, Tit. Liv. n ; assignatos Anglicos 
in novos incolas recipit, Vita, 48. 

8 Gesta, 34. 

9 Capgr. De Illustr. 115; St Denys, v. 544; Monstr. 370; Waurin, ii. 186; Le Fevre, 
i. 229; Chastellain, f68; Nicolas, App. 25; Masseville, iv. 46. 

62 Fall of Harfletir [CH. xxx 

challenge 1 to the Dauphin calling upon him to meet King 
Henry in single combat in order to avoid further bloodshed. 
Whichever of the two should win should finally wear the 
crown of France, but inasmuch as it had pleased God to 
visit the reigning king his cousin with infirmity 2 , no change 
of tenure need actually take place until his death, provided 
that the future outlook could be now definitely settled one 
way or the other. It was expressly said that in formulating 
this challenge King Henry had not consulted his council 
or indeed anybody but himself and it is not surprising that 
nothing whatever came of the expedient 3 , which was indeed 
rapidly passing into the category of obsolete old-world 
formalities 4 . The king however had undertaken to wait at 
least eight days 5 for a reply, and in that interval he reduced 
two towers on the sea 6 which still kept up a show of 
resistance after the town itself had fallen. He then arranged 
to leave 300 men-of-arms 7 and 900 archers to garrison the 
town 8 . 

1 It is dated "a notre ville de Harflieu," whence it has been inferred by Nicolas (72) 
that the date should be Sept. xxvi, not xvi, as in Rym. ix. 313; Dumont, n. ii. 48; 
Tyler, ii. 155. The original document (Calig. D. v) has been injured by the fire. For 
an English translation of the challenge, see Nicolas, App. 29 ; Halliwell, Letters, i. 80 ; 
Towle, 306, who dates it Sept. 26; also Ramsay, i. 205; Knight, ii. 59; Diet. Nat. 
Biogr. xxvi. 47. George (82) thinks that the date is not quite certain. Niethe (13) 
prefers Sept. 16. 

2 Quia solita invalitudine mente captum, Gesta, 34. 

3 Villaret (xiii. 350) thinks that "ces sortes de demarches produisent toujours quelque 
impression sur 1'esprit du vulgaire." Nicolas (73) finds " little of true bravery in wishing 
to meet a mere youth in the field, of whose prowess or bodily strength there is not the 
slightest evidence"; also George, 81, 82, who calls the Dauphin "a dissolute reckless 
fay" "a weak and debauched lad." Tyler (ii. 153) calls it "a frivolous attack. " Cf. 
"a bombastic and wholly superfluous challenge," Vickers, 26. 

4 For instances, see Wylie, i. 138. Cf. 

Let all our men upon a parti stand, 

And do the battle of thee and me. Chevy Chase (Bell), 84. 

5 Octo diebus ibi quod daret ipse moram, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 113. 

6 Monstr. 370; Waurin, ii. 187; Le Fevre, i. 229; La Motte, 35. Called les tours 
de la cote, in Michelet, vi. 19; see page 15, note 10; Stow, 348; Goodwin, 72; Nicolas, 
70; Larrey, 811; Belleval, 55. Possibly at the entrance to the fosse at Leure, i.e. at 
Little Leure, A. Martin, i. 139. 

7 Not 400, as Dumont, 20, who considers this "pas tres nombreuse." 

8 Including 22 kts. ; not 2 kts. as Excerpt. Hist. 26; Gesta, 72; see also L.T.R. 
Miscell. Books, no. 79, p. 31, showing that the numbers kept up to this till Sept. i, 1416, 
when they fell to 193 + 815 (p. 32); Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 184; Exch. Accts. 48/7, fol. n, 
where their wages are given from Dec. 31, 1415, to April i, 1416; Brequigny, 7, Jan. ii, 
1416, from Rym. H. V, i. no. 99 ; MS. Calig. D. V. f. in. (9), for Easter, 1416; called 
Brequigny, tome 41, in Belleval, 57; also Add. MS. 4601/99 (126); dated Jan. n, anno 
3 H. V, i.e. 1416, in margin, but 4 H. V (i.e. 1417), at top. The payments are made 
from the 2nd tenth and fifteenth granted 2 H. V; S. D. Scott, ii. 417; Oman, Hundred 
Years, 108. For their names, see Exch. Accts. 47/39; Wylie, Notes, nr, 112. Called 
"grant nombre de gens d'armes," in Chron. Brioc. 891 ; or 1000 men, in Kirkstall Chron. 
285; not 2000 in all, as Tit. Liv. ii, 12; Vita, 49; Stow, 348; Henry, v. 35; Schmidt, 
ii. 249; Ronciere, ii. 216; nor 1600, as Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 527; nor "3000 of the 

1415] The Garrison 63 

Orders were also issued at Westminster to provision 
the place with supplies from England 1 . John Colchester 2 
was required to send across tilemakers 3 , tilers 4 , and 
stone-cutters to mend the houses and other buildings 5 . 
Many of the great guns that had been brought over for the 
siege were left behind in the town 6 , the rest being sent back 
in ships which coasted round to Calais under the charge of 
the Duke of Clarence 7 , who was invalided home to England 8 . 

best troops," as Guthrie, ii. 462; nor 500+100x3, as Monstr. 371; Waur. ii. 188; Sis- 
mondi, xii. 478; La Motte, 35; Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 381; Church, 72; Borely, i. 
113; Henty, 338; nor 500+1500, as Le Fevre, i. 231 ; nor 2000+1300 et quibusdam 
aliis, as Harpsfeld, 587; nor 3000 nobles +1000 archers, as Mazas, Vies, v. 585; nor 
1500 with 35 good knights, as Halle, 62; Grafton, i. 513. In addition to the fight- 
ing force there were 18 gunners, 42 carpenters and 20 masons, Add. MS. 4601/99 
(126). For 14+160 under the Earl of Salisbury and John Pelham the younger, 
added to the garrison in the spring of 1416, see Gesta, 35, quoting Indentures of War, 
State Paper Office, 4 H. V. For John Lewis left to keep Harfleur, see Hunter, 45; 
Nicolas, 381, where his retinue is 2 + 6; also J. Montgomery (1 + 3); Nicolas, 382. He 
was invalided before the end of the second quarter, leaving as his substitute John 
Pleasaunce, whose name occurs on the muster roll of Harfleur (Exch. Accts. 47/39), 
as also Janico Dartoys (sic). For the house occupied by the latter, see ibid. 48/7 ; also 
L.T.R. Misc. Books, no. 79. For Thomas Carew, kt. at Harfleur from Oct. 6, 1415, 
to Jan. 6, 1416, see For. Accts. i H. VI, E. 

1 For order dated at Westminster, Oct. 6, 1415, to John Fisher of Henley (not 
"Genie," as Belleval, 58), to supply wheat for the garrison, see Rym. ix. 314; Cal. Pat. 
H. V, i. 344, 354, 365; also order (Oct. 12, 1415) to John Laweney, grocer, of London, 
for provisions, arms and necessary stuff, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 32; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 364; 
Brequigny, 7; Belleval, 58, though in Juv. 517, most of the surplus stores are said 
to have been shipped back to England. 

2 For order to him dated Dec. 16, 1415, to take lathamos, tegulatores, etc., to repair 
houses, etc. at Harfleur, see Rym. ix. 327; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 412. For a house at 
Harfleur granted to John Colchester, Jan. 30, 1421, see Ewald, xlii. 400. 

3 For tylemakers at Colchester, see Benham, 49; thuilliers, Lhomel, Edits, in, 
where they make carreaux a four et pavement, and vannels or vanneaux (i.e. 3 cornered 
tiles) ; called also pottiers de terre, who make thuiles, festissures and arrestiers (corner- 
tiles), ibid. 108, and are forbidden to make tiles between Oct. 15 and mid-March, or 
pots and pails between Christmas and Candlemas (p. no). For list of tuileries in 
Normandy, see C. Beaurepaire, Melanges, 407-418; for different kinds of tiles, see 
ibid. 402. For les tuyaux qui gitent 1'eau dehors at Saumur, 1370, see Darne, 79. 

4 For tegheler, see Boys, 557; couvreur de maisons, Briele, Doc. iii. 27; couvreur de 
tuile, C. Beaurepaire, Invent. Rouen, 14; couvreur de pierre, Marest, 162. 

8 i.e. account of Simon Flete, controller to Thomas Barneby, late Treasurer of 
Harfleur, from Dec. 31, 1415, to Jan. 21, 1420, Exch. Accts. 48/7, ff. 18, 19, 20; Add. 
MS. 24,512, f. 124. His account under writ dated Jan. 22, 1416, when John Gray, 
knight, took over the government of Harfleur, is also in T.R. Misc. Books, 79. For 
tenements in Harfleur granted to Simon Flete and Thomas Barneby on Jan. 29, 1420, 
see Brequigny, 122. 

6 The grete gonnes engynes trewlyche, 

They were brought into Harflete. Harflet, 314. 

7 Not that he was present at Agincourt, as Gruel, 18; Argentre, 730; Goodwin, 87; 
Echard, i. 185; Brougham, 118, 120; Lingard, iii. 499; Belleval, 103, 114; Low, 41. 
On Oct. 12, 1415, it was believed that he had landed at Calais a tout grand nombre 
de gens, Deseilles, 423, but this was probably only a panic rumour of which an echo 
is also found in Waurin, ii. 187 ; Le Fevre, ii. 36; Vickers, 26. For names of his retinue 
(246 + 798) at Southampton (called 240 + 720 in Nicolas, 373), see K.R. Exch. Accts. 
45/4, among the lances being Daubriggecourt, Burnel, Colvyle, Heron, Bowet and 
Chimwelle (?). 

8 Monstr. 371 ; Church, 72. Not that all the guns were left at Harfleur, as Argentre, 729. 

64 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

Several of the ships and balingers were stationed to guard 
the entrance to the Seine 1 , while others crossed to Sandwich 
and elsewhere to lie up for the winter in the charge of 
greatly reduced crews known as shipkeepers 2 . Two of the 
king's ships, viz. the Catherine and the Holy Ghost, crossed 
from Winchelsea and Rye 3 bringing 79 pipes of English 
beer 4 , together with corn, hay, oats and other provender, 
and the victualler's account shows stores of ropes, winches, 
arblast-strings, glue and coal 5 , while abundance of other 
stuff, whether arms or provisions, passed over free of duty 
from the ports of Chichester, Dartmouth, Melcombe, 
Plymouth and Southampton 6 . 

Thus the first steps were taken to secure a lasting foot- 
hold in the new Calais and thereby to grip strongly our 
second key to France 7 , and to this end nothing must be 
done by halves. The deportation of the disaffected was 
complete and every office high or low was filled by English- 
men. Thomas Barneby 8 was made treasurer of Harfleur, 

1 For ^140 paid to William Soper of Southampton for 36 seamen going in a king's 
balinger called the " Lytyll John " for i quarter de salva custodia Aque de Seine, see 
Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, 1416; also Rec. Roll (Auditors) of same date; Exch. 
Accts. 49/29. Her crew from Jan. 27 to Apr. 28, 1416, consisted of 160 seamen and 
37 boys, together with a constable, a carpenter and the master. For a ship, Holigost 
(Jordan Browning, master) and two balingers, viz. "Lytyll Jon" (John Dole) and 
"Jamys" (John Cossard), see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 19 d (Jan. 9, 1416). The same roll 
(m. 16 d) has a reference to a vessel called "le Lethonard" (i.e. Leonard) of Newcastle- 
on-Tyne, which was wrecked at Fisherdeep on returning from a voyage to Bordeaux, 
Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 412. 

2 For payment of their wages, see For. Accts. 8 H. V, Dec. 5, 16, 1415. 

3 Pat. 3 H. V, ii. ii d, Jan. 29, 1416; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 413. 

4 For cost of freight arid pilotage at 6s. 8d. per pipe, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 25, 1415. 

6 Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 25, 1415; Exch. Accts. 328/6, where payment 
is made to Reginald Curteys for freight carbonum maretem', etc. provided for Harfleur. 
For payments for winches (3 doz.), cords for balistas, nerf, glewe and other estuffamentum, 
made to Baldwin Arblastmaker and other mercatores pro stuffura et municione of 
Harfleur, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 29, 1416; probably Baldwin Jacobson 
(Wylie, ii. 269, note 3), who is a balistar in the Tower in Iss. Roll 7 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 27, 1419, Feb. 17, 1420, where he receives payment for quarrells, thread, and other 

6 Claus. 3 H. V, Feb. 9, 1416. 

7 Qu'est la principall claex de France, Rot. Parl. iv. 94; la clef du pays de 
Normandie, Juv. 509; Godefroy, Charles VI (anno 1417) ; St Denys, v. 532; Riley, Mem. 
620; Monstr. 366; Waurin, ii. 181 ; Plancher, iii. 423 ; la clef de la mer, La Motte, 24; 
le plus prouffitable port pour leur guerre menor en ce quartier, Waurin, ii. 185 ; Michelet, 
vi. 15, who regards it as the key to Paris, la poste qui couvrait la Seine et tout le 
royaume (p. 21); Martin, vi. n. 

8 See Vol. i. p. 108. For ^4892. vs. or/, paid to him for wages of the garrison gunners, 
cementers, smiths, carpenters and stonecutters, see Devon, 345, Feb. 29, 1416; Exch. 
Accts. 48/8, which contains his account from Jan. 22, 1416, to Jan. 21, 1420, among 
the master gunners being Gerard Sprong (or Spronk, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., 
Dec. 23, 1415, where he had ^40 per annum granted to him, March 23, 1415, see 

Archives 65 

and Reginald Curteys 1 victualler 2 , and Englishmen were 
appointed water-bailiffs and searchers 3 to control the fishery 4 
and the mills and patrol the creeks and channels of the 
river and the marshes. 

In this connection it is usually said 5 that the king had 
all the town archives publicly burnt in the market square 
and granted the Hotel de Ville to an Englishman named 
William Ludlow. This latter touch is demonstrably wrong, 
for Ludlow merely received a grant of a house in the town 
of Harfleur in 142 1 6 like many another Englishman \ The 
statement as to the archives first occurs in the text of the 
charter which was granted to Harfleur by Charles VIII 8 two 
generations later, which contains an ex-parte recital of the 
woes of the town during the English occupation, and certainly 

Pat. 3 H. V, i. 27 ; Wylie, iii. 64, note 2). The cementers are J. Colchester, Glaus 
Johnson, J. Cliff and 18 others, who receive is. per day from Jan. i, 1416 (T. R. Misc. 
Books, no. 79, p. 42; Scargill-Bird, 171), with 12 at is. and 24 others at 6d. per day. 
The master carpenter is Thomas Mathewe, and the sawyers and labourers get 6d. a day 
each, see ibid. pp. 43-59. For ^2500 paid to Thomas Barneby as wages for gunners, 
balisters, cementers, carpenters, smiths, artisans and others, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., 
July 24, 1416. For ^400 paid to him for wages of 200+700, see ibid. July 6, 1416 ; also 
for 40+120 additional, ibid. July 23, 1416. 

1 For \o per annum paid to him from the revenues of Pontefract in 1415, see Due. 
Lane. Accts. Various, 27/6. For Reginald Curteys esquire and others paying ^20 per 
annum as farmers of half of the church of Rotherham in Yorkshire, which belonged 
to the Abbey of Clairvaux on the Aube, from Michaelmas, 1414, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 30, 
Oct. 23, 1415; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 366. He appears on the London Subsidy Roll, 1412, 
see Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 79. For "Curteis," on the Roll of Battle Abbey, see Brut, ii. 
536, 605; called "Corateis" in Worcester, ii. 524. 

2 He appears as victualler of Harfleur in Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 25, 1415; 
Gesta, 35 ; Pat. 3 H. V, ii. rod, Feb. 3, 1416; Iss. Roil 3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 29, 1416, 
which shows payment to him for wages of sailors of ships loaded with wine and beer 
from the Thames to Harfleur; also for 3 doz. winches and cords for balistas, nerf, glue 
and other stores. 

3 Scrutator aquae, T. R. Misc. Books, no. 79, p. 17. For duties of a scrutator 
at Ipswich ad explorand' omnes naves et batellos in regard to persons de quibus sinistra 
suspicio haberi potuit, also for uncoketted wool and other taxable articles, see For. Accts. 
3 H. V. For Richard Trenode and William Markes, scrutatores in the port of Bristol, 
see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 27, 1416. For scrutatores confiscating goods which 
have not paid duty at London, Colchester, Dartmouth, Exeter, Fowey, Melcombe and 
Plymouth, see For. Accts. 6 H. V, 20, 21. For an account by the scrutatores of the 
Thames, see For. Accts. 4 H. V, where the confiscated goods include i piece of russet 
needle (?midle), n nightcappes, 2 " Hamondays," 2 gross of points, pynnes, i piece of 
Frece (? frieze), 2 barrels stanni schotyn (i.e. molten tin, shottentin, shotentyn, estayn 
founduz, Rot. Parl. iv. 53, 251 ; Stat. ii. 190 (56); Goodwin, 49), and some goshawks. 

4 Scrutator piscar' river' et marisci, T. R. Misc. Books, no. 79, p. 17. For custos 
aquae of the Foss at York, see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 20, May 2, 1415, where 2 pair of bream 
and 4 pike (dentrices] are received from the custos by Nicholas Gascoigne, nephew to the 
Earl of Surrey. 

5 La Motte, 37; Puiseux, 67 (quoting Brequigny, no. 901); Borely, i. 112; Vian, in 
Rev. de Rouen (1845), p. 8; Dumont, 19. For records of Boulogne burnt by the 
English in 1544, see Deseille, Inventaire, p. i. 

6 Carte, Rolles, i. 370; Ewald, xlii. 386 (Jan. i, 1421); Brequigny, p. 152. 

7 See page 61, note 6. 

8 La Motte, in, 116, i.e. in Feb. 1492. For the text, see La Motte, 110-138. 

w. ii. 5 

66 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

at my visit some 1 2 years ago I was unable to find any 
records bearing dates prior to the siege 1 . But it is also certain 
that Harfleur did not really lose her ancient rights, for when 
the Earl of Dorset was authorised to receive the oath of 
fealty from the English king's new subjects on Jan. 27, 
141 6 a , he was himself expressly ordered to swear that he 
would maintain the rights and privileges of the commonalties 
and towns of Normandy. It was by preserving the municipal 
rights of the communes in the south of France while the 
French were everywhere destroying them that the English 
kings had retained the loyalty of Aquitaine, and it is clear 
that in English hands Harfleur was henceforward to be 
a Bordeaux as well as a Calais, and that the new possession 
was to be inhabited by citizens who were to enjoy their 
communal rights as freely as if they had been in London. 
I C^When Harfleur fell the greater part of the army that 
had sailed from Southampton six weeks before had practi- 
cally melted away 3 . The actual casualties of the siege 
were relatively few^ but thousands were put out of action 
by the flux, and apart from the large number of deaths 
from that cause amounting to over 2000 4 , one-fourth 
of whom were knights and squires, 5000 more had to 
be sent home invalided 5 . Among these were the Earl 

1 The existing records are tied in bundles and kept in a cupboard at the Mairie, and 
I made a cursory examination of them in Sept. 1902. I was informed that the existing 
documents had been examined two years previously by someone from the Ecole des 
Charles in Paris, who pronounced them to be without interest, but that it was believed 
that earlier ones existed in the Tower of London. For removal of the records of 
Bordeaux by the English when they evacuated Guienne in 1451, see Gras, Inventaire 
Sommaire (Gironde), p. i. 

2 Brequigny, 7. 

8 La greindre partie de son hoste fuit departie de luy dont pluseurs p. une certaine 
infirmite de la visitation Dieu furent mortz illoeqs et pluseurs furent retournez en 
Engleterre de la license du Roy pur lour sante recoverer, Rot. Parl. iv. 62. Oman (Pol. 
Hist. 249) thinks that the army had been reduced by three-tenths. 

4 Monstr. 367; Waurin, ii. 183, 187; Le Fevre, i. 226, 230; Carte, ii. 679; Morley, 
vi. 153; called nearly 5000 in Kirkstall Chron. 528; Mazas, Vies, v. 584; multa millia, 
Strecche, 267; not 17,000 (all told), as Mazas, Cours. ii. 173; nor 22,500, as Lediard' 

There dyed by yonde vii score upon a daye, 
Alyve there was lefte but thousandes x. Harriet, App. 74. 

Starbent sere in ir come here, Windecke, 87; pluseurs de ses genz sont malasdes et 
beaucope d'eux sont mortz, Add. MS. 17,716, f. 102. Michelet (vi. 20) put the deaths 
from all causes during the siege at 10,000; called 15,000 in Masson, 240. For William 
Ellewick who died in the king's service at Harfleur, see Early Chanc. Proc. i. 35, where 
his widow Joan sues for his lands at Elwick near Belford in Northumberland. 

5 Millia quinque viri se remeare parant, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 114. Hunter (55) 
refers to the "roll of the sick" but does not give the totals, and with the exception 
of Beamont (244), few, if any, appear to have been aware of his discovery. The 

1415] Thomas, Earl of Arundel 67 

Marshal 1 , the Earls of March 2 and Arundel 3 , and very many 
more\) The Earl of Arundel had brought out a retinue of 100 
men-of-arms and 300 archers 5 , of whose fate some interesting 
details still remain. Of the men-of-arms 2 died at Harfleur 6 , 
12 were invalided home and 5 returned as attendants on 
their sick master 7 . Of the archers, many of whom were 
Welshmen, 13 died 8 and 69 were invalided home, besides 

3 of his minstrels. The gaps however were made good by 
substitutes and almost the full complement went forward 
with the army to Calais, the numbers re-embarking for 
Dover being subsequently certified as 94 -f 3OO 9 , all of whom 
were present at the battle. The Earl himself, who was 

document is Exchequer K. R. 44/30 (i), in the Public Record Office, a clean legible roll 
written on paper and preserved in a pouch, having at the end a list of ships belonging to 
Boston, Colchester, Dartmouth, Hartlepool, Plymouth and Seaton, with the names of 
their masters. These ships appear to have been employed in bringing back the sick 
to England. One of them is called the "Goddeyer" (?"good year"), and the rest are 
the usual Christophers, Ellens, Georges, Marys, etc. The roll contains 1116 names 
of the sick, but it is evidently not complete, for other portions occur, ibid. 44/30 (6), and 
there are 577 more names on the undamaged portions of ibid. 45/1. 

1 Called the Earl of Nottingham in Oman, Pol. Hist. 249, 250; not that he died 
during the siege, as Biondi, 116. For his retinue (50+ 150, falling to 33 + 80 in Brook's 
list), including Robert Leventhorpe and John Swynborne, see Nicolas, 337 ; Belleval, 
340; Stonehouse, 139. In Fr. Roll 8 H. V, 2, Feb. 18, 1421 ; Carte, Rolles, ii. 242, he 
is abroad. 

2 Not Warwick, as Monstr. 371 ; Guthrie, ii. 462; Nicolas, 243; Belleval, 56; Diet. 
Nat. Biogr. iv. 29. For names of his retinue (60+ 160, which falls to 19+102 in Brook's 
list), including Richard Maydeston, see Exch. Accts. 45/5, m. 4; Nicolas, 336, 373; 
Belleval, 339. For "Marechal de Varvie et Comte de Vindsor" at Harfleur, see 
Masseville', ' iv. 43. From Rot. Select. 43, it would seem that the Earl of March 
appeared (i.e. by his representative) before the Barons of the Exchequer in Dublin on 
Oct. 13, 1415, to arrange for a remission of forfeitures under the Statute of Absentees, 
H. F. Berry, 500 ; Wylie, i. 224. For similar pardons occasione absencie sue, see Rot. 
Select 44. For his seal (1400) see Hope, Heraldry, 201. 

3 Wals. ii. 309 ; Hypodig. 462. For his seal, see De Witt, 660 ; Cagny, 65 ; Demay, 
i. 35, from MS. Clairambault in Bibl. Nat. vol. vi. p. 273 ; i.e. his receipt for wages for 
200 men given at Arras, Oct. 7, 1411, see Wylie, iv. 57 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 80. 

4 Including Thomas Gifford, knight, of Twyford (Inq. p. Mort. iv. 127), and Nicholas 
Bromford, esquire, ibid. iv. 213; Nicolas, 362 ; Belleval, 353. 

8 See vol. i. p. 113, note 10; L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/1 ; Nicolas, 373; Belleval, 
355. For their names on July i, 1415, see Exch. Accts. 47/1 ; W. D. Cooper, 128-132 ; 
Cheshire Sheaf, i. 291. They include Reginald, Lord Cobham of Starborough (called 
"Storresburgh," Ad Quod Damn. 370), whose mother was Eleanor, widow of John 
Arundel, Manning and Bray, ii. 340; Comp. Peer. i. 247; also 3 knights (viz. J. Morti- 
mer, Robert Moton and Robert Morle) (see vol. i. p. 26] , note 2), and 99 squires, including 

4 ultra retinentiam. 

6 i.e. on Sept. 28, Oct. i, 1415. 

7 L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/2 ; Hunter, 24. The names of four of them are given 
in Exch. Accts. 47/1, viz. J. Fitzpiers, T. Salmon, J. Someray and Richard Pary. In 
Exch. Accts. K.R. 44/30 (i), the numbers of the sick appear as 18 squires, 69 varlets 
(i.e. archers), and 3 of his minstrels. 

8 viz. on Sept. 24, 25, 26, Oct. i, 3, 1415. 

u L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/2, showing that before his death the Earl had 
received ^2412. i6s. od. out of the fine paid by the Earl of March for his marriage, see 
vol. i. p. 526, note i. 


68 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

reported to have been poisoned 1 , returned to England a 
dying man on Sept. 28. He made his will at Arundel 
Castle on Oct. 10, 141 5 2 , in which he arranged for the 
expenses of his funeral and for masses for his soul, and he 
died on his birthday 3 , three days afterwards 4 , at the age of 
34*. He was buried in the collegiate church at Arundel, 
where a splendid monument 6 still marks his resting-place 
and that of his Portuguese wife Beatrice 7 , who was buried 
by his side a generation later 8 . 

A modern estimate of the character of the Earl of 
Arundel describes him as " savage, revengeful and self- 
seeking 9 ," but of the truth of this I have not been able 
to find any evidence. At the time of his death he was 
Treasurer of England 10 and Warden of the Cinque Ports. 
In the latter office he was succeeded by Duke Humphrey, 

1 Wals. ii. 309. Pays-Bas, 355, represents that he died at Harfleur. 

2 Test. Vet. 186; Wylie, ii. 327, note 6. In Exch. Accts. 47/1, his executors are his 
wife Beatrice, John Wiltshire and John Bartlot (or Bertlot, L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled 
Accts. 6/2; W. D. Cooper, 127), who is probably the enigmatic "Vabelate" or 
Bablake (Wylie, ii. 335). The others were Bishop Langley, Robert Pobelowe, Thomas 
Herbyng, William Boerle and William Ryman, Memoranda Roll K.R. 3-4 H. V, where 
Archbishop Chichele (in hospicio nostro London, June 30, 1416) certifies that the widow 
Beatrice and John Wiltshire have received the testator's gifts. For John Wilteschire, kt. 
sued for a debt in the Court of King's Bench in London. 1416-17, see Pat. 4 H. V, 29; 
see also Wylie, ii. 335. 

3 Eodem die quo natus est in mundo, Tierney, 286. 

4 See vol. i. p. 14; i.e. Oct. 13, 1415; Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 34; Tit. Liv. 12; Vita, 50; 
Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 337; W. D. Cooper, 127; or Oct. 14, For. Accts. 6 H. V, 20; Priv. 
Seal Writs, 1423/1214; qui darrein morust, Rot. Parl. iv. 78; en sa lite morient, ibid. 82; 
not 1416, as Stothard, 83; Weiss, i. 139. For his anniversary celebrated in St Stephen's 
Chapel at Westminster, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 9, 1415, where 6s. Saf. is paid 
to the Dean and Chapter for this purpose, and a similar sum to John Prentot (or Prentour, 
Wylie, iv. 222), wax-chandler of London. For a Book of Hours (circ. 1420) with his 
arms and those of his mother Elizabeth de Bohun and his sister Elizabeth, wife of 
William Montagu, see Quaritch, Supplement, v. 1893. 

5 He was born on Oct. 13, 1381, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xix. 100. 

6 Gough, i. 45; Roujoux, ii. 251; Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 453; Viollet-le-Duc, 
Mobilier, iii. 230; Rock, iv. Frontispiece; Hope, Heraldry, 277; Denis, Portugal, 55, 
who thinks that sa destinee fut obscure; see also Wylie, ii. 338, note 2; iv. 116, note 7 ; 
iv. 1 1 8, note i. 

7 For his marriage with her "non pas par son propre mouvement mes eins par vostre 
comandement en partie," see letter of Queen Philippa to Henry IV, dated Lisbon, Nov. 4 
[s. a. probably 1406; not 1405, as Roy. Lett. ii. pp. xxviii, xxx]; see Wylie, ii. 337, 
note 2; Roy. Lett. ii. pp. xxxi, 101; Major, Discoveries, 21; Shillington- Chapman, 
1 7. She is called " Donna Beatriz minha filha," " filha da Rey," in Roy. Lett. ii. 84, 97. 
For description of the marriage which took place on Nov. 26, 1405, by a public notary, 
Peter Cherche (alias Mundham, a clerk of the diocese of Norwich), see ibid. ii. 
pp. xxxi-xxxvii, from Sousa, i. 391 ; Riddell, 20; Wylie, ii. 336. For 3 letters from her 
father Joao I, King of Portugal (dated Lisbon, Oct. 29, 31, 1405), written to Henry IV 
in regard to the marriage, see Roy. Lett. ii. 89-95, from Cotton MS. Nero B. I, f. 32; 
also Figaniere, 54-70. For Beatrice's arms formerly in the cloister at Fotheringhay, see 
Bonney, 44. For her seal in 1417, see Cotton MS. Julius C. VII. 193 ; Wylie, ii. 338, note 2. 

8 i.e. on Oct. 23, 1430. Tierney, 284; Wylie, ii. 338; called Nov. 14, 1439, in 
Doyle, ii. 230. " Comp. Peer, (new edition), i. 246. 10 Vol. i. p. 14. 

1415] Treasurer of England 69 

who was appointed Warden on Nov. 27, 141 5 \ For the 
Treasurership, Sir John Rothenale 2 had been appointed to 
act as the Earl's deputy 3 when he started for Harfleur, 
until other arrangements should be made. On Arundel's 
return Bishop Beaufort 4 seems to have temporarily acted as 
Treasurer, but Rothenale continued to be keeper of the 
office 8 till Jan. 10, 14 16 6 , on which day Sir Hugh Mortimer 7 
was appointed Treasurer of England 8 . Mortimer held the 
office till April 13, 1416*, and was succeeded on April 16 by 
Sir Roger Leche 10 , who had been Keeper of the Wardrobe 

1 Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 374; Pat. 3 H. V, m. 22; Pat. 4 H. V, June 24, 1416; Priv. 
Seal Writs, 1423/1214; Kirkstall Chron. 284, where his appointment is dated April 9, 
1413; Doyle, ii. 22; Vickers, 34. In Rot. Parl. iv. 91, March 1416, Humphrey is 
Gardein dez Cink Portz; also Pat. 6 H. V, 9d, Feb. 21, 1419. For .100 presented to 
him by the Cinque Ports at the Shepway, see Hist. MSS. Comm. 5th Kept. 539 (3-4 H. V) ; 
Vickers, 36. 

2 Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, 1416; do. 4 H. V, Pasch., Mich., May 27, 
Nov. 9, 17, 1416; also Oct. 1419, Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 180. On Jan. i, 1416, he 
succeeded Roger Leche as Keeper of the Great Wardrobe ; see also Iss. Roll 4 H. V, 
Pasch., May 14, 1416; do. 6 H. V, Pasch., Apr. 4, 1418; Pat. 6 H. V, Sept. 27, 

* i.e. on Aug. 5, 1415, Memoranda Roll K.R. 3-4 H. V, m. n; or Aug. 9 donee rex 
aliter duxerit ordinandum, Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 42 ; Chron. Ser. 58, where he is called 

4 Letter Book I, 159, Oct. 5, 1415; Sharpe, i. 259; Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 182, Oct. 20, 

5 In the heading to Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Rothenale is Gustos Officii Thes. 
Angl.; also in Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 25, 29, 30, 1415. On Dec. 19, 1415, he is 
called Treasurer of England, Kal. and Inv. ii. toi, 218. 

8 Quo die exoneratus fuit, Iss. Roll 3 H. V., Mich., Jan. 10, 1416, where he receives 
at the rate of TOO marks per annum for the feudum antiquum, with ,300 per annum as 
ultra; also Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 384, where he is called Treasurer of the Exchequer, but 
Treasurer of England, ibid. i. 398 (Feb. 26, 1416). For the Treasurer's hostels at 
St James', Westminster and in the College of St Martin-le-Grand, see Iss. Roll 7 H. V, 
Mich., Nov. 3, 1419. 

7 He was on a commission of the peace for the marches of Wales bordering on 
Herefordshire and Gloucestershire on June 16, 1415, see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 3 d. For grants 
to Hugh and Constantine Mortimer of the alien priories of Carisbrooke, Wareham 
and Hinckley, all connected with the Abbey of Lyre, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 23, May 17, 
1415; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 378. For Hugh Mortimer as Chamberlain of the Duchy of 
Lancaster, see Wylie, iv. 498. In Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 118, July 23, 1417, he is defunctus', 
also Claus. 4 H. V, 3, Feb. 27, 1417; Pat. 5 H. V, n, July 24, 14^; Cal. Pat. H. V, 
ii. 125; Priv. Seal 5 H. V (846), where his widow Isabel is allowed to retain Fordington 
near Dorchester and Little Weldon in Northamptonshire ; also Iss. Roll 9 H. V, Mich., 
Feb. 22, 1420, where silver vessels are bought from his executors. 

8 Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 17 ; not m. 6, as Cal. Rot. Pat. 365 ; see Chron. Ser. 58. 

9 Quo die exoneratus fuit, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, March 18, 1416; also heading to Rec. 
Roll 3 H. V, Part n. He is Treasurer in Exch. Accts. 48/10, April 9, 1416, but late 
Treasurer of England in Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., July 24, 1416. 

10 Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 23, 1416; Chron. Ser. 58; Pat. 4 H. V, 35; 
Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 9, Apr. 17, 1416, where he is called Treasurer of our Exchequer, but 
"Thes. Anglic" in Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch. and Mich, (heading). He is Treasurer 
of England in June 27, July 18, Aug. i, 1416, Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch.; Add. MS. 4601 ; 
Nicolas, Navy, ii. 419, from Bundle no. 9; also on Nov. 24, 1416, Exch. Accts. 48/1; 
also on Aug. 19, Nov. 24, 1416, Exch. Accts. 45/5, 48/1; Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 4, 1416 (cancelled); see also Wylie, Notes, 114. For a palfrey, Lyard Leche, given 
by him to Henry V, see Exch. Accts. 406/24 (i). 

70 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

and Treasurer of the Royal Household 1 . Leche remained 
Treasurer for less than six months 2 , and died early in 
141 7 3 . After his retirement the king kept the office of 
Treasurer in his ov/n hands for a while 4 , the business 
being transacted by Simon Gaunstede 6 , until the definite 
appointment of Henry, Lord Fitzhugh, as Treasurer of 
England on Dec. 8, 1416. 

On the death of the Earl of Arundel the whole of his 
property was taken into the king's hands in the usual way 6 

1 He was appointed Keeper of the Wardrobe on Oct. i, 1413, Exch. Accts. 406/21 
(33d); see also Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Oct. 10, 25, Dec. 9, 1413, Jan. 25, 1414; 
Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 171. For indenture dated Nov. i, 1413, between Thomas More, clerk 
(see Wylie, iv. 497 ; also vol. i. p. 50), late custos hospicii, and Roger Leche, kt. now 
custos, see Q.R. Accts. 406/18. For Roger Leche, as Treasurer of the Royal Household, 
see Iss. Roll i H. V, Mich., Feb. 22, 1414; also on Good Friday, April 6, 1414, when 
he was with the king at Tewkesbury; also Exch. Accts. 46/14, June 13, 1415, which 
contains his signet (a pelican sitting on a nest); Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, Dec. 
20, 1415 ; Memoranda Roll K.R. 3, 4 H. V, 19 (June 12, 1415), where he is Tresurer de 
nostre hostiel. In Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., April 26, May 18, 1415, he is Keeper of the 
King's Wardrobe ; also Oct. 20, Nov. 9, 1414, Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 172; also Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, Dec. 20, 23, 1415. In Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415, 
he receives payment as Treasurer of the Royal Hostel. For a reference to his book 
of accounts as Keeper of the Wardrobe, from Oct. i, 1414, to Dec. 31, 1415, see Exch. 
Accts. 46/38; L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6 (where this book is certified on Nov. 14, 
1416); Wylie, Notes, 114; Exch. Accts. 406/29, which shows that during this period 
Wm. Kynwolmersh was his deputy as Treasurer of the Royal Household. For in- 
dentures (dated at Lambeth, Jan. i, 1416), showing delivery of vessellamenta by Roger 
Leche, late custos of the household, to John Rothenale, present custos, see Exch. Accts. 
406/23, 27, with Leche's signet (a man ploughing), the effects including towels, cups and 
dishes for the larder, as well as 25 casks, 18 sesters and 3 pints of Gascon and Rhenish 
wine penes Thomas Chaucer. In Pat. 4 H. V, 17; Rym. ix. 357 ; Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 41, 
June i, 1416, Leche is late Treasurer of the Household; also For. Accts. 6 H. V, 19. 

2 Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 23, 1416, where he is exoneratus on Sept. 23, 1416. 

3 He is defunctus in Exch. Accts. 45/3, i.e. after Hilary, 1417 ; also Claus. 4 H. V, 3, 
Feb. 27, 1417; see Wylie, ii. 229, note 8; 481, note 2; qui mort est, Exch. Accts. 
406/29, April 28, 1417. For account of him, see Wylie, ii. 229. He married Dame 
Catherine Bromwich, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 6, Oct. 21, 1414; do. 3 H. V, i. 14 (Aug. 6, 1415); 
Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 257, where she pays 95. 6s. 8d. per annum for custody of the manor 
of Minchinhampton near Stroud, belonging to the Trinity Abbey at Caen. In 1415 
he is steward of the honor of Tutbury, constable of the castle of the High Peak (Altuni 
Peccum, i.e. Castleton in Derbyshire), and master forester (or berghmaister) of the Peak 
Forest. For lands of Griffith Lloyt ap David ap Jevan in the bailywick of Cilcen (or 
Kilken) near Mold, granted to him by Henry when Prince of Wales, see Ancient Deeds, 
iii. 208 ( = A. 5666), where he appears to have been at Flint Castle on Sept. n, 1414, of 
which he had been constable since Oct. 17, 1407, Wylie, iii. 291. For reference to Roger 
Leche of West Derby going to Wales with Henry IV and the Prince of Wales, see 
Claus. 8 H. IV, 10 d, June 3, 1407. 

4 Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 24, 1416. 

6 He had been acting treasurer from Sept. 4 to Oct. 12, 1416, Chron. Ser. 58. 

6 Per cursum communis legis, Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 32. For keepers of his manors in 
Sussex, see Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 12, 1415. For his lands in Bromfield, Yale 
and Oswestry "now in the king's hands," see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 22, Feb. 24, 1416. For his 
warrens in the Rape of Lewes, see Rot. Parl. iv. 78, where the Sussex men complain in 
April 1416 that their crops are ruined and that offenders against the forest laws are 
tortured by his foresters (ministres de Forest appelkz Forsters] with gyves, stocks, burning 
of feet, maiming of limbs and imprisonment (emparkez deinz chastelx, forcelettes^ et 

I4 X 5] Sir John Arundel 71 

until it had been regularly sued for by his heir. An in- 
ventory of his belongings still exists which was drawn 
up on April 10, 14 16 1 , and includes a gold girdle 2 , a gold 
catheria (?) given to him by the Duke of Burgundy 3 , 
gowns, chimers, heukes, doublets of damask and fustian, 
shirts, breeches (braccas), trappings with rings (trappura 
cum bagis], coat-arms, pennons, getons and a sparver 4 of red 
tartarin. He left no son, but among his heirs were his 
three sisters, viz. Elizabeth 5 , who after having been three 
times previously married 6 was now the wife of Gerard 
Usflete 7 , Joan, widow, of William Beauchamp, Lord of 
Abergavenny 8 , and Margaret, wife of Sir Roland Lenthall 9 . 
The title to the earldom of Arundel was claimed by his second 

1 Glaus. 4 H. V, 23, including circulum unius sarpe (i.e. girdle, Halliwell, 705) de 
auro, catheriam de auro (the word is not in Du Cange). 

2 See vol. i. p. 469. For a girdle of gold with buckle and pendants of silver, see 
Maiden, xliii ; a girdle of silver, Letter Book I, 16; harnessed with tin or latten 
"tynglasse," ibid. 184, 187; 

Gerdeles of riche barres 
With bokeles of gold and fair pendaunt, 
Wei anamayled with the mordaunt. 

Laud Troy Book, 243, 425. 
For an "ersgirdell" of gold and silver, see Baildon, Inv. 175. 

3 Probably in 1411, Wylie, iv. 62. For 12,000 fr. paid by the Duke of Burgundy to 
silversmiths for plates of gold, silver-gilt and white silver, and jewels given to the Earl of 
Arundel and several knights and squires in his company, see Add. Ch. 52, dated at 
Etampes, Dec. 8, 1411. For 2300 fr. paid on Jan. 18, 1412, by Charles VI to his 
argentiers for buckles (fermaulx), rings and other jewels of gold garnies de pierreries 
et perles, presented in the presence of the Duke of Burgundy to English lords, knights 
and captains who were in the company of the Dauphin at the capture of the castles 
of Etampes and Dourdan, see Cagny, 65; Pannier, 164, 318. The captains include 
Jean de Grey, Esq. with 21 squires and 100 archers, Dec. 21, 1411, MS. Bibl. Nat. Coll. 
Clairambault, vol. 55, no. 75. 

4 Or sperver, i.e. a canopy and curtains for a bed, Cent. Diet., s.v.; Godefroy, s.v. 
Espervier, Esprevier. 

6 Wylie, ii. 30. For her portion of the issues of the castles of Dynas Bran and 
Castell Lleon (i.e. Holt, Wylie, ii. 336) and lands in Bromfield and Yale and Wrightes- 
ham (i.e. Wrexham), see Rec. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., July 12, 1420, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 83. 
She was born in 1372, Comp. Peer. v. 41, and died July 8, 1425, Doyle, ii. 582. 

6 She had married (i) William Montagu, son of William, Earl of Salisbury ; (2) Thomas 
Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk (d. Sept. 27, 1400), see Wylie ii. 30; (3) Robert Goushill, 
knight, of Hoveringham, Notts. 7 See vol. i. p. 21, note i. 

* Comp. Peer. i. 26. She is called Domina de Bergaveny in Rec. Roll 8 H. V, 
Pasch., July 12, 1420; Pat. 8 H. V, n, Oct. 30, 1420; Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 306. 

9 Wylie, iv. 124; Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 331, April 20, 1418; Claus. 6 H. V, 18, 
July 18, 1418; Rec. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Nov. 28, 1418; ibid. 8 H. V, Pasch., July 12, 
1420; Cotton MS. Claudius C. x. p. 285, in Bree, 67. For licence to him and his wife 
Lucy to crenellate Hampton Court (mansum de Hampton Richard) in Herefordshire, see 
Cal. Pat. H. VI, ii. 440, Nov. 6, 1434; T. H. Turner, iii. 377, 422, where the work is 
done in 1435. For his wife Lucy, daughter of Richard, Lord de Grey, who left her 
500 marks in his will, see Early Chanc. Proc. i. 31, where Lenthall sues Lord Grey's 
feoffee, Roger Wyngre worth. For Lenthall's muster (12 + 36), see Wylie, Notes, 132. 
Lord Grey of Codnor died Aug. i, 1418, Comp. Peer. iv. 97. For his seal and stall- 
plate with palimpsest, see Hope, Plates xxi, xxn, where he is " le S r de Grey Richard" 
do. Heraldry, 153; with his seal and badge, ibid. 183. 

72 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

cousin, John Arundel 1 , of Lytchett-Matravers 5 near Poole in 
Dorsetshire, who was now 30 years of age 8 , though his claim 
was disputed and the question long remained unsettled. 

The surplus stores in London, such as bow-staves, 
spades, shovels and brimstone that were still in the dead 
Earl's possession at Pounteney's Inn or on the Stelewharf, 
were removed for a time to a hostel in Mincing Lane and 
subsequently placed in the Tower ; the mayor and bailiffs 
of Sandwich 4 were ordered to take over anything that stood 
in his name at that port; the escheators were to hold 
inquiries as to his possessions in their respective counties 6 , 
and on Jan. 31, 1416, his wife Beatrice gave up all his 
charters, muniments and title-deeds at Arundel, which were 
transferred to Westminster where they were deposited in 
the Exchequer 6 . Within a short time she did homage 7 and 
received her dower 8 , though difficulties were raised as to 

1 He is called "Johannes Arundell de Lichet Mautravers chivaler" in Rym. ix. 614, 
Aug. 7, 1418; "John de Arundell, Lord of Mautravers, knight," French Roll 6 H. V, 9, 
Oct. 26, 1418 ; "John de Arundell, kt.," Priv. Seal, 1423/100; For. Accts. 6 H. V, 20. 
For his seal at Rouen, Nov. 12, 1433, see Demay, Invent, i. 35, where he is John " arun... 
dui de Mautravers"; see also Bodl. MS. 2159. Not that he was Captain of Marck 
in 1405, as Doyle, i. 75, which is probably a confusion with John Arundel of Lanherne 
(Wylie, ii. 87), who is called "Johannes Arundel miles" in French Roll 3 H. V, 14. 

2 This property came to him through his grandfather's marriage with Eleanor 
Maltravers, Hutchins, iii. 324; Tierney, 290. For Melbury Bubb near Evershot and 
Cerne Abbey belonging to him, see Hutchins, iv. 433. For pedigree of Mautravers of 
Litchet, Cowell (near Thame in Oxfordshire) and Hook (near Beaminster in Dorset), see 
Nichols, Collectanea, vi. 335. 

3 He was born Aug. i, 1385, and died April 21, 1421, Gough, ii. 359; Comp. Peer, 
i. 247. He married Eleanor, daughter of John Beverley, kt. of Beverstone Castle near 
Tetbury in Gloucestershire, Atkinson, 14; Tierney, 291. For his tomb in Arundel 
church, see Gough, i. 45. He was summoned as Earl of Arundel to the Parliament that 
met at Westminster on Oct. 19, 1416, by writ dated Sept. 3, 1416, Cotton, Abridg. 549 ; 
Doyle, i. 75; Comp. Peer. i. 247, where it is called "this mysterious summons," though 
he is not included in Dugd. Summons, 399. He obtained livery of his possessions in the 
spring of 1416, Tierney, 291. 

4 For order to them, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 28, 1415. For John Gilling, 
mayor of Sandwich, see Pat. 3 H. V, i. 2d, July 13, 1415. For Robert Cheldesworth, 
bailiff of Sandwich, see ibid. i. 4, May 20, 1415. 

5 For writs to them to hold inquisitions, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 29, 1416. 

6 For. Accts. 3 H. V; Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 13 d, Jan. 18, 30, 1416. For expenses of 
William Babington for his journey to Arundel, see For. Accts. P.R.O. p. 80. 

7 In Claus. 3 H. V, i, Feb. 26, 1416, she is referred to as having done homage, being 
a native of Portugal. For payment to the Clerk of the Hanaper for charter of indigenation 
taken out in 1410 by Elizabeth in regno Portugaliae oriunda, see Exch. Accts. 215/2. 

8 In Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 5, Feb. 24, 1416; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 400, she has licence to sue 
for her dower. In Claus. 5 H. V, 8, Dec. 8, 1417 ; 6 H. V, 18, July 18, 1418, she is to 
have her dowry out of her husband's lands as soon as the inquiry has been completed, 
i.e. when the heir had sued and paid his relief or succession dues 'for renewal of the fee, 
see Blackstone, Bk II. Chap, iv; Du Cange, s.v. Relevare Feudum. For indenture 
between her and John de Arundel, kt. see Claus. 4 H. V, 4d, 17, Feb. 8, April 28, 1417. 
In Claus. 6 H. V, 4d, Feb. 26, 1419, she admits a debt of ^"1000 due to Thomas 
Camoys, kt., John Bohun, kt., John Wiltshire, kt. and others. For 114^. 6ct. received 
from her define, see Rec. Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Oct. 24, 1420; also .20, in Rec. Roll 


Countess Beatrice 73 

this point on account of her foreign origin 1 , and on receiving 
her dower she took the customary oath 2 that she would not 
majry again without first obtaining a licence 3 . 

(^After deducting the dead and the invalided and the 
1 200 who were to form the garrison at Harfleur 4 , the ranks 
of the army had been still further thinned by wholesale 
desertions, much to the king's disgust 6 ; and so it came 
about that there remained but 900 men-of-arms and 5000 
archers who could in any sense be called efficient. This is 
the statement of Elmham 6 the chaplain, who was with the 
army from start to finish and had access to official in- 
formation, and there seems no valid reason for believing 
that his figures are seriously wrong. 

It is certain that the immense preparations of the last 
two years were expected to eventuate in something more 
permanent than the capture of one coast fortress, however 

7 H. V, Mich., Jan. 17, 1420, where she is farmer of the alien priory of Leominster 
(i.e. Lyminster) near Arundel. For her dispute with Robert, Lord Poynings (Wylie, 
ii. 412; or Ponynges, Early Chanc. Proc. i. 35), *as to lands in Sussex, which ended 
in his finding security not to injure or molest her further, see Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 139, 
Dec. 9, 1417; Claus. 5 H. V, 6 d, Dec. 18, 1417, where she is called Countess of 
Arundel. In Pat. 8 H. V, i. m. 2, Feb. 19, 1421, Robert de Ponyngs, kt. and two others 
are commissioned to inquire as to a dispute in Sussex in reference to a ship that had been 
driven ashore within the jurisdiction of Beatrice, Countess of Arundel, at Bristamton 
(i.e. Brighton), see Noyes, p. 4; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 198, where it is called Brigatelmeston, 
other variations of spelling being Brightelston, Erredge, 12 (1554), or Bristelmstun, 
Bridhamston, Brighthamstun, Brighthelmsted, see Horsrield, i. 104 ; Briscamton, Claus. 

8 H. V, 2 d; or Brissenden, Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 23, 1420. ' In 1425 the manor 
passed to John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, on the death of his mother Elizabeth (see 
page 71, note 6), Horsfield, i. in. 

1 Rot. Parl. iv. 130, where she is nee et engendree en la Terre de Portyngale. For a 
letter Sept. 1416 (not 1415, as Collins, viii. 103) from King Joao I to John Pelham 
(possibly as ex-Treasurer of England himself, see Wylie, iv. 51), asking him to show 
favour to his daughter Beatrice now that she is a widow, see Collins, iii. 8 ; Lower, 
Pelham, 17. 

2 i.e. April 28, 1416. Claus. 5 H. V, 8, Dec. 8, 1417. 

3 For her subsequent marriage with John, Earl of Huntingdon, in 1433, see Beltz, 
ccxxiii; Roujoux, ii. 251 ; Wylie, ii. 338. Not that she was married to Gilbert Talbot of 
Irchenfield, who died Oct. 19, 1418 (Inq. p. Mort. iv. 43), as Dugdale, i. 328; Lysons, 
Magna Britannia (Berks.), 360; Collins, iii. 8; Beltz, ccxxiii; see Comp. Peer. i. 246, 
quoting Archaeol. Journ. June 30, 1860. In Claus. 6 H. V, 18, July 18, 1418, she is 
called widow of the Earl of Arundel. She died Nov. 13, 1439, Anstis, i. 125, from the 
Register of Lewes Priory; not Oct. 23, as Wylie, ii. 338. For another Portuguese lady 
named Beatrice, who married Thomas Fettiplace and died Dec. 25, 1447, see I nc l' 
p. Mort. iv. 234; Tierney, 284. 4 Page 62. 

5 Nam regem plures clam dantes terga relinquunt, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 114; quidam 
ignominiose quia desertores milicie et cum regis indignacione, Usk, 126. 

6 Millia vix quinque remanent simul arcitenentes, 

Hinc vix nonginta pila fuere sibi. Elmham, Lib. Metr. 114. 

Capgr. De Illustr. 115; educentes gladium seu ad pugnamapti, Chron. Giles, 31 ; Gesta, 
36; septem tune millia vix sunt, Lib. Metr. 120 (i.e. all told); Otterbourne, 277; 
Kingsford, Lit. 277; Capgr. De Illustr. 116; Croyl. 500; Fabyan, 579; Brut, ii. 379, 
597; Garter Black Book (temp. Henry VIII), in Anstis, ii. 61 ; Lei. Coll. ii. 472; 
Rastell, 249; Halle, 65; Holinsh. iii. 552; Martyn, 182. 

74 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

important it might be, and as late as Sept. 3, 141 5 \ those 
who were near the person of the king reported that after 
the fall of Harfleur he meant to go on to Montivilliers, 
Dieppe and Rouen 2 , and ultimately to Paris itself 3 ; but with 
winter approaching 4 and his army such a wreck, for many 
of those who still survived were already blighted with the 
seeds of disease 6 and the numbers were still shrinking daily 6 , 
all hope of further campaigning was for the present at an 
end and the wonder is that all but the necessary garrison 
did not straightway take ship and sail homewards 7 by the 
shortest route/} 

(jBut Henry had already made up his mind 3 to march 
through Upper Normandy and re-embark at Calais 9 . In 
view of the approaching winter several of his ships had 
been dismissed weeks ago 10 . Others with true English 
instincts had taken up cargoes of cloth and other local pro- 
duce and started trading 11 . Besides, for a victorious king 12 to 
skulk 13 out of his ancestral dominions by the way he had come 

1 Jurade, 257. 

2 On Sept. 23, 1415, a rumour reached Narbonne quod Anglici cepissent Herfloer 
et essent in Normannia quodque obsidionem posuerant apud Rothomagum, Dynter, iii. 
292. Emilio (323) makes Henry actually attempt an attack on Rouen and fail. See also 
Belleforest, Hist. 277; Rosieres, 430; Leyden (343) dates the fall of Rouen before the 
battle of Agincourt. 

3 Borely (i. in, 113) thinks that this plan was only upset by the unexpected resistance 
of Harfleur. 4 Impeditus hyeme, Pol. Verg. 443. 

6 Wals. ii. 310; Tit. Liv. n. Not that they were "une arm6e leste et robuste," as 
Michelet, vi. 21. 

6 Gesta, 36. 7 " Hamwardys," Petegrue, 594; Weaver, 474. 

8 Quod prius disposuerat, Gesta, 35. 

9 Not that he intended to take up winter quarters in Calais, as Jervis, 200 ; Sismondi, 
xii. 476; Niethe, 14; nor that he was marching " nach Flandern," as Delbriick, iii. 477. 

10 Tit. Liv. 10; Basin, i. 19. Mochten nit wieder uber daz wasser warme es doch 
dem winter zu nohe was, Windecke, 87. The ships had evidently returned at different 
times, e.g. in Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 24, 25; Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 374, 377, wages are claimed for 
the Trinity of Hull (Wm. Chamberlain, master) and the balinger George of London 
(J. Mody), for 6 weeks from Aug. i to Sept. 12, 1415, by which date the vessels had 
probably reached their respective homes again; car Ii navoye de Hollandes et de Zelandes 
s'en estoit ralie en leur pays et ossi Ii navoye d'Engleterre, Ruisseauville, 138, adding: si 
estoit toute ou en partie effondree en la mer par grant habondance de yauve (i.e. eau). 
Saint Foix, iii. 188, gives the date of the storm as Oct. 5; see also Choisy, 319; Boule, 
i. 407; Guthrie (ii. 461) admits that "English histories are silent on this fact, the truth 
of which seems to come from the French" ; e.g. Mazas, Vies, v. 582, who fancies (p. 588) 
that Henry was so frightened by the wreck of his ships that he had to return by land to 
Calais as the nobles of central France had crossed the Loire and blocked his retreat to 
Guienne(!). Cf. Villaret, xiii. 349; Labitte, 134; Danvin, 118; Tilleul, 57; N. Lambert, 
414; Beraut, ii. 60; Bertholet, vii. 233; Duval-Pineu, ii. 189; E. Hardy, 157 ; Hennebert, 
iii. 321; Hauteclocque, 283; Champion, Vie, 143. 

11 e -g- J onn Fisher in the Christopher of Bristol who was captured by Bretons on his 
way to Bordeaux and kept a prisoner from Oct. 14, 1415, till Feb. 7, 1416, Rot. Parl. 
iv. 89. 

lif Prout regem decuit et victorem, Wals. iii. 310. 

13 Cf. The glosers skulked away, Englische Studien, xxiii. 439 ; Kail, 69. 

i4 I 5J To Calais 75 

would be too much like running away 1 ; his heart was 
set on seeing for himself the country that he claimed 
as his own 2 and he meant to go through it like a man 3 
in spite of dirt and shortening days 4 . Many of his advisers 
foresaw the danger he would run by moving away from his 
base and marching into the heart of dense forests 5 beset 
with traps 6 , in any one of which an active enemy might 
head them off like sheep in a fold 7 , and the Earl of Arundel, 
when he felt that his end was near, had claimed the insight 
of a dying man and foretold 8 that if he went on he would 
cast the whole power of the Duke of Burgundy into the 
scale against him. The distance to Calais by the shortest 
computation would stretch to about 150 miles 9 , and every 
yard of the way lay through a country which might be held 
by swarming hosts of unconquered enemies 10 . Surely there 
would be no shame in a direct return to England from Harfleur, 
seeing that so strong a place, which many had expected would 
hold out for a year 11 , had been mastered in five short weeks 12 . 
But the king's mind was fixed and he meant to have 
his way at any cost. He had pledged himself to be at 
Calais to receive the surrender of the Harfleur captains, 

1 Ne profectio fugae similis videretur, Pol. Verg. 443; Halle, 63; Grafton, i. 514; 
Holinsh. Hi. 550; Tyrrell, 289 [169], thinks that he "feared the contempt of his people"; 
Gardiner (309), that "if he went back with baffled hopes his throne would hardly stand 
the shock." 

2 Tit. Liv. 12; Vita, 50. 3 Hard. 375; Larrey, 8n. 4 G. Daniel, iv. 139. 

5 Speed (778) says that the French plashed or pleached (see Halliwell, s.v. Plash-, 
Cotgr., s.v. Plisser) the woods, which is an absurd touch of his own. 

6 Per tarn spaciosas inimicorumque refertas provincias, Anjou Lett. 3. 

7 Velut oves in caulis concluderent, Gesta, 36 ; Chron. Giles, 32 ; Tit. Liv. 1 1 ; 
Vita, 50; as wolves don shep that ben in folde, Laud Troy Book, 187. 

8 Se entremetant de prenostiguear de choses & venir, Pays-Bas, 355, 356. 

9 Kingsford, 135; Strang, 80. Called "an hundred mile," Hard. 375; Durham, 46; 
H. Morley, vi. 156; plus quam centum miliaria Anglicana, Hard. 390; also Musgrave, 275. 
Not 35 miles, as Jahns, 858. 

10 Per omnes Gallias delectus maximos haberi virorumque jam multitudinem infinitam 
ab adversariis collectam, Tit. Liv. 1 2 ; adversaries suos Franciae numerosa multitudine 
per exploratores congregari senciens, Vita, 47. 

11 Morosini, ii. 60. On June 8, 1415, it was reported from London that it was intended 
that the army should winter in France; es lor ententa de demorar estin et hibern, 
Jurade, 193. 

12 Called 38 days in Tit. Liv. 9, n; Vita, 50; Pol. Verg. 443; Holinsh. iii. 550; 
i.e. reckoning from the day of sailing, Aug. n ; or 37 days, J. Meyer, 245; or 30 days, 
Normandie, 168; Nagerel, 166; Crowe, i. 125; H. Martin, vi. 9; en brieve temps, 
Rot. Parl. iv. 62, 94; en peu de jours, Paradin, 593 ; paucos dies, Emilio, 323; assez peu 
de temps, Rapin, iii. 442; Tindal, i. 511. Called "some days" in Sandford, 279; not 
15 days, as Sveyro, ii. 124; nor 25 days, as Borely, i. in ; nor 2 months, as Choisy, 318 ; 
nor 8 months, as Thaumas, ii. 520; Anselme, viii. 367; nor "an unexpectedly long time," 
as George, 81 ; nor that he had "wasted many weeks," as Oman, in Traill, ii. 322; 
or "dragged on for 6 weeks," as Pulling, 552. 

j6 Fall of Harfleur [CH. xxx 

believing perhaps that the French would actually give way 
in the meantime. As to the scanty numbers you cannot 
uncouple 1 your hounds and raches without losing some of 
them 2 , and God could shut up the many in the hand of the 
few and give the victory to whom he would 3 . Before such 
reasoning all opposition vanished and when no answer to 
the challenge came from the Dauphin this dwindling 
wreck of a stricken army, carrying with them nothing 
but provisions for an eight days' march 4 , Iset out from 
Harfleur on Oct. 6, 1415, upon the most foolhardy 5 and^ 
reckless adventure that ever an unreasoning pietist devised 8 ./ 

1 York, 58, 59, 61 ; Halliwell, ii. 900. 

2 Hard. 374; Nicolas, Agin. 214; Stratmann, s.v. Race he ; a scenting hound, same 
as brach or brachet, bersslet, bercelet, Halliwell, i. 203; ii. 661; York, xlvii, 125. 

3 Ut inclitus dictat Machabaeus, Vita, 51; Scotichron. iv. 1199. 

4 Vix sumptibus octo dierum, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 115. Not that they were compelled 
to move out from Harfleur penuria victualium, as St Denys, v. 548 ; Devienne, Artois, iii. 
41. It is of course a mistake to suppose that after the fall of Harfleur Henry se trouva 
dans une position perilleuse et se vit contraint de battre en retraite sur Calais, as Louandre, 
276. In Lansdowne MS. 1054 (Salisbury Corporation Records) they move out causa" 
pestilentiae ingentis apud Harriet regnant is. 

5 Fol-hardi and over-bold, Laud Troy Book, 465. 

8 Cf. "enthusiasm which bids defiance to danger and commands that success which 
wisdom despairs to attain," Guthrie, ii. 461 ; "enthusiastic (i.e. mad) ambition and 
obstinate temerity," Gifford, ii. 428. Andrews (ii. 18) regards it as "wholly unac- 
countable"; cf. "an unaccountable decision," Courtenay, i. 186 ; "the spirit of daring 
valour defying probabilities," Turner, v. 412, who thinks (p. 413) that " a more desperate 
enterprise had seldom been attempted since the darings of Alexander the Great" ; that 
"no fabled hero of romance ever tempted destruction more wilfully" (p. 450); and that 
it is "too much like ostentatious confidence to be safely commended " (p. 460). Church 
(88) calls it a "chivalrous even rash undertaking" ; cf. "bold to the verge of rashness," 
Kingsford, 135; "with more spirit than reason," Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 527; "worthy of 
romantic surprise rather than of praise and admiration," Aubrey, Rise, ii. 14; "foolhardy 
to a degree of madness," Aubrey, ii. 46; " very rash," Vickers, 26; c'etait folie, Ayroles, 
ii. 25; la chose etait hardie, elle n'etait pas temeraire, Michelet, vi. 20, 21, 23, who 
thinks that he relied on the connivance and support of the officers of the Duke of 
Burgundy as soon as he should enter Picardy and Artois, though he somewhat contradicts 
himself in saying (p. 26) that after Henry had crossed the Somme he was vraiment 
en pays ennemi; cf. H. Martin, vi. 12; "hardihood as astonishing as condemnable," 
Musgrave, 275, 277, 279; "probably a leap in the dark," B. E. Warner, 152 ; " might be 
termed fool-hardy," Cassell, i. 528; "looked like a mad adventure, the inspiration of 
a reckless knight-errant, Oman, in Traill, ii. 322, though in Pol. Hist. 249, while 
regarding it as a "rash step" and a "most perilous undertaking" (258), he yet treats 
Henry as "a professional soldier rather than a knight-errant," and thinks that "if he 
could tempt the French to battle he hoped to beat them " ; that he had " probably taken 
the measure of his enemies and gauged their imbecility" before starting, and that the 
march was "a defiance to the Dauphin rather than a serious military movement"; 
do. Hundred Years' War, 108. Haggard (115) calls it a "march of bravado" ; cf. "a 
rash, wanton and aimless march," which he would not have attempted "had he been in 
full possession of his reasoning powers," Gent. Mag. (1859), " 344- 



ACCORDING to the English estimate the numbers that 
started with King Henry from Harfleur amounted, as we 
have seen, to only about 6000 fighting men 1 , and in any 
case it is certain that they were contemptibly small 2 when 
matched against those they had to face, and for the sake of 
picturesqueness we may imagine that history is sufficiently 
repeating itself, if we compare them with the famous retreat 
of the Ten Thousand Greeks after their splendid victory at 
Kunaxa 3 . 

As we start on this new Anabasis 4 , we have with us 
a guide of quite exceptional reliability, who travelled with 
the army every foot of the way, recorded faithfully the 
details of the road and wrote down his account while the 
facts were recent 6 , and if we have not all the familiar stades 
and parasangs of our boyhood, we have at least the ad- 
vantage that the route lies over ground which an average 
pedestrian may easily cover for himself in the course of 
a short summer holiday. Hitherto the identity of our 
chronicler has been supposed to be completely concealed, 
all that we know of him being that he was one of the 

1 Page 73. 

3 Parva manu...pusillum gregem, Wals. ii. 310; cum tarn pauca familia et diminuto 
exercitu, Gesta, 38; paucissimos, ibid. 

3 Grote, Hist, of Greece, vi. 221; Pauli, v. in. Not that it was "a victorious 
march through France," as Bearne, 271. 

4 For maps of the route, see Nicolas, 24 ; Belleval, i ; Gairdner, 97 ; Kohler, ii. 768 ; 
Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 559; Ramsay, i. 207; Hassell, 225; Kingsford, 138; Fortescue, 
i. 62; Tout, 264; Historians' Hist. xi. 171. Cf. "only wanted a Xenophon," London 
Magazine, New Ser. ix. 299 (1827), where the reviewer gives very full extracts from 
Nicolas, adding, "we do not recommend so arduous a task as a consultation of the 
original authorities." 

6 i.e. before December 1417, as is proved by the phrase " et latitat" in reference 
to Oldcastle, Gesta, 5 ; Chron. Giles, 7. Cf. sine dubio compilator aut realiter interfuit 
ilia videns aut fide digno relatu tarn verbis quam scriptis ab hiis qui interfuerunt didicit, 
Elmham, Lib. Metr. 81. 

78 The " Chaplain " [CH. xxxi 

chaplains who sailed with the fleet from Southampton and 
remained throughout the campaign very near to the person 
of the king, for whose piety and devotion to religion he 
expresses the most whole-hearted admiration. 

Some years ago the editor of his work 1 , which passes 
under the title of Gesta Henrici Quinti, argued that the 
writer was a Frenchman 3 and proceeded to identify him with 
Master Jean de Bordili or Bordiu 3 (i.e. John of Bordeaux), 
Archdeacon of Me"doc 4 and Chancellor of Aquitaine 5 . Arch- 
deacon John was a native of Bordeaux 6 and a member of the 
Council of Thirty 7 and had recently been one of the envoys 
who were sent to Fuenterrabia 8 to negotiate with representa- 
tives of the King of Castile. On his return he went on to 
London 9 and he was present in the Exchequer at Westminster 
on June 22, 1415 10 , to receive tallies for payment of the balance 

1 i.e. B. Williams in 1850; though in 1853 ^ was st iU supposed to be unpublished, 
Macfarlane, Battles, 30; also Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 30 (in 1856), and Macfarlane-Thomson, 
i. 558 (in 1878). 

2 For a somewhat far-fetched argument based on his use of the word ' ' hospitium " for 
a hostel, see Gesta, 94; "probably a Frenchman," Gardiner-Mullinger, 290. 

3 Wylie, iii. 274, note 5; 285, note 7. He signs himself "Johan deu Bordiu 
doctor en leys et archidiacre de Medoc," Jurade, 257 ; or Burdiu, Burdyu, Glaus. 3 H. V, 
17; cf. "Johande Bordeu," Jurade, 17; " Mossen Johan deu Bordiu," ibid. 115, though 
usually supposed to be Bordin, Sloane MS. 4600 (270); Kingsford, Lit. 45; Diet. Nat. 
Biogr. xxvi. 55 ; not " Bardin," as EC. des Chartes, xlvii. 76. For a document dated at 
Bordeaux, May i, 1414, with his autograph "J de Bordili pria manu," and his seal, 
a bird with spreading wings, see Exch. Accts. 186/2. His seal also appears on the same 
file with documents dated Dec. 20, 1413, Apr. 6, 1414 (with his autograph "Cancel. 
J. B." i.e. as Chancellor of Aquitaine, Feb. 16, 1415, with "Bordili" on the 
seal. In Gilliodts van Severen, 205, he calls himself " Johannes de Bordili," and says 
that he had attained the degree of Doctor, but had no ecclesiastical benefice. No date is 
given in the document but it was written on the death of his father who had hitherto 
maintained him, but now he had no refuge but God. As a native of Bordeaux he looks 
to his native city as a mother, where he hopes to serve his king in his high council for the 
rest of his life. For " Bordeu " or " Bordiu " as another form of Bordeaux, see Jurade, 
passim, of which "Bordili" may be a variant, just as "Captal" is the local equivalent 
of " lo Captan," Jurade, 217. Cf. " Pey de Burdiu " (i.e. Pierre de Bordeaux), in Exch. 
Accts. 1 86/r. 

4 Gesta, vii, followed by Beamont, i. 239; Kohler, ii. 749; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 55; 
see Wylie, iii. 274. 

6 i.e. July 5, 10, 1414, Rym. ix. 148, 152, where he is judex alti consilii nostri 
and Keeper of the Seal of the High Court. 

6 Burdegaliae films, Gilliodts van Severen, 205. 

7 Jurade, 17, May 17, 1414. On June 26, 1414, John Hovingham and Master Thomas 
Feld, Dean of Hereford were commissioned to examine Edward, Duke of York, Master 
John Bordili, LL.D. and other witnesses, as to suits in the Chancery between Archbishop 
Bowet and John Bowet, Esq. and William Farynton, kt. (see vol. i. p. 122), in a dispute 
over the non-fulfilment of contracts by the latter at Bordeaux, Rym. ix. 145; Wylie, 
Hi. 274. 8 Vol. i. p. 93; Rym. ix. 146, 152, July 2, 1414. 

9 On Feb. 9, 1415, the Jurade discussed what instructions should be given to Mossen 
Johan deu Bordiu que s'en ba en Anglaterra, Jurade, 115. 

10 Claus. 3 H. V, 17, July 12, 1415, where his account is referred to as enrolled in the 
Exchequer anno secundo roll G, i.e. For. Accts. 2 H. V, D; see For. Accts. P.R.O. 
p. 80. 

1415] Jean de Bordili 79 

of his account for expenses in connection with the embassy 
to Spain, which had already been examined and passed, and 
on the same day he advanced ^171. ictf. %d. as a loan 
towards the expenses of the coming campaign 1 . He after- 
wards crossed with the army to Harfleur 2 , where he described 
himself as "one of the king's doctors (i.e. lawyers), ordered 
to be with him in his hostel and his retinue 3 ,'' and when the 
siege was over he received the living of St Martin in the 
captured town 4 , which he held till his death in the summer 
of 14 1 8 5 . That he was a person of consideration is shown 
by the fact that he brought two archers to the siege and 
that he had two clerks 6 to assist him. Moreover, like every- 
body else who came into personal contact with King Henry, 
he highly praises his goodness 7 , which aided by the prayers 
of his people will, as he believes, help him to make good 
his rights. But he nowhere calls himself the king's chaplain, 
and that he was not identical with the author of the Gesta 
is proved by the fact that that writer (whoever he was) was 
present at Oldcastle's rising in Fickett's Field 8 in Jan. 1414, 
at which time the Archdeacon was certainly not in London 
but attending to his duties in Bordeaux 9 . This theory, in 
fact, has never been largely accepted and in the uncertainty 
as to the identity of the chronicler it has become the 
established custom of most modern writers to refer to him 
as "the chaplain w , n without further attempting to solve the 

1 Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., June 22, 1415, where he is called " Master John Burdeux." 
The money was repaid to him June 20, 1418. See vol. i. p. 472. 

2 For his letter to the Jurade written before Harfleur on Sept. 3, 1415, in which he 
prays that his benefices in Guienne may be protected during his absence, see Jurade, 257. 

3 Jo suy de sons doctors ordenat de anar am luy ontque angora et de son hostau et de 
son tinue, ibid. 

4 i.e. on Jan. 3, 1416, Brequigny, 265, where he is called Jean de Bourdin docteur as 
loix; Carte, Rolles, ii. 226; Dumont, 87. 

5 Ewald, xli. 691 (June 18, 1418); Carte, Rolles, i. 263; Rym. ix. 598, where he 
is called Jean de Rondili\ see page 57, note 7. 

6 Sloane MS. 4600 (270), June 18 (s.a.) [=1415], where he has fid. per day and his 
clerks 6d. each. Called i clerk in Exch. Accts. 45/5 (9), where he is Master John de 
Bordyu legum doctor. 

7 La sua grant bontat, Jurade, 257. 

8 Vol. i. p. 265. 9 Rym. viii. 113, Feb. 8, 1414. 

10 e.g. Memorials, xlii; Knight, ii. 61 ; " a chaplain of the army," Macfarlane, 30; 
Cassell, i. 530; E. M. Lloyd, 539; Vickers, 460; Durham, 129; Beaucourt, i. 127, 
though he supposes that he wrote the Vita\ Low and Pullinger, 107, who, writing in 
1890, seem to think that the account has "never been printed in full"; J. E. Morris, 
Archers, 434, 436; apparemment un homme de guerre, Puiseux, Rouen, p. vi. Cf. "the 
military chaplain," Scott, ii. 552; Niethe, 7, 18, 21, 24, 25, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 44, 47, 51, 
55, 56; "a priest," Musgrave, 277; Adams, i. 219; Historians' Hist. xi. 173; xviii. 532, 
533 534> 535. 537; " a n anonymous priest," London Magazine, N.S. ix. 299(1827); 

8o The "Chaplain" [CH. xxxi 

problem as to who he really was. But it is known that 
there were at least 28 of the king's chaplains present with 
the army at Harfleur, the names of several of whom remain 
recorded 1 . One of them was Thomas Rudbourne or Rod- 
bourne 2 , and he has been recently suggested 3 as possibly the 
writer of the Gesta on the ground that he wrote a chronicle 
of English history 4 . But there is no evidence at all that 
he wrote the Gesta, and it seems probable that this modern 
attribute of historian results from a confusion between him 
and a later namesake who was Prior of Winchester and 
wrote a history of the diocese of Winchester 5 twelve years 
after our chaplain's death. 

But if we can approach the problem of the authorship 
with an open mind we shall find the solution so obviously 
on the surface that it is surprising that it has not long ago 
been universally accepted. For over and above the chaplain's 
prose account, we have a condensed version of it written in 
Latin elegiacs 6 , a perusal of which should satisfy anyone 
that not only the spirit but the letter of both productions is 
essentially the same 7 . Now the writer of the metrical 

"a French priest," R. F. Williams, i. 196; "a chaplain in the royal service," Kingsford, 
p. v; King Henry's "chaplain who was probably present, etc.," Church, 72; "a soldier 
priest," Radford, 50; "a chaplain in Henry's army," Vickers, 31, 460; "Henry's 
chaplain, " Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlii. 90 ; " der Kaplan," Baeske, 21 ; " one of his chaplains," 
Hodgson, Thames-side, 327; Champion, Vie, 145. 

1 Page 30. Called 30, in Hunter, 51; or 32 in Godefroy, Charles VI, 295. For 
capellani, custos capellae et reliquiarum as members of the royal household, see Lib. 
Nigr. Scac. ii. 342 ; Red Book of Exch. iii. 807. 

2 Probably from Redburn near St Albans, Clutterbuck, i. 179, though called 
Rodbourne in Wilts, in Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlix. 377. He was Bursar at Merton Coll. 
Oxford, 1399-1405; a Proctor of the University, 139910 1401, Mun. Acad. i. 637; Vicar 
of Deeping (Lines.) in 1411 ; Archdeacon of Sudbury, 1413; Dean of Tam worth, 1413; 
Warden of Merton College, Oxford, in 1416, where he built the tower over the gateway 
in 1416, Brodrick, Merton, 6, 159, 311; Chancellor of the University of Oxford, 1420, 
and Bishop of St David's in 1433 till his death in 1442; Bale, Script. 524; H. Morley, 
vi. 142, who calls him " Rocleve," supposes that he was an astronomer. 

3 Kingsford, vi. 

4 Called Chronicon de Rebus Anglicanis, Angl. Sacr. I. xxvi; Oudin, iii. 2235, 
2723. This chronicle, if it ever existed, is not to be confounded with a chronicle 
ending in 1234 (Hardy, Catalogue of Materials, iii. 78), written by Thomas Rodbourne, 
a monk of Winchester. For his Historia major and Historia minor, relating to Winchester 
and carried down to 1277, see Bale, Script. 577; Angl. Sacr. i. 179-314; Oudin, iii. 
2235,2723; Kingsford, Lit. 50; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlix. 378. 

5 i.e. in 1454, Angl. Sacr. i. 179-314. Called Thomas Rudbourne, junr., Oudin, 
iii. 2723-5. 

6 For an account of the Liber Metricus, see Kingsford, Lit. 49. 

7 This appears to have certainly been the belief in the middle of the sixteenth century, 
for Nicholas Harpsfeld, writing in 1559, distinctly attributes the metrical version to 
Elmham; Conscripsit et Thomas Lentonii Prior versibus, Harpsfeld, Hist. 586. Not 
that this is a summary of the Vita, as H. Morley, vi. 160. J. E. Morris, 436, supposes 
it to be "clearly based upon the chaplain." 

1415] Thomas Rlmham 81 

version has fortunately prefaced it with an introduction, 
in which he tells us that it is only a summary of another 
book that he had written in prose and that it merely contains 
a few of the many details that were to be found in that 
" other book," for the king would not have popular opinion 
suppose that he alone was puffed with praise for a victory 
that God had given to others besides himself. So in his per- 
plexity the writer had prepared this summarised poetic version 
for a more highly educated group of readers, thinly veiling his 
admiration for the time being from the plainer class of minds 1 . 
On the face of it, therefore, it should require very strong 
evidence indeed to resist the obvious inference that the 
chaplain who wrote the prose account was also the writer of 
the metrical summary and that, if we knew the name of the 
one, we should certainly know the name of the other. Now 
the metrical version begins with an acrostic which spells 
out " Thomas Elmham," and ends with another which yields 
"Thomas Elmham Monachus 2 ," and includes four lines 
which are only slightly altered from four other lines that 
occur in Elmham's own Memorials of St Augustine s Abbey 
at Canterbury*. I have therefore no hesitation in affirming 
that the writer to whom we owe our first-hand and most 
sober information as to the events of the first five years of 
the reign of Henry V, including the rising in Fickett's 
Field, the siege of Harfleur, the march to Calais, the details 
of Agincourt, the entry into London, and the visit of 
Sigismund, is no other than Thomas Elmham 4 , the Cluniac 

1 Non tamen omnia quae sunt facta per ordinem in his versibus continentur quae in 
alio libra prosaice studui explanare sed pauca de multis substantialia sub compendio volui 
annotare. Hoc tamen rex noster realiter renuit faciendum ne forte opinio popularis 
regium animum ex hiis quae Deus ipse sibi et suis in victoria contulit aestimaret inflari 
extollentia singularis fortunae. Tremulus ergo et perplexus hujus opusculi qualitatem 
metrice potius quam prosaice tenui et exili duxi obnubilatione velandam ut a sapientibus 
et prudentibus necnon mediocriter literatis per quasdam interim transumptiones lucide 
reveletur, a parvulis vero et qualibet rusticitate caeca et simplici abscondatur, Elmham, 
Lib. Metr. 79, 80; Harl. Cat. iii. 202; Lenz, 13, 14; Kingsford, Biogr. 60; do. Lit. 46. 

2 Elmham, Lib. Metr. 166; do. Aug. xxiii. 93; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xvii. 309. In the 
prologue to his Annales Britannorum (in Cotton MS. Claudius E. iv), he works in the 
acrostic " Thoma Elmham Prior Lentonie," Vita, 377-381; Kingsford, Biogr. 62; do. 
Lit. 46, 50. 

3 Cf. Elmham, Lib. Metr. 89, with Memorials, xliv. 

4 His authorship has been recently recognised by Bess, Blindniss, 654, 656 ; Emmerig, 
5; Kingsford, Biogr. 60; do. Lit. 45, who gives an account of its contents, ibid. pp. 47-49; 
Kabel, 8, who substitutes the title " pseudo-Elmham " (pp. 14, etc.) as the author of the 
Vita\ Niethe, 10, who gives the conclusion as " unsere Vermutung" (p. 32). In Lib. 
Metr. 80, Elmham says that he was either present at the events that he relates or had 
his information fidedigno relatu ab hiis qui interfuerunt. 

W. II. 

82 The "Chaplain" [en. xxxi 

monk, who had been Treasurer of St Augustine's Abbey at 
Canterbury and Prior of the Cluniacs at Lenton. 

The chief reason that has so far blinded our eyes to this 
inevitable conclusion is certainly to be found in the wide- 
spread assumption 1 that the " other book " to which Elmham 
refers as his prose work is the well-known " Life and Deeds 
of Henry V," which has passed as his for the last 200 
years 2 , but which I have already shown to have been written 
by an entirely different hand at least 25 years after Henry 
was dead 3 . The belief that Elmham was "the chaplain" 
was distinctly stated nearly 40 years ago by a German 
writer who dealt exhaustively with the original authorities for 
the events of the year 14 16 4 , though a more recent English 
writer declined at first to be convinced, on the ground that 
Elmham was not a chaplain to the king 6 ; but as a letter still 
exists in which King Henry calls him " capellanus noster*" 
it is to be hoped that the last vestige of the old error has 
now at last been permanently swept away 7 . 

As to Elmham's 8 personal history we know but little. 
He was probably a native of Norfolk or Suffolk, and 
when we first hear of him he is Treasurer of the Bene- 
dictine Abbey of St Augustine at Canterbury, in which 
capacity he distrained for 22^. 6d. and i Ib. of pepper as 
rent due for four shops 9 in the parish of St Mildred on the 

1 Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 55 ; cf. " to which most indubitably distinct allusion is made," 
Memorials, xlii, where the metrical version is admitted to be "very much at variance 
with the character of the work " (i.e. the Vita}> while the resemblance to " the chaplain's " 
work (i.e. the Gesta) is "patent on every page," perhaps because the chaplain "may 
have placed the work in his hands " (p. xliii). 

3 For further examination of Hearne's assumption, see Kingsford, Biogr. 62, who 
concludes that be "had no better ground to go upon than the conjecture of Smith," 
in his Catalogue of Cottonian MSS., p. n; do. Lit. 56. See also Tanner, 260; Cotton 
Cat. 17. 3 Vol. i. p. 195. 4 Lenz, 14. 

6 Kingsford, p. v, though since converted, see Engl. Hist. Rev. xxii. 579, and Biogr. 60. 
It is curious that Church (44), though apparently by a guess, believes that Elmham "became 
one of Henry's chaplains"; A. R. Maiden, 30, calls him " probably the king's chaplain." 

6 Duckett, ii. 15; Athenaeum, Aug. 1902, p. 254. 

7 Though it still appears in Loserth, Gesch. 539; Valois, iv. 362. Baeske, 30, 31, 
thinks that Elmham wrote both the Gesta and the Vita and that the Liber Metricus is a 
supplement to the Vita. Vickers, 460, notes that the attribution of the Vita to Elmham 
is doubted. 

8 Not Elinam, Elinham or Holingham, as Pits, 915; Thoroton, 219; Duckett, ii. 15, 
17, 22; nor " Elmhouse," as Adams, Battle Stories, 116. In Exch. Accts. 48/10, is an 
indenture dated May 30, 1416, in which John Elmeham appears as one of the retinue of 
the king's hostel, intending to proceed with i man-of-arms and 2 archers to the relief of 
Harfleur in the coming summer. For John Elmham, appointed (Feb. 5, 1420) keeper of 
the cocket for sealing cloths in Kent, see Ewald, Cal. xlii. 342. 

9 =choppis; cf. Du Cange, s.v. Schoppa; i.e. from Henry Somerset, Elmham, Aug. 
xxii. 72; Twisden, 2290; Vita, xx. 

1415] Lent on 83 

Walbrook in the Poultry of the city of London. He was 
evidently attached to the court of Henry IV, and has 
recorded detailed particulars of the death-bed scene in the 
Jerusalem Chamber 3 at which he may have been personally 
present, and it is to him that we owe our knowledge of the 
exact date of the birth of his son Henry V 2 . He was 
certainly a chaplain to Henry V and transacted much of his 
business in the Palace at Westminster. Up till now he had 
been a Benedictine monk, but on June 1 1, 14 H 3 , he became 
Prior of the Cluniac house at Lenton 4 near Nottingham. 
The transition would be an easy one, as the Cluniacs not 
only wore the black habit of the Benedictines 5 but were 
a referenda section of that Order, merely adhering with 
greater strictness to the rule of their common founder 6 . 

Lenton had already obtained a charter of indigenation 7 , 
and it is probable that Elmham took up the office of Prior 
as a good practical man, for the field was rotting and ruined 8 
and greatly in need of the plough 9 and a strong man was 
wanted to save, if possible, the remaining property of the 
Order which was rapidly dwindling in the unequal struggle 
that laid open the alien priories to the plundering hands of 
kings and parliaments 10 , and it is expressly stated that the 
king had approved of the appointment when he granted 
him the temporalities 11 . His value as a business-like ad- 
ministrator and an intimate friend of the new king was 
soon recognised by the whole Cluniac Order in England, 

1 Pol. Songs, ii. xxvii. 120; see App. A. 

2 See App. B. 

3 On which day he received the temporalities as Prior, Pat. 2 H. V, i. 19; Cal. Pat. 
H. V, i. 199; Escheators' Inquisitions, 1278; Tanner, 260; Monast. v. 109; Vita, xx, 
345; Elmham, Mon. Aug. xxii. He was presented by John Burghersh on the death of 
Richard Stafford, late Prior, Duckett, ii. 23 ; Wylie, iv. 92, note 5. 

4 See vol. i. p. 347, note 2. Not Llanthony near Gloucester, as Angl. Sacr. ii. 322 ; 
nor Denton, as Rym. ix. 383; nor Lynton, as Adams, i. 194. 

5 For resemblance between the habits of the Benedictines and the Cluniacs, see the 
brass of Prior Nelond, Prior of Lewes, Monast. v. 6, at Cowfold, compared with the 
monks of St Albans, Macklin, 134. 

6 Secundum regulam sanctissimi patris nostri, Duckett, i. 225; ii. 23; Monast. v. 
p. iil For Cluniacs not a separate order, see Barnard, 250. Stevens (ii. n) thinks that 
Lenton and Daventry had joined the Benedictines. 

7 i.e. in 1392, Reyner, ii. 71; Thoroton (Thoresby's edition, 1796), ii. 204; Monast. 
v. no. For similar charters to Lewes, Castleacre, Pretwell, temp. Ed. Ill (i.e. Prittle- 
well in 1374, Monast. v. 21), see Reyner, ii. 71. 

8 Marcidus et collapsus, Duckett, ii. 23. 

9 Ibid. ii. 15. 

10 For frequent confiscations of Cluniac abbeys and priories in England, see Reyner, 
ii. 71. 

11 Duckett, ii. 23. 


84 The "Chaplain' [CH. xxxi 

and it was not long before a request was sent over to the 
Abbot of the mother-house at Cluny that he would appoint 
a Vicar-General as his representative for the transaction of 
secular as well as spiritual business in this country, so as to 
reduce the field and spare the husbandmen in lessening the 
great expense and personal danger entailed by frequent 
journeys abroad 1 . Prior Burghersh who was the Abbot's 
vicar 2 , though apparently with more limited powers, supported 
the application, and in it the petitioners prayed that the 
Abbot would approve the appointment of Elmham as 
Prior in opposition to the troublesome Geoffrey Graner 3 . 
Burghersh was himself, he said, prepared to resign the 
office of Vicar-General in favour of Elmham, and it was 
well known that this arrangement would be specially accept- 
able to the king 4 . Within a year 6 of his appointment as 
Prior of Lenton, Elmham was certainly acting as Vicar- 
General, with supervision over the whole of the Cluniac 
houses in England and Scotland, though it was some time 
before a formal recognition of the appointment was obtained 
from the Abbot, and while this matter was being pressed 
forward Prior Elmham was intending to travel to Constance 6 , 
where he hoped to meet the Abbot at the Council and put 
his case before him in person, but the king would not 
consent to part with him 7 and he was therefore compelled 
to remain in England 8 . The king however wrote a letter 9 
to the Abbot on his behalf in which he supported his 
nomination as Vicar-General and hoped that Lenton might 
in future be allowed to choose its own Prior and admit its 
own monks. The Abbot had already granted this privilege 
to Thetford 10 , and he would like the new Prior of Lenton to 
have a share of the milk from the same breast or, if not, he 
would find some other way of getting it for him 11 . The 

I Duckett, ii. 15, 22. 2 Ibid. i. 207, 211. 3 Vol. i. p. 343. 

4 Cujus dicto et facto applaudit notorie regius favor, Duckett, ii. 17. 

5 Cal. Pat. H. V, i. 332, 337, June 12, 17, 1415; also Aug. 18, 1416, ibid. ii. 43; 
Rym. ix. 383. Not that he was appointed vicar-general on the latter date, as Vita, xxii, 
346; Elmham, Aug. xxiv; Pauli, v. 689. 

6 Disposuit se venturum ad praesens concilium generale Constantiae, Duckett, ii. 1 7, 
from letter of John Kylquyt, a preceptor of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem, 
April 21 [s.a.]. 

7 Ex praeceptis contrariis domini regis Anglie coartatus, ibid. 

8 In gravem et non modicam sue displicentiam voluntatis, ibid. 

9 Dated at Westminster Palace, Nov. 24, i.e. 1414. 

10 For indigenation of Thetford in 1377, see vol. i. p. 339, note 2. 

II Alioquin pro ulteriori remedio impetrando intendimus providere, Duckett, ii. 17. 

* 4 1 5] Vicar-General 85 

letter was carried by John Kilquit, head of the preceptory of 
the Knights Hospitallers at Mount St John near Thirsk, who 
was also in the royal service 1 , and in the meantime Elmham 
crossed with the expedition to Harfleur. Kilquit went on 
to Constance but the Abbot was not there 2 , and on his 
return down the valley of the Seine he forwarded the letter 
to Cluny by another messenger 3 , as his own passport was 
made out for the Constance journey only. That the Abbot's 
advisers did not relish the proposal for another Vicar- 
General is evident from the endorsement still to be seen on 
the letter, where they call it "a big piece of folly 4 ," but 
the plan was certainly carried out nevertheless, though the 
formal appointment seems only to have been made by 
Abbot Raymond's successor, Robert of Chaudeyrolles 5 , at 
Constance on Oct. 26, I4I7 8 . 

Elmham's new activity as Vicar-General met with much 
success but he had his difficulties, especially when he tried 
to establish an effective control over the wealthy priory of 
Bromholm near Bacton on the coast of Norfolk, whither 
crowds of pilgrims flocked to visit the Holy Rood 7 , made 
from the wood of the True Cross that had been brought 
from Constantinople two centuries before 8 . He still, more- 
over, kept up his official connection with the court, and 
there is extant in Paris 9 a letter in his own handwriting 
written in the Palace at Westminster on Feb. 18, though 
unfortunately the year is not specified. In this he speaks 
of himself as appointed to watch over the flock in England, 
especially in regard to the alienated manors of the Cluniacs, 

1 Servitorem dominationis sue, Duckett, ii. 17. 2 Vol. i. p. 342, note 7. 

3 i.e. Gregory of Conflans. Kilquit's letter to the Abbot is dated at Chatillon in the 
Cote d'Or, April 21 [s.a.], in which he explains that if he wanted to get to Cluny, his 
safe-conduct would have to be vistd at Bar-sur- Seine or Troyes, which would cause delay, 
Duckett, ii. 17. 

4 Una magna fatuitas, Duckett, ii. 22. 

8 i.e. near Fay-le-Froid (Haute-Loire) in northern Languedoc. This I take to be the 
meaning of " Chandessola," " Chaudessola " or " Exhaudessola. " Abbot Robert was 
elected on Sept. 13, 1416 (not 1446, as Duckett, i. 26), and received the benediction from 
Jean de Brogny, Cardinal of Ostia at Constance on April 18, 1417. He had represented 
Cluny at the Councils of Pisa and Constance owing to the great age of Abbot Raymond, 
and died in 1423, Gall. Christ, iv. 1158. For his letters dated at Constance March 10, 
April 21, Oct. 21, 25, 1417, see Duckett, ii. 198. 

Duckett, ii. 198. 

7 Cf. And wenden to Walsingham and my wyf also, 

And byd the Rood of Bromholme bring me out of dette. 

Piers Ploughman, B. v. 230, and note, p. 121. 

8 i.e. in 1223, Monast. v. 60. 

9 i.e. in Bibl. Nat. Collection de Bourgogne, vol. Ixxxiv. no. 477 ; Duckett, ii. 21. 

86 The "Chaplain" [CH. xxxi 

his letter being written in great haste as he was much 
hampered in despatching business with the king 1 . That he 
still maintained his independence and exerted a powerful 
influence over the character of the king is evident from the 
strong remonstrance that he addressed to him in the latter 
part of his reign, when Henry's popularity at home was 
suffering under the long-continued strain of the war with 
France. He tells him straight that England is glad to see 
him go and dreads to have him back. Wherever he is, 
peace flies away. Let him think on the fate of Richard 
and check the insolence of his courtiers, lest the wrath 
of God should smite him as it did his father. Though 
king to-day, to-morrow might upset him and his crown 2 . 

In Sept. 1416, Elmham accompanied King Henry 
to Calais in the character of an official recorder 3 . He 
did not cross with the army on the second expedition to 
France in 1417, but remained in England to pour out 
his indignation against Oldcastle, whom he regards as 
a dragon of hell 4 . He is referred to as Prior of Lenton 
in 1416, 1422 and 1423*, but on Feb. 18, 1427, he re- 
signed his post as Prior into the hands of a namesake John 
Elmham 7 , and after that date we hear of him no more 8 . 

He wrote much both in prose and verse, and from 
frequent references in the Gesta it is certain that he had 
access to many official documents which have now disap- 
peared. The methodical drift of his mind found expression 

1 In negotiis penes dominum nostrum regem expediendis in praesenti multipliciter 
prepeditus, Duckett, ii. 21, who supposes (198) that the letter was written after 1417 
or 1418. 

3 Errores solitos quos nunc tua curia mittit 

Corrige, ne feriat te gravis ira Dei. 
Nam licet hie hodie sis Rex, sors crastina forsan 

Te cito subvertet et diadema tuum. Pol. Songs, ii. 119. 

3 Puiseux, Rouen, v, thinks that il n'a jamais quitte son monastere. 

4 Satellites infernalis, tartareus draco, Lib. Metr. 156, 159. 

8 In Pat. 4 H. V, 16 (Aug. 18, 1416), he is Prior of Lenton in the diocese of York, 
and deputy for Raymond, Abbot of Cluny ; also 9 H. V and i H. VI, Thoroton, 219, 
223, who quotes from Registrum de Lenton, probably the Chartulary (Otho B. xiv), 
that once formed part of the Cottonian Library (T. Smith, 71), but was destroyed in the 
fire at Westminster in 1731, Monast. v. no; the present Otho B. xiv is a different 
volume altogether, Cott. Cat. 365. For a copper plate (i6th century), representing the 
crucifixion, found at Lenton, see Gent. Mag. Ixvii. 281. 

6 Pat. 5 H. VI, i. 12; Cal. Pat. H. VI, ii. 392; Monast. v. 109; Vita, xx, xxiii, 345; 
Fabricius, vi. 252. Not 1426, as H. Morley, vi. 160. 

7 He resigned on Oct. 18, 1450, Cal. Pat. H. VI, v. 403; Monast. v. 109. 

8 Vickers (p. 460) says that he died "some time during the reign of Henry VI," 
which is vague enough. Called "circ. 1440," in Gent. Mag. (1859), ii. 350; Diet. Nat. 
Biogr. xvii. 309. 

1415] Writings 87 

in compiling chronological tables, in one of which he gave 
the succession of the kings of Britain from the mythical 
Brute down to Richard II, with short notes of leading events 
tabulated year by year, breaking off abruptly with the year 
1389, the existing copy in the British Museum 1 being 
obviously unfinished, though a note on the MS. in a 
later hand records that it was written in 1416. He also 
drew up a similar chronological table of the Abbots of 
St Augustine's at Canterbury, which he appended to his 
history of that house written while he was an inmate there 
before his transfer to Lenton. Throughout all that he wrote 
he used his facility for Latin elegiacs, often bringing in his 
own name in the form of an acrostic, as " Thomas Elmham " 
or " Elmam," with the addition of " Monachus" or " Prior 

The Gesta in its prose dress ends with Nov. 20, 1416, 
but the metrical version carries on the story till March 1418. 
There is evidence that it was consulted by Adam of Usk 
who finished his chronicle before June 10, I42I 2 . It was 
followed also by Tito Livio when he wrote his Life of 
Henry V about 20 years after Agincourt, by Hardy ng 
who was present in the battle, and by Capgrave in his 
book on the famous Henries about I44O 3 , though in his 
chronicle written about 20 years later he mainly followed 
Walsingham, whose influence, together with that of 
Monstrelet, dominated all writers who treated of the subject 
for the next 1 50 years. Elmham's account was used how- 
ever by John Stow in the i6th century, and by Thomas 
Goodwin, who wrote a minutely detailed account of the reign 
of Henry V in 1 704 4 . But as a rule historians of those days 
did not much trouble themselves about unprinted sources, 
and the MSS. of the Gesta? were not used with much real 
effect till Sharon Turner 6 wrote his history in 1823. The 
Agincourt section was translated into English by Sir Harris 
Nicolas in 1827 7 . At length the Latin text was fully printed 

Claudius E. iv. i. 

Usk, 131, 320, compared with Lib. Metr. 153. 
Capgr. De Illustr. Introduct. p. xxv. 
Goodwin, 61, 63. 

i.e. Sloane MS. 1776, and Cotton, Julius E. iv (Nicolas, ix). 
S. Turner, v. 398; Nicolas, x. 

7 Nicolas, pp. Ixxxvii-ccxlvii. For a modern free translation of the Harfleur section 
into French, see Hellot, Recit. 

88 The " Chaplain" [CH. xxxi 

by Dr J. A. Giles 1 in 1848, and two years later for the 
English Historical Society, since which time all writers 
have agreed to acknowledge the supreme value of the 
narrative 2 , though mcst of them have failed to recognise the 
personal identity of the author. 

(The little force set out from Harfleur on Sunday, Oct. 6, 
141 5 3 , arranged in three battalions 4 , which was the usual 
marching order. The foremost, being the least encumbered 6 , 
was captained by John Cornwall and Gilbert Umfraville ; 
the king himself took charge of the main division, supported 
by the Duke of Gloucester 6 , John Holland 7 , and the youthful 

1 Who once informed me that mistakes in the text must be excused, as the type was 
set up for him by one of his maid-servants. 

2 e.g. Pauli, v. 104; Yonge, 269, 270, 275, who thinks that it adds but little to what 
was already known; Mazas, Vies, v. 570, who thinks that it was unknown before Nicolas; 
Michelet, vi. 19; Knight, ii. 57; Borely, i. 108, who seems to identify him with 
Walsingham; Belleval, 32, who depends upon Nicolas' translation; Kohler, ii. 741, who 
thinks that he leaves all earlier accounts of sieges far behind, though for an account of the 
battle he prefers Monstrelet. He thinks that the details of the siege of Harfleur have 
been ganzlich missverstanden by Pauli, v. 103. 

3 Quo die (i.e. Oct. 6) recesserunt de villa de Haraflieu cum eodem domino rege versus 
bellum de Agyncourt, L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/7; Exch. Accts. 47/26; do. 47/7, 
where the Earl of Huntingdon's claim for wages in viagio versus bellum de Agyncourt is 
reckoned from Oct. 6; see also Hunter, 36, 45. In Exch. Accts. 46/34, 47/7, the wages 
of the troops left to garrison Harfleur run from Oct. 6, though from Oct. 8, ibid. 46/24. 
It is possible that Oct. 8 was chosen because the ist quarter ended on that day, reckoning 
from the muster day at Southampton, i.e. July 8, 1415. For wages to begin at Southampton 
on July 8, 1415, see Exch. Accts. 46/29, 38. The start is dated Oct. 6 by Labitte, 134; 
Belleval, 58 ; Oman, 109 ; Henty, 338 ; Sainte-Marthe, 9 ; Adams, i. 2 1 7 ; do. Battle Stories, 
101 ; also Macfarlane, 29; Craik- Macfarlane, ii. 29; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 558; or 
Oct. 7, in Hunter, 20; Beamont, i. 242; Boule, i. 418; Wals. ii. 310, who allows about 
1 8 days for the march; also Hypodig. 462; Capgr. 312; or Oct. 8 (i.e. Tuesday before 
St Dionysius), in Gesta, 36, who also gives in nonis Octobris, i.e. Oct. 7 ; Low- Pulling, 
553; Kingsford, 136; Kingsford, Chron. 70, 297; Vickers, 26; Historians' Hist. xi. 169, 
xviii. 532; Jahns, 858; Strang, 80; Niethe, 18; Delbriick, iii. 479; Loserth, Gesch. 
550; called "about Oct. 8," in Tyler, ii. 158; Oct. 8 or 9, Ramsay, i. 206; Champion, 
Vie, 143; "in October," Radford, 48; not Oct. 9 in festo Dionysii, as Elmham, Lib. 
Metr. 114; Otterbourne, 276; Yonge, 274; Hippeau, 129; Oman, Pol. Hist. 250; nor 
Oct. 10, as Normandie, 169; called apres la Saint Remy (Oct. i), Ruisseauville, 137; 
la premiere semaine du mois d'Octobre, Cagny, 97. The date was certainly not Oct. i, 
as Hard. 390; Kingsford, Chron. 119; Chron. Lond. 100; Pol. Songs, ii. 123, though 
Nicolas, 81, inclines to this date. News of the start had reached Venice (via Bruges) 
between Nov. 12 and 14, 1415, Morosini, ii. 68. For itinerary of Henry V from August 
ii to Nov. 24, 1415, see Nicolas, 105; Belleval, 118. 

4 Cf. batailles, Waurin, 191, 194, 196; Le Fevre, i. 233, 235, 241; Lydg. 317; 
Nicolas, App. 75; called "phalanxes" in J. E. Morris, Archers, 429; in tres acies 
et alas duas prout more solito agi solebat, Gesta, 135; ordine solito, Tit. Liv. 19; velut 
sui moris semper erat tribus instructis aciebus et alis, ibid. 82; Vita, 250, i.e. of the 
march to Troyes in 1420; anglico more, Tit. Liv. 56; First Life, 116; as thus of English- 
men is accustomed, First Life, 43, from Tit. Liv. 12 ; i.e. the usual marching order, 
Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 383; Jahns, Atlas, 63; not the fighting line, as Kohler, ii. 
765; cf. drei Treffen und zwei Fliigel, Schmidt, ii. 250; cf. these kynges comes with 
here batayles, Laud Troy Book, 223. 

St Denys, v. 556. 

My brother Gloucester (not Clarence) verament, 

Ye shall ryde al be my syde. Harflet, 315; MS. Harl. 565. 

7 Son of John, Earl of Huntingdon (d. 1400), and his wife Elizabeth (d. 1426), daughter 

1415] The Start 89 

Lord de Roos 1 , while the Duke of York and the Earl 
of Oxford 2 brought up the rear 3 . All baggage wagons 
were left behind and such stores as they took with them 
were to be reduced to an absolutely indispensable minimum 4 
and carried on the backs of sumpterhorses 8 , but it is with 
amazement that we read that in the king's coffers were 
carried a crown 6 , a sword of state so valuable that it was 
very seldom allowed to be seen 7 , the chancery seals 8 , a gold 
cross set with precious stones valued at 13,000 crowns, and 
a large piece of the True Cross six inches long and more 
than an inch wide 9 , together with gold and silver salsers 

of John of Gaunt. He was born in 1394 and restored to his title as Earl of Huntingdon in 
1417, Comp. Peer. iv. 287. Called Duke of Exeter in Goodwin, 84, where he com- 
mands the rear battle at Agincourt, though he was not created Duke of Exeter till 
Jan. 6, 1443, Doyle, i. 712; ii. 230. Seepage 16. 

1 i.e. John, Lord de Roos, who succeeded his father William in 1414 at 17 or 18 
years of age, Wylie, ii. 180, note. He was killed at Bauge, Mar. 22, 1421. Not that 
he was brother to the Earl of Huntingdon, as Waur. ii. 188. For his retinue (9 + 22), 
see Nicolas, 343 (or 20 + 40 at Southampton; Wylie, Notes, 138; or 10 + 30 on May i, 
1416, see Dugd. i. 552). Called le Seigneur de Ros, in Cordeliers, 228. For his 
monument (from Belvoir Priory) now in the church at Bottesford, see Eller, 366 (with 
orle and SS collar). He married Margaret, daughter of Philip le Despenser. For 
grants to him, April 2, 1419, see Brequigny, 67. 

2 Cf. Hontyngdoun and Oxford bothe 

Were wondere fers all in that fyght. Pol. Songs, ii. 125. 

3 Harflet, 315, 316, 323; Nic. App. 74, adds the Earl of Devonshire, Lords Clifford 
and Willoughby and Sir William Bourchier. Monstr. (375) gives the Earl of Dorset, 
Lords Beaumont and Chamber (?Camoys, see vol. i. p. 531); also "the yong Erie of 
Devonschere," Harflet, 315; meaning apparently Edward (see vol. i. p. 527), son of 
Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, who was " said to be blind," Hunter, 29 ; 
or "elderly," Ramsay, i. 199 (i.e. 58 years old, Doyle, i. 575); though Kohler (it. 766) 
supposes him to have been present at Agincourt. For retinue of Edward Courtenay, 
knight, in 1415 (30 + 90), see Nicolas, App. 88; called 190 + 400 in Dugd. i. 641; 
Cleaveland, 209, where he is Admiral of the Fleet from May i to Aug. i, 1418. For his 
seal, with grant to his brother Hugh Courtenay, kt. dated at Tiverton in 1414, see Cott. 
MS. Julius C. vii. 138. 

4 Vita, 51 ; sans guere de bagaiges, Brands, ii. 128. 

5 For names of sumptmen (sic) that sailed from Southampton in 1415, see Exch. 
Accts. 44/30 (i); usually called "sumptermen," e.g. Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 20, 
1415; 8 H. V, Pasch., May 21, 1420; Wylie, iv. 277. I can find no authority for the 
statement in Mazas (Vies, v. 616) that the force had very few horses and that these were 
all used for baggage. Oman (Hist. 223), on the other hand, thinks that the whole army, 
including every archer, " had been provided with horses." 

6 See p. 30. In Ruisseauville (140) this becomes two crowns, one of which he was 
to wear when he appeared before the public in France, and another to be used at his 
coronation at Rheims ; cf. Danvin, 1 19. For the famous ruby shown in the State Crown 
(1838), see W. Jones, Crowns, 45. 

' L'epee dou rois Artus qui valoit tant de finanche que on ne le savoit exposer, 
Ruisseauville, 140; Danvin, 119; une moult precieuse epee ornee de riches pierres et 
aultres joyaux, Monstr. 376; cf. Gesta, -50; Chron. Giles, 45; Nicolas, 259; Paradin, 
597 ; Biondi, 121. 

8 Ramsay, i. 222, who calls it the Great Seal; Gaucourt (in Nicolas, App. 26), who 
recovered the seals and some of the jewels and gave them up to the king in England. 
This is doubted by Labitte (144), but without any sound reason. 

9 Called 2 pieces, each 6 inches long, in Daniel, iii. 875. 

go The "Chaplain" [CH. xxxi 

worked in arabesque 1 and garnished with pearls 2 , garnets 
and amethysts, a gold spoon and 27 silver ones, and a long 
serpentine 3 worth 70 marks 4 , all of which precious things 
were packed in-tlie baggage of John Hargrove, a sergeant 
of the pantry 5 . '/ 

CLarge as the army might originally have been, the 
hard campaigning had left it but a crumpled and ragged 
squad 6 , with harness out of joint and jacks all worn 
and tattered into slovenry 7 . Strangers arriving in Calais 
brought word of the wild adventure and it was generally 
believed that they would be in death-grips with the French 
before they had been 15 days out 8 , but it was soon made 
quite plain that they had started on no easy promenade.) 
j( At Montivilliers a small garrison which had been watching 
its opportunity during the siege of Harfleur 9 gave them 
their first blood-letting as they passed within half-a-mile of 
the place 10 / and although strict orders 11 had been given that 
no burning or plundering should be allowed except for the 
necessaries of life, yet as they found that the country had 

1 Operis de Morask. Cf. " moreske-work," Cotgr., s.v. ; des objets morisques (i.e. 
furniture), Le Coy de la Marche, ii. 161 ; une pomtne d'or faicte de haute taille en 
maniere de morisque, Guiffrey, i. 302 ; unum salarium auri operis de morask, Pat. 
4 H. V, 17; Priv. Seal, 664/659; ouvrage de Damas, Wylie, iv. 83, note 4. 

2 One of them had a perula Scocie (probably a cairngorm) on the top. Called 
"a Scotch pebble" in Nicolas, 259. 

8 Called lapis pretiosus in Du Cange, vii. 439, but it probably means a snake; 
e.g. bestes sauvages et serpentine, Godefroy, vii. 395. 

4 Rym. ix. 356; Nicolas, 259, who dates the document in 1415 instead of 1416; 
cf. Belleval, 107; Mely-Bishop, i. 169. The total value of the articles was ^86. 5.5-. 5^., 
Kingsford, 153. 

6 Servientis panetrie, Rym. ix. 357; Cal. Pat. H. V, ii. 41. 

6 G. Daniel, Trinarch. iv. 147. 

A Route of tattered Rascalls starved, 

Fitter for spittles and the surgeons care. Drayton, 44. 

7 H. V, iv. 3. 114. Fort foules leur harnois mal a poinct et les Jacques des archers 
uses et dechirees, Juv. 518. 

8 Rym. ix. 314. 

9 J uv - 5 J 7- For 200 livres tourn. paid on Oct. 13, 1415, to Colard, lord of 
Villequier, with 25 cross-bowmen (arbalestriers A pied} at Montivilliers, see Belleval, 59, 
from Titres scells de Clairembault, t. 113, in Cabinet des Titres, Bibl. Nat. In Rept. on 
Foed. D. 366, Jan. 2, 1422, Clement Overton, esq. is captain of Montivilliers for one 
year with 3 + 9; also June i, 1422, where the garrison (5 + 12) is mustered by Hugh 
Luttrell, kt. and Thomas Holgylle. 

10 Gesta, 37; Hard. 390; Pauwels, 242; Nicolas, 220; Kingsford, Chron. 119 
(i.e. Cleop. iv. 24); Pol. Songs, ii. 123, where they pass through Houndfle (i.e. Honfleur) 
and Barflete (i.e. Barfleur) before reaching Montivilliers; Nicolas, 361; Belleval, 353, 
shows that Geoffrey Blake was killed in the engagement; Hunter, 27, that an archer 
Robert Roger was taken prisoner; also 3 cordwainers, Exch. Accts. 45/15; and one of the 
squires and i archer of the late Earl of Suffolk, ibid. 46 (24) (where the fight is stated to 
have taken place on Oct. 8). Daniel (iii. 871) thinks that une infinite de monde was 
killed and captured by the garrisons at Montivilliers, Caudebec and other small places. 

11 Piissima et honestissima statuta, Chron. Giles, 32 ; Gesta, 37. 

1415] Fecamp 91 

been stripped of supplies, it is no wonder that we find them 
everywhere working countless woe. This at least is the 
stock complaint of the French chroniclers 1 , though there is 
a remarkable statement by one of them that in this part of 
the campaign at least the English neither robbed men nor 
churches, nor lit a single fire in France 2 . For a time they 
were able to extort a certain small modicum of food 3 from 
the towns and villages through which they passed, as the 
near example of Harfleur and the helplessness of the French 
government had struck a note of panic terror along the 
whole countryside. /At Fecamp 4 a considerable force had 
been collected by David, lord of Rambures 5 , the captain 
of Boulogne, to oppose them, but the townspeople had less 
to fear from the English than from their own friends, who 
burned the town and took refuge in the fortified precinct of 
the Abbey 6 , as the castle was in no condition to make any 
defence 7 . ' Here they stalled their horses in the church 
and shamefully ill-used the defenceless women who crowded 

1 Maux innumerables, Juv. 517; gastant et destruisant, Le Fevre, i. 23 r; ardant 
et exillant tout devant luy, Waur. ii. 188; praedus agendo et cuncta diripiendo, Basin, 
i. 20. 

2 Ossi ne desrauberent de nuls homines ne eglises ne ossi boutet nuls feux en Franche 
et s'il tout fait pour seur nous en avons fait justiche, Ruisseauville, 142, while the 
French (p. 138) did nothing forsque rober et piller villes et moutiers (abbayes) et violer 

3 Parcissime licet, Tit. Liv. 12. Not that the writer was present, as supposed in 
Nicolas, 184. Rapin (iii. 446) thinks that the French brought in provisions pour les 
vendre a prix excessif; cf. Tindal, i. 513. 

4 J uv - 58- For William Bramshulf taken at " Fescame," see Nicolas, 361 ; Belleval, 
353; called Fecant, Pauwels, 242; Fescoompe, Pol. Songs, ii. 123; Fescompe, Kingsford, 
Chron. 119; omitted in a map of the route in Kohler, ii. 768. For destruction of 
a large part of Fecamp (or 400 houses) by the English on July 15, 1410, when half the 
population disappeared, see Coville, Recherches, 392, 393, 399, from Bibl. Nat. MS. 
fr. 25708/631, 635, 639. 

5 For a messenger despatched to him from Boulogne on Sept. 14, 1415, who however 
did not find him at Fecamp but at Rouen, see Deseilles, 418, where he is maistre des 
arbalestriers de France ; cf. Anselme, viii. 67 ;. Belleval, 95, 244. 

6 Cf. abbaciam turribus et muris altis defensam, Blondel, ii. 94 (writing in 1450). 
For a plan of the abbey, see Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 266, from Monasticon Anglicanum. 
For account of it, see Normandie Monumentale, 465. For pictures, see A. Laborde, 
ii. Plate CLIX; Bordeaux, i. i. 49; Joanne, ii. 1406. It is not a little remarkable that an 
inventory of the goods of the Abbey dated Sept. 1415, still exists among the records 
of the English exchequer, Delpit, cxv. It was doubtless drawn up in consequence of 
the expected arrival of the English. For other inventories dated Dec. 5, 1362, Sept. 10, 
1375, Jan. 14, 1400 and 1425,866 1'Ecole des Charles, xx. 160, 167, 403, L. i. n, 
no. 3. For a contract dated Oct. 12, 1420, by Alexandre de Berneval, who was then 
living in Rouen, to build an erection with a stone doorway (une huisserie de bonne pierre 
de taille, cf. une huisserie a deschendre de la neuve chapelle en la vielle, C. Beaurepaire, 
Notes, iii. 187) for the faithful to approach the stone with the angel's footprint on it in 
the Abbey, see C. Beaurepaire, Notes, i. 59, 61, where the monks are to find fer, plomb, 
engins, cordail et establiez (benches) et mortier a ce faire. 

7 On April 18, 1419, the castle was ruinosum et desertum, Bre"quigny, 82. 

92 The "Chaplain" [CH. xxxi 

thither for protection 1 . The most recent local historian 2 of 
the town supposes that the English established themselves 
in front of the Porte du Bail and placed guns on the heights 
above, from which they opened a terrific fire with " enormous 
globes of stone " till they had breached the walls, though it 
is certain that they had not a single gun or stone shot with 
thempjfbut beyond the fact that three Englishmen were 
captured 3 we have no record of any serious collision, and 
the bulk of the English force appears to have left Fecamp | 
entirely to the left and to have passed through Fauville 4 , 
arriving on Friday, Oct. 1 1 6 , before the castle of Arques 6 
which dominated all the country watered by a stream 7 

1 En laquelle y avoit gens d'armes en garnison qui avoit brule la ville, Juv. 508 ; 
Godefroy, Charles VI, 297. Not that this was all done by the English, as Nicolas, 82, 
who translates the above passage as "where he (Henry) placed a garrison who burnt the 
town " ; also Belleval, 59. Zantfliet (406) represents that Henry had besieged and taken 
F6camp and left an English garrison there before he attacked Harfleur, cf. Gall. Christ, 
xi. 212. 

2 A. Martin, i. 122, who supposes that resistance was organised by the Abbot Estod 
d'Estouteville, brother of the defender of Harfleur (see p. 35), quoting B. L. Fallue, 
Histoire de la Ville et Abbaye de Fecamp (Fecamp, 1841), pp. 250, 251, a work which I 
have not been able to consult. For safe-conduct for him (May 4, 1420) coming to do 
homage to Henry V, see Ewald, Cal. xlii. 369, where he is called Estodus d'Estouteville. 

3 viz. i lance (William Bramshulf ) and 2 varlets (Edward Legh and John de Rede), 
Q.R. Exch. 45/1 ; see page 91, note 4. 

4 Monstr. 371; Waurin, ii. 188; Guthrie, ii. 462, who thinks that they intended 
to keep near the sea in order to get supplies from their ships. St Denys, v. 549, followed 
by J uv - 5 1 7) makes them go towards Gournay, i.e. Gournay-en-Bray near Beauvais 
(called Gournai-en-Beauvoisis in Choisy, 321; Boule, i. 148), but this seems altogether 
too far south. Juv. 517, calls Gournay 22 leagues from the sea, and says that the English 
stayed there 4 days (exacto quadnduo); also Montfaucon, iii. 163. Not that "they were 
4 days on the route" (as Nicolas, 238), and then went on to Amiens. But he seems 
to have been quite misinformed, see also Hellot, 99. In Normandie, 166, they pass 
through le pays de Caux; called Caoorsin in Waurin, ii. 188. In Cordeliers, p. 228, they 
cross the Oise and the Eure (Autye or Autura, Des Champs, 137, Graesse, s.v.) before 
reaching the Somme. In Trussel, 100, they march from Harfleur to Porthouse, i.e. 
Pontoise (cf. Pountoyse, Halle, 63; Grafton, i. 514), which he seems to place on the 
Somme. Mazas, Vies, v. 585, makes them take the high road for Dieppe, moving toward 
St Miel (sic) (possibly St Michel du Hoisel near St Romain), meaning to sleep at 
Fauville, but that they had to abandon this plan because Boucicaut was on their right 
flank, and so they went to Fecamp. In Strang, 83, they move from Fecamp " past 
Cany and Valery to Arques." 

5 Gesta, 37 ; Hard. 390. 

6 Not "Argues," as Aubrey, ii. 47. It is called "Arkes" in Pol. Songs, ii. 123; 
"Arches" in Coningsby, 28. For pictures of it, see Uibdin, Tour, i. 29; Cotman- 
Turner, I. i ; D. Turner, i. 33; Duruy, ii. 147; Normandie Monumentale, 303; Dearmer, 
359; Macquoid, 119; Bordeaux, I. i. 62; Albert-Petit, 104. For ruins 1838, 1883, with 
postern (nth century) and prisons (i5th century), see Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 119, 120, 
quoting Rev. de la Normandie, 1868, p. 642, where it is called le geant du moyen 
;ige. For plans of it and siege in 1589, see Deville, 233, 283; Viollet-le-Duc, Architect, 
iii. 71-75; v. 38-47; Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 118; Jahns, Atlas, Plate XLIII. For John 
Baskerville, kt. appointed captain of Arques, July 29, 1420, see Ewald, xlii. 379; also 
Aug. 10, 1420, Jan. 2, March 9, Dec. 26, 1421, Rept. on Foed. D. 365, where the 
garrison =10+ 30. 

7 i.e. the river Arques. For i6th century picture showing its course, see Sarrazin, 
Jeanne d'Arc, 1 16. Called "the B6thune," in Strang, 83. 

1415] Arques 93 

winding down to the harbour of Dieppe 1 some three or 
four miles away on the shore to their left. 

Halting his troops in the adjacent fields, which were inter- 
sected through and through by watercourses, the king sent 
to demand a free passage for his troops, but the captain of 
the castle had blocked the bridges with timber 2 and answered 
the summons by aiming some shots at the messenger from the 
walls ; but when the English threatened to set fire to the 
open bourg 3 or town that clustered round the church at the 
foot of the castle hill, he came to terms, agreeing to supply 
them with bread and wine and let them pass unmolested on 
their wayOfeo they marched through Arques 3 , and on 
the following day (Oct. 12) arrived within half-a-mile to the 
south of the walled town of Eu 6 , near to the outfall of 
the river Bresle 7 . Here a large force had assembled to bar 
their further advance 8 , but in accordance with his deter- 
mination not to seem to be scuttling out of the country 
that he claimed as his own by inheritance, the king marched 
his army with banners flung right into the teeth of the 
enemy. As his scouts 9 approached the town the French 
sallied out and caused some trouble, but were driven in with 

1 For i ;th century plans of Dieppe, see Zeiller, viii. 12. For the castle, see Duruy, 
ii. 145. For pictures of Dieppe in 1575, see Belleforest, i. 105; Normandie Monu- 
mentale, 279-291. 

' 2 Infra quorum (i.e. the castle and the narrow bridges) districtum et offensionem 
transitus non erat, Gesta, 37; Chron. Giles, 32. Not "within the range and shot of 
which was our passage," as Nicolas, 220; cf. pontibus et turribus satis munita, Capgrave, 
De Illustr. 116. 3 For position of it, see Deville, 382, 385. 

4 Ne trouva aucun empeschement, Juv. 519. Belleval (61) thinks that the governor 
had been secretement gagne. 

5 Not "through Depe,"as Pol. Songs, ii. 123; Kingsford, Chron. xxv. 119, 304; also 
Hardyng, 378; Pauwels, 242; called "Deape" in Coningsby, 28. In Raoulet, 154, they 
pass au long de la mer pardevant Dieppe et au pais par ampres Hadelincourt (? Hallencourt) 
et la riviere de Somme. Musgrave (276) makes them pass through Creil (i.e. Criel), 
which seems impossible from its position on the shore; also Aubrey, ii. 47. Mazas, Vies, 
v. 585, supposes that they crossed the forest of Inerville (possibly Intraville), followed by 
Boucicaut, who made them retire to Eu avec precipitation, losing 5000 men before they 
reached the Somme, all of which imaginary details appear to be accepted by Belleval, 60, 
61, 65; cf. Duval-Pineu, ii. 192; Kohler, ii. 752 (who quotes St Denys, v. 550, but this 
refers to the action of Boucicaut after the English had reached the Somme); Niethe, 19. 
In Duthilloeul, 57, the attack is supposed to be made by the Duke of Burgundy ! 

6 Called "Delewe" or "de Tewe" in Pol. Songs, ii. 124; Kingsford, Chron. 119. 
For account of Eu in the i8th century, see Ducarel, 4. For remains of the walls with 
the Porte de 1'Empire, see Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 75, 80, 83, 89, quoting Estancelin (Le 
Chateau d'Eu), Leboeuf (La ville d'Eu, 1844), Vatout (Chateau d'Eu). For the castle of 
Eu burned by order of Louis XI, July 18, 1475, see Vatout, iii. 164; do. chateau with 
picture. For picture of the church and the modern chateau begun in 1545, see Bordeaux, 
I. i. 70; Normandie Monumentale, 333 ; Fouquier, ii. 1 10. For seal of Eu, see Sarrazin, 70. 

7 Le Fevre, i. 232; not Presle, as Mazas, Vies, v. 585, 588. 

8 Ibid. Vies, v. 585, assumes that this force was commanded by Boucicaut. 

9 Les coureurs, Monstr. 371; Waurin, ii. 188; Le Fevre, i. 231. 

94 The "Chaplain" [CH. xxxi 

loss 1 . Then followed the usual threat to burn the neighbour- 
ing villages if food were refused, and so great was the 
dread of the English name that here also the mere threat 
was effectual 2 . Hostages were offered ; bread and wine were 
delivered 3 , and the English army again sped on with growing 
confidence in themselves.^)/' Passing from Eu they left Nor- 
mandy behind 4 and enterecTthe county of Ponthieu which had 
long been incorporated in the province of Picardy. Crossing 
the Bresle at Gousseauville 5 near Gamaches, they marched 
by Friville and Nibas 6 towards the mouth of the Somme. 

Some of the prisoners that they had captured at Eu 
had given them to understand that an immense force was 
posted in front of them ready to dispute the passage of the 
river, which in the ordinary course they might reasonably 
expect to reach by the following day. This news was 
variously discussed. To some the rumour seemed the 
likeliest thing in the world, for it looked incredible that the 
great French nation were really going to see their chief 
seaport wrested from them and sit with folded hands while 
these insolent aggressors ravaged their fields, and then let 
them escape scot-free to their own land. But though 
opinion in some parts of Europe had up till now believed 
that the English were bound to fail because the French 
were both united and prepared 7 , yet those were far nearer 
to the truth who thought that internal discord had cut so 
deep into the nerve of France that no large force would 
venture far from Paris, lest the Duke of Burgundy should 
slip behind their unprotected rear, re-occupy the capital 8 , 
bring back the refugees and re-enact the Terror of Caboche 9 . 

1 Grande escarmouche, Fenin, 558; gave the Englishmen a skirmish, Holinsh. iii. 
551; it was foughten sore and vigorously, Stow, Chron. 349. Not that the garrison 
repulsed an English division, as Vatout, iii. 1^8. Sarrazin, 75, thinks that Henry was 
obliged lever honteusement le siege on Oct. 13, 1415. 

2 Not "paying generously for everything he received," as Henry, v. 37. 

3 Gesta, 38; Tit. Liv. 13; Vita, 52. 

4 Laquelle est la derraine ville de Normandie, Le Fevre, i. 231. 

5 Not "Gouzenville," as Mazas, Vies, v. 585, who supposes that Boucicaut crossed in 
pursuit a little higher up at Soren [? Soreng near Monchaux]. 

6 Louandre, 276; Belleval, 65, 66. Called Freville and Cartigny (i.e. Catigny near 
Arrest) in Mazas, Vies, v. 589. Lefils (134) sends them on to sleep at Bailleul and 
then back to St Valery, where he supposes that they had a garrison. 

7 Contra gran posanza per eser tuti i signory de Franza ben sono d'acordo e ben 
provisty, Morosini, ii. 50. 

8 For a rumour at Venice that the Duke had actually returned to Paris, see Morosini, ii. 64. 

9 For statement that Simon Caboche was executed at Bapaume in July 1414, see 
Bedu, 60, quoting Hennebert-Devienne. But he was still " un personnage officiel" 
attached to the Duke's hostel in 1418, Coville (Lavisse), iv. 377. 



LONG before the expedition started from Southampton 
the French Council had been aware that dangerous pre- 
parations were afoot 1 , and when at length the return of 
their envoys from Winchester at the end of July 141 5 2 had 
made it plain to their laggard eyes that their country was 
on the very verge of invasion, the Dauphin called the 
Council together in Paris and decided to levy an aid 
throughout all France and to garrison the towns on the 
northern and western coasts 3 . As soon as the landing of the 
English at Harfleur was an accomplished fact, the collectors 
pressed for money in all directions. They squeezed out 
loans wherever they were to be had, forced the clergy to 
pay a tenth of their receipts 4 and exacted contributions 
from every quarter under threats of imprisonment 5 . By 
this means they got together the largest amount that had 
been collected within the memory of any living man 6 , but 
to effect this much the whole land was robbed and plundered 
worse than even the English could have done it, and no 
good came of it after all 7 . One small result of this burst of 
energy was seen in the rigging up of the few vessels that 
still remained in the galley-close at Rouen 8 , amounting in 

1 Page 51, note 3; Transcr. For. Rec. 135. For order dated April 19, 1415, to the 
bailiff of Rouen to collect men to oppose the king of England, see Champion, Vie, 139. 

2 Vol. i. page 492. They reported the numbers of the English as 6000 + 50,000, 
St Denys, v. 531; Goodwin, 61. 

3 Waurin, ii. 169; Monstr. 362. 4 Juv. 514. 

5 St Denys, v. 536. For order dated Paris, Sept. 18, 1415, calling upon sheriffs and 
collectors to bring the proceeds promptly, see Ordonnances, x. 426. 

6 Le plus grant taille qu'on eust vu cueillir d'aage d'homme, Bourgeois, 62. 

7 Tout le pais gaste et robbe et faisoient autant de mal aux pouvres gens de France 
comme faisoient les Angloys et nul autre bien n'y firent, ibid. 62. 

8 For the Clos des Galees at Rouen in 1338, see Lalanne, 81 ; Larchey, 21; 
Brackenbury ;, Ronciere, i. 33, 401, 403, 404. It was built about 1294 (A. Martin, 
i. 150), and was known as the arsenal of the west (arsenal du Ponant). Oppenheim (9) 
calls it "a complete establishment such as did not exist in England till more than 
a century afterwards." 

96 Dissensions [CH. xxxn 

all to 13 balingers. Carpenters were engaged to fit them 
with orlops 1 , and caulkers to scour their bottoms 2 , but it was 
not till Sept. i4 3 that the crews were mustered too late of 
course for any effective purpose. Ten days after the 
English had actually landed, an order was made out 4 at 
Rouen to send two galiots 5 with provisions to Harfleur with 
directions to land men and keep up communications with 
the garrison ; but how this was to be done in the teeth of 
the blockade does not appear to have been considered, 
seeing that with the exception of the 13 before-named 
balingers, all of which were unseaworthy, every ship in the 
galley-close had recently been sold 6 , and as soon as the 
news came that the English were actually in the Seine 
messengers were despatched to Sluys to hire 7 carracks and 
galleys for the immediate emergency ; but as Sluys was 
under the sinister control of the Duke of Burgundy, the 
prospect of relief was not bright in that direction. 

(^ Early in 1415 the Peace of Arras 8 had been sworn by 
the Dukes of Orleans, Bourbon and Bar, but much against 
their will 9 , and as soon as it was signed they showed that 
they had little love for it 10 . The king was ill, and when 
the Dauphin took over the government with the finances 
all pinched and thin 11 , he found himself deserted by the royal 

1 i.e. decks or overlops, Ronciere, ii. 215; see Cotgr,. s.v. Tillac. 

2 Calphas remolas pour mestre sus et ouvrir. Cf. calfas et remolants ( = oarkeepers, 
avironniers) pour espalmer les galeres, Add. Ch. 259, not 269, as Ronciere, ii. 215. 

3 Add. Ch. 68, 69, in Nicolas, App. 86, where Colin Govel, master of the ship^/e^an 
Langage, gives a receipt for .107. icw. Qd. for himself, i mate (contre-maistre), 4 quarter- 
masters (carteniers) and 30 sailors (mariniers). 

4 i.e. by the constable, Charles d'Albret, dated at Rouen, Aug. 23, 1415, Ronciere, ii. 
214, quoting MS. fr. 26,040, p. 4971 (cf. Omont, iii. 31), and Pieces Orig. vol. 2289 
dors.; Piquet, p. 49 (28,773 m Omont, iii. 134). For 30 livr. tourn. paid by the Receiver 
of Rouen to a carpenter at Rouen for a small new galiot to go to Harfleur with victuals 
and bring news; also for 10 sols tourn. for a banner with the royal arms to put in it; 
also payment to Robert de Hellande, kt. bailiff of Rouen, going to Paris to tell the king 
and Dauphin, see Cagny, 95, note, from Bibl. Nat. Quittances, vol. 49, piece 4971, i.e. letter 
of Charles d'Albret dated Aug. 23, 1415, notifying that all these payments had been 

6 See Cotgrave, Murray, s.v. 

6 i.e. in 1404, 1411 and 1412, Ronciere, ii. 201. For barges and galleys at Rouen in 
1382, all bearing saints' names, see Breard, 60. 

7 Noliser, see Godefroy ; Du Cange, s.v. Nauligare. 

8 See vol. i. p. 399. The Dukes of Burgundy and Brabant were both at the Hostel 
de Flandre in Paris on Feb. 18, 1415, Finot, Paix, 39, and the former was at Bruges on 
March 4, 1415, Gilliodts van Severen, Invent, iv. 325. 

9 Fort a contre-coeur, Fenin, 557; D. Sauvage, 231; Paradin, 587. 

10 Quelque paix qu'ils eussent juree ensemble, si y avoit-il peu d'amour, Fenin, 557, 
558. Pays-Bas (353) represents that the Duke of Anjou and the Count of Armagnac 
were excluded from the Peace of Arras. 

11 Prinses et exilles, Le Fevre, i. 213. 

1415] " A fair mede wel grene" 97 

blood 1 . The Duke of Berry retired to the castle at 
Dourdan 2 in his county of Etampes, the Duke of Orleans 
to Blois and the Duke of Bourbon to Clermont, where 
the barons of the country did homage to him as Duke of 
Auvergne 3 , and none remained but the Count of Richmond 4 . 
The Duke of Burgundy averred that he had all along 
been willing to sign the peace but that he had been un- 
able to approach the capital, and that provisions had 
been refused to him at Chalons 5 as a traitor, whereupon 
he had turned back homewards and was making up for 
his long absence from his Duchy 6 by camping out with 
his wife and daughter for a four months' hunting in the 
forest, where a hall and a chapel, with bed-rooms and 
tiring-rooms were fitted up under canvas with all the cus- 
tomary ducal state, and when envoys came from Paris to 
announce the wishes of the Dauphin that there should be 
peace and reconciliation he professed his profound attach- 
ment to the royal house and asked them to sup with him 
and the ladies in the green forest rides 7 . But for all that 
he steadily refused to sign the peace unless his Cabochians 
were recalled, as had been promised in a separate agree- 
ment with the Dauphin 8 ; otherwise, if the English gave 
trouble, he would neither come forward nor take any steps 
to oppose themJ Three messengers 9 were next sent from 
Paris to soothe him ; but the moment was not favourable, as 
the Dauphin had just sent away his wife Margaret, who 
was the Duke's daughter, to St Germain-en-Laye 10 in order 

1 Asseule du sang royal, Le Fevre, i. 214; Gollut, 1002 ; cf. ceulx du sang, Finot, Paix, 
1 8. The Duke of Burgundy asserted that the Dauphin was removed to Mehun-sur-Yevre 
and Bourges, ibid. 30, 74. If so, this must have been by order of the Duke of Berry. 

2 He was at the castle of Dourdan (Seine-et-Oise) on May n, 1415, Huillard- 
Breholles, ii. 198. 

3 i.e. on June 12, 1415, by virtue of letters from his father-in-law the Duke of Berry, 
ibid. ii. 199, 203. 

4 Le Fevre, i. 213. 

5 Finot, Paix, 30, 74. 

6 Qui longtemps navoit demoure" ne sejourne en son pays de Bourgogne et qui vouloit 
bien avoir ses plaisirs et soulas, Le Fevre, i. 202. 

7 For 1'assemblee en este et en yver in the forest, see Couderc, PI. XLTI ; York, 26, 
89, 93; Herbert, 267. En belles ramees de verdure, Le Fevre, i. 205; fair logges of 
grene bowes, York, 108. Not that this was a proof of his sombreness, as Kervyn de 
Lettenhove in Chastellain, i. 18, note. 

8 Cartellieri, Beitrage, iii. 7, 15, 16. 

9 i.e. Guichard Dauphin, the lord of Viel-Pont and Jean de Wailli, Monstr. 304, 
where it is said that 500 of the Duke's followers were banished on July 23, 1415. 

10 Called Marcoussis in Gilles, ii. (Ji. For the park of Saynt Germaynes, see J. Coke, 57. 

w. ii. 7 

g8 Dissensions [CH. xxxn 

to pass the time more pleasantly with a court mistress who 
was more to his fancy 1 , and the Duke had sent him a sharp 
reminder 2 that, if he did not mend his ways, he need look 
for no help against the English when they did come. 

Nevertheless no actual breach occurred in the negotia- 
tions. Ambassadors from the court in Paris conferred 
with the Duke at Dijon from May 23 to June 5, 141 5 3 , and 
others came to Paris from him later in the same month 4 , 
including Jean de Vergy and Regnier Pot 6 . These were 
commissioned to say that the Duke was willing to do all 
that his sovereign wished. He would try to be friends 
again with the Duke of Anjou and forget the insult put 
upon him in rejecting his daughter 8 , provided that her 
jewels, plate and dowry were returned within six months 7 . 
He would try and forgive the Duke of Bar for his high- 
handed rescue of the envoys on their way from Constance 8 . 
He would try and get the captain at Arras to give up the 
guns and war munitions that had remained in his hands 
since the sham surrender of the previous autumn. He 
would write and see whether a fleet could not be got ready 
at Sluys and an army equipped with powder, guns and 
artillery on the March of Flanders. But he prayed that 

1 Pellicem quandam, J. Meyer, 245; D. Sauvage, 238; Villaret, xiii. 332, 334; 
Anquetil, i. 555; Barante, iii. 133. She was a daughter of Guillaume Cassinel, one of 
Queen Isabel's maitres d'h6tel, Pannier, xxvi. 220; xxvii. 33; Thibault, in; Cosneau, 
Connetable, 39. For his receipt for wages dated Rouen Oct. 15, 1415, with seal, see 
Demay, Invent, i. 201. His sister Bielle had been the mistress of Charles V and was 
the mother of Jean de Montaigu, Malte-Brun, 33; Merlet, 253; Brachet, 535, with her 
rebus (K + cygne + aile) on the arms of Charles VI. 

2 J. Meyer, 245; Paradin, 591; Gollut, 1004. 

8 Itin. 418. For documents dated at Dijon June 2, 4, 1415, see Archives Historiques 
et Litteraires, i. 112, 114. 

4 Plancher, iii. 420. 

8 He was Lord of La Rochepot (or Larrochep6t, Bissey, passim} near Nolay (Cote-d'Or), 
Bibl. de 1'Ec. des Chartes, xlvii. 496, where he is Lord of Praugne, i.e. La Prugne or La 
Prune (Allier) in the Bourbonnais, Plancher, iii. 435, 438, 461; Boutiot, ii. 358; 
Vaissete, x. 1960; Maulde La Claviere, i. 9. He had been a chamberlain to the Duke 
of Orleans (Wylie, iii. 92), though he afterwards became his enemy. For a horse pre- 
sented by him to the Duke of Orleans, see Add. Ch. 2326, May 27, 1398. He was a 
member of the Grand Council in 1407 and 1410, Valois, Conseil, 113. 

6 Vol. i. p. 412. Du tort et blasme que le roy Loys avoit fait 'a lui et a sa fille, il 
1'amenderoit en temps et en lieu quand il pourroit, Le Fevre, i. 271; Monstr. 382. 

7 Juv. 512. 

8 Pour cause de delivrance des ambassadeurs du roy venant du Sainct Concile and for 
the demolition of the castle of Sancy, Juv. 513; Barante, iii. 140; called Saulcy on the 
Meurthe above St Die, in Valois, iv. 324, quoting E. Jarry, Un enlevement d'Am- 
bassedeurs au xv* siecle. It belonged to Henri de la Tour, who had carried out the 
capture of the envoys, Finot, Paix, 53, 105. 

1 4*5] Dijon 99 

his king would not insist on excluding the 45 l unpardoned 
Cabochian outlaws from the benefit of the peace, or at least 
that the number might be reduced to seven of the worst 
offenders, and that his subjects in Artois might be excused 
from paying up the new tax, as they had all their work 
to do to beat off the inroads of the English near Calais 3 . 

The envoys were to denounce as "liars" those enemies 
of the Duke who had dared to say that he had made an 
alliance with the English and brought them into the country. 
On the contrary he asserted that he was only waiting 
for his king's command to come forward and drive them all 
out. Above all they were to resent the aspersions cast 
upon his honour at Constance in connection with the Faith 3 . 
He was deeply hurt that some of Gerson's 4 faction had 
spread a rumour that the Council had condemned Jean 
Petit's thesis 6 and publicly burnt it. Such a statement was 
a total falsehood. The only thing that had been condemned 
was a forgery of Gerson's own, and he demanded that for 
the honour of France the forger should be disavowed and 
recalled, and as a matter of fact it was not long before the 
shifting needs of policy produced another change, for by 
Aug. 21, 1415, the University of Paris had been again 
talked over and flatly repudiated Gerson's action. 

To the Duke's envoys the Dauphin replied that he would 
ratify these requests as soon as their master had signed 
the Peace of Arras 7 , and they were back in Burgundy 
by the middle of July, whither they were followed by 
others from Paris who arrived at Rouvres, in the plain 
near Dijon, for a further conference with the Duke on 

1 Coville, 400. Or 46, in Juv. 511. 2 Ibid. 514. 

* For their report dated July 14, 1415, see Gachard, 45, which contains also an undated 
document in the archives at Dijon, giving an account of what had passed at Constance in 
regard to the proposition of Jean Petit, with the names of the doctors and bachelors in 
theology appointed to examine the question. 

4 Called Maistre Jehan Jarson et plusieurs autres nos mortelz ennemis, Finot, Paix, 
45, 96. For protest dated at Cambrai, Oct. 9, 1414, against a statement of Jehan de 
Jarson that the Duke of Burgundy was a heretic, see ibid. 24, 67, those signing it 
including Pierre Cauchon, vice-decanus of the cathedral at Rheims, Guillaume de 
Champdivers (de Campo Diverse), Pierre de Viesville, Hugh de Lannoy, gubernator 
Insolensis (i.e. of Liile), and Johannes Raulini (Rolin), the Duke's proctor at the court of 

8 i.e. on July 6, 1415, Lenfant, i. 427; Dumont, n. ii. 44. See App. M. 

6 Lenfant, i. 392, 474. 

7 Gachard, 45. For a summary of events since the Peace of Arras, see document 
dated Paris, June 29, 1415, in Finot, Paix, 49, 102. 


ioo Dissensions [CH. xxxn 

July 28, 14 1 5 1 , with the result that on July 30 he swore 
under protest to observe the treaty in so far as the other 
princes did 2 and on the understanding that all proclamations 
derogatory to his honour should be withdrawn, and on 
Aug. 20 it was reported in Venice that he was definitely 
leagued 3 with the King of France. Nevertheless he still 
pressed for the recall of his Cabochian friends 4 and an 
amnesty was granted for 500 of them on Aug. 31, 141 5 8 , 
the king at the same time withdrawing all previous im- 
putations of treason against the Duke and declaring him to 
be a good and loyal subject 8 . Then came the news of the 
fall of Harfleur which all Paris at first refused to credit. 
For eight days contradictory rumours were afloat, some 
saying that Harfleur had given in, others that it had not 7 ; 
and when at length no doubt remained about the fact, all 
manner of conflicting accounts were circulated as to the 
details 8 . According to some the garrison had been com- 
pelled to surrender by sickness and sheer starvation 9 ; others 

1 Itin. 420; Barante, iii. 136. For envoys from the Duke of Brabant at Rouvres, 
Aug. 6-9, 1415, Dynter himself being one of the party, see Dynter, iii. 288, 739. For 
a document dated at Rouvres, Aug. 6, 1415, see Prost, Acquisitions, 352, where 500 gold 
crowns are paid on behalf of the Duchess for a French Bible historiee et enluminee. In 
Pays-Bas, 353, the Duke is wrongly supposed to be in Paris on Aug. 7, 1415. For a letter 
written by him at Rouvres on July 13, 1415, see Gilliodts van Severen, Invent, iv. 342. 

2 Autant qu'elle sera juree par les princes du sang, Coville, 399; Juv. 512; Plancher, 
iii. 421 ; Dumont, II. ii. 54; Fenin, 266. Not July i, as Juv. 515 ; nor that it was signed 
at Argilly on Sept. 4, 1415, as Sismondi, xii. 470. 

3 lera in liga, Morosini, ii. 44. 

4 For a schedule containing the names of the banished a huiz ouvers devant tout le 
peuple on Feb. 7, 1415; also a letter of protest written by the Duke at the castle of 
Laperriere near St Jean de Losne on Feb. 18, 1415, see Finot, Paix, 43, 44, 95, 96; 
Cartellieri, Beitrage, iii. 17. For the names of many of them still in his service, see 
Coville, 398. Raoulet (163) says that Caboche used to call the Duke his beau-frtre. For 
500 of them exempted from pardon, the names to be specified by June 24, 1415, see 
Dumont, II. ii. 21-23, quoted in Finot, Paix, 81 ; see also Cartellieri, Beitrage, iii. ii, 21, 
23. For a document dated Oct. i, 1415, giving the names of those to whom pardon is 
refused, see Boule, Helyon, 15, 27.^ For the original 500 afterwards reduced to 200 
and ultimately to 7 qui ont offense les personnes du roy, de la reine et de la sienne 
(i.e. the Dauphin), see Finot, Paix, 51, 53, 55, 104. 

6 Dumont, ii. ii. 47; Gachard, 46; Coville, 399. The fact was intimated to the 
Duke by Thibault de Soissons, lord of Moreuil, and Jean de Wailly, Praeses curiae, 
i.e. President of the Parliament of Paris, Juv. 511; T. Meyer, 245; Barante, iii. 139. 
Called Vely in Dehaisnes- Finot, i. 314. Not " Vedy, as Gachard, 46. 

8 Son bon et loyal parent, vassal et sujet, et bienvueillant de nous, Finot, Paix, 55, 
107; Gachard, 31; son vassal et non moins bon cousin, M. Roy, 20, quoting Valois, iv. 
321, from letter of Charles VI dated Aug. 31, 1415. 

7 Juv. 508. 

8 Modus rei geste multorum varie oppinancium discussioni pateat, St Denys, v. 542 ; 
on en disoit et parloit en diverses manieres, Juv. 506. 

9 Cousinot, 133. Gaucourt himself gives these reasons, Nicolas, Agin., App. 25. 
Daniel (iii. 871) conceals the capitulation saying that the place was taken by assault, all 
the garrison being either taken prisoners or cut to pieces. 

i4 J 5] Reaction 101 

would have it that the houses were all crashed and battered 
and the town walls levelled to the ground ; others that the 
leaders would not deign to open the gates to the victors 
but left them to climb over with ladders and let themselves 
in 1 , and such like consolation figments. 

Thus it was not long before stories were in the air that 
Harfleur had been sold 2 by Gaucourt and the Constable and 
that King Henry had himself admitted that it was so 3 . In 
London it was certainly believed that the garrison had 
made only a half-hearted defence and had scampered like 
hares when they heard the lion roar 4 . Then the great 
lords who had left Harfleur to its fate fell into contempt. 
The streets of Paris again echoed with scurrilous songs 6 
directed this time not against the Duke of Burgundy but 
against the king's new advisers, and it was with difficulty 
that the royal name itself escaped the popular raillery. 

In the same week in which Harfleur had surrendered a 
woman in Paris received a letter from her husband 6 who had 
been banished as a Cabochian two years before, in which he 
told her to meet him at a certain town on Oct. 20, and to bring 
20 crowns with her, for by that time the Duke of Burgundy 
would be there with a large army. Not having the money 
herself she borrowed it from a relative 7 who was a pro- 
nounced Orleanist and left the letter in his charge 8 . Straight- 
way the news got passed from mouth to mouth. The English 
were forgotten ; the Skevins and the Provost were changed 9 ; 
orders were issued to repair the walls and ditches 10 and 
stock the city with supplies. The gates were barricaded ; 
revolution was in the air ; the Paris workers did not hide 
their joy at their favourite's approach 11 , while the ruling 
faction once more set their teeth to front the dreaded Duke 
of Burgundy 12 . 

I Juv. 507; Goodwin, 71. 2 Page 50. 

3 Li rois disait en tout communement, Ruisseauville, 137. 

4 Ante lepus fugit quae nunc est Anglica villa, 
Quando leo rugit per Francos redditur ilia. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 127; Curteys, f. i66b [125]. 

5 Versa est in canticum tota die, St Denys, v. 542. 

6 i.e. Colin de la Valle"e, Mirot, D'Orgemont, 154, 156. 

7 i.e. Antoine de Boursier, Coville, 171, 176. 8 Juv. 508. 

9 Bourgeois, 61, 62. For a document signed at Rouen Oct. 6, 1415, appointing 
Philippe de Brebant Provost of the Merchants in Paris, see Mirot, D'Orgemont, 151. 

10 Oct. 3, 1415, Ordonnances, x. 247. 

II Juv. 519. 12 Plancher, iii. 437. 

IO2 Dissensions [CH. xxxn 

The poor demented king was meanwhile " occupied in 
arms 1 "; that is to say, he was travelling westward in deep 
distress of mind and on the day before the English began 
their hazardous march from Harfleur he left Mantes to join 
the Dauphin at Vernon a and the two together entered 
Rouen on Oct. 12, I4I5 3 . 

i^And all this while the life of France was bleeding out 
in cruel raids and seizures 4 and other heartless horrors. 
The fields were left untilled 6 and famine, death and pestilence 
stalked everywhere abroad. The court was broken up, the 
government neglected, the coinage debased 8 and all France 
was desolate 7 . The very heavens fought against her 8 . 
Flooded rivers swamped the low-lying lands \and the crops 
and vintage lay rotting in the ceaseless rain r O 

For an explanation of the changed attitude in the 
capital we must turn our eyes eastward to the forests of the 
C6te-d'Or. When negotiations for surrender were pro- 
ceeding at Harfleur the Duke of Brabant and other envoys 
from Paris arrived at Argilly 11 , where they dined with the 
Duke of Burgundy and were entertained for three days at 
his expense 12 . They brought back with them three letters 

I Ordonnances, x. 427. 2 Page 54. 

3 Juv. 508. Called the beginning of October in St Denys, v. 546. For incident 
connected with his leading the Archbishop to his throne in the cathedral, see Fallue, 
ii. 317. 

4 For gageries or guerres privees, see Renard, 73 ; Godefroy, Cotgr. s.v. where it is 
called distraining. 

6 Basin, i. 15. Aridos et squalentes agros sine cultoribus deseri, non seri, non meti, 
nulla agrestia opera nisi furtim et clandestine exerceri, cuncta apta rustico operi animalia 
immo et instrumenta eripi nee asellis etiam parci, Clamenges, Epist. 191; ecce deserta 
patria est in heremi vastitatem prope redacta perquam nullus graditur nisi latrunculi, viri 
exusti sunt, cultores trucidati, boves abacti, incolae profugi aut penuria consumpti, arva 
inculta longo situ squalent caesorum hominum cadaveribus adoperta etc., ibid. 335 (written 
in 1414); cuncta caedibus rapinis atque injuriis multimodis complebant (i.e. Burgundians 
and Armagnacs), Basin, i. 25. 

6 Ad aerumnarum cumulum numisma ipsum, non ut emendatius sed ut mendatius sit, 
frequentius mutatur, Clamenges, Ep. 335. For coiners in France in 1389, see Duples- 
Agier, i. xxv. 480-494. 

7 Clamenges, Epist. 82. 

8 Adversum nos omnia pugnant, caelum tonitru et grandine minatur et pestiferorum 
siderum conjugatione, ibid. Ep. 335. 

9 For floods in the Loire in February, March and April 1415, see Argentre, 728. 

10 St Denys, v. 475. 

II Called " Arglly " in Dynter, iii. 294. For ruins of the castle at Argilly (1611) on 
the Meuzin near Beaune, about eight miles to the east of Nuits, see E. Petit, vi. 14; 
Gamier, 309. 

12 i.e. Sept. 19, 1415, Dynter, iii. 294; or 2oth, Itin. 420, where the Duke of Brabant 
is called Duke of Lorraine; cf. Hard. 375; i.e. Lower or Basse- Lorraine, comprising 
Brabant, Hainault, Namur, Luxembourg, Liege and Limburg, Dynter, iii. 276, 296, 302, 
737; Rymkron. 193; Mas Latrie, 1750. 

Argilly 103 

of ominous import, all written at Argilly on Sept. 24, I4I5 1 , 
just after Harfleur had finally fallen into English hands. 
These letters were addressed to the King of France, one 
by the Duke himself and the others by his leading vassals. 
All alike profess their deepest loyalty to the throne but this 
cannot make them forget the slight put upon the Duke 
in leaving him out when all the other peers were summoned 
to aid their country in her hour of need 2 . To ask him to 
remain at home because of the recent reconciliation 3 did 
but make matters worse. It seemed a mere pretext for 
lowering his authority and trifling with his honour, which he 
valued higher than anything else on earth 4 . All ought to 
bear a hand in this business 6 , and instead of the paltry 500 
men-of-arms and 300 archers that were asked for, he meant 
to send a far larger number 6 , whose duty it should be to save 
the kingdom from its present peril and uphold his own position 
as the proud premier of the Twelve Peers of France'. 

1 Juv. 508-517; Plancher, iii. 423; Dumont, II. ii. 54; Barante, iii. 144. Not 
Sept. 22, as Record Transcripts, 135/6, from Archives du Royaume K. 61. For an 
undated letter from the Four Members of Flanders complaining of certain terms in the 
Ordinance as to the peace which are injurious to the Duke of Burgundy, see Gachard, 109. 

' 2 Quern tamen rex non consultus est in auxilium evocare quia caeteri principes cum 
eodem cordiali affectu minime conveniebant et optabant sine ipso expeditionem bellicam 
laudabiliter consummare, St Denys, v. 546; et defendre qu'il ne vint tant comme ils 
pouvoient, Juv. 519. This message had been previously brought, together with news 
that the English had landed at Harfleur, by Jean de Pioche, kt. who was master 'of 
the king's household, Juv. 510. He had previously (i.e. in 1405) been maltre d'h6tel 
to the Duke, Itin. 582, where he is Lord of Onay near Gray. Cf. la ne estoit mande 
a cause que on ne lui voulloit point, Pays-Bas, 356. Prat (245) supposes that the 
Armagnacs forbade him to take any part in the war. For supposition that the Duke of 
Burgundy's offers of help were rejected because " he could command but the townsfolk of 
Flanders and Picardy," see Historians' Hist. xi. 174. For statement that the Dukes 
of Orleans and Burgundy were both ordered to send help without coming themselves, see 
Loserth, Gesch. 550. For the letters see Dehaisnes-Finot, i. 314. 

8 i.e. at Pontoise, see vol. i. p. 173. For a copy at Montauban, see Maisonobe, 43. 

4 Plus que chose terrienne, Juv. 510. 

5 Que tous vos bons amis et subjets mettent la main a la besogne, ibid. 517. 

6 Juv. 513; Anquetil (i. 557) thinks that he made this offer only to save appearances. 

7 Decanus parium, St Denys, vi. 74; doyen des pairs, Juv. 509; Monstr. 398; 
Lodge, 320; deux fois Per de France, Rym. x. 33; Vallet de Viriville, Assass. 266; 
double Per (i.e. Burgundy and Flanders), Plancher, iii. pp. ccciii, cccx; omnium 
patriciorum caput et decanum, J. Meyer, 250. For the 12 Peers of France, see Dewick, 
p. 14, i.e. 3 Archbishops (Rheims, Laon, Langres), 3 Bishops (Beauvais, Chalons, 
Noyon), 3 Dukes (Burgundy, Normandy, Aquitaine), and 3 Counts (Toulouse, Flanders, 
and Champagne), cf. 

Lyngo. Remi. Laudu. Nor. Aqui. Burgundia sunt Du. 

Belva, Chatel. No. Tholou. Campania, Flandria sunt Co. 

Usk, 106, 285; see Montfaucon, iii. 75 ; Anselme, ii. Table; Lavisse, Etudes, 189. For 
pictures of them at the coronation of Louis XI in the cathedral at Evreux, see Lasteyrie, 
p. Ivi; Bordier-Charton, i. 544; Dewick, 24, 25, 26. For Philip VI (1328-1350) pre- 
siding at a sitting of the Cour des Pairs, see Couderc, Album, 5, PI. xv ; also sitting 
under the presidency of Charles VII at Vendome Feb. 15, 1458, in Champion, Vie, 
445, 540, 545. For their arms, see Gaguin, Compendium, Frontispiece. They are 

104 Dissensions [CH. xxxn 

(With such a menace ringing in their ears did the leaders 
of the great French host at Rouen 1 approach their plan of 
campaign. Divided heads meant everywhere divided coun- 
sels. The Duke of Bourbon, like his father-in-law the Duke 
of Berry 2 , had withdrawn in disgust at the scandalous intrigues 
and high-handed misgovernment of the Dauphin, and he 
did not join the muster till Oct. 1 7*. The Duke of Lorraine 
held back because the Duke of Burgundy was not summoned 4 ; 
the lords of Picardy refused to move without his orders but 
thus far he had given no assenting sign 5 , and men might 
well be excused if they believed the current rumour that 
Henry was marching into Picardy in the expectation that 
the Duke of Burgundy would walk straight into his camp 6 . 
The Duke of Brabant, in spite of the lukewarmness of his 
subjects who regarded the whole quarrel as none of their 
making 7 , was ready to come up with 1400 men-of-arms and 
600 archers, but the number was more than had been asked 
for and he would not take his summons from anyone but 
the king himself, and such a summons never came. Six 
thousand burgesses of Paris offered to help in the field 8 , but 
their help meant playing into the hands of the Duke of 
Burgundy and as such it was rejected with scorn. What 
did they want with these mechanics with their hatchets 
and hammers 9 ? They might be all very eager to do some- 
thing with them somehow 10 , but the great gentlemen of 

called majores pares in G. Metz, 47; Viollet, iii. 301 ; or doussepers, Fortescue, 131; 
Murray, Diet., s.v. Douzepers\ or douze nobles pilliers, Bouvier, Descr. 51. 

1 Page 102. For musters at Rouen to serve against the English either in the Pays de 
Caux or elsewhere, from Collection Clairambault, Tome xxxii, dated Sept. 22-30; 
Oct. 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 12, 13, 15, 17, 1415, see Belleval, 300-336. For Boucicaut's muster 
at Rouen Sept. 22, 1415, see Demay, i. 600. 2 Page 97. 

3 For muster of the Duke of Bourbon at Rouen on Oct. 17, 1415, see La Mure, 
ii. 130, quoting Collection Clairambault. His troops included 8 hommes d'armes bien 
equipes centre les Anglois by Isabel d'Harcourt, Dame de Villars in the county of 
Dombes near Lyons, Huillard-Breholles, ii. 203. 

4 Higgins, ii. 297. * D. Sauvage, 239. 

6 Aen. Sylv. Comment. 151. Cf. par doubte du Due de Bourgogne, Pays-Bas, 

' 7 Ut bello supervacaneo nee e re Brabantica, Dieve, 219; do. Annales, 41; Verhaer, 
i. 381. 

8 Not 8000, as Mazas, Vies, v. 595; do. Cours, ii. 173; nor "to form the van of 
their army," as Guthrie, ii. 461. 

9 Called "shop-keepers" in Nicolas, Agin. 237; cf. vor solchem burgerlichen 
Gesindel, Pauli, v. 116. For the "gens de pourpoint " (i.e. artisans) at Troyes in 1404, 
armed with plombees or maillets de plomb for defence of the town, see Tisscrand, 85. 
For 80,000 burgesses liable to watch the walls of Paris, temp. Louis XI, see A. Laborde, 
Paris Municipe, 54. 

10 Qui avoient grande volonte de eux employer, Juv. 517. 


Recrimination 105 

France had forgotten the lessons of Courtrai 1 , Poitiers and 
Nicopolis and they resolved to keep out all such undisciplined 
hordes ; and so they went out to resist their enemy as a 
jealous and suspicious faction when they should have faced 
him as a resolute and united nation 2 .) J^fter the battle, when 
France was bleeding under her staggering blow 3 , both sides 
recriminated fiercely on each other. The Armagnacs taxed 
the Duke of Burgundy with cowardice and his party replied 
that, had he but been present, the English would have 
scampered like hares before the dog 4 . The truth was, they 
said, that he had longed keenly to be there 5 , but how could 
he be, when he knew of some folks' treason 6 ? It was easy 
to be wise after the event, and if he had foreseen the issue 
he would certainly not have made an alliance with the 
English at all 7 . But the damning fact remains that he did 
make an alliance with them ; that his envoys were in 
England 8 negotiating it just when the breach took place 
with the French ambassadors at Winchester; that an English 
envoy was despatched to him on the very day before the 
fleet weighed anchor from Southampton 9 ; that while Harfleur 
was besieged he was discussing " secret business" with an 

1 Godefroy, Charles VI, 310; i.e. July u, 1302, St Denys, v. 548; Juv. 517; 
Hymans, 122 ; Awans, 252 ; G. Kohler, ii. 216 (with map); Masson, 143. For picture, 
see Guizot, ii. 

2 La discussion qui estoit entre le Due Jehan de Bourgoinge et les seigneurs du sang 
royal pargastoit tout, Fenin, 66. 

3 Le royaume qui seigna long temps, Bouvier, 430. 

4 Fols furent les Florentinois (French), 

Sans Leonet (Burgundy) que tant doubtoient, 

Panalois (English) pour les dis Merlin, 

Qu'ils tiennent pour ung Apollon, 

Que si son nom tant seulement 

Escriassent par hardiment, 

Au fier estour et adure, 

N'eussent poy ne grant dur 

Panalois, mais ainsy fuissent 

Que lievres quant les chiens glatissent. Pastoralet, 776. 

5 Gollut, 1008. 

6 Je lui diroie apertement, 

Qu'il (Burgundy) a veu trop clairement 

Souvens d'aulcuns la desraison, 

Et pour ce doubta trayson. Pastoralet, 777. 

7 Si le due de Bourguongne eust seu celle aventure il n'eust pas euez les alianchez au 
roy d'Engleterre telles comme ils furent, mais quant le fait est fait le conseil en est pris, 
Cochon, 275. 

8 For expenses of Copin de Viesville (i.e. Lavieville) and other ambassadors of the 
Duke of Burgundy for 16 days in July 1415, see Exch. Accts. 406/29. See vol. i. p. 416. 

9 i.e. Aug. 10, 1415, Rym. ix. 304. I can find no evidence for the statement in 
Mazas, Cours (ii. 173), that he supported Henry with money to begin hostilities. 

lo6 Dissensions [CH. xxxn 

English envoy sent to him from London 1 , and that when 
Harfleur had surrendered and he was summoned to the 
rescue of his country, he was leisurely loitering among his 
domains in Burgundy 2 , hunting in the forests of the Cote- 
d'Or 3 , or devising plans for reforming his finances and 
cutting down excessive salaries 4 , foreseeing, as his son 
afterwards said, the ruin that was hanging over his country 5 ; 
and on the very day on which the blood of thousands of 
his countrymen was shed at Agincourt he was comfortably 
making his way back to Dijon 6 after attending the christening 
party of a child 7 of one of his brothers, who was lying 
stretched among the heaps of the slain. 

His own son, Philip, Count of Charolais 8 , now 19 years of 
age, whom he had recently appointed Governor of Flanders 9 
and who afterwards succeeded him as Duke Philip the Good, 
was nearer to the scene of action. His presence with the 

1 i.e. Philip Morgan, who was appointed on Aug. 10, 1415, to make final arrangements 
for an alliance with the Duke of Burgundy, Rym. ix. 304 ; though there is no indication 
of his reception by the Duke in Itin. 420. For Morgan's account, see For. Accts. 3 H. V, 
showing that he left London with u men and IT horses on Aug. 19, 1415, as ambassador 
on secret business to the Duke of Burgundy, hired a passager to cross from Dover to 
Calais, and did not return to London till Dec. 10, 1415, see For. Accts. P.R.O. p. 80. 
Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 3, 1415, shows 66. i$s. \d. paid to Morgan isto die on 
this account; also subsequent payments, ibid. 6 H. V, Pasch., May 6, 1418. For litera 
/arrrducis Burgundiae sigillata cum sigillo suo deposited in the Exchequer at Westminster, 
Oct. 10, 1415, see Kal. and Inv. ii. 99. 

2 He was at Argilly from Sept. i to 25, 1415 ; at Nuits near Dijon on Sept. 26; at 
the Cistercian Abbey at Maizieres on Sept. 27; at Chalon-sur-Sa6ne from Sept. 29 to 
Oct. 9; at Germolles near Macon from Oct. 10 to 16 (Plancher, iii. 438); at Beaune on 
Oct. 17, 18; again at Argilly on Oct. 19; at Saulieu near Semur on Oct. 20, whence he 
passed by Avallon to Clamecy (Oct. 21); hence back to Vezelay on Oct. 22, Semur on 
Oct. 23 and Fleury-sur-Ouche (Oct. 24), Itin. 421, 422; Gachard, 230. 

8 Barante, iiL 139; Michelet, v. 335 (who thinks that he was getting as near as he 
could to Constance sous pretexte de la chasse), H. Martin, vi. 8; Trebuchet, 67. 

4 For his ordinances of April 7, June 27 and Sept. 22, 1415, see Lameere, xiv, xv. 

6 Car il preveoit par sa clere prudence la ruyne qu'il advint aux Franchois pur leur 
division et desordonnance, Bull. Hist. Soc. Antiq. de la Morinie, iv. 41. 

6 For Is-sur-Tille, north of Dijon, see Gamier, 331. 

7 On Oct. 21, 1415, he was at Clamecy, where he attended the baptism of one of the 
babies of his brother Philip, Count of Nevers, Itin. 422. This was John, who died at 
Nevers on Sept. 25, 1491, Dynter, I. cxiv, where his birth is given as Oct. 25, 1415 ; An- 
selme, i. 252; Mas Latrie, 1649. 

8 i.e. the district round Charolles (Saone-et-Loire) ; not "the lord Charoyles," as 
Caxton, 226; nor "Earl of Charolous," as Halle, 65; Grafton, i. 515; nor "Count 
Carallois," as Biondi, 117, 120 ; nor " Charilois," as Kennett, i. 319. Called Monseigneur 
de Charroloys in Guiffrey, i. 104, where a large ruby is given to him by the Duke of Berry 
on Jan. i, 1413. 

9 Lors gouverneur de marches de par decha, Lannoy, 33 ; Lelewel, 30; i.e. since Oct. 
6, 1414, Paradin, 592; D. Sauvage, 233; Choisy, 314; Villaret, xiii, 325; Lameere, 30. 
For a letter written by him at Ghent, Sept. i, 1415, see Gilliodts van Severen, Inventaire, 
iv. 356. For a great tourney held during his stay at Ghent in 1414, see ibid. iv. 332. 
For his entry into Bruges, Dec. 29, 1413, see ibid. iv. 259, where he is presented with 
twee queuen roods wyns van Beane and three silver cups are given to the Countess. 

1415] Philip the Good 107 

army at Rouen had been urgently sought by the Orleanists 
and his father had promised that he should come 1 . For a 
long time it was quite uncertain whether he would be there 
or not, and when messengers arrived at Arras announcing the 
resolution to fight, they were still overwhelmed with polite 
verbiage. But instead of promptly answering the royal 
summons the young count was taken by his father's express 
orders in the opposite direction, to the castle of Aire 2 near 
St Omer. Here he received secret information of the actual 
day on which the battle would be fought, but his guardians, 
who had been charged on their lives to see that he was not 
present 3 , were sharp enough to keep him all that day in 
a private room crying with vexation 4 and out of the range 
of any future messengers till the dreadful news came in at 
vespers that the great French army was destroyed. Long 
afterwards when he was nearly 60 years of age 3 he used to 
say that he should never forgive himself for having missed 
being at the battle whether to live or die. For had he been 
there, he said, he would have rallied the nobles and not 
have let the English carry off the victory so cheap 6 regrets 
as vain as all too late. 

1 Juv. 513. 

2 Rove, 168; Meyer, 245; D. Sauvage, 240. Not " Haire," as Paradin, 595; nor 
"Arras/' as First Life, 47. For the castle at Aire on the Lys, see Harbaville, ii. 167. 

3 Soc. Ant. de la Morinie, iv. 41. The statement in First Life, 47 ; Kingsford, Biogr. 
82, that this was "for no favour or love he had for the English " is an echo of the English- 
men's feelings after the Peace of Arras in 1435. 

4 Tres fort pleurant, Monstr. 372; Juv. 521; Waurin, ii. 198; Le Fevre, i. 239, 
all trying to account for his absence during the battle. Bourgeois (64) represents that he 
was actually barring the road by which the English wanted to pass. In Gollut, 1009, ^ e 
nearly dies of grief and would eat and drink nothing for three whole days and nights. 
Cf. Barante, iii. 170; Thevedy, 17. 

5 Monstr. vi. 41. 

6 i.e. que les ennemies n'en eussent point remporte la victoire sans leur perte, Danvin, 
120, from MS. no. 8311-2621, Bibl. Imperiale; Bull. Hist. Soc. Antiq. de la Morinie, iv. 
41 (St Omer, 1867), where the conversation is given by one who heard it, writing in the 
time of his son Duke Charles the Bold (1467-1477). Called 40 years later in Trebuchet, 
72, quoting Le Fevre (i. 239) ; =je ne me consolerai jamais de ne pas y avoir etc pour 
vivre ou mourir, Chastellain, i. 41, note, quoting Guillaume Fillastre for the same remark; 
Dupont, 3, from Le Fevre, vii. 258. The story is disbelieved by George (84) on the 
ground that the Duke's father had put France into the hands of the English. 



(BUT while the blight of these intrigues was darkening 
the day for France, the English force was marching on in 
deep uncertainty, meaning if possible to cross the Somme 1 
by a ford near its mouth where the cattle usually passed 
when the tide was out 2 . The place was known as the 
White Spot (Blanche- Tache or, in the Picard patois, Blanque- 
Taque) 3 , because it was located by those who approached it 
from the west by keeping the eye on a low patch of chalk 
cliff about 20 feet high on the other side, which forms a 
bank on which the present railway is carried between 
Noyelles and Port-le-Grand 4 . The ford had been used 
since Roman times, and it was here that the army of 
Edward III had forced a passage in their desperation just 
before the battle of Crecy nearly 70 years before 5 . 

When the advance guard of Henry's troops came 
within six miles of the place a Gascon prisoner was brought 
in 8 , who averred that the French had rammed sharp stakes 

1 Called "the see Ryvers" in Brut, ii. 377 ; "the water of Some," J. Coke, 97. Not 
the Seine, as Argentre, 729; Duck, 69. 

2 Gue. Frois. i. 231 ; ou les bestes du pays soloient quand la mer estoit retraite, Bibl. 
Nat. MS. fr. 7136, quoted in Louandre, -224. There was room for 12 men abreast to 
cross twice a day at the ebb tide, Frois. i. 230. For large number of cattle seized there 
by the Burgundians in 1417, see Fenin, 561. 

3 Louandre (120) says that was still so called (i.e. in 1834) by sailors and by the 
inhabitants of the neighbourhood, but on visiting it in September, 1900, I was not able to 
meet with anyone who knew such a name, see App. V 2 . 

4 Vadum aque de Summe de Porte ubi fluxus et refluxus maris succedunt, Baker de 
Swynebroke, 81 ; qui est au dessous Abbeville au Crotoy ou le dit passage sied, Frois. i. 
230. The signalman's cottage on the west side of the line stands just on the highest point 
of the little rise. 

5 i.e. Aug. 24, 1346; Ling. iii. 134; not after the battle, as Le Fevre, I. xx. For the 
battle of Crecy, see Kdhler, ii. 384-416. 

6 Mazas, Vies, v. 589, places the incident at Drancourt near Estreboeuf but gives no 
authority ; also Louandre, i. 276; Belleval, 67, quoting Histoire des Mayeurs d 'Abbeville, 
but there is no reference to this in Louandre, Mayeurs, 21, where the Mayor of Abbeville 
in 1415 is Pierre Journe. Yonge (276) supposes that the man was captured at Eu. 

1415] Blanque-Taque 109 

into the ford 1 , and that Marshal Boucicaut was guarding 
the other bank with a force of 6000 fighting men. Straight- 
way the prisoner was brought before the king and offered 
to stake his head on the truth of his assertion. A halt was 
called to reconsider plans and thus two precious hours were 
lost. The tide would now be no longer ebbing ; to attempt 
to cross under such conditions would be madness and there 
was nothing for it but to give up the short cut 2 and seek 
a crossing somewhere higher up.^ This interesting story 
was told to the chronicler Waurin oy a young Picard baron, 
Jean Le Fevre 3 , lord of St Remy 4 , who was with the 
English army in the Burgundian interest 5 during the whole 
of the march 8 . The chronicler adds that the information 
was altogether false, as no Frenchman appeared till eight 
days later, but that the Gascon invented it 7 in order to 
force on a fight, otherwise the English would have got 
clear off to Calais, and France would not have known the 
unhappy day of Agincourt. And so in the light of after 
events the French would console themselves by saying 
that this smug and well-groomed Gascon was none other 
than the very Devil himself 8 , but I agree with those 
modern writers 9 who believe that we may well doubt 
whether the prisoner's story was pure invention, though 

1 Tit. Liv. 13; Vita, 53. Cf. "Pyled the forthes of the water of Some," Chron. 
Lond. 101 ; "impeached with stakes," Holins. iii. 551 ; "intersected with palisades," 
Lingard, iii. 492; S. Turner, v. 419, not below the ford, as Towle, 311; nor that they 
had "fortified both banks," as Low, 36. 

2 Iter compendii, Wals. ii. 310; Hypo. 463. 

3 He was born at Abbeville in 1396 (Olivier de la Marche, 416; Grande Encycl. xxi. 
1129), and later in his life became King-at-Arms of the Golden Fleece in the household of 
Duke Philip of Burgundy, Waurin, ii. 189, who says that he himself was then 15 years 
of age and in the French army, Le Fevre, I. xiv, where Le Fevre (p. xx) is supposed to 
be the only one who narrates the incident. 

4 Near Eu, also of La Vacquerie (near Bernaville), Avesnes (in Ponthieu), and 
Morienne (near Aumale). 

5 For his presence at Arras with the Burgundian army in Sept. 1414, also at the fetes 
in Paris in March, 1415, and at Argilly in July, 1415, see Le Fevre, I. xv. 

6 Lequel comme il disoit avoit este tout au long de ceste chevaulcie, Waurin, ii. 189. 
For the editor's attempts to explain his presence with the English in order to pick up 
information or because he did not think there would really be a fight, see Le Fevre, 
I. xix. 

7 Waurin, ii. 191; Le Fevre, i. 233. Cagny (fol. 80) merely says that the Duke of 
Alen9on estant devers le Roy a Rouen sceut que ainsi devoit estre (i.e. that Henry would 
try the ford) et par sa diligence fist tant qu'il se trouva en la ville d'Abville ouparavant 
que le dit d'Engleterre peust estre audit passage. Niethe, 20, believes that the ford was 
guarded, because it would have been an unpardonable mistake on the part of the French 
if it had not been. 

8 Gentement monte et arme si sambloit bien estre homme de grant fachon en maintien 
et contenance, Waur. ii. 190; deable et non homme, Le Fevre, i. 233; Waur. ii. 190. 

9 Louandre, 178; Ramsay, i. 207, 

no The March [CH. xxxm 

it is difficult to fall in with the view that he acted as a 
"true French knight 1 ." 

C Nothing but the most insuperable difficulties and the 
direst necessity would have turned Henry aside from his 
purpose at the passage of the ford, for not only would his 
stock of provisions soon be giving out, but he had every 
expectation of assistance when he reached the other bank. 
Immediately on the expiration of the truce with France 
which terminated on Aug. 2, 141 5 2 , he had despatched 
troops to Calais to divert attention from his operations 
against Harfleur. On Aug. I5 3 they sallied out from Calais 
and crossed the western March, whence the French guards 
had been withdrawn 4 . They carried on relentless plunder- 
ing raids in the district round Boulogne and in the county 
of Artois 5 ; but the farther they ranged from their base 
the greater the risk they ran, and the French were not 
prepared to accept these insults with impunity. The lord 
of Lavieville', at the head of 500 men of arms, was posted 
on the border to check their depredations, and vigorous 
efforts were made at Boulogne to give them a warm re- 
ception as soon as they were known to be approaching. 
Before the king had left Harfleur arrangements had 
been made for some of these troops to reach him out a 
hand from Calais as soon as he had crossed the ford. Three 
hundred of them started 7 but found it no easy task, for all 
the intervening towns were on the alert, and long ere they 
could reach the Somme they were driven back by the Picards 
and many of them were either killed or taken prisoners 8 ..^ 
At Boulogne orders had been issued as far back as 
Sept. 15 to keep a strict watch every night with dogs 
and lanterns outside the moat 9 . The walls and towers 
were pierced with wider slits to give more play for cross- 

1 Mazas, v. 589. 2 Monstr. 365. 

3 Waurin, i. 174. 4 Deseille, 418 (Sept. 14, 1415). 

5 See letter of Duke of Burgundy, Sept. 24, 1415, in Juv. 514; la pluis forte guerre 
par decha que on peust aux Franchois, letter of Wm. Bardolph to the Duke of Bedford 
written at Calais, Oct. 7, 1415, Rym. ix. 314 from Calig. D. 5, where it was believed 
that the great battle would be fought within 15 days. 

6 Called Biesville in Rym. ix. 316 from Calig. D. 5; Belleval, 67; Goodwin, 76, who 
calls him "a considerable officer"; i.e. Lavieville near Albert, see vol. i. p. 416; Monstr. 
iii. 159; vi. 237. Called the lord of Rambures, ibid. iii. 78. 

7 St Denys, v. 550 ; Nicolas, 232. 

8 J uv - 5> 1 7> Daniel, iii. 871; Tyler, ii. 161. 

9 For plusseurs doubles quy estoient pour le roy d'Engleterre, Deseille, 417. 

The Somme 1 1 1 

bow practice 1 ; the suburbs were cleared of buildings in 
preparation for a possible siege, and men were stationed 
by day on the hills above Desvres 2 to signal the expected 
approach of the English. Gunners and miners had been 
drafted in to help in the defence 3 . The big town gun was 
brought up from the Guildhall 4 ; the captain's long bombard 
was mounted in position 5 on the walls ; a saltpeterer was 
sent to St Omer to buy ingredients for making powder 6 , 
and every nerve was stretched when letters came in from 
Abbeville on Oct. 1 1 with news that the English king was 
coming that way to cross the ford 7 . Six days later a 
messenger from Montreuil announced that Henry had 
changed his plan and was moving up the valley of the 
Somme 8 ; the Calais force at once fell back 9 , and for the 
moment the tension was relieved at Staples and Boulogne, 
(foiled at the ford the English army turned aside 10 , striking 
a south-easterly direction towards Airaines 11 , and rested for 
the night on Sunday, Oct. i3 12 , at Mareuil 13 and Bailleul in 

I Treux pour juer du tret, Deseille, 418. 

3 "Desvrennes," ibid. 419, 424 ; i.e. Monts Hulin and Pele. 

3 For a messenger sent off on Oct. 1 1 to Montreuil pressing the War Treasurer for 
payment of their wages, see ibid. 422. 

4 For tampons pour le grand Kanon de la Ghihalle, see ibid. 426. For le Ghi- 
halle, see ibid. 418; Regnoult, 69, 70, 78, 87. For the Gihalla, Gilhalla or Guihalle, 
at Dover, see Fox-Bourne, 21; Statham, xv. 29; Malo, i. 284. Gildalla (near Carfax) 
at Oxford, Ingram, iii. 5 (St Martin's). Guyhald, Guyhalde, Guyhalle in London, 
Pat. 4 H. V, 24 d; 5 H. V, lod; Priv. Seals Writs, 1423/383; Jewitt-Hope, ii. 122. 
Gildehalle at Bruges, Vigne, Moeurs, 3; aula Gildae, Bateson, I. xlii. 248; n. x. 143. 
Gilthalla, Gyhalda (1296), at Exeter, circ. 1200, Jenkins, 365; Exeter Municip. Deeds, 
150, 198; Cotton and Dallas, iii. 188; v. 21, 23; Freeman, 66. For representation of 
it in the city seal, circ. 1250, see Oliver, 224. For the Geylhall dore, see Cov. Leet Bk. 
i. 29, 32. 

6 Le longue bombarde de monseigneur de Rambures, Deseille, 426 ; cf. page 91. 

6 Estoffes pour faire poure de Kanon, Deseille, 423. 

7 Pour passer a le Blanque Taque, Regnoult, 92. 

8 Montait a mont au long de la riviere de Somme, Regnoult, 93; Deseille, 423 
(Oct. 17, 1415). 

9 Daniel, iii. 871. 

10 Not that he stayed six days at the ford as H. Morley, vi. 153. 

II Called Aras in Pol. Songs, ii. 123; Kingsford, Chron. 119; Arannes in Halle, 63; 
Arames, Holinsh. iii. 551; Aranes, Trussel, 100; Araines, Serres, i. 959 (281); Sveyro, 

i. 184; Wormes, Speed, 78. For account of Airaines with the Priory and Castle, see 
Soyez, 379-394; Musgrave, 34; not that they "burnt and pillaged Airaines," as 
Brougham, 115. For the Priory Church at Airaines, see Enlart, Monuments, 34, 52. 

12 Monstr. 371 ; not Oct. 3, as Louandre, i. 277 ; nor Oct. 6, as Dusevel, ii, s.v. Pont- 
de-Remy, 6. There is no need to suppose that Henry rested "at least a part of the 
Sunday because he was ever attentive to the forms of religion," as Gesta, 39, note. 

13 Called Mareul in Waurin, ii. 191. 

U2 The March [CH. xxxm 

the district of Vimeu 1 , the latter place being about three 
miles south of Abbeville 2 , whither the Constable D'Albret 3 , 
together with Marshal Boucicaut, the Count of Vendome, 
the lord of Dampierre, the Duke of Alen^on 4 , and the 
Count of Richmond, had hastily transferred 5 a large force 
from Rouen, and the place had been quite recently stocked 
with 12 heavy triple-chambered guns 6 , 2171 gun-stones, 
and large stores of saltpetre, sulphur, gunpowder 7 , arblasts, 
windlasses, and all appliances of war. So, as no prospect of 
safe passage could be looked for here, the English moved 
on to try the next crossing by the bridge at Pont-Remy 8 . 

/Here however and elsewhere 9 they found that the / 
causeways had been broken up and the bridges unframed , 
while their scouts brought word that a large French 
force under D'Albret and Boucicaut 11 was shadowing them 
from the opposite bank 12 , moving as they moved and 
following the river windings to check them if they should 
dare to attempt a crossing. Failing thus at many points 

1 Bailleul en Vimeu, Monstr. 371 ; not " Baillew," as Speed, 778; "par le Vimeu," 
Paradin, 594; Serres, i. 959 (281); Roujoux, ii. 24-2; not that he "approached to 
Virron," as Speed, 778; Echard, i. 184; nor "intended to ford the Vimeu," as Waurin 
(trans.), 190. 

2 Prope villam de Abvile, Gesta, 39 ; Hard. 390 ; cf. Abbatonia in Pontieu, Pauwels, 
242; Pontinum (i.e. Pontivum = Ponthieu) progressus, Rosieres, 430. For view of 
Abbeville in 1660, see Zeiller, Pt. n. 14. 

3 For messenger leaving Boulogne on Oct. 12 to the Constable at Abbeville, see 
Deseille, 423. 

4 Cagny, 17, 97. 5 ibid. fol. 80. 

6 Chascun a trois boistes, and weighing 3300 Ibs., Louandre (1834), i. 178, (1844) 
i. 276, who cites these items to prove that Blanque Taque was strongly held; cf. pierres 
rondes ou boulets de gres pour juer de canons centre 1'ennemi, Long, Ixxxiv. 317, from 
Louandre, whom he visited at Abbeville. 

7 Including poudre d'ambre. 

8 Fenin, 559 ; Waurin, ii. 193 ; Le Fevre, i. 235 ; not thzpass of the Pont de Remy, 
as S.Turner, v. 426; called Pont-le-Remy in Dusevel, ii, s.v. (with picture of the castle); 
Speed, 778; Sandford, 279; Pont Remy, Musgrave, 120 (who visited it in 1861); Pont 
St Remy, Low, 36; Kingsford, 139; "Remy" in Ramsay, i. 208; "the Bridge of Rhenus," 
Biondi, 117; " Port de Remy," or Port St Remy, Cassell, i. 530 ; Echard, i. 184; Church, 
72; Niethe, 21. "St Remi" in Mazas, Vies, v. 589, who sends them first to Fontaine 
near Longpre and back (par un movement retrograde). Pont-Remy was called "Pont- 
dormy" in the i6th century, Dusevel, ii. 3; wrongly called Pont Ste Maxence in Halle, 
64; Baker, 170; Goodwin, 78; Guthrie, ii. 462; Brougham, 115 (who supposes that 
the French opposed him therewith 30,000 men); Doyle, Chron. 365; Towle, 311 ; Kings- 
ford, Biogr. 85. For ruins of the old church at Pont-Remy, see Enlart, Monuments, 154. 

9 e.g. by the lord of Vaucourt, Hennebert, iii. 321; called Waucourt in Waurin, ii. 
191 ; Gaucourt in Monstr. 371. 

10 TUV. 519; Fabyan, 579; Halle, 63 ; Grafton, i. 514. Edward III had failed to pass 
the bridges at Long and Picquigny, Frois. i. 229. 

11 Juv. 550. 

12 Gesta, 39; cdtoyaient par 1'autre lez de la Somme, Monstr. 371 ; cf. "coasted aloofe 
like a hauke though eager yet not hardie on hir preie," Grafton, i. 514; Holinsh. iii. 

1415] Despair 113 

where the river ran deep 1 or the swampy reaches* made 
access to its banks impossible, the English force was sore 
out of heart 3 and as they moved further up and up they 
began to fear that they would have to track the river to its 
very source 4 , some 60 miles away in the heart of France 5 . 

As each day took them further from their goal they 
thought of their attenuated numbers, their stock of food 
exhausted, the^country all laid waste before them/ and the 
slim Frenchmen* luring them further and further from their 
base, and in their despair they flung themselves upon their 
knees and prayed to St George and the Blessed Virgin, 
the patrons of the country's unconquered crown 7 , to intercede 
with God for them and look with pity on the desolation 
that would fall on England if their blood were now shed, 
and to rescue from the Frenchman's sword their king, who 
had sought not war but peace, and bring him and his 
people on their way to Calais in triumph. In such a baffled 
and despondent mood they halted fruitlessly at Hangest 8 , 
Crouy and Le Mesge 9 , and just one week from their start 
from Harfleur they found themselves quite off their course 
at Pont-de-Metz 10 on the river Selle about three miles 
above its junction with the Somme at Amiens 11 . 

1 Moult parfonde, Waur. ii. 192. 

Qu'il entrent en ung marescage 
Bien fort herbu en bien eauage. Pastoralet, 766. 
Cf. Soames' marshy side, Drayton, 43. 

8 C'est ce qui lor joie rompy, Pastoralet, 767. 

4 Not that they actually did so, as Delbrvick, iii. 477. 

5 P'my le coer de France, Rot. Parl. iv. 62 ; passant parmy la terre de France, Exch. 
Accts. 406/29; "up to Paris warde," Brut, ii. 377; per medium Francie, Usk, 126; 
J. R. Green, 261. Trevedy (332) estimates that their journey was prolonged at least 160 
kilometres. The whole distance (14$ marches) actually traversed from Harfleur to 
Agincourt is estimated at nearly 250 miles, Kingsford, 203. 

6 Hostilis calliditas, Gesta, 40. 

7 Sub quorum protectione viguit ab olim invictissima corona Angliae, ibid. 

Musgrave, 123. 

9 Called "Croy" and "Neiges," in Waur. ii. 192. 

10 Not Pont Audemer, as Monstr. 371 ; Michelet, vi. 24; Niethe, 22; called Ponteau- 
de-Mer in Biondi, 117; Goodwin, 78; Guthrie, ii. 462 (who imagines that they were 
faced here by 30,000 Frenchmen who did not however "venture on an engagement") ; 
Macfarlane, 30; Cassell, i. 530; Adams, i. 219 (who calls it "Ponteau de Cher" in 
Battlefields, 102); Henty, 339; Labitte, 134 (who thinks that the English were repulsed 
there on Oct. 15); called "St Audemer" in Kohler, ii. 754. 

11 In Pol. Songs, ii. 124; Kingsford, Chron. 119, they march through "Amyas." 
Oman, Pol. Hist. (251), supposes that they reached Amiens on Oct. 14. For order 
dated Aug. 5, 1415, to compel churchmen (gens d'eglise) to work at the fortifications at 
Amiens, see Daire, i. 227. 

W. II. 8 

ii4 -The March [CH. xxxm 

Their drooping spirits revived for a while when on Oct. 
I6 1 they reached Boves 2 where the castle 3 belonged to Ferry, 
Count of Vaudemont 4 , a partisan of the Duke of Burgundy 5 , 
who was at the time serving with Boucicaut's army 6 on 
the other side of the river. Here they arranged with the 
castellan for quarters for the night, but when they clamoured 
for food they were only able to lay their hands on eight 
baskets full of bread or about as much as two men could 
carry. By this time they were getting " shrewdly out of 
beef 7 ," for they had been living for days on dried meat, 
walnuts and water 8 , such wine as had been obtainable on 
the way having been reserved for the leaders and men of 
the better sort 9 . So when the archers now rushed to the 
flowing presses and brimming vats 10 to drown their care at 
Boves, there followed a scene of riot, and the king gave 
orders to stop the drink. "What need ?" said someone to 
him; "the brave fellows 11 are only filling their bottles!" 

1 Gesta, 41; called Oct. 17 in Hardyng, 391, which is evidently founded on Gesta, 
see Gesta, 39, note. 

2 Called "Bowys" in Capgr. de Illustr. 116, or "Bowes" in Halle, 64; Grafton, i. 
515; Holinsh. iii. 551; Echard, i. 184; not "Bonne," as Goodwin, 78; nor Beauvais, 
as Ruisseauville, 1 38 (==par amiesnois et par beauvoisis en toudis siewant la riviere de 
Somme)'; also Baker, 170; not that they "cut across country from Corbie to Boves," as 
Lingard, iii. 492. 

3 Not "castles," as S. Turner, v. 421. For views of the castle of Boves in 1793 and 
1835, see Janvier, 252; Nodier (Picardie), vol. i; Soyez, 121. 

4 Near Vezelise, in Lorraine, Waur. ii. 192 ; called Waudemont in Le Fevre, i. 
234; Wademont in Ruisseauville, 141; Vadamount, Drayton, 77; Vaudmount, Trussel, 
103; Vawdemont, Martyn, 183; Vademont, Biondi, 119; Vaudemont, Soyez, 352; 
Widemont, Twinger, ii. 916; not "in the county of Vaudemon," as Waurin (transl.), 
194. Ferry was the second son of Jean, Duke of Lorraine (d. 1390), Caix de St Aymour, 
126, xcvi; Grande Encycl. vii. 900, who married Margaret of Viriville, daughter of 
Henry, Count of Vaudemont, lord of Rumigny-en-Thierache near Vervins (d. 1374), 
Mas Latrie, 1570, 1628, 1695; Higgins, ii. 291, quoting Calmet. In Daniel, iii. 876, 
Ferry is called brother to the Duke of Lorraine, i.e. Charles II, Duke of Lorraine, who 
married Margaret, eldest daughter of King Rupert, Higgins, ii. 286; Mas Latrie, 1628. 

5 Boves is called villam ducis Burgundiae in Gesta, 41 ; cf. Janvier, 130. 

6 Ferry is called Geoffroi in Raynaud, xiii, who prints roundels written by his son 
Antoine de Lorraine, lord of Joinville, written before 1415, ibid. 6, 17, 20, 53, 57, 66, 
81, 86, 101, 105. 

7 H. V, in. 7. 141. 

8 Us avoyent tres grant disette de boire et de mangier, Ruisseauville, 138 ; moult 
grant deffaulte de vivres, Cagny, 97; ils ne trouvoient que manger si non a grande peine, 
Bouvier, 429; avellanis nucibus et assis carnibus, Wals. ii. 310; Hypodig. 463, 
followed by Yonge, 274; cf. thei had walnotes for bread, Capgr. 212; des noix et peu 
de chevre, Mazas, Vies, v. 620 ; filberd nuts and roasted meat, S. Turner, v. 433 ; 
curiously translated "raw chestnuts, asses flesh, and other carrion," in Brougham, 113, 
which he calls " disgusting and noxious aliments." 

9 Potus aquae fuit cunctis inferioris fortunae viris, Wals. ii. 310; Hypodig. 463. 

10 For picture of the sack of a town with soldiers dipping bottles into wine vats, see 
MS. Reg. 20, C. vii. f. 41. 

11 Les petits compagnignons, Le Fevre, i. 234; les gallans, Waurin, ii. 192 ; cf. " Felas," 
Lydg. 321 ; not "the inferior persons," as Nicolas, 227. 

Boves 1 1 5 

"Their bottles!" replied the king in disgust, "they are 
making big bottles of their bellies, and getting very 

C On the next day 1 they passed the Avre 2 without any 
opposition arid appeared opposite to the walled town of 
Corbie 3 ,- the garrison of which rushed out upon them with 
headlong shouts 4 and captured the standard of Guienne 
which was carried by Hugh Stafford 5 . But through the 
valour of his kinsman John Bromley 8 , a Cheshire squire 7 , 
the banner was recovered and the French were driven in 

1 Not that they stayed some days at Boves, as Pilham, 263. 

2 Called "a branch of the Somme" in Nicolas, 227. 

3 Not "Le Corby," as Collins, vii. 321 ; not "in a narrow pass," as Rapin, iii. 444; 
Tindal, i. 512; Guthrie, ii. 462. For view of Corbie in 1660, see Zeiller, Pt. n. 14. 
For accounts of the Abbey of St Pierre (now a military hospital), see Nodier, Picardie, 
vol. i; Soyez, 435-473. For the church of St Etienne at Corbie, see Enlart, Monu- 
ments, 94. For merchants of Amiens, Corbie and Nesle in London, see Letter Book I, 
75, 89, 267. 

4 Cantu terrifico impetuque maximo ut moris est Gallis, Tit. Liv. 13; Vita, 53; 
Adams (i. 219) supposes that they were "armed peasantry"; Towle (312) thinks that 
"Henry's soldiers showed a disposition to attack the town." 

5 He was the son of Hugh, second Earl of Stafford (who died in 1386, Morant, ii. 
253; Beltz, 217; Doyle, iii. 386). He was made a K.G. in 1418, Beltz, lix, clviii; 
Comp. Peer. i. 393. He married Elizabeth (d. 1399), daughter and heiress of Bartholomew 
Bourchier, kt. (who died in 1409, Wylie, iii. 287). Hugh Stafford died in 1420 (Comp. 
Peer. i. 393; called 1421 in Wright, i. 464), and his widow afterwards married Lewis 
Robsart, kt, a Hainaulter and standard-bearer to Henry V (Morant, ii. 253), who died 
in 1431 and is buried in Westminster Abbey. He is called Hugh, sire de Bourgchier, 
in Sloane MS. 4600, where he brings a retinue of 20 + 40, Nicolas, 317; Wylie, Notes, 
137. Dugd. ii. 128, quoting Claus. 12 H. IV, states that he was summoned to 
Parliament as Lord Bourchier, but this is not borne out in Dugd. Summons, 384 ; or 
Cotton, Abridg. 477, in both of which he is merely Hugo Stafford; also in 13, 14 H. IV, 
and i H. V, after which he ceases to be summoned. In Rym. x. i, July 7, 1420, he is 
Hugo Stafford de Bourgchier miles; but Lord Bourchier in Pauli, v. 112. For "the 
Water Bowge" (i.e. Henry Lord Bourchier), see Pol. Songs, ii. 223; Doyle, i. 705. 

6 He was a descendant of the Staffordshire (not Shropshire, as Campbell, Chancellors, 
ii. 115) family which sprang from Gerrards Bromley near Eccleshall, Inq. p. Mort. ii. 
149, 165; iv. 39, 74, where the manor together with Eccleshall, Ashley and Wonington 
is the property of Thomas Bromley, one of the Staffordshire branch who died in 1418, 
and of his wife Margaret who died in 1422 (ibid. iv. 100), passing afterwards to his 
grandson John Bromley, who proved his age at Stafford in 1425 (ibid. iv. 106, 119). 

7 i.e. of Badington near Nantwich, Ormerod, iii. 370. For his death on Sept. 4, 1419, 
and burial at Acton (as recorded in Chester Castle), see Holinsh. iii. 565; Ormerod, iii. 
371. For elopement of his wife Margery with Thomas de Wetenhale at Wich Malbank 
(i.e. Nantwich) during his absence in France, see Ormerod, iii. 369. In Nicolas, Agin. 
91, 228, 351, he is a groom of the King's chamber. In 1418 he was made Captain of 
Domfront, Goodwin, 175; Visitation of Shropshire (1623), Harl. Soc. 74; though Hugh 
Stafford, Lord Bourchier, is Captain in Gesta, 276; Champoliion-Figeac, Lettres, ii. 341. 
For a document signed by him (John Bromley) at Domfront on Aug. 12, 1418, in which 
he owns woods at Willoughbridge in the parish of Astley and meadows at Shurlebrook 
and Fordsmead, see Holinsh. iii. 563, where he is Captain-General of Domfront and 
Seneschal and High Constable of Bossevile-le-Rosse. For grant to him of property 
in Bayeux, April 18, 1418, see Brequigny, 17; Ewald, xli. 680; Carte, Rolles, i. 256; 
or April 22 in Vautier, 19; Charma, 2. For seal of John Bromley, see Ormerod, iii. 
371 ; Holinsh. iii. 563, where he is "of the blood of the Duke of Buckingham." 


n6 The March [CH. xxxm 

without however giving up their hold upon the bridge 1 . 
From this point the English mounted to the plateau of 
Santerre and struck across the open chalky country by 
Harbonnieres 2 , Caix 3 , Vauvillers 4 and Nesle 5 towards the 
head-waters of the Somme, leaving out the great bend of 
the river at Pe"ronne 6 , where they\ knew that the French 
weje awaiting them in great force 7 . ) 

f It was on this portion of their march that a man in 
the English ranks entered a village church (possibly at 
Harbonnieres or Caix 8 ) and stole a copper-gilt pyx 9 , 

1 The story is given in Holinsh. iii. 551, followed by Collins, vii. 312 (who assigns it 
to 1416); Goodwin, 79; Nicolas, 228. Holinshed adds a deed dated at Madeley on 
March 10, 1417 (though Madeley does not appear amongst the possessions of Hugh 
Stafford at his death in 9 H. V, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 63), whereby Hugh Stafford, being then 
Lord Bourchier, granted ^40 a year (not .50, as Trussel, 100) to John Bromley of 
Bromley (sic), though it is open to some suspicion, being an account of an ancestor of 
Chancellor Thomas Bromley (d. 1587), who presided at the trial of Mary Queen of Scots 
and is buried in Westminster Abbey, Fuller, Worthies, ii. 307; Neale, ii. 179; Foss, v. 
463; do. Diet. 127; Diet. Nat. Biogr. vi. 400. 

2 Monstr. 371; not Herbommeres, as Gesta, 41, note. 

3 Waur. ii. 193; not "Cais,"as Kohler, ii. 755. 

4 Not " Vauville and Bainvillier, " as S. Turner, v. 422 ; nor " Vauviller and Bauviller," 
as Niethe, 22; nor Wauviller, as Gesta, 41, note; nor " Bainvilliers, " as Macfarlane, 30; 
Craik- Macfarlane, ii. 29; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 558, where its position is indicated 
on a plan of the route in which " Bainvillers " is the only place marked between Amiens 
and Peronne. 

6 Gesta, 42; Trahisons, 128; called "Nel" in Elmham, Lib. Metr. 116; "Neele," 
in Mazas, Vies, v. 592; not "Melle," as Pays-Bas, 355 ; nor "Nefles," as Lingard, iii. 
492; Cassell, i. 530; nor "Denesle," as S. Turner, v. 423. In Kingsford, Chron. 119; 
Pol. Songs, ii. 124, they reach "the cete of de Neelle" before they get to Amiens. For 
a view of Nesle, see Nodier (Picardie), vol. i. For a good map of the locality, see 
Daussy, Ligne de la Somme. 

6 For view of Peronne in 1660, see Zeiller, Pt. II. p. 26; also Nodier (Picardie), 
vol. i ; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 635, with the belfry from Voyages dans 1'ancienne France. 
For the castle, see De Witt, 59. For pe"aige or winaige de Peronne, see Finot, 210, where 
it is also charged at Roye, Cre"py and Compiegne, see Ducange, s.v. Guida, Vinagium. 

7 Waurin, ii. 193; Le Fevre, i. 235; Normendie, 18 ; Gruel, 16. 

8 For the church at Caix with i6th century tower and nave, but choir and transepts 
of the i4th century, see Dusevel, ii, s.v. ; Caix de St Aymour, 230; Grande Encycl. viii. 
831. Belleval (60) supposes the incident to have happened earlier, viz. at Thietreville, 
a little to the south of Valmont near Fecamp. French (108) places it at Corbie; also 
Ramsay, i. 208. 

9 A pixe of sylver, First Life, 44. Halle (64) adds on his own account : "and 
unreverently did eate the holy hostes within the same conteigned"; also Brougham, 
389. Tyler (ii. 160) thinks that he hid it "in his sleeve." It is called a chalice in 
Goodwin, 77; or "the tabernacle wherein the hostia is kept," in Biondi, 118. For 
picture of a pyx, see French, 109; Aubrey, ii. 176 (from Exning, near Newmarket). 
For picture of a ciborium, see G. F. Lee, 86; Cassell, i. 453; cf. coupe ou corpus Domini 
repose, Calliat, 37; cf. pour lever nostre Seigneur, La Mure, iii. 168; Rev. de 1'Art 
Chretien, annee vii. p. 128 (at Amiens); ung calice avec lequel estoit enveloppee une 
petite boite dedans laquelle estoit le corps de nostre seigneur, Murray, s.v. Ciborium 
= in form of a monstrance, Hanson, 178; or a dove suspended from the ceiling, in which 
the elements were reserved, Villerabel, 206; G. F. Lee, 89, 90; cuppa ad custodiendam 
Eucharistiam, Cone. iii. 388 ; a coupe of sylver and golde to lay Goddes body, French, 
108; coupe de cuivre a mettre corpus Domini, Fagniez, Inventaires, xxviii. 84; Cahier, 
Nouv. Mdl. ii. 212, 218, 219. For i pixid' de argent' deaurat' pro corpore dominico 
(1386), see Nichols, Coll. iv. 179. 

1415] "Hanged must a" be" 117 

which contained the Host, supposing it to have been 
made of gold. A cry was at once raised, the battalion 
was halted and the king refused to advance till the thief 
was caught. He was dragged out before the gazing 
files and hanged on a tree 1 beside the church where 
the theft had been committed ; the pyx was restored ; 
the felony was expiated 2 , and the army moved with a 
quitted conscience on its further wayy 
L(At Nesle 3 the people had hung out red rags in token of 
"nc> surrender 4 " and the king gave orders to burn the country 
round about 5 . So in the hope of getting rid of the plun- 
derers, information was supplied to them that there were two 
unguarded passages in the neighbourhood by which the river 
might be crosseco These were two fords 7 at the villages 
of Be"thencourt 8 and Voyennes 9 respectively, each of which 

1 Not beheaded (ablatum ferro caput), as J. Bucelin, 380. This was one of the 
special offences named in the order put out after the landing at Harfleur, ne quis sacra- 
mentum Euckaristie vel pixidem siye capsulam in qu^ dictum sacramentum custoditur 
irreverenter tangere audeat, Upton, 139; "the boxe or vessel in the whiche the pre- 
cious sacrament is," Black Bk. of Adm. i. 283, 459; cf. a galowe tree, Lydg. Min. Po. 
151 ; like a thief hung upon a tre, ibid. Night. 19. . For "no man to touch the Holy 
Body of our Lord Jesus Christ on pain of being drawn and hanged," see Nicolas, Navy, 
ii. 489. For la honteuse mort a un arbre, see Chastellain, i. 96. 

2 Gesta, 41; Tit. Liv. 13; Vita, 53; Harpsfeld, 588; Kingsford, Biogr. 82. 

3 Called Neelle-en-Vermandois in Lachauvelaye, 98. 

4 Avoient leur murs couvers de couvertoirs la plus part vermaulx, Le Fevre, i. 234; 
Waurin, ii. 193; cf. Godefroy, s.v. Covertoir; not that the English marched through the 
town, as Pol. Songs, ii. 124; Kingsford, Chron. 119; Musgrave (278) thinks that they 
"got into quarters" there and supposes that there were marshes round it; Nicolas (92) 
thinks that the English were "received with great respect, the walls of the town being 
hung with scarlet stuffs." 6 Trahisons, 128. 

" For story that the secret was divulged by a peasant from Pont-Audemer, see 
V. Freville, 93; cf. captivi ejusdem patriae, Tit. Liv. 13; a ung ghes qu'il (sic) ont 
retrouve, Pastoralet, 767; cf. nusquam praeinventum prout testabantur, Vita, 53; "never 
had discovered beene before," Drayton, 43. 

7 Called bridges in Cosneau, Connetable, 41 ; cf. either by a bridge or by a ford, 
Schmidt, ii. 250. 

8 Monstr. 371; Waur. ii. 192; Le Fevre, i. 235; not "the ford between Betencourt 
and Voyenne," as Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528; Adams, i. 219; Macfarlane, 30; Craik- 
Macfarlane, ii. 30; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 558; Church, 73; Aubrey, ii. 47; nor 
between Corbie and Peronne, as Bouvier, 428; Gaguin, Mer, 140; Pol. Verg. 444; 
Halle, 64; Grafton, i. 515; Guthrie, ii. 462; Mezeray, ii. 566; Le Petit, i. 349; called 
between Peronne and St Quentin in Cagny, 98; Pays-Bas, 355 ; not "at St Quentin," as 
H. Morley, vi. 153; nor above St Quentin, as Saint Foix, iii. 188; nor between Ham 
and Fonsomme, as Boule, i. 418. E. Hardy (158) places it "a une lieue de Ham"; 
cf. "unterhalb Ham," Liserth, Gesch. 550. Not "near Peronne," as Hassel, 224; nor 
at Doingt, as Ruisseauville, 138; nor at St Quentin, as Bertholet, vii. 233; nor in sight 
of Amiens, as Biondi, 117; nor at Blangy, as Bouchard, clii; nor at Beauquesne, as 
Gilles, ii. 61 ; Belleforest, Hist. 227; Meyer, 245; Biondi, 117 (who calls it "Beauquen," 
and confuses it with Blanque-Taque) ; Dupleix, ii. 712 ; nor at Eclusier-Vaux near 
Bray, as Fenin, 559; Trahisons, 128; Mazas, Vies, v. 592, 595 [who finds Voyennes 
given in the Chronique de Tramecourt, but adds nous ne le croyons pas (593)]; called 

9 For note see next page. 

u8 The March [CH. xxxnr 

was approached by a raised causeway 1 carried across a 
mile of treacherous swamp through which a little rivulet 
called the Ingon straggled into the Somme 2 . These two 
ancient causeways have now entirely disappeared and have 
been replaced by good carriage roads which avoid the 
swamp by making wide dttours along the higher ground 
that dominates both the villages. The waters of the 
Ingon have been turned into a modern canal and partial 
drainage has converted much of the marsh into cultivated 
garden ground. But even with these large deductions the 
mile of swamp is still as obvious as it was 500 years ago 
and without a roadway would yet prove a fatal barrier to 
any force that should attempt to pass that way. At 
B^thencourt, where the Somme has been dammed and the 
road passes over a mill-race 3 , no ford can now be seen, 
while the main stream beyond spreads out into lakes, pools 
and reaches wide and deep enough to swallow up an army. 
But at Voyennes the ford is still distinctly to be traced at 
the very spot where the river is spanned by the present 
little wooden bridge which was erected as a substitute for it 
only 40 or 50 years ago. 

The guarding of these fords had been left to the men 
of St Quentin 4 , but so little had the English been looked 
for there, that no watch had been kept 5 , and when this fact 
was ascertained the king determined to risk the passage. 
As the troops floundered through the marsh they found 
that the causeways had been broken up, and at once set to 
work to demolish such houses as stood near, and a whole day 

Bouvg 1'Esclusier in Pilham, 263; " Bethe wcourt, " in Stow, Chron. 349; "Berhan- 
court," in Ramsay, i. 209 ; " Bethencourt," in Trevedy, 332 ; " Betancourt," in Brougham, 
no; "Bethancourt," in Leo, Lehrbuch, i. 800; Yonge, 275; Oman, Pol. Hist. 251; 
Trebuchet, 74; "Bethancourt," in Strang, 85. 

9 Not "Vienna," as Stow, Chron. 349; nor " Voyere," as Biondi, 117 ; nor "Voyenne," 
as Musgrave, 278; Cassell, i. 530; Ramsay, i. 209; nor "Vovenne,"as Adams, Battle 
Stories, 102. 

1 Uno calceto satis stricto, Capgr. De Illustr. 116; not "lanes," as Tyler, ii. 161 ; 
nor "a marsh on one side and a river on the other," as Vickers, 28. 

2 Gesta, 43. Ante tamen quam flumen adit transire mariscum, Elmham, Lib. Met. 
117. The map in Nicolas, 94, is not very helpful. He thinks that the English were 
"shut up in a corner between the two rivers" (i.e. the Ingon and the Somme); also 
Musgrave, 278; Belleval, 73; Towle (213) supposes that there was a marsh parallel with 
the river and a plain between. 

3 Cf. La chausee du moulin, Bouvier, 429. 

* Not "ascertain Captain de St Quentin," as Haggard, 116. 

t of the Duke of Burgundy, 
the whole army swarmed 

iiwt a. w^iuuu VxttpLaiii uc ou v^ucijiiu, AZ> j-iaggiiiu, i lu. 

8 Duval-Pineu (ii. 192) suggests treason in the interest of the Duke of Burgundy. 
In Henty, 339, there is at first a "desperate conflict," and then " 

across the river." 

14*5] Voyennes 119 

was spent in bringing up doors, shutters, stairways 1 , rafters, 
and any woodwork they could lay their hands on to patch 
up the breaches 2 , together with litter and faggots from the 
neighbouring woods 3 . The work was carried on from 
eight o'clock in the morning till well after nightfall 4 , and 
even then there were places where the men could only 
advance in single file. Early in the morning of Oct. 19, 
200 archers from the front battle waded in small companies* 
through the ford at Voyennes and established themselves 
on the steep ground that rises abruptly on the other bank, 
whence but little attempt was made to dislodge them 7 . 

The king had posted himself on one of the causeways 
leaving two trusted officers on the other to control the 
confusion. The fighting force was to cross by one of them 
and the baggage by the other 8 , and by an hour after mid- 
day the crossing had begun in earnest 9 . Five hundred 
lances with an ensign 10 crossed first under John Cornwall 
and Gilbert Umfraville 11 . These were followed by the 
main army all on foot and last came the sumpter beasts 
and other horses who passed through the river up to their 
bellies in water, and by an hour after dark 12 the whole 
fighting force was safely across the Somme 13 / and moving 
on to Athies 14 and Monchy- Lagache ^ on the little river 
Omignon 16 some five or six miles to the south of Peronne. 

1 Called "ladders," in Durham, 47 ; cf. un escalier de bois, Darne, 66. 

2 Not "to fill up the irregularities in the river bed," as Towle, 313; called ponts 
improvises in Morosini, ii. 70, note. In Verneuil, 218, they cross "sur belles claies," i.e. 
hurdles; cf. pontes et clayas, Rym. iii. 32; Ducange, s.v. Cleia. 

3 Waurin, ii. 193; Gesta, 43; ex vicinis nemoribus, St Denys, v. 550, who repre- 
sents them as collecting workmen to build a bridge. 

4 Non sine difficultate maxima, Wals. ii. 310; Hypodig. 463. 

5 Stow, Chron. 349; Paradin, 594; Daniel, iii. 872; Larrey, 811; Guizot, ii. 256; 
R. Black, ii. 279; not Oct. 18, as Champion, Vie, 144 ; nor Oct. 22, as Baker, 170; nor 
Oct. 13, as Hennebert, iii. 321; nor Oct. 5, as Tyrrell, 290 [170]. Bouvier (428) says 
that it took them quite 15 days after starting (i.e. on Oct. 6) to get to the other side of the 
Somme ; called nearly three weeks from Blanque-Taque to the crossing, Villaret, xiii. 354. 

6 Petit a petit, Le Fevre, i. 235. 

7 Insultum Gallorum sustinuit, Capgr. De Illustr. 116. 8 Gesta, 43. 

9 Gesta, 44. 10 Guidon (i.e. geton), Waur. ii. 194. n Hard. 391. 

12 Gesta, 44; not that they crossed "en une nuit," as Cagny, 98. 

13 Called "the ryver of Peron," in Fabyan, 579; not the Seine, as Collier, iii. 313. 

14 Le Fevre, i. 235, 240; H. Martin, vi. 13; not Athie, as Lachauvelaye, 101. 

}S Not "Mouch legach," as Stow, Chron. 349 ; called " Mouchy Lachache, " in Paradin, 
594; "Manchi la Cache," Nicolas, 24 (map); Monchy la Gauche, Lingard, iii. 492; 
Pauli, v. 114; Cassell, i. 530; Mouchy La Gache, Kingsford, 370; Niethe, 23; Strang, 
85; "Mouchy," Adams, i. 209. The place is called Monchy- Lagache in Joanne, iv. 
2700, but Mouchy- Lagache in Cochery. 

" Or Amignon; not the river of Miraumont (i.e. the Ancre), as Waurin, ii. 194; 
Monstr. 371; Stow, Chron. 349; Serres, i. 959 (281); Paradin, 594. 

120 The March [CH. xxxm 

Here they rested for the night with gladder hearts and 
lifted spirits, for in these anxious hours of exaggerated fear 
they reckoned that by this lucky move they had knocked 
off eight days from their toilsome march 1 , and had thereby 
got a start of their harassing enemies who were believed 
to be waiting for them above St Quentin at the very 
sources of the river at Fonsomme. ) 

I The few unsuspecting scouts from St Quentin 2 that had 
been posted to bar the passage had spread themselves 
about among the scattered houses in the locality some two 
or three miles away, little supposing that their services 
would be called for at Voyennes until other fords had been 
tried lower down. But when they saw that they had missed 
their chance and that more and more of the English were 
crossing every hour they galloped off to raise the alarm 
with a large French force that had collected at Bapaume 3 . 
Here the fugitives were fiercely blamed for failing at their 
post 4 , and taunts were freely flung about that someone must 
have helped the" English over 5 . 

But after all the slackness of the guards was but a reflex 
of the general spirit of " sloth and carelessness 6 " that had 
numbed the fighting power of France. We have already 
seen the mighty preparations made at Rouen, and before 
the English left Harfleur it had been reported in the 
neighbourhood of Calais that the Duke of Brabant had 
also assembled a force of 50,000 men which would probably 
increase to 100,000 ere long 7 . Vast numbers of well-found 
and well-armed gentlemen who scorned to shrink from duty 8 
had answered the summons of their king, and when he 
arrived at Rouen- early in October 9 he found himself 
surrounded by an army large enough to annihilate many 

1 Not "that in eight days we should complete our march," as Nicolas, 235. 

2 Called "the militia of St Quintin's" in Ling. iii. 492. 

3 Waurin, ii. 194. Not that they "returned to King Charles," as Yonge, 276. 

4 Le Fevre, i. 235. 

6 Dont plusieurs du pays emerveillierent extimans que aulcun les favorisait, Pays-Bas, 
355; Rapin, iii. 444; Tindal (i. 512) thinks that the French intentionally allowed Henry 
to pass the river in order to draw him into greater danger. 

6 Segnitia vel incautela, Gesta, 44. 

7 Rym. ix. 314, Oct. 7, 1415; Goodwin, 76, where he is called Duke of Lorraine; 
see page 102, note 12. For statement that 140,000 men had been collected before the 
fall of Harfleur, see Wals. ii. 310; Hypodig. 462; Capgr. 311. 

8 Armes et habilles et gentils hommes qui ne daigneroient faire faute, Juv. 518. 

9 Page 102, note 2. For prayers and processions in Paris during his absence, see 
St Denys, v. 552. 

i4 I 5] Rouen 121 

barbarous nations 1 . All were burning to avenge the deep 
disgrace of Harfleur, and yet their leaders shrank from facing 
this small, exhausted, isolated foe 2 . At Rouen King Charles 
and the Dauphin were lodged in the castle, but the vast 
army with the Duke of Berry lay camped beyond the 
eastern wall at the foot of St Catherine's hill far longer 
than the peasantry had liked 3 , when they found the whole 
country racked to furnish the troops with supplies 4 . The 
king and his son had both wished to go forward with 
the fighting force but had been dissuaded by the Duke of 
Berry 5 , who saw that their lives were too precious for such 
a risk 6 , though as late as Oct. 19* it was believed that they 
might both be present in the battle after all. But when all 
was ready it was arranged that both 8 should stay behind at 
Rouen 9 with the Dukes of Berry 10 and Anjou 11 and a small 
portion of the force, the bulk of the great army moving east 
to Amiens where their vigilance blocked every passage of 
the Somme and well-nigh drove their enemy to despair 12 . 
But discord soon appeared to mar their prospects. We 
have already seen 13 how the mysterious action of the Duke 
of Burgundy was threatening to wreck his country's plans, 

I Ibid. v. 546, who reckons the copias militares (i.e. men-of-arms) at 14,000. 

9 Famis, laboris, aegritudinis et aliarum gravitatum turbinibus fatigatam, Vita, 54. 

3 Longement et plus que pluisieurs ne euissent voullu, Pays-Bas, 355. 

4 Moult en estoient travaillies, Pays-Bas, 355. 

5 Bouvier, 429, who was a native of Bourges and was crowned king-at-arms for the 
March of Berry at Christmas 1421, Grande Encycl. vi. 422 ; cf. Gaguin, Mer, 140; Ann. 
202; Meyer, 245. For the crowning of a king-at-arms, see Bouvier, 4. For picture of 
him presenting his chronicle to Charles VII, see Montfaucon, iii. 274, who spells, the 
name Bonnier or Bonnerius on the authority of MS. Colbert, 1867. For extracts from 
his Book of Travels (Description des Pays) from Bibl. Nat. MS. 5873, see Bouvier, 
Armorial, 20. The text was published by E. T. Hamy in 1908. 

6 George (84) rejects this story as "out of keeping with the prevalent feeling of the 
French." Tyler (ii. 158) thinks that the king advised the Dauphin to abstain; also Sat. 
Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528. 

7 Dynter, iii. 298, 748; Rymkron. iii. 211, from letters written at Peronne. 

8 Not that the Dauphin commanded at Agincourt, as Bertholet, vii. 233 ; Hume 
(1854), ii. 357 ; Parker (277), who even supposes that he was captured in the battle. For 
a very early statement that he was killed at Agincourt, see Kingsford, Lit. 277. 

9 For documents dated at Rouen Oct. 19, 1415, see Lobineau, ii. 904; Bibl. de 1'Ec. 
des Chartes, xlvii. 532. 

10 Raoulet, 154. Not that he was "among the leaders of the army" at Agincourt, 
as Macfarlane, 33; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 31; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 560; Jahns, 860. 

II Monstr. 372. 

12 Lesquelz donnerent de grant paines et travaux aux diz Englois et porterent de 
grans dommages, Cagny, 98. 

Ja en voient tel appareil, 

Que mais n'ont vu le pareil. Pastoralet, 767. 

13 Page 102. 

122 The March [CH. xxxm 

and now the Duke of Brittany refused to move unless his 
"cousin 1 " of Burgundy were in it too.y In the previous 
year he had been called upon to join the royal army against 
the Duke but had distinctly refused, and when the troops 
had been baffled at Arras he declined an invitation from the 
Queen to come to Paris to meet " those who are there at 
present 2 ," although he half agreed to join her at Montargis 3 
on Nov. i, I4I4 4 , and actually did arrive there on Nov. 30. 
Subsequent events however did not detach him from his 
partisanship, and while the English ships were starting 
from Southampton his envoys 5 were conferring with the 
Duke of Burgundy at Rouvres. Some said that he now 
held back because of his old alliance with the English 6 , 
and we now know with certainty that he had quite recently 
sent over to England for a renewal of it, and that when 
King Henry was making his final preparations for the attack 
on France, Archdeacon Hovingham and Simon Flete were 
preparing to cross to Brittany on secret business 7 . A truce 
was proclaimed with Brittany on Aug. 20, 141 5 8 , and three 
days later the two English envoys started on their mission 
and did not return to London till Dec. 7*. These English 
envoys must have been with the Duke of Brittany when he 
received his king's urgent summons to join the army at 
Rouen, and by the time he could reach Falaise the English 
army had started on the march to Calais, but instead of 
hastening up to join in the pursuit the Duke spent many 
days at Falaise before even moving on to Rouen, where 
more time was consumed in haggling with the French 

1 Juv. 519; Argentre, 729. 

2 En la presence de ceux qui y sont a present, from his letter to the Duke of 
Burgundy dated Oct. 22, 1414, and carried by Simon del Loge in Blanchard, ii. 182, in 
which it appears that he had already written three times but could get no reply. 

3 For picture of the castle at Montargis, see Touchard-Lafosse, iii. 596. 

4 Blanchard, ii. 183. 

5 i.e. the lord of Hanseberghe and others on Aug. 8, 1415, Itin. 420. 

6 Argentre, 730, who represents that the French did not want him to join in the 

7 Rym. ix. 297, July 28, 1415. 

8 Rym. ix. 309; though on Feb. 24, 1416, England was regarded at Bordeaux as 
being at war with France and Brittany, Jurade, 329 ; cf. Ordonnances, x. 362, May 16, 

9 For payments to them of ^40 and 40 marks respectively on Sept. 3, 1415, missi 
versus ducem Britann', see Rec. and Iss. Rolls 3 H. V, Pasch., Sept. 3, 1415, received 
isto die. On Aug. 19, 1415, Hovingham was present at the trial of John Claydon 
for heresy in St Paul's, vol. i. p. 290. For payments to him for his embassy from 
Aug. 23, 1415 (on which day he left London, For. Accts. 3 H. V), to Dec. 7, 1415, see 
Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, Feb. 8, 1416; vol. i. p. 104, note 9. 

1415] The Duke of Brittany 123 

Council about the possession of St Malo which had lately 
revolted and been recognised as directly dependent upon 
the King of France 1 . This done he started from Rouen 
on Oct. 2 1 2 for Amiens with 6000 fighting men 3 , where he 
urged that the English were so strong that the French 
would have all their work to do to beat them, even if every 
loyal subject should bear his part. After three days' halt at 
Amiens with his tail between his legs he moved out on the 
very day on which the battle was fought 4 , altogether too 
late to be of any use, though he had received 100,000 
francs to pay his troops 5 . 

( From the moment when they saw the English started 
on their unhappy march the rumour went among the French 
that they were pressed with hunger and were cursing the 
traitors that had brought them into France 8 , while the court 
at Rouen believed that they had them so broken and 
reduced with cold and misery that they had only to sit still 

1 Cagny, 101; Pitre- Chevalier, i. 301, 393. For declaration of the Bishop of 
St Malo on Oct. 21, 1415, from MS. fr. 6537, f. 85, that St Malo belonged to the crown 
of France, see Ronciere, ii. 228, who interprets this as a patriotic anti-English declaration. 
For documents dated Rouen Oct. 1415, granting St Malo to the Duke of Brittany, see 
Ordonnances, x. 248; Argentre, 731; not 1417, as Robuchon, Bretagne (St Malo). For 
confirmation of the grant by Pope Martin V, see Ramet, iii. 64 (E. 160) ; Trevedy, 333. Cf. 

These false coloured pelours, 
Called of Seynt Malouse and elles where, 
Wheche to there Duke none obeysaunce woll bere. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 164. 

Rehersynge that the mounte of Seynte Michele 
And Seynt Malouse wolde never a dele 
By subject unto his governaunce. Ibid. 166. 
Whych to obeye as seyde was were not fayne. Ibid. 167. 

2 He was at Rouen on Oct. 20, 21, Blanchard, I. cxxii. 

3 Monstr. 373; Le Fevre, I. xx; Cousinot, 134; Normandie, 171; Blanchard, j. 
cxxii; Bouchard, clii ; or 5000 lances, St Paul, 52; called Sodb, Argentre, 729 (where 
they are collected at Dol and Fougeres) ; 100,000 in Chron. Brioc. 891 (all knights and 
esquires, not including crossbowmen, archers and varlets); Basin, i. 24; Trevedy, 15; 
not 2000, as Speed, 783; or 12,000, as Le Baud, 450; Roujoux, iv. 169; grandement 
accompagne, Juv. 519; J. Meyer, 246. 

4 Cagny, 102, with quotation from Basin, i. 24; tardif de deux ou trois jours, 
Raoulet, 155; Roye, 168; advenit sero, Meyer, 247; Le Baud (i. 451) represents that he 
was "grandement courroce" and " merveilleusement despit," because the others did not 
wait for him, as the English afterwards confessed that they would have given ground 
(Sandford, 311) if he had attacked them. In Chron. Brioc. 891, he marches night and 
day, qui leur venoit jour et nuyt. Le Baud (450, 451) thinks qu'il se hastoit au plus qu'il 
pouoit. In Labitte, 144, he gets within three miles of the field and then retreats. He 
was still at Amiens on Oct. 25, Blanchard, I. cxxii, and back at Rouen on Nov. 3, 4, 8, 
1415, ibid.; also n. 194, 195, 196, 199. 

5 Bouvier, 430; Mamerot, 272; Gaguin, Mer, 141; called 100,000 crowns in Le 
Baud, 450; Goodwin, 76; Roujoux, iv. 169. In Lobineau, i. 528, he receives also 
a gold horse valued at 50,000 crowns. 

6 Qui eos Franciam petere consuluerant, St Denys, v. 550. Not " the French traitors 
who had produced their miseries," as Nicolas, 238. 

124 The March [CH. xxxm 

and all must surrender without more ado 1 . But as soon as 
they were reported to have crossed the Somme 2 , the whole 
prospect changed and great doubts prevailed in the minds 
of the French leaders as to the advisability of giving battle 
at all. The Constable D'Albret, Marshal Boucicaut 8 and 
others who had had a long experience in arms 4 advised 
to let them get clear away, for if attacked they would be 
certain to sell their lives dear, being as they were in a strange 
country and in a desperate plight. Let them go then and 
France would be well rid of them. It would afterwards be 
an easy matter to besiege the remnant in Harfleur and 
recover the town, and this would find work enough for the 
Paris burghers with their picks and axes. This advice, 
astounding as it seems to us, was quite in accordance with 
the maxim then in vogue always to build a silver bridge for 
an entangled foe 5 . But this time it was received with jeers 
and mockery. If these lean and way-worn English were 
in such desperate straits and more than half beaten already, 
why be afraid of them ? and so under these stinging taunts 
the leaders made an instant resolve to fight 6 . 

This resolution appears to have been taken at Pe'ronne 7 
on Saturday, Oct. 19, and letters were sent off to the king at 

1 Astrictos et vincibiles, St Denys, v. 544; esdem Engelschen konige hert lag, danne 
sie meintent den Engelschen konig also gewiss zu haben das sie keins fridens begertan, 
Windecke, 87. 

2 Cagny, 98. 

3 Mazas, Vies (v. 608), regarding it as wise advice, thinks that Boucicaut was le seul 
peut-etre qui fut anime de 1'amour du bien public. 

4 Qui avoient frequente les armes, Juv. 518; also Bacqueville, Guichard Dauphin, the 
master of the arbalestiers and others, St Denys, v. 572; see page 97, note 12. For "the 
mayster Alblester " (i.e. on the French side), see Greg. Chron. 112, which the editor 
curiously misunderstands as " Thomas Arblastier," who was one of the men-of-arms in the 
retinue of Wm. Bourchier on the English side, Nicolas, Agin. 360. 

6 Cf. si ne doibt jamais enclorre ses ennemis qu'il ne leur lasse aucun chemin ouvert 
pour eulx en fuyt, car qui tant les enclost qu'ilz ne puissent fuyr est communement cause de 
les faire vaillans et par desesperee bataille devenir victorieux, Blondel, i. 445; quod 
tamen veteres prohibent ne desperatio in virtutem commutaretur, Aen. Sylv. Orat. iii. 
192; recte admonent qui fugientibus hostibus argenteum pontem sternendum aiunt, ibid. 
Comm. 151, quoting una salus victis nullam sperare salutem. 

6 St Denys (v. 552), regarding this advice as wrong after the event, professes not 
to know who really proposed the plan of fighting; cf. stulto consilio iter praeclusit, Aen. 
Sylv. Comm. 151; le sens 1'avoit dit dans le conseil, 1'outrecuidance livra bataille et la 
paya cherement, Salmon, p. vi. 

7 For the French force concentrated at Peronne, see Normandie, 169; though in 
Ramsay's map (i. 207) they move by Beauvais and Montdidier to Amiens and thence 
round to Ham and Bapaume without touching Peronne. 

8 Dynter, iii. 298, 747; called Oct. 20 in Gesta, 45; Hard. 391; Monstr. 371, who 
places the decision at Rouen; also Nicolas, 86; Tyler, ii. 158; Niethe, 24, who thinks 
that the lateness of the decision helps his theory that the French army was weak in 
numbers; Kingsford (138) thinks that "clearly it should be some days earlier"; Waurin 

] Heralds 1 25 

Rouen, to the Dukes of Burgundy 1 and Brabant and many 
others in various parts 2 , urging them to send more men 
with all haste as they had decided to fight in the following 
week. In view of all the jealousies that hemmed them 
round, it was settled that Boucicaut and the Duke of Bourbon 
should lead the van, the main body to be under the Constable 
D'Albret with the Dukes of Orleans and Alen^on, the rear- 
guard under the Duke of Bar with the Counts of Nevers 
and Vaude'mont, and the two wings to be in the charge of 
the Count of Richmond and Tanneguy du Chastel re- 
spectively.} (Three heralds 3 were then despatched to the 
English king, one of whom was Jean de Graville 4 , and 
another Jacques de Heilly 5 , who had been a captive in 
England but had broken prison at Wisbech and escaped to 
his own country 6 . They brought a message that the French 
would fight him some time before he got to Calais, but the 
exact place must be decided by special deputies who would 
select a spot that would give no advantage to either side*. 

(ii. 196) makes them decide at Rouen on Oct. 25; others make them decide at Bapaume, 
as Waurin, ii. 194, or Corbie, as Bouvier, 429. In Guthrie (ii. 463) they "transmit the 
minutes of the council of war to Roan for approbation." 

1 Page 106. 2 Partout ailleurs, Cagny, 98. 

3 In Halle (64) the herald is called Mountjoy king-at-arms, but he was then negotiating 
with the Count of Charolais at Aire, Monstr. 372. See page 107. 

4 Called John Gravelle (ut fertur) in Capgr. De Illustr. 116. Cf. John Granvil miles 
secum fuit associatus, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 118. 

8 See vol. i. page 135. Called Heilli in Capgr. De Illustr. 116; or Heilly, Carte, 
Rolles, ii. 189; "Hielly," Lay, 116; "Helly,"Tit. Liv. 18; " Helley," First Life, 57; le 
Marechal de Heilly, Villaret, xiii. 375 ; " Baron de Helly," G. Daniel, iii. 873 ; "Dominus 
de Hayle," Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 30 d; "Hayle Dominus," Elmham, Lib. Metr. 118; "el 
Signer de Ely," Morosini, ii. 82; "the Lord Heley," Guthrie, ii. 467; or "Helly," 
Cassell, i. 529, who gives a fancy picture of the scene. 

6 See Wylie, i. 293; ii. 61. For order dated Oct. 26, 1415, for enquiry as to escape 
of Jacobus dominus de Hayle in ffrancia and other prisoners of the Earl of Dorset from 
the custody of George Nestfeld in the castle of Wysebeche, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 30 d; 
qui carcere rupto fugit furtive, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 118. In July 1413, he was Marshal 
of Guienne, see vol. i. 135. Called Marshal of France since 1412 in Mas Latrie, 2182; 
and governor of La Rochelle, Cagny, 72. He was killed at Agincourt, Tit. Liv. 21 ; 
Monstr. 377; not taken prisoner, as Morosini, ii. 82. 

7 Waurin, ii. 195; Le Fevre, i. 236; Gesta (45) expressly says that no time or place 
was fixed ; also Capgr. De Illustr. 116. On the other hand Juv. (520) says that they fixed 
Saturday, Oct. 26; also Impens, 356; called Oct. 22 in Normandie (Hellot), 19; or 
Oct. 24 in do. (Williams), 169; or Oct. 25 in Chron. Brioc. 891 ; Pays-Bas, 356; Lingard, 
iii. 492. Bouvier (429) represents that they fixed on Aubigny near Arras as the battlefield 
for Oct. 24, that Henry accepted it but did not keep his word; cf. Mazas, Vies, v. 597, 
quoting Polydore Vergil. Guthrie (iii. 463) calls the message " an act of insolence and 
insane security" by "giddy Frenchmen," or a "bravading message" sent without the 
knowledge of the Constable (p. 464), etc. Villaret (xii. 357) thinks that the message was 
sent " plusieurs fois." Lingard (iii. 492) supposes that the heralds came to Henry at 
Monchy Lagache; also S. Turner, v. 425 ; Ramsay, i. 311 ; Nicolas (97) that it was "at 
or near Athies"; also Musgrave, 279; Towle, 314. It was known at Tournai by 
Oct. 1 8 that a battle was impending, Vandenbroeck, 126 = la journee de la bataille qu'on 
dit qui se fera as Englais. 

126 The March [CH. xxxm 

The king received the message with delight and sent 
answer that during all the way from Harfleur he had been 
constantly pressing on towards Calais without stopping in 
any walled town or fortress ; that if they wanted to fight he 
did not mean either to slacken or to quicken his pace to please 
anyone but himself 1 , and that there was no need to fix a day or 
place, for they would find him ready in the open any day they 
liked 2 , and so God's will be done ! Having ceremoniously 
dismissed the heralds with a present of 200 crowns 3 he 
gave thanks to God and heartened up his men in anticipation 
of the coming battle, and on the next day the English army 
started on their road in readiness for instant attacky 

(The king and the leaders had donned their coat-armours 4 , 
arm the archers, taking their orders from the Duke of York 5 , 
carried each a stout oak stake sharpened at both ends 6 
ready to plant at an angle in the ground and break the 
charge of any mounted men that should approach them. 
To their surprise no hostile army lay before them, and 
beyond some slight attack upon them at Doingt 7 as they 
neared PeVonne 8 , they passed an uneventful day. A mile 
beyond Peronne the trampled roads gave plain evidence 
that many thousands of Frenchmen had just passed that 

1 Tit. Liv. 14; Vita, 55. There is nothing to countenance the supposition of Carte, 
ii. 680, that by quickening his pace Henry might have avoided an engagement. 

2 Waurin, ii. 195; Le Fevre, i. 237. Cassell (i. 530) takes this to refer to the 
Dauphin's challenge to a personal combat. 

3 De beaulz dons et riches, Waur. ii. 195; maxima pompa, Capgr. De Illustr. 116; 
100 crowns in Tit. Liv. 14; or 100 each in Vita, 55. 

4 A tout cottes d'armes vestue, Waurin, ii. 196, 199. See App. W 2 . 

5 Gesta, 42; Chron. Giles, 37, where it is attributed to the king ( = indixit rex per 
totum exercitum); but "by the advice and counsell as it is said of the Duke of York," 
from the translator of Tito Livio, Kingsford, Biogr. 82; Stow, 349; Vickers, 27; 
First Life, 55; Kingsford, Lit. 66, where the plan was adopted before they reached 
Nesle; Brut, ii. 378, 555; Kingsford, Lit. 317, 326; Archaeologia, xx. 27. Nicolas (92) 
thinks it was adopted after they left Corbie; also Knight, ii. 60; Pauli, v. 112; not 
"almost from the beginning of their march from Harfleur," as Church, 77; Airy, i. 144. 
George (87) calls it Henry's own idea; also Fortescue, i. 56. Cf. "an innovation," 
J. E. Morris, Archers, 428. 

6 Palos bisacutos, Kingsford, Lit. 317; un peuchon aguise de deux deboutz, Le Fevre, 
i. 237; Monstr. 374; pouchon, pieu, Fenin, 63; a stake of tre sharpet at both endys, 
Brut, ii. 378, 555; not that they were "tipped with iron," as Tyrrell, 290 [170]; or 
" mit spitzigem Schuh," as Rustow, 107; peuchons aguisies, Waur. iii. no [74]; einen 
starken eichen Stecken, Windecke, 87, who says that this expedient was advised by some 
Germans who were with the army probably as gunmasters (see Wylie, ii. 262 ; App. T 2 ). 
There is no need to suppose that it was borrowed from the Turks, as Mazas, Vies, 
v. 612. 

7 Le Fevre, i. 240. Not "Doing," as Lachauvelaye, 101. 

8 Not that they marched "through the cete of Pyronne," as Pol. Songs, ii. 123; 
Kingsford, Chron. 119; Tyler, ii. 162; Church, 74, who calls it "the village of 
Peronne. " 

Pdronne 127 

way, and Elmham, whose graphic story is the basis of all 
our exact knowledge of those anxious days, tells us that he 
feared the battle was immediately at hand. He will not vouch 
for the feelings of his betters, but for himself and the rest of 
the ranks 1 , they lifted up their eyes and their voices towards 
Heaven and prayed that God would have compassion on 
them and turn the Frenchmen's violence away. 

Yet in spite of these evidences of the nearness of the 
enemy the day was void of adventure 2 . So they crossed 
the Ancre 3 at Miraumont 4 , moved rapidly to Forceville 5 , 
Acheux 6 and Beauquesne 7 , in hourly expectation of a sight 
of their foe. Still however no enemy appeared, and on 
Wednesday, Oct. 23 8 , they crossed the Grouche under the 
very walls of the Count of St Pol's strong castle at 
Lucheux 9 , and found good halting quarters at Bonnieres 10 
and other villages round about, the Duke of York having 
pushed on to Prevent 11 with the vanguard to secure a passage 

1 Residuus populus, Gesta, 45 ; Chron. Giles, 40. 

2 For one of the men-of-arms of the Earl of Suffolk taken prisoner on Oct. 21, see 
Exch. Accts. 46/24. 

3 The walled town that they passed three miles to their left (supposed to be Doullens 
in Nicolas, 100; for picture of St Martin's Church at Doullens, see Dusevel, vol. i) was 
probably Ancre, called Albert since 1620, when it was given to Charles d'Albert by 
Louis XIII, Daussy, 188. In Pilham, 263, they pass through Ancre also. Not 
"Encre," as Lingard, iii. 492; Cassell, i. 530; nor "Encre on the Miraumont," as 
Ramsay, i. 211; Kingsford, 141; nor Albert, as Tyler, ii. 162; Musgrave, 279; Towle, 
315; Hassell, 225 ; Church, 74, who calls it a " village " ; called " the river of Myramont," 
First Life, 45, 49. 

4 Le Fevre, i. 240; Daussy, 124; Bedu, 62. Duval-Pineu (ii. 192) supposes that the 
two armies were close together at Miraumont. 

5 Not "Forceuil," as Speed, 778; nor "Forcheville," as Goodwin, 79; Lachauvelaye, 
10 1 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 48. 

6 Monstr. 372; Fenin, 559; Waurin (ii. 199) adds "Cennes," by which he probably 
means Lucheux. Not "Cheu," as S. Turner, v. 427. 

7 Bouvier, 429; Gaguin, Ann. 202. Mazas, Vies, v. 598, thinks that the French 
were then at Aubigny and would have been forced into letting the English escape had it 
not been for Boucicaut who warned them avec la rapidite de 1'eclair ; cf. Belleval, 77, 79. 

8 Not Nov. i, as Fenin, 559. 

9 Not "The Cheue," as Stow, Chron. 349; nor " Le Cheu," as Nicolas, 239; nor 
" Lucheu," as Lingard, iii. 493; Cassell, i. 530; Kohler, ii. 757. For picture of the 
castle, see Dusevel, vol. i. For the church at Lucheux, see Enlart, Monuments, 132-141. 

10 Called Bouvier PEccullon in Monstr. 372; Bonnieres 1'Eschaillon, Waur. ii. 199; 
Bonnieres le Scallon, Le Fevre, i. 240; or L'Escalon, Goodwin, 79; Bonnieres 1'Estallon, 
Fenin, 559 (i.e. stallion, nutshell, slate (echelon), horse's tusk, division of horse's palate, 
Godefroy, iii. 350; Capgr. s.v.) ; Bomyers, Halle, 65 ; Grafton, i. 515; Bonyers 1'Estaillon, 
Stow, Chron. 349; Boniers Le Staillon, Speed, 778; Bouuieres, Paradin, 595; Bonniers, 
Guthrie, ii. 436; Bonnieres 1'Ecaillon, Kohler, ii. 757; Niethe, 27; Bouvieres 1'Escaillon, 
S. Turner, v. 427; not Bouviere 1'Escalon, as Lachauvelaye, 101 ; nor Bonyors Le- 
stauillon, as First Life, 49; Bonnieres d'Escaillon, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 48. For ac- 
count of Bonnieres, see Harbaville, ii. 282. 

11 Not Frenench, as Goodwin, 79; S. Turner, v. 427; Nicolas, 239; nor Frenent, 
as Lachauvelaye, 101 ; nor that Henry "joined the Duke of York at Prevent, " as 
N. Lambert, 414. 

128 The March [CH. xxxm 

over the Canche 1 . But these precautions proved unnecessary. 
The Canche was passed without a blow and crossing the 
plateau by Siracourt 2 they dropped down into the valley of 
the Ternoise. YWhen they called a halt for the night, the king 
had by mistake ridden half-a-league beyond the spot selected 
for his lodging 3 , and when they told him of his mistake he 
said: "God would not have me now go back and forage, 
for I have my coat-armour on 4 ." This curious personal 
anecdote is explained by the chronicler who heard it, as 
referring to the fact that the harbingers 5 never wore their 
blazonry when they were out marking houses 6 for the night. 
At any rate the king retraced not a single step but slept the 
night of Wednesday, Oct. 23, with the vanguard, close to 
e^ village of Blangy on the left bank of the Ternoise'.y 
vThe footprints that had scared the English at Peronne 
really marked the withdrawal of the great French army to 
Bapaume. After resolving to fight they had in their blind 
and chivalrous unwisdom given up their sound tactics of 
holding fords and blocking rivers a policy which a chronicler 
writing soon after the disaster ventured to call " very praise- 
worthy although it might be bloodless 8 ." But a bloodless 
triumph was no welcome prospect for an Armagnac and, as 
we have seen, the word had passed to head the English off 
and make them fight in the open. With this in their mind 
they dislodged 9 from Bapaume, and while the footsore and 
hungry 10 English were pounding through the rain and 

1 Not " De Cauche," as Goodwin, 79; nor " River de Couche," as Guthrie, ii. 463; 
nor "Cauche," as Kohler, ii. 757; nor "Canopes," as Fortescue, i. 57. Boule (i. 149) 
makes them march to Hesdin. 2 Dehaisnes-Finot, i. 319. 

3 For " logging place," see Lydg. Troy Book, 392 ; al loggid in the felde, ibid. 361, 
371; we schal us loge and cure tentis sette, ibid. 271; cf. how sone she had mad her 
logyng, Pol. Songs, ii. 153. 

4 Ja Dieu ne plaise puisque jay la cotte darmes vestue que je retourne, Waurin, ii. 199 ; 
Le Fevre, i. 241. Called his "warcoat" in Tyler, ii. 162, who places the incident at 
Bonnieres; see also Church, 74. 

5 Herbergeours, Black Book of Admiralty, i. 283, 284, 460; harbegiers, Halliwell, 
i. 434. In Add. MS. 37,967/6 the "gentilman herberoure" has to "take up logyng for 
his lord and assigne all other men their logyng, also bred, ale, wyne, wex, talowe and 
fewell after ye season of ye yere and rekyn for it dayle and wokely as ye lords bookes be 

6 Jurade, ii. 142. 

7 Though Hautecloque (283) supposes that the army crossed both the Canche and the 
Ternoise on Oct. 24, and reached the battlefield by noon on the same day. 

8 Quam revera si continuassent astuciam utique ex ipsis hostibus incruentum sed valde 
commendabilem obtinuissent triumphum, St Denys, v. 550. 

9 Goodwin, 160; cf. il fit desloger son armee, Paradin, 626. 

10 Moult lasses et travailles de faim de froid et autres mesaises, Monstr. 373-377; 
lento gressu et praecipue pedestres, attenuates fame et frigore, St Denys, v. 552; avoient 

I4J5] Blangy 129 

wind Howards the Canche, the French were marching parallel 
with their right flank 2 to choose a proper spot on which to 
give them battle, and as the Frenchmen carried no music 3 , 
the two armies moved for three days almost within sight of 
one another without being aware of each other's presenceV 
TThe French passed to St Pol and followed the right bank 
of the Ternoise 5 to Anvin 6 , and when the English set out 
for their usual day's march on Oct. 24*, their scouts brought 
word that thousands upon thousands of the enemy were 
within three miles of them on the other bank 8 . After a 
hurried consultation the king decided that he would fight 
his way through at any cost 9 . The pace was quickened 
and they reached the river bank at Blangy 10 only to find 

eu faute de vivres par trois jours, Juv. 520; fatigatis, infirmis, inediaque confectis... 
ab itinere fatigatis, a vigiliis macerati a frigoribus nocturnis debilitati, Wals. ii. 310; 
Hypodig. 463. 

1 II faisoit tres lait temps de pleuve et de vent, Ruisseauville, 138; car il avoit bien 
longuement plue, Juv. 518. 

3 Called eine Art Wettmarsch auf parallelen Strassen in Niethe, 26; ein volkommener 
Wettlauf, DelbrUck, iii. 479. 

3 Monstr. 373; Waurin, ii. 205; Le Fevre, i. 247; though blandientibus musicorum 
instrumentorum cantibus, as supposed in J. Bucelin, 379. Cassell (i. 531) thinks that 
"very few instruments could be found."" 

4 Lateraliter insequerentur, Roye, 168. Not that they actually saw each other, as 
Hard. 391. 

5 It is called the ruisseau d'Eps (i.e. Eps, Herbaville) at Anvin, which may possibly 
supply an explanation for swords (epees) ; also "La Faux," or the "rivierette de 
Heuchon," Joanne, vii. 4821; or la riviere de Blangy in Lachauvelaye, 101 ; Waurin, 
ii. 199; not "Ternoi," as Tyrrell, 290 [170]; called "the river of swords" (fluvius 
gladiorum) in Gesta, 46; Otterbourne, 277; Capgr. De Illustr. 116; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 
118; "aque de swerdes," Strecche, 267 b; Kingsford, Lit. 317, 326; "the water of 
Swerdys, Lydg. 317; Chron. Lond. 101 ; Pol. Songs, ii. 124. Called "la riviere 
d'Anjain" (i.e. Anvin) in Goodwin, 79; Monstr. 372; or "Aubin" in Le Fevre, i. -240 ; 
"Aunun" in S. Turner, v. 428; or Avien in Guthrie, ii. 463; or "the river Anvin" in 
Nicolas, 238, 239; or "the Annion" in Brougham, 116; not the Ancre, as Hard. 391, 
who confuses it with Voyennes; nor the Canche, as S. Turner, v. 427; Pauli, v. 114; nor 
"a branch of the Canche," as Knight, ii. 61 ; Historians' Hist, xviii. 533. It is perhaps 
the same as the "water of Turwyn" (i.e. Therouanne), Stat. iii. 165; Hazlitt, iv. 41 ; cf. 
"countrey of Turvyle," "tour of Turveyn," "Tgevy," Harflet, 316; App. 75; whence 
"Tirvyn ' or " Tirwen," Kingsford, Chron. 135, 152; or Tyruyn, Greg. Chron. 176. It 
is called "the river of Ternois" in Hume (1854), ii. 356; Lingard, iii. 493 (who calls it 
" a deep and rapid stream "); Macfarlane. 31 ; Cassell, i. 530; Roujoux, ii. 243; Boule, 
i. 419; Henty, 340; Low, 37; Jahns, 859; or "la riviere de Broste" in Bertholet, vii. 
234, who supposes Agincourt to be in "Wimeu" (PVimeu, i.e. the district round 
St Valery). For " Turwan" = Therouanne, see J. Coke, 96. Called "Terwain" 
(Flemish) or "Terrewin" (English) in Caxton, Dialogues, 23. 

6 For Anvin, see Harbaville, ii. 315. Not that they crossed the Ternoise at Erin 
which is very near to Blangy, as Ramsay, i. 212; nor passed between Hesdin and 
Therouanne, as J. Bucelin, 379; nor through Hesdin, as Hassell, 225. 

7 Waurin, ii. 200; Le Fevre, i. 241. Not Oct. 22 or 23, as Tit. Liv. 15; Vita, 56; 
Yonge, 277. 

8 Gesta, 46. 9 Iter aperiendum vinbus, St Denys, v. 555. 

10 Called "Blangi"in Bouvier, 429; Blangi-en-Enternois, Normendie (Hellot), 19; 
" Blangy-en-Tenoys," Normendie (Williams), 170; " Baugy," Paradin, 595; Speed, 778; 
"Banngy," Stow, 349; " Blagni," Biondi, 118; " Blagny-in-Termois,"*Goodwin, 79; 

W. II. Q 

130 The March [CH. xxxm 

that all opposition was withdrawn 1 . Yet even so the crossing 
was cramped and slow 2 and there is a record that seven of 
the Lancashire archers were taken prisoners on that day 3 . 
But when at length they reached the other bank, and 
following exactly the direction of the present road 4 , mounted 
the steep hill 5 that rises full in front and opens on the high 
plateau beyond, they saw the swarms of Frenchmen emerging 
from the valley on their right. Massed in three enormous 
routs 6 they streamed along in columns, lines and squadrons, 
with arblasts, guns 7 and baggage carts a countless host 8 
settling like locusts on the fields and orchards 9 right across 

" Blagney," Guthrie, ii. 463, who calls it "that important pass." S. Turner (v. 430) 
makes them descend from Blangy to the river, but Blangy is on the low ground in the 
valley. It was the headquarters of the fly-fishers during the English occupation in 1816, 
Long, Ixxxiv. 311. 

1 Qu'il n'y avoit point de deffence, Le Fevre, i. 242; though in Vita, 57, the bridge 
is supposed to have only just escaped destruction by the timely action of the Duke of 
York who led the vanguard, Musgrave, 279. French (122) thinks that the river was 
afterwards called the " River of Swords," because of the supposed fierce resistance at the 
bridge at Blangy. Fabyan (579) represents that the French occupied Blangy and the 
next village of Rollencourt a little lower down on the other bank ; Pol. Verg. (444) that 
the French were encamped in the plain circa Blangium oppidum; cf. Gaguin, Mer, 140; 
Holins. iii. 552 (and therefore Shakespeare); Trussel, 101. 

2 Long passage et estroit, Waurin, ii. 200, which is perhaps the foundation for the 
supposed defile "between the Ternois (sic) and the Canche," which the French are 
blamed for not holding, in Saint-Foix, iii. 189. In Barante, iii. 157, it is "difficile et 
dangereux." H. Morley (vi. 153) thinks that the battle was fought at Blangy in a 
"narrow gorge." 

3 Exch. Q.R. Accts. 44/29; Hunter, 37. 

4 Called " narrow and deep-set lanes," in Tout, 265. 

B Cardinem montis, Gesta, 46; montis cacumen, Tit. Liv. 15; Vita, 56; not "while 
descending," as Kingsford, 142. Called "la montaigne" in Hennebert, iii. 322; Labitte, 
135 " una montana," Sveyro, ii. 124; "a hill overlooking the village of Maisoncelles" 
(sic) Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528; " 100 ft. above the level of the Ternoise," Kohler, ii. 
761 not "a hillock," as Towle, 321; nor "a gentle ascent," as Historians' Hist, xviii. 
553. Mazas (Vies, v. 599), supposes that after leaving Blangy they crossed "la foret 
de Blingel " (which is on the left bank of the Ternoise, Harbaville, ii. 336; Hauteclocque, 
305) and "la Vallee de Bellancourt" (i.e. Beulencourt to the south-west of Maisoncelles 
and off the road to Blangy, Harbaville, ii. 333 ; Hauteclocque, 292), and then mounted 
to Maisoncelles, but the distance from Blangy to Maisoncelles is little more than two miles. 
W. D. Cooper (124) thinks that the battle took place on the banks of the Ternoise. Cf. 
Our kynge wente up upon an hylle hye, 
And loked downe to the valyes lowe. Nicolas, App. 75. 

This poem, which was written after the release of the Duke of Orleans in 1440, is based 
upon Harflet, Po., and J. Page, Archaeologia, xxii. 373, and Nicolas, App. 77. It is 
supposed to be written by "honest John Skot" (Adams, i. 227) or "John Skats the 
contemporary versifier" (Adams, Battle Stories, 109), but Skot was only the printer 
in Foster Lane in the city of London, see Nicolas, App. 69, 77. 

6 Par grandes routtes, Waurin, ii. 200; tetros cuneos, Gesta, 46; Chron. Giles, 41. 

7 Ribaudequins, Monstr. 373. 

8 In terrifica multitudine valde incomparabili multitudine respectu nostri, Gesta, 46, 
49; assemblez a mervailles giant puissance, Waur. ii. 200; Le Fevre, i. 242; mundum 
quendam innumerabilis populi, Vita, 57; exercitus validus et innumerabilis, Kirkstall 
Chron. 286. 

9 Frutices, Gesta, 48; as thyke as ever dide hayle or snow, Harflet, App. 75; Adams, 
i. 227; do. Battle Stories, 109. 

1415] The Battlefield 131 

their road 1 and filling the whole flat stretch of ground far 
ahead from Azincourt to Ruisseauville.y 

A visit to the battlefield to-day will suffice to give 
a good general notion of the lie of the ground, and Elmham 
is still as good a guide-book for the tourist as when he 
wrote his story 500 years ago 2 . Three villages, each with 
its church 8 , its green, its cluster of gardens, orchards and 
houses, stood then where they stand to-day, and then as 
now each lay in the centre of a small but thick wood 4 . Of 
these the wood of Azincourt lies to the north-west, that of 
Tramecourt 8 to the north-east and that of Maisoncelles 6 to 
the south, while the battlefield stretches as a flat unbroken 
triangle between the three 7 . Right through the centre of 
this triangular plot from south to north runs the high-road 
to Calais 8 , having Maisoncelles and Azincourt on the left 
and Tramecourt on the right, while not a hedge or a thicket 

1 Baillans sur son chemin, Waur. ii. 200; et leurs cloirent le pas, Ruisseauville, 138. 
Not that "their extreme right touched the road to Calais," as Church, 76. 

* For a map of the locality, see Nicolas, Agincourt, 264 ; R. L. Long (Ixxxiv. 468), 
who visited it in 1849, reported that "the aspect remains unaltered"; Knight (i.e. 
probably Macfarlane), ii. 61, who had "stood upon this ascent," i.e. in 1856, rightly says 
that "nothing could be more accurate than the chaplain's account " of the ground. 

3 The present church of St Nicolas (?) at Azincourt was built in 1569, Hauteclocque, 
281. The church at Maisoncelles was a "secours" to that of Azincourt, ibid. 
305. For the church of Tramecourt which was an "annexe" to that at Azincourt, 
see ibid. 360; though called "a church of the beginning of the last (i.e. i8th) 
century" in Historians' Hist, xviii. 534, the village of Azincourt being described as "a 
number of straggling mud-built cottages " ; "a group of dirty farm-houses and wretched 
cottages," Cassell, i. 536. 

4 Petis bois, petis bosquetz, Le Fevre, i. 252; Waurin, ii. 210; per sylvas virides, 
Pol. Songs, ii. 127; deux petits bois ators existans, Morosini, ii. 72, note, who does not 
seem to be aware that they are there still. Woodford marked two clumps of wood to the 
west of Maisoncelles, one small square to the north-east of Azincourt, with fringes of 
wood to the north and south of Tramecourt and a hedge along the western side of the 

8 Not"Trumecourt,"asLabitte, 137, 139, 140-144; nor "Tramecourt, "as Trebuchet, 
74; nor " Traincourt," as Pilham, 266; nor " Framecourt," as Duval-Pineu, ii. 192; 
Sismondi, xii. 480; Guizot, ii. 256; Black, ii. 280; Beamont, 243; Crowe, i. 125; 
Nameche, ii. 149; iii. 55; do. Louvain, 10. 

6 Not "Masconcelles," as Echard, i. 186; Rapin, ii. 452; Tindal, i. 514; nor 
" Moisoncelle," as Lay, 38, 43 ; Tyler, ii. 163, 164 ; called " Maisoncelle" in Hauteclocque, 
335; Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 382; Kohler, ii. 759, 765, 774; Schmidt, ii. 250; 
Trebuchet, 74; Lettenhove, Hist. iii. 89; Jahns, 859; Loserth, Gesch. 550; Historians' 
Hist. xi. 170; xviii. 533, 534; Niethe, 28, 36, 38, 39, 54; Haggard, 118. 

7 Entre Maisonchieles et Azincourt, Fenin, 65; N. Lambert (416) adds Bucamps; 
Long, Ixxxiv 314, 315. Called eine Ebene in Niethe, 27, though just above he calls it 
ein enger Raum. For a view of the field sketched by John Absolon, see Macfarlane- 
Thomson, i. 561, showing "the wood from which the English archers cut the slakes." 

8 Inter nos et eos ubi erat iter nostrum versus Calisiam, Gesta, 47 ; Chron. Giles, 42 ; 
not from St Omer to Calais, as Brockhaus, ii. 220. The road is entirely omitted in 
Nicolas, 264, though marked as a very thin line in Belleval, 124; called " St Omer to 
Abbeville" in Cassell, i. 537. Ransome (146) makes it pass through Azincourt, giving it 
a fanciful curve round to the south-west. 


132 The March [CH. xxxm 

breaks the view across, though writers at various times 
have worked in rocks, valleys, hills, rivers, ditches, ravines, 
hedges, heights, eminences, slopes, declivities, high banks 
and other imaginary features which probably never had any 
real existence 1 . Between the woods of Azincourt and 
Tramecourt the space narrows to a neck of about three- 
quarters of a mile in breadth but opens out again amply 
towards Ruisseauville 2 which lies some four miles to the 
rear. On the English right there is a slight fall in the 
ground and the country becomes difficult to the east, but to 
their left the open ground stretched westward with little 
break for about three miles. Thus the actual field of battle 
is limited to a stretch of perfectly open country (some 2 miles 
across and 2\ miles in breadth), and this was the site 
which the French themselves had deliberately chosen, 
where a fair fight 3 could be played out free from all traps 
and bushments 4 , before everybody's eyes. 

When King Henry had reached this plateau, and saw 
the Frenchmen setting up their banners and taking ground 
across his front in numbers enormously overtopping his 
tattered 5 and attenuated band 6 , he realised that he was 
hopelessly enmeshed 7 . He sent across such prisoners as 
he had captured on the way 8 and offered terms to his 
enemy. He would restore all that he had taken 9 and give 
security for the payment for all damage that he had done, if 
only passage were allowed him to proceed. If not, he only 

1 See pp. 206, 207. 

2 Not Rousseauville, as Basin, i. 23; Bearne, 272. 

3 Called campestre praelium by King Sigismund on Sept. 6, 1416, Caro, Kanzlei, in; 
in campo de Argenton (i.e. Agincourt), Nicolas, 287 ; preoccupes uniquement de faire une 
belle bataille, Michelet, vi. 27; Duruy, i. 420; though called "the sodyne battelle" 
in Mon. Franc, ii. 165; though Niethe (24) sees in it a Kriegslist on the part of the 
French in order that they might gain time ; cf. die etwas plumpe Kriegslist, DelbrUck, 
iii. 479. 

4 Cf. abuschement, Laud Troy Book, 270; buschement, do. 349; busshementes with 
orrible sownes, Secreta, 215. 

5 For " tatarwagges," see Laud Troy Book, 273; Halliwell, ii. 850. 

6 Paucam familiam, Gesta, 47; his litill meyne, Pol. Songs, ii. 123; exiguitate 
inimicorum spreta, Blondel, i. 263. 

7 Circumseptus locus Henricum ad certamen ruiturum artaret, ibid. i. 261. 

8 Basin (i. 20) represents him as praedis onustum cum captivorum multitudine ; cf. 
immensa vis rerum et hominum et animalium, T. Bucelin, 379. 

9 Rendera tout ce qu'il a pris, Pastoralet, 769; sublatorum restitutionem, St Denys, 
v. 554; quae sunt in Francia dimissurum se omnia pollicetur, Aen. Sylv. Orat. iii. 192; 
omnia de Gallis occupata restituat, do. Comm. 151 ; add Bourgeois, quoted in 
Trebuchet, 74. Windecke (88) represents that he sent across a blank parchment with his 
seal attached for the French to write any terms they liked upon it, ein Membran (cf. 
Wylie, iii. 454) das ist ein versigelt Brief das sie daruf schribent waz sie woken. 

14*5] Parley 133 

asked that he might have battle on the very next day 1 . It 
afterwards became a question whether his offer involved the 
giving back of Harfleur 2 or even Calais 3 , and certainly the 
doubt might be excused seeing that even the English 
accounts admit that he undertook to give back "all towns 
obtained by force in Normandy and France 4 ." But it 
mattered not what terms he really meant, for his offer was 
at once rejected and he was told that he must fight, whereat 
he passed the word to dismount 5 and take battle order, and 
all stood ready for the expected onrush till sunset, and the 
lodging of the lamb 6 . 

/As they watched the French lords unroll their pennons 7 

1 J uv - 5 2 > Bouvier, 429; St Denys, v. 554 (who blames the French for not accepting 
Henry's offer). In Le Fevre, i. 251, and Waurin, ii. 209, the terms are proposed and 
rejected on the field just before the advance, but they both speak with some uncertainty 
(je ne sfay a quelle requeste}. In Tit. Liv. 18; Vita, 63, the negotiations are opened by 
the French and rejected by Henry; see also Fenin, 63; Gaguin, Mer, 140; do. Ann. 203; 
Towle, 330; H. Martin, vi. 17; Belleval, 97; Ramsay, i. 219; Kingsford, 149. In 
Ruisseauville (138) English heralds visit the French camp in the night of the 24th to 
arrange the parley for the next day (qui pau dura) . 

2 This is emphatically denied by Waurin, ii. 210. Mazas (Vies, v. 590) thinks that he 
offered to give up Harfleur when he was at Hangest, i.e. 10 days before the battle, page 
113; Ayrolles (ii. 25) places the offer at Blanque-Taque ; Cassell.i. 530, at Monchy-Lagache. 

8 Quod an ita se habeat non satis habemus compertum, Basin, i. 20; though Blondel 
(i. 26, 442) writing in 1449 expressly names Calais. 

4 Cf. omnia oppida et castra potenter requisita in Normannia et Francia, Wals. 243; 
omnia bello acquisita, Impens, 355; cf. Dynter, iii. 300, 750; Meyer, 245; Le Baud, 450; 
Serres, i. 960 (281); Paradin, 594, 596; Argentre, 729; Speed, 778. Henry (v. 38) 
disbelieves this as not "agreeable to the character of his courage." Tyler (ii. 167) thinks 
that the statement is " deservedly considered unworthy of credit." Hawkins (Anglo- 
Gallic Coins, 29) calls them "most humiliating offers." Niethe (41) disbelieves the story 
because it does not square with his theory that the French were numerically weaker, 
adding that Henry demanded the restoration of the county of Ponthieu. 

5 See App. X 2 . 6 Henry V, in. 7. 32. 
7 With baneris fresche displaied, 

And her penouns unrollid everychon. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 400. 
Baners unrollid and longe fresche penouns, 
Of rede and whyte grene bleu and blake. Ibid. 409. 

For " banershaftes," see For, Accts. 8 H. V, m. 31. For pennon, i.e. three-cornered or 
swallow-tailed banner for knights, see Topham, Plate xxvn (circ. 1350); J. T. Smith, 
244; Lingard, ii. 122; Boutaric, 301; Prost, 158, 184; Wallon, 399; Craik-Macfarlane, 
i. 875; Scott, ii. ii ; but square for bannerets, i.e. la queue du pennon cut off, ibid, 
ii. 5; Encycl. Brit. s.v. Flag; but both appear as royal banners in Harl. MS. 4379, 
f. 1 12 b (coronation of Henry III, King of Castile). Cf. estendars a la fachon d'Engleterre 
tous entiers sans fente et sans pointe comme une cornette, Trahisons de France, 149. 
And by devise stondardis and penowns, 
And for the felde fressche and gay gytouns. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 165. 

For square banner of Richard II, see Scott, ii. 9. For pencel, i.e. streamer, see ibid. 
ii I3> gonfanon, i.e. square pennon, ibid. For geton, guidon, possibly guyde home, 
i.e. guide homme, see Halliwell, 423, 425 ; cf. there was many a getton gay, J. Page, 42 ; 
I stay but for my guidon, Henry V, IV. 2. 60. For square banners on long staves, 
see Prost, 143, 158, 170; also brass of Simon Felbrigge (d. 1416), see Boutell, Brasses; 
Foster, Feudal Arms, 84. In Harl. MS. 4205 (written circ. 1432) the banners are all 
nearly square and carried at the end of poles about the height of a man ; cf. MS. Reg. 

134 The March [CH. xxxm 

and banners and group their forces round them, the Eng- 
lish king harangued his people's courage 1 that sorely needed 
heartening. "Sire," said Sir Walter Hungerford 2 , as he eyed 
their withered numbers, " I would that we had 10,000 more 
good English archers who would gladly be here with us to- 
day." " Thou speak'st as a fool ! " replied the king 8 . " By 
the God of Heaven, on whose grace I lean, I would not have 
one more 4 even if I could. This people is God's people; He 
has entrusted them to me to-day and He can bring down the 
pride of these Frenchmen who boast of their numbers and 
their strength 6 ."] Then with the answer to the herald in his 
hand he told its purport to his men, and standing on the 
clear level stretch of plough-land 6 , springing fresh with 
autumn wheat 7 , he bade them think of Cre"ci 8 and of 

i E. ix. 282 ; Steyert, Aper9U, p. 45, Fig. 25, from window in the cathedral at Lyons. In 
Rene", Plates xi, xin (circ. 1450), some few are three-cornered and drooping. For 
pignons or banners made of cendal, buckram, red silk and green cloth (toille), see La 
Fons-Melicocq, Artillerie, 6; cf. som of sandelsom of ynde (i.e. blue, Halliwell, i. 475), 
Laud Troy Book, 394; many a lovely fair pensel of gold, of ynde, of fair sendal, do. 424; 
cf. sendail, Wallon, i. 241; sendail de lucques for lining a chasuble, Tremoille, 96; 
of welwet cendel and double samyt eke, Lydg. Troy Book, 165; cf. Wylie, iv. 361. 

1 Vita, 58. The speech is simplified in Halle, 67, and Redman, 44, and condensed 
again in Holinsh. iii. 553; Mezeray, ii. 566. Ramsay (i. 212) calls it "in his grandest 
manner." For other versions of the speech, see Basin, i. 21, where the editor considers 
it to be " un exercice oratoire " on the part of the writer ; also St Denys, v. 554, with 
French translation in Le Laboureur, p. 1008, which seems somehow to be the foundation 
for the English version in Halliwell, Letters, 85-89, containing references to the archers' 
thumbs and the "peace of Brittany" (sic), who calls it a translation "from a Latin 
contemporary history (? St Denys) now in All Souls Library." It is called a "long and 
spirited address" in Towle, 328-330, who supposes that it was read out. 

2 Not "Thomas," as Strang, 87. For his retinue (20 + 60) at Southampton, see 
Exch. Accts. 45/5, m. 5 (without names); Nicolas, 381, which falls to 17 + 55 in Brook's 
list; Nicolas, 352; Wylie, Notes, 138. 

3 Sic stulte Deum male tempta, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 119. 

4 Redman, 41; Drayton, 58. 

8 Gesta, 47; Chron. Giles, 41; Tit. Liv. 16; Vita, 61 ; Le Fevre, i. 245; Waurin, 
ii. 203, where the incident is placed on the following day; also Pauli, v. 118; Lingard, 
iii. 496, who thinks that the king "chanced to overhear an officer," etc.; cf. Henry, 
v. 38; Andrews, ii. 20. 

8 Late patuit, Wals. ii. 311; Hypodig. 464. 

7 Tritico recenter satum, Wals. ii. 311; Hypodig. 464; terre nouvelle semee, Le 
Fevre, i. 255; Waur. ii. 214; nouveau seme de bled, Trahisons, 129; une belle place et 
herbue, Juv. 520; cf. " lond new heried," Capgr. 312; en un camp couvert de sinople (or 
sinoble) ; possibly charlock (senevey), see App. 4. Called ein junges Saatfeld das 
von dem Regen nicht so aufgeweicht war wie der ubrige Boden, Niethe, 37. For 
sinople (i.e. green), see Du Cange, s.v. al. cynople, cynopre, cyneple, sinopre (Navarre, 
v. ii; Littre, s.v.); sinoper, synaper (Feuillerat, 201, 217, 245); zinopre (Lydg. Troy 
Book, 172); for i Ib. of cynopre costing is. at Ely in 1339, see Archaeologia, ix. 160. 
In Ruisseauville, 139, the English are on dry fallow land (logic sur les gaskieres et a dure 
terre) and the French sur les bles ; cf. en une ghasquiere nouvellement ahenee, Cordeliers, 
229; Cotgr., s.v. Gasktire; cf. un grand gueret, Bueil, ii. 62; cf. Godefroy, i. 173, 
s.v. Ahaner, to labour. 

8 For the battle of Crecy, see George, 59; Lloyd, 63. For view of the field, see 
Musgrave, Frontispiece. For Agincourt as " almost a literal repetition of Crecy," see 
Freeman, Essays, i. 115. 

1415] "Ok, do not wish one more!" 135 

Poitiers 1 , and of the many times since then that Englishmen 
had plundered their way through France and none had dared 
to touch them 2 . Now let them pluck up heart and never fear 
this multitude of lords and princes 3 , for God would turn 
their very numbers into everlasting shame, as he had often 
done before 4 . Let them think on merry England 5 , the 
land that had nursed them, the land where their fathers, 
mothers, wives and children were 6 , and where the religious 
were praying for them 7 at that very hour, and so fight their 
way back to her with praise and glory, or sell their lives so 
dear that they would never be forgot 8 . For himself, he 
vowed that not one noble should England ever pay in 
ransom for him, for in that fight he meant to win or die 9 , 
but if any of them had aught against his neighbour let him 
wash the mote from out his conscience with the priest, for 
if they should die unprovided 10 good could never come of 

1 For the battle of Poitiers or Maupertius, Sept. 19, 1356, Rym. vi. 222, where it is 
officially called ' ' la Bataille de Poitiers " in the Treaty of Brdtigny, 1 360, see Kohler, ii. 
417-449; George, 70; Lloyd, 68. 

2 Cf. the boast that Edward III might have journeyed from Calais to Bordeaux and 
dined every day in a strength of his own and supped and slept in another, see Stevenson, 
ii. 454. 

3 For azenste one of us thowthe ther be ten thenke Criste will help us in oure 
ryght, Kingsford, Chron. 120; take from them now the sense of reckoning, Henry V, 
IV. i. 286. 

4 Called six times in St Denys, v. 556. 

8 For "mery Yngland," see Pol. Songs, ii. 155; cf. 

Anglia plena jocis, gens libera nata jocari, 
Tota jocosa velim dicere, tola jocus. 

W. Wattenbach, 60 r (temp. Henry II). 

Debat, xiv; Harflet, i. 320; Jusserand, Lit. Hist. 260; Champion, Vie, 212; cf. Wylie, 
iii. 208, note 2. 

8 There seems nothing to bear out the supposition that the army contained ' ' neither 
married man nor widow's son," which is mere common-place i8th century fiction 
though Tyler (ii. 197) thought so highly of the lines as to stamp them as a motto 
on his title-page. Jewitt (5) says that there is a tradition to this effect still surviving 
in the Peak district of Derbyshire. It may possibly be an echo of "let us our careful 
wives, our children and our sins lay on the king," Henry V, iv. r. 227. 
The religious of Ingelond all tenynge, 
Ora pro nobis for us they syng. Harflet, 321. 

8 Blondel, i. 443. Cf. "feightes for the righte of Englond," Brut, ii. 555. 

9 Que a casa d'Ingraterra nunca por el pagavia hud notra, que venceria ou morreria na 
quella batalha, Duarte, 87, who writes 20 years after the battle and reports this saying of 
his " cousin " (tneu primo}, 

For me this day schalle never Inglonde rawnsome pay ; 

Erste many a man schall leve is weddes, for here erste to death I wil be dyght. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 124. 

Kingsford, Chron. 119; Kabel, 3; he wolde nevir put the rem of Engelond to no Rawnson 
for his persone, Brut, ii. 378; "desired rather to die than to be unprofitable to this 
realme, Kingsford, Biogr. 81. Pyne (103) disbelieves this because "it would not have 
been consistent with the Christian sentiments which Henry professed." 

10 Henry V, iv. i. 183. Cf. I am afeard there are few die well that die in a battle for 
how can they charitably dispose of anything when blood is their argument, Henry V, 
IV. i. 145. 

136 The March [CH. xxxnl 

it 1 . At this all fell upon their knees and clasped their hands 
towards Heaven, praying that God would have them in his 
keeping 2 , while the chaplains moved about from man to 
man, shriving the weeping penitents and whispering comfort 
with their last housel', in preparation for the death that 
might at any time be on them 4 . As the sunlight faded 8 
and many of the Frenchmen were seen to disperse among 
the neighbouring villages, the king and some of his company 
withdrew to such few houses as there were at Maisoncelles 6 
to rest for the night. His right flank bivouacked in the 
open close up within touch of the Frenchmen's left which 
spread out beyond the Tramecourt woods about four flight- 
shots away 7 . Most of the men lodged on the ground or in 
the gardens and orchards, through a night of pelting rain 8 , 
though everything was done that could be done to lessen 

1 Juv. 521, who adds that he gave up all claim to a share in ransoms except for dukes 
and counts and promised that every man "in his company" should be ennobled and 
wear the SS collar. There is an echo of this in the speech put in by Wals. (ii. 312), 
quisquis ergo census honores aut praemia cupit istic reperiet haec; cf. every man in his 
degre shall yow quyte full well youre mede, Harriet, 321. Verneuil (218) represents that 
Henry first arranged with the French that only nobles should fight on either side and then 
returned to his army and ennobled every man in it (en disant qu'il les anoblissoit tous) 
while all the corresponding group of Frenchmen were ruled out (ne se combatit point le 
meme peuple de France). The editor supposes this writer to be contemporary, but his 
statements are full of gross mistakes, e.g. as to Valmont. Cf. this day shall gentle his 
condition, Henry V, iv. 3. 63. 

3 Les veusist mectre en sa garde, Le Fevre, i. 242, adding j'estoie avec eulx et vays 
ce que dessus est dit. 

9 Holinsh. iii. 552. Not by the Bishop of Bath, as Mazas, Vies, v. 615; called " les 
credules soldats" in Labitte, 136. 

4 Monstr. 373, on the au hority of prisoners who were captured by the French ; ils se 
confesserent tous ceux qui de prestre peuvent recouvrer, Waur. ii. 202 ; Le Fevre, i. 244 ; 
Meyer, 246; Gesta, 47, who refers to the paucitas sacerdotum; cf. votis et confession! bus 
animabus propriis consulendo, Wals. ii. 310; Hypo. 463. 

8 In occubitu solis, Gesta, 48 ; ad vesperum, Tit. Liv. 15; quod brumalis diei brevitas 
cito declinaret, Vita, 58; not that the chaplains were busy "almost till morning," as 
Church, 75. 

6 Not at Blangy, as Gilles, ii. 61 ; Belleforest, Hist. 277 ; called the castle at Maison- 
celles in Harbaville, ii. 343; Hauteclocque, 335; domos paucissimas, Gesta, 48; not 
" very scanty gardens and orchards," as Nicolas, 245; cf. in quadam villula, Wals. ii. 
310; Hypo. 463; in masiuncula viliori, Vita, 58; quaedam casula, Tit. Liv. 15; "a little 
hut," Yonge, 278; "a cottage," Scott, ii. 550; Nicolas, 106; "a humble hut," Towle, 
322, 344; not that they lodged at Azincourt as well as Maisoncelles, as Henry, v. 38. 
Musgrave (282), who went over the battlefield in 1861, described Maisoncelles as "a 
hamlet now hardly recognisable," or " a little hamlet within sight of the spire of Azincour 
church" (p. 278), 9 furlongs away and 3^ miles from Ruisseauville (p. 284); but he 
approached the field from Fruges and Ruisseauville and does not appear to have entered 
Maisoncelles. He stayed one hour at Ruisseauville and roamed about Azincourt for three- 
quarters of an hour, walking " upwards of 5 miles round and round" (p. 285). 

7 For "a flite shot," see Lei. Itin. viii. 54; cf. Laneham, p. 154. 

8 Gesta, 48; Waur. ii. 202, 211; Le Fevre, i. 242, 252; toute le nuit ne fit que 
pleuvoir, Ruisseauville, 138; prodigal inundacione pluviarum, St Denys, v. 558; nox 
pluviosa monis, Capgr. De Illustr. 116; nox pluvialis ibi plebem quia pane madebat, 
Elmham, Lib. Metr. 119. 

1415] Preparations \ 37 

the discomfort 1 . The English king had ordered silence on 
his men under pain of losing horse and harness 2 if the 
offender were a knight, or the right ear in any lower 
degree, and while the French were shouting to their friends 
or servants by name, not a man among the English ranks 
durst speak above his breath 3 , deep stillness fell upon their 
camp, and not a horse was heard to neigh 4 , though it is 
hard to reconcile this statement with the fact that their 
armourers 6 pricked to and fro with files and hammers, 
scouring 6 , rivetting 7 and straightening the arms, while they 
pointed their tags 8 and latches 9 , and the archers- notched 

1 La nuyt il les fist refrescher et les Francoys firent le contraire, Bueil, ii. 62. Airy 
(i. 144) supposes that they were supplied with double rations and straw to lie on; 
R. Stephen (130) that "every care was taken to provide for their comfort." 

2 Cf. " upon payne of horse and hernesse," Black Book of Admiralty, i. 284, 460. 

3 Tant parloient has, Le Fevre, i. 243; Waurin, ii. 201 ; Tit. Liv. 16; Vita, 58. 

4 Michelet (vi. 29) thinks that this indicated that the French horses were tristes. In 
Champion, Vie, 146, thousands of French horses were neighing, quoting Le Fevre, 
i. 244, an equally well authenticated statement. 

5 Fast the armurers also with file and hammer priking to and fro, Chauc. Knight's 
Tale, 2510. 

6 For 225-. paid for furbishing armour (fourbir et nettoyer]^ see Roman, 15 (1390); cf. 
to scoure the Ruste, Lydg. Min. Po. 25, 102. 

Many on was besy for to naille 

His felawis harniss for to make it strong, 

And to dresse it that it sete nouzt wrong. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 398 ; Dillon, Besague, 18. 

With pointes tresses and other maner thing, 

That in suche case longeth to armynge. Ibid. 

Not "sharpening the points of their lances," as Haggard, 120. Cf. des pointes d'argent 
dore pour lacier les cottes et doubles, Mirot, Isabelle, xviii. 550. For lacing points, see 
Mrs Ashdown, 199. Mettant a point leur aiguillettes, Waur. ii. 202; not "sharpening 
their aguillettes," as ibid, translation, p. 202 ; nor "replaced their aguillettes," as Nicolas, 
247; Michtlet, vi. 28; also H. Martin, vi. 15; Kohler, ii. 765 (quoting St Remy, 
vii. 510); Historians' Hist. xi. 170. For "aglets," see p. 166. For picture of the 
Earl of Salisbury wearing palettes or circular shoulder-plates (rondelles, Roman, 15) 
fastened with aglets, see Harl. MS. 4826 (Lydgate's Pilgrim) in Nicolas, App. 47 ; 
cf. ii. poyntys of a hood of skarlat, see Amyot, 255 ; cf. 9 aiguillettes a 18 bouz d'or pour 
lassier (or lacier, p. 49) le pourpoint de monseigneur, Roman, 29; aiguillettes quarries 
torses et rondes, ibid. 37; esgueillettes d'or et d'argent, Tremoille, 43; 3 dozen silver 
aiguillettes sewn with silk laces (cosne en laz de soye), Toulgoet-Treanna, 118; 17 doz. 
aiguillettes faites pour le jaque de monseigneur, Roman, 37. For the aiguilletiers at 
Troyes, see Boutiot, Doc. i. 198. For aiguilletier ( = ferreur d'esguillettes), Culliat, 6; or 
esguilletier ( = pointmaker, Wylie, iv. 276, 357), see Godefroy, Littre, s.v. Mesgisme, 
where they are grouped with gantiers, bourliers (i.e. makers of horse collars) and tanneurs. 
For little points of silver hung on black silk cord for jacket, see Add. Ch. 2155; little 
points of black silk ribbon fastened with plain silver, ibid. 2279. For 7 doz. punctuum at 
$d. the doz., see Baildon, 504 (1393). For gotefel and kydfel ffor poyntmakers fulle 
nedefulle, see Pol. Songs, ii. 160. 

9 For laces (latchets) and points (lanniere), see Caxton, Dial. 21. For a coat-armour 
laced in front, see Toulgoet-Treanna, 65. Cf. onlasit his riche armes, Secreta, 173; 
"these rural latches," Winter's Tale, iv. 4. 430. For las de soye, i.e. silk lace with seal 
at the foot of a document, see Planchet, in. ccciii; cf. festid with a lace, G. W. Taylor, 
222 ; i-laced in a chaine, Lydg. Temple, 15. For 3 laces de serico deaurato together 
with payment to a goldsmith for 3 poyntes argent' deaurat' for these 3 laces for Queen 
Joan in 1419, see Q.R. Exch. Accts. 406/30 (B.B. Troyes, p. 16 a); lace her doubletts 
made of lyne cloth, Lydg. Troy Book, 395. 

138 The March [CH. xxxin 

their shafts 1 or waxed their strings". The silence struck the 
French as ominous, and thinking that their enemy was pre- 
paring for flight they lit fires 3 and set watches about the sur- 
rounding country lest he should escape them in the darkness. 
They too had stood to arms all afternoon expecting 
an attack, but as the day wore on and they saw that nothing 
would be done they furled their banners about the shafts 4 , 
doffed their surcoats, untrussed their trunks and males 5 and 
sent their men round the villages to gather straw and litter 
for a bed, for the rain came down all night and the earth 
was so poached 6 and trampled that the horses could scarce 
lift their hoofs out of the cledgy soil*. Between the woods 
of Maisoncelles and Tramecourt the ground makes a slight 
slope, and as at this point the outposts of the two armies 
approached their nearest they could not only see each 
other's faces 8 , but as the English lay within ear-shot in the 
twilight they heard the hooting and shouting 9 of the grooms 
and pages. Time had not chastened their old contempt for 
their hereditary enemy ; in spite of Cre"ci and Poitiers 10 they 
still believed that one Frenchman was at any time a match 
for three or four English", and so sure were they of the 
game that stories got abroad 12 that they diced by the firelight 

I Daniel, iv. 145; cf. "nock your arrows," Neade, D. 2; Grose, Mil. Antiq. i. 355. 
a Drayton, 76. Cf. with boweys gode wel y-strenged, Laud Troy Book, 193. 

3 Waurin, ii. 204, 205; Le Fevre, i. 247. Cf. the Tents with lights, the Fields with 
Bonefires shine, Drayton, 5; not because of the nox praegelida, as Emilio, 323; Rosieres, 
430. In Guthrie, ii. 464, it is the English who light fires ; also Henry, v. 38. 

4 For "banershafts," see For. Accts. 8 H. V, 31; shaftetes pro banneriis et pens 
(i.e. pensils), Raine, Hist. iii. 310. 

6 Malles et bahus, Le Fevre, i. 244; not "mules," as Waurin, ii. 202, translation. 

6 Goodwin, 85 ; Fortescue, i. 59. 

7 A malaise se povoient les chevaulx ravoir hors de la terre, Waur. ii. 211 ; Le Fevre, 
ii. 252 ; Champion, Vie, 147. Not * the night was very cold for the horses," as Nicolas, 
247; cf. en un champ bien mol car il avoient bien longuement plue, Juv. 518; ils 
coucherent en ung champ ou ils estoient en la boue jusqu'aux genoux, Bueil, ii. 62. 

Et par la grant pluie Octobreuse, 

La place y est toute boeuse. Pastoralet, 773. 

8 Henry V, IV. Prol. 9. 9 Howtynge and showtynge, Caxton, Chron. 145. 
10 L'outrecuide oubli de deux experiences pass6es, Serres, i. 960 (281). 

II Car ung de nous en vault quatre, 

Au mois en vault il bien troys. Du Bois, 177. 
Leroux de Lincy, i. 300; Gaste, Chanson, xviii. 92; Vaux de Vire, xi. 35. 

12 Ut dicebatur, Gesta, 49; "as it was said," Chron. R. II-H. VI, p. 41; Caxton, 
Chron. 145; captives Anglorum partiri deque his ludere talis, Aen. Sylv. Comm. 151; 
do. Orat. iii. 193; Capgr. (De Illustr. 116) puts the dicing in the morning of the battle ; 
also Halle, 68; but Grafton (i. 517) gives "the night before." Cf. me will tro one 
chance on the dice, Fam. Viet. E. 3; Quoits Lots and Dice for Englishmen to cast, 

They brought the more plentye of rychesse with theym, 

To the ende to bye prisoners either of other. Fabyan, 580. 
"Plaiet Englisshemen at the dyce," Brut, ii. 378, 555. 

1 4 J 5] Preparations \ 39 

as to which should have the king and which the leading 
nobles, and had even painted up the very cart in which they 
meant to draw King Henry captive through the streets of 
Paris and Rouen 1 . 

1 Pol. Verg. 446, who notes the messages they are supposed to have sent to the 
adjoining cities and towns to make "open plays and triumphs"; also Redman, 45; 
Halle, 68; Holinsh. iii. 554. 

I have set three or foure chaire-makers a-worke 

To make a new disguised chaire. Fam. Viet. 38. 

And in a captive chariot into Rouen, 

Bring him our prisoner. Henry V, in. 5. 53. 

They cast to make a chariot, 

Painted with Anticks and ridiculous toyes. Dray ton, 50. 



IF any true conception is now to be formed of the great 
three hours fight 1 at Agincourt the battlefield must certainly 
be regarded as a vast champclos or tourney 2 undertaken 
with the fullest premeditation 3 in which each side was 
bound by the etiquette of chivalry to take no unfair advan- 
tage of the other, but each to be in his allotted place by 
appointment to start fair together at the word and fight \J 
square according to the rules of the game. Indeed so little 
did the modern elements of craft and slimness enter into 
the strategy of the age that even the best informed 
narrators of the fray represent that when the message 
reached Henry on October 20 4 that he should have his 
wish and get a chance of fighting, the heralds actually 
fixed the day and place for October 26, and that it was only 
on the 24th that he found his men so weary with their 
three days fast that he sent in to his adversary asking that 
the day might be altered and the battle allowed to take 
place a little earlier than the appointed time 5 . On the 24th 

1 Called 5 hours in Sanuto, 899. 

2 Comme s'ils allassent a une grande fiette, Ruisseauville, 142 ; a tous costez gens 
aplouvoient comme si ce fust a aller a une festes de joustes ou de tournoy, Le Fevre, 
i. 268; Waurin, ii. 229, who says that if they had waited another day the carnage would 
have been even greater; cf. le sieur de Longrty in Monstr. 379; cf. "that unscientific 
kind of combat that resembled a huge tilting-match," Oman, 96; "those absurd per- 
versions of the art of war which covered themselves under the name of chivalry," ibid. 
102; "when games resembled battles and battles games," Jusserand, Lit. Hist. 260; 
"a duel on a large scale," Scott, ii. 498. 

3 Not that the English were attacked ex improvise, as Aen. Sylv. Orat. iii. 191. Cf. 
on auroit rougi d'employer la surprise d'une attacque impre'vue, Villaret, xiii. 358. For 
advice as to choosing a battlefield, see Christine de Pisan, Livre de Chevalerie, in 
Robineau, 261. 

* Page 125, note 7. 

6 Juv. 520. For arrangement of battle-days fixed beforehand by request, temp. 
Edward III, see Scott, ii. 499. For the two swords smeared with blood sent by the 
Highmaster of the Prussian Order to the king of the Poles before the battle of Tannenberg 
in 1410, see Wusterwitz, 370. 


1415] Numbers 141 

he released such prisoners as he had, on the understanding 
that if he should win in the coming fight they should return 
to him and bring their masters too 1 , if they were still alive, 
but if he lost they should be quit of ransom for ever 2 , and 
we only obscure the motive if with some modern writers 
we rationalise this into a politic stroke the outcome of 
prudence or necessity 3 for he might as well have killed 
them all as the French had done with their 1000 prisoners 
the night before the battle at Nicopolis 4 . x/ 

But if one item of the code of honour required that 
neither side should start with any unfair advantage it is 
certain that no means were taken to equalise the numbers, 
and that from this, the most vital of all points of view, the 
English with their tiny force 5 stood to be rolled up and 
utterly annihilated. Elmham, who watched both armies 
forming up, avers that the English had but 6000 fighting 
men, while he estimated the French front battle alone at 
more than 30 times this total 6 , and if this statement may be 
safely set down to the effect of temporary panic or sub- 
sequent triumphant glee 7 , yet the huge discrepancy between 
the two opposing armies is clearly marked in the confusing 
estimates of numbers that everywhere bewilder and elude 
our search. In England the chroniclers regard it as a fight 
between the giant and the dwarf 8 , and the man in the street 
believed that we were outnumbered by at least 5 or 6 to 
i 9 , while writers of very varying degrees of credibility 
range the French preponderance anywhere from 2, 3, 4, 5, 

1 Not " to their masters," as Waur. (translation) ii. 201. 

2 Le Fevre, i. 243; Waurin, ii. 201. 

3 Delibre de cet embarras, Villaret, iii. 363; Devienne, Artois, iii. 43; " that he might 
not be encumbered," Henry, v. 39; Encycl. Brit. i. 282. 

4 G. Kohler, 14, 32. 

8 Paucitatem nostram, Chron. Giles, 42; Gesta, 47, 57; foe unpoydegentz en regard 
au poair de ses ennemys, Rot. Parl. iv. 62, 70, Nov. 2, 1415, March 16, 1416; ther be so 
fewe of thise Inglysshmen, Harflet, 318; Franciae periit omne decus per manus paucorum, 
Wals. ii. 313, Hypo. 467; hostium immensum numerum v. tantillum exercitum, Vita, 57; 
multum tenuem, ibid. 60; tantillo numero, ibid. 61 ; quorum paucitatem maxime contem- 
nebant, Wals. ii. 311; Hypo. 464; acies cum rege pusillus, Lib. Metr. 109; exigui 
numero, Basin, i. 20, quoting Aen. v. 754; hyr lytylle blessyd meyne, Greg. Chron. in; 
sans comparoison plus que 1'Englez, Bourgeois, 64. 

6 Gesta, 49 ; Chron. Giles, 43. 

7 Musgrave (282) calls this a " palpable absurdity" as raising the French numbers to 
270,000; but it becomes less so if we understand Elmham to mean that the great front 
line of the French contained 30 times as many men-of-arms as the whole of the English 
men-of-arms together, i.e. omitting archers. 

8 Pusillum gregem cum tot gigantum millibus, Wals- ii. 310; Hypo. 462. 

9 i.e. 50,000 or 60,000 French to 10,000 English, Romania, xxxii. 49. 

142 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

6, 7, 8, 10, or even I2 1 to i. Despair falls on us likewise, 
when we find the French numbers stated at anything 
between 10,000 and 200, ooo 2 and the English between 
4000 and 26,000 all told, of whom from 900 to 2000 appear 
as men-of-arms and all the rest as archers. With such 
extremes of choice it is impossible now to say how far 
these estimates are due to guess work, how far they include 
non-combatants, or how far they refer to those who actually 
took part in the fray, but knowing, as we seem to do, the 
numbers of the English when they started from Harfleur 3 , 
and remembering that even these had further shrunk into 
a poor starved band 4 with the toil and sickness of the 
march, I incline to think that we shall not go far wrong 
in accepting Elmham's assurance that he had counted them 
and found but 6000 effective fighting men 5 faced by a force 
of Frenchmen at least 10 times their superiors in number 6 . 
At any rate it is unquestioned that the English would not 
have sought a battle as they were 7 , and that though they 
heartened themselves up to sell life dear, yet every man 
amongst them went into the fight convinced that he was 
marked to die 8 , and that even though he had escaped the 
scourge of flux and famine he was now at length in the 
wolfs very jaws 9 . 

The French were up at daybreak 10 in the morning of 
Friday, Oct. 25, the feast of SS. Crispin and Crispinian, 
the martyr cobblers of Soissons 11 . Up till the very day of 
the battle there had been strong contention among the 
leaders 12 as to who should form the vanguard of the front 

I Cassell, i. 531. 2 See App. H. 3 Page 73. 

4 Henry V, IV. 2. 16; jam fame fluxu ac febribus tenuatum, Wals. ii. 310; Hypo. 463. 

5 Juxta propriam numerationem, Gesta, 57; Towle, 325, 331; cf. less than 7000 of 
hoole men .that myght fyght, Fabyan, 579. See page 73, note 6. 

6 See App. H. 7 Henry V, in. 6. 156. 

8 Res pro capitibus agehatur, St Denys, v. 560, 562 ; estoit heure de chascun mettre 
main a leuvre quy me voulloit illec^morir, Waurin, ii. 208; Le Fevre, i. 250; pour sauver 
leurs vyes, Waur. ii. 212; not "in spem triumphi," as Blondel, i. 261. 

* Vita, 57. 

10 Summo mane, Wals. ii. 311 ; Hypo. 464; environ heure de prime, Cordeliers, 229. 

II Juv. 520; Basin, 14, 23; Meyer, 243; Butler, ii. 743. For the mystery of Saints 
Crispin and Crispinian lasting four days and played by the shoemakers in Paris in 1443, 
see Le Roy, 275-280; Dessalles-Chataille, xiii, xviii; Suchier, 290, in which the tools 
refuse to hurt them, the Aisne to drown them and the oil to burn them. For the 
confrairie des corduaniers in Paris, see Bourgeois, 635; do. (Tuetey), 116. For ex- 
planation of SS collar as "Soissons," see Foss, Hackington, 77. 

12 En 1'avant garde vouldrent estre tous les seigneurs, Cousinot, 134; par sa destinee 
et par sa vanite, Larrey, 812; pre nimia superbia, Dynter, iii. 300, 501 ; tele presomption 
et oultre Guidance, Pays-Bas, 356, 357; Meyer, 246; fols furent les Florentinois (French), 

Crispin Crispian 

battle, a post of risk much coveted by the young bloods 1 , 
and as all expected an easy win 2 , and that they had only 
to show their face to suck out the fat-brained Englishmen's 
souls 3 and swallow them at one bite 4 , it was decided that all, 
however inexperienced, who had any pretensions to pride 
of blood 5 , should have an equal share in the risks and the 

With this view the great host formed up into the usual 
three sections 6 , consisting of a vanguard 7 composed of a 

i.e. for not waiting for the Duke of Burgundy, Pastoralet, 776; par trop cuidier pert 1'en 

victore, ibid. 769; [cf. le grand et merveilleux orgueil qui de tous temps est en eulx, 

St Paul, 52]; y avoient division entre les alies du Due d'Orlienz et Due de Bourguongne, 

Cochon, 274; autrement ils ne se pouvoient acorder, Juv. 520; aiunt quod discordia 

et traditio quae erant inter Francos fecit eos perire, Roye, 168. 

Qu'ils n'orent pas bonne fiance, 

L'un en 1'autre. Pastoralet, 770. 

1 S'on tient les champs soies soigneux, 

De ceux de 1'avangarde aler, 
Car c'est le plus aventureux. Cent. Ballades, 18. 

8 Tenants iceux Fra^ois pour certain que les Anglois ne pourroient echapper de 
leurs mains, Monstr. 375; Le Fevre, i. 249; Waurin, ii. 207; se securos de victoria 
reputabant, Vita, 63. Cf. y laisserent (i.e. in the corps de bataille) leur gens pour aller 
combattre de leur personne en 1'avant garde, Boule, i. 421. 

3 Henry V, iv. 2. 16. If the fat-brained English had any apprehension they would 
run away, ibid. ill. 6. 145. 

4 Cuident Paralois (i.e. Henry) engouler, 

Et tout a ung mors englouter. Pastoralet, 767. 

5 Tous estoient grans seigneurs qui estoient a la dicte bataille, Le Fevre, i. 257; 
Waurin, ii. 216; tous les princes s'estoient en 1'avan-garde, Fenin, 64; nul n'alast en la 
bataille s'il n'estoit noble, Cochon, 274; 

Plusieurs enfants de grant maison, 
Car jamais n'avoient vue bataille. Martial, 20. 

Tout ce qui portait un nom, Choisy, 328; in prima acie duces comitesque allocant, Aen. 
Sylv. Orat. iii. 193; though Monstr. places the Dukes of Bar and Ale^on and five 
counts in the second line and three counts and a lord in the third. Lavallee (i. 378) 
thinks that personne ne laignait commander aux archers et a Pinfanterie, whose total 
numbers he gives as 5000 only (p. 377). 

6 Page 88, note 4. In Ruisseauville, 140, the baffled French horsemen break back 
and throw the vanguard into confusion (tout parmi V avant garde] , then les engles 
entrerent ens et passerent 1'avant garde le bataille et 1'arriere garde, all of which are over 
and above the gros varlets who are waiting a considerable distance in the rear. Niethe 
(42-47) places the avant garde, the battailee and the arriere garde all neben einander with 
the reserve in the rear, and as this supposed arrangement would be impossible in so 
narrow a space he infers that their numbers cannot have been really large. For 3 batailles 
drus et serres at Caen in 1340, see Frois. i. 224. For tres acies at Neville's Cross (1346) 
and Auray cf. Christine de Pisan, Faictes, Bk I. ch. 23, quoted in Engl. Hist. Rev. 
* 539 > embatayeled in iij. batayles as the Frensshemen sayde hemsilfe, Pol. Songs, 
ii. 124; avant garde, gross bataille et arriere garde or derriere garde, Monstr. 374; 
Castellain, i. 324; duas alias acies, St Denys, v. 558, 564; Waurin, ii. 215, 241; Le 
Fevre, i. 247, 257 ; Trahisons, 132; Meyer, 246; Pol. Verg. 444; quae pene tres acies 
jungebantur, Tit. Liv. 16; cf. van, battle, and rearward, Scott, ii. 500; Vaward, Battle 
and Rereward, Smythe, 29. For three lines and two wings, see Echard, i. 185. Oman 
(104) regards three "battles" as "the immemorial usage of the Middle Ages," though 
allowing only two battles here (p. 109)- Called three " wedges " in C. R. L. Fletcher, 321, 
261; trois epais^es batailles rangees a la suite 1'une de 1'autre, Martin, vi. 15; Pauli, 
v. 118. For three battles and two wings in Richard IPs army in Scotland in 1385, see 

7 For note, see next page. 

144 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

picked body of lords and gentlemen 1 , variously estimated 
at from 5000 to nearly 10,000 men-of-arms 2 bearing spears 3 
or lances from 12 to 14 feet in length 4 , to bear the forefront 
of the attack ; a second battle massed in one dense sheltron 6 
to a depth of 2O 6 , or according to others more than 30 
ranks *, and a rear-guard 8 ready to come in as supports 
when the emergency should arise. All a had dismounted 
and left their horses in charge of attendants in the rear 
ready for hot pursuit as soon as the enemy broke into con- 
fusion 10 , and as they stood bravely battled 11 all close together ilfe, 

that one pass not the other 12 , there was such a press of ^L/ 


Archaeologia, xxii. 16. At Verneuil (1424) the Duke of Bedford fit mettre ses gens en 
bataille en un ost tant seulement sans aussi faire avant garde ni laisses homme a cheval, -g^ > 
Monstr. 558. Woodford arranges them in three long lines each about 2000 yards in V f 
length, placing one to the south of the cross-roads fronting the English, and the other two 

as supports in parallel lines on the Ruisseauville side of the road. Kitchin (i. 521) places ^*y/ 
the third line at Senecouville (sic), i.e. Senecoville. Zech (297) thinks that all three 
corps were auf einander gedrangt. George, in Eng. Hist. Rev. x. 735, allows about one //+ 
yard per man in the front rank. 

7 The vanwarde, vaunward, vamwarde or formost warde, Laud Troy Book, 393, 410, |f 

424, 445, 446, 490. For the vanwarde, the middelward, the rerwarde, see do. 432, 433; 
cf. vantgarde, grete bataill and ryeregarde, Melusine, 174, 191, 198, 219, 223, 277; 
avangarde, bataille et arrieregarde, Cagny, 66; Monstr. 429; of the march from Paris to 
St Cloud in 1411, Wylie, iv. 60; anterior, media et posterior custodia et alae, Rym. 

1 For "gentilez" (i.e. knights and squires), see vol. i. page 364, note 2. 

2 e.g. 5000, St Denys, v. 562; Juv. 523; 8000 + 4000 archers +1500 crossbowmen, 
Monstr. 374; Waurin, ii. 206; Halle, 65; Holinsh. iii. 553; or 9200, Bouvier, 130. 

3 Cf. his spere was strong, the hed wel steled, Laud Troy Book, 199; with stelen hed 
that wel was tipped, ibid. 206 ; a spere stalworthe and towe, ibid. 184. 

4 Hence the men were often called "lances" or "spears," Quicherat, 9. 

5 Shildrime, Secreta, 174; scheltroun, Laud Troy Book, 404, 437; Lydg. Troy Book, 
352, 464; do. Min. Po. 72; Halliwell, ii. 730; called "schildron" in Lloyd, 59, 64, who 
calls it a "solid ring" or "almost round." 

6 Vita, 621; Oman, Pol. Hist. 254. Juv. (520) supposes that the second line was 
only two lances' length behind the first; also Kohler, ii. 772. Mazas (Cours, ii. 174) 
separates the three lines by something less than half-a-mile (demi-quart de lieue). 

7 Tit. Liv. 17; called "31 men in lines" in Nicolas, in ; or 32 deep in Duval-Pineu, 
ii. 190; G. Hardy, 467; Historians' Hist. xi. 172; or "39 deep," Cassell, i. 532. 
C. R. L. Fletcher (261) thinks that they were almost as deep as they were long. 

8 Rerewarde, Laud Troy Book, 223. 

9 Not three-fourths, as Oman, 109. 

10 As they had intended to do at Nicopolis, G. Kohler, 27; also at Verneuil (1424), 
where they were fastened together by the necks (hastereaux, cf. Godefroy, s.v. Haterel\ 
Cotgr., s.v. Haslereau', Murray, s.v. Hattreil\ Wylie, iv. 348) and tails, Monstr. 558; cf. 
leur chevaux assez pres a eux pour tantot monter s'il etoit besoin, i.e. at Poitiers, Frois. 
i. 345. Church (77) considers this to be "a third line chiefly composed of cavalry"; 
derriere les hommes d'armes estoient tous les pages, les chevaux et les mediants gens 
impuissants de combattre, Monstr. 558. 

11 C'etoit grand noblesse de les voir, Monstr. 374; Le Fevre, i. 249; Waurin, ii. 207; 
magnificentius sequerentur, St Denys, v. 572; cf. batailed hym ayens the Frensshman, 
Chron. Lond. 101 ; hym embatailt, Brie-Brut, ii. 554; Gower, Conf. Am. 120; he batayled 
hym ful rially, Harflet, 319; 3 great battayles, Stow, 586; Halle, 65; Grafton, i. 516; 
magne Battell, Drayton, 75. 

12 Of the vanguard, Christine de Pisan, in Caxton, Faites d'Armes, Bk I. ch. 23. 




banners that many had to be furled and put away 1 . A vast 
number of varlets 3 including many Bretons, Gascons and 
Poitevins 3 , formed a 3rd or rear-guard 4 line behind the 
great battle. These were fully armed and usually fought 
around their captain to bear his banner through the fight 
and rescue him if he fell 8 , and in point of numbers would 
have been alone sufficient to cope with the whole English 
army 6 , but they were base-born 7 and as such unfit for the 
company of the gentlemen at the front, who meant to 
grapple with the English themselves and reap the whole 
harvest of the ensuing glory 8 . These were stationed at a 
short distance 9 to the rear on the ground that stretches back 
to Ruisseauville. The weakness of the whole vast force 
lay undoubtedly in the paucity of its bowmen 10 , and such 

1 Le Fevre, i. 253; Waur. ii. 211. 

2 Each man-of-arms had 2, 3 or 4 varlets in his suite, Quicherat, 9. Cf. hommes 
d'armes avec leurs varies, Castellain, i. 326; cf. knyght ne squier knave ne boy, Laud 
Troy Book, 109. 

3 Waurin, ii. 216; Le Fevre, i. 258. 

4 Furent tous les gros valles (?= varies) boutez ariere, Cochon, 274; ne firent les 
Fra^ois de toutes legers gens que deux batailles, Juv. 520; avant garde et arriere garde 
towards Ruisseauville, Fenin, 62; la bataille et arriere garde, ibid. 64; Monstr. (374) 
calls the derriere garde the varlets who ran away. 

5 Cordeliers, 229. Cf. manfully with his mayne, Pol. Songs, ii. 125; chacun sire 
entre ses gens et sa banniere devant lui, Froissart, i. 494 (i.e. at Auray, 1364). 

* Cf. disoit-on que les gros varlets cuissent bien combatu tous les engles et toute 
la poissanche, Ruisseauville, 140. Called 3000 strong in Juv. 520; or the same numbers 
as the vanguard in Le Fevre, i. 248; but in St Denys, v. 574, they are far larger in 
number {majori multo nuniero). Not that there were only about 600 of them, as 
Towle, 338. 

7 Ex concubitu furtivo et obscuro sanguine procreati, exules proscripti, etc., St Denys, 
v. 546; presque entierement composee de corps des communes, Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, 
vi. 387; famulis (gros-varles) abjectis et repulsis, Dynter, iii. 300, 301, 750. 

* Et ossi tous les seigneurs et gentils hommes ne vaulrent nient avoir mils de leurs gros 
varlets peu ou nient, Ruisseauville, 140; n'avoient volu mener avec eulz nuls de leur 
varies pour ce que entre eulx gentilz hommes voloient avoir 1'onneur de la dicte bataille, 
Cordeliers, 229; cf. nee alius ex plebe procreatus concurreret in hostem, Blondel, i. 260; 
sans ce que leurs gros varlets de guerre y meissent les mains, ibid. i. 442, 443 ; cf. cur 
populare praesidium robustum spernis, ibid. i. 262; cf. " a system which reproduced on 
the battlefield the distinctions of feudal society," Oman, 102. This seems to disprove 
the contention in Daniel, Milice, i. 217, that they usually fought in the rear apart from 
the men-of-arms. 

9 Though called 3000 yards (1500 toises), or i^ miles from the battlefield in Mazas, 
Cours, ii. 175; not " Ronsianvile," as First Life, 50. The plan in Adams, i. 226, places 
the third line at Ruisseauville. It is copied from Barante but is not to be found in the 
editions of 1825 or 1835. Mazas (Vies, v. 606 ; do. Cours, ii. 175) places them at Caulers ; 
also Fromentin, 122; Belleval, 81 ; Jahns, Atlas, PI. LXIII. For its position a little to 
the east of Ruisseauville, see Harbaville, ii. 217. Called "in a less encumbered field " 
in Yonge, 280. 

10 Peu de gens de traict, Le Fevre, i. 248 ; on usoit plus de lances que d'archiers, 
St Paul, 52. For French king's order to practise archery countermanded, see Schmidt, 
ii. 246. Yet cf. Douet d'Arcq, i. 395, where a man goes out on Sunday in May 1417, 
pour voir traite de 1'arc au papegant. 

W. II. 


146 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

as they had were contemptuously crushed out to make way 
for the glitter of the lances, while great stress was laid on 
the expected dash of some smart squadrons of horsemen 1 
heavily mounted on either wing of the vanguard, whose 
duty it would be to charge and break up the English archers 
at the first brunt of onrush 2 . From wing to wing the 
whole force seems to have extended over a front of about 
two miles' across the narrow space 4 that lies between the 
woods of Agincourt, and Tramecourt 5 , through which alone 
the English could force their way to Calais. 

On the English side the king was up before dawn 8 , 
and having donned his armour and his surcoat beaten with 
the three leopards 7 of England and the three gold fleur-de- 
lys of France, he bared his head and heard lauds and 
mass 8 , and then put himself at the head of the main battle 

1 Equitibus hinc inde ex utroque latere praecedentibus, Wals. ii. 311 ; Hypodig. 464; 
Tit. Liv. 17; Vita, 62; Choisy, 323, 324. For supposition that these tactics were 
borrowed from the Scots, see J. E. Morris, 428 ; like unto two homes which alwaye 
backward was broader and broader, Stow, 350. 

2 For to ovyr-ryde our meyne yn the first bront, Brut, ii. 378. Not that they "formed 
a forlorn hope," as Oman, Hist. -224; a phrase which he applies also to the cavalry 
at Poitiers, do. Art of War, 628. 

3 Omnes copias militares hostibus appropinquare per duo fere miliaria statuerunt, 
St Denys, v. 558, but the meaning is somewhat obscure. Called about 2000 yards in 
Woodford. Cf. in triplo superans Anglica rura viris, Lib. Metr. 120, which seems 
to mean that their front extended three times the length of that of the English. Rapin 
(Hi. 446) thinks that their front was very narrow and only equal to that of the English ; 
also Tindal, i. 513; Guthrie, ii. 463; Church, 77. In Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 385, 
they occupy from 7 to 8 kilometres from La Planque to Autricourt with Ruisseauville in 
their rear. Kohler (ii. 761) reckons the two miles to the rear at Ruisseauville. 

4 Trop estoit estroicte pour combatretant degens, Gruel, 17; la place estoit estroicte 
et tres avantageuse pour les Englois, Le Fevre, i. 252, 253; Waurin, ii. 210, 211; 
ractains (retenus) en enclos, Cordeliers, 228; campi latitudo non suffecit, Tit. Liv. 17; 
Vita, 62; locus multitudini inabilis, Pol. Verg. 444. Called " a narrow parallelogram," 
shut in on either side by the orchards and enclosures of Azincourt and Tramecourt, in 
Oman, Pol. Hist. 253, who places the English within the south end of it where the width 
is given as 1200 yards, and the French at the other end towards Ruisseauville where it had 
narrowed to 900 yards. 

6 In Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 381, the French vanguard battle is well in front of 
the woods, the second to the rear of the cross-roads. Oman (Pol. Hist. 254) places the 
French front at the far end of the "parallelogram" (i.e. towards Ruisseauville); also 
Vickers (28), who thinks that they were "confined within a narrow strip of open ground 
between two stretches of woodland and huddled together"; see also Historians' Hist. xi. 
169, 171. 

6 Not that the battle lasted ab hora prima mane usque post transactum diei medium, 
as in Kingsford, Lit. 317, 326. 

7 Stant tribus Anglorum leopardis lilia Franca, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 154; the 
Englysche beste, the Fraynysche floure, J. Page, 34 ; jupel paint a hi pars, Pastoralet, 
778; some bare lebardes some bar flour de lys, Chron. Lond. 246. For libard, see York, 
391; libdfell, Wylie, iv. 267. For 1'etendart aux fleurs de lys et aux leopards, see 
Bouvier, 43, 44; Belleval, 104. 

8 Le Fevre, i. 244. This seems to Labitte (136) sufficient reason for calling him "le 

] The Standard Bearer 147 

which was formed up in one unbroken line 1 , four deep 9 
in front of the wood of Maisoncelles 3 . This done they 
brought him his basnet encircled with a rich gold crown 
studded with pearls, sapphires and balais rubies. He 
then mounted a grey palfrey 4 without his spurs 8 , and 
gave orders that his men should gather in silence 6 in 
their allotted places with all their banners displayed, 
conspicuous among them being the king's standard-bearer 
with the royal standard blazoned with the royal arms, 
the arms of Our Lady, j^e^Triniffiv St Edward and 
St George 7 . The latter is usuany supposed to have been 
carried by a Westmorland squire, Thomas Strickland, 
of Helsington (though his account shows that he returned 

timide Henri." Mazas (v. 614) followed by Belleval (86), thinks that mass was said in the 

1 Non divisi sed insimul congregati, St Denys, v. 554; ung tropel le plus estroit 
et amasse qu'il peut, Waurin, ii. 203; Larrey, 812; E. M. Lloyd, 539, who takes this to 
mean the van, the main body and the rear; ex omnibus turmis unnm consortissimum 
bellum instruxit, Blondel, i. 261, writing in 1449. Called "the first example of an 
English line against a French column" Fortescue, i. 59; also in the Book of the Army 
Pageant (1910), Episode 7; sagittarios ad partem unam et homines armorum ad aliam, 
Dynter, iii. 300; Pol. Verg. 444, who supposes that the archers were on the right, 
the equites on the left and the king's troops in the middle. Called two lines in 
Rapin, iii. 447; Tindal, i. 513 ; Villaret, xiii. 366, 370, where the front is supposed 
to retire for breath after a good deal of fighting, and the king comes up fresh with 
the second line; also Henry, v. 41; called diese Schutzen-Ritter Phalanx, DelbrUck, 
iii. 483. 

2 Vita, 62 ; 4 mens thicknes, First Life, 56, who calls the French " 30 mens thicknes" ; 
Niethe, 40, who takes this to mean a single row of lances with archers three deep in front 
of them. Ramsay (i. 216) gives them a frontage of "800 or 900 yards at the most"; 
called "not more than 1200 yards" in Oman, Art of War, 109; Airy, 144. Ramsay 
(i. 216) makes them withdraw 300 yards to the rear of the Azincourt-Tramecourt road 
which he calls "a weak movement," to be explained only by the nature of the ground 
which '* rose very decidedly," though the Ordnance Survey shows that the ground actually 
falls 6 feet in these 300 yards. 

8 Jahns (859) thinks that they fronted to the north-west "hiiiter Maisoncelle." 

4 Le Fevre, i. 251; Waur. ii. 209; candido equo, Tit. Liv. 26; nivei coloris manno 
nobili, Vita, 61 ; called "a goodly great horse with certain noble horses led after him " in 
Stow, 349; "a stately white courser," Guthrie, ii. 464, who gives him a number of led 
horses with embroidered equipages behind; "a fine white horse," Henry, v. 46; 
Belleval (87) brings in both the grey palfrey and the magnificent snow-white courser, 
thinking that he meant to mount the latter when the action began. For fancy picture of 
him riding leisurely in the fight and carrying a huge flapping banner in his own hand, see 
Low, 40. In the Army Pageant Book (1910), Episode 7, he rides a black horse at the 
head of his followers who are all mounted. 

5 Riistow, 105; Niethe, 29, 37; Garnett (in Drayton, 114) thinks that this was 
probably to show his men that he entertained no thought of flight. For mediaeval spurs, 
see Jahns, 740. 

Sans faire sonner trompectes, Le Fevre, i. 244; Waurin, ii. 202. 
7 Harflet, 322 ; Monstr. 374 ; Wylie, iv. 39. 

10 2 

148 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

to England 1 from Harfleur 3 ), the wages for whose troops 
remained unpaid even after the king was dead 3 . The 
horses with the grooms stood saddled in the rear, and the 
baggage was packed with the sumpters, the king's pages 
and the sick 4 at the fringe of the wood 5 under a trifling 
guard of some 10 or 20 fighting men 8 , and accompanied 
by the clerical army r of chaplains, who were charged 
to celebrate mass and offer unremitting prayer till the 
fortune of the day should be decided 8 . 

The king himself took command of the central portion 
of the main body, throwing out two wings* to right and left 

1 Nicolson-Burn, i. 87; Strickland, ii. 117. For his retinue at Agincourt (2 + 6), see 
Wylie, Notes, 139. For grant to him (16. 13^. ^d. per annum) from funds of the Duchy 
of Lancaster, see Due. Lane. Accts. Various, 27/6. He was afterwards knighted, and 
made his will at Sandwich as he was crossing to France to attend the coronation of 
Henry VI in 1430, Test. Vet. 219, in which he prays his wife Mabel to think on Robert 
his second son and " hold him to the scole." Thomas Strickland had custody of the Lord 
of Berynger and his son the Lord of Braquemont up till 1417, when he handed them over 
to Bishop Langley on Oct. 23, 1417, Ewald, xli. 718; Nicolas, 117. For Lyard Strickland 
among the king's horses in 1415, see Hunter, 54. In the muster-roll of Duke Humphrey, 
Walter Strickland and John de Ashton, kt. have five archers between them. For their 
names, see Exch. Accts. 45/13. For receipt dated July i, 1415, for pre-payment of his 
men for the first quarter, 'see Exch. Accts. 44/27, with his seal (i.e. a stag's head with 

2 Exch. Accts. 45/5 (7) ; though called ps' (i.e. present) a bataile in Nicolas, 361. 

3 i.e. in 1424, Rym. x. 319; Nicolas, 115, 171, 349, which shows that the king had 
given him some broken plate in pledge which had been sold when not redeemed within 
the stated time. In the indenture for these pledges he is joined with William Assenhill, kt. 
(Hunter, 32, 41; called Asenhall or Assenhall in Exch. Accts. 44/27, 45/5(7), 46/39, 
with fragment of a seal with the arms of England ; not Aschull, as Nicolas, 375), showing 
that all of his retinue (2 + 6) except himself were actually present in the battle, and that 
they ultimately returned to England via Calais. For their names, see ibid. ; also Exch. 
Accts. (46), 27, 39. 

4 Le Fevre, i. 244. 

8 Not "in the village of Agincourt," as Henry, v. 40 ; Malcolm, 79. 

8 Paucorum custodiis, Tit. Liv. 16; Vita, 60. Called 80 men under Sir John Garrow 
or Garow in Mazas, Vies, v. 618, 631; "lackeys and boys," Redman, 47; "varlets and 
lackeys," Halle, 69; Grafton, i. 518; Holinsh. iii. 553; "pages and laundresses," 
Baker, 171; Sandford, 280; Trussel, 102; Echard, i. 186; "a fewe poor sutlers," 
Drayton, 88; "boys and scullions," Goodwin, 90; "servants of the camp," Guthrie, 
ii. 467; "waggoners," Martyn, 185. 

7 Clerical! militiae, Gesta ; Chron. Giles, 47; Tyler, ii. 163; Church, 75. Cf. 
Papal Letters, vi. 314, where it means the clergy. 

8 Tit. Liv. 19; Vita, 65. Ruisseauville (141) notes that behind the English army 
were deux hommes ensi comme religieux et avoient grans caperons a grande coquille 
et lisoient sur leurs livres et tous dis faisant croix seur les engles tant comme Ii bataille 

9 Or "sleeves," Smythe, 29; hys bataile and weengys, MS. Lambeth 84, f. 194; not 
that they were composed entirely of archers, as Redman, 43 ; Halle, 67; Grafton, i. 516; 
Holinsh. iii. 553; Baker, 170; Sandford, 382; Hastings, 41; Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. 9, 93; 
Henry, v. 40; Church, 77. Called "billmen and pikemen," Oman, 109; Airy, i. 144; 
or " three divisions and two wings but in such close array that the whole appeared but as 
one body," Cassell, i. 531 ; three central divisions of Archers and such as were armed with 
Spears and Halbards and Bills, Tindal, i. 513. Hassell (225) thinks that the army 
consisted of three small bodies each flanked with two wings of archers; also Oman, 
Hundred Years' War, 108; or three central divisions and two wings, Henty, 343. 

The Archers 149 

in echelon 1 , which he placed under the Duke of York 2 and 
Lord Camoys 3 respectively. Spanning his whole front 4 and 
circling it from flank to flank like a crown were placed the 
archers, clumped in triangular wedges 8 , each block being 
ranged in masses of about 200 men each 7 in the usual open 
order 8 like a hearse 9 or harrow 10 , with the apex trending 

1 Gesta, 50; Chron. Giles, 44 ; Tit. Liv. 19; Lloyd, 63, 71. Called ung avant 
garde et une grosse bataille, Fenin, 63; Devienne, Artois, thinks that there were two 
divisions under the king and the Duke of York respectively. 

a Not the Duke of Exeter, as Halle, 67; Redman, 43; Grafton, i. 516; Holinsh. iii. 
553; Dugd. ii. 126; Baker, 170 (where this portion consists of "all sorts of weapons") ; 
Guthrie, ii. 465 ; Henty, v. 40. For story that the Duke of York went down on his 
knees and begged " to be before you in the feld, the foreward (or vaward) this day that ye 
graunt me," see Harflet, 321; Caxton, Chron. 145; Brut, ii. 378, 554, where the king 
"had a mystrust" in the Duke. 

3 Not "Canyse" or "Cannis," as Kohler, ii. 766. For his indenture of jewels 
(June 6, 1415), see Exch. Accts. 45/21 (70). For his retinue (30 + 60), see Nicolas, 374; 
Wylie, Notes, 128; with their names in Exch. Accts. 47/13; W. D. Cooper, 135. For 
his arms, see Ashmole, 710 (edition 1672). For his brass at Trotton, see Wylie, ii. 411 ; 
Macklin, 145, where his death is dated March 28, 1419, i.e. 1420; not 1421, as in Comp. 
Peer. ii. 508; nor 1424, as Purey-Cust, Collar, 24. For tomb of Isabel wife of Thomas 
Camoys (d. 1444) in the Grey Friars' Church in London, see Coll. Top. Gen. v. 280. 
His wife Elizabeth Mortimer died in 1417, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 28; Mayo, i. p. xlviii; 
called " an old and very slovenly list " in Comp. Peer. ii. 508, 512, where it is suggested 
that "Thomas" is a mistake for Roger. 

4 In fronte aciei regiae, St Denys, v. 560; tous ses archiers devant, Fenin, 63; 
au front devant, Monstr. 374; Waur. ii. 212, who adds "en deux hesles" (i.e. wings) or 
"elles," Le Fevre, i. 253; J. E. Morris, Archers, 435; cf. aux deux costez des homines 
d'armes, Waurin, ii. 203; Le Fevre, i. 245; dextris et sinistris fecit anteire, Wals. ii. 312; 
Hypodig. 465. 

* Ad instar corone, St Denys, v. 564. 

6 Intermiscuisset (or intermisisset, Chron. Giles, 44) cuneos sagittariorum cuilibet 
aciei, Gesta, 50; his intermisit turmas simul simul arcitentum, Lib. Metr. 120; dreieckige 
Unterstutzungstruppe, Jahns, 859; Oman, in Traill, ii. 175, 323; Kingsford, 199. 
Not in one solid wedge in front, as Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528; Macfarlane, 33; Craik- 
Macfariane, ii. 81 ; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 569; nor in a square, as Hauteclocque, 285; 
Capefigue, iv. 43 (who thinks that the superiority of the English archers consisted in 
their being exerces a se mouvoir en bons de lances while the French archers formed up 
anyhow) ; nor "two deep," as Airy, i. 144, who places them "in front and in the woods. 
For caution that " it is not safe to regard cuneus as decisive of the shape," see Lloyd, 
539; Scott, ii. 543; e.g. Wals. ii. 311, where " inter utrumque cuneum " simply means 
" between both armies." 

7 i.e. from 20 to 35 in front and 7 or 8 files in depth, Smythe, 30; Lloyd, 65. 
Ramsay (ii. 214) thinks there were six wedges of archers, two to each battalion, or 
perhaps only four; Kingsford, 136, 146, who supposes 600 or 700 archers in each; also 
Strang, 89 ; Kohler (ii. 363) thinks there were 500 or 1000 in each group ; called " wedges 
mixed between in three divisions," J. E. Morris, Crecy, 434; Scott (ii. 552) supposes 
there were only two and places them in front between the wings and the main body. 

8 Called " 3 hollow wedges," J. E. Morris, 429; see illustration in Viollet-le-Duc. 

Ses echeles trop bien compasse, 
En y donnant certaine espasse, 
En longe et en 16 sans attente. Pastoralet, 768. 

Nee a sociis nimium constipati, St Denys, v. 562. For supposition that there were at 
least two yards between each man, see George, Archers, 735. Called in geschlossener 
Ordnung doch mit Intervallen zwischen den Rotten um den rotten weisen Contremarsch 
ausfiihrren zu konnen, Jahns, 846. 

* En herse, Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 375, with diagram. For derivation from 

10 For note, see next page. 

150 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

inwards 1 , thus presenting broad volleying faces in every 
direction. Each archer carried his sharpened stake 2 as he 
had been trained to do since the day on which they crossed 
the Somme, and as he took his place he pitched one end 
of it a-slope 3 into the soft rain-sodden ground beside him, 
while the other end stood out knee-high to break the 
onrush of the mounted French 4 . 

A recent writer has noted that " unfortunately the tactics 
of the archers were not committed to paper by any scientific 
soldier 5 /' but we know enough of their bearing and equip- 
ment to enable us to estimate the value of their services 
on that memorable day. Trained from their boyhood 6 by 

hirpex (harrow) or herisson (i.e. ericius, hedgehog), see Lloyd, 65; do. Herse, 540; 
H. B. George, Archers, 737. For herce vollante (i.e. portcullis), see Amiot, 127; 
Lottin, i. 181 ; Du Cange, s.v. Hersa, ffercius, Ericia,', en la maniere d'un escut, 
Chronicle of Valenciennes in Lettenhove, Froiss. v. 474 ; J. E. Morris, Cre"cy, 432. For 
the harrow-shaped formation at Creci and Poitiers, see Lingard, iii. 69, 84, 123. Called 
a herse or triangle, Long, Ixxxiv, 316. For herse = a narrow, generally triangular or 
pyramidal instrument, upon the points of which candles are fixed, see Scott, ii. 546. 

10 For a contemporary picture of a harrow /pp. , see Delisle, Heures, 36 plates ; 

Grande Encycl. vi. 420, from Chantilly, Hours; Durrieu, Tres riches Heures, Plate x. 
" Not necessarily pointed but perhaps somewhat flattened," J. E. Morris, Crecy, 429. 
For herse = harrow, see Paradin, 225, 238; Niethe, 37, 40; Delbriick, iii. 470, who 
picture it as schachbrettfirmig, i.e. checkerwise or dambrodj see Jamieson, s.v.; also 
Czephan, 106. 

* "Broad in front and narrow in flank," Smythe, 30; H. B. George, Archers, 735 ; 
Lloyd, 65; do. Herse, 540; Kingsford, 199; " with the broad end to the foe," Sat. Rev. 
1883, Ivi. 528; E. M. Lloyd, Herse, 538, quoting G. Daniel, Milice, i. 220. Called 
" wedges pointing towards the enemy," Vickers, 29; or "with their fronts thrown forward 
at an angle," George, Archers, 733; Kingsford, 200; Morris (429), who thinks that the 
heaviest volleys came from the apex of each wedge. 

2 See page 126; cf. ayant chascun ung picuchon (not peuchon, as J. E. Morris, 436) 
devant eulx aguise et fiche en terre, Monstr. iv. 193 (i.e. at Verneuil in 1424); also 
chascun un pal plante devant eulx, Cummynes, i. 33, i.e. at Montlhery in 1465; Lachau- 
velaye, ii. 122; see Godefroy, s.v. Pauchon. 

Stakes he hewe down in a wood 
Beforn our archers pyght them on hy. Harflet, 319. 

Nicolas, App. 75 ; Peter, Chron. 487 ; unusquisque affigeret ante se a fronte palum suum 
et alii alios intermedios, Gesta, 42; Chron. Giles, 37, where the stakes are said to be 
6 feet long; cf. Hard. 391; York, xxiii; J. S. Gardner, 47; called 3^ feet in Riistow, 
107; 2 metres in Delbriick, iii. 481; or ii feet in Fortescue, i. 56; de sudibus quomodo 
ordinati sunt, Capgr. De Illustr. 1 16 ; eussent devant eulx les pels qu'ils ont accoustume 
de porter, Cleves, 81. In a clever picture by J. Hassall in "The Sphere," April i, 1911, 
the archers stand in a long irregular line in front of the lances each carrying an immense 
balk of timber from 7 to 8 feet long, their bows being of about the same length. 

a Caxton, 226; Brut, ii. 378, 555; Speed, 779. 

4 Not the foot-charge, as Rastell, 249; peuchons pour faire haie, Godefroy, vi. 43 
(1412); septis sive vallo, Pol. Verg. 444, who says that the English still follow this method 
(i.e. temp. Henry VIII) to keep off cavalry; " like an edge," Halle, 67, who fancies that 
the whole army was hedged about with the stakes, and calls it "a device then first 
attempted"; cf. Grafton, i. 517; Holinsh. iii. 553. 

Cockle, vi. 

6 i.e. from 12 years of age, Barrington, 61. 

The Archers 

constant practice at the bowmarks that were fixed near 
every parish church 1 , these quick-eyed clever longbowmen 
could hit the prick 2 or the oyster-shell 3 in the centre of the 
butt with the nicety of a Thames fisherman garfangling 4 an 
eel, while for nimble readiness 6 in the field they stood 
unrivalled in the western world 6 . These were no rich 
landlords or high-born squires 7 , but unnamed rustic yeomen 8 
who formed the strength of England's hardihood 9 . They 
wore no cumbering armour about the chest 10 but a loose- 
fitting jack belted at the waist, and nothing on their head 
but a wicker brain-cap stretched over with querbole or 
pitched leather and strengthened in the crown with two 

1 For statute of James I of Scotland (1424) "that elk man busk them to be archeres, 
and that there be made bowmerk' and specially nere paroche kirke," see Acts of Parliament 
of Scotland, ii. 6; Harrington, 61, also 1457, 1474, 1491- For proclamations of 1363, 
1365, 1388, that archery and nothing else must be practised on Sundays and Feast-days to 
the exclusion of "idle games," see Rym. vi. 417; Stat. ii. 57; Grose, Mil. Antiq. i. 134, 
135; Lingard, iii. 123. For similar proclamations of Charles V, King of France, May 23, 
1369, see Wylie, ii. 144, note 2. For the statute of Cambridge, 1388, see Stat. ii. 57, 
163; Rot. Pad. iii. 643; Fortescue (Plummer), -282; not 1389, as Kingsford, 202; with 
order dated May 4, 1414, Letter Book I, p. 125. It enacted que toutz servantz et 
labourers euent Arkes et sectes (i.e. arrows) et les usent le Dymenge et jours de Festes el 
lessent les Jeues as Pelotes si bien a main comes a pel et les autres Jeues appellez coites, 
Dys, gettre de Peer, Kayles, etc. of Cloishe, Kaylez [half-Kewle], Hondyn, Hondoute, 
Quekebord (i.e. quakeboard), Stat. ii. 57; Wylie, ii. 144; iv. 350. For closh or clash 
(i.e. nine-pins), see Stat. iii. 840; Barnard, 236; closheys of yvery, Archaeologia, 
xxvi. 277; Tighe and Davies, i. 368; Marshall, 210. For quoits and kettle-pins, see 
G. Daniel, iv. 141. For return to archery recommended in 1792, see Scott, ii. no. 
Fox, archers introduced by Edward I, see Delbrtick, iii. 472. 

2 See App. L. See App. L. 
j 4 iHalliwell, i. 392; Murray, Diet., s.v. 

r /Rades et apers, Pays-Bas, 353. 

^ By bowe and Arwis sith the warr' began, 

Have ynglysshmen as it is red in story, 
On her enmyes had many gret victory. Pol. Relig. Po. 24. 

Les Anglois qui sont la fleur des archiers du monde, Commines, i. 31 ; Capefigue, iv. 43 ; 
Loserth, Gesch. 550; Mazas (Cours, ii. 174), who believes (p. 175) that they were 
Gascons. Roujoux (ii. 176) thinks that some of them were Scotch ; Lettenhove (iii. 89) 
that they were Welsh. 

7 England whereof? the myght stondeth most uppon archers wich be no rich men, 
Fortescue (Plummer), 137, 138; Kingsford, 201. 

8 Anglica rusticitas, Blondel, i. 261, 443; gens exercitez et adurez a la guerre, ibid. 
318; in rusticos Angliae sagittarios in quibus Angliae ducum maxima victoriae spes est, 
Blondel, Reductio, 48; cf. zemen (i.e. yeomen) with bent bowes, Kail, 65; " une obscure 
soldatesque," Lachauvelaye, 122; "mostly peasants," Tyrrell, 291 [171]. 

9 La defense de ceste terre estoise meult par archers, Stat. ii. 462, etc. ; actez victoriousez 
ount estez faitz en defense du (sic) ceste roialme, ibid. ii. 472 ; the which shotyng in grete 
necessitees hath bee grete defence to this your Reame both inward and outward, Rot. 
Parl. vi. 156. In Bouvier, Descr. 119, England is fort peupl6 de gens et sont bons 

Ther men myzth men see archerys good, 
Cast from them both gown and hood, 
The better for to schote. Pol. Songs, ii. 155. 

Perlevi armatura-tecti, St Denys, v. 562 ; legierement arms, Trahisons, 1 29. Labitte 
(137) thinks that they were " seulement cuirasses," adding that they were " sans fusils" ! 

152 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

crossbands of iron, while for liberty of limb they went 
almost barefoot or with leathern hose rolled down and 
fastened with a point at the knee, and when they rode they 
had inferior mounts lest they should be tempted to spare 
their horses rather than risk the loss of them 1 . Each man 
carried a sheaf of from two to four dozen arrows 2 in his 
belt 3 either with or without a quiver, besides a hanger, 
a gisarme or a leaded club, to be used when his stock of 
arrows had run out. The arrow, which was of ash 4 , was 
a cloth-yard long 8 , barbed with an iron head 6 and winged 
with goose feathers 7 at the notch. The supply of them was 
enormous 8 and cartloads were always kept at hand in 

1 Que ce soient gens mal montes se que ils n'aient point de regret a perdre leurs 
chevaux, Commines, i. 31, quoted in Delbriick, iii. 471. 

8 Grose, Mil. Antiq. i. 138; Kohler, ii. 363. For 12 arrows in the girdle, see 
W. Scott, Tales, 226. For 24 or 25, see J. E. Morris, 88, 99; Ffoulkes, 107. For 
"brodarwes" (sagittarum largarum), see Rym. vi. 749; v. " shepearwes, " ibid. xi. 838 
(s. parvarum, ibid. vii. 415). 

3 Under his belt he bore full thriftily, Chauc. Prol. 104. In the Rous picture (circ. 
1485) of the battle of Shrewsbury the archers carry arrows in their belts without a quiver, 
Gardiner, 294; Scott, ii. 88; see also De Witt, 213; Ffoulkes, 66; Brett, 107 (fancy). 

4 Stat. ii. 196, 416; Gallwey, 126. Cf. "his'takle of ashyn wandes," Laud Troy 
Book, 378; i.e. 4 H. V, cap. 3, which forbids the use of ash for " patyns ne doggs"; 
Jahns, 757; Scott, ii. 104; Barrington, 65. 

6 An arrow that a cloth yard was long, Chevy Chase (R. Bell), 88 ; Bates, Northumber- 
land, 189; Drayton, Bat. 97. For yard-shaft, see Wylie, ii. 325, 469, note 7; Bibl. Top. 
Brit. iv. 88; for "met wand" or mete wand, Gardiner, Hist. 361 ; Sir E. Coke, in Diet. 
Nat. Biogr. xi. 331; "meterod," Halliwell, i. 552. 

6 For sagitta acerata (i.e. tipped with steel), temp. Edward III, see Grose, i. 137. 
For saiettes barbues at Crecy, see Kohler, ii. 361 ; York, Plates XLIV, XLV, showing the 
turnip-shaped bulb, ibid. 121. For arrows i oz. in weight, see Barrington, 65. 

7 For " the crooked stick and grey goose wing" but for which " England were but a 
fling," see J. R. Green, 261. For order to sheriffs to have six tail feathers plucked from 
every goose except those that were breeding (reading "brode-ges" for "brodoges"), see 
Rym. ix. 436, 653; Archaeologia, vii. 48; Scott, ii. 105; Barrington, 52; though the 
best for flight were those that dropped of themselves, Archaeol. vii. 65 ; Barrington, 65. 
For the wing feathers, see Grose, i. 138. For i8s. id. paid for 6 doz. arrows winged with 
peacock's feathers, and 8.r. 8d. for 6 doz. barbed bolts presented to Bishop Beaufort in 
1415, see Kirby, Winchester, 177. P\>r 1325 pennar d'oe qui bien doivent valoir 
14,000 pennes d'oe, see Breard, 77; chascun millier de pennes doit empenner j millier 
d'artillerie, ibid. 151. 

For fetherid Arwes as I reherse can, 

Goos is the best as in comparisoun, 

Except fetheris of Pekok or of swan. 

Pol. Relig. Po. 24, attributed to Lydgate in MacCracken, p. xvi. 
Cf. a sheef of peacock arwes bright and kene, Chauc. Prol. 104; Grose, i. 139; Jahns, 
845; gde quareles federed with po (i.e. peacock, Halliwell, ii. 633), Kempe, 19; Laud 
Troy Book, 204; supposed to be "for gaynes," Roger Ascham, Toxophilus, quoted in 
Ffoulkes, 107; culled the hard red feathers from the peacock's wing, Scottish Hist. Rev. 
vii. 189. Cf. " fetheris of pecok," Lydg. Troy Book, 435 ; plumes de plumes de paon ou 
d'aigle, Delisle, Agrie, 489; Scott, ii. 105; some arrows were winged with parchment, 
Fortescue (Plummer), 238. 

8 For order to sheriffs (Dec. i, 1418) to supply 1,190,000 goose feathers by 
Michaelmas, see Rym. ix. 653; not 1,290,000, as Kingsford, 207. 

1415] Waiting the Attack 153 

readiness for refills, and when the archer bent his great 
six foot bow and brought the string full up to his ear, he 
volleyed into his enemy with amazing speed and deadly aim 
even at distances of/2o6"or^6o yards away 1 , so that the air 
was darkened as with a~~dotrd*. 

Having thus disposed his forces the English king stood 
waiting for attack and watching the movements of his 
enemy. But as yet the Frenchmen showed no readiness 
to begin. The ground had been of their own choosing and 
they could well afford to bide their time. Many of them 
had passed a sleepless night 3 , and the near prospect of hard 
fighting inclined them to improve the hour by resting both 
in mind and body 4 . As they ate and drank their hasty 
morning meal together, they besought each other's forgive- 
ness for any grudges of the past, and one who was present 
at the scene records the tenderness with which they fell on 
each other's necks, and how all jars and discords of the past 
were changed to perfect amity and love 6 . 

It was now past nine o'clock 7 and the two armies had 

1 i.e. 8, 9, 10 or n scores, Smythe, 30. For n score + 7 = 229 yards, see Barrington, 
64. Called 150 yards in C. R. L. Fletcher, 236; 200 or 250 Schritt, Jahns, 758; 
220 yards, Froude, i. 67; 300 yards, Traill, ii. 173; 350 yards, Strang, 43; 300 or 
400 yards, Kingsford, 201; George, Battles, 51; Delachenal, i. 219; "a prodigious 
distance," W. Scott, Tales, 226; more than 600 feet for heavy arrows and double that 
distance for light ones, Jahns, 848. For argument in the beginning of the i?th century 
that the bow was superior to the musket or harquebuze, the former on account of the 
smoke, see Smythe, 27. 

2 Cf. tyrer si dru et si espes qu'il estoit ad vis aux regardants que ce feust une espesse 
nuee, Waurin, ii. 63 (i.e. at Shrewsbury, 1403); al the Eyr with schot of arowis kene 
I shadewed was, Lydg. Troy Book, 376 ; began the shotte to be grette and thick as snow 
in the ayer, Melusine, 230; Marco Polo, i. 301, 305; the sonne vixith all darke whan 
they begynnyth to sote, Secreta, 1 76. For the Geschosshagel of the bowmen at Jaffa 
(1192), see Delbriick, iii. 422; wie die Schneeflocken, ibid. iii. 474. 

3 In Pays-Bas, 356, it is said that they had been in the saddle all night to keep their 
armour clean; also Sandford, 28; Michelet, vi. 29; Yonge, 277; for fear of spoiling 
their armour in the mud, K. Stephens, 130. Choisy (324) thinks they had had nothing to 
eat and had kept shouting all night to keep themselves warm with their feet in pools 
of water. 

4 Reposons icy les esperitz, Waur. ii. 207 ; Le Fevre, i. 249 ; though not in Monstr. 
374 ; cf. Halle, 65. For a story of some of them being surprised while yet asleep after 
the battle had begun, see Choisy, 325. 

5 Hennebert (iii. 326) thinks that they were bien refraichis. In Lingard, iii. 497, 
they are "sitting on the spongy ground." 

6 Mazas (Vies, v. 618) thinks that this " accolade" was a reconciliation brought about 
by the exhortations of Boucicaud. 

7 Inter horam diei nonam et decimam, St Denys, v. 560; Monstr. 374; apres huiet 
heures du matin, Juv. 520; 1'eure de tierce, Gruel, 17 ; a 1'heure de X heures, Ruisseauville, 
139; Rapin, i. 451 ; Tindal, i. 514; Henry, v. 41; sur les onze heures, Bouvier, 429; 
Martin, vi. 17; Pauli, v. 120; Masson, 242; Oman, no; Bright, i. 295; Airy, i. 144; 
Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 48; cf. it is ny prime, Harflet, 321; App. 76; Powell, 302; 
"ner pryme," Brie, 71; Brut, ii. 378, 555, 596. Called "between 10 and n" in 

154 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

stood eyeing each other 1 for some three hours 2 , neither 
venturing to be the first to move. To Henry such delay 
meant death 3 . His stock of food was long ago exhausted 4 
and no threats of pillage could now avail him to replenish 
it. His forward march was barred, he had a hostile country 
in his rear 5 , and his army could not live out another such 
night and day. Moreover his men's blood was up, for 
word had passed that the Frenchmen meant to give no 
quarter save to the king and his nobles, for whose captivity, 
as we have seen 6 , they had already begun to make arrange- 
ments, while the rumour ran 7 that they would cut off every 
archer's right hand 8 and sell the best fingers 9 at a blanc 
a-piece 10 or the others at six a penny 11 . So in his desperation 
he resolved to force the attack, sending word to the priests 
and sutlers 12 to close up with the baggage and follow hard in 
the rear 13 . At this supreme moment we who read the story 

Nicolas, 119; Jahns, 860; not "nearly noon," as Meyer, 246; Choisy, 324, 325; Wright, 
i. 472; Brett, 31 ; nor circa horam diei terciam, as Kirkstall, Chron. 286, where the battle 
lasts usque ad horam vesperarum. 

1 Cf. ayther was on other brym, Laud Troy Book, 503 ; i.e. in heat, Halliwell, i. 209 ; 
see Murray, Diet., s.v. Breme. 

2 Not "a great part of the day," as Carte, ii. 680; nor "einen halben Tag," as 
Delbriick, iii. 477. 

3 Anglis mora nocebat, Meyer, 246 ; he sawe he must nedes with theim make afraye, 
Hard. 375. Guthrie (ii. 463) makes the English continue in order of battle "for some 
days"; i.e. from Oct. 20 to 25, with the king encouraging his men on horseback " for 
whole days," ibid. 464. 

4 In commeatuum inopia summa, Tit. Liv. 18; Vita, 64; infra triduum ante nisi 
pan em pro cibo et aquam pro potu habuissent, Niem, 36; Raynaldi, viii. 438; trop fiblez 
pur defaute de vitaille, Rot. Parl. iv. 70, March 16, 1416. 

5 Oman (Hist. 224) adds that they had the flooded Somme in their rear. But it was 
more than 30 miles away. 

6 Page 139. 

7 Villaret (xiii. 363) thinks that the rumour was spread by Henry himself; also 
Devienne, Artois, iii. 43; "ajoutant lachement," Labitte, 137. 

8 And stryke of every Archer is ryzt hond, Harflet, 318 ; vel membris irrestaurabiliter 
mutilaturos, Wals. ii. 310; Hypodig. 463; in mortes vel mutilationes eorum, Wals. ii. 312 ; 
Hypodig. 465. 

9 Called the thumbs in Goodwin, 86. Cf. "cut off the thumbs of every one of you," 
Halliwell, Letters, i. 85, from "a Latin contemporary history of the period, an early 
manuscript of which is in the Library of All Souls College at Oxford," i.e. MS. xlii or 
xlvii, Coxe, ii. 13, 15. This appears to be from the speech of Henry in St Denys, v. 554, 
translated in Laboureur, 1008, and much expanded in Halliwell who calls it a " Letter of 
Proclamation of Henry V." 

10 Chron. R. II-Henry VI, p. 41 ; every archer for a blank, Brut, ii. (378), 555. 

11 Waur. ii. 204; Le Fevre, i. 246. 

That sex all of the best bowemen, 

All for a blanke of owre mone. Harflet, 318. 

Nicolas, 107; Kabel, 8; not "won mone," as Adams, Battle Stories, 104; six for a peny 

of our monye, Harflet, App. 75. 

12 Goodwin, 90. Not "eine Wagenburg," as RUstow, 106. 

18 Mandans posterius evectio curribus ut sit, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 120. Not that they 

The Battle Begins 155 

can yet feel the flutter of the chaplain's heart as he sat his 
horse amongst the carts and summage 1 and prayed that 
God would have compassion upon England and not suffer 
those prayers and tears to perish which her church at home 
had shed and still was shedding for their safety, but that 
her king's devotion to her increase and to God's service 
might in pity be spared in this his hour of peril. And 
even as the churchmen prayed, the king had signalled 
" Forward banner 2 ! in the name of Jesus 8 , Mary and 
St George 4 ! " when to their great joy they saw that the 
French were moving forward too 6 . For a moment every 
man kneeled thrice 6 and kissed the ground 7 , taking a pinch 
of the soil on his lips 8 as his last earth-housel 9 as the 

were "in the village" which is quite surrounded by the wood; or in the farms and 
enclosures, as S. Turner, v. 440, 442; Schmidt, ii. 251; or "in the rear of the wood at 
Maisoncelles," as Church, 74, 78; or " in the village of Agincourt," as Hastings, 41. 

1 Melusine, 194. Cf. sommager, Normandie, 170; Speed, 780; inter evectiones, 
Gesta, 51; Chron. Giles, 45; cf. Du Cange, s.v. Evectio\ equi et evectiones aliae ne- 
cessariae, Gesta, 14; not "erectiones," as Chron. Giles, 14; cf. " sommage cartys 
charyotes and bagage," Melusine, 234; Cent. Diet., s.v. Summage. 

2 Avaunt baner, Harflet, 322; Gesta, 51; signa praecedant, Tit. Liv. 19; avaunt 
banere in the best time of the yere ! Chron. Lond. 159; Kingsford, Chron. 119. Called 
Banners advance ! in Brett, 31. For "baner" (i.e. banner-bearer), see Brett, 53; "avaunt 
baner ! and Saynt George this day thyn helpe ! " Brut, ii. 378, 555, 596. 

3 Cf. For the love of swete Jhesu helpe mayntene 

Inglandes ryght this day. Pol. Songs, ii. 124. 

4 Waurin, ii. 209. For the English battle-cry of " Guienne St George ! " answered 
by " Montjoie St Denys ! " from the French at Valady in Rouergue in 1369, see Rouquette, 
199. Cf. " Mountjoy St Dennis ! " in Fam. Viet. 41 . For personal names as cris d'armes, 
see Roger, 43; cf. St George! qui estoit le cri des Anglois, Juv. 558. 

5 Gesta, 51 ; Chron. Giles, 45; First Life, 59; after a little pause they both advance, 
Boyle, 4. Belleval (100) thinks that the French were surpris par un mouvement si 
brusque et inattendue; not that they "withdrew somewhat to the north," as Tout, 265. 
For supposition that the French left the English to begin, see Lachauvelaye, ii. 124. 
J. S. Gardner (48) thinks the French "seated themselves and refused to advance." 
Oman (no) thinks that the French both horse and foot were the first to attack, making 
them ' pass the village of Agincourt " and then " find themselves between the woods " 
and on the ploughland over which they struggle for a few hundred yards before the 
English make any move at all. Vickers (30) makes the English advance to within half- 
a-mile of them and then halt. 

6 Trina vice, Kingsford, Lit. 317, 326. 

7 In Lambeth MS. 84, fol. 194, each man makes a cross on the ground and kisses it in 
tokenynge that " we wole radyr dye on this erthe than flee"; also Brut, ii. 596, written 
circ. 1479; Kingsford, Lit. 125; "a sign of consecration to the great duty of the day," 
Cassell, i. 532 ; cf. um sich so dem Siege oder dem Tode zu geloben, Jahns, 860. 

8 Harflet, 321 ; telluris particula in ore recepta, Tit. Liv. 19; Vita, 65. For account 
of the battle of Courtrai, July ii, 1302, see Delbrlick, iii. 439-447; Duruy, i. 332; 
Lloyd, 53; also in a mock chronicle headed " Passio Francorum secundum Flemings," 
see Usk, 107-110, who copied it out of a book that he saw in the monastery of Eeckhout 
at Bruges in Nov. 1406. Cf. 

Eche man destrye his best frend, 
So dede Flaundres how dull it wende, 
Of nobley they have lost the town. 

Kail, 53 (written temp. H. V). Probably refers to the battle of Courtrai and the Chaperons 
v For note, see next page. 

158 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

and as they stumbled up the archers caught them like a 
butt 1 , the foremost of them topped over terve 2 , got haunched 3 
on the stakes, the horses flounced and plunged 4 and would 
not face the huzzing 5 arrows 6 but turned tail and galloped 
back in plumps 7 , tearing huge gaps in the vanguard ranks 8 
amidst the curses of the expectant French who split up 9 
to make way for them in confusion 10 . To meet this first 
grave check the French had no reserve of power. For 
weeks past archers and crossbowmen 11 had been preparing 

ploughed field in the foreground. Furent encauchiet seur les bles ou ils faisait bien mal, 
Ruisseauville, 139; "on evil footing," Capgr. 312. 

I God and our archers made hem sone to stomble, Brut, ii. 378, 596. 

3 Caxton, Chron. 145; cf. Century Diet., s.v. Terve, i.e. a fall. Cf. Halliwell, ii. 860, 
s.v. Tervee\ overterved, Kingsford, Hard. 745; cf. made hem over-terve ich over other, 
Brut, ii. 378, 555, 596; top over tayle, Laud Troy Book, 202, 273, 397; or tayle over top, 
do. 493; over his cropere, ibid. 201 ; over her hors arsoun (i.e. saddle-bow), do. 402, 412, 
497; overterved, Lydg. Nightingale, p. 8. 

3 Bercanda par son trait les entrailles, Blondel, i. 443; cf. Bersant, Bercel- Murray. 
Called "a crowd of standing Frenchmen" in Ransom, 147. 

4 "Flounced and plunged," Echard, i. 186, who invents harrowing scenes about 
tortured riders hanging by an arm or a thigh, etc. ; cf. Brougham, 390; "flounced and 
flung about," Goodwin, 90; "disordered by the flouncing of their galled horses," Carte, 
ii. 68 1. 

Stedes ther stumbelyd in that stownde, 
That stode there ^tuffyd under stele, 
With gronyng grete thei felle to grounde, 
Here sydes federed whan thei gone fele. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 125. 

But whan an Arwe hath perced through his side, 
To ground he goth (i.e. the horse) and cast his maister down. 

Pol. Relig. Songs, 24. 

For an early fifteenth century picture of mounted men-of-arms with horses unprotected 
with armour, see MS. Reg. i E. ix. f. 235, 306. 

5 Smythe, 31. 

6 Pour le trait que leur chevaux ne povient plus endurer, Ruisseauville, 140. 

When oure arowys were a flyzht, 

Anon the Frenchman was a wel sory schere. 

Lydg. Po. 322. 

7 Precipites corruere, Wals. ii. 312; Hypodig. 466; se misdrent en fuyte, Gruel, 17; 

Die Fransoyse daden van hen rennen, 

Alle die scatteren. Rymkron. iii. 215. 

Oman (in Traill, ii. 323) thinks that they were " nearly all shot down before they got near 
the stakes"; " ran in plumpes without order," Halle, 69; Grafton, i. 517; "disordered 
troops and plumps," Martyn, 184; "fell in plumps," Speed, 780; not that they fled to 
the woods, as Turner, v. 445. G. T. Warner (72) thinks that " a few managed to crawl 
up" but that " the great mass stuck." 

8 Vindrent rompre la bataille de noz gens en telle maniere que a peine se peurent 
jamais rassembler que les Angloys ne fussent tousjours pres d'eulx, Gruel, 17; Norm. 
Chron. Hellot, 19; do. Williams, 90; et fut 1'avant garde toute fendue en plusieurs lieus, 
Ruisseauville, 140. 

9 "Suddenly formed themselves into 3 divisions," Nicolas, 122; not that they 
suddenly altered front and formed in 3 columns, as Musgrave, 298; Scott, ii. 556; 
Kingsford, 151; or changed from line to column, as Ramsay, i. 214. 

En ce desarroy, Bouvier, 430; Gaguin, Mer, 141. 

II Dont ils avoient grand foison, Monstr. 374. Called 8000 archers and 3000 
crossbowmen including 1000 Genoese hired by Marshal Boucicaut, St Denys, v. 560. 
For Genoese balisters, armes de bonnes brigantines (i.e. quilted jacks), salades et 

I 4 I 5] C^O "'PrencK' Archers 159 

but at the last moment they had been told that their services 
; ^ would not be wanted 1 . Thus 4000 of them failed to be at 
their posts and such as came were badly placed owing to 
lack of room 2 , their aim was hurried, and with their mechanism 
of cumbrous stirrups, crankins, clinches, gaffles, ratchets 
and winders, their vires and quarrels were from the first 
wholly outclassed, and they were driven out of range by the 
swift and unerring skill of the English archer who shot 
never arrow amiss 3 . That Henry had no guns may be 
taken as a certainty seeing that his army was equipped for 
forced marching, while it is equally certain that the French 
not only had guns but used them, for we have a record 
of at least one English archer who was killed " with a gun 4 ." 

arbalestres bien gamier de viretons, see Juv. 532. For 50 balisters sent from Tournai 
with 25 pavisers who were ready by Sept. 17,. 1415, see Pays-Bas, 354; J. Meyer, 245. 
For arblasters from Brabant, see Dynter, 298, 748. For archers and crossbowmen from 
St Omer who n'ayant pas se mettre en bataille penserent garantir leurs corps et laisserent 
la tout, see Piers, 353, from Archives of St Omer; also Piers, Therouanne, 70. For 
archers with the Duke of Brittany who came up too late for the battle, see Lobinea, ii. 903. 
For Jean de Hangest, grand maitre des arbaletriers, see Roger, 172 ; also David, Lord of 
Rambures (see page 91, note 5), N. Lambert, 416. P'or the duties of the maitre des 
arbaletriers who was set over the enginers. carpenters, miners, gunmasters, etc., see 
Boutaric, 272. For Hugues de Lannoy, Master of Cross-Bows, see Lannoy, Survey, 305. 

1 St Denys, v. 560; Trahisons, 129; ce trait de Franche ne fut pas employes ce 
ne trairent pas les archiers, Ruisseauville, 140; many of them did nothing in their daies 
work but run away, Biondi, 120; ne tirerent flesche ne vire, Juv. 520; Montfaucon, 
iii. 165. 

2 Assez avoient archiers et arballistriers mais pas ne les voldrent laissier tyrer pour la 
plaine qui estoit si estroicte qu'il ny avoit place que pour les hommes d'armes, Le Fevre, 
i. 253 ; Waur. ii. 211 ; Niethe (44, -47) thinks that they were at the rear with the reserve; 
cf. arbalisteriis et sagittariis, Dynter, iii. 300, 301, 750; Pauwels, 243; Impens, 356. 
Villaret (xiii. 365, 367) thinks that they had 4000 archers but that they were "absolutely 
useless " because they were placed among the men-of-arms. Called 4000 crossbowmen in 
Oman, 109, who supposes that they were placed between the first and second lines ; also 
Airy, i. 144 ; Schmidt, ii. 251. Vickers (29) thinks that they were "put behind and thus 
rendered useless." Mazas (Vies, v. 604) says that they should have been at the front but 
that the nobles sent them to the rear; also Belleval, 95; Kingsford, 148. In Caxton, 
Faites d'Armes, Book i. chap. 23 (i.e. Christine de Pisan), the usual French practice was 
to place at the side of the vanguard two wings, i.e. "all manner of shooters as well 
gunners as balisters," quoted in Eng. Hist. Rev. x. 539. Oman (Art of War, in) gives 
them 15,000 archers and crossbowmen. Called "a large force of archers and crossbow- 
men," J. S. Gardner, 48. Niethe (30) believes that their number was "sehr gering." 

3 Nusquam cassa manus sine vulnere fugit missile, Wals. ii. 312; cf. shot never arowe 
a-mysse, Caxton, Chron. 145 ; Brut, ii. 378, 596. 

4 Occisus fuit apud bellum de Agincourt cum uno gune, Exch. Accts. 47/32, i.e. 
Roger Hunt an archer in the retinue of James Harington, kt.; cf. Hunter, 36; Beamont, 
244. Oman (in Traill, ii. 181) thinks there were no guns on either side. Kingsford (148, 
203) thinks that the French had " some small field guns." Lord Dillon in Shropshire 
Archaeological Society's Transactions, 3rd Ser. iii. 152, thinks that they (the French) 
"certainly had none." Ko'hler (ii. 768) thinks that both sides had artillery though 
probably neither side could make use of it (quoting Godefroy, Life of Bouchicaut, 1697, 
1699), where the English place their artillery "on a height" (by this he appears to mean 
Pilham), who however thinks (p. 264) that the English had quelques pieces de canons 
which struck terror into the French to whom such things were "entirely unknown"; also 
Archaeologia, v. 148. Adams (i. 227) thinks that the French had posted "some clumsy 

158 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

and as they stumbled up the archers caught them like a 
butt 1 , the foremost of them topped over terve 2 , got haunched 3 
on the stakes, the horses flounced and plunged 4 and would 
not face the huzzing 5 arrows 6 but turned tail and galloped 
back in plumps 7 , tearing huge gaps in the vanguard ranks 8 
amidst the curses of the expectant French who split up 9 
to make way for them in confusion 10 . To meet this first 
grave check the French had no reserve of power. For 
weeks past archers and crossbowmen 11 had been preparing 

ploughed field in the foreground. Furent encauchiet seur les bles ou ils faisait bien mal, 
Ruisseauville, 139; "on evil footing," Capgr. 312. 

I God and our archers made hem sone to stomble, Brut, ii. 378, 596. 

3 Caxton, Chron. 145; cf. Century Diet., s.v. Terve, i.e. a fall. Cf. Halliwell, ii. 860, 
s.v. Tervee; overterved, Kingsford, Hard. 745; cf. made hem over-terve ich over other, 
Brut, ii. 378, 555, 596; top over tayle, Laud Troy Book, 202, 273, 397; or tayle over top, 
do. 493; over his cropere, ibid. 201 ; over her hors arsoun (i.e. saddle-bow), do. 402, 412, 
497; overterved, Lydg. Nightingale, p. 8. 

8 Bercanda par son trait les entrailles, Blondel, i. 443; cf. Bersant, Bercel- Murray. 
Called "a crowd of standing Frenchmen" in Ransom, 147. 

* "Flounced and plunged," Echard, i. 186, who invents harrowing scenes about 
tortured riders hanging by an arm or a thigh, etc. ; cf. Brougham, 390; " flounced and 
flung about," Goodwin, 90; "disordered by the flouncing of their galled horses," Carte, 
ii. 68 1. 

Stedes ther stumbelyd in that stownde, 
That stode there stuffyd under stele, 
With gronyng grete thei felle to grounde, 
Here sydes federed whan thei gone fele. 

Pol- Songs, ii. 125. 

But whan an Arwe hath perced through his side, 
To ground he goth (i.e. the horse) and cast his maister down. 

Pol. Relig. Songs, 24. 

For an early fifteenth century picture of mounted men-of-arms with horses unprotected 
with armour, see MS. Reg. i E. ix. f. 235, 306. 

5 Smythe, 31. 

6 Pour le trait que leur chevaux ne povient plus endurer, Ruisseauville, 140. 

When oure arowys were a flyzht, 

Anon the Frenchman was a wel sory schere. 

Lydg. Po. 322. 

7 Precipites corruere, Wals. ii. 312; Hypodig. 466; se misdrent en fuyle, Gruel, 17; 

Die Fransoyse daden van hen rennen, 

Alle die scatteren. Rymkron. iii. 215. 

Oman (in Traill, ii. 323) thinks that they were " nearly all shot down before they got near 
the stakes"; " ran in plumpes without order," Halle, 69; Grafton, i. 517; "disordered 
troops and plumps," Martyn, 184; "fell in plumps," Speed, 780; not that they fled to 
the woods, as Turner, v. 445. G. T. Warner (72) thinks that " a few managed to crawl 
up " but that " the great mass stuck." 

8 Vindrent rompre la bataille de noz gens en telle maniere que a peine se peurent 
jamais rassembler que les Angloys ne fussent tousjours pres d'eulx, Gruel, 17; Norm. 
Chron. Hellot, 19; do. Williams, 90; et fut 1'avant garde toute fendue en plusieurs lieus, 
Ruisseauville, 140. 

9 "Suddenly formed themselves into 3 divisions," Nicolas, 122; not that they 
suddenly altered front and formed in 3 columns, as Musgrave, 298; Scott, ii. 556; 
Kingsford, 151; or changed from line to column, as Ramsay, i. 214. 

10 En ce desarroy, Bouvier, 430; Gaguin, Mer, 141. 

II Dont ils avoient grand foison, Monstr. 374. Called 8000 archers and 3000 
crossbowmen including 1000 Genoese hired by Marshal Boucicaut, St Denys, v. 560. 
For Genoese balisters, armes de bonnes brigantines (i.e. quilted jacks), salades et 



rench Archers \ 59 

but at the last moment they had been told that their services 
would not be wanted 1 . Thus 4000 of them failed to be at 
their posts and such as came were badly placed owing to 
lack of room 2 , their aim was hurried, and with their mechanism 
of cumbrous stirrups, crankins, clinches, gaffles, ratchets 
and winders, their vires and quarrels were from the first 
wholly outclassed, and they were driven out of range by the 
swift and unerring skill of the English archer who shot 
never arrow amiss 3 . That Henry had no guns may be 
taken as a certainty seeing that his army was equipped for 
forced marching, while it is equally certain that the French 
not only had guns but used them, for we have a record 
of at least one English archer who was killed " with a gun 4 ." 

arbalestres bien gamier de viretons, see Juv. 532. For 50 balisters sent from Tournai 
with 25 pavisers who were ready by Sept. 17,. 141 5, see Pays-Bas, 354; J. Meyer, 245. 
For arblasters from Brabant, see Dynter, 298, 748. For archers and crossbowmen from 
St Omer who n'ayant pas se mettre en bataille penserent garantir leurs corps et laisserent 
la tout, see Piers, 353, from Archives of St Omer; also Piers, Therouanne, 70. For 
archers with the Duke of Brittany who came up too late for the battle, see Lobinea, ii. 903. 
For Jean de Hangest, grand maitre des arbaletriers, see Roger, 172 ; also David, Lord of 
Rambures (see page 91, note 5), N. Lambert, 416. For the duties of the maitre des 
arbaletriers who was set over the enginers : carpenters, miners, gunmasters, etc., see 
Boutaric, 272. For Hugues de Lannoy, Master of Cross-Bows, see Lannoy, Survey, 305. 

1 St Denys, v. 560; Trahisons, 129; ce trait de Franche ne fut pas employes ce 
ne trairent pas les archiers, Ruisseauville, 140; many of them did nothing in their daies 
work but run away, Biondi, 120; ne tirerent flesche ne vire, Juv. 520; Montfaucon, 
iii. 165. 

2 Assez avoient archiers et arballistriers mais pas ne les voldrent laissier tyrer pour la 
plaine qui estoit si estroicte qu'il ny avoit place que pour les hommes d'armes, Le Fevre, 
i. 253 ; Waur. ii. 211 ; Niethe (44, -47) thinks that they were at the rear with the reserve; 
cf. arbalisteriis et sagittariis, Dynter, iii. 300, 301, 750; Pauwels, 243; I m pens, 356. 
Villaret (xiii. 365, 367) thinks that they had 4000 archers but that they were "absolutely 
useless " because they were placed among the men-of-arms. Called 4000 crossbowmen in 
Oman, 109, who supposes that they were placed between the first and second lines ; also 
Airy, i. 144 ; Schmidt, ii. 251. Vickers (29) thinks that they were "put behind and thus 
rendered useless." Mazas (Vies, v. 604) says that they should have been at the front but 
that the nobles sent them to the rear; also Belleval, 95; Kingsford, 148. In Caxton, 
Faites d'Armes, Book i. chap. 23 (i.e. Christine de Pisan), the usual French practice was 
to place at the side of the vanguard two wings, i.e. "all manner of shooters as well 
gunners as balisters," quoted in Eng. Hist. Rev. x. 539. Oman (Art of War, in) gives 
them 15,000 archers and crossbowmen. Called "a large force of archers and crossbow- 
men," J. S. Gardner, 48. Niethe (30) believes that their number was "sehr gering." 

3 Nusquam cassa manus sine vulnere fugit missile, Wals. ii. 312; cf. shot never arowe 
a-mysse, Caxton, Chron. 145; Brut, ii. 378, 596. 

4 Occisus fuit apud bellum de Agincourt cum uno gune, Exch. Accts. 47/32, i.e. 
Roger Hunt an archer in the retinue of James Harington, kt.; cf. Hunter, 36; Beamont, 
244. Oman (in Traill, ii. 181) thinks there were no guns on either side. Kingsford (148, 
203) thinks that the French had " some small field guns." Lord Dillon in Shropshire 
Archaeological Society's Transactions, 3rd Ser. iii. 152, thinks that they (the French) 
"certainly had none." Kohler (ii. 768) thinks that both sides had artillery though 
probably neither side could make use of it (quoting Godefroy, Life of Bouchicaut, 1697, 
1699), where the English place their artillery "on a height" (by this he appears to mean 
Pilham), who however thinks (p. 264) that the English had quelques pieces de canons 
which struck terror into the French to whom such things were " entirely unknown"; also 
Archaeologia, v. 148. Adams (i. 227) thinks that the French had posted "some clumsy 

160 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

Up till now the Frenchmen had borne themselves with 
reckless confidence, and as they raised their answering shout 
of " Montjoie," they had pressed forward in the firm belief 
that one sudden rush 1 would sweep the position clean before 
them. But when they saw their horsemen routed and their 
crossbows driven in, their courage limped to fear and dread 2 . 
Ere they could reform the English were upon them and 
those who but an hour ago had boasted that they would 
just rush the lot and then come back to dine 3 saw with 
dismay these despised archers striding up 4 to smite them to 
the face each calling on his mate to think upon his oath 
and if need be to die at his post. Right as a line 3 they 
volleyed furiously into the advancing mass and smote the 
French through camail and visor and forced them to plunge 
their heads 6 as they pounded forward in their heavy armour 
ankle-deep in mire. 

cannon" on their flanks. Villaret (xiii. 361,365) thinks that they had une artillerie 
formidable which they did not use; also Historians' Hist. xi. 171, from Michelet, vi(q.v.); 
Pauli, v. 118, 121 ; "a train of artillery," Oman, Pol. Hist. 254, 379; Haggard, 121. 
Henry (v. 39) thinks that they had " a considerable number of cannon but no execution 
probably from want of room." S. Turner (v. 438) quotes Le Fevre (ut sup.) to prove that 
the French had "guns and serpentines"; which becomes grand nombre de canons de 
serpentines, etc. in Lachauvelaye, 104, who thinks (p. 124) that they were posted in the 
rear and not used. In Gesta, 52; Chron Giles, 46, the balistae are post dorsum armatorum 
et in lateribus; also (v. 443) that their lines were " crowded with balistae for the projection 
of stones on all sides on the English," but that "in vain the P"rench artillery was 
discharged. It injured no one," ibid. v. 445. Fortescue (i. 59) thinks that "the artillery 
could not be brought into position on either side in such a sea of mud" ; " whether they 
went off at all is not told us," Scott, ii. 554. For letter of Charles VI dated at Meulan, 
Sept. 20, 1415, calling upon towns to lend him engins, canons et artillerie, see Monstr. 370 ; 
Bonaparte, ii. 74; cf. toutes gens de trait tant a pouldre que aultres, Pays-Bas, 356; 
canons et ribaudequim, Monstr. 373 ; serpentines, Le Fevre, i. 247 ; quadam saxivoma, 
Vita, 63; called balistas quam plurimas grandes parvos et mediocres lapides crebo facturas, 
Tit. Liv. 17. Jahns (859, 860) believes that both armies were "nicht arm an Feuer- 
geschutzen" giving "viele Kanonen" to the French but the English "wenig Artillerie." 
Duruy (i. 471) supposes that the English used guns. For a fifteenth century picture of the 
battle of Rosebecque, or Roosbeke (1382 A.D.), Historians' Hist. xi. 156 (Froissart), 
where the guns are mixed up with the men, see Montfaucon, iii. 84, an arrangement which 
is blamed in Duval-Pineu, ii. 199. 

1 Subita invasione et audaci, St Denys, v. 558. 

2 Terrorem et formidinem non immerito, St Denys, v. 566. 
8 St Denys, v. 558. 

Go we and slee them in this tyde, 

And come hom agen to oure dynere. Harflet; Kabel, 8. 

4 Magnis passibus, St Denys, v. 560; cf. praecurrentes of the archers at Neville's 
Cross, 1346, J. E. Morris, Archers, 433. 

Loke thou be kept wel with good Archeerys, 

To renne upon to destroye Arblasteerys. Lydg. Burgh, 77. 

5 Bent to the bow is" right as any line, Lydg. Troy Book, 328; see vol. i. p. 170, 
note 3. 

6 Le Fevre, i. 254; Waur. ii. 213. Cf. 

Made hem plounge lowe 

With caste of quarel and with schoote of bowe. 

Lydg. Troy Book, 329. 

1415] The English Attack 161 

At the first staggering shock 1 their heavier numbers 
told ; the English battle recoiled 2 a full spear's length 3 and 
the onlookers felt that the end had come. But the lances 
rallied and recovered ground while their archers poured 
a fast and fearful hail 4 into the flanks and rear of the 
French, and when their arrows were spent 5 they flung away 
their bows and quivers 8 and with the despair and madness 
of rage 7 snatched swords, hangers, mauls and hatchets 8 from 
their belts and hacked into the dense medley 9 of heavy- 
weighted Frenchmen whose lances had been shortened to 
give them greater stiffness 10 and who were panting and 
stumbling in the helpless crush 11 . Heartened by their stand 
the English men-of-arms pressed their advantage home and 
thrust back the front ranks 12 of the French under the Count 
of Vendome and Guichard, Dauphin of Auvergne 13 , though 
at first the slaughter was but slight 14 . But the very depth 
of the French formation was the ruin of the mass. The 
hindmost ranks were pressing on and the foremost thrusting 

1 In prima mixtione lancearum, Gesta, 53. 

2 Cf. his peple recule a lytel, Melusine, 231. 

8 Fere ad longitudinem lancee, Gesta, 52; fort reboutes, Fenin, 63. Niethe (51) 
thinks that this was to enable the archers to get to the rear. 

4 Continua et formidabilis emissio sagittarum, St Denys, v. 562 ; ipsos cum sagittis 
acutis jaculantium, Niem, Vita, 36; Raynaldi, viii. 438. 

5 Lackid on arowes and layde en with stakes, Brut, ii. 379, 596. 

6 "Trousses," Waur. ii. 214; better than "flesches," as Le Fevre, i. 256; or 
" sagettes," as Monstr. 375 ; not " slinging their bows behind them," as Lingard, iii. 499; 
Brougham, 119; Pauli, v. 122; Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528; Macfarlane, 38; Craik- 
Macfarlane, ii. 32; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 562; Tyrrell, 292 [170]; Ransome, 147; 
Airy, i. 145; Kingsford, 152; Strang, 96. Cf. jeterent les archers leurs arcs sur, Frois. 
i. 494; i.e. at Auray, J. E. Morris, Archers, 433. Zech (299) compares " die Schotten bei 
Quatre-Bras und Waterloo" ! 

7 Vesans impetu, St Denys, v. 562 ; leoninam rabiem, ibid- 564 ; as ferce to fyzt as 
eny leone, Lydgate, Po. 323; debachantur in hostes, Blondel, i. 261. 

8 Us frapperent sur eux de bonnes haches, Juv. 520. Not that they had "only 
hatchets and axes," or were "men who were not well armed but had come together 
hastily," as K. Stephen, 130. 

* Cf. fyers medlee, Melusine, 200; horryble medlee, do. 202. 

10 Le Fevre, i. 253; Waurin, ii. 211. Mazas (Vies, v. 624) thinks they had been 
reduced to half their original length; also Strang, 91, who thinks that they broke their 
lances and they were so crowded that they could not handle them ; also Lachauvelaye, 
108, who applies this to the English; also Labitte, 141; Belleval, 95; or from 16 or 
18 feet to 5 or 6 feet, RUstow, 105; Scott, ii. 571; Traill, ii. 177, 332; Lloyd, 64. 
Cf. son glaive (i.e. lance) retaille a la mesure de cinq pieds, i.e. at Auray, 1364, see 
Frois. i. 494; W. Scott, 225; Jahns, 753, who reckons the length at 4 metres or about 
13 feet from Spitze to Schub. 

11 Juv. 518, who represents that the French foresaw that this would happen. 

12 Not their right flank, as Choisy, 327. 

13 St Denys, vi. 666, though not recognised in Mas-Latrie, 1549. Cf. " the Daulphine 
of Auernay (or Davernay) called of some the Daulphin of Aragon," Drayton, 54, 66, 67. 

14 Modica strage facta, St Denys, v. 62, 

W. II. II 

1 62 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

back 1 till all got so jammed together 2 that none could raise 
an arm to wield sword or club 3 . The archers snatched 
up lance-heads or any snapped and broken weapons 4 and 
butchered them like sheep 5 or dinged 6 and hammered them 
like lumps upon an anvil 7 . The English king fought like 
the rest on foot 8 with his banner borne before him 9 . He 
had his own body-guard of archers and wherever they 
cleared a way he thrust in with his men 10 , and on his return 
to England the Londoners counted up the earls that he had 
slaughtered like dice in a row 11 . In later accounts much is 

1 Bacward to him frusched, Laud Troy Book, 232 ; cf. in a frosche, Lydg. Troy Book, 
422; cf. upon a ffrusche, do. 184; Lydg. Troy Book, 382 ; on a closter (i.e. cluster), do. 
203 ; Halliwell, i. 384, s.v. Frush ; upon a frape, do. 474 ; on a throme, do. 390, 433, 
434, 438; Halliwell, ii. 869. 

2 Omnes sine nomine passim ordine confuso, Blondel, i. 261. Jahns (860) supposes 
them by this time to have been over 80 deep ; compressione mutua se invicem suffocantibus, 
Basin, i. 22. 

3 Le Fevre, i. 253, 254; Waur. ii. 211, 213; St Denys, v. 562; Meyer, 246; without 
eny stroke, Brut, ii. 555 ; nunc mille nunc plura millia non educentes gladios vel sagittas, 
Niem, Vita, 32 ; Raynaldi, viii. 438. Niethe (34) is quite certain that this is not true and 
so he calls it a " Marchen," p. 56. 

Car enferrez, 

Naurez, batuz, et aterrez, 

Furent tous pris et enterrez. 

Chascun happa, 

Sa hache et oultre se frappa, 

Mais fortune les atrappa, 

Des royaulx nul s'en eschappa. Chartier, 666. 

4 Waur. ii. 214; Le Fevre, i. 256; Juv. 519; cum omni genere armorum, St Denys, 
v. 560 ; inusitato armorum genere, ibid. v. 562 ; pro sua consuetudine, J. Meyer, 246. 

5 Wals. ii. 313; Hypodig. 466, where they snatch axes out of the hands of the 
French. Cf. 

Ther poll axis owt of her hondys they twyzt, 
And laid ham along stryte upon the grasse. Harflet, 324. 

Ubi pecora misere trucidantur, Blondel, i. 167 ; tuez comme pour ce aulx, ibid. 443 ; 
trucidabantur vel gregatim ut plura, Basin, i. 22 ; slue the French like sheep and cattle, 
Hales- Furni vail, ii. 597. It is not clear why Kohler (ii. 771) should consider this an 
exaggeration. Trebuchet (79) thinks that it ne fut pas une bataille, ce fut une boucherie. 
Denters of deth men myzt well deme, 
So fercely in felde theye gan fytte. Harflet, 322. 

7 Sembloit que ce fussent enclumes sur quoy ils frappassent, Juv. 519. 

8 The kynge and alle othyr men wente on hyr foote apasse, Greg. Chron. 1 1 1 . 

9 Le Fevre, i. 253. 

10 Le Fevre, i. 256; Waur. ii. 215; Monstr. 376; "au dessus de ses archiers," 
Cordeliers, 229; not that he attacked the French from their rear, as Pol. Verg. 446. 

Oure gracious Kyng men myghte knowe 
That day he faught withe his owne hond, 
He spared nother heighe ne lowe, 
Ther was no man his dynt myght stond, 
The Erlys was dyscomvited (? counted) upon a rowe, 
That he had flayne (? slain) I understond. Harflet, 323. 

Warton, iii. 41 ; Oxeford, 362; at Achyncourt feld he faunth manly, Fuller- Maitland, 15, 
43; tanquam alter leo, Usk, 126. 

Owre lord the Kynge he foght ryght wele, 

Sharply che on hem his spere he spent, 

Many on seke he made that sele. Pol. Songs, ii. 125. 

14*5] Prodigies of Valour 163 

made of the heroism of individual leaders. The Duke of 
Orleans is supposed to have done "prodigies of valour 1 "; 
the Duke of Bourbon is credited by his own people with 
fighting like a lion 2 ; the Count of Harcourt is said to have 
shown great courage 3 ; while the Constable Charles d'Albret 
is supposed to have rushed on the English with frantic 
fury 4 and Hector de Magnicourt, Lord of Verchin, to have 
died desperately holding the village of Agincourt 5 . But 
though some writers have worked up the whole struggle 
into a Homeric series of hand-to-hand encounters, it must 
in reality have been too sharp and swift to have allowed of 
the deeds of prowess so dear to the literary embellisher 6 . 
At any rate neither Elmham nor the French chroniclers 
know anything of these supposed deeds of romantic bravery, 
though there is one episode that is substantiated by eye- 
witnesses from which we know that 18 French gentlemen 7 
had banded themselves together to knock off King Henry's 
crown or die in the attempt "which they did" say the 
chroniclers 8 , for they were all cut to pieces in the fray 

Towle (335) thinks that he slew more Frenchmen than any one else. Daniel (Trinarch. 
iv. 155) after avowing his purpose to " soberlie deliver modest Truth and keep a Pen just 
to the storie" declares that the king "cuts a thousand lives," ' ' o'ercrowds the air with 
souls enfranchised," "tramples the mud of mixed Brains," and much else; set on rowe 
echeon by other, i.e. together, Laud Troy Book, 527 ; for " arowe," see Pol. Songs, ii. 146 ; 
Halliwell, i. 86; "in a row," Skelton, 33; reweon rewe, Laud Troy Book, 446; alle on 
a rawe, or rowe, ibid. 87, 240; on a res, ibid. 250, 439; res by res, do. 273; called 
"race," in Stratmann, s.v. Roes. Cf. together upon a rase, Laud Troy Book, 408, 432, 
458; on a pas, do. 490; upon a route, do. 415, 439, 453. 

1 Jeanroy-Felix, 296 ; se conduisit en en heros, Beaufils, 24. 

2 En soy monstrant hardy plus qu'un Lyon, Pierre de Nesson in Godefroy, Charles VI, 
751; avec 1 'intrepiditd la plus rare, Barante, ii. 65. Cf. "par sa valeur," La Mure, 
ii. 129, but his annotator (p. 130) is probably far nearer the truth when he says that the 
Duke played " un role tres secondaire " in the battle. 

8 La Roque, i. 407, who says that he was reported dead though really taken prisoner. 

4 Andrews, ii. 20, who compares him to " an Indian intoxicated with opium." 

B This is recorded in the Chronique de Tramecourt (see App. N). His family erected 
a cross on the spot where he is supposed to have fallen which remained till 1789, Mazas, 
Vies, v. 616. 

6 Ille praelucidus Titan regum personae propriae preciosum thesaurum exposuit, 
Vita, 66; Tit. Liv. 20. Dray ton's poem is called "a Sisyphian Epic," in which the 
battle "seems always ending and always beginning anew," Garnett, p. xx; see also 
Echard, i. 186; Lay, 75, 81 ; avec une valeur comparable a celle des heros les plus fameux 
dans 1'Histoire, Rapin, iii. 449; Tindal, i. 513, who supposes that the king did not enter 
the action till the Duke of York's men had broken up the first line of the French. 
Guthrie (ii. 466) thinks that "the boldest man seemed but his apprentice in the work of 
death" and that "his progress might be marked through lanes of destruction which his 
sword had made." Cf. "des efforts de bravoure extraordinaires," G. Daniel, iii. 874; 
"unprecedented intrepidity," Nicolas, 76; " leur heroique bravoure," etc. Labitte, 142. 
Haggard (127) thinks that " there was no space for anything of the nature of a duel." 

' Headed by the Lord of Croy, Cassell, i. 533. 

8 Comme ilz firent, Waur. ii. 207 ; Le Fevre, i. 250. 

II 2 

1 64 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

though one of them got near enough to drive home a blow 
at his basnet and snapped off one of the fleurons 1 from the 
crown. In after days when prodigies of valour were wanted 
to season the hard sad fact of the defeat, this hero was 
supposed to have been the handsome 2 young Duke of 
Alengon 8 who was also credited with having first cut down 
the Duke of York 4 with his own hand and done other 
marvellous titanic feats 5 , and it is not of course surprising 
that the story of King Henry generously holding out his 
hand and trying to save his noble assailant's life 9 should 
still continue to be believed' long after it had been rejected 

1 Cf. whan stones and floures on cercle is bent, Kail, 51. These are shown in two 

S'ctures of Henry V wearing a crown, Strutt, Manners, Plates XLIV, XLV ; fleurets, 
man, Pol. Hist. 255; fleur de lys, Strang, 99; "i pece of his crowne," Brut, ii. 555, 
who adds that it was afterwards found and brought to him; "broken and depeased," 
First Life, 65; Piers (383) makes the crown "vole en eclats." In Bright, i. 295, it was 
"cleft in two"; in C. R. L. Fletcher, 321, "half the crown of his helmet was shorn 

2 Qui caeteris principibus corporis elegantia et divitiis excellebat, St Denys, v. 570; 
que jonece osta son (Psans) soussy, Pastoralet, 846. He was born May 9, 1385 (Cagny, 
15; Odolant-Desnos, i. 458), at the castle of Essey near Seez and was contracted in 
marriage to Marie eldest daughter of the Duke of Brittany in the castle of 1'Hermione at 
Vannes on June 26, 1396, Ansclme, i. 272; Thevedy, 331; Roujoux, iv. 127; Wylie, ii. 
425; not January, as Mas-Latrie, 1659; the actual marriage taking place at the castle of 
St Aubin du Cornier near Fougeres, Hommey, ii. 242. Their first child was born on 
Oct. 4, 1407, Bry de la Clergerie, 311, 314; and his wife died on Dec. 18, 1446. 

3 i.e. the first Duke Jean le tres sage, son of Pierre II, who died Sept. 20, 1404, 
Mas-Latrie, 1659. For his seal 3 fleurs de lvs in a bordure, see Zeller, Armagnacs, 57. 
For his truce with the English Sept. 7, 1412, see Hommey, iii. 246. He is called "der 
Grofe von Albenson " in Twinger, ii. 916; "Launson" or "Lamson," Harflet, 318, 320; 
Nicolas, 258, translating Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53 ; " Lauson," Capgr. 312 ; " Alanzon," 
Macfarlane, 39, quoting Drayton. For Alen9on created a duchy Jan. i, 1415 (not 
1414, as Anselme, i. 272), published in the Parliament of Paris, May 3, 1415, see Bry 
de la Clergerie, 317. 

4 "Where Alen9on and myself were down together," Henry V, iv. 7. 161; "which 
might Alanson's quarrels fierce withstand," Harbert, 49 ; " though Alanson did stupendous 
things," Boyle, 5. 

5 Monstr. 379; fit merveilles de son corps (? Duke of Alenfon), Juv. 520; fit tant de 
fais d'armes et si vaillamment, Norm. Chron. 171; Nicolas, 123; also Odolant-Desnos, 
i. 490 (from Arundel MS. xlvii. f. 239, ? same as Normandie) ; Gruel, 18. Cf. Halle, 69; 
Grafton, i. 517; Redman, 46; Holinsh. iii. 554; Goodwin, 89; Choisy, 326; Villaret, 
xiii. 372; Devienne, Artois, iii. 46; Le Vavasseur, xlvii. 535; Mezeray, ii. 567 (reading 
"couronne" for "coutonne"); rien ne resista a sa fougue tout plia devant lui, Mazas, 
Vies, v. 628; Berand, ii. 66; un incroyable courage, Barante, iii. 164; wie ein Lowe, 
Pauli, y. 122; Jahns, 860; Trebuchet, 78, 84; Trevedy, 333; "prodigies of valour," 
Masson, 243; Depeyre, 236, who thinks that his "mort heroique " largely saved the 
honour of the French; renverse comme la foudre tout sous son passage, Labitte, 143; 
Lambert, 421; Duval-Pineu, ii. 202; cf. Kohler, 773; Ramsay, i. 221. Niethe (52) 
thinks the story is modelled on Homer, but still calls Alenon der tapferste Franzose. 

6 Martyn, 185; Tyler, ii. 182; Lingard, iii. 495; Belleval, 165, who thinks that 
Henry refused to take the Duke's proffered gauntlet. In Drayton, 73, Henry cuts the 
Duke into small pieces. For imaginary pictures of the incident with the king and the 
Duke both mounted, see Barante (edition Gachard), i. 351; Henty, Frontispiece, 350; 
Macfarlane, 27, where the Duke is mounted and the king on foot. 

* e.g. J. R. Green, 262 ; Oman, Pol. Hist. 255. 

1415] The Duke of Alenqon 165 

as "an embellishment 1 ." But the prosy fact appears to be 
that Alengon, like the rest, got separated from the front 
rank, and was hit in a mixed medley', none knowing whose 
hand had cut him down*. His own biographer, Percival 
de Cagny, who was a squire in his household 4 , knows of 
nothing to distinguish him from the other dead but simply 
files his name together with a long list of others who 
"ended their days" in the battle 3 , and so strange does the 
omission seem to his modern editor that he thinks that 
Cagny "ought to have put the story in 6 ," though it is 
incredible that he could have overlooked it if it had been 
true, for his master's doings form the principal topic in his 
account of the whole campaign 7 . Moreover Jean de Beuil 8 
who afterwards served in the company of the Duke's son 9 
and was with him when he was captured at Verneuil 10 and 
whose own father was killed in the battle of Agincourt 11 has 
nothing to say of any heroic death of the Duke, the real 

1 Michelet, vi. 35. 

2 Inter caeteros se audacter immersit relicta acie principal!, St Denys, v. 570. 

3 Du Conte d'Alen9on ne scavoit on nouvelles mais il fut depuis trouve mort, Juv. 511. 
For story that he was taken prisoner by John Fastolf, see Anstis, Reg. i. 136, quoting 
" G. 6, p. 286 penes me " ; Scrope, 1 72 . It is really a confusion with the surrender of his 
son at Verneuil in 1424, D. Turner, Caister, p. 8. In 1420 when the bastard of Alen9on 
killed many English prisoners who had been captured at La Rochelle he said that he did 
it to revenge the death of his brother par eux occis, Circourt, 353, quoting Godefroy, 
Hist, de Charles VII, p. 474 (q.v.). 

4 Ecuyer de 1'Ecurie. He was master of the household to his son Jean II, Cagny, 
pp. iii, xv, xvii. The chronicle which ends abruptly in 1438 was consulted by Bry de la 
Clergerie, circ. 1620, who says nothing about any heroic death. The original appears to 
be lost but a copy made by Andre Duchesne (d. 1640) still remains in the Bibliotheque 
Nationale (collection Duchesne, no. 48, ff. 63-110), see Grande Encycl., s.v. Caigny. 
Portions of this (relating to Joan of Arc) were published by J. Quicherat in Bibl. de 
1'Ecole des Charles, vii. 143 (1845-6), and Proces, iv. 3-37, but the whole text has 
recently been published by H. Moranville for the Societe de 1'Histoire de France (1902), 
see Ronciere, ii. 215. For reference to a chronicle (1472) by a squire of Jean II, Uuc 
d'Ale^on (MS. 95743, now 4794, fonds fra^ais), see Quicherat, Proces, iv. 38. I am 
assured by M. Omont that this has no connection with Cagny's Chronicle. 

6 Et k icelui journe'e finirent leurs jours les dues d'Alen9on de Brebant et de Bar, etc. 
et plusieurs autres grans barons, Cagny, f. 80. 

6 Aurait dil aj outer, Cagny, 18. 

7 Cagny, 18, 98. 

8 For Jean de Bueil maitre des arbaletriers killed at Agincourt, see Anselme, vii. 849 ; 
viii. 52 ; Le Fevre, i. 248 ; Waur. ii. 206; Nouv. Biogr. Gen., s.v. His son Jean de Bueil, 
Lord of Nancerre and Admiral of France, was the author of Le Jouvencel. He was made 
Captain of Cherbourg on its recovery by the French in 1450, Bouvier, quoted in Stevenson, 
Expulsion, ii. 367; Cosneau, Conne'table, 421. For picture of him, see Montfaucon, 
iii. 276. For his seal (April 14, 1437), see Demay, Inventaire, i. 180; also Steycot, 
Aper9u, Fig. 14, p. 40 (circ. 1410) ; Forbes-Leith, i. 24. For story that he was a natural 
son of Charles VLI and Agnes Sorel, see EC. des Chartes, xx. 437. 

9 i.e. Jean V, Duke of Alen9on, born May 2, 1409, died 1476. 

10 Beuil, I. p. x. 

11 Beuil, I. p. v; II. 269. 

1 66 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

truth' evidently being that no one had any chance of a 
theatrical death, and the French writers whose accounts are 
nearest to the actual event admit that they would not have 
blushed so deeply for their proud nobility had they been 
able to show that they had fallen by the hands of gentlemen 
and not been knocked ignobly on the head by a parcel of 
varlets and unvalued knaves 1 . 

Into the flanks and rear of this broken and disheartened 
mass of Frenchmen the archers let drive with axe and club. 
Basnets were riven to the teeth 2 and cries of " surrender" 
went up on every side 3 , some yielding ten times over, but 
there was no time to halt the work, and as they were felled 
they were ruthlessly despatched without respect of persons 4 . 
As the front ranks sank stunned and stupefied beneath the 
blows 5 , and as the throng thrust on them from behind, the 
living stumbled on the dead and on to these stifled heaps 6 

1 Adauget ignominiam ab indignis et vilibus obtenta victoria, St Denys, v. 564; 
cf. mechanicis et infimi status viris, ibid. 568; Le Laboureur, 1010, quoted in Beaufils, 25; 
superba nobilitas agrestium jaculis obruta vulgi confederis sagitis, Blondel, i. 262; les 
hurons et varletz de leur pays, ibid. i. 443 ; les vilains d'Angleterre te suffocquerent, ibid, 
i. 443 ; called " armed varlets " in Turner, v. 458. Cf. valet ! lacquay ! Henry V, iv. 2. 2 ; 
" lackeys," do. IV. i ; IV. 2. 26. 

2 Cf. rent and cleffe don the theth unto, Coudrette, 81, 82, no; basnetes bryzt they 
crasyd a to, Harflet, 323. Cf. 

Helmes were holed and scheldes cloven, 

With grete strokes here hedes hoven. 

Laud Troy Book, 24. 

That his helm al to-roffe. Ibid. 46. 

When with his Axe he at his Foe let drive, 

Murrion and scalpe down to the teeth did rive. Drayton, 23. 

"le me rende" they cryde on every syde, 

Our Englys men they understod nozt aryzte. Harflet, 324. 

Strang, 99 ; Villemain, ii. 229. For " criaunt, criaunt " as the cry of the vanquished, see 
W. G. Benham, 12; still surviving in the words "recreant" and "craven," see Murray, 
s.v. Creant. Cf. the coward champion recreant that seith creant withoute nede, 
Chaucer (G.), iv. 614, where there is no need to suppose that it is shortened from 
"recreant," as in Glossary, s.v. Twinger (ii. 916) states that Henry had given an order 
before the battle that no quarter was to be given (so solltent sii denne alle schiessen so sii 
beste mohtent und sollent ouch der franzosen keinen gefangen nemen) but spared prisoners 
when he saw that the French were flying and overcome (fliihent und underligen). 

4 They sparyd nother Deuke, Erie ne knyzt, Harflet, 324 ; capitur nullus, caeduntur 
multi, Tit. Liv. 19; victus reddi desiderat, victorum impetus redditionis tempora non 
expectat, Vita, 66; cruellement sans mercy, Waur. ii. 215; Le Fevre, i. 257; Monstr. 
376; not that "the slaughter fell chiefly on the cavalry," as Hume (1854), ii. 358. 

5 Cf. " Horses and riders all appeared enchanted (i.e. under a spell)," Historians' 
Hist. xi. 171, from Michelet, vi. (q.v.); immobiles et sine sensu, Wals. ii. 313; Hypodig. 
466; comme immobiles, Waur. ii. 211 ; nunquam ictum dederunt, Pluscard, 351. 

Et maint en y a tout pour voir, 
Qui moerent sans un recevoir. Pastoralet, 773. 
B Et la sans lit en ordre hautre, 

Sont les mors couchie's 1'un sur 1'autre, 

Par mons partas souvins envers. Pastoralet, 773. 

1415] Three Hours 167 

the English leaped and climbed 1 , hewing 2 their way with 
axe and sword 3 to finish the "promiscuous killing 4 " of the 
struggling mass. In half an hour 5 from the start the 
English had pierced right through the solid mass of men-of- 
arms and had them at their mercy, and ere three hours had 
elapsed 6 they had crushed and pounded them to death 7 . 
The rear line meanwhile having no orders to advance 8 had 
stood idly watching the slaughter and now began to break 
up and disperse without a blow 9 . 

They lay on hepes 2 speres length of hyght, Caxton, Chron. 145 ; Brut, ii. 378 (of the 
first cavalry charge). 

This Frenchman falling, by his very weight 
Doth kill another strucken down before. Drayton, 61. 

One man's Trunke becomes another's Tombe, do. 70 ; cumulus super cumulum extincti 
sunt per millia, Pluscard, 351; opprimitur vivis plebs mortua, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 122; 
catervatim occiduntur, Blondel, i. 261 ; ita a suis suffocati acervum valde mirabile 
componebant, J. E. Morris, Archers, 430, quoting Bridlington Chron. in Stubbs' 
Chronicles, of the reigns of Edward I, II, ii. 1883,; cf. the battle of Dupplin Moor, 
temp. Edward I. 

1 Scandunt congeries Francorum caetibus Angli, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 122. Cf. 

That thei were meet togedar on hepis, 
Every man on other lepes. Laud Troy Book, 41. 
Cf. on hepes, do. 271, 393; on an hepe, do. 420. 

2 The Lord Valen hewyd that was so stowte, Lydg. Po. 324. 

3 Inter vibratos mucrones lancias et scueres, Gesta, 59. 

4 Boyle, 5. 

5 Et ne dura pas le bataille demi-heure qu'elle ne fut toute de confite ou tout tuet ou 
tout pris, Ruisseauville, 140; ne dura gaire la bataille, Cordeliers, 229; facile devicta, 
Blondel, i. 167. 

6 Duas vel tres horas, Gesta, 55; J. Meyer, 246, quoting from Anglorum scriptor, 
i.e. from 9.30 to 12.30; ultra diei horain dimidiam, St Denys, v. 566; ad tres horas, Tit. 
Liv. 19; bien iiij heures, Le Fevre, i. 259 (i.e. including the second attack); cf. Waur. 
ii. 217; en peu d'heure, Gruel, 18; called 5 hours in Rapin, iii. 451; Tindal, i. 514; 
parvo post labore et multo paene negotio victoria Anglicis cessavit, Basin, 22. 

7 Perforata et contrita, Gesta, 55 ; in multis locis penetrabilem reddiderunt, St Denys, 
v. 562 ; les engles entrerent ens et passerent I'avant garde, le bataille et 1'arrieregarde, 
Ruisseauville, 140. 

Ther Dukes and Erlys, Lorde and Barone 
Were take and slayne and that wel sone. 

Nicolas, App. 67. 
Tyler, ii. 202; Fuller-Maitland, 15, 43, 61 ; Adams, i. 234. 

8 Cum non haberent principem qui id possit precipere, St Denys, v. 564 ; sans chief, 
Fenin, 64 ; par quoy il n'y eut point de gouvernement ne entretenement en leurs gens, 
ibid.; though Monstr. (374) places them under the Dukes of Bar and Alen^on and 
six counts, all of whom are supposed by H. Martin (vi. 16) to have abandoned their posts 
in order to join the front fighting line. 

9 Juv. (520) pictures them as only two spears' length away. For Henry attacking the 
second line after the Duke of York with the archers is supposed to have broken up the 
first, see Lingard, iii. 499. Mazas (Vies, v. 624-627) thinks that every man of the French 
first line was killed and that their bodies filled the whole width of the "defile" in which 
he supposes them to have been posted, that the English then climbed over this pile of 
bodies "with the precision and calm " that you might expect from such disciplined troops, 
put their archers in front again and began another battle against the Duke of Alen9on and 
the second line who were waiting for them 300 yards away in the same narrow defile. 
Here both sides pushed each other about for about an hour like the waves of the sea till 
the English somehow got past the French in column and turned their line which fled 
"with a cowardly precipitation"; also Belleval, 103. Called the third line in Guthrie, 

1 68 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

The day seemed practically won and the victors turned 
to sort the heaps of prostrate bodies, picking out the dead 
and saving such as were still alive for future ransom. 
The Count of Richmond was pulled out alive from below 
two dead bodies little injured 1 and was recognised by his 
coat-armour which was covered with blood. The Dukes of 
Orleans and Bourbon and many other leaders were also 
found to be alive, and the prisoners were being parted out 
to their various captors when suddenly a cry was raised 
that fresh forces had come up to help the French 2 , that the 
fugitives had rallied and were forming up to bear down 
upon them ere they could pause for a much needed rest. 
Some said that the Duke of Brittany had come up with 
5000 men 8 , others that it was the Duke of Brabant 4 or the 
King of Sicily 5 , or that Clignet de Breban had effected 
a grand rally 6 , while others again declared that it was an 
entirely false alarm \ This last statement however is quite 
contradicted by two Frenchmen who were actually present 
in the battle, both of whom roundly blame this " cursed re- 
assembling of wicked men 8 " for daring to face the English 
after the great lords were captured, and light is thrown 
upon the problem by the episode of the adventure of the 
Duke of Brabant which comes to us on unquestionable 

ii. 467, who thinks that they " retired without doing anything that History can recount." 
In Choisy, 329, both the corps de bataille and the arriere-garde fly without being engaged. 
Tyler (ii. 172) thinks that "they were advancing from the quarter where the [English ?] 
baggage was stationed." Towle (338) thinks they " probably made greater havoc with 
the English than any other division "; Crowe (i. 127), that when the first line was broken 
the second and third " instantly fled" ; Ransome (147), that the second line was attacked 
like the first and that the third line was disposed of by "a charge in flank." In Diet. 
Nat. Biogr. (xxxvi. 48) the third line make " a desultory and disorganised resistance." 

1 Ung peu blecie, Gruel, 18. 

2 Called 20,000 men-of-war under Sir William Tyboniulie, Lord of La Riviere 
(or Tybonville, Nicolas (edition 1827), p. 78), in Ralph Brook (Harl. MS. 782); Nicolas, 
367; Delort, 177. 

3 Page 123; Cassell, i. 533. Called some Bretons and Gascons in Historians' Hist, 
xi. 173- 

4 Lannoy, 32 ; Trahisons, 129, who adds the Count of Nevers with 1200 combatants. 
Adams (i. 230) supposes the Duke of Burgundy. 

5 Norm. Chron. 171. 

Une grant recoeuillette, Ruisseauville, 140; pour cause d'un estandart qui vint 
a cuider rallier les Franczois, Chron. Brioc. 891. 

7 St Denys, v. 564. Brougham (434) considers it "a pretence," "a supposed fresh 

8 Ceste mauldite compaignie rassemblee de meschants gens, Le Fevre, i. 258; 
Waurin, ii. 216. 

* i.e. Dynter, iii. 299, 749, who had been told to follow the Duke, but did not leave 

1415] The Duke of Brabant 169 

Anthony, Duke of Brabant 1 was a younger brother of 
the Duke of Burgundy 2 . The summons from Peronne 8 
had reached him at Louvain at 8 o'clock in the evening of 
Oct. 2 1 4 and he at once set out with about a dozen followers 8 , 
having sent notices to his lords and others to meet him 
with all possible speed at Cambrai. After visiting Tervueren 
he started from Brussels on Wednesday, Oct. 23, travelled 
through the night by Mons 6 to Valenciennes where he 
stopped for a while to bait. Posting hard he reached Lens 
at 10 o'clock in the evening of the 24th, and starting again 
at 4 o'clock in the morning he reached Pernes 7 about 
15 miles 8 from the spot where it was understood that the 
battle would be pitched on the morrow. Few of his men 
had been able to keep pace with him so he paused to hear 
mass and make his shrift. Scarcely was the service done 
when a messenger came hurrying up with news that the 
battle would be fought before noon that day, and at once 
the little party fastened crosses to their arms, remounted 
their horses and tore on to join in the expected triumph. 
Arrived on the field with a few of his knights 9 the Duke 
dismounted beneath a thorn and as his own armour had not 

Brussels till Oct. 24. He spent that night at Braine-le-Comte, heard midday mass at 
Mons on the 25th, rode on to Valenciennes the same night, was at Douai on Saturday, 
Oct. 26, where many of the Brabanters were still hurrying up, and as they sat at dinner 
came the fatal news that the battle was lost and their Duke was dead, Dynter, I. xxii. 

1 Not Charles, as Mazas, Vies, v. 606. He was born in Aug. 1384, Belleval, 161 ; 
Thibault, 296. For picture of him with dogs, see Verhaer, i. 375; Awans, 319. For 
fancy picture of him, see Loyens, 67. For his institution of the Chambre des Comptes in 
1406 as distinct from the Conseil de Brabant, see Lamure, xxxix, xliii; Guillard, 6. 
For a letter written by him at Bapaume, July 18, 1408, see Coussemaker, 207. 

2 Les deux freres Leonet, Pastoralet, 775. 

3 Page 124. 

4 Clam noctu, Rymkron. iii. 210; not Oct. 19, as Dieve, Ann. 41. 
3 Juv. 521. 

Berghen in Henegouwe, Rymkron. iii. 212. Mazas (Vies, v. 618) thinks that he 
started from Lille, eluding the vigilance of the Duke of Bourbon who wanted to prevent 
him from joining. 

7 Van Even 22 or Oct. 21, Dynter. Not "par Fruges," as Mazas, Vies, v. 618; 
Belleval, 96. 

8 Called 2 leagues in Dynter, iii. 299. 

9 A pau de gent, Ruisseauville, 140; a bien pan de gens de son hostel seulement, 
Cordeliers, 229, who names two sons of the lord of Lens (near Mons) in Hainault who 
were brothers to the Bishop of Cambrai qui pour lors estoit (i.e. probably some suffragan 
bishop in the absence of Cardinal d'Ailli). Called u in Juv. 521 ; Kohler, ii. 773 ; or 12 
in Goodwin, 75; moult-hastivement et a peu de compagnie, Le Fevre, i. 256; cum paucis 
nobilibus secum existentibus, Dynter, iii. 301 ; met eenen zeer cleinen hoope smal, 
Rymkron. iii. 217. Low (40) supposes that he "charged with 1200 horse" and was 
apparently killed, but he charges again on p. 41. 

1 70 Agincoiirt [CH. xxxiv 

arrived 1 and the battle was already well nigh over 2 he 
borrowed that of his chamberlain Goblet Vosken 3 , poked 
a hole through a trumpet-blazon 4 and wore it round his neck 
as a coat armour 5 , fixed another to a spear to serve for 
a banner and plunged forward 6 with his men shouting 
" Brabant ! Brabant ! " to rally the second line. This was 
the shout that struck on the English ears* when they 
thought their work was already done, while at the same 
time came news that swarms of plunderers 8 , who had been 
gathering round from Hesdin and other places 9 , had fallen 
on the baggage and captured the royal beds and stuff 10 
which had been carelessly left unprotected with the sumpter- 

1 Si n'estoit encore nient bien armes, Ruisseauville, 140. 

2 Praelio iam paene confecto, Basin, i. 23. Not at the beginning of the battle caeteris 
principibus nondum subsecutis, as Zantfliet, 406. 

8 Who was himself killed in the battle, Rymkron. iii. 224. 

4 Een blasoen van enen trompette, Rymkron. iii. 218. Cf. 
I wil the banner from a trumpet take, 
And use it for my haste. Henry V, iv. 2. 61. 

For ii. bannieres pour les trompettes, see Laborde, i. 94 ; Pannier, i. 220, where they are 
made of demi-cendal. Calleda pennon in Kingsford, 152; cf. pennonceaux a trompe, 
Pannier, i. 99; cf. revetu de son blason, Gough, i. i. cxlii; Heyert, Apercu, 44. 
For banniere de trompette made of scarlet, white, black and yellow sendal at Sluys 
in 1406, see La Fons-Me"licocq, 13; for pignon de trompette at Lille 1350, ibid. 7. For 
payment (1419) for buckram a faire une baniere a la trompette de la ville (St Jean 
d'Angely), see Aussy, iii. 297. For illustrations, see Strutt, Manners, ii. Plate XL ; Vigne, 
ii. 7, 31, Plates xvn, LXXVIII; do. Recherches, 21 ; Humphreys, Froissart, i. Plate xxm; 
Rene", Plate xiv ; Quatrebarbes, iii. Plates x, XIV ; Cutts, Middle Ages, 418; Prost, 158; 
Wallon, 364; Sarrazin-Cauchon, 189; Craik- Mac far lane, i. 875; Berant, Survey, i. 324; 
Froissart (Johnes), iv. 229. 

6 Not " in default of armour," as Towle, 337. For a sleeveless surcoat with a hole for 
the neck, see figure on the left in picture of Charlemagne in C. Louandre, Planches, vol. ii. 

8 Se fourra dedans, Juv. 521. Mazas (Vies, v. 618) thinks that he placed himself in 
the centre of the front line. 

7 Dynter, iii. 302 ; Basin, i. 23. 

8 Vespiliones, Monstr. ii. 313 ; brigauntis, Capgr. 312 ; 600 peasants, Le Fevre, i. 257 ; 
Waurin, ii. 217; aucunes (sic) gens de petit estat, Fenin, 64; gens a pie et a cheval, 
Norm. Chron. 170. Dynter (iii. 300, 758) says that they were led by Clignet de Breban 
after he had failed to break the archers; cf. Rymkron. iii. 216; Pauwels, 243; Impens, 
356. Towle (340) supposes there were two separate attacks on the baggage ; Musgrave 
(297), that the prisoners were said to be attacking the baggage which he calls a "false 
and purposely misguiding message." Rapin, iii. 451 ; Tindal, i. 514, makes the king run 
to the top of a little hill before he could see what was the matter; cf. " sur une eminence," 
Villaret, xiii. 373; but no such hill exists. Boyle (5) says that "Bondile assauted the 
unguarded baggage, i.e. Sir William Tyboniulle, knight and Lorde of Delarivere," in 
Harl. MS. 782, f. 48 b; Nic. p. 78, where he is said to have "gathered of the ennemyes 


route the number of xx (20,000) men of warr under the white pennon to have given 
a newe battell." 

9 Chil de Hesdin et du pays d'entour, Ruisseauville, 141, who says that they were 
forts assez pour deconfire tous les angles apries la bataille; cf. Danvin, 1 19. For plunder 
found at Hesdin, see Juv. 522. 

10 Bona Anglorum, Vita, 69; Tit. Liv. 21; cf. counceiled to set not be no tresure 
praies ne juelx and vesselle of golde and of silver as welle of tho that were his there lost, 
ne of the juelle that he wonne, Noblesse, 31. 

The Prisoners 171 

men in the rear 1 . Amongst the plunder was a sum of 
money amounting to ^209. 165. o</. 2 which would have 
been used to meet the expenses of the royal household on 
the march, also a coffer containing many jewels together 
with the Chancery seals, the state sword and the crown 8 , 
the discovery of which caused a great clanging and shouting 
of Te Deum among the captors who took it as an earnest 
that they would soon get the king too*. The seals were 
afterwards recovered and the jewels which were deposited 
in the Tower of London, while the sword came into the 
hands of the Count of Charolais 5 , by whom it was given up 
to pacify his father the Duke of Burgundy 6 , who afterwards 
imprisoned the leaders of this raid for causing the rumour 
which led to the hideous massacre of the prisoners on the 
battlefield 7 . At any rate when the alarm was raised the 
prisoners were ranged waiting for distribution amongst their 
captors. There had been no time to strip them of their 
armour; their basnets alone had been removed 8 , and as 
they stood bareheaded the king suddenly 9 gave orders that 
in face of the new danger every man should kill his prisoners 
on the spot saving only the dukes, earls and other such 
high-placed leaders 10 as fell to the king's own share. For 
the moment the captors showed some reluctance in view of 
their prospective ransom-money and both English and 
French uttered loud cries of remonstrance 11 , but the king 

1 See page 148. Ex desidia clientelum regalium, Gesta, 50; Chron. Giles, 45; 
Redman, 47, who thinks that their shouts caused the English to massacre the prisoners. 

2 Lesquelx deniers furent perduz a la bataille de Azincourt, Exch. Accts. 406/29, 
where the money had been handed to John Feriby at Harfleur before starting on the 

3 See page 89. 

4 Sine mora venturum, Wals. ii. 313; not that the king was dead, as Capgr. 312. 
For story that this crown was taken to Paris where it was carried about in procession, see 
Brut, ii. 597; Church, 84. 

6 Echard (i. 186) thinks that the " base surprisal of the king's carriage was generously 
resented " by the Duke of Burgundy. 

tf Not Brittany, as Stow, Chron. 350. 

7 Fenin, 64; Monstr. 376. 

8 Sinon 1'armeure de teste seullement, Waur. ii. 216; Le Fevre, i. 258; E. Gaillard, 
155; cf. a debaciner leurs prisonniers, Chron. Brioc. 891. Trussel (103) supposes that 
they were tied back to back. 

9 Though Baker (171) thinks that he first "caused all Arrows and Stakes to be 
plucked vp," etc. 

10 Sinon les seigneurs, Norm. Chron. 172; servatis nobilioribus, Aen. Sylv. Comm. 152. 

11 Adont peust on buir grans cries et merveilleux tant des engles comme des franchois 
par les bons prisonniers que ils avoient, Ruisseauville, 140; though V. FreVille (95) 
thinks that the carnage was " rendu plus horrible par lafurieuse rapacitt de ces Anglais." 

172 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

threatened to hang 1 any man that disobeyed and told off 
200 of his ever-handy archers 9 to begin the bloody work. 
This threat was in itself enough and each man faced about 
and slew his captives in cold blood 3 . Their throats were 
cut, their heads bashed 4 , their bodies paunched 3 " in fell 
and cruel wise 6 ,'' and even the houses to which some 
wounded had been lifted for shelter were deliberately set on 
fire in order that no captive might escape alive. This last 
frightful fact is known on the authority of the famous 
traveller Gilbert de Lannoy 7 who was shut up in such a 
house with 10 or 12 other prisoners all alike helpless 8 . He 
was wounded in the head and knee, but he managed to drag 
himself out on all fours just in time to escape the fire, and 
was sold on the same day to Sir John Cornwall who guessed 
that he must be a great master (ung grant maistre) because 
he was so gentlemanly dressed [asses honestement en point]. 
Thence he was taken to Calais and so crossed over to 
England but was released within a year on paying 1200 
gold crowns and a horse valued at 100 francs as ransom, 
his " master 9 ,'' John Cornwall, giving him 20 nobles to buy 
harness on his departure. 

It is doubtless to this hideous order 10 that a large part 
of the enormous butchery of Agincourt is chiefly due 11 , for 

1 Sur peine de la hart, Monstr. 276 ; i.e. the halter, Cotgr., s.v. Har ; cf. Ordonnance, 
xi. 113 (for phrase). Called "an osier twig from which ropes were made" in Godefroy, 
s.v. Not sous peine de mart, as Tyler, ii. 180; Tre"buchet, 79; cf. sous peine de la hart, 
Felibien, iv. 567 ; Gamier, 52; Mirot, D'Orgemont, 204; seur le hart, Ruisseauville, 137; 
Finot, Paix, 19; Lhomel, Edits, 45. 

2 Not 300, as Church, 83. Guthrie (ii. 467) calls them " 200 ruffians the most 
hardened of his army." 

3 Du troit sang, Le Fevre, i. 258; Waur. ii. 216; licet nobiles, Tit. Liv. 20; 
Vita, 68. 

4 A les tuer par les testes de leurs haches et jusarmes (i.e. gisarmes), Chron. Brioc. 
891 ; in capite et in gutture vulneratus, Dynter, iii. 302, 751 ; and with a Poleaxe pasheth 
out his braines, Drayton, 89. 

"Slicked with daggers, brained with poleaxes, slain with malles," etc. Halle, 70; 
Grafton, i. 518; Holinsh. iii. 554. For " paunched " = evacuare, see Boys, 501. 
6 Hard. 375. 7 Lannoy, 32; do. Oeuvres, 50, 187. 

8 Tous impotens, Lannoy, 32. 

9 "Mon maistre," Lannoy, 32. 

10 Get ordre barbare, Petitot, Collections, vi. 332; in Nicolas, 125; Labitte, 143; 
Martin, vi. 20; Hauteclocque, 286; Trebuchet, 79; cette resolution inoui'e, Belleval, 109; 
"a harsh and as it proved unnecessary order," Oman, Hist. 226; do. Hundred Years' 
War, in; E. Hardy, 170; this cruel order, Haggard, 128. 

11 Aen. Sylv. Orat. iii. 193; ainsi fut faite la grande occision, Chron. Brioc. 891; 
cladem plurimum auxit, Meyer, 246. Mazas (Vies, v. 631, 632) thinks that 1200 nobles 
and 2200 knights were thus killed; cf. killed "une infinite de seigneurs," Devienne, 
Artois, iii. 47; Hauteclocque (286) and Belleval (109) give 1000; Hanotaux (254) gives 
2000; and Wade (81), 14,000, thinking probably of Juv. 519. 


The Massacre 


when the massacre had once begun it was impossible to 
discriminate or stop it, and when the Duke of Brabant was 
captured after all possible danger was at an end he was 
removed with others to some little distance from the fray, 
his basnet and gorget were taken off, and his throat was 
cut, his captor not knowing from his eccentric blason what 
a precious life he had thrown away for his followers had 
not dared to look towards their chief lest the English 
should recognise his value and force up his finance 1 . The 
whole frightful episode has naturally exercised the minds of 
many modern critics of our king, whether as defenders or 
opponents. Of the former, one thinks that the massacre 
proves that Henry cannot be called " positively humane 3 ,'' 
while others take refuge in the altogether gratuitous sup- 
position that when the mistake was discovered the king 
immediately ordered that the slaughter should be stopped 8 , 
and showed " extraordinary grief and sorrow" for what 
he had done 4 ; another can only leave it " to the generous 
mind and feeling heart to acquit King Henry of barbarity 5 " ; 
while yet another, refusing to believe that he was actuated 
by "any deliberate or revengeful inhumanity," pleads in 
extenuation that physical exhaustion of mind and body may 
be admitted as his apology for a precipitate act into which 
the general excitation and alarm of his wearied countrymen 
combined to urge him 6 . But the present temper of English 
historians inclines to sweep aside all such paltering excuses 7 
and to call it "a cold-blooded wholesale murder 8 ," "a cruel 

1 Dynter, iii. 302, 303, 751, 752; a celle deconfiture (i.e. the massacre) fu tue li duch 
de Brabant, Ruisseauville, 140; though Monstr. (376) supposed that he rushed into the 
vanguard and was at once killed; also Le Fevre, i. 256; Waurin, ii. 215; Michelet, 
vi. 36. 

2 Goldwin Smith, i. 255. 

8 Hume (edition 1854), ii. 358; Andrews, ii. 20; Tyler, ii. 172, 173; Courtenay, 
i. 204; Macfarlane, 40; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 33; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 563; Tyrrell, 
293 [171]; Cassell, i. 534; Low, 41; Bearne, 276; Aubrey, n (who calls it "an un- 
fortunate occurrence "). Carte (ii. 681) thinks that the English began to kill some captives 
of their own accord but were soon stopped by Henry's order. Lingard (iii. 500) thinks 
that "the order was unfortunately executed before the mistake could be discovered"; 
also Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 48. 

4 Martyn, 186, who thinks that he "lamented it with mony teares." 

5 Guthrie, ii. 467. Echard (i. 486) calls it " an Action so contrary to his merciful and 
generous Temper that he could but resolve upon it with the highest Regret"; also 
Goodwin, 90. 

6 S. Turner, v. 455, 456. 

7 Not that the king himself offered any excuses, as A. Beckett, 244. 

8 Tyrrell, 293 [171]; Vickers, 31 ; cf. ein abscheuliches Morden, Niethe, 53. 

174 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

butchery 1 ," which " cannot be defended 2 ," though a large 
section with varying degrees of thoroughness still plead 
that it was a " dire necessity 3 " dictated by " the hasty 
instinct of self-preservation 4 ," and that the king's " laurels 
cannot with justice be deemed to be sullied 5 ." French 
writers on the other hand quite naturally approach this 
" question " without a trace of any such mitigating tender- 
ness. To them this "cold-blooded order" is like that of 
Bajazet at Nicopolis 6 , a hateful and inhuman crime 7 
prompted by a sudden fit of rage 8 which no colouring can 
palliate and no reasoning excuse 9 , leaving an indelible 
stain 10 on England's honour which dripped out at every 
pore 11 . But surely we are wasting sentiment in all these 
biassed comments of to-day. A generation later an English 
chronicler goes out of his way to tell us that however 
unwilling our people were yet the order was absolutely 
necessary because a new and fresh French army had 
appeared on the field 12 . The living writers of the time 
have no such passionate judgments to record. In Italy it is 
true a writer called it " a hostile and inhuman deed," but in 

1 Ramsay, i. 222; cf. "a cruel deed," Gardiner, 303; cf. ce massacre etait inutile, 
E. Hardy, 170. 

2 Adams, i. 229. 

* Zech, 301; Nicolas, 124; Tyler, i . 169; Church, 82; Towle, 339; "a presumed 
necessity," S. Turner, v. 455; "let us hope it was unavoidable," Reed, 138; cf. a 
"Rational Apprehension," Echard, i. 186; nothing could give assurance of safety but 
their slaughter, Baker, 171; this necessary precaution, Carte, ii. 68 1; par la crainte 
de quelque tentative de la part des prisonniers, Anquetil, i. 557. 

4 Knight, ii. 63; Gairdner, 98; Yonge, 281 ; cf. "a cruelty which his judgment took 
from Safeties Laws," Boyle, 5. 

5 Long, Ixxxiv. 466. 

6 Belleval, 107. 

7 Mazas, Vies, v. 631. 

8 Un mouvement subit de colere, Anquetil, i. 557; but " ordonne froidement" in 
Hanotaux, 254. R. Baker (171) supposes that the sight of the Duke of York's body 
induced the order for the massacre, see Archaeologia, xx. 27. 

9 Qu'on a vainement tente a justifier, Villaret, xiii. 374 ; un trait inhumain de quelque 
maniere qu'on le colore, Hennebert, iii. 330; aucun raisonnement ne peut excuser un 
pareil crime, Roujoux, Bretagne, ii. 173; une des actions les moins justifiees et les plus 
odieuses, Roujoux, Histoire, ii. 244 ; un acte d'inhumanite, une cruaute" sans excuse, 
Duval-Pineu, ii. 203, who contrasts Henry with Duguesclin who released his pri- 
soners at the battle of Cocherel or Cochrel (near Evreux), May 16, 1364; St Foix, iii. 
191 ; though no such episode appears in the account of the battle in Luce, Du Quesclin, 

10 Belleval, 109. 

11 Depeyre, 237, who refers to a " memorable discussion " at the end of the eighteenth 
century. Ardouin Dumazet (xix. 100) thinks that the prisoners were massacred malgre la 
parole donne'e. 

12 Coacti necessario licet inviti, Kirkstall, Chron. 286 


The Massacre 175 

the same sentence he admits that with prisoners out- 
numbering his men by more than 2 to i, Henry " feared of 
the perils of the dark 1 "; while in France even his most 
furious critic who railed at him with the fiercest invective 
for the carnage in the streets of Caen 2 vents not a syllable 
of blame for this massacre on the battlefield. For given the 
circumstances in those days the French would have done 
the same themselves 3 had they been in so perilous a case 4 . 
And so while Englishmen regretted it as a " mighty loss " 
of ransom money 5 , or watered down the story by saying 
that heralds were sent to warn the " new army " of the 
French that the prisoners would be slaughtered without 
mercy if they did not at once draw off 8 , the French 
reserved their wrath for those " wicked men 7 " on their 
own side who would not recognise that they were beaten by 
the rules of the game and whose useless rally made this 
dreadful slaughter a necessity. 

Freed from all danger in his rear the English king was 
ready to face the new adventure full in front. His men 
soon hewed their way into the second throng 8 where the 
disheartened French made little stand 9 . Such as had horses 
in reserve soon mounted them and fled 10 in hot earnest, 

1 Vetitus nocturna pericula, Aen. Sylv. Comm. 151 ; do. Orat. iii. 193; in duplo esse 
plures quam victores. 

3 Blondel (Stevenson), 218. 

8 Juxta morem patriae, Wals. ii. 287 (of the prisoners at Dourdan in 1411, Wylie, iv. 
62); Musgrave, 297, who calls it "an incident characteristic of the barbarity of the 
period"; Froissart, i. 211 (1346), quoted in Scott, ii. 499; cf. the Burgundian at Roye in 
1420; ceux que les Picards avoient pris et creances eux-mesmes les tuerent car ne les 
eussant ose mener avec eux, Chastellain, i. 99; also page 53, note 10; and before 
Nicopolis, Kohler, iii. Pt. II. 233, who gives similar examples of the Germans and 
Italians; cf. ou massacres par Sconomie ou mutiles, Lavisse, 81. For the Portuguese 
killing their prisoners at Aljubarrota, see Lachauvelaye, ii. 112. For the hanging of 
prisoners from walls and windows, see Melusine, 96; cf. tout rigeur delaissiez sauve 
a Veure de bataile (Philippe de Mezieres in pleading for better treatment for Saracen 
prisoners), Jorga, 513. 

4 Moult perilleuse adventure, Waur. ii. 216. 

5 That was a myghty losse to Engelond, Brut, ii. 597, Lambeth MS. 84, f. 194. 

6 Kingsford, Lit. 326. 

7 See page 168, note 8. Towle (338) still blames their "miserable temerity." 

8 Waur. ii. 215; Monstr. 376. 

9 Ce rien n'y valut, Monstr. 376. Oman (in Traill, ii. 324) supposes that they 
"pushed forward on to the laboured ground." C. R. L. Fletcher (321) thinks that the 
fiercest fighting took place " in the 2nd wedge." 

10 Mist toulz les aultres francois au fuer? Add. MS. 17716, f. 102 ; fliihent und under- 
ligen, Twtnger, ii. 916, see page 166, note 3; omnesque equites qui evaserant campo 
cessere, Wals. ii. 312; Hypodig. 466; caeteri de exercitu Francorum fugerunt, Bee. 
Chron. 82. 

176 Agincourt [CH. xxxiv 

as onlookers had all along believed they would 1 , leaving the 
English undisputed masters of that bloody field strewn with 
lances, bows 2 and swords and the abandoned carts and 
waggons of their broken and defeated foe. Retracing their 
steps they turned over the piles of carnage 3 . Any that 
were found to be still alive they kept as prisoners, or if 
badly injured they despatched them as they lay, scarring 
and gashing their faces with nails and iron picks till they 
were past all recognition 4 . They stripped the bodies of 
their surcoats, their armour and their hose 6 which they 
carried by horse-loads back to Maisoncelles. But when the 
king heard that they were gorged 6 with plunder he sent 
a herald through the field proclaiming that no man should 
burden himself on the morrow with more spoil than he 
really needed for his own use as they were not yet out of 
danger for the road. Many of the wounded crawled into 
the woods at night 7 or straggled painfully some distance 
from the field to lurk in hedges and thickets in hope of 
escape from their own compatriots who dragged them out 
when they found them defenceless and killed them for the 
sake of their horse or kit or cash 8 or anything they might 
have about them. For what the English left half-done was 
finished by the peasants of the neighbourhood who with 
their wives and children prowled around all night and made 
a great picking 9 , as they stripped the dead stark 10 to the air 
as naked as they came forth from their mother's womb 11 , 

I Quasi parati ad fugam potius quam ad moram, Gesta, 49. 

8 Gesta, 56, i.e. chiefly those that the English had themselves thrown away. 

3 S'embesongoient de retourner gens morts, Waur. ii. 217. 

4 Deciperent tous les morts et les vivanes en leur visaiges afin que on ne les reconnut 
point et ossi bien tous les engles qui la estoient morts comme les aultres, Ruisseauville, 
142; Belleval, 117; E. Hardy, 171; out of 500 or 600 Breton dead only 18 could be 
recognised ; car touz les aultres estoient si decoupez que on n'en congroissoit nul, Chron. 
Brioc. 891. 

5 Desarmerent les mors, Norm. Chron. 172 ; cf. grant cop d'armeures, Ruisseau- 
ville, 142. 

6 Qu'on etripeloit, Waur. ii. 208 ; cf. entripaillait, Godefroy, i. 489. 

7 Trahisons, 130. 

8 Tant de chevaux, de males, et de chevanche, Ruisseauville, 142, who lays this to 
the charge of the Ternois and Bcmlenois; or to the men of St Pol, as Boule, i. 232. 

9 Grant acquest, Trahisons, 130; cf. that wel could pike a male, Skelton, i. 35. 

10 Cf. "starke dede," York, 27; Halliwell, ii. 799; ded sterk, Laud Troy Book, 404. 

II Waur. ii. 218; Le Fevre, i. 260; "naked like those who are born of nothing," 
Haggard, 129; nuda et penitus spoliata, Vita, 70; linges, draps, brails, chausses et tous 
autres habillements, Monstr. 380, on the authority of heralds and other persons dignes 
de foi; leving theim nether shirte nor cloute, Halle, 71; Grafton, i. 519; Rabbe, 13. 


The Massacre 177 

and when the English army moved out on the morrow they 
passed through ghastly heaps of blood and loyalty 1 whose 
hideous deaths and grisly wounds 2 would melt a heart of 
stone 3 . 

Cf. Eleven ligghende tien tide, 

Op toelt doot (Pdort) al moeder naect. Rymkron. iii. -226. 

Not that the bodies were buried tout hab file's, as Mazas, Vies, vi. 374, who thinks that 
a cette epoque depouiller les morts etait regarde comme une profanation ; cf. so nakid as 
tou were borin, Halliwell, ii. 570. 

1 Per aggerem ilium pietatis et sanguinis, Gesta, 60. 

2 Laud Troy Book, 178, 194, 201, 407, 416; woundes grym, ibid. 193, 403. 
8 Diras mortes et amara vulnera, Gesta, 56. 

W. II. 12 



WHEN all resistance was at an end the king gathered 
his men about him 1 , and calling silence with uplifted hand 
thanked them for the valour they had shown on that glorious 
field which would be to all men a proof that their cause was 
just 2 . Yet let them not attribute their success to their own 
might but solely to the grace of God 3 , who by the means of 
his little band had humbled this great host of Frenchmen 
in the dust. 

He then sent for his heralds together with Montjoie the 
French king-of-arms 4 who was among the prisoners and 
asked what castle that was that he saw yonder in the rain 8 , 
and when they told him that its name was Agincourt 6 , 
" then," said he, "let this be called the Battle of Agincourt," 
and so it has been to this day. For though some neighbouring 
titles such as Rollencourt r , Hesdin 8 , Ruisseauville 9 , Maison- 

1 Mazas (Vies, v. 632) thinks that he sat down in the centre of the defile et se livra 
comme un enfant aux transports d'une joie immoderee. For picture of a conqueror with 
visor up kneeling to thank God for victory on the battlefield amidst a heap of dead, see 
Durrieu, Tres riches Heures, Plate xxxin. 

2 See App. L. 

3 J uv - 5 2 5 Ruisseauville, 142, but doubts sometimes crept in about the theory; 
cf. albeit that at some tymes God suffrethe the partie that hath right and a trew title to 
be overthrow, Noblesse, 42. 

4 Le premier heraut du roi de France; roi d'armes des Franchois, Bouvier, 14; 
do. Description, p. i. He took his title from " Montjoie St Denis ! " or " Nostre Dame 
Montjoye St Denys au tres Chrestien roy!" (Bouvier, 44; do. Descript. pp. i, 28; 
Debat, 132; Rouyer, 31) which was the French king's war-cry, Bouvier, 5, 13, 14, 20; 
do. Armorial, 39, 41 ; see page 121, note 5. For " Montjoie" over pictures of the Duke 
of Orleans and the Counts of Richmond and Angouleme, see Montfaucon, iii. 268, 274; 
all called "pure fantaisie" in Bouvier, 50. For "Montjoye-Saint Denys" as the French 
war-cry at the battle of Val-es-Duney in 1047, see Freeman, ii. 258. 

6 There is no need to suppose that he was feigning ignorance, as Hennebert, iii. 331. 

6 See App. L. 

7 Rolandcourt, Caxton, 226. 

8 Es partiez de Hedine, Cochon, 274; prope oppidum de Hesdin, Basin, i. 23; pres 
de Hesdin, Verneuil, 8. 

9 La battaille de Roussaville, Pastoralet, 768, 851; or Roussiauville, Wauquelin, in 
Dynter, iii. 746, 749, 753 ; called Rousseauville in Lannoy, 32 ; do. Oeuvres, 49 ; 

1415] The Name of the Battle 179 

celles 1 , Blangy 3 or even The>ouanne 3 held the field for 
a while and in some quarters the battle was at first known 
as "the Artois day 4 " or the " Picardy affair 5 ," yet all other 
claims have long since given place and the name of the 
little village of Azincourt is now for ever immortalised 
while that of Tramecourt 6 its neighbour has been com- 
pletely forgotten. 

The battle will always be remembered for the enormous 
slaughter of the vanquished especially among their high- 
born leaders. The French had lost the bulk of their 
nobility 7 and amongst their dead were numbered the Dukes 

Lelewel, 30; Leroux de Lincy, Chants, p. vi; Cordeliers, 229; Barante, iii. 157; Boule, 
i. 419; Church, 76; Kohler, 759, 761, 768; juxta locum dictum Rosseauville, Zantfliet, 
406; pres de Rousseauville, Bourgeois, 64; Bearne, 272. Called Rousiauville, S. Turner, 
v. 431; Rouceauville, Roye, 168; Russeauville, Daniel, iii. 872; Roussainville, Nicolas, 
140; Russelivilla, Gall. Christ, x. 1589, 1606; Ruisauville, Scott, ii. 550; Ruissanville, 
Henty, 340; not Buisseauville, as Labitte, 135. 

1 Chron. Brioc. 891. 

2 Francos Crispini mactat rex Anglie Blangi, Pauwels, 244; ad Blangium, Emilio, 
323; Rosieres, 430; Raynaldi, viii. 438; la bataille d' Azincourt ou Blangu, Vinchant, 
iv. 50; circa Blangium, Barland, Rerum, 16; Blangiaci, Dreve, Ann. 41; apud Blangy, 

de lez Blangy en Ternois, Prioux, 87 ; bataille de Blangy, Le Petit, i. 349 (where it is 
called la journee des esporans dorez, apparently a mistake for Courtrai?); in pugna 
Blangiacensi quae Agincourt vulgariter appellatur, Le Tort, 90 (written circ. 1523); 
ad un luogo chiemato Blangium, Sanuto, 898, where his original (i.e. Morosini, ii. 70) 
has Artoxe (i.e. Artois) tra la Franza Pichardia; a Blangy pres d' Azincourt, Duchesne, 
823; ad Agincurtiam prope Blangium, Vignier, Burgund, 175; atween Agyncourt and 
Blangy, Fabyan, 579; betwixt the townes of Blangie and Agencourt, Martyn, 182. 
Dreux du Radier (iii. 145) confuses it with Blangies near Mons and the battlefield of 
Malplaquet (1709). 

8 "The batle of Turwyne," Pol. Songs, ii. 124; or "Tyrwyne," Kingsford, Chron. 
119, unless this means Ternois (Tervana), i.e. the district around St Pol; devant 
Terouane, Bourget (Pillet), 385 ; " at Terouene," Bourget, 55 ; entre Hesdin et Therouanne, 
La Mure, ii. 129 ; Plancher, iii. 438; see p. 129, note 5. For description of Therouanne, see 
Desrues, 122, note 8; Harbaville, ii. 176; Ardouin-Dumazet, xix. 104. For picture and 
plan, see Piers, Azincourt, 387. On Oct. 24, 1415, Louis Bishop of Therouanne wrote 
from St Pol explaining that it was impossible at present to make his formal entry into 
The"rouanne causantibus periculis imminentibus ex exercitu regis Anglorum in confinibus 
et locis satis propinquis et adjacente (sic) civitatem nostram Morinensem (i.e. The"rouanne) 
existente, Duebet-Girg. 284; Bled, Reg. ii. i; do. Inventaire, 135. 

4 "La piteuse journee d'Artois," G. Dupont, ii. 512, from Archives du Departement 
de Calvados. 

8 " La besogne de Picardie," Acad. des Inscr. xxxiv. 306, 360 (written in April 1416) ; 
Luce, ii. 100. At Bordeaux the victory was announced officially on Nov. 23, 1415, as 
"victoria de Piquardia," Jurade, 288; " zu Pikardien," Twinger, ii. 916; "la malvese 
journe'e de Picardie," Cochon, 339; "la male journee en Piquardie," Blondel, i. 126; 
Picardie campus, ibid. 262; belli in Picardia, ibid. i. 261; en lo pays de Picardia, Petit, 
Thalamus, 463; called "la journee de la bataille des fran9ois centre les anglois," Briele, 
Doc. iii. 56; der gross Streit in Frankreich, Niirnberg Chron. iii. 369. 

8 Entre Azincourt et Tramecourt, Waur. ii. 204; Le Fevre, i. 246. Mazas (Vies, 
v - 633) thinks that the chateau de Tramecourt ought to have given the name because 
it was much nearer; also Labitte, 145. 

7 Omne decus, Wals. ii. 313; fut tuee la grande partie de la chivalrie de la partie 

12 2 

180 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

of Alen^on, Brabant and Bar 1 (with his brother John 2 ), the 
Constable of France, Charles d'Albret 3 (to whose weakness 

Franceis, Rot. Parl. iv. 94 (Oct. 19, 1416) ; tota la major partidade la nobleza de Fransa, 
Petit, Thalamus, 463. 

1 i.e. Edward, second son of Robert Duke of Bar (d. 1411), see vol. i. page 170; 
Anselme, v. 513, 515. For his will dated at Louppy near Bar-le-Duc, Oct. 7, 1415, see 
Calmet, iii. 530; Clouet, iii. 554; Renard, 71, in which he leaves legacies to his brother 
the Cardinal of Bar. Not "Barrye," as Harflet, 318; Lambeth MS. 84, 194; Brut, 379, 
555, 597; nor " Baver," as Capgr. 312 ; nor " Bavaria," as Ralph Brook in Nicolas, 367. 
Bar was made into a Duchy in 1354 to include Bar, Bussigny (or La Marche), St Mihiel 
and Clermont-en-Argonne (Longnon, 527), from boundaries drawn up by the Cardinal de 
Bar for King Rene, Aug. 13, 1419, of which the first two acknowledged the suzerainty of 
the King of France. Edward had succeeded to the dukedom by virtue of an arrangement 
made at Sens, Sept. 19, 1409, which set aside the claims of the children of his elder 
brother Henri to the title, Sauley, 16, 17; Servais, ii. 298; Clouet, iii. 532; Renard, 70; 
called April 8 or 16, 1409, in Duchesne, 63 ; Preuves, 58. For 5 fr. i gros. 10 d. paid an 
Englishman named Edward and 100 archers in the service of Edward Duke of Bar at 
Etain near Verdun, till Nov. 17, 1415, see Clouet, ii. 555. For i drap vermeil and 
i drap vert semendriet d'oiselles d'or given to the cathedral at Therouanne in 1422, see 
Bled, Invent 136, 138. 

2 i.e. Jean, Viscount of Pulsaye (not Puissaye, as Hookham, i. 118), Aluye Brou and 
Montmirail, Roman, 183; Wassebourg, 460; A. Duchesne, Dreux (Bar-le-Duc), 59; 
Preuves, 62 ; des herczogen pruder vom Pery, Ntirnberg Chron. iii. 369. Not that 
"two Dukes of Bar" were killed, as Towle, 200, 341. 

3 Not John, as Hassell, 225; Oman, Hist. 223; do. Hundred Years' War, 108; 
Lecesne, 257, who calls him " 1 'incapable "; not that he was taken prisoner, as Low- 
Pulling, 553, 653. He is called "Le Breth" in Kittredge, 7; cf. Deschamps, iii. 376; 
or "De Brut," Hist. MSS. Rept. Var. Coll. iv. 195 ; not "d'Arbre," as Beamont, 243. 
He is called the son of Charles d'Albret Vicomte de Tartas in the Laudes, Anselme, 
vi. 21 1 ; or of Arnaud Amanieu, Count of Albret, Guiffrey, i. 134, where he is born 
in 1369. For his Hostel de Dreux (formerly Hostel de Bourbon) near the Halles in 
Paris, see Picton, 256, where the name is spelt Leporetum, Lepretum, Albretum, etc. and 
is connected with rabbits, see Mas-Latrie, 1533; Wylie, ii. 319, note 10. For Dreux 
granted to him by Charles VI in 1407, see Raymond, iv. 37 (E. 155); Grande Encycl. 
xiv. 1083. For list of his books in the castle at Dreux, see Raymond, iv. 15 (E. 59). 
These include a romance of Artus, son of Jean, Due de Bretaigne, a Livre des Proprietes 
(i.e. Bartholomew), a livre de Christine, roman de Lusignan, de Brut que Gautier 
Archidiacre de Holscot translata de Breton en fra^ais (not mentioned in Leroux de 
Lincy, Le Roman de le Brut, 1836); Fails des Roumains, gran roman, beginning: 
" Apres que j'ay leu et releu " ; Pelerinage de vie de Jesu Christ et de 1'Ame, beginning : 
"Jadis ot ung Empereur a Romme qui ot nom Dno decianus"; also beginning: "Ou 
tamps de may que tint ly oisillon et do di filosophe fut moult saye"; la vision de 
Christine; de de la Rose; ballades mote's (? notes) enfra^ais; Brut; Renouart; Antine(?); 
a Pelerin. For inventory of the marbles of Marie de Sully, 1409, see Raymond, iv. 14 
(E. 58), including romances of Challemaine (sic), Emery (i.e. Aymery) de Narbonne and 
Tristan, together with 2 silver groats for her parrot. He became Lord of Sully and 
Craon by his marriage on Jan. 27, 1400, with Marie de Sully, widow of Guy de Tremoille, 
see Anselme, ii. 859; iv. 164; vi. 211; Bouchet, 731; Sainte Marthe, 127; Raynal, 
ii. 421; Tremoille, i, iii, with his accounts till 1406, where he is called Monseigneur de 
Lebret (pp. 139, 140, 215). For the marriage contract, see Raymond, iv. 14 (E. 55), 
where the date is given as 1406 in which year he was at the Hotel de Petit Muce in Paris, 
Tremoille, 141. Charles d'Albret was born in 1369 (Tremoille, 221; Anselme, vi. 206), 
and was made constable when he stood sponsor for Charles VII at his baptism in 1403 
(Raoulet, 104; not 1402, as Mas-Latrie, 2181). For his seal, see B. Zeller, Louis, 71. 
For marriage of his daughter Jeanne with Charles son of Jean de Montaigu maistre 
de I'h6tel to the King of France, and his daughter Marguerite with Gaston son of 
Archambaud Count of Foix, see Raymond, iv. 15 (E. 59). Called tige des Comtes de 
Canaples in Ponthieu between Amiens and Doullens, in Mas-Latrie, 1603. For a 
houppelande of black velvet given to him by the Duke of Orleans, Oct. 10, 1395, see 
Roman, 71; also Add. Ch. 2292, 2305, Oct. 26, 1398, etc. For a letter to him dated 


The Dead 181 

and mismanagement the chief blame for the disaster must 
always attach 1 ), the Admiral Jacques de Chatillon, Lord of 
Dampierre 2 , together with Philip, Count of Nevers 3 , an- 
other brother of the Duke of Burgundy 4 , Terry, Count of 
Vaudemont 5 , Robert, Count of Marie 6 , the Counts of 

Perpignan, May 30, 1400, from Raymand de Palou or Ramon Cagarriga, governor of 
Roussillon, see Vidal, 355, 357. For ring with a diamond cut like a cross, given by him 
to the Duke of Berry, Jan. i, 1411, see Guiffrey, i. 134, who shows 500 liv. per month 
granted to him by the Duke on Aug. 25, 1411, as long as he was in his company. For 
receipt by him for 500 liv. tourn. for the month of Feb. 1412, for expenses of gens d'armes 
in Guienne, see Gironde, iii. 64. For the city of " Lucques in Lombardie" (sic) granted 
to him by Charles VI, King of France, see Raymond, iv. 15 (E. 59), 1410-1412. The 
only explanation that I can suggest as to this singular entry is that at this time the 
possession of Lucca was disputed between Florence and Milan. There is no reference to 
any such transaction in Mazzarosa, i. 266. For his visit to London to conclude an alliance 
for the Orleanists (?in 1412), see Maulde la Claviere, i. 30, who refers to a letter written 
by him in July 15, 1415, concerning his jewels entrusted to Nicolas Corny, silk mercer in 
Paris and sold by his son Cosme Cosny who had failed heavily {grtevement failli}, from 
Inventaire des Titres de 1' Hotel de Nevers. 

1 Villaret, xiii. 361. Cf. 

Charles de Labret qui par 1'aire, 
Chochoit pour sa fourme contraire. Pastoralet, 846. 

Je ne scay qui Antidon tua, ibid. 775. Ruisseauville, to whom he is a bete noire, reports 
a rumour that he was killed by some lords of Picardy in the beginning of the battle 
in disgust at his treason ; cf. par la traison de aulceunz de ceulx de France, comme Ten 
dit, Chron. Brienc. 891, one of several indications of the connection of this chronicle 
with the so-called Chronicle of Ruisseauville. 

2 Monstr. 377. 

8 Not Jacque, as Yonge, 276. Called " Navarne" in Lei. Coll. ii. 472 ; " Naverne," 
Brut, ii. 379, 597 ; "Douers," ibid. 555; or "Onguersa," Morosini, ii. 72. For his seal, 
see B. Zeller, Armagnacs, 35. For views of Nevers (i.e. Place Ducal and Cathedral), see 
Touchard-Lafosse, ii. 654, 696. 

Hellot, 19; though Ramsay (i. 210) supposes that he had been with his sons at Rouen. 
He was the third son of Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy (Wylie, i. 441), and was born 
in Oct. 1389. He married (i) at Soissons on April 23 or 25, 1409, Isabel, daughter of 
Enguerrand VII, Lord of Coucy (La Caille, 582, 587 ; Barante, ii. 324) ; she died without 
issue in 1411 (Higgins, ii. 295) and he afterwards married (2) on June 20, 1413, Bonne of 
Artois, daughter of Philip, Count of Eu (Lefils, 133; Mas-Latrie, 1649; Vatout, iii. 136). 
She is called Mademoiselle de Nevers on Jan. i, 1415, Guiffrey, i. 302. She afterwards 
married on Nov. 30, 1424, Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy, Mas-Latrie, 1569, 1596; 
Barante, iv. 119? vi. 409; Leroux de Lincy, Femmes, 377; La Tort, 90. She died at 
Dijon on Sept. 17, 1425 (Anselme, i. 241), and was buried in the Carthusian church just 
outside the town, Morillot, 8. 

5 Mas-Latrie, 1695 ; Monstr. 374. 

8 i.e. Marie near Laon ; not " Maries," as Renard, 71. Called " Morelle" in Harflet, 
324; Hearne, Vita, 377; not Charles, as Roussel, i. 353. For his seal, Sept. 14, 1415, 
see Demay, Inventaire, i. 605. He was the son of Henry de Bar who was present at 
Nicopplis, made his will on Aug. i, 1397 (Baudot, 194), and died at Venice in October 
following (Servais, ii. 250). This Robert, Count of Marie, .was thus a nephew of Edward, 
Duke of Bar, Cordeliers, 223; St Denys, v. 570; Juv. 579; Monstr. 374, 376; Vita, 68; 
Duchesne, 824; Belleval, 142; Clouet, iii. 554; Morosini, iv. 352, where he is married to 
Jeanne, daughter of Robert de Bethune, Vicomte de Meaux (Fenin, 128), who in 1418 
married as her second husband a strong Burgundian, Jean de Luxembourg (Longnon, 
Paris, 32) (called Louis in Finot, Paix, 18, where Jeanne is called the daughter of Robert, 
Count of Marie). The county of Marie was created for him in Aug. 1413, Longnon 

1 82 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

Blamont 1 , Grandpre" 2 , Roucy 8 , Dammartin 4 , Fauquem- 
bergues 6 and Vaucourt 8 , together with 90 lords 7 , over 
1560 knights and between 4000 and 5000 men-of-arms 8 . 
These were all " worthy men 9 " or " gentlemen in coat 
armour 10 " and some record of them was said to have been 
made by the heralds 11 , while the nameless herd was never 
even counted up 12 . In England the gross total of the 
French killed was set down roughly at from 10,000 to 
15,000, though the belief was certainly current with the 
man in the street that 11,000 would cover the total loss 
both of killed and prisoners, and with this calculation the 
soberest French estimate 13 is not seriously at variance, 
though in the first shock of their distress their writers 
likened their losses to the ears of corn in Beauce or the 

Limites, 519. The title included La Fere, Monteornet (Aisne), Soissons, Dunkerque and 
Oisy-le- Verger, Fenin, 128; Duchesne, Dreux Bar-le-Duc, 57, 61, 65; Belleval, 142; 
Finot, Paix, 18. For picture of him and his father-in-law, Enguerrand de Couci in the 
White Friars' Priory (St Pierre) at Toulouse, see Servais, n. Frontispiece; he had 
married Enguerrand's daughter Marie in 1383, Maulde la Claviere, i. 12 (or 1384, 
Baudot, 325). She died in 1405. The supposed picture of her in St Stephen's Chapel 
at Westminster, circ. 1350, is really that of her mother Isabel, daughter of Edward III, 
see J. T. Smith, 158; Topham, Plate xvn. For Jean IV de Beuil killed in the battle, 
see Gautier, 166, where he is governor of Loches in 1387. 

1 i.e. Henry III, Count of Blamont near Montbeliard (Doubs), Belleval, 151; called 
"Blawmont" in Martyn, 186; not " Beamont," as Trussel, 103. 

2 In Champagne, Mas-Latrie, 1610, where Edward is the Count from 1374 to 1417. 
Called "Grawnte" in Harflet, 324; "Grauntpre" in Monstr. 377; Vita, 6; not 
"Grandfer," as Trussel, 103. 

8 Near Rheims, Mas-Latrie, 1671. Called "Rossey" in Harflet, 324; "Rousey" in 
Trussel, 103. 

4 Called ' ' Danmartyne " in Harflet, 324; or " Danmartinis " in Vita, 68; possibly 
Charles de la Riviere who married Blanche de Trie, heiress of Dammartin near Paris, 
Mas-Latrie, 1591; who is said to have died in 1427 in Bourgeois, 105, note. 

5 Near Fruges, Le Fevre, i. 265 ; called Fauquenberg in Vickers, 29. 

e Near Luneville (Meurthe), Le Fevre, i. 265; Monstr. 377; Capgr. De Illustr. 

7 Quorum nomina describuntur in codice Recordorum, Gesta, 57; Chron. Giles, 51; 
lordes of name an hundrede and mo, Pol. Songs, ii. 106; for in names of "the lordes 
and the states of name," see Brut, ii. 555; 120 "princes and nobles bearing banners," 
Henry V, IV. 8. 92; Baker, 171 ; Sandford, 281. 

8 See App. M. 

9 Kingsford, Chron. 70; Chron. Lond. 101. 

10 Caxton, 227 ; Capgr. 312. For " gentilman " as a class designation, see Pat. 3 H. V, 
ii. 8, 13. 

11 Secundum computationem heraldorum, Hard. 391. Ruisseauville (142) says that 
the heralds counted 1600 or 1800 cottes d'armes sans les aultres gentils-hommes qui nulles 
n'en avoient. 

12 Wals. ii. 313; Hypodig. 467; vulgus quasi innumerabile, Kirkstall, Chron 
286; maxima multitude populi, Hard. 391 ; praeter alios innumerabiles, Otterbourne, 

13 i.e. 10,000, Waurin, ii. 229; Le Fevre, i. 268; Monstr. 379 (including 1600 

1415] Numbers of the Dead 183 

grains of sand in the Loire 1 , so great that no man could 
number them 2 . 

On the English side the casualties were wholly in- 
significant 8 . Elmham 4 indeed will own to the loss of no 
more than 13 or 15 "persons 5 ," though some will go as 
high as i6 5 , 2O 6 , 25 7 , 26", 27', 28 10 , 30", 33 12 or even 40", 
and though we may try to make sense of this by interpreting 
persons as "personages" or "men of name 14 ," yet it is 
certain that the writers who used the word meant to include 
all ranks 15 , while the apparently official report still preserved 
at Salisbury 16 which gives the number of the English dead 

Belcica quas nutrit cicius numerabis aristas, 
Impete vel bibulas Ligeris quas versat armas. 

Blondel, i. 33, written in 1420. 
Plus tost de Beaulce les espis, 
Et de toute Loire les goutes, 
Savois tu raconter et dire. Ibid. i. 127. 

2 La perte est si grande qu'on ne pourroit estimer, D. Godefroy, 680 (April, 25, 1417). 
8 Sanz grande perte de les Engleys, Rot. Parl. iv. 62 (Nov. 2, 1415); n'y firent pas 
grant perte, Le Fevre, i. 260; Waurin, ii. 218. 

Foible ennemi en grand deconfiture, 
Victoriex et peu dlbilite'. Baye, ii. 220. 

Monstr. 381; les desconfirent tres aisernent, Bouvier, 430; sans leur perte, Danvin, 120, 
from Bibl. Nat. MS. no. 8311-2621; victor sine laesu, Pol. Songs, ii. 127; Curteys, 
f. i66b [125], i.e. Register of William Curteys, Abbot of Bury St Edmunds (1429-1446). 
For this reference I am indebted to Mr J. A. Herbert of the British Museum. For an 
abstract of the contents of the Register, see Monast. Hi. 129, where it is called " a book 
of general entries." 

4 Vix fuerunt interfecti ix viri, Kingsford, Lit. 278; i.e. 9 or 10 killed besides the 
Duke of York, the Earl of Suffolk and two newly created knights, i.e. Kighley and 
D. Gam, Gesta, 58 ; Chron. Giles, 5 1 ; Durham, 53. 

5 Decem alie persone, Hardyng, 391 ; called 10 archers, R. Brook, in Nicolas, 367; 
or 10 private soldiers, Paulus Omilius, quoted in Baker, 171 ; sont tuez forsq' xvi persones 
de Engloiz, Add. MS. 17716, f. 162; Romania, xxxii. 49, meaning all ranks. 

8 Not " 20 persons," Caxton, Polychron. 227; quindecim de aliis personis valetterum, 
Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53; other persons to the number of 18, Chron. Lond. 101. 

7 Henry V, iv. 8. 104.' 

8 Notpussyng 26 bodyes, Brut, ii. 379, 598; Lambeth MS. 84, f. 195; Caxton, 146; 
Godstow, 243; Lei. Coll. ii. 472; Fabyan, 580. 

9 "Tantum xxvij," Usk, 126, 308. 

10 xxviij persons atte most, Kingsford, Lit. 294, 317; 28 persons of all estates, Chron. 
Lond. 159; Greg. Chron. 112; othir moo zemen to the numbre of 28, Brut, ii. 557; 
called 28 milites, Parker, 2770!; do. De Antiq. 415. 

11 Vix Angli reliqui ter decas ense ruunt, Elm. Lib. Metr. 122; Sat. Rev. 24. 8. 1912, 
p. 232. 

15 i.e. 4 knights, i squire (i.e. Davy Gam) and 28 de communi populo, Wals. ii. 313; 
Hypodig. 467; Capgr. 312; do. De Illustr. 117; Otterbourne, 227; Kennett, i. 310; 
cf. "not exceeding 40," in Baines, i. 130, who considers this to be "much underrated." 
Tyrrell, 293 [171] quotes "some old chroniclers" for 40, which he regards as a "vain 
.and idle boast." Zech (301) thinks this should be 400. Not that the lowest estimate is 
40, as Aubrey, ii. 49. 

13 Kirkstall, Chron. 286 (ut dicebatur); Hume, ii. 358 (edition 1854). 

14 " Hommes de nom," Waurin, ii. 229; "lordes of name," Pol. Songs, ii. 126; 
" none else of name," Henry V, iv. 8. 104. 

18 e.g. in Add. MS. 17716, f. 102, the killed are 11,000 "persones dez Fraunceys" 
and 16 "persones des Engles," see also Romania, xxii. 49; see note 5 supra. 
18 See App. H. 

1 84 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

at "about 15" expressly calls them "varlets," adding "of 
lords no more than the Duke of York and the young Earl 
of Suffolk." Much ridicule has been cast upon these curious 
figures by later writers 1 who rejected them as "beyond 
belief 2 ," because they are so "inconceivably small 3 ," and 
they certainly seem to reach their climax of absurdity in 
Elizabethan times when the public were told that the 
English losses were " not above 5 or 6 and no common 
soldiers 4 ," or in the ballad where " thousands of Frenchmen 
fall to one*." But the figures undoubtedly found acceptance 
with well-informed contemporaries on both sides and were 
so absolutely accepted in England that in a Conversation 
Manual of the period written to teach French to English- 
men, where two travellers meet on the road near Rochester 
and talk over the latest news from France, the recent 
battle supplies the theme and the English loss is given as 
" 1 6 persons" besides the Duke of York and the Earl of 
Suffolk 6 . In criticising these figures it is to be remembered 
that there are other instances of heavy engagements with 
enormous losses on the one side and almost none on the 
other 7 , while previous experience has shown that English 

1 Qui miracula scribunt, Pol. Verg. 447; J. Meyer, 126; a miracle rather than 
a victory, Baker, 171; let who will believe miracles, Biondi, 121; could we tell the 
number 't might appear a Prodigie, Daniel, Trinarch, iv. 162. 

2 Goodwin, 92; ce qui ne paroit hors vraisemblable, Villaret, xiii. 377; Church, 86; 
"an almost unexampled degree of exaggeration," Brougham, 121; "absurdly stated," 
Gairdner, 98; cf. " quite incredible but not a bit the less incredible on that account," 
A. Beckett, 244; "absurdly small," Historians' Hist, xviii. 536. 

8 Ramsay, i. 223. 

4 Fam. Viet. 42. 

5 Hales and Furnivall, ii. 596 ; cf. "they killed one Englishman so free," ibid. ii. 598 ; 
Tyler, ii. 199, who reads "our" for "one." 

6 Add. MS. 17716, f. 102; Romania, xxxii. 49. This maniere de langage (Add. MS. 
17716, ff. 101-106; MS. B. 14. 39, 40, Trin. Coll. Camb. with large extracts in Romania, 
xxxii. 47-58) is believed by Stiirzinger (Orthographia, xiv) to have been written in Nov. 
1415, because the French prisoners are said to have arrived ("sont arrivez," not " armez") 
at Dover and "servunt amesnes" envers Loundres on Nov. 14, but this only means 
colloquially that they "are reported to be," e.g. ou serra il (i.e. Henry IV in 1401) 
a nouvel? si serra en Erosse (Stengel, Anleitungsschriften, 15). The treatise is evidently 
very nearly contemporary but contains one or two obvious mistakes, e.g. that the prisoners 
were to be brought to London on Nov. 14, though they did not land at Dover till the 
evening of Nov. 16, and that the men of Essex (cf. " Kent and Essex ") were to muster 
on the road between Canterbury and London, Orthographia, xiv ; Romania, xxxii. 50. 

7 e.g. the slight losses of the French (i.e. 30 or 40 men-of-arms) at the fierce battle of 
Cocherel (1364), Luce, Du Quesclin, 451; add Battle of Fresnay, 1420 (B. B. Troyes, 
15)- Cf. 

Of 4 and 40 thousand Scots 

Went but 18 away. (i.e. at Otterburn, Bell, 102.) 

For 28,000 Lidgois killed at Othee, Sept. 23, 1408, see Wylie, iii. 181 ; the loss on the 
other side being from 70 to 80, Wurdinger, i. 141, who gives the losses of the Liegois at 

1415] Numbers of the Dead 185 

archers when they had heavily armoured men at their mercy 
could dispose of them in crowds with absolute impunity 1 , 
and even the French believed that the English army suffered 
almost no loss at all but returned to England " whole and 
entire 2 ." Such statistics as I have found show four archers 
killed in the retinue of James Harrington 3 , one man-of-arms 
(Henry Strete) in the retinue of the Earl of Huntingdon 4 , 
while several names are struck out from the retinue of the 
Duke of York with the side-note "some captured, some 
dead 5 ," though even here the word dead (mortui) is distinct 
from killed (occisi, interfectt] and does not prove that they 
were killed in the battle. Thus though the English losses 
were as nothing when compared with the numbers of the 
French dead 6 , there is no reason to doubt the French 
statement that they lost heavily in the first onset 7 , while 
the mixing of the dead made it quite impossible to ascertain 
the exact number 8 with any certainty. In Germany the 
number of English killed was believed to be 80 9 , while with 

from 25,000 to 36,000 killed. For 25,000 Flemings killed at Rosebecque, Nov. 27, 
1382, where they were outflanked in one dense mass, see Frois. (Johnes), ii. 641 ; 
Barante, i. 193; Duruy, i. 406; Haggard, 24, from Frois., where a large number were 
killed by suffocation. For Tannerberg, July 15, 1410, see Wylie, iv. 16, with other 
estimates of the killed, e.g. 40,000, Langius, 1228; F. Voigt, 262; Zeller, vi. 471; 
80,000, Wusterwitz, 71; Staindl, 528; 100,000, Janike, 329; multa millia, Aen. Sylv. 
(in Panormita, 136). For 5000 Moors killed at Ceuta (1415) and only 10 Portuguese, 
see Neale, 82. 

Of 1500 archers of England 
Went away but 50 and three, 

Of 20 hundred spearmen of Scotland 

But even 5 and 50. Chevy Chase (Bell), 89. 

1 At Homildon in 1402, 1000 prisoners were taken and "grant foison of Scots killed 
with a loss of only 5 on the English side. Sanz aucune perde de noz genz exceptz cinque 
persones qui illoeqe furent tuez, Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 129, 403 ; Lang. i. 288. 

2 Sain et entier, Blondel, i. 445; cf. victoriex et peu debilite, Bay, ii. 220; Monstr. 
381 ; Felibion, iv. 560. 

3 Page 159, note 4; Exch. Accts. 47/32; viz. Wm. Bullour, Wm. de Donourdale, 
John de Sonkey and Wm. Wilson, Hunter, 36; 4 out of 18 in the retinue of Richard 


Calais, L. T. R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6/4 ; +4 with Richard Kyghley, ibid. 6/4 (see 
page 188, note 3) ; i.e. Wm. Holand, John Greenbough, Robt. Bradshaw, Gilbert Howson 
(? Hauson) from Lancashire, Hunter, 37 ; and 4 archers, Beamont, 245. 

4 Hunter, 25; Wylie, Notes, 134. 

Aliqui capti, aliqui mortui, Exch. Accts. 45/19. 

8 Non mie a comparer, Juv. 519. 

7 Non sine suorum magna clade, St Denys, v. 562 ; Zantfliet, 406 ; moult d'autres, 
Gruel, 18; multis alii magnam et nobiles, Dynter, iii. 302, 751; mench men, Rymkron. 
222; y fue muy crudamente herida/tor ambas partes, Guzman, 61. 

8 Parceque touz les mors estoient ensemble, Norm. Chron. 1 7 ; aultres grand nombres 
que Ion ne pouvait saveoir bonnement, Norm. Chron. 171. 

9 Twinger, ii. 916. 

1 86 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

such French and English contemporaries as have committed 
themselves to details the numbers range from 100 to 600, 
with the notable exception of Monstrelet who gives the 
total of all ranks at I6OO 1 , and modern writers having 
a large field of choice have fully exercised their privilege of 
picking where they like. It is of some interest to note that 
25 of the king's horses were lost in the battle, of which 
6 were palfreys and 19 trotters 2 . 

Of the English captains who certainly fell in the fray 
the most famous was the Duke of York 3 , who had devised 
the stake 4 by means of which the archers broke the charge 
of the mounted French. He had crossed with a retinue of 
100 men-of-arms and 300 archers 6 and had taken charge of 
the rear-guard 6 in the march through Picardy. There were 
stories that he had been cut down by the Duke of Alengon 7 , 

1 Waurin, ii. 217; Le Fevre, i. 258; Monstrelet, 376 (hommes de tous estats; not all 
men-of-arms, as Choisy, 329); the figures are rejected by Kohler, ii. 775, who thinks that 
the English loss was " ausserordentlich gering"; also Loserth, Gesch. 550; also by 
Kingsford, 154, who calls 1600 a "palpable exaggeration." 

2 Exch. Accts. 106/24 (i), which shows that 20 more (i.e. 7 coursers, 12 palfreys and 

1 genet) died in partibus Pycardie cum rege (i.e. on the march). These are details of 
John Waterton's account as Keeper of the king's horses from Sept. 29, 1414, to Sept. 29, 
1416, a summary of which in For. Accts. 6 H. V, 19, shows that 79 horses died altogether 
during that period, the remainder having died in morina. The total is made up of 

2 bastards + 1 1 coursers + 35 trotters + 3 jenets + 27 hackneys + i mule. The account shows 
that the number of the king's horses fell in 1415 from 233 to 98, among the names of the 
horses being Lyard Strikland (i.e. Strickland), do. Gloucester, Coke and York; Bayard 
Chaucer, Morell Kene; Sorell Tawstock; Gray Cornwell, etc. ; see also vol. i. page 537. 

3 Gesta, 58, who calls him illustrem et sapientissimum principem; Chron. Giles, 51 ; 
Tit. Liv. 20; Vita, 67; Redman, 47; Stow, 350; not Exeter, as Gruel, 18; or Estre, as 

Anquetil, i. 55* . 

called " Due de Dier " in Bouchet, Aquitaine, 237. 

4 Page 126. 

5 For names of his retinue during the first quarter, i.e. till July 29, 1415, see Exch. 
Accts. 45/2, consisting of i duke, i baron, 3 knights and 95 squires (or i +6 + 92, in Nie, 
374) +252 varlets (called 300 archers in Nie, 374) +88 varlets de 1'hostel. For his 
indenture of jewels dated June 16, 1415, see Exch. Accts. 45/22 (3). For their names for 
the second quarter, see Exch. Accts. 45/19, where their numbers are totalled as 80 lances 
(i.e. i duke (i.e. himself), i baron, 3 knights and 75 squires, though Nicolas (373) has 
1 + 1 + 4 + 64 = 70, which does not agree with his total of 100 unless 64 is a misprint for 
94) and 300 archers (see Nicolas, 373, but the names on the roll yield 217 only + 79 varlets 
of the Duke's household = 296, 4 having been struck off for inefficiency, quia non fuerunt 
suffie' sagitt'). Many names both of lances and archers are struck out with side-notes 
such as " capti" or " mortui" or ' ' infirmitatis causa" yielding a total of casualties^ 121, 
of whom 1 6 are amongst the varlets of the household. If these be deducted from the 
gross total on the roll, viz. (80 + 296 = ) 376, the remainder should be (376- 121 = ) 255. 
The endorsement shows that 369 recrossed to England, 329 of them from Calais, though 
in Exch. Accts. 47/40, the number present in the battle is 370 (i.e. 77 + 293) out of a total 
of 400, of whom 283 reshipped (i.e. i baron, 3 knights and 279 squires and archers) to 
Dover and Sandwich with 329 horses. 

6 Page 89. 

f Page 164; Ling. iii. 247; Cassell, i. 533. 

1415] The Duke of York 187 

that his basnet was cleft to the brain 1 and his body miserably 
hacked and defaced 2 . But these are most probably only 
fables, the truth being that like hundreds more 3 he was 
stifled in the crush 4 , his chance of escape being lessened by 
the fact that he was now very fat 5 . There fell also Michael 
de la Pole the young Earl of Suffolk 8 in the opening prime 
of his manhood 7 , whose father Michael had died at Harfleur 
only a month before 8 . The Duke of Gloucester 9 was 
wounded in the mdlde but the king rushed to his rescue and 
strode his prostrate body 10 till he could be dragged to a 
place of safety, and his wound had healed before they 

1 The Duke of Zorke per de", 

Fro his kyng no fate would he flee, 
Till his basonet to his brain was bent. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 125; Kingsford, Chron. 120. 

a Trussel, 101, who supposes that the sight of his mangled body caused the massacre 
of the prisoners; also Sandford, 382. 

3 Plusieurs y furent estouflfe's, Juv. 519. 

That mo were dede through pres, 

Than our menne might have slain that tyme no lese. Hard. 375. 

4 Smouldered, Lei. Itin. i. 6; oppressus, Godstow, Chron. 243; premitur dux turbine 
belli, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 122; also Wylie, ii. 43, note 7. 

"A fatte man," Lei. Itin. i. 6, where this touch seems first to appear. Called 
"a man of a stout habit of body," Oman, in Traill, ii. 324. 

6 Rot. Parl. v. 176; Pol. Songs, ii. 123. Not Surrey, as Mon. Francisc. iii. 165; 
nor Oxford, as G. Daniel, iii. 875; Hennebert, iii. 331; Mazas, Vies, v. 633, 634; 
Sismondi, xii. 489; Kausler, iii. 92; Barante, iii. 165; H. Martin, vi. 21; Knight, ii. 63; 
Historians' Hist, xviii. 536; Boule, i. 425, 430; Labitte, 145; Duthillaeul, 58 (who also 
kills the Duke of Gloucester) ; Lachauvelaye, ii. 124; Roger, Bibl. 186, quoting Pigault 
de Beaupre" de Calais in Revue Anglo -Fra^aise (1835), p. 148. 

7 Juvenis tertii septennii, Gesta, 31; proved to be over 23 years by inquisition 
at Donam (? Dunham near Retford), Oct. 18, 1415, Inq. p. Mort. 3 H. V, no. 48; 
Dugd. ii. 1 86 ; Comp. Peer. vii. 305. In Stow, 350, he is said to have been buried at 
" New Elme" (i.e. Ewelm), but this is probably a confusion with his brother William who 
succeeded to the title, see page 48; Exchequer Accts. 46/24, where he is "interfectus ad 
bellum de Agingcdt." For his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas, Duke of Norfolk 
(Doyle, iii. 435), see Pat. 3 H. V, 2. 17 ; Claus. 3 H. V, 2. 3, Feb. i, 1416. She died in 
1419, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 42. For three little girls, his daughters Katherine, Elizabeth and 
Isabel, see Comp. Peer. vii. 305 ; Pat. 4 H. V, 13, where their marriage is granted 
to their uncle William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk. His executrix was his mother 
Catherine (see page 44, note 2); ibid. 

8 Page 44 . 

The Duke of Glowestte also that tyde, 

Manfully with his mayne, 

Wonder he wrought ther wonder wyde. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 125. 

Called the Duke of Clarence in Roujoux, ii. 243; Wright, i. 473; Lingard, iii. 247; 
Cassell, i. 533; Roujoux- Mainguet, i. 459; Brett, 32; E. Hardy, 171, who supposes that 
two of the king's brothers were killed; see also Larrey, 812 ; Church, 81 ; Oman, Hist 
225; Vickers, 31. In Stow, 350, he is "sore wounded in the hammes." Towle (336) 
thinks that he was stabbed in the stomach by the Duke of Alen9on and fell with his feet 
towards the French. 

10 Cruribus infra suos pedes repositis, Tit. Liv. 20 ; Vita, 67 ; Harpsfeld, Hist. 587 ; 
Kingsford, Biogr. 76; au devant de lui, Devienne, Artois, iii. 47; not that the king 
"rushed between the Duke of Gloucester's legs," as Nicolas, 126. Belleval (105, 113, 

1 88 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

sailed for England. Amongst the English slain the names 
of six or seven knights 1 are known. Two of these, Thomas 
Geney and John Calthorpe, were in the retinue of Sir 
Thomas Erpingham and had been just knighted at the 
landing 2 , and the others were Richard Kyghley 3 from 
Inskip in the Fylde of Lancashire 4 , Walter Lloyd 9 from 
Brecknock and his father-in-law 6 David ap Llewelyn, better 
known as Fluelin or Davy Gam 7 . He came with a retinue 

129) thinks that the Duke of Gloucester covered the king with his body and was killed by 
the Duke of Alen9on ; also Hauteclocque, 286. In Vickers (31) the king stands between 
Humphrey's legs, which seems a better translation. 

1 Fauci et quasi nulli ex suis accincti baltheo militari, St Denys, v. 568; aucuns 
autres gentilz hommes en petit nombre, Cordeliers, 229. 

2 Hunter, 35. 

3 Mort al Bataile, Nicolas, 343, though not so noted on muster roll in Exch. Accts. 

Keghley," Tyler, ii. 184; " Kyghlay," Kirkstall, Chron. 386. For John Kyghly de 
Com' Ebor' in comitiva of Duke of Clarence, see Fr. Roll 8 H. V, 7, May 22, 1420. 
For 10 p. a. granted to John Kyghlay, Esq., see Memoranda Roll K. R. 3-4 H. V, 
44, Oct. 18, 1415. For John Keghly, knight, Admiral of Ireland, see p. 26. Called 
Richard Kighley, kt. in the Inquisition held at Warrington on Jan. 28, 1416, where his 
death is dated Oct. 25, 1415, and his son and heir Henry Kighley is 24 years old, 
Langton, i. 116. For Gilbert and John Kyghley, kts. see Wylie, iv. 74. For John 
Kygley at the siege of Sorey, April 17, 1430, see Cochon, 314. 

4 Fishwick, 169, 174. He was one of 10 Lancashire captains who together 
covenanted to bring 500 Lancashire archers between them, Exch. Accts. 45/5 (8), (10) ; 
Nicolas, 385. For their names in groups of 50, see Exch. Accts. 46/35, the in- 
dentures being signed at Winwick near Newton-le-Willows on June 27, 1415, instalments 
of payment having been made on June 20, 21. The others were Thomas Tunstall, 
William Butler, Richard Radcliff, Nicholas Longfrid, John Southworth and John Kyghley, 
kts. and Jas. Harrington, John Stanley, Ralph Stoneley and Robert Taverner, esquires, 
L. T. R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 61 ; all of these bringing also their own separate retinues, 
Nicolas, 380, 381, 383, 384. For his own retinue (6 + 18), see Exch. Accts. 45/5 (4), 
47/31 ; Hunter, 37, 50; Nicolas, 381 ; Beamont, 245; though in Brook (Nicolas, 353) he 
is himself entered as an archer. Of the 6 men-of-arms i died at Harfleur 3 days after 
the surrender, 2 were invalided home (licentiat 5 causa infirmitatis, L. T. R. Misc. Enrolled 
Accts. 6/4) and 2 returned safely to England with 5 horses. Of the 18 archers 4 were 
killed in the battle and 14 recrossed to Calais with 12 horses of their own (del ditz 
vallets) + 6 belonging to their dead leader, Exch. Accts. 46/5. He also brought 50 
Lancashire archers whose names are all given in Exch. Accts. 44/29, of whom 19 were in 
the battle and returned safe to London, 7 were captured the day before the battle, 6 died 
at the siege of Harfleur, 8 stayed in garrison at Harfleur and 10 were invalided home, 
Nicolas, 353 (i.e. Brook). For 50 names of Lancashire archers with Robert Laurence, 
see Exch. Accts. 46/7 ; also 50 with James Harrington, Exch. Accts. 47/32 ; with 
Robert Urswick, kt. Sheriff of Lancashire. In Due. Lane. Accts. Various 27/6, Urswick 
is Master Forester of Quernmore and Amoundernen in North Lancashire ; cf. Baines, 
iv. 547- 

6 Or Watkin Lloyd, Tyler, ii. 185. He came from Marchogtir (now called Ynis y 
Marchog) near Trecastle in the upper valley of the Usk above Brecknock, Th. Jones, 247. 

6 Not his brother, as Gesta, 58. Cf. p. 189. 

7 Called Gamme in his indenture of jewels dated Winchester, July 14, 1415, in 
Exch. Accts. 45/23 (i), with a broken seal attached looking like some tailed animal such 
as a fox erect on its hind legs in front of a post. Called "Game" in Nicolas, 379; 
cf. O'Weli (or Gweli) di wr coch Cam, T. Thomas, in; David Game de Breconia, Usk, 
126, 323; not "Gaw," as Murray, Handbook to Worcester and Hereford, 142; see 

1415] The Arm of God 189 

of three archers only 1 but was knighted on the field 3 for his 
services rendered to England, possibly as the betrayer of 
Owen Glendower, and is still remembered by his cheery jest 
of " enow to be slain and enow to be ta'en and enow to be 
chievied away 3 ." With him is said to have been slain 
another of his sons-in-law, Roger Vaughan of Tretower 
near Crickhowel in Brecon 4 . 

No wonder that such trifling loss against stupendous 
numbers was everywhere received with amazement 5 . Friend 
and foe alike saw in it not the prowess of England's arms 
but the arm of God 6 alone who stood for her and turned 
His face away from France *. He it was that had given 
this victory to Henry as his Christ 8 , and for this cause 
England should drive out all heresy and sedition and praise 
Him more perfectly for the wonders He had done. Next 
God she must thank her patron saints Our Lady and 

Roll, p. 7, where he is among the retinue of John Merbury. His name does not occur in 
connection with the force that came from Brecon, in Exch. Accts. 46/20. In Meyrick, 
ii. 56, he is called the ancestor of all the Games of Brecknockshire. In Th. Jones, 247, 
he is "a squinting red-haired knave." He was of Peytyn (not Pentyn, as Wylie, ii. 298, 
note 7) Gwyn Garthbrengy on the Honddu near Brecknock, which his father Llewelyn 
bought (?) from William Peyton, Th. Jones, 245, 250. In E. Hardy, i. 292, Davy Gam's 
house is called Gyrnigwen, i.e. Cyrnigwen; Wylie, ii. 298, note 7. For marriage of his 
widow with William ap Thomas, kt. who built Raglan Castle, see Morris-Jordan, 244. 

1 Sloane MS. 4600, ff. 265, 266, 268, 272, 280 (April 29, 1415) ; Nicolas, 379; not 
" a numerous party of stout and valourous Welshmen," as Powell, 322. For his indenture 
of jewels dated Winchester, July 14, 1415, see Hunter, 44. 

2 Gam is one of the two milites noviter insignitos, Chron. Giles, 51 ; de novo insigniti, 
Hard. 391 ; Nicolas, App. 60, quoting Dr Meyrick. Not "in the moment of death" or 
even after his death, as Powell, 323; Echard, i. 186; Guthrie, ii. 467; Long, 84, 460; 
Gifford, ii. 433; Yonge, 280, 281; called "a tradition" in Nicolas, 174; cf. "respirans 
encore," Rapin, iii. 449 ; Tindal, 1.513; Andrews, ii. 20 (who calls him ' * a blunt Briton ") ; 
S. Turner, v. 454; "when dying," Diet. Nat. Biogr. xx. 392. For supposition that he 
saved the king's life, see Taylor, 96. 

8 Which seems to appear first in Raleigh's History of the World (1614), vol. II. 

xx. 392 ; Hennebert, iii. 323 ; Belleval, 99. 

4 Cothi, 9. He married Gam's daughter Gwladis, Nicolas, App. 60. Her second 
husband was William Thomas of Raglan (d. 1446), who is also said to have been knighted 
at Agincourt. She died in 1446 and is buried with him in the Priory Church at 
Abergavenny, Th. Jones, 247. 

5 Miraculum grande, Gesta, 58; inopinatam victoriam, Wals. ii. 314; tantum 
triumphorum splendorem quantum nulli alteri regi Catholico nostris temporibus concessum 
vidimus, Clamenges, Ep. 348; tiele gloriause et merveilleuse victorie, Rot. Parl. iv. 62, 
106 (Nov. 2, 1415, Nov. 16, 1417). 

6 Colluctantes respexit summus judex, Anjou, Lett. 3. 

7 Si fuisset deus cum illis, Gesta, 56; mens animosa sibi (i.e. Henry) datur et tibi 
(i.e. France) desidiosa, Usk, 127; mutatio dexterae excelsi, Vita, 69; contra lebellem 
Gallorum populum, Gesta, 107; Francorum fatalis obstabat casus, Pol. Verg. 448. 

8 Gesta, 59 ; see vol. i ; victor erat Christus laeta tropaea ferens, Elmham, Lib. 
Metr. 123. 

1 90 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

St George 1 , and some had even seen the latter above 
their host sent down from Heaven to give their king the 
victory 2 as he had done to the crusaders of old 3 . French 
moralists regarded the disaster as God's judgment on their 
nation to punish them for their lying, word-breaking, dis- 
loyalty and other sins 4 , or for not confessing to their priests 
the night before the battle 5 . Politicians said it came upon 
them for consenting so long to submit to be led by 
Armagnacs 6 , and very early a rumour was circulating 
throughout Europe that the Constable d'Albret and the 
Duke of Orleans had turned against their own side and 
helped the English to win 7 . But before all else it was ever 
miracle 8 and divine intervention that came up as the first 

1 Che avoit tout fait Dieu et Notre Dame et Monseigneur St George, Ruisseauville, 
142 ; Brut, ii. 379, 597; Henry V, vin. 12. 6. 

Saynt George was sene over our hoste, 

Of very trouthe this syght men dyde se, 

Downe was he sente by the holy goste, 

To give our Kynge the victory. 

Harflet, App. 76; Pyne, 105. 

The Frenschmen seyde al be dene, 

Seynt George all over our Kyng they se. Harflet, 322. 

Cernitur in campo sacer ille Georgius armis, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 123 ; Saint George 
which helpe hym to fighte and was seyne aboven in the eyre, Brut, ii. 557. For picture 
of an angel helping besiegers to repel an attack, see Schultz, 362. 

3 Heylyn, 247 ; Milner, 53 ; Fleming, 85-93 ; que le benoist Dieu 1'avait inspire pour 
chastier les subjets, Juv. 544. 

4 Propter peccata sua, St Denys, vi. 288 ; cf. des ordonnances de meurs, meprisement 
d'autray, force, ingratitude et decongnoissance de benefices de Dieu, etc., Blondel, i. 444; 
propter injustitiam, Delachenal, 133; peccatis nostris exigentibus terram sanctam saraceni 
detinent occupatam, Hagthonus de Tartaris (1307), quoted in Lannoy, Survey, 289, printed 
in Grynaeus Novus orbis regionum, Basle, 1537 ; est a doubter que a ceste occasion nostre 
createur est permis a venir en ce royaulme plusieurs afflictions et tribulacions (i.e. on 
account of the frequency of blasphemous oaths), Ordonnances, xi. 103. Called "a con- 
venient sort of morality quite in accordance with the ideas of those times," Tyrrell, 293 
[171]; tout par vospekiet, Ruisseauville, 142; pour les peches des Fra^ois, Monstr. 376; 
Masseville, iv. 49, who thought that the debauchery was only equalled by that of his own 
day, i.e. temp. Louis XIV. 

Autres dommages, 

Des loyaute, faultes d'ommages, 

Perte d'amis et d'eritages, 

Faulses parolles, faulx langaiges, 

Blames tissus, 

De mensonges luit courant sus. Chartier, 677. 

For a similar explanation of Nicopolis, pour leurs peches, car ils firent en allant moult de 
maux et avoient toujours ribaudes et jouoient a jeux dissolus, Juv. 399. 

5 Pluscard, 351. 

6 Quy tousjours avoient soustenu l'Ermaingnacrie, Trahisons, 129. 

La defaute des Lupalois (Armagnacs), 

Fera gaignier les Panalois (English). Pastoralet, 774. 

7 Hulfin den Engelischin und schlugin hindin an dy geste und an ere eygin lute, 
Posilge, 359, evidently a Burgundian rumour circulating at Constance. 

8 Miraculose, Gesta, 61 ; Pauwels, 243; Otterbourne, 277; rather miraculously than 
otherwise, Grafton, i. 517; une espece de miracle, Hennebert, iii. 334, admitting however 
that nos Cevnes (?) ont facilite ses succes. 

14*5] Reflections 191 

necessary solution in the mediaeval mind. Harfleur was 
the lightning flash and Agincourt the thunderbolt 1 and all 
His judgments were just 2 , but God for some wise purpose 
had done it all. He could save by many or by few 3 . The 
modern mind is more inquisitive but equally determined to 
catch some restful hypothesis in spite of faulty or even 
contradictory information even on such essential points as 
the lie of the ground, the position of the forces, their 
numbers, equipment, formation, plan of attack and every 
detail of their strategy. Some blame the French for not 
attacking first 4 , others see in this " an impressive proof of 
their improved discipline 5 ." 

Twenty years after the event the Count of Richmond, 
who had himself been captured in the fight, passed over the 
battlefield again 6 arid pointed out to his friends where he 
himself had been posted with his banner and each of the 
great French lords with theirs, and where the English king 
had lodged at Maisoncelles. This knowledge was in the 
mind of his biographer*, but neither he nor anyone else 
thought it worth his while to set it down in detail. 

It remains therefore to look as narrowly as we can into 
such scattered evidence as has come down to us from eye- 
witnesses or at least contemporaries. The usual plan has 
been to call out everything that is picturesque in the accounts 
of the various writers who narrated the events any time 
within the succeeding century and blend them together into 
a patchwork whole, provided that they do not carry contra- 
diction on the face of them. My own effort has been to 
depend for essentials only upon the statements of those who 
saw the battle with their own eyes or had good means of 
information at the time, and we have seen that at least on 
the question of numbers most of these were obviously unfit 
to tell us anything that will bear examination. Foremost 
among the former group is the chaplain, Thomas Elmham, 
who was on the field from the beginning to the end of the 

1 Mont St Michel, I. vii. 

3 Trahisons, 129. 3 g t Denys, v. 554. 

4 Dupleix, ii. 713. 6 S. Turner, v. 442. 

6 i.e. in 1436. 

7 Gruel, xxxi, 126 (who had his account of the battle from the Count of Richmond 
himself), pp. xxiii, xxx, 232; Cosneau, Richemont, 257. 

192 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

fight and wrote down his account within two years of the 
events 1 . Except in regard to his estimate of numbers his 
statements are quite exceptionally worthy of trust. John 
Hardyng 2 was there in the service of Sir Robert Umfraville 3 , 
but a long time elapsed before he wrote his Chronicle 4 , and 
from the strangeness of his account 5 his impressions must 
by that time have become much obscured. The same may 
be said of Jean Le Fevre 6 and Jean Waurin 7 who were both 
present in the battle, one on the English and the other on 
the French side. But they were almost boys at the time 8 , 
and when they wrote long after 9 they had Monstrelet's 10 
chronicle before them and had compared notes with each 
other, Le Fevre's memory being apparently the original 

1 i.e. before Dec. 1417, Gesta, 59; see page 77, note 5. 

2 His name occurs among others not bound by indentures in Hunter, 53, 54. Oman 
(Pol. Hist. 502) calls him "a professional forger." See also Cat. of Lansdowne MSS. 
ii. 73; H. Morley, vi. 156; Kingsford, Hard. 464, 467, 468, who thinks this "throws 
some discredit on his trustworthiness as a historian." For John Hardyng, a "seller," 
i.e. saddler, see Exch. Accts. 46/3. 

3 For his retinue (20 + 40), see Nicolas, 385, from Sloane MS. 4600. For Hardyng's 
eulogy of him, see Kingsford, Hard. 476-478. 

4 For the first edition begun soon after 1437, finished 1457, see Kingsford, Hard. 465, 
469, 471, 480; do. Lit. 140-149, who thinks that the account of Agincourt was based on 
the Gesta, ibid. 463, 481. Called "eine literarische Kuriositat " in K. Schmidt, 35. 
For the reigns of Henry IV, V, VI it is said that "compilator hujus libri audivit vidit et 
interfuit," Hard. p. xiv; Kingsford, Hard. 476. 

5 On ne peut rien imaginer de plus plat et de plus ennuyeux que son recit, Debat, 

6 For account of him and his parentage, see Belleval, Lettres, 175-190. 

7 Called "Wavrin" in Oman (Pol. Hist. 504), who thinks that his work "has no 
value till about 1410." Not "Vaurin," as Trebuchet, 76, who calls him "1'historien 
anglais" For Jean Waurin (b. 1394, d. 1474), Lord of Forestal, Historiographer to 
Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, see K. Schmidt, 114, who calls him " Frankreich's 
Fabyan " (p. 77). He wrote his Chronicle, circ. 1455. His father and brother were both 
killed in the battle, see H. Morley, vi. 154; Waurin, i. pp. xix, 3; J. E. Morris, 435; 
Niethe, 4. For his dependence on the Brut, see Kingsford, Lit. 136, which he calls 
(possibly from the name of the owner) the chronicle of Master Norham, doctor in theology, 
Hard, xiv; Stow, Summary of English Chronicles, 144, 152; Kingsford, Hard. 476; 
do. Lit. 148, 311. 

8 Emmerig, 8, 9; Niethe, 3; though Michelet (vi. 24) fancies that Le Fevre was an 
agent for the Duke of Burgundy; also Beaucourt, i. 136. For somewhat far-fetched 
supposition that Jean Le Fevre is the same as Jean 1'Orfevre, who was " sub-prior of the 
Church of the Scholars" at Mons in 1424, see Vickers, 144. 

9 More than 40 years after, i.e. circa 1460, when Le Fevre was 67 years old, Quicherat, 
Proces, iv. 405, 429. 

10 Dupont, Notice, 2, 4, 16, who argues (p. 5) that he was not in the service of the 
English, but of the Duke of Burgundy en qualite de poursuivant d'armes, and supposes 
that Le Fevre did not begin to write till 1463 and died in 1468 (Dupont, 15) ; je demouray 
avec les Anglais, Dupont, 4, quoting Le Fevre, viii. 24. For view that Monstrelet copied 
from Le Fevre, see Licquet, 175 ; though it is more usual to say that Le Fevre " plagiarised 
from Monstrelet," Masson, 186, who considers all these chronicles as "tedious and 
drowsy" (p. 179), Monstrelet's being summed up as "singularly tame" (p. 180) and 
Le Fevre as "slovenly and poor" and "nothing but an echo of Monstrelet" (pp. 188, 
195) ; Belleval, Lettres, 190-192. 

14 1 5] Witnesses 193 

basis of such personal recollections as they specially contain 1 . 
Gilbert de Lannoy and his brother Hugh also took part in 
the fight, and both of them talked over their adventure with 
Le Fevre 2 , but in his own account Gilbert has little to tell 
beyond the fact of his own escape from being burnt alive 3 . 
Of first-rate importance, though based on second-hand 
information 4 , on the English side is the account of Thomas 
Walsingham 5 which was written about three years after the 
event. Though it has an eye for stage effect and is 
embellished with quotations from Virgil and Persius, in 
its facts it is closely connected with Elmham's account 6 , 
and the same may be said of the ballad on the siege of 
Harfleur 7 written about twelve years later still 8 , and the 
narrative of the Italian Tito Livio 9 who was in intimate 
communication with the Duke of Gloucester who was 
wounded in the battle. On the French side Pierre de 
Fenin was a native of the county of Artois 10 and was con- 
nected with Beauquesne and Doullens all on the line of 
march, and when he died in 1433 he was buried in the 
church of St Nicaise at Arras. Thus all his personal 
interests were in the neighbourhood of the battle but his 
account of it has little local colour 11 . Guillaume Gruel in 
writing the life of his master 12 , Arthur, Count of Richmond, 
had his material from the lips of the Count himself who was 
wounded and captured in the fight. The Count was 37 years 
of age when he gave his biographer the information, but 

1 Le Fevre, i. 247 ; Waurin, ii. 205. J. E. Morris (435) thinks that Waurin wrote 
much later than Le Fevre and set himself to record what he had previously told to 
Le Fevre and partly to correct him. 

2 J'ai oui parler plusieurs notables chevalliers de la partie de France et plus especial 
a messire Hue et a messire Gilbert de Lannoy freres qui furent a la dite bataille qui me 
racomptaient bien au loin, Gilbert, Survey, 306, quoting Le Fevre, ch. Ixiv. p. 98. 

* Page 172. 

4 Prout fertur, Wals. ii. 310, 311, 313. 

5 Kohler (ii. 750) pronounces him "unimportant" (unbedeutend}. Not that he was 
an eyewitness, as Bore"ly, i. 105. For account of him and his work, see Gairdner, 
Chroniclers, 268. For payment to Thomas Chaucer per manus Thomae Walsingham 
clerici, see Iss. Roll i H. V, Pasch., May 4, 1413; Kingsford, Lit. 12-21. 

6 Though Kingsford (Hard. 463) thinks that Hardyng's account is "perhaps the only 
instance in the i5th century of the use of Elmham's prose narrative." 

7 Kohler (ii. 750) thinks that it is "nicht ohne Werth." 

8 App. C 2 . 

9 I take the Vita to be merely a rhetorical expansion of the same work. 

10 Fenin, p. xviii, where he is called " Artesius." 

11 His narrative was followed by the writer of the " Trahisons de France," who wrote 
circ. 1440. 

12 For Gruel as a squire to Count Arthur, see Quicherat, Proces, iv. 315. 

W. II. I 3 

194 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

by that time the battle was so remote an event that he did 
not seem to realise the need for accuracy; while Alain 
Chartier wrote his poem of the " Ladies" very soon after the 
disaster, but it deals rather with the sequel of the fight 
than the details of the fight itself. The Diary of the so- 
called Bourgeois reflects the bitterness of anti-Armagnac 
feeling in Paris and the poem of the Pastoralet is likewise 
a Burgundian lament. The Monk of St Denys gleaned 
the fullest information 1 from the neighbourhood of the court, 
but his sober narrative is taken up and spoiled with a strong 
Orleanist bias by the Armagnac, Jean Juvenal des Ursins, 
who wrote under the sting of exile at Poitiers some 1 5 years 
after the event. If the Monk of St Denys makes the 
Frenchmen ankle-deep in mud he puts them in up to the 
calf of the leg 2 ; if the monk says straight out that the 
French horsemen turned tail and fled, Juvenal says that 
their horses swerved and so some people fancied they were 
running away; and if the monk avers that the English 
arrows pierced the Frenchmen's basnets, he says that they 
did no harm because the French were well protected, but 
that they broke down at close quarters because they were 
out of breath. He lays imaginary ambuscades in the 
woods 3 . He multiplies the number of prisoners by io 4 , 
and when eyewitnesses declare that the Frenchmen lowered 
their heads to escape the English volleys he says they did 
it to avoid the blinding sun, forgetting apparently about the 
pelting rain that plays so essential a part in all the earliest 
accounts. Much valuable first-hand information is contained 
in an account known as the Chronicle of Ruisseauville 
which was certainly written after the death of Henry V 5 
and is remarkable for the writer's animosity towards the 
Constable d'Albret, Gaucourt and Clignet de Brebant 6 , all 
three of whom he regards as traitors, while he has nothing 

1 Vera relatione didici, St Denys, v. 560. 

2 Jusque au gros des jambes, Juv. 518. 

3 Grande embusche a 1'un des bois qui leur estoit a coste, Juv. 520. 

4 i.e. circ. 1440, Monstr. Pref. xxxii. He is called " the Mole (i.e. Mathieu Mole 
1584-1656) or the D'Aguesseau (1688-1751) of the isth century" in Jeanroy, Felix, 153. 
Niethe, 54, where Juvenal's estimate of 14,000 prisoners is nur ein Schreibfehler. 

6 It describes the return of Gaucourt et tons les autres from captivity. 
6 In Bourgeois, 622, Clignet de Breban (sic] is une mauvaise personne qui moult fit 
des mal en France comme il fut amiral. 



to say against the English 1 , but goes out of his way to 
blacken the French (i.e. the Armagnacs) for robbing the 
poor fugitives from Harfleur, and robbing towns, churches 
and monasteries. There is also an account known as the 
Chronicle of Tramecourt 2 , but in spite of their titles neither 
of these yields any local information. Other condensed 
notices were written by Gilles Bouvier, who as king of arms 
to Charles VII gives detailed particulars of the. captains 
and their banners 3 , by William Cousinot (the treasurer to 
Charles, Duke of Orleans), by Pierre Cochon the chronicler 
of Rouen, Bishop Basin in his life of Louis XI, and Robert 
Blondel the bitter satirist of Henry V, who was living when 
the battle was fought but did not describe it till 34 years 
after 4 . But by this time France was recovering from the 
deadly blow, and when Monstrelet wrote some 25 years 
after "the piteous day 5 ," he tinged his story deep with the 
prevalent excuses of national vanity. Still his account is of 
incalculable service 6 , for he was a Picard, born near the 
battlefield 7 ; he was a grown man of 25 when the battle 
was fought though he was not actually present in it and he 
was a diligent raconteur* with a keen scent for armorials 
and heraldry and the deeds of the great baronial families 10 
which made a cynical scoffer size him up as " more frothy 
than a mustard-pot 11 ." His book was one of the earliest 
volumes selected by the French printers for publication for 
students of French history, and for good or for evil it gave 
the tone to every subsequent account of Agincourt in every 
part throughout the reading world 12 . 

1 Belleval (55) calls him "un chaleureux partisan de 1'Angleterre." In Monstrelet, 
vi. 38, the chronicle is "un bulletin du Due de Bourgogne." For an account of it, 
see App. N. 

2 Page 163. 3 He was followed by Gaguin. 
4 i.e. in 1449, Blondel, i. 261. 

6 See page 401. 

8 E. Hardy (154) regards him as " le mieux renseigne au point de vue militaire." 

7 Le. at Montrelet near Domart-en-Ponthieu (Somme). 

8 He was born in 1390 and died circa July 15, 1453. For a picture of him from MS. 
82905, temp. Louis XII, see Willemin, ii. 20, 182. 

For his dependence on the Chronologia regum Francorum for his early material till 
1405, see Chronologia, ill. p. xxxiv. 

* Called "ce laborieux paperassier" in Jeanroy, Felix, 152. 

11 "Plus baveux qu'un pot a moutarde," Rabelais, quoted in Masson, Chron. 183. 
For une pierce pour faire un moulin a moutarde, see Arbois de Jubainville (1873), p. 98. 

13 e.g. Kingsford, First Life, pp. ix, xv, 3; Halle, Harpsfeld, 589; Holinshed; 
Stow, 349. Kohler (ii. 749) still regards him as the chief authority for the battle 
though he does not scruple to reject several of his details. Niethe (57) calls him "die 


196 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

How then out of the mass of contradictory evidence 
contained in these various writers can we now construct 
a just estimate of the causes of the gigantic failure of the 
French on that "evil day 1 ," stamped in their language as 
the "luckless, black, accursed day 2 ," "the dolorous venture 3 ," 
the "piteous business" and "the ugliest that had befallen 
them for the last thousand years 4 " ? 

In the first place all are agreed that the honours rested 
with the English archers 8 . They formed the largest portion 
of our fighting force 6 ; they foiled the French charge with 
their sharpened stakes ; they followed up their first success 
with the utmost dash and courage 7 ; and in breaking up the 
horse they struck a crippling blow at the outset that 
practically decided the day 8 . No wonder that it seemed 
to Henry that God had steeped his setts 9 in grace and 

glaubwlirdigste Quelle." Niethe (i) regards Monstrelet as " unsere Hauptquelle," eine der 
besten und zuverlassigsten Quellen (p. 2), quoting Dacier, Mem. sur la vie du Enguerrand 
de Monstrelet, Acad. des Inscr. vol. 43, 1886. For Monstrelet as " plus baveux (frothy, 
Cotgr., s.v.) que ung pot de moutarde," see A. France, I. xii, from Rabelais, Pantagruel, 
in. ch. xxiv. For picture of him from Bibl. Nat. MS. fr. 2678, see Coudere, Album, 
PL CXVlli; also Willemin, ii. 182. 

1 La mauvaise journee, Mont St Michel, i. 20; la male journe'e, Blondel, i. 126; 
vallet de Veriville, Blondel, 175; Paradin, 593, 597; Mamerot, 272; A. Duchesne, 824; 
La Mure, ii. 130; Hauteclocque, 282; Gollut, ion; Lambert, 422; Piers, 381; Le Petit, 
i. 349; Serres, i. 961 ; la mala Jornada, Sveyro, ii. 127. 

3 La negra jornea, Guzman, 61 ; dies infaustus, infelix praelium o maledicta dies quern 
Francia devovet omnis, Blondel, i. 33. 

Tres dure mauldite journe'e, 
Doloureuse malfortunee. Chartier, 607. 

Delaunay, 49; la piteuse journee, la piteuse bataille, Le Fevre, i. 265, 269; Bourgeois, 134 ; 
Chron. Brioc. 891 ; G. Dupont, ii. 512, from Archives du Calvados. 

3 La malle aventure, Waurin, ii. 230; cette piteuse aventure, Baye, ii. 219; Monstr. 
380; Mirot, D'Orgemont, 152; laquelle est tres piteuse et de tres grant dommage, Cagny, 
fol. 80; la douloureuse aventure, Monstr. 381; Le Fevre, i. 269; ceste malheureuse et 
douloureuse journee, Le Fevre, i. 232 ; Fenin, 67, 560; Cousinot, 134; Bulletin Hist. Soc. 
Antiq. de la Morenie, iv. 41 (written between 1467 and 1477) ; in dicto miserabili conflictu, 
St Denys, v. 748; dolorus jorney, Halle, 71. 

O journee pleine de pleur, 

Que maudit France Pexillie'e. Blondel, i. 126. 

4 Cette piteuse besogne, Monstr. 377 ; la plus laide besogne et plus maloise que puis 
mil anz avenist au roialme de France, Cochon, 275 ; che may se a poldido tal fortuna tre 
sy gran rota, Morosini, ii. 72. 

8 Ceulx de France disoient que les Englois ne gagnoient les journe'es sinon par les 
archiers, Cagny, i. 20; Villaret, xiii. 367; Hallam (42) who ascribes the victory also to "the 
freedom of our constitution and the superior condition of the people"; Ramsay (i. 224), 
who regards it as a triumph for the system of fighting in line as against fighting in column. 

6 Englois avoient foison d'archiers, Fenin, 63; totum illorum robur situm erat in 
sagittariis, Meyer, 246; Pays-Bas, 356. 

7 Vinrent fierement assaillirent, Bouvier, 430; ex humanitate et maxima audacia, 
Hard. 391. 

8 A la cause des gens de cheval la bataille des Franchois fut rompue, Le Fevre, i. 256; 
Waur. ii. 215 ; pource qu'ils avoient este rompuz des chevaulx, Norm. Chron. 171. 

* See vol. i. page 465, note 2. 

The Archers 197 

victory 1 . In an English army the archers were the 
"sovereign thing" and usually outnumbered the lances by 
three to one 2 ; but with the French the proportion was all 
the other way 3 , and there was only one archer to every 
two, three, four or sometimes even eight men-of-arms 4 . To 
meet the nimble English archer the French had only heavy 
arblasters 5 or crossbowmen posted out of range 6 who were 
easily swept away by the dash of the English, and while 
the Frenchman was stooping to work the gaffle with the 
stirrup and the winch or stretching the string either with 
the thumb 7 or with an iron hook over the nut at the tiller- 
end, the English longbowman was standing up and feeding 
from the quiver, making five or six shots to the Frenchman's 
one 8 . After the disaster, when the French chronicler 9 
inquired about the English host and how their wondrous 

1 Rym. ix. 436 (Feb. 10, 1417); Neade, B. 4; Barnigton, 52; Scott, ii. 87, who 
reads "impetit" for "infudit." For the bow as "God's instrument whereby he hath 

537. ee page 15 1, 
note 6. 

8 Gesta, 266 ; cf. every fourth being a horseman, Speed, 787 ; la souveraine chose du 
monde pour les batailles sont les archiers, mais qu'ils soient par milliers car un petit 
nombre ne valent rien, Commines, i. 31 ; Delbriick, iii. 471, who supposes (p. 482) that 
the English archers were 8 to i. In 1385, Richard II's army in Scotland shows no fixed 
proportion of men-of-arms to archers, Archaeologia, xxii. 16; cf. duos sagittarios uni 
scutifero, Cotton MS. Calig. D. 5, f. n (n), Aug. 30, 1416; les deux parts d 'archiers, 
Verneuil, 215, 219. 

8 e.g. 6068 men-of-arms to 4693 archers in the Duke of Burgundy's army at Beauvais 
in August, 1417, Plancher, iii. 472-475; Cordeliers, 237; i.e. about 3 to 2. For 300 
archers to 500 men-of-arms, see Juv. 510; or 2000 to 4000, Plancher, iii. 494, 495, cccix; 
or 300 to 1000 (1405), Gaujal, ii. 268; or 1000 to 3000 (1414), Cosneau, Connetable, 32; 
or loo to 500, ibid. 35; Dognou, 444, 498; or 50 to 200, Affre, Aveyron, i. 221. 

4 e.g. Melusine, 189, 218, 222. 

5 In the accounts of the Galley Close at Rouen in 1382, 1384, the stock includes 
75,000 viretons (Breard, 75) + 2697 (p. 76) + 54,700 (p. 76) + 24,900 (p. 80) + 9000 (p. 77) 
+ 47,990 (p. 151) but not a single arrow (sette, satte, sajette, sagitta). For 10,000 
viretons pour servir a trait d'aregbalestre, see Godefroy, s.v. Vireton\ called "vireson " in 
Cotgr. who calls it "a little quarrelle," or "a fustion of arrow-head that's turned or 
made into a scrue." Cf. with bo we, turkeys and schot of arblasteris, Lydg. Troy 
Book, 328. 

Archeris and many arblasteris, 

That with her bowes filed sharp and rounde, 

With quarrellis whet and grounde. Ibid. 474. 

Cf. bowe and arrow and arblast, ibid. 223; archeres, bowmen and arblasteres, Laud Troy 

Book, 463 ; arblasteres, bowes and quarelles, ibid. 469. 

6 Page 158. Lachauvelaye (100) supposes that they were not allowed to shoot because 
the ground was so wet. 

7 Though that your thumb over thart ye use to lay, Retrosp. Rev. i. 208. 

8 As at Crecy against the Genoese crossbowmen, see Traill, ii. 175; Gallwey, 7, 37; 
C. R. L. Fletcher, 261 ; called 3 or 4 to i in Lloyd, 65. 

9 St Denys, v. 556. 

1 98 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

feat had been achieved 1 , he learned that they had lived on 
scanty and hard-gotten fare 2 , had kept all harlots clean 
away 3 , and that every man was under discipline and did as 
he was ordered by his king 4 . In this last point the chronicler 
proved the mischief to the quick. It is idle to blame the 
cramped nature of the ground as some early writers very 
soon did 5 , for the French themselves had deliberately selected 
it on purpose to force on a fight 6 , and when English writers 
call it "a proper field 7 " for them to hew down the French, 
the description is undoubtedly a true one on the assumption 
that their archers had first mastered the enemy's horse. 
But had the French opening succeeded and the English 
archers been driven in, the field would have been all in 
favour of the French as the English would have had no 
open ground behind them for withdrawal had they been 
forced back on to the wood at Maisoncelles. Equally futile 
is it also to urge that the French were inexperienced 8 or 
taken unawares*, for they had had abundance of time to 

1 Called "one of the marvels of History," Oman, in Traill, ii. 324. 

2 Rusticano alimento nutrita et deliciarum nescia, Blondel, i. 160; durement couches 
et nourris de grosses viandes, ibid. 313. S. Turner (v. 450) adds their superior muscular 
force and intelligent activity. 

3 Ne monterent oncques sur nulles femmes, Ruisseauville, 142; cf. als ein offen 
Frowen in sollichem Heer haben, Aen. Sylv. Amores, 475; "no giddy girls," Haggard, 
134, Not that "all impurity of conversation was banished from his camp," as Guthrie, 
ii. 462. For the women in the French camp at Nicopolis, see G. Kb'hler, 13 ; cf. lechurie 
neysshyth a manes herte, Secreta, 190. 

4 Cf. suis multum obeditus subditis, J. Chartier, in Bulletin de la Soc. de 1'Hist. de 
France, Ser. n. tome i. page 217 (1857-8). 

5 La place estoit estroicte et tres avantageuse pour les Anglois, Le Fevre, i. 252, 253 ; 
Waurin, ii. 211, where it is urged that there was no room at all for the archers and cross- 
bowmen ; trop estoit estroite pour combattre tant de gens, Gruel, 357 ; ubi vix standi 

rulisper vel progrediendi facultas fuit, Wals. ii. 311; Hypodig. 464; cf. defavorable 
la cavalerie, Ferrasac, Sect. vni. vi. 317; S. Turner, v. 466. Elmham regards the 
space as narrow for both sides alike ; his bints campus per nemus arctus erat, Lib. Metr. 
121. For statement that the French actually had the advantage of the ground galli et 
numero et locorum positu praevalerent, see Pray, ii. 262. Blondel (i. 261) knows nothing 
of any stratagem or any woods. 

6 Not that they " fell into the snare that was laid for them " by the English, as Henry, 
v. 39. Sismondi (xii. 471) thinks that the choice showed their ignorance of the art of 
war. Viollet-le-Duc (Mobilier, vi. 385) thinks that Henry choisissait sa position avec une 
grande intelligence des choses de la guerre; also Serres, i. 960 (281); Oman, 109; avec 
son habilet ordinaire, Lachauvelaye, 118. 

7 Facilem locum, Tit. Liv. 16, 19; tarn aptum campum, Vita, 60. Called "a position 
of surprising strength" for the English who are supposed to be "on sloping ground," 
Cassell, i. 531. 

8 Cf. leur inexperience des armes dont nos peres n'estoient que nouveaux apprentifz, 
Blondel, i. 313; l'arme de France non experte en armes, ibid. i. 314. Duval-Pineu 
(ii. 202) thinks that la victoire resta non aux plus braves mais aux plus habiles. 

9 Soudainement assaillirent, Gilles, ii. 61 ; a cause qu'ils n'estoient pres a combattre, 
Belleforest, Hist. 277. 

Excuses 199 

prepare, or that their armour was too heavy 1 , or that they 
could not struggle through ploughed furrows soaked with 
rain, for in this respect both sides had to fare alike 2 , though 
where the heavy lances stood at close quarters with the 
English archers the odds were doubtless desperately against 
them, or that they had the fierce sun in their eyes 3 in 
a late autumn season which was specially memorable for 
the constant rain 4 . 

King Henry himself attributed the French disaster to 
their insubordination and bad tactics 8 , and both resulted 

1 Us estoient pesamment armez, N. Lambert, 416; d'un poids e"norme, Piers, 382; 
St Denys, v. 562 ; Franchoiz estoient fort armez, Fenin, 63 ; tant pesantement estoient 
armez, Le Fevre, i. 252; Waurin, ii. an; Cordeliers, 229; though in Wals. ii. 311, the 
English are armis onustos. Musgrave (293) thinks the French armour was "twice as 
cumbrous as any worn by the English." The French were armed with cottes d'achier 
(not coats of mail, as Church, 77) longues jusque aux genoulx ou plus bas, par desoulz 
harms de jambes et par dessus blancs harnois et le plus balhines de car vail (? = camail), 
Le Fevre, i. 252; Waur. ii. 211. Mazas (Vies, v. 609), followed by Nicolas, in, thinks 
that the cuirass was worn longer than formerly both back and front to suit the new plan 
of fighting on foot, adding that the casque and cuirass of the Count of Vaudemont 
together weighed 96 Ibs. Cf. French, 121, referring to those now in the Muse*e d'Artillerie 
in Paris as the "very casques that did affright the air at Agincourt" (Henry V, i. Prol. 14), 
but this is altogether a mistake and I am assured by the Director of the Muse"e (M. Bernadac) 
that the pieces of armour in question really date from the seventeenth century in spite of 
the mistake in the Catalogue, vol. ii, and that they possibly belonged to Cesar de 
Vend6me, a bastard son of Henri IV (circ. 1609). For Catalogue of the Muse 
d'Artillerie, see Ponguilly d'Haridon. For suit of armour (1483) in the Tower of London, 
weighing 38 Ibs., see S. D. .Scott, i. 217. Cf. "crowded together in a small plain and 
powerless from their numbers and the weight of their armour," Nicolas, 1 30. Low (39) 
thinks they were "crowded in fields between 2 roads and that from the Seine to the 
Somme ( !) there was scarcely a position more unfavourable, etc." On the other hand 
J. S. Gardiner (48) thinks that it was the English that suffered for the "almost unsupport- 
able weight " of their armour, " often stopping to take breath," and that " only the front 
ranks with shortened lances could raise their hands" (cf. Monstr. iii. 167 (of the French)), 
quoting " the Chronicler" (? is this Juv. 518 or Bueil, ii. 62, both of whom attribute the 
want of breath to the " French knight present at Agincourt," quoted on p. 48 for the 
statement that the English men-of-arms wore " a long hauberk of chain mail reaching 
below the knee and very heavy with the leg armour, beneath and over this the plate 
or white armour" ; but these are really the French and the reference is to Waurin, ii. 211 
[210]; Le Fevre, i. 252). For fatigue of dismounted men-of-arms at Termonde in 1452, 
where they had to be held up by their pages, see Olivier de la Marche, i. cap. 25, quoted 
in Delbriick, iii. 483. 

8 For salebras solique mollitiam, instanced as difficulties of the English, see Wals. 
ii. a 1 1. 

8 For stock advice to avoid wind or sun in the face in choosing a battlefield, see 
Christine de Pison-Luire de Chevalerie, in Robineau, 262; Juv. 520; Nicolas, 122; 
Kohler, 769, quoting Gesta, 53, which does not appear to mention the sun; Kitchin (i. 520) 
thinks that " the day was warm and fine" ; Vickers (28), that it " broke bright and clear" ; 
Fortescue (i. 59) thinks they were dazzled by the eastern sun that shone full in their eyes 
though it was approaching midday (see page 153, note 7) ; Towle, 334, 335; Labitte, 141 ; 
Adams, i. 228; Dupleix, ii. 713. Vita (62) brings in the sun to tinsel the armour. 
Niethe (51), who is a disbeliever, calls it das Marchen von der Sonne. 

4 Cf. la pluie qu'il avoit fait icelle semaine, Juv. 520; fist fort temps de pluie, 
Cochon, 274. 

8 Ab inordinate eorum apparatu, St Denys, v. 570; cf. propter inordinationem 
exercitus Francorum, Blondel, i. 261 ; rudis et indigesta multitude, do. 167 ; en petite 

2OO The Dead [CH. xxxv 

from the want of a strong man in command 1 . Leaders 
came up without their men 2 ; troops stood to arms without 
their leaders ; and in many cases neither troops nor leaders 
arrived at all 3 . Of the 1200 horsemen who should have 
ridden down the archers at the outset very few indeed were 
ready at their posts 4 . They straggled in at all hours, they 
strolled about as if it were a tourney 5 or a ball-play 6 , they 
warmed themselves 7 or fed their horses to the very last 
moment 8 as if the English would not dare to attack 9 , and 
then came tearing up at break-neck speed in fear of being 
late 10 . Burgundian would not serve under Armagnac nor 
Armagnac behind Burgundian. Each man must have a 
foremost place or he would not fight at all, and on the top 
of all this jealousy stood out the Frenchman's proverbial 11 
arrogance and presumption 12 . They wanted no archers and 

ordonnance, Bouvier, 430; ou priust mauvais pie en 1'ost des Francois, Waurin, ii. 205; 
ne tendrent mesure in ordre, Martial, 21; Champollion-Figeac, Louis et Charles, 298; 
le desarray et inadvertence, Mamerot, 272 ; les fausses manoeuvres de notre arme'e, Guizot, 
ii. 259; faulty manoeuvres, Masson, 179; cf. disorganization and indiscipline without 
a parallel in the history of European war, A. Musgrave, 295; an undisciplined aristocracy, 
C. R. L. Fletcher, 318; an armed mob, Oman, 102. 

I Faute de conduite, Raoulet, 155; "bad generalship," Gent. Mag. (1859), " 344 > 
cf. page 181, note i. 

* Vinrent quasi tous seuls, Bouvier, 429; peu de gens, do. 430; e.g. the Dukes of 
Orleans and Brabant (page 169) and the Count of Nevers, Norm. Chron. ; Hellot, 19; 
do. Williams, 170. 

8 e.g. the Dukes of Brittany and Anjou, Norm. Chron. 171. 

4 Page 157, note 5. 

6 Bouvier, 429; cf. page 140, note 2. For French sitting all night in the saddle "in 
order not to soil their magnificent armour," see Haggard, 120. 

6 Ains vint 1'estour a desroy, 

Comme s'ils alaissent chouler. Pastoralet, 767. 
Godefroy, s.v. Souler. 

7 Ou Anglais prindrent par leurs sens, 

Les Francais prts du feu tout court. Bouchet, 238. 

Gollunt, ion; Choisy, 325; Belleforest, Hist. 277; Mazas, Vies, v. 621; Belleval, 97, 
who supposes that they lighted these fires at 10 a.m. to dry themselves. 

8 Les uns s'en alloient chauffer ou se pourmenans ou faisans repaistre leurs chevaux, 
Bouvier, 430; Martial, 21 ; Champollion-Figeac, Louis et Charles, 298. 

Pensans qu'on n oseroit les yeux, 
Centre tant lever ne les mordre. Martial, 21. 

Ut non quomodo pugnarent sed quo pacto hostem detinerent ne fugeret, Aen. Sylv. 
Orat. iii. 191 ; marchoient comme a une victoire assuree, Villaret, xiii. 359. 

10 En desroy et a tue cheval chascun sefforcoit de sievoir (i.e. suivre, cf. Godefroy, 
s.v. Sevir) sy que jamais n'y^luidoent venir a temps, Trahisons, 129; hors d'alayne, 
Bueil, ii. 62, who represents that they came up at top speed one by one. In Ruisseauville, 
139, they (?the French) came up tout bellement et sans hater. 

II For the French as orgueilleux, violents, les plus passiones du monde, see Ronciere, 
i. 286. 

12 Vous alez en bataille en orgueil et a grant beubanche, Ruisseauville, 142 ; par leurs 
granz boubans et ourgueil, Chron. Brioc. 891; Francigenarum superbia, Aen. Sylv. Orat. 
iii. 192; homeny de gran pompa, Morosini, i. 10; folle et effrenee outrecuidance, 
Bouchard, clii; par orgueil, Cochon, 94; seduite par presompcion, Blondel, i. 261, 443; 

] Causes 201 

no low-born craftsmen 1 . The gentlemen were there to 
crush these puny English and do it quick and then come 
back to dine 2 . But the first check to their horsemen threw 
all into deray 3 ; their reckless confidence turned to scare 
and panic; their very numbers proved their undoing 4 and 
having once become entangled they thronged and trampled 
on each other without even striking a blow 5 . Something 
also must be laid to the account of the new venture of the 
French in separating the leaders from the gros varlets* 
whereby they cut the bond of local comradeship which 
hitherto had held the troops together as companions, and 
when the heads with their banners had fought and lost the 
first encounter all stimulus to courage vanished from the 
headless members who villainously fled away. When the 
news reached Constance about three weeks after the event 7 
that 100,000 French had " basely run away 8 " before a 
handful of hardy Englishmen who had been living for three 
days on bread and water it was received without any special 
surprise. All Europe knew the French disease 9 . It was 
the old old story. They talked a great deal first and then 
made up their minds in a hurry 10 , going into battle as usual 

nimis precipitanter, St Denys, v. 556; ce furent tant presumpcieux, Martial, 21. For 
contempt of the French for the Turkish light troops at Nicopolis, see Ranke, iv. 447; 
avemo 1'ira de Deo per la sua arongancia et sua soperbia, Morosini, ii. 140 ; confidenter 
et animose sed nimis arroganter, Zantfliet, 406; cet esprit de prescription et d'in- 
subordination, Hennebert, iii. 333; arrogance and eagerness to be foremost, Lloyd, 53. 
Cf. nostre accoustumee te'merite, Serres, i. 960 (281); avec une impetuosity aveugle sans 
aucune discipline se culbutant les uns les autres, Anquetil, i. 556. G. Kohler (3) refers to 
the weakness of the Ritterschaft nicht so wohl in der mangelhaften Ausbildung des 
Einzelnen als in der masslosen Arroganz des Korpsgeistes und der Reizbarkeit eines 
heranbildeten falschen Ehrgefuhls das aller taktischen Disciplin Hohn sprach und in der 
Verachtung des Fussvolks an dessen Seite zu Kampfen der Ritter unter seiner Wiirde 
hielt. M. Bernard (95) thinks that " chivalry received its final death-blow at Agincourt " ; 
pre'somption, arrogance, temerite, G. Daniel, iii, 876, which he contrasts with the 
precaution, sagesse, habilete' et valeur of the English ; 1'imprudente et presumptueuse 
ardeur, V. FreVille, 95 ; Uebermuth, Zech, 297 ; sa negligence accoutumee, Coquelin, 
i. 147. For French contempt for infantry as pietaille or ribaudaille, see Lachauvelaye, 
120; Rambaud, i. 264; Lavisse, 99; Godefroy, s.v.; Cotgr.,s.v. Macfarlane (34) thinks 
that "the chiefs seemed to be suffering from a moral vertigo." 

1 Page 145, note 7. For order of 1394 to practise archery in France, see Jahns, 759. 

' 2 Harflet, 319; App. 75. 

s Le Fevre, i. 256; Waur. ii. 214; Monstr. 375; en grant desroy, Fenin, 63. 

4 Sic et alias numerositas potuit innocuisse, St Denys, v. 562; cujus infinita copia 
erat, Blondel, i. 261. 

5 Les quelx ne firent oncques coup, Juv. 520. 
fl Page 145, note 6. 

7 The news reached Constance at the same time as that of the fall of Ceuta. 

8 De bello turpiter fugerunt, Niem, Vita, 36 ; Raynaldi, viii. 438. 
'* Communis Gallorum morbus animi insolentia, Blondel, i. 262. 

10 Gallorum multa sunt et repentina consilia, Niem, Vita, 36; Raynaldi, viii. 438. 

2O2 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

with a light heart 1 and playing the coward when things 
went against them 2 . And lest this judgment should be 
flouted as coming from a tainted German source we have 
precisely similar estimates from Italian contemporaries who 
found them headstrong and ferocious, more than men at the 
onset and less than women long before the close 3 , and we 
have only to look to the condemnation pronounced by their 
own countrymen who charge them with fouling the fair fame 
of France with ignominious flight from fear of death to 
their eternal shame 4 . For years afterwards the Frenchmen 

For French reputation for talking like a vallet instead of fighting, cf. 
Praevalet in lingua qui non est fortior armis, 
Nullus in hac pugna plus meretice valet. Pol. Songs, ii. 128. 

Cf. le grant ourgueil et oultrecuidance des Franczois qui cuident plus valer et pouoir qu'il 

ne font, Chron. Brioc. 891 (a Breton estimate). 

1 Vincere mos est Francigenis, Relig. Antiq. i. 5; impetu maximo ut moris est 
Gallis, Tit. Liv. 13; la (sic) gent tres feroce de France, Alione in Champion, Vie, 365. 

2 More suo alacriter bellare inceperunt, ad bella suscipienda Gallorum alacer et 
promptus est animus sed mollis et minime resistens ad calamitates ferendas, Niem, Vita, 
36, who quotes this as illud antiquum dictum. Cf. begynnyng alwayes warres and 
contencions but can never fynyshe them, J. Coke, 121, though this really refers to the 
English in D6bat, 51. Even Mazas (Vies, v. 623) admits that la Constance des Fra^ais 
n'est pas de longue duree. 

8 Fervissimas immanissimasque gentes, primo impetu plus quam viros mox minus 
quam feminas, Muratori, xxi. 412 ; Champion, 365. 

4 Par desroy estoient esgares, Bulletin Historiquede Soc. Antiq. de la Province, iv. 41; 
Danvin, 120, quoting MS. No. 8311-2621 in Bibl. Imperiale; sic a predecessorum ves- 
trorum vestigiis declinando, St Denys, v. 564; Francie clavum decus ignominiosa fuga 
obnubilatum reddidistis, ibid. ; territi aufugerunt non sine indelibili infamia, ibid. 574 
(while admitting that many fought bravely with the muscles of a Hector, cum lacertis 
hectoricis fortiter resistendo); in eorum vituperium sempiternum, ibid. v. 560; monstroit 
on au doigt ceux qui s'en estoient fuis de la bataille, Juv. 519; fugam, Norm. Chron. 
171; car tous ne font pas bon debvoir, Pastoralet, 774; 
Mais ja fuient par vauls et roches 
Qui miex miex sans cremir reproches. Ibid. 775. 

Et disoient en communement que ceulx qui prius estoient n'avoient pas este bons ni 
loyaulx a ceux qui moururent en bataille, Bourgeois, 66 ; quy peu ou neant avoit com- 
batu, petitement se deffendirent, Le Fevre, i. 256; Waur. ii. 215; timore, pudore et 
dolore confusi, Vita, 68 ; se chascun des Franfais se feust ainsi voulu employer il n'est 
a croire que leur besongne eust mieulx alle ceste journe'e, Le P'evre, i. 250; Waur. ii. 208; 
par frelur, Waur. ii. 214; pour peur de mort, Monstr. 375; nihil reluctantes nee ullam 
spem defensionis nisi in sola fuga ponentes, Basin, i. 22; Meyer, 246; ne firent pas si 
bien, leur devoir fuyrent honteusement...peu vaillamment, Bouvier, 430; des faux mau- 
vais et couarz fuis sanz, Chron. Brioc. 891; s'en fuyoient honteusement, Jbid. ; en honte 
perpetuelle, Gaguin, Mer, 141; fled against nature, Halle, 71 ; And caused mely by their 
base Retreate, Drayton, 63; foible ennemi en grant desconfiture, Baye, ii. 220; Monstr. 
381 ; Felibien, iv. 560. Said to have been called by the English the battle of Spurs "la 
journe'e des Espernes d'or," Vinchant, iv. 50; Marlot, iv. 163. 
Et se chascun eust voulu faire 
Pareillement sans soy deffaire 
Anglois n'eussent pas peu a faire. Chartier, 615. 

Deus qui voluntatem eorum ad audaciam et aliorum ad fugam excitavit, St Denys, v. 580; 
caeteros fuge a periculis peditus exemit, Blondel, i. 261 ; les autres fuyans a qui mieulx 
se povoit sauver par bien courir, do. i. 443 ; Deus subtraxit audaciam ex incursione timoris, 

1415] The Flight 203 

pointed the finger of scorn at the thousands who fled from 
the field 1 , and when Alain Chartier's four ladies talk the 
battle over it is the ugly flight 2 that rings the keynote of 
all their grief 3 , and Robert Blondel sums up the disaster in 
one sad line "all dead or run away 4 ." Thus friend and 
foe alike aver that shameful panic seized upon them. 
Chartier condemns the recreant scarceness 5 of the laggard 
feddles 6 who lowered their lineage, flung away their honour 7 
and like a quaking flock of sheep 8 fled when they should 
have struck 9 ; while Elmham who saw the flight asserts 
that never in the history of the world had knights so 

Gesta, 74 ; fugata imbelli multitudine, ibid. ; The rest of them they ran away, Nicolas, 
Ape. 78, 80. 

1 Monstroit on au doigt ceux qui s'en estoient retournes et fuis de la bataille, Juv. 
520; en y at beaucoup de Franczoys (i.e. more than 6000) qui s'enfuirent, Chron. 
Brioc. 891. 

Que leur fuite laide et notoire, 

Aux ennemis donne victoire. Chartier, 664. 
For his "frigid artificialities," see G. G. Smith, 92. 

Ha! ha! pou loyaulx, 

Fuitifs, lasches et desloyaulx, 

Vous laissastes tous les royaulx, 

Et leur tournastes, 

Le des et vous en retournastes. 

Chartier, 616; Joret, Desclosieres, 5. 

Leur fuyte est cause a leur grant blasme, 

De ma perte et de leur diffame. Chartier, 618. 
Lenient, 362 ; Geruzez, i. 232 ; Tivier, 48. 

On a fuy, 

Laschement et s'en est fuy, 

Dont il a honneur deffuy, 

Et dit on pourquoy y fut y. 

Et ses semblables, 

Quant leurs laschetez dommageables, 

Et leurs fuites dehonnorables, 

Ont fait mourir tant de notables. 

Presqu a miliers, 

Et fait perdre les chevaliers, 

Ainsi leurs couardies lentes, 

Ont fait tant de dames doulantes, 

Et esplourees. Chartier, 659, 660; Joret, Desclosieres, 6. 

Le champ de France est aspre et vide, 

Car les bons Fran9ais en sont tuit, 

Lez unz fuitifz les aultres mors. Blondel, i. 127. 
5 Leur recreant escharcete", Chartier, 618; cf. Godefroy, s.v. 

Les bons anciens batailleurs, 

Furent ilz mignotz, sommeilleurs, 

Diffamameurs, desloyaux, pilleurs? 

Certes nenny. Chartier, 665. 
For feddle, see Cotgr., s.v. Mignotz\ also Murray, s.v. 

Leur honneur derriere eulx laisserent, 

Et leurs lignage abaisserent. Chartier, 667. 
8 Tremblant comme brebis tous ce, Chartier, 618. 

Or fait quant ferir a fallu, 

Et son honneur fut nonchalu. Chartier, 671. 

2O4 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

picked and so strong made so half-hearted, so timid, so 
unmanly and so disorderly a stand 1 . 

For 400 years this condemnation for cowardice remained 
practically undisturbed and down to the Revolution days 
the French nobility at Agincourt were still spoken of as 
"more filled with ostentation than with courage 2 ," but in 
the generation that outlived Waterloo and St Helena the 
literary men of both nations were making somewhat artificial 
efforts to skin over the mischievous inheritance and deal 
more generously with strong national susceptibilities and 
ancient hatreds 3 , while historians took pains to drive home 
the salutary truth that French and English might have 
been brothers quarrelling but that for all that they were 
brothers yet 4 . With this view they treated all references 
to cowardice at Agincourt as " uncandid reflections 5 " upon 
the bravery, exalted patriotism and chivalrous courage 
inherent in the French character 6 , which so far from being 
tarnished had really acquired fresh lustre from the great 
defeat, and that to say anything different betrayed "con- 
summate ignorance of the merits of the case 7 ." Under the 
influence of this colourless solvent the battle has now come 
to be regarded as nothing but "excessive chivalry 8 ," a 
monument alike of "bravery, devotion and folly 9 ." But if 
the history of the past is to be honestly written and not 

1 Tarn segniter, tamque inordinate et trepide, seu tarn inhumaniter, Gesta, 54; 
Chron. Giles, 48 ; grant nombre de chevaliers et gentilshommes et gros varlets et pages 
qui s'enfuirent, Ruisseauville, 140, 142; noblesse fuit (not fait, as Monstr. 381) encontre 
sa nature, Baye, ii. 220; Felibien, iv. 560. 

2 Hennebert, iii. 329, who writing in 1789, refers to it as "une fuite honteuse"; 
cf. " s'y porterent laschement," Dupleix, ii. 713; trop de seigneurs avaient fui, Valois, 
iv. 354. 

3 e.g. Revue Anglo- Francaise, iii. 147 (1835) Michelet (vi. 19) (followed by Barante, 
iii. 168) praises the impartiality of Nicolas, whom he claims as of French origin because 
his great-grandfather was a Huguenot. For praise of Nicolas for recognising the valorous 
courage of the French, see Musgrave, 42 ; cf. " the ardent and intrepid Frenchmen," 
S. Turner, ii. 448, 453; also Musgrave, 299, 303, 306; un grand courage, une intrepidite* 
rare, Tilloy, 19. 

4 Des freres ennemis mais apres tout des freres, Michelet, vi. 42. 

8 Nicolas, 124; Gesta, 54. Cf. "he is not candid enough to explain the reason," 
Aubrey, ii. 49. 

6 Gesta, 74. Brougham (p. vi), writing in 1852, thought that his work would "find 
little favour either with the English or the French reader," but as he put his case against 
Henry very strongly indeed it found great acceptability among the French. Crowe (i. 127) 
thought that the internal quarrels of the French "stifled their courage" and that they 
showed "a want of manhood." 

7 Nicolas, 111. 8 Belleval, 39. 

9 Roujoux, iv. 173. Towle (346) thinks that both sides fought with sublime 
bravery, etc. 

1415] Modern Accounts 205 

a mere striving after " magnificent pictures 1 ," it must not 
concern itself with national susceptibilities, and in the midst 
of this post-prandial treatment it is well to be reminded that 
this was not the judgment uttered either by contemporaries 
or even by Frenchmen themselves right down to the time 
of the Napoleonic war, and if it be true that " in immortal 
defeat France was to find immortal glory 2 ," it is certain 
that those who lived under the gloom of the " immortal 
defeat " had not the faintest glimpse of an " immortal glory" 
that was yet to come. 

But if some such warning is essential in probing the 
moral lessons of the battle, far more essential is it when we 
try to deal with details from the point of view of strategy. 
For it did not take long before swarms of circumstantial 
myths began to gather round the story, and so deeply have 
they struck their roots that we may almost despair of ever 
again being able to read it in its original simplicity. The 
archers for example in the earliest accounts merely carry 
each man his stake instead of a pavise 3 , prick them in the 
ground like a hedge in front of them 4 and rush forward 
after the French charge has been baffled 5 , but in modern 
writers the stakes get " interlaced 6 " into a rampart 7 , a 

1 Michelet's account (vi. 39) is belauded as "le plus magnifique tableau qu 'ait jamais 
inspire cette grande defaite," by Leroux de Lincy, Chants Historiques, i. 294, and on the 
whole the praise is well deserved. 

2 Belleval, 48. 

3 Proscuto, Tit. Liv. 19. For pictures of pavises, see J. J. Smet, Corpus Chronicorum 
Flandrie, ii. 243; Steyert, Fig. 13, from MS. (circ. 1370), pp. 32, 39, and Fig. 24 
(circ. 1415), pp. 32, 34, where it is worn on the left arm with a battle-axe in the right 
hand; see also Royal MS. 20. c. vii. 29 (i.e. Rous MS. in Brit. Museum); Kingsford, 
210, 224; Jahns, 742; Historians' Hist. xi. 167; cf. with paviseris to gon a-forn, Lydg. 
Troy Book, 377; with pavis, spere and schelde, do. 385. 

Paviseris clad in mail and plate, 
With the archeris in the feld to gon. Ibid. 403. 

For pavesards or pascheurs cum pavesiis lanceis targenibus et rodallis (i.e. rondaches 
= bucklers), see C. A. Costa de Beauregard, 12. For pavises called "long targets" 
or "wooden stakes," see W. Scott, Tales, 226. Cf. bien paveschiat centre le tret, 
Froiss. i. 494; arbalestriers estoffes (i.e. pavises), Vandenbroeck, 61, 77, 90, 171, where 
there is one paviser to every pair of crossbowmen. 

4 Peuchons mis et entichies, Le Fevre, i. 255; see Godefroy, iii. 264, s.v. Enticier; 
dont ils faisoient une paye devant eulz, Waur. ii. 210; pour mettre devant eulz, ibid, 
iii. no [74]; cf. une paye de Pels, Ruisseauville, 139, who says that the French were 
encamped (logics) between this and "un bois." Cf. furent mis les archiers au front 

5 Yssirent hors de leurs peuchons, Le Fevre, i. 256. 

6 Rapin, iii. 448; Tindal, i. 573; Zech, 298. 

7 Rempart de piquets, Villaret, xiii. 368, 369; Hennebert, iii. 328; N. Lambert, 417, 
419; also Lingard, iii. 499; Brougham, 119; Low, 40, where there is an attempt at 
pictorial illustration. 

206 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

palisade 1 , whether fixed or portable, a breastwork 2 , a barrier 3 , 
an entrenchment 4 , a stockade 5 , an enceinte* or chevaux de 
frise 1 behind which the archers " nimbly retreat with a 
wonderful discipline 8 ." Some writers invent a body of 
pioneers 9 or billmen to move this "fortification 10 " about 
"as should be directed 11 ," plucking it up and pleaching it 
again and again 13 . Some make the archers fix their stakes 
in front of them, some at the side, some even at the back 18 ; 
others suppose that after fixing them up in front they left 
them behind them sticking in the soil 14 , while some think 
that the ground was so soft that the stakes would not stick 
in the soil at all 15 . Some, as we have seen, station the 
archers on the wings, some in the front, some put the 
men-of-arms between the archers, some the archers between 
the men-of-arms and so on, with all possible permutations. 
One starts the difficult hypothesis that they threw their 
stakes "out of their hands so that one end should stick 
in the ground while the other stood out aslant with the 
point towards the enemy" a boomerang-feat which would 

1 G. Daniel, iii. 873; Villaret, xiii. 367; Hume (edition 1854), ii. 357 ; Berand, ii. 64; 
Belleval, 76, 91; Towle, England, 160; George, 87, 88; eine Palissadenreihe, Jahns, 
860; "fixed pallisadoes," Purey-Cust, i. 206; palisades, Historians' Hist. xi. 172; 
Vickers, 30; cf. Green, 262, who furnishes each man with a "sharp palisade"; Delbriick, 
iii. 481 ; " eine Art Palisade hinter ihren Pfahlen," Niethe, 49, 51, who wonders why the 
French looked on and let them build it and takes this as an argument to prove that they 
had made up their minds to act on the defensive because of their small numbers. 

2 Lay, 57. 

8 Duval-Pineu, ii. 199. 

4 Labitte, 137, 141-. .. 

5 Staket, Delbruck, iii. 470; Staketenzaum, Rustow, 107, who pictures the stakes as 
mittelst der Fouragierleinen mit einander verbunden, so that the archers could advance 
20 or 30 feet in front of them and retreat if necessary. Delbruck (iii. 481) gets over the 
difficulty by supposing that it was only the wings that were " verpallisardirt," not the 
whole front. 

6 Michelet, vi. 34. 

7 Mazas, Vies, v. 612; Scott, ii. 552 (i.e. one sloping inwards and one outwards); 
an excellent rampart partaking of the nature of chevaitx defrise, Macfarlane, 33 ; Craik- 
Macfarlane, ii. 31; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 569; Cassell, i. 532; Oman, Hist. 224, with 
graphic representation in Art of War, 105 ; Strang, 84, where the stakes are 6 feet long ; 
also ibid. 89. 

8 Rapin, iii. 448; Guthrie, ii. 466; S. Turner, v. 445; Lingard, iii. 246; Cassell, 
i. 533. Morris (429) thinks that they would "spread out in line parallel to the men- 
at-arms and then fall back into their wedge-like formation." 

9 For pioneers (i.e. miners), see Kennett, i. 322. 

10 Goodwin, 84; Adams, i. 224; Long, Ixxxiv. 316; Haggard, 121. 

11 Halle, 67; Holinsh. iii. 553; Stow, 350; Baker, 171; Sandford, 280; Barante, 
iii. 1 60, 163. 

12 Rapin, iii. 448; N. Lambert, 417. 

18 Baker, 171. " Gairdner, 98. 

15 Lachauvelaye, 109. 16 Guthrie, ii. 464. 


Modern Accounts 207 

certainly seem to have demanded a good deal of previous 

Again, an early writer speaks of the French army as 
"barring the passage" to Calais, i.e. as they stood posted 
in front of the woods of Azincourt and Tramecourt, and 
when the French vanguard was broken by the onrush of 
the maddened horses he quite naturally says that they were 
"in a great strait 1 ," but the harmless "strait" and the 
necessary "passage" have now become a "deep gorge 2 " 
or "lane 3 ," a "narrow valley*," a "veritable defile 5 ," three 
miles long and anything from 700 feet to a mile and 
a half wide, in which the whole French army was " cooped 
up 6 " and "imprisoned," undulating 7 either between two 
woods 8 , or two roads 9 , or two rivers 10 , a wood and a river 11 , 
or a hedge and a bank 12 , a hedge and a ditch 18 , or a plateau 
and a slope 14 , and "jammed in 15 " so close together that they 

1 Moult a detroit, Ruisseauville, 139. 

2 Villaret, xiii. 360, 365, who thinks (p. 378) that under the circumstances it would 
have been a miracle if the French had won ; Piers, 382 ; Hennebert, iii. 333 ; Kervyn de 
Lettenhove, Hist. iii. 89; H. Morley, vi. 153. In Ardouin-Dumazet, xix. 100, 102, the 
village of Azincourt " se creuse comme un ravin," which is a very puzzling description 
seeing that the church spire can be seen from Maisoncelles standing out above the trees. 

3 Cassell, i. 531. 

4 En ung val, Normandie, Hellot, 19; do. Williams, 170; valleys and rocks, 
Pastoralet, 775; Anquetil, i. 556; Duval-Pineu, ii. 196, 197, 201; Pauli, v. 118; 
Wright, i. 472; Low-Pulling, 16; Towle, 322; Jahns, 859, 860; "a slight hollow," 
Strang, 86; though called "rising ground," ibid. 89. 

5 Mazas, Vies, v. 601; do. Cours, ii. 174; Belleval, 81 ; Hauteclocque, 282, 283, 285; 
cette petite plaine etroite forme un de'file, Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 384. For plan of 
it, see Belleval, 125. 

6 Musgrave, 298. 

7 Belleval, 102. 

8 Saint Foix, iii. 190; Mazas, Vies, v. 624, 627; Sismondi, xii. 480; Macfarlane, 35; 
Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 31 ; Macfarlane -Thomson, i. 560; Lavall^e, i. 378; Beamont, 243; 
Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 384 ; a narrow plain with a wood on each side, K. Stephen, 
130; J. R. Green, 261 ; auf einem so engen Raume, Niethe, 42; Delbriick, iii. 477, who 
estimates the breadth at 500 metres; Lachauvelaye, 106, 117; George, 89, who supposes 
the ploughland to be there too. 

9 Low (39), who thinks that " from the Seine to the Somme " (sic) there was scarcely 
a position more unfavourable. 

10 Stow, Chron. 349. 

11 Rapin, iii. 446; Tindal, i. 513; Zech, 297; Hennebert, iii. 333; Duval-Pineu, 
ii. 196. For advice to choose a battlefield protected on one side par montagne ou eau, 
see Christine de Pisan, Livre de Chevalerie, in Robineau, 262; Kennett, 318, who adds 
a town in his rear. 

12 Martyn, 184; Biondi, 119. 

13 A low meadow which was near to the forward of his enemies (i.e. the French), but 
separate with a great ditch, Halle, 66; Drayton, 53, 59, 77, 85, 114; Daniel, Triarchord, 
iv. 149; Trussel, 101 ; Speed, 779; Echard, i. 185; Baker, 170; Sandford, 280; 
Adams, i. 224. 

14 Serri entre la plateau et le versant, Mazas, Vies, v. 618. 

15 Bright, i. 293. 

2o8 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

could not lift an arm 1 . And this passion for woods 2 has 
been spread across to the English position also 3 , and some 
writers even not content with stationing each of the two 
armies between its own couple of woods place another wood 
in the intervening space between them 4 with this difference 
however, that whereas the lateral woods are the ruin of the 
French, they become the means of salvation to the English 5 , 
who "just fill the space 6 " between hedges and brush- 
wood 7 , rills 8 , coppices 9 , orchards 10 , thickets 11 , briars 12 , bushy 
meadows 13 , "rising ground covered with trees and thick 
bushes 14 ," and "inaccessible woods 15 " which act as "im- 
pregnable and invincible outposts 16 ," all of which arises 

I D. Sauvage, 241; Duchesne, 823; Anquetil, i. 556; Malcolm, 77. 

5 S. Turner, v. 460. For supposition that "all the woods have long ago been 
uprooted," see Sat. Rev. 1883, Ivi. 527, probably quoting Musgrave, who, on visiting the 
field in 1861, could make nothing of the descriptions that he had read about woods, etc., 
and concluded that the " whole face of the country had materially changed "; there had 
been "innumerable changes and transformations"; that "tracts of land covered with 
trees had been utterly denuded," and that "ravines and hollows had been filled up," for 
" the undulations at either extremity of the plain are very gentle and eminences there are 
none" (pp. 285, 287, 288). Hauteclocque (282) thinks that the country must have been 
formerly beaucoup plus boise, probably in order to explain the curious things that he 
found in Belleval's account which he considers " the most complete and most learned " 
yet produced. Ramsay (i. 214, 216, 218) on the other hand assumes that the woods were 
then less than they are now, otherwise the French would have been " in a mere sheep-pen 
with no room at all," i.e. supposing that the French centre was placed exactly where the 
memorial now stands at the road-side. Tout (265) thinks that these " hedges and 
enclosures" formed "natural limits to the battle-ground." 

3 In a narrow ground between two woods, Hume, ii. 357; Berand, ii. 63; Devienne, 
Artois, iii. 43; Airy, i. 144; Arnold's Britannia Historical Reader, i. 135; First Life, 54, 
note; Duval-Pineu, ii. 195 (who fixes the woods near Maisoncelles); entre deux bois, 
Boule, i. 420. 

4 S. Turner, i. 431, 434, 460. 

5 Hume, ii. 357; Jahns, 860; Scott, ii. 562; by which he was ultimately saved, 
Aubrey, ii. 50; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 48; defended on each side by hedges, trees and 
brushwood, Henry, v. 38; protected by coppices and hedges, Nicolas, 130; Cassell, 

i- 53i- 

6 Oman, Hist. 224, though in Traill, ii. 324, he calls it " plain open ground." 

7 Virgultis, spinis, vepriculis et sepimentis obsitus, Redman, 43 ; hedges and bushes, 
Holinsh. iii. 553 ; cf. Gestrupp und Dornen, Pauli, v. 119, who uses these as a protection 
for the English baggage at Maisoncelles; Towle, 326, 333, who thinks that the French 
" were not similarly protected." 

8 Carte, ii. 680; une petite riviere, Rapin, iii. 446; Tindal, i. 513; two small rivers, 
First Life, 54. 

9 Nicolas, 114; D. Scott, ii. 551; Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528. 

10 Oman, Pol. Hist. 253. 

II Gairdner, 98. 12 S. Turner, v. 440. 
K> Zech, 298. 

14 Guthrie, ii. 465. 

15 Un lieu de fort rude acces, Serres, i. 960 [281]; Hume, ii. 356; S. Turner, v. 445, 
450; Devienne, Artois, iii. 44; Brougham, 118; Gardiner, 302; Oman, 109, who thinks 
that Henry's position was "as excellent as could be desired." Called "an ideal position 
protected by valleys and woods" in Traill, ii. 323 ; Kingsford, 200. 

16 Musgrave, 298 ; cf. Kingsford, 1 50. 

1415] Early Fictions 209 

seemingly from statements by Elmham 1 that the flanks of 
both armies rested on the woods, and by Titus Livius, who 
probably had not actually seen the field, that it was enclosed 
with hedges and thickets 2 . 

Quite early, as we have seen, these woods became the 
receptacle for imaginary ambuscades, and soon 2OO 3 English 
archers 4 steal along " unperceived 5 " by the French who are 
watching them in the broad daylight about a quarter of 
a mile away, and find their way into the wood at Tramecourt 6 
or into two of the woods 7 , some putting archers into both 8 , 
some archers in one and cavalry in the other 9 , and some in 
a meadow 10 quite close to the French front, but always 
without being seen 11 in the broad daylight. From this 
vantage they turn the French in flank 12 after they have 
thrown away their bows 13 , they strike a paralysing blow at 
8000 heavily armoured Frenchmen 14 , while another small 
body of English 15 slip round 16 into the very heart of the 
French position at Azincourt 17 and cause irreparable damage 
by setting fire to a grange in their rear 18 . The first of these 

1 Latera utriusque aciei se immergebant nemoribus quae erant ad utrumque latus 
exercituum, Gesta, 53. Cf. "immerged into the woods," Nicolas, 121; Aubrey, ii. 49. 

2 Inclusum inter sepes atque arbusta, Vita, 60; vepribus et sepibus, Tit. Liv. 16. 

3 Or 250, in Guthrie, ii. 465. In Mazas (Vies, v. 616, 621) they become 2000 under 
"Sir William Marshall " ; also Belleval, 89; called 500 schiitzen von Irlant die dopeltent 
gute pferde wol gewaffent, in Twinger, ii. 915, though he may be confusing these with 
the Irish kernes who took part in the siege of Rouen in 1418. 

4 Not 400 cavalerie, as Rapin, iii. 448; or men-of-arms, as Ransome, 147. Called 
100 crossbowmen in Rapin, iii. 447; Tindal, i. 513, who places them in a low meadow 
concealed with bushes on the English right, but his account is stuffed with unrealities. 

5 Lingard, iii. 497. In J. R. Green, 262, they are driven into the woods by "the 
desperate charges of the French knighthood." 

* Monstr. 374; Ruisseauville. Called the "village" of Tramecourt in Historians' 
Hist, xviii. 534, from Knight, ii. 61 (q.v.). 

7 En deux bosquets, Cordeliers, 229. Michelet (vi. 34) accepts the ambush at 
Tramecourt but rejects the one at Azincourt apparently because it is supposed to have got 
round to the French rear, which is just where Tyrrell (291) does place it. 

8 Oman, Art of War, 105. 

9 Montfaucon, iii. 164; Villaret, xiii. 368; Zech, 298, who puts 500 English men-of- 
arms (or a total of 2000 in all) in ambush on the French right. 

10 Lingard, iii. 497; Sharon Turner, v. 443; "a woody meadow," Cassell, i. 532. 

11 Tout coyement, Monstr. 374; unbemerkt, Pauli, v. 121; Jahns, 860; sans avoir 
ete aperps, Cosneau, Connetable, 41. Called " a concealed position protected by a deep 
ditch" in Brougham, 118; "without being perceived by the enemy," Macfarlane, 36; 
Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 32; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 561. 

12 Die soltent zu beden siten in die Franzosen schiessen, Twinger, ii. 915. 

13 Trussel, 101. 

14 Church (8r) brings them in to help in the attack on the second line. 
16 Called 400 men-of-arms in Woodford. 

16 S'etaient glisses, Belleval, 88; Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 285. 

17 N. Lambert, 418; Church, 76. 

18 Mazas, Vies, v, 616; Lingard, iii. 500. Woodford locates it close to the church in 

W. II. 14 

210 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

early fictions (viz. that of the archers in ambush) was looked 
into by Le Fevre, who distinctly states that nothing of the 
kind happened 1 , but the story is still alive and no modern 
account seems to be considered complete without it 2 . It is 
to be wished that the same writer had also pricked the other 
early story of an abortive night attack on the unsuspecting 
English which is supposed to have been made by the Count 
of Richmond 3 with 2000 French horsemen 4 . For in all 
these whimsical make-believes we miss the real spirit of the 
adventure which is a downright old-world hand-to-hand 
thrutch at quite close quarters 5 , in which there is no place 
for craft or stratagem, and it is surprising how modern 
narrators have failed to see that all their guesses contribute 
nothing to a rational comprehension of it but only land us 
far into the region of the grotesque. 

Thus the English are so out of food that for two or 
three days they have been living on the nuts 6 that they 

the centre of the village of Azincourt and supposes that the English passed over " le 
mont morial" (see p. 131) in approaching it; Crosthwaite, 31; Yonge (279) calls it "the 
farm of Hesdin"; une grange et maison de la priore de St Georges, Monstr. 374; 
Hennebert (iii. 325), who places it at Maisoncelles, calls it " une ferme dependente au 
Prieur de St George"; i.e. the Benedictine Priory at St George's close to Hesdin; 
Laon, 205; Harbaville, ii. 344; Danvin, 41 (who dates its foundation in 1094); called 
the Priory close to Hesdin in S. Turner, v. 444, which would be 10 miles away and quite 
out of sight, though it is supposed " to alarm and perplex his motionless enemies." 
For St George's Priory at Hesdin, see N. Lambert, 283; Hauteclocque, 351, 377; 
Crosthwaite, 31. 

1 Qu'il n'en fut riens, Le Fevre, i. 251; Nicolas, 114; Lachauvelaye, 103; Niethe, 40. 

2 e.g. Rapin, iii. 446-452; Michelet, vi. 34; Knight, ii. 62, whose account is 
otherwise very sober and accurate. The story has at last been rejected in Kohler, ii. 767, 
and Vickers (29) thinks that there is not enough evidence to prove it. 

3 Monstr. 373; Guthrie, ii. 463; Belleval, 84; Adams, i. 223; Kohler, ii. 764. 
Mazas (Vies, v. 610) places the attack on Thursday afternoon (Oct. 24) and thinks that 
on the same evening the Count of Nevers drove the English from the village of Tramecourt. 
In another form of the story it is the Duke of Orleans who detaches 200 men-of-arms 
pour observer la position de 1'ennemi, Hericault, I. xxvi ; called " a short and ineffectual 
skirmish" in Saturday Review (1883), vi. 528. Cosneau (Connetable, 41) attributes it to 
both the Duke of Orleans and the Count of Richmond; also Niethe, 37, who accepts 
Monstrelet's numbers, i.e. 2000 men, though according to his own theory this would be 
nearly half the total French army. 

4 Called 200 in Towle, 323. 

5 For a picture of the battle of Agincourt, from MS. fr. 5054 in Bibl. Nat., see 
Zeller, 52. For a picture of the battle formerly in St James' Palace, London, see 
Archaeologia, iii. 190, quoting Mandelslo, iv. 617, but I can find no trace of it remaining 
on inquiring from the sub-Dean (Rev. J. E. Sheppard) ; Masson, Mediaeval France, 243 ; 
Durham, 51, showing men-of-arms all on foot, but no archers. For fifteenth century 
pictures of battles all at close quarters, cf. Froissart's account of Rosebecque, Montfaucon, 
iii. 84; Stegert, ii. 602 (1430); Foster, Feudal Arms, from Claudius B. vi; Rous MS. in 
Gardiner, 294 ; also MS. Reg. i E. ix. f. 240, where lances are driven into the eye or 
mouth or breast and heads are hit with maces; also MS. Reg. 20 c. vii. f. 136, 34, 36, 39, 
62, 188, 214. 

6 Called filbert nuts in Long, Ixxxiv. 314. 

Modern Accounts 211 

could gather at the roadside 1 , yet when King Henry sees 
the Frenchmen sitting down to eat their breakfast on the 
spongy ground he at once "orders a plentiful refreshment 2 " 
for his own men too. Or how can we make anything of 
a picture of the Frenchmen sunk up to their knees 3 , and 
their horses up to the hocks 4 in mud still performing miracles 
of valour 5 , while the English archers dance round them 6 in 
the very same mud 7 , and " completely roll them over 8 ," one 
writer leaving these "embogged knights 9 " stuck fast in the 
mud for a little while "in this unenviable position" and 
then supposing that they " broke and turned to the rear 10 ?" 

1 Airy (i. 144) supposes that they had "double rations" the night before the battle; 
"refreshments of food and wine," Cassell, i. 532. In Cassell, i. 530, they "procure 
plenty of provisions" at Maisoncelles, though "the whole region was a wilderness 
destitute of food or shelter," ibid. i. 531. 

2 Lingard, iii. 497; cf. "this refreshment was too beneficial (i.e. to the French) not to 
be imitated by their opponents," S. Turner, v. 441, which seems to be evolved from 
Monstr. v. 374, who says that they ate and drank before leaving Maisoncelles. 

3 Les tenoit comme immobiles, Waurin, ii. 211; jusque a un pie de haut, Cochon, 
274; jusqu'au gros des jambes, Souchet, iii. 321; Kitchin, i. 520, quoting Juvenal, but 
the expression does not occur in Juv. 520 ; jusqu'aux genoux, Villaret, xiii ; Devienne, 
Artois, iii. 43; Labitte, 140; Macfarlane, 38; Belleval, 94, 100, who discusses (p. 87) 
whether you sink deeper in wet turf or standing corn; "up to their knees in mire," 
or "greasy mud," or "tenacious clay"; Oman, Art of War, 110; Hist. 225; Hundred 
Years' War, no; Traill, ii. 323; knee-deep, Henty, 349; Calthrop, ii. 83; a my jambes, 
G. Daniel, iii. 874; "up to the mid leg," Carte, i. 681 ; jusqu'au mollet, H. Martin, 

554) supposes that th 
f the French train." 

cut up by the passage of the waggons o 

4 Jusqu'aux jarrets, V. Freville, 94; Champion, Vie, 149, quoting Gruel, p. 17 (q.v.); 
jusqu'aux sangles, Mezeray, ii. 567; Pilham, 266; Mazas, Vies, v. 622; "almost to their 
saddle girths, Macfarlane, 38; Craik- Macfarlane, ii. 32; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 562; 
" wallowing up to their horses' girths," Cassell, i. 533 ; " above the fetlock," Jervis, 200 ; 
bis an die Knie, Zech, 299; half way up the horses' legs, Yonge, 277; "to their bellies," 
Henty, 348; "sunk to the knee," C. R. L. Fletcher, 321; s'enfoncent a quatre pieds, 
Nameche, iii. 56; jusqu'a mi jambe, Sismondi, xii. 481; Berand, ii. 64; a une grande 
profondeur, Kausler, 91; cf. up to the hamme, Laud Troy Book, 214. For "hokkes" 
or "heghes," see York, 53, 58; "hoxed," i.e. houghed, or hamstrung, ibid. 142. In 
Gilbert's picture "The morning of Agincourt," the English are represented as mounted 
with their horses standing up to the knees in a marsh, see Besant, Survey, ii. 81. In 
Haggard* I5 5> the French "cavaliers" are "sticking in the mud" when the archers 
"endeavoured to wake them up." 

5 In Hastings, 42, the French rush on the English " with the frantic valour of an 
Indian intoxicated with opium." 

8 Voltigeant autour d'eux, Devienne, Artois, iii. 45. 

7 Seepage 157, note 9; Oman, in Traill, ii. 324. Macfarlane (35) thinks that this 
"was because the English were more lightly accoutred." Towle (327) thinks that the 
English had a fine position on trodden corn which " kept them from the impediment of 
the mud," while the French had " not so convenient a carpet" but were "fairly transfixed 
by the cohesive soil" (p. 331) which "held the mass with distressing pertinacity" and 
made the cavalry "flounder about in inexplicable (sic) confusion" (p. 333). 

8 Oman, History, 225; "with the archery playing full upon them," do. in Traill, 
ii. 324. 

* Oman, in Traill, ii. 324. 
10 Oman, Art of War, no, 


212 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

In presence of such large absurdities it becomes a minor 
matter to note that the space between the contending armies 
is given at anything between 20 paces 1 and 3 miles 2 ; that 
some writers put the English on " heights difficult of 
access 3 ," others place both armies on slightly elevated 
ground 4 , others again have both armies in valleys with an 
intervening hill, others give the hill to the French and put the 
English in a valley 5 , while others place the French in a valley 5 , 
though exact measurements prove that the difference of level 
between Maisoncelles and the cross-roads is really less than 
10 feet, so that the whole field is practically as flat as a table. 
One says that the " height " hid them from each other's view 
and that they climbed up it in silence 6 , though we know 
that they shouted loud war-cries as they advanced 7 , while 
with others the earth " shakes with their quick and single 
tramp" in spite of the "mud clinging to their thick soles 8 ." 
Some place the fight in front of Azincourt, some to the rear 9 , 
some on both sides of it 10 , some both in front and rear 11 , and 
some quite away from the village altogether 12 . Some arrange 

1 Carte, ii. 680; Adams, i. 227. For 250 paces, see Long, xxxiv. 313; rioo yards, 
Ramsay, i. 218, 220, who places the French 300 yards to the north of the Azincourt- 
Tramecourt road and the English 800 yards to the south of it ; " not a myle asunder," 
Capgr. 312; "less than a mile," Fortescue, i. 58; George, 89, who puts both armies, 
ploughland and all, between the Azincourt and Tramecourt roads ; " closing the mouth 
of the defile," Lloyd, 71 ; a moins de demi lieue, Gruel, 357. 

2 Villaret, xiii. 362 ; Crowe, i. 126. 

3 Pilham, 264; sur les hauteurs, Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 458; Roujoux, ii. 243; rising 
ground covered with trees and thick bushes, Guthrie, ii. 465 ; a hill spread with trees, 
Goodwin, 84. Kohler (ii. 768) places the English artillery on a height ; cf. colliculus 
behind Azincourt, Pol. Verg. 44; une petite colline, Rapin, iii. 451 ; sur une eminence, 
Villaret, xiii. 372 ; "a gentle declivity," Henry, v. 38; " sloping ground," Cassell, i. 531 ; 

Vickers, 21. 

4 Vickers, 28. 

5 In Capgr. 312, "the Frensch part stod on the hille and we in the vale"; "towards 
the vale," Lay, 45; Yonge, 277; cf. des ravins de Maisoncelle (sic), Lettenhove, Hist, 
iii. 89. In Kingsford, 151, the French "toil painfully down the hill." 

6 Mazas, Vies, v. 618, 621. 7 Page 156. 

8 Towle, 322, 332, 335. 

9 e.g. "between Azincourt and Ruisseauville," as Church, 76; "behind the gap 
between Agincourt and Tramecourt," Strang, 89. 

10 Kit chin, i. 519. 

11 Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 385; E. Hardy, 163, with plan. 

12 " A little in advance of the village of Ruisseauville," Macfarlane, 32 ; Cassell, i. 531. 
Mazas (Vies, v. 599) supposes that the French left was at Ambricourt, their centre at 
Ruisseauville, and their right at Planque ; also Belleval, 79 (followed by Hauteclocque, 
283), but he changes all this before the battle begins and puts them (p. 81) one behind the 
other in the "defile" (p. 93), the right wing becoming the front line between Azincourt 
and Tramecourt and the left wing going to Coulers where it becomes the " rearguard." 

Modern Accounts 213 

the English in three lines, some in two 1 and some in one 2 , 
with the same uncertainty about the formation of the 
French 3 . Some put the French on horseback and the 
English on foot 4 , others think that the French were " mostly 
mounted 5 ," or half of them mounted, while others make all 
the lances fight on horseback 6 , though it is perfectly clear 
that with the exception of the squadrons of cavalry on the 
French wings all the fighting was done on foot 7 . Some 
strip the archers naked 8 , others " almost naked 9 ," others 
naked to the waist 10 , others picture them naked below the 
waist 11 , others as hatless 12 and bare-legged 13 , and others in 
all these ways together, so that they looked like carpenters 14 
or brigands 15 and " struck terror by their savage appear- 
ance 16 ." In short there is not a single detail of the battle 
that does not get transformed or turned completely upside- 
down somehow or somewhere except the fact that the 
French lost and the English won. With some it is the 
French, with others it is the English 17 who light fires in 

I Zech, 297; N. Lambert, 417. 
Lachauvelaye, 103 ; Champion, Vie, 147. 

See page 143. 4 Boule", i. 426; Cassell, i. 532, 533. 

Scott, ii. 555. 

Biondi, 12 (by implication). 

Acies pedestris, Chron. Giles, 43; Delbruck, iii. 480, 481, who thinks this was in 
order to keep in touch with the archers. For " les hommes d'armes combattant a pied," 
as one of the reasons for the defeat of the French, see Lavisse, Rambaud, iii. 138. 
Niethe (42) supposes that it was because they were compelled to act on the defensive on 
account of their small numbers (\) ; wegen ihrer geringen Zahl. 

8 For the Welsh at Bannockburn considered as naked by the Scots, see S. D. Scott, 
i. 284, from Barbour's Bruce, p. 276. 

1 Henry, v. 40; Malcolm, 78; Lingard, iii. 496; Low, 40; "half-cloathed," Speed, 
780; half-naked, Adams, i. 229; Cassell, i. 532, who makes them "present so savage an 
appearance as struck awe into the enemy." 

10 Sat. Rev. (1883), Ivi. 528. J. R. Green (261) thought that they "bared their arms 
and breasts." In Haggard (128) they are "half-naked." 

II Rapin, iii. 448, who thinks this was a cause de la maladie qui les pressoit, 
i.e. dysentery, as explained in Duval-Pineu, ii. 362, forgetting apparently that the same 
applied to the men-of-arms who certainly did not do without nether clothing; Villaret, 
xiii. 366; Devienne, Artois, iii. 44; Lediard, i. 65; "without their lower garments," 
S. Turner, v. 447. 

12 Sans chaperon, Monstr. 375. 

3 Speed, 780; Hennebert, iii. 326; J. Bucelin, 380; Wright, i. 472, who thinks 
that they were "dilapidated because they had suffered so much hardship"; Low, 40; 
N. Lambert. 

14 Michelet, vi. 32; Bodier, Charton, i. 502; Historians' Hist. xi. 171, where "many 
had taken off their breeches in order to be at their ease." Haggard (122) thinks that 
they "divested themselves of their breeches" ; cf. " the unbreeched archers," who " pro- 
vided themselves with new and better breeches" by stripping the dead, ibid. 128. 

18 Wie Rauber, Pauli, v. 119; une troupe de truands et de vagabonds, H. Martin, 
vi. 1 6. 

16 Wade, 81 ; "a terrible and ferocious band of ragamuffins," Haggard, 122. 

17 See page 138. 

214 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

their camp. If the English king ordered perfect silence in 
his camp 1 the statement is countered by another that makes 
his men blow trumpets and play all kinds of musical instru- 
ments in spite of their fatigue, and so the ominous stillness 
that alarmed the French becomes a trumpeting of horns 
and hautboys and pipes and fiddles that fills the air all 
night 2 , and when this fiction has sufficiently taken root, 
speculation starts as to whether the order to play was given 
before the order for silence 3 , or whether the English were 
enlivening their spirits with cheerful sounds 4 to " raise their 
morale 5 ," or because they were brimming over with religious 
joy after confession 6 , or to indicate their sadness and 
contrition 7 , or only " imitating the familiar vociferations 
of the French 8 ." Again, notwithstanding the assertion 
that both armies are said to have been cleverly placed 9 , 
it has long been the fashion to censure the French leaders 
for allowing themselves to be attacked in such a position 10 , 
and especially to blame the " presumptuous incapacity 11 " 
and "consummate ignorance 12 " of the Constable D'Albret 
as "a weak youth 13 " without "talent or experience 14 " or 
" the higher knowledge of war 15 ," and that " few commanders 

1 See page 137. 

2 Monstr. 273; First Life, 52. In Lingard, iii. 495, these "bands of music" play 
" in succession." In Cassell, i. 531, they are " ordered to play through the whole night." 
Ni cri ni chant, Trebuchet, 75, quoting Victor Hugo's translation of Shakespeare's 
Henry V. Bearne (274) makes the English " come up with the sound of trumpets, etc." 
and then "silently and composedly they took up their perilous position," etc. 

3 S. Turner, v. 435 ; Chappell, i. 24 ; Fortescue, i. 58, who thinks that they were 
"sternly checked by the king." 

4 Echard, i. 185. In Henty, 342, they play merry tunes for three hours. 

5 Belleval, 84. Tyrrell (290 [170]) thinks that they "kept up their spirits by playing 
military airs." 

6 Dupleix, ii. 712; Biondi, 118. 7 Bucelin, 379. 

8 S. Turner, v. 435 ; Nicolas, 106. 

9 Solerter distributis utrinque aciebus, Zantfliet, 406. 

10 Rapin, iii. 452; Nicolas, 132. 

11 Saint-Foix, iii. 189, qui passait pour un presomptueux, Hennebert, iii. 333; 
aveug!6 par trop de presomption, Barante, iii. 143; Andrews, ii. 20; Masson, 178; 
wegen ihrer geringen Zahl, Niethe, 42 ; eine entschiedene Minderheit, Delbruck/iii. 477. 

12 Musgrave, 300, 305 ; Charmettes, i. 49 ; "gross errors," Brougham, 394. 

13 Labitte, 138; though he was 46 years old (p. 180, note 3). 

14 Devienne, Artois, iii. 42; "ohne kriegerische Vergangenheit," Kohler, ii. 751; 
little fitted for his post, Bright, i. 293; "a bad general," Ransome, 145; "a man of no 
great capacity," Wright, i. 470; 1'insuffisance du commandement, Valois, iv. 354. 

15 D'un esprit timide qui n'avait qu'une faible idee de la guerre dont les hautes 
connaissances ne s'acquierent que par pratique, Mazas, Vies, v. 599, 607; do. Cours, 
ii. 1 74, who had himself been a soldier before he went to the Arsenal Library and has 
something to say about historians " who have no idea of war." H. Martin (vi. 8) thinks 
that il n'avait ni les qualites d'un capitaine ni m6me celles d'un soldat ; also Belleval, 38. 
E. Hardy (157) thinks that il n'etait pas un traitre mais un incapable. 

Plans 215 

could have committed a more glaring series of blunders 1 ." 
But no sooner have we lit upon the inevitable scapegoat 
than we are told that " there seems nothing to impeach in 
the military distribution and direction of his troops 2 ," that 
4 'the position that he had chosen was perfect 3 ," and that 
" he does not appear to have been deficient in the duties of 
a commander 4 ." It seems a well-established fact that the 
night before the battle was dark 5 and that it poured with 
rain 6 , yet several modern writers give us clear moonlight 7 , 
while King Henry or "some competent officers 8 " thoroughly 
survey the French position 9 , others apparently not believing 
in the moonshine get the requisite light for him from the 
camp-fires 10 . 

In presence of all these intricate contradictions it becomes 
a matter of some importance to enter a word of caution 
likewise against a peculiarly subtle and fascinating form of 
self-deception that will beset the student as he looks into 
the evidence for the details of the battle. For in the general 
dearth of anything approaching first-hand knowledge the 
Victorian publisher discovered that the reader could best be 
allured to accept a theory if it was illustrated by a plan or 
map. Hence arose a great outburst of graphic representa- 
tion in which a succession of modern savants have tried 

1 Oman, Art of War, 116. Called "absurd measures" in Charnock, i. xlvi. Dale 
(172) thinks he should have advanced his army to the Somme and entrenched himself 
there; "cette colonne stupide," Champion, Vie, 149. 

2 S. Turner, v. 439. 

8 Belleval, 79, though probably meaning his supposed first position before he worked 
into "the defile" which he calls "la position deplorable" (p. 99). 
4 Brougham, 122. B Vita, 58. 

6 Page 136; per noctem luminis quicquam non haberetur, Tit. Liv. 15. 

7 Malcombe, 77; Gairdner, 98; Jahns, 859; Belleval, 87, 88, who thinks that la 
reconnaissance lui fut d'une grande utilit; Ramsay, ii. 213. In Kingsford, 145, the 
moon shines out providentially for a brief period, from Vita, 58; see page 136; also 
Strang, 88. My friend Mr C. T. Whitmell of Leeds informs me that the moon was 2 1 
days old on Oct. 24, 1415, and would consequently rise between 9 and 10 o'clock. 

8 Scott, ii. 251; called valiant knights, in Long, Ixxxiv. 315; or scouts, Diet. Nat. 
Biogr. xxvi. 48; Cassell (i. 530) makes them "ascend the heights above Maisoncelles " to 
get this information. 

9 Musgrave, 288; Macfarlane, 32; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 30; Macfarlane-Thomson, 
i. 59; Viollet-le-Duc (Mobilier, vi. 385) calls this a night reconnaissance in which Henry 
discovered that both Azincourt and Tramecourt were unoccupied. Church (76) thinks 
that they were afterwards both occupied by the English, Niethe (37) who believes the 
story cannot believe in the moonlight portion of it. Champion (Vie, 146) thinks there 
was " une alerte ou quelques traits furent ^changes." 

10 Belleforest, Hist. 277; Michelet, vi. 29; while mention perhaps may be made 
of the theatrical romancers who make great play with the flashing gems on Henry's 
helmet (p. 392) ; or his "bright grey eye " (Tyrrell, 291 [170]) ; or his " lively blue eye " 
which " struck the English more than gold or gems" (p. 392). 

216 The Dead [CH. xxxv 

their hands at illustrating what they consider to have been 
the tactics of the field, even recording the changes at 
different hours of the day 1 . But as these sketches, where 
not directly copied, differ wholly from one another in setting 
out their pretty squares, oblongs and triangles, with neat 
batteries of guns packed on either flank, they can but serve 
as a pictorial warning, and when we examine a few of them 
side by side they only help to emphasise the fact that we 
have not yet arrived at certainty in regard to the first 
essential details of that eventful day and on the existing 
data I fear we never shall. But perhaps the most audacious 
explanation of the defeat is afforded in a recently published 
German dissertation. Starting with the belief that the 
defeat of the French is inexplicable on the assumption that 
they greatly outnumbered the English 2 , and finding that all 
contemporary authorities both French and English are agreed 
that they did 3 , the writer builds up a theory that all the 
known facts can be explained on the supposition that the 
French were really much inferior to us in numbers ; and 
when this theory does not fit in with such an episode as the 
offer even to give up Harfleur 4 he courageously decides to 
throw over all the authorities 5 on the ground that they were 
prejudiced Burgundians 6 , and having nothing but his theory 
to guide him concludes that he cannot be far wrong if he 
puts the total numbers of the French at something between 
4000 and 7000 men 7 . After this all the rest becomes easy 
sailing and all previous descriptions of the positions of the 
armies whether by contemporaries or moderns are pronounced 
to be perverted and obscure 8 . This curious theory of the 
numerical weakness of the French 9 might well have been 
left to take its chance but now that it has been adopted as 
the foundation of the most up-to-date account of the battle 

fiven by a very eminent writer on mediaeval tactics 10 it 
ecomes necessary to emphasise the fact that it is based 
upon nothing but a purely fanciful hypothesis. 

1 e.g. Ramsay, i. 214. 2 Niethe, 36. 

3 See page 141 ; Delbriick, iii. 478. 

4 Page 133. 5 Niethe, 30. 

6 Forgetting apparently that Juvenal at any rate was a pronounced Orleanist. 

7 Niethe, 36, followed by Delbriick, iii. 480. 

8 Niethe, 44. 

y Niethe, 23, 24, 28; Delbriick, iii. 4 8o. 10 Delbriick, iii. 478. 



THE bodies of the few English that were killed were as 
far as possible separated from the rest 1 and laid in a large 
barn 2 or grange which was then set on fire and burned to 
the ground 3 and with it the surplus booty that could not be 
carried off 4 . The bodies of the Duke of York and the 
Earl of Suffolk were spared this holocaust but their weight 
had to be reduced in order that they might be taken home 
for burial. They were therefore parboiled 5 through the 
night till the flesh came away and the bones were then dried 
for removal with the army to England 6 , and it is likely that 
the remains of the few dead English and Welsh knights 

1 Le Fevre, i. 260. 

2 Granche grandie in een seure, Rymkron. iii. 226. 

3 Dynter, iii. 302, 752 ; not that the French dead were burnt with them, as Duval- 
Pineu, ii. 202. Cf. did al the bodyes be brend, Laud Troy Book, 412. 

4 Page 176. 

5 See Godefroy, s.v. Parbouillir, and Skeat, s.v. Parboil. 

6 Waur. ii. 218; Le Fevre, i. 268; not embalmed, as Goodwin, 93; or pickled, 
as Long, Ixxxiv. 466; nor "lodges brave Yorke in the triumphant sheet of Buriall," as 
Daniel, Trinarch. iv. 173. Mazas (Vies, v. 634) says that the entrails were buried at 
Fressin near Planque. For practice in mediaeval armies of carrying une chaudiere neuve 
for this purpose, see Belleval, 118, quoting Cantu, Hist, des Italiens, vol. iv, i.e. C. Cantu 
(b. 1884), Storia degli Italiani, 6 v. Turin, 1856, translated by A. Lacombe, 12 v. Paris, 
1859-1862. For an instance of boiling the dead, temp. Edward I, see Napier, 48, 
quoting Scott, Tales of a Grandfather, i. 75. For boiling of the body of an Englishman 
in Paris, see Bourgeois, 130, after which les trippes et la char et 1'eaue furent enfouys en 
une grande fosse on dit cymetiere. In 1429, the remains of William Glasdale who died 
in Paris were cut up into quarters, boiled and embalmed and sent across to England for 
burial (despece par quartiers et boullu et enbosme et apres fut emporte en son temps pour 
enterrer), Bourgeois, Tuebey, 237. Similarly in 1435, the remains of a nephew of John 
Fastolf, ibid. xii. 307 = despece par pieces et cuit en une chaudiere tant et largement que 
les os laisserent la char et puis furent tres bien nettriez, ils furent mis en ung coffre pour 
porter en Angleterre. Cf. "the corpse of Prince Arthur in 1502 was boyled (not 
"coyled," as Lei. Col. v. 374) and well seered and conveniently dressed with spices and 
other sweet stuff and was so conveniently done that he needed no leed but was chested," 
Antiquarian Repertory, ii. 323. Cf. 

To boyle him and put him in lede, 
And lede him horn to his contre. 

Laud Troy Book, 350. 

218 Burial [CH. xxxvi 

were also carried back and buried in their English homes, 
but we only know the resting-place of one of them, viz. 
Roger Vaughan 1 whose alabaster monument showing the 
basnet and SS collar may still be seen in the chancel of the 
church at Bredwardine in Herefordshire 2 . 

Before the king left the ground some of the princes 
whom he had captured approached him with a word for 
their dead countrymen, that their bodies might be in charity 
enclosed in clay 3 and not left lying on the naked ground 4 , 
a prey to the birds and dogs. He readily gave consent for 
the morrow but though four or five days were spent 5 in 
search for fallen leaders, both priests and servants rendering 
aid in identification wherever possible, yet only comparatively 
few could now be recognised. Some of the great ones 
however had been rescued in time 6 . The corpse of the 
Duke of Alen^on was removed and buried in St Martin's 
Abbey at Sez 7 and though the church has been demolished 
the rings were still to be seen about a century ago by which 
his arms had been hung above his tomb 8 , and his epitaph 
is preserved in a chapel in the crypt to this day 9 . The 
body of the Constable d'Albret was laid in the Grey Friars' 
Church at Hesdin 10 far from the burial-place of his family at 
Casteljaloux 11 in Guienne, and the Admiral Jacques de 
Chatillon was buried in the neighbouring church at Rollain- 
court where his monument remained until the Revolution 
in I793 12 . The body of the Duke of Bar was recovered 

I Page 189. 

* In Purey-Cust, Collar, 23, is a reference to the tomb of Sir John Coleshill of 
Tremadant at Duloe (not Dunloe) near Liskeard in Cornwall, who is supposed to have 
been killed at Agincourt, but it is probably that of his son who died in 1483, see Lysons, 
Magn. Brit. iii. 69, 80 ; Lewis, ii. 100. 

3 Henry V, iv. 8. 118. 4 Drayton, 91. 

5 i.e. from Saturday, Oct. 26, to Wednesday, Oct. 30, Meyer, 247 ; paucis interjectis 
diebus, Redman, 47. 

6 J uv SJp; Monstr. 380. 

7 Bry de la Clergerie, 316; Belleval, 128. 

8 Odolant-Desnos, i. 496. 9 Orville, 52. 

10 ? Monstr. 380; Lion, 89; Danvin, 119; Boule, i. 433. For Vieil Hesdin, see 
N. Lambert, 81 ; Hauteclocque, 364. For the aviary (la cage) at Hesdin qui est la plus 
grant de ce royaulme (1393), see Menagier, ii. 252. 

II Near Nirac (Lot de Garonne). For account of Casteljaloux, see Samazeuilh. Diet. 
82-97 ; Drouyn, Guienne, ii. 189-194, Plate 104. For complaint of the inhabitants to 
Charles d'Albret on account of damage done to their district by the war, see Raymond, 
iv. 34 (E. 141). For letters written by the Chancellor of the Constable d'Albret at 
Casteljaloux, Oct. 15, 1415, and at Castelnaude Cernes (near St Symphorien, Gironde) on 
Oct. 28, 1415 (called Castet Nau de Sarnes in Jurade, ii. 280), and St Sores (Landes) on 
the Leyre on Oct. 30, 1415, see Jurade, ii. 265. 

12 Dictionnaire historique, ii. 343, 348; Crosthwaite, p. 31. Not in the Grey Friars 

1415] The Duke of Bar 219 

and removed to Bar-le-Duc where it was buried on Nov. 6, 
1415, in the Collegiate Church of St Maxe within the Castle 1 , 
and fifty years afterwards an altar tomb was erected over 
his remains 2 . Here they lay unmolested for over 300 years, 
but in February 1786* the bones were lifted together with 
those of his father and mother, placed in a leaden coffin and 
laid in a vault in the neighbouring Church of St Pierre 
with which St Maxe was to be merged as one parish. 
Eight years later the Revolutionaries stripped off the lead 
and strewed the bones about the floor, and there they lay 
till quieter times came round when they were reverently 
gathered together 4 , placed in a wooden box and left in the 
vault where they now lie. The earlier tomb in St Maxe 
was broken up when the church was demolished in I793 5 , 
and nothing now remains of it save a fragment with a shield 
of arms. The site on which it stood is now partly a school 
playground for little girls and partly a public highway 6 . 
The Duke's brother John was never recovered, and when 
the right of his successor, Cardinal Louis, was challenged 
it was claimed that the fact of John's death had never been 
actually proved 7 , which can only mean that his body was 
not identified and was therefore thrown into the common 
grave. The Count of Nevers was buried in the Cistercian 
Abbey at Elan 8 near Mezieres in the Ardennes. His young 
wife, Bonne of Artois, had just given birth to a son, whose 
baptism was attended by the Duke of Burgundy at Clamecy 9 , 

at Hesdin, as Belleval, 169, where he is Lord of Dampierre, Camfries and Rollaincourt. 
For a stone in the village of Azincourt as the base of La Croix de Chatillon, see Woodford, 
who refers to a tradition that it was supposed to mark the spot where he fell. 

1 La chapelle castrell situee et assise en nostre Chastel de Bar en laquelle reposent 
nos progniteurs et leurs consorts, Renard, 71, 157, 184. Called St Mesme (i.e. Maxime) 
in A. Duchesne, Dreux (Bar-le-Duc), 57; Meuse, Inventaire, 91; Rosieres, 430. For 
pictures and plans of the castle in 1617, 1633 and 1756, see Renard, i, 8, 10, 28; Servais, 
i. 133. It was dismantled in 1670, Renard, n, 29, and nothing now remains of it save 
the great clock tower and the Porte d'Honneur. 

2 i.e. in 1466, Renard, 161, 173, with plan showing the exact spot in the Chapel of 
St Jean. 

8 Ibid. 178, 226. 

4 i.e. in 1809, ibid. 179; Boudot, 96. 

5 Grande Encycl. v. 322. 6 Renard, 182. 

7 De cujus morte vera notitia non habetur, Clouet, iii. 554, quoting A. Duchesne, 
Preuves, p. 64. 

8 Coquille, 233; Montagnac, ii. 69, 70, pt. 2; not Elam, as Sveyro, ii. 127. For 
condition of the ruins at Elan, see Travaux de 1'Acade'mie Impe'riale de Reims, xvii. 229. 
For documents relating to the Abbey from 1235 to 1753, see Se*nemaud, Inventaire, 
iv. 39-44. 

9 Page 1 06, note 7. 

22O Burial [CH. xxxvi 

and her husband's death was announced to her as she was 
returning from her churching 1 a few days later. The 
remains of the Count of Roucy were taken to Braisne 2 
near Soissons, where his wife 3 received them with abundant 
weeping 4 . Here they were buried with much ceremony by 
the side of his father and mother 5 in the Church of the 
Abbey of St Yved, and though his actual monument has 
now disappeared a detailed drawing of it may still be seen 
in the Bodleian Library at Oxford 6 . The bodies of two 
others of the less distinguished dead, viz. Guillaume de 
Longueil and his son, still lie buried in the Church of 
St Jacques at Dieppe, of which town the father was 
captain 7 . 

Tidings of the death of the Duke of Brabant 8 soon 
reached Brussels, and the members of the Three Estates 
announced the sad news to the Duchess 9 at Turnhout and 
brought her back to the Ducal Hostel on the Montagne 10 , 
but it was not till two days after the fight (i.e. on Sunday, 
Oct. 27) that her husband's mangled body was found by his 
Confessor, Friar Hector de Vitry, a little way from the 
actual battle spot, stripped, with the throat cut and a wound 
in the head 11 . It was at once embalmed and conveyed to 
St Pol where it was met by the Bishop of Therouanne who 
was staying at the castle there 12 . On Oct. 30 it was received 

1 La messe de gesine. For relevailles, see Leroux de Lincy, Femmes, 412. 

2 i.e. Braisne-sur-Vesle (Aisne). 

3 i.e. Margaret Elizabeth de Montaigu Dame de Marcoussis et de St Germains. 

4 Ploura tres habondamment, Matthieu Herbalin, in Prioux, 87. 

5 i.e. Hugues Comte de Rouci (d. 1395) and Blanche de Couci (d. 1410), whose 
monuments are figured in Prioux, 82. Cf. Gough, I. cxliii. 

6 It is figured in Prioux, 87, from a volume in the collection made by Franois 
Gaignieres (b. 1642, d. 1715) given to the Bodleian Library by Richard Gough at his 
death in 1809 to be placed in his "Antiquarian Closet," Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxii. 280. 

7 Merk, 49. 

8 Called "Berban" in Petit Thalamus, 463; or "Barban," Lei. Coll. ii. 472; or 
"Profant," Windecke, 87. 

9 i.e. his second wife Elizabeth (or Isabel Vignier, Lux, 240), daughter of John, Duke 
of Girlitz, Berlandus, 62; Rymkron. iii. 59, 91. 

10 Called the Coberg or Coudenberg (i.e. Goldberg) in Dynter, iii. 313, 328. 

11 Not par trait, as Pays-Bas, 357. 

12 For a letter written by him at St Pol, Oct. 25, 1415, postponing his entry into 
Therouanne because of the presence of the English army in the neighbourhood, see Bled, 
ii. pp. i, 2. He did not make his official entry into " Terewane " till April 8, 1416 
(called April 9 in Regnault, 127), at which envoys were present from Boulogne with a gift 
of fresh herrings (poisson frek), ibid. 97; the Duke of Burgundy and many lords, prelates 
and churchmen being also there, Bled, Reg. i. 3; Itin. 425, where the Duke comes over 
from St Omer on April 9 to dine at the Bishop's hostel at Therouanne, returning to 
St Omer the same night. For the new Bishop's reception at Ypres which was then within 

1415] The Duke of Brabant 221 

at Tournai 1 with death-knells and every sign of grief by 
the Bishop and clergy 2 and by a deputation of the Estates 
of Brabant who had come to conduct it- on to Brussels. 
During the night of Nov. i it was watched in the Church 
of Our Lady at Hal, and all the following day and night it 
lay in the Church of St Gudule at Brussels where the coffin 
was opened for formal identification 3 . On Nov. 3 4 it was 
removed to Tervueren 5 where it was finally laid to rest in 
the choir of St John's Church 6 by the side of his first wife, 
the beautiful and gracious Lady Joan, daughter of the Count 
of St Pol 7 at whose grave he had wept bitter tears eight 
years before 8 . On Nov. n a solemn requiem service was 
held in the presence of the Duke of Burgundy in the 
Church of St Nicholas at Chatillon-sur-Seine for the repose 
of his soul and that of his brother the Count of Nevers, 
and his memory lived on as that of "a young man beloved 
by all 9 ." 

Not the least interesting personage among the dead 
who fell at Agincourt was Jean de Montaigu 10 , the fighting 

his diocese (Gall. Christ, v. 304) in 1416, favente Burgundiae duce, see Gall. Christ. 
x. 1563. For acct. du premier herene frek pesquie son ix et x jour d'Octobre at 14 sols 
parisis, the 100 of which presents were made by the town of Boulogne to the Abbots of 
Notre Dame at Boulogne and St Wulmer at Samer and other notable persons, see 
Regnault, 90. For barrels of herrings sent from Boulogne to the king as etrennes in 1402, 
see Dusevel, Boulogne, 401. 

1 Barlandus, 64. 

2 Ghingen met processien aut jeghen den lichame, Rymkron. iii. 227. 

3 Ibid. iii. 228. 

4 Dynter, iii. 303; Diere, 220; do. Ann. 41; Verhaer, i. 383. Not Oct. 30, as 
Van Even, 223. 

6 Fura, Dynter, iii. 167, 666, 751, 753; Loyens, 76; Miraeus, 372; binnen der 
Vriheit van den Vueren, Rymkron. iii. 228; Barante, iii. 166; Vuerum, Barlandus, 
Rerum, 16; Vueren, Leyden, 343; not Furna, as Meyer, 247, 301, 303, 304; nor Fumes, 
as Impens, 357; Hennebert, iii. 317 ; Belleval, 161, who supposes that it was first taken 
to Fumes and afterwards to Terveren (sic). 

6 For his epitaph put up by Archduke Albert and Isabel in Nov. 1416, see Bertholet, 
vii. 285; Wilrth-Paquet, 208. 

7 Elle estoit belle et gente de corps et de visage, Dynter, i. p. vi; in. 167, 666; 
formosissima, Locre, 294. She is called Joannem Simpoliam in Barlandus, 60; do. 
Rerum, 16. For her betrothal in Feb. 1393, see Thibault, 307 (though usually called 
Nov. 6, 1401, see Wylie, iii. 62), and marriage at Arras, April 25, 1402, Barante, ii. 115; 
Hennebert, iii. 317. Called Feb. 21, 1402, in Coussemaker, 69; not 1401, as Thibault, 
296. For tapestry and other preparations for fetes at her reception in the castle at 
Hesdin in 1402, see Danvin, no. 

8 Pleura et gemy tant grandement, Dynter, I. vi ; in. 167, 666; Dieve, 211 ; Verhaer, 
i. 374; i.e. on Aug. 12, 1407, Miraeus, 372; Nameche, ii. 149; do. Louvain, 3. 

9 Juvenem cunctis ubique valde dilectum, St Denys, v. 570. 

10 For his arms with a cardinal's hat, see Duchesne, Chancelliers, 412. For a picture 
of him in a window above the stalls in the Church of the Celestins at Marcoussis, see 
Malte-Brun, 38, 397, quoting Gaignieres (Oxford), iii. f. 81, with facsimiles in Bibl. Nat. 

222 Burial [CH. xxxvi 

Archbishop of Sens 1 . He had always been a militant priest 
and donned indifferently the mitre or the helmet as occasion 
offered. He had been a member of the Burgundian Court 
of Love 2 , and earlier in his career 3 he had been Bishop of 
Chartres, but taking a strong Orleanist side he became 
Chancellor of France in 1405*, and when his brother was 
beheaded by the Paris mob in I4O9 5 he made a perilous 
flight from Amiens 6 , where he was arrested in helmet and 
corslet but subsequently made his escape. More than once 
he had crossed the channel as an envoy, negotiating the 
return of Queen Isabella in I4OI 7 and the treaty with Owen 
Glendower in I4O4 8 , and when the Armagnacs were at 
St Cloud in 1411' he held St Denis for them with 400 
knights against the Burgundians and the English. In 1413 
he was President of the Chambre des Comptes, and like the 
Duke of Orleans and other malcontents he sulked over the 
treaty of Arras in 14 T4 10 . He was present in full armour in 
the battle but he failed to win his shoes 11 , and fell raining 
blows with the muscles of a Hector 12 , wherefore says the 
French chronicler, he was little mourned " as this was not 
his office 18 ." His body was recovered and buried in the 
cathedral at Sens 14 . With him fell also his nephew, Charles 
de Montaigu, Vidame and Lord of Marcoussis 15 , but where 
he was buried is not now known. 

1 i.e. since April n, 1407, Gams, 630; Gall. Christ, xii. 81; Richental, 166. Called 
the Arsbeschop of Sons in Harriet, 324; Pol. Songs, ii. 127 ; called " Saumte," " Saurice " 
or "Sayntis" in Brut, ii. 379, 555, 597; or " Saynys," Vita, 68. Not that he was 
"probst von Parys," as Twinger, ii. 916, which is a confusion with his brother and 

2 Piaget, Cour, 430. 

3 i.e. from Jan. 21, 1390, to April n, 1407, Gams, 536. 

4 Tessereau, 36; Valois, Conseil, in. 5 Vol. I. page 184. 

6 Monstr. ii. 46; Valois, Conseil, 117, 135. 

7 Gall. Christ, viii. 1180; Wylie, i. 210. 

8 Ordonnances, x. 413. 9 Wylie, iv. 56. 

10 Gall. Christ, xii. 80. 

11 Hym failed the wynnyng of his schone, Pol. Songs, ii. 127 ; Kingsford, Chron. 121 ; 
Wylie, iii. 29, note 5. Cf. wolde thow wynne on me thi schon, Laud Troy Book, 
184, 492. 

12 Dum hue illuc ictus ingeminaret cum lacertis hectoreis, St Denys, v. 572. 

13 Qui fut peu plaint pource que ce n'estoit son office, Juv. 521. J. Meyer (246) 
reckons him among the fures, latrones, luposque repaces. Not that he had given up his 
Orders before the battle, as supposed by Henault, 298. 

14 Duchesne, 413 ; Anselme, vi. 377 ; selon Tareau, i.e. B. Tareau, Cartulaire Senonais, 
circ. 1572. 

13 For picture of him from the chateau at Marcoussis which was built by his father, 
Jean de Montaigu, see Montfaucon, iii. 193. It was a quadrangular fortress with round 
towers at the corners like the Bastille in Paris. It was built in 1400 and destroyed with 
the Monastery of the Celestins at the Revolution, Malte-Brun, 44, 352. For picture of 

I4J5] The Lesser Dead 223 

Some of the dead were laid in the churchyards at 
Hesdin 1 , Auchy 2 and others of the villages about 3 . Many 
of the notables belonged to Artois, Picardy and Flanders 4 , 
and whenever their homes were near, their bodies were 
carried away for burial among their own people. Thus we 
find some at St Omer in the churches of St Aldegonde 5 , 
St Denis, and the Abbey Church of St Bertin 6 . Gilles de 
St Aubert, Lord of Chin 7 in Hainault, was buried at Busigny, 
and others in the cathedral at Cambrai 8 , while quite a 
number 9 were buried at Arras 10 either in the cathedral or in 
the Church of St Nicholas on the rising ground to the 
north-west of the city. We know of one wounded leader 11 
who was found alive among the heaps of slain three days 
after the fight 12 and carried to St Pol where he died, and 
the churchyards at Azincourt and Ruisseauville were so filled 
that an order was put out forbidding any more bodies to be 
brought in 13 , and still there were thousands upon thousands 
of corpses left lying in the open for whom no kindly hand 
of charity was raised to give them Christian burial. These 
found a friend in the Duke of Burgundy's son Philip, Count 
of Charolais 14 , by whose order a square piece of ground 15 
near the Tramecourt wood was at once consecrated by Jean 

it by Merion in 1650, see ibid. Frontispiece; with the device " Ilpadelt," i.e. le L'ai 
Promis A Dieu Et La Tiendrai, ibid. 56. For a picture of it detailed with all the 
minuteness of a "capability man," see Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1803, P* IJ 9' 

1 Nicolas, 140; though there is little to support this in the records of Hesdin, 
Danvin, 119. 

2 i.e. the Abbey of Auchy-les-Moines near Le Pare at Hesdin, Fromentin, 224, 
quoting A. Parenty; Harbaville, i. 330; Danvin, 41. 

3 Trussel (edition 1635, p. 103) says that many who were yet alive though grievously 
wounded were removed to Val Mersens de Dieu, but I cannot identify this place. 

4 Pol. Songs, ii. 127. 

5 e.g. Philippe de Wissoe, Roger, Bibl. 184. For others, see Belleval, 119. 

6 e -g- J ean an d Archambaud de Croy, Piers, 384; Roger, 213; do. Bibl. 184; 
do. Therouanne, 69; Belleval, 183. 

7 For his epitaph, see Reiffenberg, x, xi, quoting H. F. Delmotte, p. 57 ; i.e. recherches 
historiques sur Gilles de Chin et le Dragon Mons, 1821, Carpentier, i. 343; Barante, 
iii. 167; Belleval, 173. For his receipt for wages for 2 knights and 10 squires, dated at 
Rouen, Sept. 26, 1415, to serve en pays de Caux or elsewhere, see Belleval, 174. 

8 Belleval, 119. 

9 Une infinite de seigneurs, Piers, 384; Roger, Bibl. 184. 

10 Lecesne, 256; Devienne, Artois, iii. 49; Belleval, 119. 

11 i.e. Engelbert of Enghien, or Kestergat, or Kettbecke, Dynter, iii. 302, 752. 

12 Over drie daghe was dese heere 

Livende vonden onder die doode. Rymkron. iii. 223. 

13 Ruisseauville, 142. 

14 Normandie, 172; Meyer, 247. Not the Duke of Burgundy, as Devienne, Artois, 
iii. 49. Lion (89) makes both the father and the son visit the battlefield and shed tears, 
also Fromentin, 124; Danvin, 119. 

15 Called 25 roods in Yonge, 482. 

224 Burial [CH. xxxvi 

Poisson, Bishop of Aegina 1 acting as commissary 2 for Louis 
of Luxembourg 3 the newly appointed Bishop of Therouanne 4 , 
in whose diocese the whole district lay, all arrangements 
being made by the Bailiff of A ire and the Abbots of 
Ruisseauville 5 and Blangy 6 . Within this space three trenches 

1 Eginensis, Eghinensis, Bled, Reg. 3. Not Gutnes, as Monstr. 380; Nicolas, 140; 
Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 34; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 563; Cassell, i. 536; Towle, 348; 
Boule, i. 434; nor " Esguines," as Paradin, 597; Speed, 783; Piers, 388; Roger, Bibl. 
185; do. Noblesse, 172; Hennebert, iii. 331; nor " Esquinnes," as Belleval, 120; nor 
"Guignes," as Yonge, 282. For suggestion that the diocese is Gebeld (i.e. Djebail, 
Jebail, Jubeil or D'Echebail, the ancient Byblus, north of Beirut on the west coast of 
Syria), see Hennebert, iii. 331, where the bishop is called Jacques Dela, a Dominican who 
was buried at Ghent in 1422; called Jacobus de Wesep from Jan. 19, 1396, in Eubel, 
i. 272; see also Bled, Reg. ii. 2; Belleval, 120. 

2 Johannes Piscis was suffragan to the Bishop of Therouanne from 1411 to 1422, Gall. 
Christ, x. 1566; Eubel, 77; Bled, Reg. i, from Bibl. de St Omer, MS. 926, f. 209. 

3 He was a brother of Pierre, Count of Luxembourg and Jean de Luxembourg, Count 
of Ligny en Barrois who was a strong Burgundian and a nephew of St Peter of Luxembourg. 
Not his' brother, as Gall. Christ, xi. 89; Bentham, 169. 

4 He was consecrated by the Archbishop of Rheims on Jan. 2, 1415, Stubbs, 
Reg- 85; Piers, 28; not 1416, as Grande Encycl. xxii. 800, in succession to Matthaeus 
Reginald! or Renaud de Bapaume who died after Dec. 16, 1414, Bled, Reg. i. 404 
(not March 20, 1415, as Gall. Christ, x. 1564; Eubel, i. 367, who names various 
other claimants till 1418). Louis of Luxembourg became a strong partisan of the 
English. He was Chancellor of France from 1424 to 1435, Longnon, Isle de France, 
31. He is called Episcopus Tirwansis in Exch. Accts. 106/26, where he and three 
French knights receive a palfrey each as a present from Queen Catherine at Windsor 
on Feb. 12, no year being given though it must have been before 1426. He became 
Archbishop of Rouen in Oct. 1436, but when the English hold on France was weakening 
the revenues of the see of Rouen became very scanty, and in 1438 Louis was made 
perpetual administrator of the diocese of Ely in spite of a protest against foreigners made 
by Archbishop Chichele. In his will dated at Rouen, Sept. 15, 1438, he left la terre de 
Hermenville (i.e. Hermaville near Aubigny, Pas de Calais, see Harbaville, ii. 265) to 
found six chaplaincies at Therouanne and ordered that if he died in England his body 
should be buried at Ely, Gall. Christ, xi. 56 (Instrumenta). He died at Hatfield (not 
Hartwell, as Bled, Reg. ii. p. i) on Sept. 18, 1443, Anselme, vi. 393; Gall. Christ. 
x. 1563; xi. 89; Gams, xx. 614; Bled, p. 3; do. Invent. 135; Moranville, 435 (not 
1439, as Longnon, Isle de France, 31) ; and his heart was sent to Rouen but his body was 
buried on the south side of the Presbytery in the Cathedral at Ely where his effigy robed 
as a cardinal is still well preserved, Bentham, i. 172; Monast. i. 465 ; Sarrazin, Cauchon, 
66; do. Jeanne d'Arc, ii. 211, where he is surnamed "le Renard." In England he 
was known as "Cardinal Luschburg" or " Luseburg " (Le Neve, i. 338); or "Bishop 
Tervyn" (Chron. Lond. 133). For his seal, see Sarrazin, Jeanne d'Arc, 423. For his 
breviary in the Library at Rouen (MS. 772), see ibid. m. For a fanciful supposition 
that he may be represented as one of the ecclesiastics in the picture of Jean Galloppes 
presenting his book to Henry V, see Archaeologia, ii. 195; Strutt, Reg. Antiq. 79; 
i.e. Julius E. iv. f. 7 (207); Granger, i. 17. On the day of his consecration, i.e. Jan. 2, 
1415, Pope John XXIII translated William Challant, Bishop of Lausanne (d. May 20, 
1431) to the see of Therouanne but the Dauphin refused him the temporalities and Louis 
held his ground in spite of the papal censure from which he was formally absolved by 
Martin V on Nov. 24, 1418, Eubel, 309, 367 (called July 26, 1418, in Bled, Invent. 154). 
He was made Cardinal Priest of Quatuor Coronati on Jan. 8, 1440, Cristoferi, 27, 153 
(i.e. transferred from SS. Marcellino e Pietro); called Dec. 20, 1439, Gams, 614; 
Cardinal Bishop of Frascati on Oct. 4, 1442, Eubel, ii. 72; Gams, xx. 

5 Monstr. 380; i.e. Baldwin de Hericourt, Abbot of Sancta Maria in nemore seu 
Russellivilla, Gall. Christ, x. 1609; Harbaville, ii. 124. 

6 Ruisseauville, 142; i.e. Bertrand III (d. March 30, 1417), Gall. Christ, x. 1591. 
For the Benedictine Abbey of Blangy restored in 1053, see Gall. Christ, x. 1589; 
Harbaville, ii. 335 ; Hauteclocque, 297. 

1415] The 7^renches 225 

were dug 1 , each 75 feet long and about 12 feet wide, and 
into these 5800 bodies were counted 2 . Each trench was 
surmounted by a large wooden cross and the whole area 
was fenced with a quickset hedge to keep out dogs and 
other roving animals that might disturb the sacred dust, 
and to this day that rood of ground remains through all 
vicissitudes one of the most pathetic spots in Europe. 

It stands out close to the junction of the cross-roads 3 , 
where the carnage must have been thickest, near the 
Tramecourt wood, a little to the right of the solitary road 
that leads on to Calais, and though all the rest of the land 
about has come under the plough, it has remained and still 
remains untilled. In 1734 a chapel called the Chapel of La 
Gacoyne 4 was built near the spot by the Marchioness of 
Tramecourt in accordance with a vow made for the return 
of her son from Italy, but it was demolished by the French 5 
in 1793, the ground on which it stood being turned into 
a potato-patch 6 and the stones of it used to build pigstyes 7 . 
After the fall of Napoleon, when the English army of 
occupation held the country in i8i8 8 , the curiosity of one 
of our officers, whose regiment was stationed at St Pol 9 , was 
stirred to probe into the mysterious trenches 10 . This was 
Sir John G. Woodford 11 , who after being present at Waterloo 

1 Called pluseurs carniers in Fenin, 67. 

2 Par compte fait, Monstr. 380; or 6000, Thevedy, 17. Called 1200 in each in Juv. 
579 ; or 5000 in Bled, Reg. ii. 2, quoting Meyer, Bk. xv ; Devienne, iii. 49. Ruisseauville 
(142) says that the real numbers were only known to the Bishop and the grave-diggers; 
cf. Michelet, vi. 38; Historians' Hist. xi. 174, where it is called "that huge pit." 

3 The road from Tramecourt to Azincourt is omitted in Kb'hler's plan (ii. 761). 

4 Called a hamlet of Azincourt with 13 inhabitants in Belleval, 121 ; called le champ 
de la Gacoyne, i.e. the field in which the trenches were dug, Hauteclocque, 280; not 
"the Plain of Gacoyne," as Nicolas, 140. In Godefroy, iv. 239, " Gascongne" = sorte 
de grosse cerise. 

5 Not by the English, as I was told by an old woman on the spot in 1900. 

6 Knight, ii. 64. 

7 Mazas, vi. 372, 373; Piers, 386; Hauteclocque, 362; Nicolas, 140; Belleval, 121. 
In 1849 "not a vestige " of the chapel was to be seen, Long, Ixxiv. 467. 

8 Not 1815 or 1816, as Piers, 386; do. Therouanne, 69; Roger, Bibl. 187; Ardouin- 
Dumazet, xix. 101. 

9 Not Azincourt, as Revue Anglo- fra^aise, 1835, p. 148. 

10 See the account by Dr John Gordon Smith who had been present with the 
1 2th Lancers at Waterloo, read before the Royal Society of Literature of the United 
Kingdom on April 4, 1827 ( = Vol. I. pt. ii. p. 57, in Tyler, ii. 189), referred to in the 
Report of the Society for 1827, where it is said (p. 18) that he had collected materials for 
a history of the battle, "an undertaking which he had been induced to abandon." Six 
years later he died in a debtor's prison at the age of 41, Diet. Nat. Biogr. liii. 83; 
Nicolas, App. 24. 

11 Not Alexander, as Long, Ixxiv. 467, who thinks that he " examined the mortuary 
chapel," i.e. the demolished Chapelle de la Gacoyne. 

w. ii. 15 

226 Burial [CH. xxxvi 

as a captain in the First Grenadier Guards 1 became Quarter- 
Master General of the Army of Observation in the Depart- 
ment of the Pas de Calais 2 until the final evacuation of 
France in Oct. i8i8 3 . Being "a great collector of arms, 
coins and other antiquities 4 ," he obtained permission from 
the owner of the ground 5 and had one of the trenches 6 
opened and explored. In it he seems to have found some 
remains of arms 7 and arrow-heads, four gold rings 8 , some 
coins of the reigns of Kings Jean II, Charles V and 
Charles VP, three small elephants 10 carved in ivory, three 
unusually large brass horns bearing inscriptions 11 , and a large 
quantity of human teeth 12 , all of which finds he is said to 
have taken back to England. Some bones that had been 
tossed out were left lying near the spot till indignation 
wakened up and all further digging was finally stopped by 
order of the Duke of Wellington after he had received 
a remonstrance from the French government 13 , as the 
peasants believed that the bones were going to be removed 
to England and converted into animal black 14 . The un- 
earthed bones were reburied in the churchyard of the village 

1 Ranking as equal to Lt.-Col. of the line, Crosthwaite, 20, 44. Called a Major- 
General in Joanne, Nord, 251. 

2 Lambert, 426, 428, quoting letter of protest written on March 12, 1418, by 
M. Gengoult-Kuyl, Sub-Prefect of the arrondissement of St Pol, who addresses him as 
M. le Colonel Woodfort (sic) au Chateau de Tramecourt. From this it appears that the 
digging was begun on Feb. 21, 1818, and resumed 15 days later, though Woodford's 
appointment is dated after the occupation of Cambrai on June 24, 1818, in Crosthwaite, 30. 

3 Diet. Nat. Biogr. Ixii. 394, where it is said that he took advantage of his position 
to make a survey of the field of Agincourt and its vicinity and that discoveries of 
considerable antiquarian and historic interest resulted (p. 395). 

4 Crosthwaite, 59. 

5 i.e. a woman to whom he is said to have paid 10 for the permission, Revue 
Anglo -fran9aise, 1835, pp. 148, 149; Lambert, 426 (where she is called assez ignorante 
et assez vile) ; Hauteclocque, 288. 

6 Not mounds, as Crosthwaite, 30. 

7 Piers, 386. Called lances, casques and cuirasses and swords in N. Lambert, 424. 

8 Crosthwaite, 30, who gives the inscription on one as " buro x berto x veriora," for 
which no satisfactory explanation has been given (App. vi). 

9 Mazas, Vies, vi. 374. For a gold coin of Charles VI, said to have been found by 
a peasant "in his field labour" and still in his possession in 1856, see Knight, ii. 64. 
For a pair of spurs, two lance-heads and a gisarme found at Agincourt, now in the Musee 
d'Artillerie in Paris, see Bordier-Charton, i. 501. 

10 Called oliphants in Belleval, 122. 

11 One of these appears to be the drinking horn with a brass collar described in 
Crosthwaite, 30, who gives the inscription as " Qui ne dout (? boit) tout ci recourcie." 

12 Revue Anglo-fran9aise, 1835, pp. 148, 149. 

13 Hauteclocque, 288. 

14 N. Lambert, 424, who thinks that this illustrates the greedy mercantile spirit of the 
English in all its hideous nakedness; Labitte, 147. 

1415] The Underlying Dead 227 

of Azincourt 1 , the trench was covered in again and a Cal- 
vary 2 has since been erected on the roadside which though 
sadly cracked and damaged mutely asks the passer-by to 
pray for the underlying dead who still suffer the penalty 
of pain for our sins 3 . In 1846 a movement was started 
to build a chapel as a national memorial on the spot 4 . The 
suggestion was received "with sympathy" by antiquarians, 
the Departmental Commission going so far as to vote 
,8 towards its realisation, but the movement was checked 
by "political considerations." The question was revived 
however in 1853 and plans were prepared for building 
a memorial transept to the church at Azincourt on the 
understanding that not only the names of the dead but the 
names of all subscribers to the fund should be shown on 
the walls. Appeals were to be made to all families who 
were in any way connected with the dead and it was 
confidently believed that all France would applaud the 
plan 5 . When last heard of in 1865 the proposal had been 
" totally abandoned 6 ," but the family at Tramecourt have 
undertaken a serviceable though less ambitious duty by 
re-enclosing the trenches with a hedge, to guard them from 
further desecration. 

The articles removed by Woodford were long supposed 
by the French to have been exhibited in what they call an 
" Agincourt Museum 7 " in London, but what this refers to 
I have not been able to discover. Many things belonging 
to him were destroyed in the great fire that consumed the 
Pantechnicon in London on Feb. 13, 1874, but it is said 
that facsimiles of the four gold rings were once in the 
possession of the Duke of Richmond at Goodwood 8 together 
with one of the gold coins and a panoramic view of the 

1 Duthilloeul, 59; Piers, 385, 386, 387; do. Therouanne, 69; Hauteclocque, 290; 
Labitte, 147, who says that there was nothing to mark the place in the churchyard, but 
that it was pointed out to him by the man who dug the grave. 

2 Called "a pillar" in Church, 87; or "a memorial cross" in Ramsay, i. 212, 216, 
who thinks that it " must mark the traditional centre of the French line." 

8 For the full text, see Ardouin-Dumazet, xix. 101. 
4 De recouvrir cet ossuaire, Hauteclocque, 290. 

3 Hauteclocque, 291. 6 Belleval, vi. 

7 Joanne, Nord, 251 ; Herbaville, ii. 336, who speaks of it as still in London in 
1842; also Hauteclocque, 288, 290 (in 1880); Ardouin-Dumazet, xix. 101 (1899). 

8 See Woodford 's letter to the Duke of Richmond, dated Sept. 30, 1874, in 
Crosthwaite, App. vi. 

228 Burial [CH. xxxvi 

battlefield 1 , but whatever truth there may have once been 
in this statement it would appear to be the fact that all such 
relics and duplicates have now disappeared with the single 
exception of one of the rings which is still preserved in 
a glass case at Goodwood House 2 . Sir John Woodford 
himself lived on to a great age and there are many persons 
still living in the neighbourhood of Keswick who well 
remember his patriarchal figure and his eccentric habits. 
That the latter had begun to develop themselves quite early 
in his career is evident from an incident which is said to 
have happened during his stay in France while the digging 
was going on. He was lodged in the Chateau at Tramecourt 3 , 
the family being then away, and when the work was done 
he left a picture of Henry V to be presented to the lady of 
the house, a compliment which she afterwards delicately 
countered by sending him a picture representing Joan of 
Arc 4 . He spent the last 40 years of his life in solitude 
at Derwent Bay on the shore of Derwentwater in Cum- 
berland where he was exceedingly kind to children and 
courteous to strangers. He planned random additions to 
his house and left them unfinished without roof or windows, 
because no builder could carry out his plans 5 , and the dales- 
men looked upon him as a venerable and eccentric hermit. 
A solitary walk was his chief delight and during all those 
40 years he neither visited his neighbours nor admitted 
callers into his house, all who came being seen and spoken 
with outside the door, and one who knew him has described 
him to me as " a fine old fellow who even in his old age lived 
like a soldier in camp, sleeping on a camp-bed in an old 
tumbledown house by the lake side, where with his long 
white silky hair and his courtly manners like a Grand Duke 
he seemed entirely out of keeping with his surroundings 6 ." 
The house itself, known as Water End, was fenced round 

1 Made by Capt. Hardyng, R.E. 

3 So I was informed by the late Duke of Richmond in a letter written at Goodwood 
House on March 29, 1902. 

3 It was destroyed at the end of the sixteenth century and replaced by a modern house 
built circ. 1740, Hauteclocque, 358. 

4 Mazas, vi. 374; Roger, Bibl. 188; Hauteclocque, 288, 362. In a letter written on 
June 20, 1912, I was informed by the owner, the Comte de Chabot, that the picture is still 
at Tramecourt. 

5 Crosthwaite, App. vii. 

6 For this description I am indebted to my friend Mr Albert Nicholson of Altrincham. 

1415] Sir John JVoodford 229 

with a hoarding to keep off landing parties of tourists from 
prying in at his windows. He exchanged letters with his 
brother every day and once when the usual morning letter 
did not come he started off to London to ask the reason 
why 1 . He claimed exemption from paying tithe on some 
antiquarian ground and every year allowed a certain cow to 
be seized by the parish sexton and bought it up again until 
at length the animal had to be shot for her extreme old 
age 2 . And when at last he was smoked out he removed 
into Keswick for the last three years of his life where he 
died at the age of 94 on March 22, 1879. He would let no 
wood be cut nor any bird or beast be disturbed if he could 
help it. He left the moles to burrow in his land and the 
jackdaws to build in his chimneys 3 . He gave away many 
of his maps, drawings and relics to friends or museums 4 and 
several times sold off portions of his goods by auction. 
He revisited the battlefield at Agincourt in 1852, and it is 
evident that he left notes in writing 5 , and his survey of the 
battlefield made in 1818, which has fortunately survived, 
may still be seen in excellent preservation among the MSS. 
in the British Museum 6 . 

1 Crosthwaite, 56. 2 do. 51. 

3 Ibid. 62. 

4 So I was informed in 1902 by Mr R. Mumberson of Keswick who acted for him up 
till his death and who tells me that he knows a lady who possesses a drinking horn and 
some coins that were dug up at Agincourt. 

6 Referred to as " MS " or " his notes," Crosthwaite, 31, 32. These were apparently 
in the possession of his nephew, Rev. A. F. A. Woodford, who was still living in 1881, 
ibid. Pref. pp. 32, 37. 

6 Add. MS. 16368 C. 



LITTLE did the citizens of London suspect the joyous 
news that was in store for them. They had heard of the 
capture of Harfleur and of the plan for settling Londoners 
and others in the place and making of it a second Calais. 
They knew that English workmen were going across to 
repair the broken houses and make them habitable for the 
new arrivals, and they were aware that their king had started 
on his way in the expectation of reaching Calais by 
October 16, so that they could not possibly get news of his 
whereabouts till October 1 8 at the very earliest. They had 
sent over ^loo 1 to be ready for the needs of the army 
when it should reach its destination, and medicines had 
been forwarded for the sick 2 , but as day after day passed by 
an uneasy feeling got abroad. Rumours were in the air 
that a great battle had been fought in which 6000 English 
had been lost 3 , and when at length a gloomy message 
reached them from Calais on October 25* that nothing had 
been heard there of the expected arrival and that the fate 
of the army was veiled in mystery, a dismal foreboding 
seized upon them that the worst must have befallen their 
king " in whom all their affection centred 5 /' as " worth more 
to them than worldly riches or plenty 6 ,'' and as each morning 

1 It was handed over by the Mayor, Thomas Fauconer, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., 
Nov. 9, 1415, where he is called late mayor, i.e. his year of office had ended by Nov. i, 
1415, Riley, Mem. 620. 

2 Devon, 342, Oct. 15, 1415. For order to provide things necessary for omcium 
potegarie, see Pat. 3 H. V, 2. 24 d, Sept. 18, 1415. 

3 This rumour reached Venice about Nov. 12, 1415, having been reported from 
Flanders, Morosini, ii. 68. 

4 Riley, Mem. 620. 

5 Cf. amantissimi et desideratissimi principis, Gesta, 6r. 
Delpit, 224 ; Tyler, ii. 226. 


Rumours 231 

came round they went about in boundless grief athirst for 
any news. 

On the Confessor's Day (Sunday, October 13)' the 
Commonalty of the city, after hearing mass with solemn 
music 2 in the "little old chapel 3 " on the south side of the 
Guildhall 4 , had elected Alderman Nicholas Wolton 5 , wool- 
monger 6 , irreverently known to jibers as "witless Nick 7 /' 
to be their coming Mayor 8 , and on October 28 he took 

1 i.e. the anniversary of the translation of his remains from the tomb in front of 
St Peter's altar at Westminster to the first shrine in 1163, Freeman, iii. 34. 

2 This practice started in 1406, Letter Book I, 52, 97, 118; Viet. Co. Hist. London, 
ii. 473; not 1408, as Mon. Francisc. ii. 163; J. E. Price, 119; called "according to 
custom" in 1412, Letter Book I, 108. 

3 Parvam antiquam capellam, J. E. Price, 120, 259. Called the Chapel of St Mary 
Magdalene, Benham-Welch, 25 ; but the Chapel of the Blessed Mary in Letter Book I, 
92, 93, 178, 184, 259; or capellam in Guihalda, Letter Book 1, 148. For picture of it see 
Fox-Bourn, 60; do. London Merchant, 34. It was pulled down in 1429 and a new one 
built nearly on the same site facing to the east side of the yard. The new chapel was not 
completed till 1444 and is usually supposed to have been built by Richard Whitington, 
Grafton, i. 499; Stow, Survey, 282; Fox-Bourn, 60; do. London Merchant, 34. It was 
demolished in 1822, Knight, London, v. 83 (or 1820, Price, no), after having been for 
some time used as a Court of Requests. For pictures and plans of it, see R. Wilkinson, 
I. pt. i; Knight, v. 65; J. E. Price, 133, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149. For Blackwell Hall 
used as a Cloth- Market since 1398, see Benham-Welch, 30. For draps exposes en vente 
sur les buches (bois) at the Guihalle at Montreuil, see Llomel, Edits, 77. For the seal for 
the sale of cloth at Bakwelhalle, see Letter Book I, 35, 41, 42, 43 ; = Bakewell Hall (now 
Gresham College), formerly a synagogue opposite St Lawrence Jury. For supposed 
derivation from Bathewell, i.e. bathing-place or mikoch of London Jewesses, see Jacobs, 
Jewry, 9, n; cf. "as yt ys in London in black wyll hall," Letter 31, Mar. I, 1553, in 
Exeter Municipal Records; = "Bakwelhalle in the parish of St Michael de Bassyngeshawe," 
Letter Book I, pp. 6, 10 (i.e. fr. the family of Basing). It was the old manor house 
of the family of Bauquelle, Loftie, i. 260. It was destroyed in the Great Fire but rebuilt, 
Besant, Survey, viii. 31, who gives a picture of it in 1819 ; also R. Wilkinson, vol. II. 

4 "Gialla," Engl. Hist. Rev. xxiv. 138 (1409). For chantries founded in the chapel 
in the Guildhall, see Letter Book I, 148, 177, 259, 271 (by Adam Fraunceys); Sharpe- 
Wells, ii. 418 (Aug. 14, 1419). 

6 Letter Book I, 144; or Wottoone, Letter Book I, 246; not John Wolton, as in 
Kingsford, Lit. 294. He represented the City of London in the Parliaments of Westminster 
of 1406, 1414, 1419, 1421, 1425 and 1429, Return Parl. i. 269, 284, 292, 300, 308, 316; 
Letter Book I, 129, 262 ; also for Marlborough in 1422, Beaven, 299. For his grants of 
land in London (1416) in the Parish Church of St Magnus to the Church of St Lawrence 
Pountney, see Ad Quod Damn. 372; do. P.R.O. ii. 743. In the subsidy roll of 1412 his 
London property yields g. 6s. 8</. p. a., Archaeol. Journ. xliv. 62. 

8 Letter Book I, 21. Called a draper in Beaven, 71, 137, where he is Alderman of 
Dowgate Ward. 

7 For a man imprisoned for a year for insulting him, see Riley, Mem. 663. For 
a similar punishment at Agen for rudeness to one of the consuls in 1351, quasi minando 
dixit que lo diable i aieria part, see Magen, 296. " Witles," Lydg. Min. Po. 119. Cf. a 
wight witless and fuent, Speght, 361. For a man pardoned at St Jean d'Angely, Nov. 30, 
1412, for uttering paroles injurieuses against the Mayor, see Aussy, 28. For a man fined 

?ui avoit dite (sic) villerie to the bishop's provost at Troyes in 1402, see Artois de 
ubainville (1873), p. 97. 

8 He is still Mayor on Aug. 17, 1416 (Claus. 8 H. V, 17, May 22, 1420); also on 
Sept. 12, 1416, Pat. 4 H. V, 13 d, but " nuper major" on Nov. 5, 1416, Rym. ix. 405, by 
which date he had been succeeded by Henry Barton Skinner, Fab. 581 ; ibid. 4, March 3, 
1417. He was Mayor again in 6 H. VI (=1430), Three Fifteenth Cent. Chron. 61. 

* For Mayors of London appointed (factus est (i.e. took the oath in the Guildhall) 

232 London [CH. xxxvii 

the oath in the Guildhall with the usual ceremonies. On 
the day following 1 he was to ride to the Exchequer at 
Westminster to "take his charge 2 ." But early in the 
morning of that day (Tuesday, Oct. 29)*, while men were 
yet in their beds 4 , a royal pursuivant came riding into 
London with letters for the Mayor 5 containing the wondrous 
news that the king and his victorious army had come safely 
through to Calais, and forthwith London's sadness was 
turned to boisterous joy. The bells rang out from every 
steeple ; men flocked to their parish churches to hear Te 
Deum ; by 9 o'clock vast crowds had gathered at St Paul's 
and it had been resolved to make the Mayor's journey on 
foot 6 to Westminster, there to kneel as pilgrims at the 
Confessor's shrine in token of thanksgiving for the glorious 
tidings. Bishop Beaufort 7 rode up and read out the news 
officially as Chancellor from the steps of the choir-door at 
St Paul's, where Queen Joan and many lords and peers 
joined in the throng, and the vast procession was headed by 
all the religious of London devoutly chanting litanies. 
Accompanied by an immense number of the craftsmen in 
their liveries the new Mayor and the Aldermen walked 8 the 
whole road to Westminster where, after a solemn service in 
the Abbey, the oath of allegiance to the king was taken in 
the Palace in presence of the Barons of the Exchequer. 
The journey back was made on horseback, a veritable 
" riding 8 " to St Paul's, where thanks were sung to Jesus 

Lib. Alb. 23; Fabyan, 384, who adds "which before had been chosen," i.e. on Oct. 13, 
Lib. Alb. 19; Besant, Survey, ii. 75) ad festum Simonis et Judae, i.e. Oct. 28, see Wm.of 
Worcester, 483, 490, 493; Fab. 637. The usual day for "election" was Oct. 13, Letter 
Book I, 4, 22, 89, 144 and passim. Not Oct. 28, as Stapleton, Liber, p. iii j Besant, 
Survey, ii. 51. 

1 Lib. Alb. 24; Viet. Co. Hist. London, ii. 223; Riley, Mem. 621; Sharpe, i. 257; 
Letter Book I, p. 144. 

2 Chron. Lond. 101, 102; cf. Kingsford, Chron. 76; do. Lit. 73; or "to take hys 
othe," Greg. Chron. 159. 

8 Mon. Francisc. ii. 166; Letter Book I, 144. Not Oct. 28, as Besant, Survey, 
i. 106. 

4 Chron. Lond. 101 ; Tyler, ii. 190. 

6 Fabyan, 580, who makes the messenger meet the Mayor as he was riding to 
Westminster on Oct. 29, supposing that the procession afoot to the shrine took place on 
Oct. 30; see also Allen, i. 151 ; Price, 160. 

6 Pedest' adierunt, Letter Book I, 144; Riley, Mem. 621, 622; on hyr fete, Greg. 
Chron. 113. 

7 Havyng lyke wyttyng, Fabyan, 580. 

8 Wylie, iii. 199. For "goingeof the Mayor," see J. Hoker's Common Place Book, 
f. 460, in Exeter Municipal Records. For picture of a riding through Chepe, temp. 
Edward VI, see Legg, Coronation Rec. 280, 389. 


Parliament 233 

and Mary and St George and all the company of Heaven 
for the mercies of this the most marvellous day that the 
Lord had made 1 . 

Six days later (i.e. on Nov. 4, 141 5) 2 the Parliament 
met at Westminster. The meeting had originally been 
called for Oct. 2 1 and writs had been issued in this sense 
by the Duke of Bedford as Keeper of England 3 on the 
day before the fleet sailed from Southampton 4 , but subsequent 
writs were sent out on Sept. 29* postponing the meeting 
for another fortnight. 

With so many of the great nobles absent from the 
country the number of lords to whom writs were addressed 
was exceptionally small, the total amounting to only 19 (as 
compared with 43 in the Parliament before), of whom two 
are Earls, viz. Ralph Nevil, Earl of Westmoreland and 
Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devon. One of the Justices 
of the King's Bench, viz. Hugh Holes (or Huls) 6 , had died 
at Watford since the last Parliament had met, but four new 
judges had been appointed on June 16, 141 5*, viz. William 
Cheyne 8 of Shorland in Sheppey, and Roger Horton 9 , 

1 In Allen, i. 151, Bishop Beaufort rides back with the Mayor to St Paul's. 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 62; Dep. Keep. 2nd Kept. App. n; Return Parl. i. 285; Usk, 126, 
309. Not Nov. 2, as Nicolas, 160; nor Nov. 3, as Devon, 342. 

3 For vexillum de arm' Regis vapulat' pro due' Bedd. as Lt. of England, see 
Wardrobe Accts. 406/26. For a letter written by him as Governor of England to Philip, 
Count of Charolais, dated at Westminster Palace, Nov. 8, s. a. (probably 1415), with the 
assent of Archbishop Chichele, Bishops Beaufort and Langley and the Keeper of the 
Privy Seal, see Gilliodts van Severen, p. 361. For supposition that the Duke of Bedford 
was present at the Battle of Agincourt, see Low, 38. 

* i.e. on Aug. 21, Dugd. Summons, 395; i.e. Monday next after St Luke's Day, 
Salisbury Ledger, A, f. 54, though called Oct. 19, ibid. f. 57, where the writ was read in 
the Town Council on Oct. 2, 1415. For payments to messengers, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, 
Pasch., Sept. 2, 1414. 

5 Dugd. Summons, 397 ; Cotton, 543 (who gives no particulars of the proceedings) ; 
Nicolas, 160. For payments to messengers, see Devon, 342, Oct. 15, 1415. 

6 For his brass (d. 1415) at Watford, and that of his wife Margaret (d. March 5, 1417), 
a daughter of John Domville or Dumbill of Mobberley near Knutsford in Cheshire 
(Ormerod, i. 414), see Weever, 591; Foss, iv. 204; Cussans Cashio, 191. Both in- 
scriptions have now disappeared. In Inq. p. Mort. iv. 13, he owns the manor of Oxey 
Richard, or Oxhey, Cussans Cashio, 174. For manors of Oxey Walrand and Oxey 
Richard in 1402, see Feudal Aids, ii. 444. 

7 Pat. 3 H. V, i. 5, 8. For payments to Preston, Horton and Cheyne, see Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Pasch., Feb. 29, 1416. 

8 Foss, iv. 302. He died in 1442 and was buried with his wife Margaret in St Benet's 
Church, Paul's Wharf, Weever, 686; Inq. p. Mort. iv. 212. For his will, see Test. Vet. 
249. For Wm. Cheyne, commissioned to hold an inquiry in Devon, see Pat. 4 H. V, 
5 d, Feb. 13, 1417. In Pat. 4 H. V, 7 d, Feb. i, 1417, he holds a gaol delivery at Old 
Sarum; also at Winchester (Feb. 6, 1417) and in London, Nov. 6, 1416 (ibid. m. 14 d). 
He is not the same as William Cheyne of Sheppey who was Sheriff of Kent in 1412 and 

9 For note see next page. 

234 London [CH. xxxvn 

a Derbyshire man, to the King's Bench, while the Recorder 
of London 1 , John Preston 2 from Preston Patrick near 
Kendal, and William Lodington from Gunby 3 near Burgh 
in Lincolnshire, became Judges of Common Pleas. 

If the paucity of the existing returns is sufficient 
evidence the attendance of the Commons must also have 
been unusually scanty. Only 78 names have been preserved 4 
and of these 16 came from Middlesex and Surrey (half of 
them being from London and Southwark) ; Sussex and 
Hampshire account for 14 more, and Gloucestershire and 
Wiltshire send other 18, leaving only 30 to come from the 
whole of the East, North, West and Midlands. Ten 
Northern members sat for York, Hull, Scarborough, Appleby 
and Westmoreland. Of the Eastern Counties, Cambridge- 
shire, Huntingdonshire and Rutland sent 8 between them ; 
2 came from the city of Lincoln and 8 more came from 
Salop and Worcester, leaving whole patches of England 
without any representation at all. This dearth of members 
is probably to be explained by the great drain that had 
carried so many prominent men across to Normandy, and 
when the attenuated list is more closely scanned there is 
not a single name to be found in it which calls for comment 

1423 (Pat. 5 H. V, id; Sheriffs' List, P.R.O. 68; Hasted, ii. 578), and one of the 
representatives of the county in the Parliament of March, 1416; Return Parl. App. xx; 
Archaeol. Cant. xxi. 220. 

9 He died April 30, 1423, and was buried in St Dunstan's Church in Fleet Street, 
Inq. p. Mort. iv. 71 ; Foss, iv. 71. For his epitaph, see W. Maitland, ii. 1095. 

1 Letter Book I, 51, 59, 60 and passim ; i.e. numerous entries between Oct. 13, 1406, 
and Oct. 13, 1414 (p. 130). 

2 He retired on Jan. 28, 1428, Foss, iv. 354. 

3 For his brass in the church there showing coif and hood, see Neale, 199 ; 
Archaeological Institute (Lincoln), 1850, p. liv. He died Jan. 9, 1420, Foss, iii. 206; 
do. Dictionary, 411. In Dugdale, Summons, 395, his summons to Parliament begins in 
1413. For other examples of the coif, see Wylie, ii. 183, note; also twelfth century 
Flemish MS. Job and his wife; thirteenth century French do.; Giron le Courtois; 
La Calandre in C. Louandre, Planche I ; fourteenth century, Sarrazin, 81 (i.e. meeting of 
the Exchequer at Rouen); also Armitage-Smith, 348 (from Harl. MS. 4380); also lawyers 
in Parliament of Edward I in Pinkerton, Iconographia ; do. of Charles, Duke of Burgundy, 
Montfaucon, in. PI. Ixv; also brasses of John Rede, sergeant-at-law (1404) atCheckendon 
near Goring (Oxon.), Macklin, 179; Nichol Rolond (d. 1410) at Cople near Bedford, 
Druitt, 222; Peter Arderne (d. 1465) at Latton near Harlow (Essex) in Waller; and John 
Juyn, Chief Justice of King's Bench (1439) at Bristol (St Mary Radcliffe), Clinch, 258; 
Macklin, 173; also inscribed stones of Obers de Vekellons, a skinner of Troyes (1285) at 
Messon (Aube), Fichot, ii. 236; and Jean Bouret, Mayor of Villemaur (1324), ibid, 
ii. 274; see also picture of Christ before Pilate in MS. Reg. i E. ix. 167, 282. Called 
a silken hood in London Lickpenny (Bell), ii; a covering of lawn or silk, Purey-Cust, ii. 
161. See also Lacroix, 395; Cutts, Mid. Ages, 499; Encycl. Brit., s.v. Costume. 

4 Return Parl. i. 285, App. xx. 

1415] The Great Glad News 235 

save Robert Chichele the grocer who was one of the four 
representatives of the city of London. However, it mattered 
little who was there and who was not. The great glad 
news from Picardy put all else out of people's heads and 
little business could be thought of save the coming welcome 
to their " most victorious king 1 ." 

The whole company both of Lords and Commons 
assembled in the Painted Chamber of the Palace at 
Westminster, where workmen had long been busy nailing, 
tying and fastening tapets and covering the steps 2 , and 
there in presence of the Duke of Bedford, the Chancellor, 
Bishop Beaufort, addressed them. His whole theme was 
" Honour the king! " and he built it round the text : " Let 
us do to him as he has done to us." The king, he said, 
had worked for Law and Justice since his coronation and for 
the peace and quiet of his people. He had thrown up ease 
and delicacy to take this voyage for his rights, and the 
preacher recounted his gracious passage across the sea, his 
rapid and almost bloodless capture of Harfleur, the greatest 
foe to their Channel trade 8 , the discomfiture and slaughter 
of the great French nobility with little loss to England, and 
he had now (thank God !) reached Calais in so short a time 
and after such a wondrous victory as England had never 
seen before. But this speedful and profitable journey had 
really only just begun. It must go on and they must be 
prepared to do for him as he had done for them. After 
this initial effort there was no excessive hurry for active 
business. The Commons took two days to select their 
Speaker and on November 6 presented one of the Yorkshire 
members 4 , Richard Redman 5 , who at the time was one of 

1 Pol. Songs, ii. 137; First Life, 185, 189; invictissimus, Tit. Liv. 78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 
85, 88. 

2 For covering steps pro camera p'liament, held at Westminster, Nov. 22 (sic), anno 3; 
also for hanging up, tying and mending divers beds, costers, tappets, liggers and fomez 
with hemp, cord, string (Hour), crochet and malhok for said chamber, see Exch. Accts. 
406/26, 28. 

8 See page 9 ; le pluis grande enemy, as Lieges du Roy, Rot. Parl. iv. 62 ; ab olim 
infestissimae nobis, Gesta, 73 ; cf. detrimenta paene innumera quae ab iis qui piraticam in 
oppido de Hareflu exercebant, Basin, i. 16. 

4 Not member for the City of York, as Return Parl. i. 270, 285, 286, where the 
mistake is corrected in the index. Redman's name appears also as a knight of the shire 
(Yorkshire) in 1406, 1414 (Nov.), 1420 and 1421 in Return Parl. i. 270, 285, 296, 301 ; 
Prynne, iii. 35. He was present at a meeting of the Council at Westminster on Oct. 20, 
1417, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 218. 

5 Called '* Redemane" in Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 97 ; " Redmayn " in Kal. and Inv. ii. 55 ; 

236 London [CH. xxxvn 

the sheriffs of the county 1 . He was a son of Matthew 
Redman of Levens in Westmoreland 2 , but by his marriage 
with a Yorkshire heiress 3 had become the possessor of 
Hare wood Tower 4 in Wharfedale, where he was the 
neighbour and friend of Judge Gascoigne, and where at his 
death he was buried in the adjoining church 5 . He had long 
been a devoted loyalist in the North, where he had been 
commissioned with others in 1408 to receive the submission 
of the rebels after the death of the Earl of Northumberland 
at Bramham Moor 6 . In 1410 he negotiated with the Duke 
of Albany on the Scottish border 7 ; on the accession of 
Henry V he was made a Justice of the Peace for the county 
of Westmoreland 8 and in this very year he had been one 
of a commission of nine appointed to inquire into the 
carry ing-off of Murdac, Earl of Fife, when on his way north 
to be released from his long captivity 9 . 

The new Speaker was presented to and accepted by the 
Duke of Bedford as the King's Lieutenant on Nov. 6, and 
the Commons at once got to work on the business for which 
they had been summoned. The second of the tenths and 
fifteenths voted in the previous year 10 was not due till next 
Candlemas 11 , but looking to the necessity for redeeming the 
royal plate and jewels which had been pledged to pay the 
second quarter's wages of the returning troops as well as to 
the need for promptly backing up the gracious and victorious 

Plumpton, Cordce, xliii; " Redmayne," Manning, 58, who connects him with Zealand 
Redmayne near Carnforth in Lancashire. 

1 As he had been before in 1403, List of Sheriffs, P.R.O. 162; Fuller, ii. 526, 527; 
Drake, 352. In For. Accts. 4 H. V, 14, he is late Sheriff of Yorkshire. 

2 Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlvii. 383. 

3 i.e. Elizabeth, widow of Brian Stapleton and only daughter of William Aldborough 
of Harewood, Inq. p. Mort. iii. 132; iv. 152, 186, 459, where her property includes 
Rughford (i.e. Rufford near York); Misc. Gen. and Herald, New Series, iii. 441; 
Manning, 58, who refers this to his grandfather who was also called Richard Redmayne. 

4 Hence known as Redman of Harwood (Fuller, ii. 523) ; or Turre-harwood (Drake, 
305). For picture of Harewood Tower with the motto of William Aldborough, " wat 
sal be sal " over the entrance, see Whitaker, Loidis, 164. 

6 For his tomb in Harewood Church, see Whitaker, 1 70 ; also that of his grandson, 
Richard (d. 1450), who married Elizabeth, daughter of Chief Justice Gascoigne, Purey- 
Cust, Collar, 25. 

6 Wylie, iii. 158. 

7 Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 160; Wylie, iii. 279, note 8. 

8 Pat. i H. V, i. 35 d, 36 d, March 21, 1413. On July 3, 1420, he is a J.P. for the 
West Riding, Pat. 8 H. V, 20 d, and in the same year he is Chief Steward of the property 
of the Duchy of Lancaster in the West Riding, ibid. m. 13 d. 

9 i.e. July 6, 1415, Pat. 3 H. V, i. 3 d. 

10 Vol. I. page 433. 

11 i.e. Feb. 2, 1416, Rot. Pad. iv. 63; Usk, 126. Not 1417, as Nicolas, 161. 

1415] Grants by Parliament 237 

career on which the king had embarked, they at once agreed 
that the collection should be hurried forward and the second 
portion called in by Dec. I3 1 , and then on Nov. 12 they 
granted a subsidy of 435. \d. on every sack of wool and 
loos, on every last of hides 3 with the usual additions up to 
6os. and 106^. %d. respectively for foreigners 3 together with 
a tonnage of 35-. on wine and a poundage of is. on all other 
goods entering or leaving the country 4 , exemptions being 
allowed in the case of flour, fresh fish 5 , cattle, beer and other 
victuals exported for the garrisons of Harfleur and Calais 6 . 
These grants were to run from Michaelmas 141 6 7 and to be 
continued during the whole of the king's lifetime 8 , and 
some visitors, who arrived in London from Bordeaux shortly 
afterwards, reported to their friends that the like had never 
been made to any king before 9 . Considering that Henry 
was not yet 30 years of age this abject subservience might 
well have cost England all her hold upon a safeguard on 
which the independence of Parliament had largely rested 
in the past, and had he lived to the age attained say by 
Edward III, all control of the subsidy and customs would 
have been virtually abandoned by default to be subsequently 
recovered only by revolution and bloodshed if at all. As 
it was, the Commons deliberately flung away their most 
valued rights in a moment of reckless exaltation in the hope 
that the wild-cat projects might "probably tend to the 
perpetual profit of the whole kingdom 10 ." It is true that 
they bargained that this life-long grant should not be 
established as a precedent, but they exacted no effectual 

1 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 184; Usk, 126, 309. For payments catered on April 30, 1416, 
out of the second fifteenth and tenth granted by the laity ultimo, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, 

2 Called wool and leather in Hume, iv. 56; Hallam, 508; Ransome, 147 ; not linen, 
as Nicolas, 162. 

3 In Claus. 5 H. V, 15 d; Pat. 5 H. V, 26, July 17, 18, 1417, foreigners are allowed 
to pay at the old rate for the next four years; i.e. possibly 50*. per sack instead of 6os., 
see Wylie, iii. 315. 

4 Not "certain wines and merchandizes exported," as Nicolas, 162. 

5 Pessons Rees, Rot. Parl. iii. 455, 493, 546, 568, 612, 635, 648 ; iv. 6, 16 ; cf. " pesson 
fresch," Stat. ii. 433; "fressh fish," Rot. Parl. ii. 508; fres, frez, Cotgrave. 

6 The exception was first introduced in 2 H. IV Octave of Hilary, and steadily 

7 Not Martinmas, as Nicolas, 162. 

8 A. tout (sic] la vie, Rot. Parl. iv. 69, 91; ad terminum vitae suae, Usk, 127; 
Brougham, 126. 

9 Jameys a rey lo semblant no fo fait, Jurade, 327, written on Feb. 24, 1416. 

10 Vraisemblement, Rot. Parl. iv. 63. 

238 London [CH. xxxvn 

guarantee in return for their complaisant surrender and 
nothing rescued the country from a very real peril 1 save 
their hero's premature and early death, after which the 
experiment was tacitly abandoned and the grants were again 
voted for limited terms only as before 2 . 

On the same day (Nov. 12) the Commons granted 
a further tenth and a fifteenth 3 to be called up on Nov. n, 
1416, and if this was not also passed for life it was probably 
because the king's advisers saw a possible prospect of 
doubling the amount on some future occasion. 

The Commons then prayed that the condemnation of 
the conspirators who had been executed at Southampton 
might be officially confirmed ; the documents were read 
through at full length ; the judgment was pronounced to be 
good, just and lawful, and after further prohibitions 4 against 
the admission of doits, suskins and galley halfpence and 
Scottish money as currency in England, the Parliament was 
dissolved on Nov. 13, I4i5 5 . 

On Nov. i8 6 the Southern Convocation met at St Paul's 
and sat till Dec. 2, on which day they voted two tenths 7 to 
be levied on the value of every benefice and made payable 

1 Hume (ii. 359) notes that "the lustre of Azincour procured some supplies from the 
English Parliament" "which their good sense and constitutional jealousy were not firm 
enough to resist," Hallam, 508. Stubbs (iii. 92) passes over the incident lightly and 
without comment. Kingsford (163) considers it as "a reasonable liberality." Radford 
(50) thinks that this liberality was "tempered with economy of a sort" ; Cassell (i. 537), 
that the danger was averted through Henry's "affable and generous temperament." 

2 Rot. Parl. iv. 173 ; though Ling. (vii. 145) thinks that " the predecessors of Charles I 
ever since the reign of Henry VI (? Henry V, Hallam, Europe, 7, 147) had received the 
duties of tonnage and poundage for life"; J. Forster, Sir John Elliot, i. 1-23; "as 
had for two centuries been the practice," Hallam, Hist. i. 376 (i.e. till refused in 1625); 
called "certain customs duties which had commonly been granted to the new sovereign 
for life," Green, 481. For arguments on the subject, temp. James I, see Hallam, i. 319. 

3 Dep. Keep. 2nd Report, App. ii. 186; Usk, 126. For a tenth and a fifteenth 
granted by the laity, anno m, see Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., June 5, July 3, 1416; 
though Early Chanc. Proc. i. 38 refers to a tenth and a half-tenth granted 3 H. V. For 
"a moiety of a tenth" collected at Oxford in 3 H. V, see J. E. T. Rogers, 101. 

4 Letter Book I, 146; Stat. ii. 191. 

5 Usk, 127. Wake (351) thinks that they adjourned on Nov. 12. For payments to 
messengers for carrying proclamation of Statutes passed in this Parliament, see Iss. Roll 
3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 23, 1416. 

6 Anjou, Lett. 6; called Nov. 19 in Usk, 127; not Nov. 28, as Duck, 70, who says 
that Lyndwood preached in the Lady Chapel from Jer. vi. 16, "Stand ye in the ways 
and see." 

7 Cone. iii. 375; Wake, 352; Kirby, Winchester, 178, where a gift is made by the 
College at Winchester to Archbishop Chichele for helping them to escape payment of the 
first tenth. For first tenth voted by clergy, anno III, see Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., 
June 15, 30, July ii, Sept. 4, 1416. For second tenth voted by clergy, anno m, see Rec. 
Roll 8 H. V, Mich., Nov. 6, 27, 1420. 

1415] Feast Days 239 

at Martinmas 1416 and 1417 successively 1 . But on June 16, 
14 1 6 2 , a writ was issued calling for the first instalment of the 
money at Midsummer with the natural result that only half 
of it could be got in and the second half was not actually 
paid up till nearly four years later 3 . 

The Northern Province had been summoned to assemble 
on Jan. 20, 141 6 4 . They actually met at York on Dec. 16, 
I4I5 5 , and sat till Jan. 16 following, when they voted one 
tenth, the certificate for which was signed by Archbishop 
Bowet on Jan. 26, I4i6 6 . The patriotic feeling of the 
country was reflected in a decision of the Southern Con- 
vocation to the effect that special honour should be paid to 
St George as England's protecting saint. Henceforward 7 
his Feast Day (April 25) was to be observed as one of the 
" double feasts 8 " on which all work should cease 9 and people 
should attend their parish churches as they would at 
Christmas 10 . Increased honour was also to be paid to the 
Welsh saints David (March r) and Winefride (Nov. 3) and 
St Chad (March 2) the patron saint of Mercia, whose days 
were to be observed as general holidays as had been 
ordered by Archbishop Arundel more than 20 years before 11 
though apparently not yet actually carried out. Two other 
acknowledgements were at the same time made in recognition 
of the help accorded to England's arms by the heavenly 
host. Henceforward the Cobbler saints Crispin and Crispian 
were to be mentioned in the king's daily mass as long as he 

1 Usk, 127, who obtained exemptions for his Welsh benefices because they were so 
impoverished by the war. 

2 For king's writ relating to this, dated June 10, 1416, see Dep. Keep. 2nd Kept. 
App. ii. 1 86. 

8 i.e. Candlemas, 1420, Dep. Keep. 2nd Kept., ut sup. 

4 i.e. by writ dated Nov. 12, 1415, and attested by the Duke of Bedford. 

5 Wake, 352; Kitchin, 135. 
8 Cone. Hi. 377 ; Wake, 352. 

7 And so was it never before that day, Brut, ii. 550. 

8 Festum duplex, Ashmole, 469, who refers to a previous decision of Convocation in 
i H. IV and App. Statutes of 4 H. V; Heylyn, 305; Milner, 154; cf. more duplicis 
festi, Gesta, 78 ; W. Page, 14. For festum semi-duplex, see Encycl. Brit. x. 429; called 
"a solemn festival" in Fleming, 107; festum magis duplex, Gidley, 77, 78, no. 

9 Ab omni opere liberanda servili, Usk, 127, 310. 

10 See order issued by Archbishop Chichele at Otford near Sevenoaks on Jan. 4, 1416, 
Cone. iii. 376; Lyndwood, 103; do. Constit. Provinc. 68. 

11 i.e. in 1391, Alban Butler, ii. 797, quoting Lyndwood, f. 76; cf. Lyndwood, 
De Feriis Ineffabilis, Usk, 127. For order by Roger Walden, March, 1399, see 
Lyndwood, Constit. Provinc. 62. 

240 London [CH. xxxvn 

lived 1 and their Day (Oct. 25) was to be religiously observed 
in England on each returning anniversary of the battle 2 . 
That day was also the Feast of the Translation of the bones 
of St John of Beverley who, from his minster in the north, 
where he had been buried some 800 years before 3 , had given, 
or was said to have given 4 , a premonition of the victory by 
sweating out some clear drops of oil from his shrine at the 
very time that the battle was raging in Picardy. Sixteen 
years before his body had distilled like precious drops for 
6 1 days and nights when Henry's father had landed at 
Ravenser 5 and the Northerners now knew that their saint 
was again concerning himself about the fortunes of the 
House of Lancaster. In gratitude for the miracle his cult 
was henceforth to be strengthened in the Southern Province 
and on St Crispin's Day three lessons out of nine were to 
be in commemoration of St John of Beverley 6 . 

Even before the Commons had given their sanction to 
the anticipation of the payments of the old grants messengers 
had been despatched to the collectors 7 to be in the Exchequer 
House 8 in the Palace at Westminster with all speed in time 
for the coming account. The floors of the Star Chamber 9 
and the Exchequer of Receipt were strewed with mats and 
rushes 10 and the counter 11 had been re-upholstered with 

1 Kingsford, Lit. 326; Fromentin, 123. 

2 Quas ferias martyrum Angli quotannis celebratissimas habuerunt, J. Meyer, 24. 

3 He died A.D. 721, Maihew, i. 486; and his remains were twice translated, viz. in 
1037 and 1197, Raine, Historians, I. liv. For discovery of his bones in 1664 and their 
re-interment in the nave of the minster at Beverley, see Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxix. 435. 

4 De vera fama incolarum dictae patriae, Cone. iii. 379; Poulson, 185; Rym. ix. 420. 

5 Raine, Historians, iii. 288. For previous sweatings in 1308 and 1312, see Raine, 
ii. 537; Act. Sanct. xv. 192, from Capgr. Nova Legenda. For plenteous miracles of all 
sorts at Beverley, see Raine, i. 261-347. For sweating at the shrine of St William at 
York, see ibid. ii. 540. 

6 For Archbishop Chichele's order, dated at Otford, Dec. 16 or 17, 1416, see Cone, 
iii. 379; Rym. ix. 421 ; Lyndwood, 104; do. Constit. Provinc. 71; Act. Sanct. xv. 166; 
Maihew, i. 485; Duck, 76; Poulson, App. 71; Nicolas, 176; Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxix. 
376; Leach, Memorials, i. p. xx. 

7 e.g. to collectors at Hull to be at Westminster within three days cum summa 
festinatione, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 6, 1415. 

8 For Exchequer Houses one above the other in the Tower, rebuilt circ. 1348, at the 
north-eastern angle of Westminster Hall, see H. Hall, Antiquities, 28, 69; Wright and 
Smith, 8 ; Lethaby, Palace, 147. The lower room was called the Receipts (Recepta or 
Receptandum], see J. T. Smith, 125; Topham, 5; Hall, Antiquities, 67; do. Studies, 17. 

9 Camera stellata, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415. 

10 For 2OJ. p. cirpis et mattis for Great Exchequer of Receipt and Star Chamber erga 
festum Paschae, see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, Pasch., May 21, 1420. Cf. pro cirpis et stramina 
et mundacione domorum, do. 6 H. V, Pasch., July 16, 1418; d. pro cirpis in aula et 
camera struendis, Lyle, Dunster, 117. For la maison de 1'Echevinage furniz de paille et 

11 For note see next page. 

1415] Collectors of Taxes 241 

leather and green woollen cloth 1 . Urgent messages 2 had 
been sent that the collectors were to be at Westminster 
with their proceeds by Dec. 1 3 in anticipation of the consent 
of Parliament and special bonuses were granted to them or 
their deputies in recognition of their unremitting toil and 
diligence 3 . The money had begun to come in by the 
beginning of November 4 but it is not till nearly Christmas 
that the entries become really substantial, nearly >\ 9,000 5 
being entered up in the six days from Dec. 16 to Dec. 21, 
1415. The clerks and tellers were kept busy in the loft 8 
during the vacation writing memoranda 7 and arranging and 
examining rolls 8 , and payments are recorded 9 for fetching 
and carrying keys and bags containing fines and other 
documents to and from the Great Treasury in the east 
cloister of the Abbey 10 , though owing to the mutilation of 
the existing rolls 11 it is not possible to ascertain the exact 

jonchure at St Jean d'Angely, see Aussy, Reg. iii. 274. For rushes to be sold by the 
cartload and quantities to be made up on the boat that conveys them not on the quays 
in London in 1417, see Riley, Mem. 643. 

11 Computatorium, see Du Cange, s.v. and Godefroy, s.v. Compteur. For i6s. 8d. 
pro nummis scaccarii ad computandum, see Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 264, 289. For gd. for 
3 doz. countours pro scaccario at Dunster, see Lyle, 116. For method of "casting" 
accounts by means of counters or "black money" worked with a lined tablet, see 
Snelling, i. 7, 13, Plate vu; Hall, Antiquities, 114; with columns for amounts from id. 
up to 10,000, Pipe Rolls, Introduction, 37. In France, getons or gettoirs, Tremville, 
140; in Germany, " Rechenpfenning " ; in Holland, " Leypenning," Snelling, i. 2, 13; 
Affry de la Monnoye, vii, who thinks that Arabic numerals or "numbers of Augrim" 
(Wylie, iii. 415, note 8) were not introduced into France till the latter end of the fifteenth 
century. For picture of the Irish Exchequer, showing the checkers and counters, see 
Gilbert, Facsimiles, Pt. 2, PI. xxxvn; do. Account, p. 119; Wylie, iv. 119 n., 123 n. 

1 For 8s. nd. paid on this account, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Nov. 4, 1415. For 33^. ^d. 
pro mensa et scamnis (benches) scaccarii et panno ad cooperiundam eandem, see Exch. 
Roll Scot. iv. 264. 

8 For payments to messengers, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 30, 1415. 

3 e.g. at Boston, Melcombe, Hull, Bridgwater, Sandwich, Bristol, Ipswich, Plymouth 
and Fowey, Southampton and London, Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 2, 20, 23, 1415, 
Feb. 12, 1416. 

4 e.g. Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 6, 1415. 

5 i.e. 18,973. 5*. 7flT., viz. 4522. 4 s. od. (Dec. 16, 1415) +6716. gs. &d. (Dec. 18) 
+ 5138- 8s. g\d. (Dec. 19) + 2586. 3-r. 4^. (Dec. 21), Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., 
which ends on Dec. 23, 1415, the total receipt from all sources up to that date being 

6 For the tellers' loft above the Receipt, see Hall, Antiquities, 54. 

7 The ink was purchased by the Usher of Receipt from the sacristan of the Abbey, 
ibid. 72. 

J Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415. 

9 Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415, March 2, 1416. 

10 i.e. the old Norman chapel of the Pyx, H. Hall, Antiquities, 28, 30; Besant, 
Westminster, 90, 113, 116, 375, with picture. For records kept in arks and hutches in 
the Treasury at Westminster, see ibid. 50. 

11 The heading of the second part remains but all the rest has been cut away; also 
Jan. 15, 20, 22, 25, 28, Feb. 18, March 19, 1416, in Auditors' Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich. 

w. n. i 6 

242 London [CH. xxxvn 

amount of the total yield. On the other hand there is still 
extant in the Public Record Office a book 1 containing 
entries for all the counties of England except Buckingham- 
shire under their separate boroughs, hundreds, weapontakes, 
liberties, parishes, tythings and hamlets, even individual 
names being recorded in the case of Kent with their 
contributions including many as low as one penny. 

1 i.e. Miscellaneous Books, no. 7 (Scargill Bird, 171), headed " Ceux sont les Chapitier 
des p'celles del xv 1116 et x me nre souveraigne seigneur le roy Henry V anno 3." The 
volume is bound in boards covered with sheepskin, and has brass clasps of which the 
hinges alone remain. At the beginning is an extract from a statute of i H. IV, requiring 
that exact values shall be specified in all grants of land, tenements, etc. and at the end 
are several extracts from the Red Book giving the duties of the marshal and ushers of the 
Exchequer with inter alia a note showing that the Abbot of Westminster was once fined 
ioj. for not providing ink as he was bound to do. The Calendar contains entries in 
a later hand noting the deaths of Edward IV (April 9), Henry VII (April 21) and 
Henry VIII (Oct. 12) together with the coronation of Henry VII (Oct. 30) and the 
marriage of Henry VIII with Catharine of Aragon (June n). 



_^, BUT while the obsequious Parliament was thus pliantly 
I voting away its birthright at Westminster the king's 
victorious army had not been without its final adventures 
on the march to Calais. The night of Oct. 25 was spent 
at Maisoncelles 1 , where a busy time was passed in preparation 
for an early start on the morrow. In accordance with the 
order already issued 2 not to cumber themselves with booty, 
the men kept only such gold and silver ornaments as they 
had found 3 , together with some of the more valuable of the 
clothes, hauberks and helmets that they had stripped from 
the bodies of the dead 4 . All the rest of the booty was 
burned in the grange as we have already seen 8 . The king 
then turned his attention to the prisoners who for one 
reason or another had escaped the butchery. Their number 
is as usual inextricably confused, with little or no indication 
as to the inclusion or exclusion of the victims of the massacre. 
An English chronicler puts it at 700", a French one doubles 
it to 1400 7 , while at Constance it was reported as 1500", and 
an early French account records a calculation at 2200*. 
Some say "a few knights 10 ," some 1600", 2400" or even 

1 Kingsford, Lit. 318, where it is called " Blankesale " ; not "in the French camp," 
as Biondi, 121. 

2 Page 176. 8 Pauwels, 244. 

* Monstr. 380. B Page 217. 

Wals. ii. 313; Hypodig. 467. 

r St Denys, v. 574; not 14,000, as Juv. 519; G. Daniel, iii. 875; Kennett, i. 318, who 
thinks that "all Authors agree that they were as many as the numbers of the English 
army"; Hume (1854), ii. 358; Lay, 116. 

Capti et ad Angliam perducti, Niem, Vita, 36 ; Raynaldi, viii. 438 ; also Monstrelet, 
379; Tillet, 112; 1600 "men of quality with many others," Goodwin, 92; Bright, i. 296; 
Revue Anglo- Fra^aise (1835), p. 148; Brougham, 121; Michelet, vi. 38; toutc une 
colonie francaise, do. 39; Champion, Vie, 151. 

9 Par estimation, Ruisseauville, 142. 

10 Pauci alii generosi, Gesta, 58; Chron. Giles, 51 ; pauci milites, Roye, 168. 

11 Ou environ, Le Fevre, i. 268 ; Waurin, ii. 229. 

13 Fabyan, 580, from "ye boke of mayres" (see Kingsford, Chron. xxxi) ; 
Rastell, 250. 

1 6 2 

244 The Return [CH. xxxvm 

7OOO 1 , all knights and squires, and so we mount up to 
figures that are altogether untrustworthy 2 . The princes of 
the blood and all the other big prisoners were delivered up 
by their captors to the king in accordance with the terms of 
their indentures, and we know that during the subsequent 
stay at Calais many minor ransoms were effected 3 , the 
garrison and the townsfolk buying up several others, in- 
tending to make terms with them for their release 4 , which 
may perhaps be the foundation for the French chronicler's 
reproach that King Henry bought up prisoners cheap and 
exacted heavy ransoms from them to enrich himself 5 . It 
is thus probable that of the total crowd of prisoners only 
a select few were conveyed across to England, though 
quality rather than quantity made up the value of the bag. 
In the evening when the fighting was over the king con- 
versed courteously with his princely captives 6 . According 
to one account they waited upon him personally at his 
table*, when he told them that he cherished no thoughts of 
vengeance, and that he never was more disposed for peace 
than he was now 8 . But he let them know also that in his 
opinion their defeat was a judgment sent from God to 
punish the French for their infidelity to their wives, for 
plundering churches, ravishing nuns and grinding down 
the poor 9 . This story provides, as might have been 

1 7000 proceres, Otterbourne, 277. 

2 e.g. 10,000, Meyer, 246; Pol. Verg. 447; Harbaville, ii. 332; or 15,000, 
Hauteclocque, 286. 

3 For a bond entered into by Henry Husee, kt. whose retinue is given in Nicolas, 352, 
to pay 200 marks to the king, to be paid to the Treasurer of Calais at Midsummer 1416, 
for the ransom of nine French prisoners from Beauce, Eu, Vimeu, Beaugency and 
Abbeville, see Exch. Accts. 46/4, dated Jan. 16, 1416, with fine fragment of a seal. For 
French prisoners ransomed for \is. see Hunter, 465 or ,14, ibid. 45. 

4 Ruisseauville, 142. For traffic in prisoners, see Wylie, ii. 286, note 2. 

6 Ut inde habundancius ditaventur, Brougham, 391 ; St Denys, v. 568; Michelet, vi. 
39 ; Haggard, 132, who thinks that Henry " made a good business of it. " It was reported 
at Constance that two of the Dukes had offered 40,000 crowns for their ransom, Niem, 
Vita, 36 ; Raynaldi, viii. 438. 

6 Le Fevre, 259; Waur. ii. 218; Monstr. 377. Cf. comme cellui quy debonnaire 
estoit, Waurin, ii. 221; qui bien le savoit faire, Le Fevre, i. 263. 

7 Kingsford, Lit. 327; Tit. Liv. 21; Vita, 69; Bouchard; i.e. on Sunday, Oct. 27, 
1415, Juv. 520. 

8 Rym. ix. 787. 

9 See Ruisseauville, 142: cf. poenas exigente divino numine, Fromentin, 123, quoting 
une relation inedite, probably Ruisseauville: forte deus propter peccata nostra (i.e. 
blasphemy, tyranny, licentiousness, etc.) est taliter permotus quod sanctos pro regno 
interpellates non exaudiat, Pierre de Versailles, in Mart Anec. i. 1725: cf. an ad 
correctionem ex Dei misericordia vel ad ultionem sit haec praesens regni gravissima 
percussio, ibid. i. 1724; id propter iniquitaies habitantium accidisse, St Denys, v. 576. 

Peaantic Sermons 245 

expected, the usual vent for an outburst of modern in- 
dignation against Henry's " pedantic sermons 1 " and "puri- 
tanical hypocrisy 2 . " But in those days the French themselves 
said just the same, and this theory of national disaster as 
a bitter medicine prescribed by the Physician on High was 
the veriest stock commonplace of the mental equipment of 
every thinking or unthinking man then living in Western 
Europe, and the Duke of Orleans, to whom these moralisings 
of his captor are supposed to have been specially offensive 3 , 
himself attributed the dreadful disasters that fell on France 
to the wrath of God upon her for her pride, gluttony, 
indolence and general depravity 4 . According to another 
account the conversation is said to have happened on the 
following day as the king and the Duke were riding side by 
side on their way to Calais 5 , but at any rate it is recorded 
on the authority of one of the French king's chamber 
varlets named Tromagon 6 , who was taken prisoner in the 

The Englishman's rooted belief in the wickedness of the French comes out in the following 
year when it was believed that they had been beaten by the Marquis of Dorset because 
they ate meat in Lent and had harlots in their camp, Wals. ii. 315. 

1 Sermons pedantesques, 

Du roi formaliste. Bordier, Charton, i. 502. 

2 Cette hypocrisie puritaine, Hericault, i. xxvii; "almost puritanic fervour," Adams, 
i. 232; do. Battlestories, 115; cf. cet etrange alliage d'orgueil et d'humilit hypocrite qui 
distingue tous ses ecrits, Belleval, 115; cf. "puritanical humility" "with something of 
a snuffle," R. L. Stevenson, 176, 179, who is here under the influence of Michelet; 
"blasphemous hypocrisy," C. R. L. Fletcher, 315; Haggard, 133, thinks that he 
"bullied his unfortunate prisoners" with his "hypocritical preaching." Villaret asks 
indignantly, les mceurs etoient elles plus pures au dela de la manche? (xiii. 378) and 
thinks that there is no need to bring in Providence at all for it would have been a miracle 
if the French had not been defeated under the circumstances. Bright (i. 288) thinks that 
he was "pretending to regard himself as the appointed instrument of God's vengeance"; 
cf. Sandford, 188; cf. "adopted the r61e of God's messenger to the wicked Frenchmen," 
Vickers, 322; for the chastisement of sinful France, Radford, 36; a certain knavish trick 
which he had of pleading the will of Heaven for any enterprise he had a mind to, Sat. 
Rev. 24 Aug. 191 2, p. 232. Cf. par divine souffrance. . .pour punir les Fran9ais, Chastellain, 
i. 108, 200. For God as " le souverain mire," see Charavay, ii ; see page 190, note 4. 

* Michelet, who thinks (vi. 39) " le plus dure pour les prisonniers ce fut de subir les 
sermons de ce roy des pretres, d'endurer ses moralites, ses humilites, etc. " ; cf. " les 
charitables enseignments " (ibid. p. 40). 

4 On n'a point de Dieu cognoissance, 

Orgueil regne sur tous estas, 
Les eglises sont desrobees, 
Et les pucelles violees. Mercade*, p. x. 

8 Waur. ii. 219; Le Fevre, i. 261. 

6 For Tromagon or Tromagnon, a Gascon in command of the castle at Pontoise 
in 1417, see St Denys, vi. 115; Monstr. 415; Cordeliers, 239. Possibly from Tromagon 
in the commune of Plougar near Landivisian (Finistere). For the wedding of Guillemete 
des Tresmagon, one of the Duchess of Orleans' ladies, in Paris in the winter of 1394-5, 
see Add. Ch. 2139, 2140, 2141, 2144 (Feb. 10, 13, 1395), containing payments for 
wedding garments for the "Roy des Menestrelx de France" and his "compagnons" 
(20 livr. fr.); also 18 livr. fr. paid to a Paris broker for hire of a robe of cloth-of-gold for 
the lady to be married in. 

246 The Return [CH. xxxvm 

battle and afterwards returned to France for his ransom of 
200 francs for which the Duke of Orleans himself had 
become a surety 1 . Moreover it is quite certain that French- 
men living at the time quite commonly believed that it was 
the hand of God that was upon them and that Henry was 
the rod of His anger, and in the following century a story 
was current to the effect that when we were driven out 
of Normandy a generation after the battle was fought 
a Frenchman called out to an Englishman to know when 
they were coming back and got the answer "when your 
sins are greater than ours 2 ," and precisely the same opinion 
has been quite recently expressed by a modern Frenchman 
writing less than ten years ago 3 . 

The homeward march began on the morning after the 
fight 4 and there were still some 45 miles 6 of country to be 
covered. Coat armours were doffed 6 as no further resistance 
was expected and three-fourths of the troops are said to 
have done the journey on foot 7 , though the number of 
horses that reshipped with them to England would seem to 
indicate that this could not have been for lack of mounts. 
The king rode with the Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon 
and talked with them over the events of the day. They 
urgently 8 asked him whether his tremendous victory had 
not inclined him to treat with their king and stop the further 
flow of blood. He answered that nothing was nearer to 
his heart and they at once sent a herald with letters to the 
court 9 but found no backing in that quarter as it was seen 
that the English were obviously bent on withdrawing from 

1 Juv. 520. 

2 Ce sera quand voz pechez seront en plus grand nombre que les nostres, Corrozet, 101 ; 
ibi erit victoria ubi minor est culpa, Aen. Sylv. Comm. 151. 

3 La verge avec laquelle Dieu chatiait les pe'che's de la France, Agroles, ii. 15, 18. 
Cf. la justice divine qui vouloit chatier les Franois, Archon, ii. 344 (writing in 1711). 
Pyne (135) supposes that the " complaint of France " is "admitted to have been composed 
in England," but this is far from being the fact. It took very many generations before 
this theory began to die away, e.g. Gollut, 1016. Cf. "they appeared given up by an 
indignant providence," etc. , Cassell, i. 540. 

4 In crastino belli commissi, Add. MS. 24062, f. 193; Harl. MS. 4763, f. 107; 
Cotton MS. Tiberius B. 12, f. 78 b . Not on Oct. 16, as Boute, i. 432. 

6 Gairdner, 97; Adams, Battlestories, 104; Boule, i. 420. Called 30 miles in 
Kirkstall, Chron. 286; 40 miles in Church, 90; not 14, as Twinger, ii. 915. 

6 Waurin, ii. 219; Le Fevre, i. 261. Not that they wore no armour, as Goodwin, 94. 

7 Monstr. 377; on leur avoit oste' leurs chevaux, Fenin, 560. 

8 Maxima instantia laborabant supplicantes, Champollion-Figeac, Lettres, ii. 362. 

9 Rym. ix. 787, where the herald is called "Montroee"; i.e. Montjoie, as in Add. 
MS. 24062, f. 193. 

14*5] Thomas Elmham 247 

the country 1 . Moreover the feeling of the English found 
vent in a remarkable protest addressed to the king by his 
Chaplain, Thomas Elmham 2 , who wrote that his eyes now 
saw what he had long hoped for. England had just awaked 
from her long winter of timidity and sloth and won a victory 
unheard of in the annals of the world, surpassing the deeds 
of Saul and David and Solomon and Alexander and the 
Maccabees 3 . Let him see in this the hand of God, not 
making it an occasion for pride or boasting but for thanks- 
giving and clemency, but the work must be carried through. 
Let him not take God's help for nought but use it for the 
full attainment of his rights. Let him not treat with his 
shifty enemy but march on valiantly with watchful eyes that 
they shall not meanwhile recover strength. The man with 
his hand to the plough must not look on what is done but 
what remains to do. Let him not be held back by their 
power, nor disturbed by their craft, nor seduced by their 
false promises. His faithful people will gladly give them- 
selves and all they have. Even now they are pouring 
forth incessant prayers for him ; the Parliament now sitting 4 
will grant him full supplies and the clergy who will shortly 
meet in London 5 will see to it that the Priests' Prince shall 
not want for splendour, praising him not only with their 
lips but magnifying him gloriously with their deeds. 

The ordinary prisoners 6 , many of whom were wounded, 
were placed between the vanguard and the main body, and 
in this order they trudged on uneventfully 7 for three days, 
except that a few stragglers were captured and locked up in 
the belfry at Boulogne 8 . At Guines 9 the king was received 

1 Champollion-Figeac, Lettres, ii. 362. Not that a truce for two years was concluded 
on Oct. 26, 1415, as Tyrrell, 293 [171]; nor that Henry meant to winter in Calais as 
Kohler, ii. 750; Brockhaus, ii. 220. 

3 Anjou Lett. pp. 2-6, written before the meeting of Convocation on Nov. 18, 1415 
(see p. 238). The writer calls hhnself capellanus devotus. 

3 Quorum historiae hoc in tempore in ecclesia lectae sunt, referring apparently to the 
lessons (ibid. 4) read at that season, i.e. end of Oct. and beginning of Nov. 

4 In parliament presentialiter congregantur, ibid. 6. 
* i.e. the Convocation of Nov. 18, 1415, ibid. 

8 In Bee. Chron. 82, they are supposed to be vinculis mancipati. 

7 Sans trouver aucun empechement, Monstr. 376. 

8 For le ceppage du beftroi, see Deseille, 426; or cheppage, Regnoult, 23; ceppiers 
du beffroy, 86; also Godefroy, s.v. Cepage (i.e. ge*ole). For picture of the belfry at 
Boulogne, see Grande Encycl. vii. 694. I can find no authority for making them pass 
through St Omer, as Ransome, 145. 

9 Kingsford, Lit. 327; Tit. Liv. 21; Vita, 70. 

248 The Return [CH. xxxvni 

with all reverence and stayed for a night 1 in the castle, 
having with him the French Dukes, Counts, Earls and 
higher Barons who were captured, but the rest of the army, 
footsore and hungry and cumbered with their booty, streamed 
on until they arrived before the gates of Calais. Many of 
them had not tasted bread 2 for the last eight days, though 
eggs and cheese and salted meat had been easily procurable 
on the road. A good supply of pigs and cattle 3 as well as 
1000 salted fish, 300 barrels of flour and many casks of 
beer had been sent over for them from London 4 , yet when 
they came up to the town there was neither food enough 
nor room enough for the fagged and famished multitude, 
and only the leaders could be admitted within the walls, the 
rest remaining in the fields without 6 . The king himself 
reached Calais on Tuesday, Oct. 29, 1415; crossing the 
Nieulay bridge 7 he passed along the causeway 8 to the town 
gate where he was met by the Earl of Warwick as Governor 
and the clergy who carried banners and sang Te Deum 
and " This is the day that the Lord hath made 9 " as they 
led him in procession to St Nicholas Church 10 , the children 
in the streets crying " Noel ! " and the crowds shouting 
" Welcome to our sovereign Lord the King I 11 " He lodged 

1 Not several days, as Waurin, ii. 221 ; Le Fevre, i. 263. 

2 R. L. Stevenson, 176. 3 Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, 1415. 
4 See Roger Leche's account for cranage, roomage, freitage, lighterage, as well as 

winding and striking in Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Oct. 30, 1415. 

6 Waurin, ii. 220. Towle (351) thinks that this was because the men of Calais were 
"not over pleased that their countrymen had sustained so ignominious a defeat," but 
Calais was at the time entirely loyal and English in sentiment. Daumet (56), relying on 
Le Fevre, i. 262, appears to suppose that only the French prisoners were refused admission 
into the town. 

6 Gesta, 60; Lib. Metr. 124; Capgr. de Illustr. 117. Called Oct. 28 in Chron. Lond. 
102; Kingsford, Lit. 294, which also gives Oct. 29, ibid. Not " after the last transport 
had gone on its way," as Towle, 352. 

7 For payment for repair of the pons de Newena (or Newenham, Dillon, 299, now the 
Fort de Nieulay) against the arrival of the king de victoria apud Augencourt, see Exch. 
Accts. 187/6. For plan of the fortress and bridge at Nieulay, see Macfarlane-Thomson, 
ii. 69; Dillon, 299; Sandeman, 18, 32. 

8 For cleaning the ditches on both sides viae regiae super le cause inter pontem de 
Newena et villam, see Exch. Accts. 187/6. For "causey," see Halliwell, 236; Lei. Itin. 
viii. 21 ; Murray, s.v. . 

9 Kingsford, Lit. 294. 

10 Now destroyed. For its position, see Dillon, 313. For picture of the belfry at 
Calais, see Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 70. For will of William Pountfrayt, Rector of 
St Nicholas Church at Calais, proved in 1411, see Genealogist, vi. 135. For the chantry 
of the Holy Cross in St Nicholas Church, see Carte, Rolles, ii. 245. For marriage 
of Richard II to Isabel in St Nicholas Church, see Salmon, 44. 

11 Waurin, ii. 222; ingenti laetitia, Tit. Liv. 21; Hardyng, 391; immense gaudio, 
Vita, 79; grande joye et grand recueil, Fenin, 560. For view of Calais from the sea, 
see Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 535. 

i4 T 5] Ransoms 249 

in the castle 1 where he was feasted freely at Hallowtide 2 , 
and on the morrow kept the sad solemnities of All Souls. 

The troops meantime were lodged outside the walls, 
selling their plunder and their prisoners to the townsmen 
for money to buy bread till shipping should be ready to 
carry them across the strait to their various homes. In 
their distress they let their captives go for mere courtesy 
ransoms 3 . Some were released "on their faith 4 ," others 
were redeemed at less than half their claim, many of the 
Calais citizens and members of the returning expedition 
themselves tendering low prices for the finance 5 of batches 
of them and entering into bonds with the king to pay 
various sums into the English Exchequer before the next 
midsummer on the chance of making what they could out 
of the friends and relatives of the unfortunate Frenchmen. 
The prices offered vary immensely and are set down with 
great precision even to the uttermost farthing, though we 
have now no means of saying what principle regulated the 
scale 6 , but we know from a somewhat later record that poor 
prisoners were valueless for they were great cost-drawers 
even when they were kept as straightly and on as easy 
dieting as could be done 7 . 

It is said that the king asked his troops whether he 
should make an attack on the neighbouring strongholds on 
the marches such as Ardres and Boulogne but that all were 
too anxious to be getting home, and arrangements were at 

1 For position of it at the north-western corner of the walls, see Dillon, 303 ; 
Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 69. 

2 Ibidem requiescens et se reficiens, Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53 ( = Salisbury 

3 Cf. une courtoise raenchon, Waurin, ii. 221 ; Le Fevre, i. 162. 

4 Sur leurs fois. Cf. fide de captivitate reintranda foy de prison rentrer, Rym. ix. 391 ; 
cf. fidem prisonari ceperit, Upton, 141 ; prendre sa foy ( = have his faith), Black Book of 
Admiralty, i. 285, 457; taketh is faith, ibid. i. 288; or "fay," ibid. i. 461 (not "say," as 
Nicolas, App. 32); "took his troth," Cutts, Middle Ages, 375. 

5 Cf. "making his fynannce," Lydg. Night, 21; Black Book of Admiralty, i. 293. 

8 For a bundle of 49 of these bonds, see Exch. Accts. 48/2. They include the 
following amounts, viz. 10*., 2or., 2<w. 3^., iis. i\d^ its. 3^., 23*. 4^., i6s. 8d., 30*., 
33*. 4</., 44^. 6d., 66s. 8d., 77^. icx/., iiu. id., ins. id., 1. us. iod. t ^4. Ss. nd., 
6. is. id., 8. 6s. 8d., g. 6s. 8d., 10, 11. is. 4^., 13. 6s. &/., 15. us. ojaf., 
16. ly. id., 16. 13-r. 4//., 27, 44. 8s. i id., 46. 13*. 4^., 48. 6s. 8d., 55. i is. 4^., 
163. 6s. 8d. For bond of William Trussel for 40 de redemptione of certain prisoners 
taken at Agincourt, see Exch. Accts. 45/13, where the list contains nine names and the 
amounts vary from 40 to 104 crowns. For account of William Bryan (3-5 H. V) for 
maintenance of William Englos a prisoner, see For. Accts. P.R.O. p. 21. 

7 Anjou Lett. 16, where the minimum cost of their keep is put down at a crown 
a week in 1421. 

250 The Return [CH. xxxvni 

once taken in hand to convey them across for England 
with all possible speed 1 and during the interval that must 
necessarily elapse before sufficient shipping could be secured 
their needs were better met in the matter of meat, drink, 
rest and house-room 2 . According to the terms of their 
indentures the king was bound to find shipping for their 
return, but the large fleet that had brought them over from 
Southampton could not now be re-assembled, and so it was 
arranged that 2s. should be allowed for the re-passage of 
each man 3 and 2s. for each horse 4 and that the captains 
should make their own arrangements for getting the troops 
over as they could. The first quarter's money had been 
paid 5 or hypothecated in advance and the second quarter 
had begun on Oct. 6 or 8 6 and was therefore not yet far 
advanced. Several of the commanders had already prepaid 
the wages of their men for the full quarter on the assumption 
that they would be in France till the New Year at least 7 , 
but this was by no means general and a compromise was 

1 Tit. Liv. 23. 2 Tit. Liv. 21. 

* This was the regular allowance for the Channel passage, see L.T.R. Miscellaneous 
Enrolled Accts. 6/6. 

4 For picture of a ship for transporting horses, with a door open in the bows, see 
Nicolas, Navy, i. 366, from MS. Reg. 20 D, where it is called a vissier, i.e. huissiere 
or uissiere, Godefroy, s.v.; or hussier, Vigne, ii. 19, Plate XLIV; huissier, Littre", s.v.; 
Brard, 60. Called la porte de la nef (1248) in Duruy, i. 302, from Joinville = quand tous 
furent entrez la porte fut reclouse et estouppee ainsi comme Ton vouldroit faire un tonnel 
de vin pour ce quant la nef est en grant mer toute la porte est en Eaue. For horses 
walking up a plank, see Montfaucon, ii. 334. Called uxer, oxel or uxel in Navarette, 
i. 329. For a galee huissiere in 1382, then 27 years afloat, see Breard, 97. For les 
ventrures de fil pour chargier chevaux en navire (i.e. by slinging), see Breard, 101. For 
a long list of horses (1311-1312) with prices, see Cal. Doc. Scot. Hi. pp. 413-422, in 
which the owner " habet restaurum" wherever " perditus " appears in the margin. The 
horses are distinguished as dextrarius, niger, badius (bay), favus (Pfavius), basaudas 
(? bauson), sorus (sorel), albus ferandus (?iron grey), liardus (lyard), albus veyron, frison, 
doyn (dun), albus piolatus (? piebald), sorus cum Stella, etc. 

5 Rot. Par!, iv. 320, shows that the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Somerset 
received wages for the first quarter on July 8, 1415. 

6 For the Duke of Clarence's claim from July 8 to Oct. 6 (sic) (quo die primum 
quarterium finiebat), see Exch. Accts. 47/1 ; also William Bradshaw who had died at 
Harfleur but whose three archers (Nicolas, 376) were present in the battle, ibid. 47/4 
(with their names) ; also Richard Hals, ibid. 47/34. On the other hand the Earl of 
Arundel's wages ran from July i (altered to July 8) to Sept. 30, 1415, quo die quarterium 
finiebat, ibid. 47/1. It is evident that uncertainty prevailed as to this point and on 
May 6, 1417, an authoritative decision was asked for as to whether the first quarter really 
began on July i or July 8, 1415, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 222, 225, 227, 229. For lances with 
three horses, each receiving 20 florins per month, do. with two horses at 15 florins, 
serving with the Duke of Savoy in 1426, see A. C. Costa de Beauregard, n, where the 
three attendants are called il capo, il piatto, and il paggio (i.e. chef de lances, constiller et 
page). In the same account the crossbowmen (balistarii) cum equis et balistis receive five 
to six florins each per month. 

7 Rot. Parl. iv. 324; Nicolas, App. 55. 

1415] Prisoners in pledge 251 

now agreed upon to the effect that the present rate of pay 
should continue for all, including the dead 1 , until the day on 
which the king himself should actually set foot in England 2 
and on this understanding all were to be free to start 
homewards when and as they would. 

A full list of the prisoners was drawn up 3 and as easy 
terms were to be had their relations or in some cases the 
gilds to which they belonged often came forward with their 
ransoms 4 and the captives were received in their native 
places with a vin d'honneur*, but where no money was at 
once forthcoming the burgesses of Calais often made 
speculative bargains 6 either for ready cash or by means 
of bonds whereby they undertook to pay certain sums of 
money into the Exchequer at Westminster by a given date 7 
retaining the persons of the captives as pledges 8 till their 
finance was realised. Other prisoners were planted out in 
the neighbouring castles for temporary custody 9 , while there 
is evidence that many were bought and sold outright for 
quite nominal sums and found their way as menials into 

1 Memoranda Roll 4 H. V, Hil. m. 33. Cf. les vacatz des moriantz, ceux qi sont en 
vie come pur ceux qi sont mortz, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 222, 223, 225, 226. 

2 In L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 6, the payments are extended to Nov. 24, 1415, or 
eight days after the king's landing; cf. Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 226, 229; Towle, 361. 

3 Vita, 70. 

4 One of the purposes of the gilds was pour soliciter les prisonniers et donner argent 
pour les rachepter, Taillepied, 43. 

6 e.g. Jehan Vaict, son of an ex-mayor of Boulogne sorti des prisons des Englez, 
Deseilles, 426 ; also Jacques Trouseau maitre d'hotel to the king and the Duke of Berry, 
arriving in Boulogne on Jan. 12, 1416, venant des prisons des Engles, see Regnoult, 101. 

6 For complaint (circ. 1417) by John Craven and Simon Irby that some prisoners 
were taken over by William Bukton and ransomed, but no satisfaction reached them and 
claiming 200 marks then in possession of Maud Salvayn, wife of the Treasurer of Calais 
(i.e. Roger Salvayn), see Baildon, no; Early Chanc. Proc. i. 27. 

7 For ;ioo received from Laurence de Platea for divers king's prisoners sold to him 
(sibi venditos), see Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Mich., Jan. 16, 1419. For a complaint by Laurence 
de Platea, merchant of Beamont, committed to the Flete prison by the Earl of Arundel 
then Treasurer, and thence delivered to the Chancellor under pledge of 1000 marks 
to answer in the Chancery when called, see Rot. Parl. iv. 90; Gesta, xxviii. 

8 For names of 22 prisoners in the Tower in 1423 who were "plegges" for other 
prisoners^that had been delivered, see Ord. Priv. Co. iii. u. For "ostage et plaige," see 
Jarry, Decouvertes, 279. 

9 For account of Ralph Rocheford, Captain of Hammes, for 1 1 prisoners at $s. ^d. 
each per week, see Exch. Accts. 47/35; +2s. each for shipment (pur leskipeson), see 
Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 205, Feb. 15, 1417. They were taken over from Roger Salvayn, 
Treasurer of Calais, by order of the king at Calais dated Nov. 17, 1415, till Feb. 12, 1417, 
when, two having died on July 21 and Nov. 30, 1416, respectively, the rest were handed 
over to Roger Sapurton (?), lieutenant of the Keeper of the Fleet Prison in London. 
For Rocheford's appointment as Captain of Hammes, Sept. 14, 1412, see Wylie, ii. 56, 
note 3 ; confirmed, July 6, 14 r3, Carte, Fr. Rolls, 208. He was still Captain on Dec. 28, 
1415, ibid. 226. 

252 The Return [CH. xxxvm 

the service of the great houses and abbeys in England 1 . 
Thus the number of prisoners was very substantially reduced, 
many of them not being Frenchmen at all and comparatively 
few except the titled and other valued ones amongst them 
crossed to England 2 , and there is therefore little point 
in the epigram of the modern French historian 3 that hence- 
forward if a man would see France he must go to London. 
At Martinmas (Nov. n, 1415) the Lord of Gaucourt 
and the other defenders of Harfleur gave themselves up at 
Calais as they had covenanted to do 4 , and several of them 
were sent across to be interned in England. The names of 
17 of them, all knights 6 , are entered as having been at Calais 
from Nov. 17 till Dec. 10, 141 5", after which date they all 
passed across to England where they remained imprisoned 
for 1 8 months or 2 years 7 till their ransom money was found, 

1 e.g. IQS. ^d. paid by the college at Winchester pro quodam Francigena. Called 
Ludovicus now serving in the kitchen (1415), see Kirby, Winchester, 177. 

2 Emmena avec lui tous ses plus gros prisonniers, Juv. 522 ; cf. Orleans Burbayne et 
plusours autres countez, chivalers et esquires vaillants si bien d'aufres estraungez terrez 
come de France, Add. MS. 17716 in Orthographia, xiv. 

3 Michelet, vi. 39, adapting the words used of the victory of the Genoese over the 
Pisans at La Meloria in 1284; see Leroux de Lincy, Chants Historiques, i. 294. 

4 Page 6 1 ; Waurin, ii. 222 ; Le Fevre, i. 263; Basin, i. 19. For ^40. us. nd. paid 
by the Treasurer of the King's Household for expenses of Sire de Gaucourt and other 
Harfleur prisoners at Calais for five days in Nov. 1415, see Exch. Accts. 406/29. 

6 These are found in For. Accts. 6 H. V, 20, where their expenses are charged at 
i6s. %d. per day or about is. tyd. each during the time they were imprisoned in the 
Tower, all reckoning from Dec. 19 or 18, 1415, though the claims for maintenance 
terminate at different dates showing apparently the time of each man's release. For the 
joint expenses from Dec. 19, 1415, till Jan. 28, 1416, see Iss. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch., 
April 30, Aug. 30, 1416; see also ibid. 4 H. V, Mich., Nov. 4, 1416; Feb. 8, March 18, 
1417; ibid. 5 H. V, Mich., Nov. 23, 1417; Exch. Accts. 328/6; Cal. Doc. Scot. iv. 175. 
Their names appear as Enguerand de Founteneiz, Bennettes de Longechamp, Thomassy 
de Tybetote, Petrus de Gauseville, all till June 2, 1417; Charlettus de Tutteville, George 
de Clere, Robert Desnevale, Ector de Bauchorville ( = Boscherville), all till June 30, 1417 ; 
William de Tutville and William Crispin, till Feb. 14, 1417; Aubert Deureux (i.e. 
d'Evreux), till Feb. 3, 1417; Colard Blousett, Hugh de Sapynes, Ralph Dougale, 
Guyonette Dernevile, till June 26, 1417 ; Jean Tourgevile, till Sept. 30, 1418; Garadocius 
Desquesnes, till Dec. 14, 1418. Most of these appear in the list in Cleopatra C. VII ; 
Kingsford, Chron. 117. Brequigny (233) has names of seven prisoners captured at 
surrender of Harfleur, released from the Fleet on May 19, 1423, on taking an oath 
of submission. The names are Hugh Velyn de Chalons, Johan Billy, Johan de Cheviers, 
Regnault de Graincourt, Hellyn de Bassiers, Pierre de Mombreham and Pierre de 
Pauniers. Called George de Clere with 3 barons and 13 kts., see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, 
Mich., Dec. 9, 1415; Add. MS. 24513, f. 13, where payment for them at 26^. 8d. p. d. 
in the Tower is made to Wm. Hudlestone, kt. ; also to Wm. Bourchier for same purpose, 
Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 23, 1415; Devon, 344 ( = 26*. 8d. p. d., Devon, 345; Cal. 
Doc. Scot. iv. 175). For payment (Aug. 10, 1416) to Sir Roger Aston, kt., lieutenant of 
Wm. Bourchier, Constable of the Tower, for expenses of 12 kts. taken prisoners at 
Harfleur, see Add. MS. 24513, f. 13. 

6 Exch. Accts. 406/29, where ^"40. iis. n^d. is entered as paid by the Treasurer of 
the King's Hostel for their expenses at Calais from Nov. 17 to Dec. 10, 1415. 

7 Not that they were ransomed at "greate fynaunces" at Calais, as First Life, 41. 

I 4 I 5J The Homeward Crossing 253 

some of them being subsequently transferred to Conway or 
Caernarvon 1 for greater safety. Several other prisoners 
were shipped across to Dover on Nov. 14*, whence they 
were forwarded to London for detention. 

As soon as opportunities offered the whole fighting force 
sailed rapidly across the Strait. A few remained behind at 
Calais 3 , the rest put across, most of them to Dover 4 , a few 
to Southampton 5 , or Portsmouth 6 , or Sandwich 7 , some to 
Hull, and as they reached their various homes each man 
was feasted by his friends and the story of glorious victory 
was spread with songs and music throughout the whole 
land 8 . Ere long the Italian banker, Philip di Alberti, arrived 
from London with 500 marks for the king 9 who at once 
made ready to start as soon as he had the wind at will 10 . 
He put to sea 11 on the morning of Nov. 16, 14 15 12 , but the 

Souchet (iii. 321) supposed that King Henry broke faith with them in sending them to 

1 For payment to John Blount, kt. for hiring horses and carts to take four French 
knights (viz. Robt. Desnevell, Charles de Touteville, George de Clere and Ector de 
Boscherville) from the Tower to Conway Castle, see Pat. 5 H. V, 33d, June 21, 1417, 
when other prisoners are transferred to Caernarvon. For Harfleur prisoners in the 
Fleet, released May 19, 1423, see Puiseux, Emigration, 15. 

2 Add. MS. 17716, where the prisoners serront amenez le jolfdy procheyn (i.e. Nov. 14) 
apres le fest de Seint Martyne envers Loundres et ils sont arrivez (not armez) a Dover, 
Orthographia, xiv. 

3 Cf. mittens quos voluit de dicto exercitu in Angliam ad se reficiendos, Lans- 
downe MS. 1054, 53 ( = Salisbury Records). 

4 e.g. Thomas Corbet (ibid. 47/22) and James Harrington (do. 47/32). 

8 Exch. Accts. 47/28. 6 e.g. James Harrington's archers, Exch. Accts. 47/32. 

7 e.g. Stephen Hatefeld, ibid. 47/16. 

8 Waurin, ii. 221; cytharis et symphoniis concrepantibus ubique collaudaretur, 
St Denys, v. 750. The tradition about the Kentish bowmen feasting in an inn at 
Speldhurst is no doubt connected with the story of the Duke of Orleans' supposed stay 
at Groombridge, see Hasted, i. 431. 

9 Per manus Philip de Albertis apud Cales, Rec. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Dec. 9, 1415. 
For 666. ly. ^d. borrowed from Laurence de Albertis on Sept. 2, 1415, see Iss. Roll 
4 H. V, Pasch., July 6, 1416, when the amount was written off as a fine imposed on 
Laurence for negotiating certain exchanges in contravention of a royal proclamation ; pro 
diversis escambiis per ipsum contra proclamationem regis factis, Rec. Roll 4 H. V, Pasch. , 
July 6, 1416. For Italian merchants accompanying Edward I in his Welsh wars, see 
Whitwell, 184. 

10 The wynde also at her lust thei hadde, Lydg. Troy Book, 142, 241; the se was 
calme and fully at her wille, ibid. 255, 323. 

11 In 1465 Rozmital (p. 37) waited 12 days at Calais for a favourable wind. 

12 Quo die rex arripuit (sic) (or arrispuit terram, or applicuit, L.T.R. Misc. Enrolled 
Accts. 6/7) de partibus praedictis in Angliam apud Dovorr, L.T. R. Misc. Enrolled Accts. 
6 ; For. Accts. 10 H. V, F. in Louis Robersert's account ; q'estoit le jour de nostre 
arrivaille et retour a nostre Royaume, Rym. ix. 327 ; W. D. Cooper, 133 (from Babthorpe) ; 
Chron. Lond. 229; Wals. ii. 314; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 124; Capgr. De Illustr. 117; 
Nicolas, 326; App. 76; called Nov. 17, Kingsford, Lit. 294; circa festum Scti Nocholai 
(sic) in Strecche, 276, which looks like Dec. 6, though it may be November 13, i.e. Pope 
Nicolas I, Nicolas, Chronology of History, 154. Not " late in October," as B. E. Warner, 
158; nor Nov. 2, as Sismondi, Fran9ais, xii. 490; nor Nov. 6, as Monstr. 381 ; Halle, 72; 

254 The Return [CH. xxxvm 

ships were caught in a furious gale and carried far out of 
their course. Two of them, in which some of Sir John 
Corn well's 1 men sailed, foundered with all hands 2 , while 
others carrying some prisoners were driven on to the coast 
of Zeeland and went ashore at Zierickzee 3 in the estuary of 
the Scheldt. The French Dukes and the leading captives 
who sailed in the same ship with the king were amazed at 
the ease and cheeriness with which he faced the torments of 
the sea 4 " without accumbrance and dis-ease of his stomach 5 ," 

Boute, i. 435 ; Demotier, 80 ; nor after spending five or six days in Calais, as E. Hardy, 
172; nor Nov. n, as Kirkstall, Chron. 286; Waurin, ii. 222; Le Fevre, i. 264; Blondel, 
i. 445 note; Wright, i. 474; nor Nov. 17, as Jervis, 201 ; nor Nov. 19, as Otterbourne, 
277; nor Nov. 22, as Elmham, August. 73; nor Nov. 23, where Nov. 23 is correctly 
given as a Saturday, Salisbury Records, Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53, where it is given 
as Saturday, St Clement's Day (i.e. Nov. 23) though mis-written as December 23; 
Nicolas, 147; G. Dupont, 512; Champollion-Figeac, Lettres des rois, ii. 338; Kennett, 
i. 319; nor Nov. 29, as Juv. 522. 

1 The number of his retinue is given as 30 + 90 in Exch. Accts. 45/5 (4); Nicolas, 
348 ; Wylie, Notes, 136; but no list of names has been preserved to prove how many of 
them actually returned to England. 

2 Dupleix (ii. 715) sees in this a judgment of God voulant attremper 1'extreme joie; 
though Halle (72) thinks that "no person was perished"; also L'Estrange, Greenwich, 
i. 62. 

3 "Cirixee," Monstr. 381; "Cerixe," Waurin, ii. 222; "Sirex," Kingsford, Chron. 
129 ; called " Syerichzee " or " Zirichsee " in Kaussen, Matrikel, 135 ; " Cirice," Ronciere, 
* 37 "Zeriche," C. Beaurepaire, Notes, iii. 258; "Serize," Kingsford, Chron. 76. 
Not Zeris, as Goodwin, 95; Zeriese, as Nicolas, 148; or Ziricksu, as Nicolas, Navy, 
ii. 412. 

* Les tourments de la mer, Rene", iii. 102 ; Dieu scet quelle pitie' quand il fait une 
tourmente, Debat, 33. 

5 First Life, 64; Stow, Chron. 351. There is no need to suppose that he was " much 
diverted by their sea-sickness," as Lingard, iii. 503. Cf. non absque stomachi fastidio, 
Amandesham, I. 126 ; II. xxv, where Abbot Wheathampstead crossed in one night in 1423. 
For la maladie de la mer forte a endurer et la dure vie qui n'est pas bien consonante 
a noblesse, see Debat, 33; Pyne, 58, in. Cf. 

Thus menwhyle the pylgryms ly, 
And have theyr bowlys fast them by, 
And cry after hote malvesy, 

Theyr helpe (?helthe) for to restore. 
For they myght etc neyther sode ne rost, 
A man myght sone pay for theyr cost, 

As for oo daye or twayne. 
Some layde theyre bookys on theyr kne, 
And rad so long they myght not se. 
Alas! myne hede well cleve on thre, 

Thus seyth another certayn. Relig. Antiq. 2. 

Halliwell, Naval Ballads, 2; Clowes, i. 343; Besant, Survey, ii. 184. Cf. 
Caste on her cloke and copes, 
To save hem fro the salt water, 
That hit bespirenged not her hater (i.e. clothes, see Halliwell, i. 437). 

Laud Troy Book, 487. 
Permovit cerebrum permoti vis elementi, 

Exegit stomachum nausea crebra nimis, 
Grandis erat de littore lis nee erat mihi cura, 
Quaenam terra foret dummodo terra foret. 

Richard de Cluni (temp. Henry II) in W. Wuttenbach, 600. 

1415] The Landing 255 

for to them such a beard-shaking 1 in the Channel seemed 
more awful than the battle shock itself 2 . After beating 
about all day the king's ship cast anchor at nightfall in 
the road 3 off Dover 4 to find a vast crowd with the priests 
and religious of the town waiting for him, and when the 
long boat touched the beach the Barons of the Cinq Ports 
waded into the water in spite of the blinding sleet 5 , lifted 
him out in their arms and carried him ashore amid frantic 
shouts of joy 6 . After a night's rest 7 at Dover he passed 
out on his way to London and throngs of glad Englishmen 
acclaimed him at all the stopping-places on his route. The 
men of the Cinq Ports were drawn up on the classic slopes 
of Barham Down 8 . It is said that the sight of these 
soldierly Englishmen to the number of 10,000 men, all 
cleanly harnessed and arrayed, amazed the French prisoners 
and the Duke of Orleans exclaimed, " What ! shall we 
go to battle again ? " to which the king answered, " Nay, 
these ben only childer of my country come to welcome 
me home 9 ." At Canterbury he was met by Archbishop 
Chichele with a long procession of clergy. Dismounting at 
the cathedral door, he prayed at the shrine 10 , kissed the 
relics and made his offering 11 and then took up his quarters 
in St Augustine's Abbey just outside the city walls 12 . After 

1 With many a tempest hadde his herd be shake, Chaucer, Prol. 408. 

2 Tit. Liv. 22; Vita, 70. 

3 Roger Salvayn's account (Exch. Accts. 187/6) shows 4^. 8</. paid tor portage, 
boatage (batillagium) and pontage from the shore at Dover to " le Rode" ubi navis p' 
passag' eum expectabat ; also 31. 4^. charged from the ship to the shore on the Calais side. 

4 Not on Nov. 23, as in Salisbury MS., Hist. MSS. Comm. Var. Coll. iv. 195. Not 
Sandwich, as Strecche, 267 b. For picture of Dover Harbour, temp. Henry VIII, see 
Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 526. 

5 In maxima nivis intemperie, Wals. ii. 314. 

6 Tit. Liv. 22; Vita, 71 ; Harpsfeld, 589. There is no need to take this figuratively, 
as Nicolas, 148. Cf. 

Into the see annone I ranne, 

Till at the last with hockes twayne, 

Men of the ship with mickle paine, 

In the ship me drew on highe. Sperzer, 80. 

7 Not "some days," as Church, 91. Probably at the God's House near the quay 

/*r _i , ^_ \ i A! i_? _J*T^ i__ti__i.t i A ri i *~*i -w- 


10,000, Brut, ii. 557. Cf. " Beramdoun," Higden, viii. 572; Caxton, 239; Hasted, 
iii. 752. 

Brut, ii. 556. 

10 Called den aller Kistlichsten Sarg in Windecke, 200. For representations of it see 
Gortlin, in ; Wylie, iii. 336, note 7. Also on pilgrims' tokens in the Guildhall Library 
in London. 

11 Chron. Lond. 229 ; Nicolas, 326 ; App. 76 ; Brie (Brut), ii. 558. 

12 Waurin, ii. 223; Otterbourne, 277; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 124; Gesta, 61; Chron. 

256 The Return [CH. xxxvin 

two days 1 the journey was resumed. At various points 
along the route the men of Kent were gathered at the 
road side in their best array 2 . On Nov. 20 the king was 
at Rochester 3 ; Eltham was reached at nightfall on Nov. 22 
and on the following day the king made his joyous entry 
into London. 

Giles, 53. No mention of his stay appears in the Chronologia Augustinensis which ends 
in 1418, Elmham, August. 73, though the entries for 1415, 1416 seem to be in a different 
hand from the rest, ibid. p. xix. It should be noted also that no mention is made of the 
stay of Richard II in 1393, see Hasted, iv. 656; Walcott, Canterbury, 2. For a map of 
Canterbury from Sloane MS. 2596, see Berger, Frontispiece; Somner, i. i. For position 
of the Monastery on the eastern side of the city, see Hasted, iv. 389. The plan dated 
1655 in Monasticon, i. 120, shows "cedes dudum regias" as a part of the monastic 
buildings, apparently used as a royal residence from the time of Henry VIII, who 
appropriated the site at the suppression, Hasted, iv. 659, 661. For repair of the King's 
Great Hall in the reign of Edward VI, see ibid. iv. 660. 

1 Wylie, iii. 289. 

2 Called toutz les gentz d' Essex in Add. MS. 17716, Orthographia, xiv, where Kent 
also is inserted though it does not appear in the original MS. 

3 Champion, Vie, 155, quoting Collection de Bastard, no. 692. 



EARLY in the morning of St Clement's Day, Saturday, 
Nov. 23, 141 5 1 , the Mayor and 24 Aldermen of London 
rode out in their furred scarlet gowns with hoods striped 
black and white 3 to Blackheath 3 , accompanied by a riding 4 
of 15,000 to 20,000 mounted craftsmen 5 clad in red livery 
with motley hoods of red and white 6 and carrying their 
trade devices 7 , the impressive numbers being meant to let 

1 This was upon St Clemen tys Day (i.e. Nov. 23) 
They welcomed him on every side. 

Chron. Lond. 230; Nicolas, 327; Wals. ii. 314; Capgr. 312; Usk, 128; Greg. Chron. 
112; Besant, Survey, i. 108. Not Nov. 21, as Exch. Accts. 406/27, where 44. 17*. 6%d. 
is charged for expenses of the French prisoners. Nor Nov. 24, as Three Fifteenth 
Century Chronicles, 55; Chron. Lond. 159; Kingsford, Chron. 71; Caxton, Polychron. 
227. Nor that " he rested him a season " at Eltham, as Brut, ii. 380 ; Fabyan, 580. 
Nor Nov. 30, as Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53 (i.e. Salisbury MS.). Vickers (390) says 
that Lydgate "described the triumphant entry of Henry V into London after the Battle 
of Agincourt," quoting Political Songs passim and Stow, 385. 

2 Lucea (called scarlet in side-note) non lutea vestis adornat ibi, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 
125; " alle clothyd in red," Chron. Lond. 230; Harflet, 305; Nicolas, 326; Brie (Brut), 
ii. 558; rubeo cum caputiis partitis de albo et nigro ornatis, Usk, 128; in furryd clokes 
the colour of scarlet, Lydgate (Harl. MS. 565), quoted in L' Estrange, Greenwich, 71; 
On rede goungs and whyt hoddes, Mon. Francisc. ii. 165; in vestibus rubris et caputiis 
albis, Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53, Hist. MSS. Comm. Var. Coll. iv. 195 ; in red gar- 
ments with white capuches, Salisbury Records, Hist. MSS. Various Collections, iv. 195. 
Not "red and white hose" as Yonge, 282. For livery depicted in the charter of the 
Leathersellers of 1444, see Benham- Welch, 34. 

3 Not " that they were departing from their usual constant usage of remaining within 
the city walls," as Brougham, 125. 

4 For mayors and grocers ridings, see Fairholt, Pageants, i. 3 ; le jour que nous 
chevauchames a le Blackheth, Grocers' Accts. (1403), not 1401, as Fairholt, Pageants, 4. 
Cf. Yede agaynes the Prynce with grete gladnys, Secreta, 154 ; agaynys hym wente, 
do. 164. 

5 20,000 in Gesta, 61 ; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 125; Harflet, 326; but 15,000 in Chron. 
Giles, 53; 10,000 in Usk, 128. Called "300 comoners" in Halle, 72; Allen, i. 151; 
Herbert, i. 91; Benham-Welch, 27. 

6 Cf. in good araye of white garmentis and rede hodis or rede kappis, Brut, ii. 426, 
i.e. at Queen Catherine's entry in 1421. For red and white on the colours of the City 
of London, see Letter Bk. I, p. 78. 

7 A dyversite on her garnement to knowe every crafte be hymself, Brut, ii. 426. 

W. II. 17 

258 London [CH. xxxix 

the French prisoners see what stuff the men were made of 
who stayed behind to guard the land while the king had 
been away 1 . 

At 10 o'clock the king, attended by a small group of 
his officers, rode through their midst and thanked them 
for their welcome, after which they formed up with great 
solemnity 2 , blew up their clarions 3 and rode before him 
on the highway to London. As they neared the capital 
the new Abbot of Bermondsey 4 came out to meet them at 
St Thomas' Waterings 5 , half-way between Deptford and 
South wark 6 , and as they turned St George's corner and 
passed the Bar 7 into the High Street of South wark the 
London clergy were awaiting them chanting Te Deum and 
bearing relics with banners and crosses 8 and singing " Ave 
Anglorum flos mundi miles Christi! 9 " From this point 
the cavalcade moved on to London Bridge 10 where the 

1 Aufyn qu'ils p'voient voer quel people sut lessez derer le roy en Engleterre, Add. 
MS. 17716, f. 102, Romania, xxxii. 50. 
3 Chron. Lpnd. 235, 241. 

3 With clarionys and all maner of lowde mynstrelsie, Brie (Brut), 426. 

4 i.e. Thomas Thetford, who was elected as the 3rd Abbot of Bermondsey as suc- 
cessor to Henry Tompston who died May 19, 1413, see Bermondsey, 484; Pat. i H. V, 
i. 23, June 8, 1413. For pictures of remains of the Abbey, see J. T. Smith (in 1794); 
R. Wilkinson, ii. (1805) wit h seals; Knight, Lond. iii. 1-16; Cassell, ii. 90; Besant, 
Survey, ii. 293, 294; Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 291; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 714 (1794). 
It is called "Bermondsey without Southwark" in Brut, ii. 470. It was originally a 
Clunic Priory (dependent on La Charit on the Loire since 1090, Lespinasse, p. 7) but 
was raised to the rank of an Abbey Aug. 3, 1399, Bermondsey, 483. 

5 Elmham, Lib. Metr. 125; Caxton, Chron. 146; Brut, ii. 380. Not "St Thomas 
at Wakering," as Goodwin, 95; Halle, 73; Allen, i. 151. Called St Thomas a Waterings 
in Ben Jonson quoted in Pollen, 267. For Bayards watering (i.e. Bayswater) (1509) see 
Rackham, 20- Called a stream crossing the Old Kent Road and spreading out into big 
pools in a south-easterly direction in J. H. Pollen, The Month, March 1908, 267, where 
its direction is fixed as corresponding with the present Albany Road, near the new Fire 
Station. It marked the limit of the jurisdiction of the mayor of London and was "the 
statutory place of execution for all London south of the Thames" (called "for Surrey" 
in Marks, p. 61), the gallows being erected at the cross roads now the junction with 
Peckham Park Road (p. 269). 

6 En my chemin dentre Deptford et Suthwerk, Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 194, 195 ; in 
suburbiis, Tit. Liv. 23; circiter miliare ab urbe, Gesta, 77; ad unum miliare extra 
civitatem, Usk, 128; seint Thomas Waterynge withoute Souythwarke, Brie (Brut), 
ii. 430. 

7 For St George's Bar on the way from London Bridge to Kennington, see Fabyan, 
594 (1425); Wylie, iv. 29, note i. 

8 A croix et confanons, Le Fevre, i. 264; Gouffanons, Waur. ii. 223. 

9 Brie (Brut), ii. 558. 

10 Called "the brigge of London," Pecock, ii. 452. For picture of London Bridge 
temp. H. VII with gate-house at the London end, see Royal MS. 16, F. ii (page 501, 
note 7 a); also by Antony van den Wyngaerde in J. E. Price, 58; Benham-Welch, 
Plate 4; also by Vischer in Birch, Plate 3; do. circ. 1616 with gate-house on the 
Southwark side, Knight, London, i. 73; De Witt, 485; do. in 1760 when the houses were 
pulled down, Knight, i. 80. Add Stow, i. 53 ; Wylie, ii. 63, note 4. For Hollar's view 
of London (1649) fr m the Tower of St Mary Overies, see Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 674. 

i4 J 5] London Bridge 259 

battlements above the gate-house 1 at the Stoops 2 had been 
fenced round with sheaves of halberds. On either side of 
the gateway were posted two giant figures as warders, each 
as high as the wall itself 3 , like a man and his wife dressed 
in their best, the man with an enormous axe in one hand 
and the city keys on a stick in the other, and the woman 
dressed in a scarlet cloak and petticoat 4 of the same colour. 
As the king drew near he cried out : "Hail to the royal 
city ! " praying that Christ would ever keep from her sorrow 
and care 5 , and as he passed through the gate 6 amidst the 
braying of horns his eye was met with the words: "The 
City of the King of Justice " set up over head. Reaching 
the draw-leaP, which lifted in mid-stream to allow the 
shipping to pass up to Queenhithe 8 , the procession was 
faced by a wooden arch 9 arrayed with linen diapered in 
white, green and jasper and surmounted by an armed 
figure of St George bareheaded and crowned with bay 10 . 
To right and left hung his helmet and his shield set off 
with crimson tapets. His right hand grasped his sword- 
hilt and in his left he held a scroll with the words : 

1 It fell down on Jan. 14, 1437, Stow, Chron. 376; called 1436 in Stow, London, i. 
59. For later picture of the approach, see Knight, London, i. 82. 

2 For the " Stoulpes," i.e. boundary posts, see Kingsford, Chron. 77; Halliwell, s.v. 
Stulp\ Jamieson, s.v.; Cent. Diet., s.v. Stoop. 

* Ultra portam, Usk, 128; in Gesta, 61 ; Chron. Giles, 54; Lib. Metr. 125 ; they stand 
on the tower above the gate (superius in culmine turris), cf. "grete lyons and giantes," 
Kingsford, Chron. 269. For giant at the entry of Edward IV into Bristol, see Pol. Relig. 
Po. 5. Cf. " Stablysshed a stronge geaunt to the saufgarde of the treasure," Melusine, 
17; do. Brunet, 25. Called " a tremendous fellow dressed as a giant who recited some 
verses" in Tyrrell, 293 [171]. 

4 Fairholt, xxiii ; do. Gog and Magog, 27. For picture of Gog and Magog in Guild- 
hall, see Macfar lane -Thomson, ii. 268. For the giants in the provincia Gog-Magog 
towards the Arctic ocean (? Finland) ou n'est point de nuit, see Bouvier, Descr. 102. 

5 Chron. Lond. 230; Nicolas, 326; App. 77. 

6 For picture of it in 1616, see Vischer's view in Ordish, 50. 

7 Usque ad pontem tantillum, Gesta, 62; Giles, 54; "the drawbridge that is fast by," 
Chron. Lond. 231; Nicolas, 327; Pol. Songs, ii. 278; Riley, 641, 643; Letter Bk. I, vii. 
166; Kingsford, Chron. 160; called the "draught brygge," Gregory, Chron. 191; cf. 
Amyot, 272; levabilem pontem, Usk, 128; cf. Wylie, ii. 63. For the pons levabilis 
(i.e. draw-bridge) at Calais, see Exch. Accts. 187/6; pontes levadissos, P. Guillaume, 
Gap. 44. 

8 For the bridyng thorugh of the mastes of the shippes passyng under the said Brygge, 
see Rot. Parl. v. 44. For tolls charged on goods at the port of Queenhithe, see Letter 
Bk. I, 134, 231. For position of it, see map in Loftie, i. 120. 

9 For the tower called the Bridge-Tower built at this point in 1436, see Stow, i. 56, 
59 ; Knight, London, i. 81. It stood in the middle of the bridge and marked the boundary 
between London and Southwark, Benham-Welch, 38; called the nth arch from the 
Surrey side in Knight, London, i. 81, who gives (p. 80) the total as 20 arches supported 
on 19 piers. It is shown in the picture in Royal MS. 16, F. ii, see p. 258, n. 10. Cf. 
whereas were ij turrettes on the draw-bridge, Brut, ii. 558. 

10 Syn George ryally armed, Greg. Chron. 112. 


260 London [CH. xxxix 

" Honour and glory be to God alone ! " On either side 
of the tower stood pillars surmounted by a lion and an 
antelope each bearing a shield charged with the royal 
arms and aloft upon the tower itself was the legend : 
" The birr of the river maketh glad the city of God! 1 " 
while on the leads of the adjoining house a crowd of boys 
dressed up as angels 2 with gilt faces, white gowns, white 
wings and women's wigs sang, to the strike of organs 3 : 
" Welcome, Sovereign Lord!" and " Blessed is he that 
cometh in the name of the Lord 4 ." 

Once over the bridge the procession wound up Fish 
Street 6 , through the corn-market at Grass Church 8 , and 
turned into the straggling line of streets 7 and markets 8 
that stretched from the Leadenhall 9 to Paul's 10 and formed 
the very heart of London traffic 11 . At the Tun 12 in Cornhill 

1 Fluminis impetus in Vulgate, Psalm xlv. 5 [xlvi. 4], Elmham, Lib. Metr. 126; 
called "the bure" or "the feersness" in Wycliffe's translation. Cf. Stratmann, s.v. 
Bur\ Murray, Diet., s.v. Birr. All the old pictures show the great sterlings that stood 
out to break the rush of the tide against the piers, cf. Knight, London, 80; Benham- 
Welch, 36, 40; Cent. Diet., s.v. Starling. 

2 Anglico (i.e. angelico) vestitu, Tit. Liv. 22; angelorum vices suplentes (sic), Vita, 
72; in hevynly aray, Brut, ii. 380; very amiable children dressed in imitation of angels, 
Allen, i. 152. 

3 Chron. Lond. 241. Cf. the entry of Henry VI in 1431 which was closely modelled 
on the entry of his father in 1415, Allen, i. 154. Brougham (125) calls it "the vulgar 
taste of the age." 

4 Brie (Brut), ii. 558. 

5 Pauli, Pictures, 419. For " oldefisshe strete," see Letter Bk. I, 61, 71, 82, 124, 126. 

6 For the market at Graschurche in the parish of St Beliefs Grace (St Benedictus de 
Garschirche) at the corner of Fenchurch Street and Gracechurch Street, see Riley, Mem. 
645, 729; Lib. Cust. 228, 233; Letter Bk. I, 46; Sharpe, Wills, ii. 426; variously spelt 
as Grascherche, Greschirche, Garstchirche, Gerchirche, Graschurchstreet, Graschirche- 
strete, Gracias Street in Lit. Alb. i. 247, 261, 349, 356; Sharpe, Wills, ii. 426. Cf. 
Grass Street, Ordish, 34. 

7 Thorugh the high stretis in the cite, Brut, ii. 426. 

8 For map temp. Elizabeth, see Stow, Frontispiece; Pennant, London, Frontispiece; 
Fox-Bourne, 17; Belleforest, Cosmogr. i. 102. For Ralph Agas' map (temp. Elizabeth) 
from the Poultry to St Paul's, see J. E. Price, 58; Eludes, I. Plate i. For facsimiles of 
the original in the Guildhall Library see Overall and Vertue, the latter of whom dated it 
in 1560 which is 30 years too early, see Grace, 2 ; Diet. Nat. Biogr. i. 174; Lucas, cover, 
with reproductions in sections in Benham-Welch. For the earliest extant map of 
London by Antony van de Wyngaerde in 1543 now in the Bodleian Library, see Overall, 
Particulars, p. i. For map by Augustus Ryther 1604, see Kingsford, Chron. Frontis- 
piece. For a map showing London in the i5th century, see Pauli, Bilder, at end; do. 
Otte's translation, Frontispiece. 

9 For the manor or place called "le ledenhall," see Letter Bk. I, 92. 

10 From the myddys of Grasschurch Street unto the entry ng of the churchyard of 
Powles, Antiq. Repert. ii. 258. Called "the great street of the city" in Duck, 77. 

Illic invenies venalia tanta quod omnes 

Expositas merces vix sibi mundus emat. 
Dicere quod quaeras tune est labor, elige quod vis, 
Et quod nullus habet venditor illud habet. 

W. Wuttenbach, 602, temp. H. VI. 
12 For note see next page. 

1415] A Flock of Sparrows 261 

which had recently been transformed from a prison for 
nightwalkers 1 into a conduit or water-cistern 2 , a squad of 
hoary patriarchs 3 clad in gold gowns with crimson turbans 
came out of a tent and let loose a flock of sparrows 4 and 
other small birds which lit on the king's shoulder or flapped 
at his breast 5 while the old men sang : " Hallelujah ! Sing 
to the Lord a new song for he hath done marvellous 
things ! 6 " At the entrance to the Cheap 7 from the Poultry 8 
near the stocks 9 the crowd was well nigh impassable in spite 

Forum venalium quod chepe mmcupatur, Wals. i. 332 ; por vyn en chepe, Grocers' Accts. 
in Fairholt, Pageants, 4; viens de Westchepe, Lib. Cust. 274. For the "high streets" 
of Chepe, Cornhill, and West Chepe, see Riley, Mem. 641, 646; Fox-Bourne, 24. For ' 
the Crown Seld (alias King's Head) in Cheap built by Edward III "to behold the shows 
of the city," see Stow, i. 257; Kingsford, Lit. 156. 
12 For picture of it, see Besant, Survey, i. 355. 

1 i.e. thieves, Stow (Kingsford), i. 100, 188, cf. "a dicer, carder or walker abrode by 
night," Loftie, Savoy, 105. For proclamation against nightwalking, see Letter Bk. I, 88 ; 
Abram, Life, 183. For immoral priests taken to the Tun with minstrels playing, see 
Viet. Co. Hist. London, ii. 215, 228. 

2 "Cisterned in 1401," Stow, London, 7, 72; cf. "the tour of Cornhill," Chron. 
Lond. 232; the Standart at Ledenhall, Stow, Kingsford, ii. 302; " the conduyte made 
in cercle-wyse," Kingsford, Chron. 106, 303; " In the mydde of Cornell enjoyned to the 
condute," Antiq. Repert. ii. 267. A wooden cage with pillory and stocks and the con- 
duit below it, Nicolas, Agincourt, 328. It was built in 1282, Benham- Welch, 219, who 
says that " the site is that of the Cornhill pump." For the pillory in Cornhill, see Riley, 
Mem. 646. For picture of the conduit at the Carfax at Exeter erected 1461, called circ. 
1451, Devon Notes and Queries, iii. 139, demolished in 1770, see Jenkins, 214; Izacke, 
56; Brushfield, 16. For the water supply of Exeter with pipes 1346, see Cottoned. Mus. 
v. 171 ; also at Coventry, M. D. Harris, 127, from Coventry Corporation MS. B. 34; Hist. 
MSS. i5th Rept. App. Pt. x. p. 116; Wylie, i. 477. For fons villa (called "the Town 
Will," Exeter Deeds, 1124) at Exeter, see Exeter Deeds, 1066, Oct. 24, 1413. 

3 For supposition that the successive spectacles represented "the Te Deum in action," 
see Ramsay, i. 226. 

4 Kest doun quyk briddes 

Which flawe thikke about ye kyng. Brut, ii. 558. 

Then bryddes thei gon down throwe. Harflet, 328. 

See also picture of Charles VII's entry into Paris 1436 in A. France, iv. 172. For de- 
livrance d oiseaux at entry of Louis XI, see Condere, L'Entree solennelle de Louis XI a 
Paris in Me"m. de la Soc. de 1'hist. de Paris, xxm (1896) quoted in Champion, Vie, 557. 
6 Elmham, Lib. Metr. 126. 

6 Brie (Brut), ii. 553, adds laus, laus ejus in ecclesia sanctorum. 

7 Unto the Chepe thanne rood cure kyng, Chron. Lond. 232 ; Nicolas, 328 ; the 
West Cheap, Riley, Mem. 416 (1378). In introitu strate de Cheep, Gesta, 64; Chron. 
Giles, 56. Introitum vici dicitur ille Forum, Pol. Songs, i. 290; en Cep, Froissart, iii. 
356; per viam publicam vocatam le Chepe, Cone. iii. 388, 431, where it begins at Wai- 
brook. For whan ther any riding was in Chepe, see Cook's Tale, 4375; p'mye le Chepe 
vers Westminster, Grocers' Accts. in Fairholt, Pageants, 4. Not " the street of Change" 
as Adams, i. 241. The large strete of West Chepyng a market-place so called, Stow 
(Kingsford), i. 264; Besant, Survey, viii. 122; in vico de Chepe, Rot. Parl. ii. 459; per 
album vicum vulgariter dictum " le Chepe," Cone. iii. 394. For the great market-place of 
West Cheap, see Loftie, i. 177. 

8 For the street of the Poultry, see Riley, Mem. 326. For the " scoldyng hous," 
" scaldynghous " or " scaldyng wyk " near the Stocks market for scalding poultry, see 
Sharpe, Wills, ii. 55, 422. For the church of St Christopher-le-Stocks near the Poultry, 
see Stow, Kingsford, i. 186. For the poultry market on Cornhill 1320, see S. Young, 26 ; 
Stow, Kingsford, i. 81, 118, 259, 262. For skaldyng house at Coventry where they skald 
their swine, see Cov. Leet, i. 32. 

9 For fish market at "les Stokkes" or "lestokkes," see Letter Bk. I, 55, 61, 71, 82, 

262 London [CH. xxxix 

of the tip-staffs 1 and sergeants with their maces. The street 
was spanned 2 with a green awning held up on flowery poles 
and the great conduit or stone cistern that stood by the 
standard at the entrance to Chepe was trimmed with 
sheaves of spears and surrounded by 1 2 Venerable Apostles 
and 12 of England's kings, martyrs and confessors with 
sceptres in their hands, gilt girdles round their waists, 
crowns on their heads, and their names on their foreheads. 
On the working-day this conduit was the centre of London's 
water supply which was brought in surface-pipes from 
Tyburn, but to-day it was charged with wine which the 
hoary favourites drew off for all comers at the cocks and 
bosses and flung obleys 3 and thin pieces of silver foil 4 at 
the king as he approached. A little further on Queen 
Eleanor's Cross 5 was transformed into a pasteboard castle 

124; a market house called the Stocks for fish and flesh in the midst of the city built 
1283, Stow, Kingsford, i. 106, where the Mansion-House now stands, see Pauli, Pict. 
444; Stow, ii. 194; Loftie, i. 266; Besant, Survey, viii. 122. For mulieres de Stokkes, 
see Amundesham, I. 20; H. xxxiii. For the church of St Christopher nigh les Stokkes, 
see Letter Bk. I, 54; Freshfield, 21. 

1 Cf. every man having a tipped staff to keep the field in order, Brett, 47. 

2 Cf. the stretes were covered on hye with lynen clothes that no rayne or other fowle 
wederyng might lette their entree within the toune, Melusine, 206; ruez pareez de biax 
doubliers, Cochon, 341; grandement tendue, Jusserand, Roman, 57 [67]; estoit la ville 
(i.e. Lisbon in May, 1429) tendue et paree de draps et tapisserie et autres et de rameaux 
de May, Weale, Van Eyck, Ixi ; passant par draps de laine, ibid. Ixx. 

3 Emittunt foliis oblata rotunda, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 127; And obles about owre 
kyng gan throwe, Chron. Lond. 232 ; Nicolas, 328; called "silver comfits" in Kingsford, 
158. For the oblier (publouir}, oblaier et pasticier, Briele, Doc. iii. 54, see Menagier, ii. 
109; Piton, 162, cf. Halliwell, s.v. Oble; Wylie, iii. 220, note 10. Called panis tenuis- 
simi species quam nunc gauffre (wafer) appellamus, Du Cange, s.v. Supplicatio. For 
coffre de fer blanc pour mettre les supplications et oublies, see Pannier, xxvii. 34. Cf. 
estree, estrie, Cotgr., s.v. Estevet (q.v.j. 

4 Castyng doune oblays, Brie (Brut), ii. 558. 

8 Called "The Crosse in Cheppe," Greg. Chron. 112 ; Caxton, Chron. 146; Harflet, 
329; " La Croix de Ceptre ou il y a beau vergier" (i.e. fruit market), Debut, 44; Pyne, 
79. It stood at the end of Wood Street and was rebuilt "in late mediaeval times," 
Lethaby, 180, who refers to some fragments of the original cross now in the Guildhall 
Museum. For pictures of the cross, see R. Wilkinson, I. pt. ii (1547, 1606) ; J. T. Smith, 
London (1638); Chambers, Book of Days, ii. 524; Aubrey, 11.437; Cassell, ii. 583 
(restoration from a painting lately at Cowdray) ; Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 290. For its 
position, see Agas' map in J. E. Price, 58. It was the last and finest of the memorial 
crosses before reaching Charing, Stow, London, 100; Archaeologia, xxix. 184. It was 
rebuilt in 1484-86 (Stow, i. 266) and again in 1603, Besant, Survey, viii. 5, and demo- 
lished in 1643. For picture of its demolition in 1643, see J. T. Smith. For picture of 
it, temp. Ed. VI, see Legg, Coronation Rec. 280. For Henry Peacham's Dialogue (1641) 
in which the Charing Cross addresses her "sister of West-Chepe," see J. T. Smith, 14. 
For picture of the cross at Charing in 1602, see J. T. Smith; R. Wilkinson, i. pt. ii ; 
Besant, Survey, i. 41 ( = designed by Pietro Cavalieri). For plan of roads round Charing 
Cross from Agas' map (1560), see Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 657; Cassell, ii. 619. For 
effigy of Queen Eleanor of Castile at Westminster Abbey, see Knight, London, iv. 102 ; 
Besant, Survey, i. 30. For the sister crosses at Lincoln, Grantham, Stamford, Geddington 

1415] St Paul's Churchyard 263 

stretched with coarse painted canvas-linen 1 with the inevi- 
table George on the top 2 , supplied this time with a bridge 
reaching across to St Peter's church at the corner of Wood 
Street 3 on which a chorus of pretty girls dressed in white 
came tripping out with tambourines 4 singing " Noel ! 5 " and 
" Welcome to the Fifth Henry, King of England and 
France ! ", while a troop of boys clad in white to represent 
angels dropped gilt besants 6 down from the roof on to the 
king and his party as they passed under the archway below. 
One more station 7 had now to be faced. At the Little 
Conduit beside the church of St Michael-le-Quern or 
St Michael at Paul's gate 8 in the Corn-market at the lower 
end of Cheap 9 the cavalcade approached the gate leading 
into St Paul's Churchyard, and this also was found to be 
artfully disguised with niches, in each of which stood a 
statuesque maiden holding a gold cup in her hand from 
which she lightly puffed gold leaf 10 towards the king as he 
rode by, while others came dancing to meet him with drums 

(near Kettering), Northampton, Stony Stratford, Woburn, Dunstable, St Albans and 
Waltham and Charing, see Archaeologia, xxix. 182-184; Stow (Kingsford), i. 265; 
Peacham, A. 3. For picture of the cross at Waltham, see Brayley, Beauties, vii. Fron- 
tispiece; Roujoux, ii. 113; Roujoux-Mainguet, i. 323; Lethaby, 178 (constructive idea). 
For figures of Queen Eleanor on the crosses, see Lethaby, 245. For Geddington, see 
Aubrey, i. 464; Antiquarian Repert. iii. 275. For Northampton, see Bridges, i. 14; 
Aubrey, i. 465; Lethaby, 175, 170; Cassell, i. 463; Munson, Partvi. 

1 Cf. " com empeynted with frestine and whight lyme so that the semys of the stones 
were perceyved like as mortar or sement had been betwene," Antiq. Repert. ii. 263. 

2 Called "various fabrications and figures" in S. Turner, v. 462. 

3 Usk, 128. Cf. "the Serjeants of Wood Street Counter (i.e. the Sheriffs prison 
in Milk Street, Riley, Mem. 413, 416; Stow, iii. 51) are not farre from me," Peacham, 
A. 2. 

4 Tympana tacta sonant, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 127; Virginys syngyng merely, Greg. 
Chron. 112. 

5 Nowell, Nowell alle thei gon syng, Chron. Lond. 232 ; Nicolas, 328. 

With besaunts riche many a folde 
Thei strowed oure kyng on eveiy side. 

Chron. Lond. 232 ; Nicolas, 328. For besants, i.e. counters or jettons, see Kingsford, 
158. Called " besandes of gold" in Brie (Brut), ii. 558. For broad "bezants and bright," 
see R. F. Williams, i. 322. For besants (i.e. Byzantines) used as counters in the Ex- 
chequer, see H. Hall, Antiquities, 118, 124. As a coin the besant was worth 7 sols in 
the i2th century in France, afterwards rising to 12 sols, Delarue, Nouv. Ess. i. 161. In 
England its value was is. in the time of Henry III, Lib. Gust. 105. In Matth. xxv. 16 
(Wycliffe version) it is the equivalent of "talent"; also in Philippe de M6zieres, Brando, 
o. For a white satin head-dress ornamented with silver bezants, see Add. ch. 60. 

7 In 1502 there were "6 stacions and places of passynge with 6 costly, pleasant and 
-dly pagaynts " to be negotiated before Catherine of Aragon reached St Paul's, Antiq. 

ert. ii. 258. 

" 8 Cf. N. and Q. loth Ser. xi. April 3, 1909. 
9 Juxta inferiorem conductum, Usk, 129. 
The same was done to Richard II in 1377, Wals. i. 332; Knight, London, ii. 221 ; 
Lingard, iii. 136. 

264 London [CH. xxxix 

and gilt viols like David returning from the slaughter of 
Goliath 1 . Above the whole was stretched a sky-blue heaven 8 
or canopy set with stars and sapphire clouds 3 held up by 
four angels with an archangel placed at the conduit itself. 
Beneath the canopy was a figure of Majesty represented 
by a sun darting red rays, and round about were glittering 
archangels who sang "Deo Gratias" for the king 4 that 
God would : 

" Gef him gode lyfe and gode endyng 
That we with mirth mowe safely sing 
Thanks be to God for the victory 6 ." 

At St Paul's the great bells were ringing bravely as the 
king alighted 6 and entered the church where eighteen bishops 7 
were assembled to cense him and salute him, while once 
more the Te Deum resounded through the church 8 . Then 
having kissed the relics and made an offering at the High 
Altar and kneeled at the shrine of St Erkenwald 9 he rode 
on 10 with Queen Joan accompanied by the mayor and the 
citizens along the river strand 11 to Westminster where 

Usk, 129. 

Cf. Kingsford, Chron. 245. 

For "a whele wonderfully wrought with clowds" in 1502, see Antiq. Repert. 
ii. 272. 

Not the praises of the king, as Church, 91. 

Nicolas, App. 67; Tyler, ii. 202; Child, iii. 159; Yonge, 283; Beamont, 238 ; Kings- 
ford, 157. With music in Nicolas, App. 68; Maitland, 14; Chappell, i. 25; Percy, 
Reliques, 165, from Pepys' MS.; Bodleian Selden MS. B. 26, and Trin. Coll. Cambridge 
MS. ; Burney, i. 383, who wrote it out in many different ways before he could disentangle 
the parts and form it into a score. He refers also to J. Stafford Smith's (1750-1836) 
collections of Ancient English Songs, said to have been printed in the i8th century in 
Chappell, i. 25, though I have not seen a copy. 

6 Comyng to Poulys ther he liht adoun, Kingsford, Chron. 113. 

7 Pontifices ter seni, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 129; called 14 in Lydgate, Chron. Lond. 
232; Nicolas, 329; Claud. A. viii; Brie (Brut), ii. 558; Gesta, 68; Caxton, Chron. 
146; or 1 6 bishops and abbots, Greg. Chron. 112. 

8 Not that this service was held in the new nave of Westminster Abbey, as Feasy- 
Mickelthwaite, 36. 

9 Usk, 129. 

10 In Waurin, ii. 224, and Le Fevre, i. 264, he proceeds from St Paul's to Westmin- 
ster by water, which might seem to be borne out by "declinavit " in Gesta, 68, but this 
means to the Palace after visiting the Abbey ; see Chron. Giles, 60, where the description 
of the pageant ends with St Paul's without any mention of Ludgate and Temple Bar as 
in 1393 (Pol. Songs, i. 294) though adding civibus deducentibus eum. But the London 
accounts say that the Mayor and Aldermen " browte him to Westminster," Mon. Fran- 
cisc. ii. 166. Cf. " to Westmynster dyde he ryde" Nicolas, App. 77 ; ad Westmonas- 
terium cito equitavit, Strecche, 267 b; tooke his horse and rode to Westmynstre, Caxton, 
Chron. 146. He rode forthe unto Westmysster and the Mayor and his brethren brought 
hym there, Greg. Chron. 112; Brie (Brut), ii. 558; also Fabyan, 667, for Henry VI in 
1432. For 1453 as the first year in which the procession went by water, see Kingsford, 
Lit. 99. 

11 For fleur de lys on some houses in Holywell Street and its continuation Butcher's 
Row, supposed to commemorate this progress, see Knight, London, ii. 151. Besant, 

1415] Pageantry 265 

the Abbot was awaiting him with a red-robed choir amid 
the clanging of the sanctuary bells, and after offering at 
the confessor's shrine 1 he passed out into the adjoining 
Palace 2 , the people thronging round him up to the very 
gates 3 . For generations past London had been famed for 
her ridings and her love of pageantry 4 . There were many 
living who remembered the pomp and splendour of the 
devices at the triumphal progresses of Richard II through 
the streets of London at his coronation in 1377, his first 
marriage in 1382, his reconciliation with the citizens in 
1392" and his second marriage in 1396*, as well as the 
great ridings of Henry IV at his coronation 8 and his 
marriage 9 , when the conduits in the Palace yard 10 had 

Westminster (32), thinks there were no houses between London and Westminster except 
just outside the Ludgate. In 1578 Agas' map shows houses on both sides of the Strand; 
also Belleforest, Cosmogr. i. 102; Pennant, London, Frontispiece; Wyngaerde's, see 
Benham- Welch, p. 16. For Visscher's map of the Thames from Somerset House to 
White Friars (1503) (temp. Jas. I) where the district to the north of the Strand is all open 
showing Harrow in the distance, see J. T. Smith, Plates. For fancy picture of the road 
from Westminster to London, see Knight, i. Frontispiece. For picture of Edward VI's 
procession to Westminster in 1547, see Wright and Smith, 177. For Wyngaerde's view 
of road from Charing Cross to Westminster in 1543, see Benham- Welch, 16, from Bodl. 
Lib. For Durham House (from Hollar), see Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 40; also Savoy 
Palace (1736) from Virtue, ibid. ii. 754. 

1 For translation of the remains of Edward the Confessor to the shrine behind the 
High Altar in 1269, see Stow, vi. 48. Cf. "St Peter was now supplanted by St Edward," 
Besant, Westminster, in. For the shrine, see Murray-Smith, Frontispiece. Cf. 

Amonges the Relikes the septre oute sought 
Off Seint Edward and to the kyng it brouht 
Thouh it were longe large and off grete weyht 
Yitt on his shouldres the kyng bare it on heyht. 

Kingsford, Chron. 113. 

2 For picture of the Palace by Hollar in 1647, se e Bradley, Guide, 5; Besant, Story, 
18. For view of it from the river, see Wyngaerde's map in Benham- Welch, Plate I. For 
other pictures also from Agas' map showing the stairs, see Wright and Smith, 24; Aubrey, 
ii. 529. For plan of it, see Stow, vi. 66; J. T. Smith, 125; Archaeologia, xliv. 374; 
Walcott, Frontispiece; Besant, Westminster, 40, whose supposition that it contained 
20,000 inmates in the reign of Richard II seems quite impossible. He supposes that 
everything was made within the enclosure, including guns and bows, and that the inmates 
were all married with an average of 5 children each. For doorway and Norman windows 
of the Old Palace, see Knight, London, vi. 121, 124. For plan of the Palace and Abbey, 
see J. T. Smith, 125 ; Lethaby, Palace, 142 ; Wylie, iv. 103, note 7. For written account 
of Palace buildings, see Lethaby, 61. It was abandoned as a royal residence after the 
fire temp. H. VIII, Wright-Smith, 8. 

3 Gesta, 68. For picture of the Palace Gate approached by a winding road through 
fields temp. Ed. IV, see Royal MS. 15, E. IV. 

4 For the entry of Henry III on arrival of Eleanor of Provence in 1236, see Malt, 
Paris Chron. Maj. iii. 336; Jusserand, Lit. Hist. 454. For passage of King John of 
France with the Black Prince in 1357, see Brayley and Britton, 223; Ling. iii. 86. 

Wals. ii. 48; Brayley and Britton, 267. 

6 Not 1393, as Fox-Bourne, 57. 7 Lingard, iii. 177. 

8 i.e. in 1399, Wylie, i. 44. 9 In 1403, ibid. i. 310. 

10 J. T. Smith, 28. For position of the fountain, see Agas' map (1578), ibid. For 
jousts in the Palace Yard in 1399 on completion of the re-roofing and heightening of 
Westminster Hall, see Stow, vi. 48. For Hollar's picture of Old Palace Yard with 
Tower, Conduit and Hall, see Wright and Smith, p. i. For picture of Palace Yard 

266 London [CH. xxxix 

flowed with wine, but on this day the worshipful and 
worthy city 1 outdid herself in the splendour of her shows 
and sights and in the wealth of her disports and dis- 
guisings 2 . Cost was not reckoned in those heady days 
of delirious tumult. The city donned her full garb of 
gladness 3 ; her streets were strawed and spread 4 and hung 
with cloths 8 and tapestries ; her roofs were garnished gay 
with sarsenets 6 ; her houses flagged and royally beseen 7 
with boughs 8 and tapets 9 storied with bright imagery 10 of 

with Westminster Hall and the Holbein Gate in the distance, see Knight, Shakespeare's 
Richard II, p. 129. 

1 Pol. Songs, ii. 256; cf. Citee off Citees off noblesse precellyng, Kingsford, Chron. 115. 

Urbs locuples opibus pollens epulis opulenta 
Plena referta frequens civibus, acre, fero. 

Richard de Cluni (temp. H. II) in Wuttenbach, 62. 

a\/3w re Kal a\\j) evdatfjiovlq. otiSe/jtq. T&V irpbs effirtpav XetTTO fJ.vii), Chalcocen, 90. 
Noble citee tres excellent et forte 
Riche habondant de gens de guerre 
Tres fors homines pour ennemys conquere (circ. 1507). 

Bulletin de 1'Hist. de Paris, iii. 44 (1876). 

For gross rental of London = ^'422O from subsidy roll of 1412, see Archaeol. Journ. 
xliv. 82 ; Besant, Survey, i. 101. 

2 Curiositas apparatuum, varietas spectaculorum, Wals. ii. 314; novis et insolitis 
gaudiis, Vita, 22; Gesta, 68; with joye and merthe and grete renone, Nicolas, 327; do. 
App. 67; Chron. Lond. 231 ; Tyler, ii. 202; Maitland, 15, 61. In jubilo et exaltatione, 
Capgr. De Illustr. 117; ludes et spectacula, Redman, 48; disguising and other disports, 
Stow, vi. 48; shewyngis and sightis, Brie (Brut), ii. 426. 

3 Omni jucunditatis indumento perornatur civitas, Usk, 129. 

4 Estraine'es tendues et parees, Waur. ii. 223; spredde the way on every side, Chron. 
Lond. 230; Nicolas, 326; cf. "the myddewaswere gravelled and sanded," i.e. of Cheap- 
side in 1502, Antiq. Repert. ii. 258. Also at the tilting in Palace Yard, ibid. 296; Lei. 
Coll. v. 356. For picture of the houses in Cheapside at a riding, temp. Ed. VI, see 
Legg, Coronation Rec. 280. 

6 Brut, ii. 558, cf. hongyd rychely with rich clothis of gold and silke and of 
velewettis and clothis of araas. Cf. pannos aureos et holosericos, Wals. ii. in. 

6 Arnold's Chron. p. Ii, quoted in Century Diet., s.v. ; cf. bedeckt mit guldinen und 
mit sidenen diichern, Easier, Chron. v. 161, of the Grey Friars at Perpignan in 1415 ; 
mith dlicher uberzogen, Windecke, 64. For triple sarsenet, see Cotgrave, s.v. Sarsenet 
and Tiercelin, called tissue de trois especes de fil, Godefroy, s.v. Tiercelin. For une 
chanise (i.e. book-cover) de veleran noir double de tercelin rouge (1409), see Delisle, 
Livres d'Heures, 5 ; Thibault, 383; cf. "in my time wore three-pile," Winter's Tale, iv. 
3. 13; for cendal tiercelin for furniture (i.e. triple or three-ply sendal, not Tripoli, as 
Wylie, ii. 444), see Prost, Tapisseries, 391; Thibault, 149; cf. triple et double, Wylie, 
iv. 361; tercelin vermeil, Thibault, 708; tiercelin en grain, Guiffrey, ii. 151 ( = estolle 
et fanon) ; touaille de coton fait en maniere de tripe, Guiffrey, i. 272 (who explains 
"tripe" as une etoffe veloutee a poils longs); called laines appeles tripes, Godefroy, s.v. 
Triperie (q.v.). 

7 Perkins, 156; Halliwell, i. 167. Cf. wel beseyn, Lydg. Troy Bk. 48, 50, 52, 96, 
244, 253, 295, 326, 337, 375; fressh and wel besein, Lydg. Temp. 48. 

8 Cf. euyry strete hongid rychely with riche clothis of gold and silke and of velewettis 
and clothis of araas, Brie (Brut), ii. 426; domus exterior scopis emundatur, pavimenta 
verruntur, rami frondentes in limine statuuntur, Clamenges, i. 143. 

9 Cf. The Chamber sides right to the door 

He brings with tapets. R. F. Williams, i. 224. 

10 Richard II, v. i. 16. Not "the histories of ancient heroes," as Burnet, i. 382; 
Chappell, i. 24. For "bestes et ystoires" painted for the entry of Louis I, Duke of 
Anjou, into Angers in 1379, see Darne, 84; cf. tapiz ystoriez, Coyecque, i. 93. 

i4 I 5] Singing Crowds 267 

England's greatest kings 1 . Garrets and housetops, leads and 
battlements were lined with venturous climbers ranged in 
jeopardy; at every loft 2 and soler 3 her honoured burghers 
sat in their purple and biss 4 and gold and say", while 
from every casement and lattice 6 beamed out the greedy 
eyes of her stateliest dames and daintiest daughters 7 
in all their freshest 8 finery, and "oh! such horns!" says 
the narrator, who, while thanking God for exalting the 
horns of the nation, prayed fervently that the horns of 
the women might be broken 9 . 

From the start at Blackheath to the finish at West- 
minster five crowded hours had been taken up 10 , and it 
should be borne in mind that this was not the progress 
of an orderly cavalcade through well-kept open streets. 
The king was only attended by a few of the officers of his 
household 11 and the leading French prisoners 12 under a guard 
of soldiers. All had to make their way as best they could 
through jeering, clapping, singing crowds all out for a 
gazing 18 , with loud shouts of: "Ha! a welcome be ye! 14 " 
at the very top of their voices. At times the shoving and 

1 Quales texturae picturarumque figurae, Pol. Songs, i. 290. Rutilant, fulgent, 
splendentque plateae, ibid. 291. Cf. convert de draps of the Rue St Denis in 1389 
and the Grand Pont pare"e (sic) et vetu de drap, Frois. iii. 5. For projecting houses 
decorated with banners at the windows, see Rene, Plate xi; Prost, 112. Cf. That hanged 
their houses with richest hangyng cloths, Melusine, 148, 206, 240; chaffaux parez de 
sarges et tapisserie, Felibien, iv. 574; Douet d'Arcq, i. 401 ; ornata civitas tota oloseriis 
et vexillis armis et pallis, Matt. Paris, Chron. Maj. iii. 336. 

2 Antiq. Repertory, ii. 277. 

3 In Caxton, Dial. 6, sollier et greniers= " loftes and garettis." For the "soler 
tofere," see ibid. 50, where it is a bedroom. Cf. " chambres solers and wyndowes," 
Kingsford, Chron. 78. For a chamber sollar or lofte above two standings in the 
shambles, see Exeter Deeds, no. 1615, 1675. 

4 i.e. linen, Halliwell, i. 177; Murray, Diet., s.v. Not to be confounded with the 
furred animal, Wylie, iv. 337. 

5 Of gold of silk and sum of say, Laud Troy Bk. 351. 

6 Cf. pour les regarder estoient aux fenestres parees en maintes maisons de la rue, 
Weale, Van Eyck, Ixvi. 

7 Spectantur pulchrae dum spectant ista puellae, 

Nulla fenestra fuit has nisi quae tenuit. Pol. Songs, i. 290. 
There had ye see ladyes and damoyselles at wyndowes in grete nombre, Melusine, 151. 

8 If she be fressche and well arraied, Gower, Conf. Am. 223. Cf. 

Adieu vous dy marchandes et bourgeoises 

Toutes vous ay trouvez bonnes et belles 

Doulces, plaisans, gracieuses, courtoises. Regniert, 125. 

9 Vultibus ornatis utinam sine cornibus, Elmham, Lib. Metr. 128. 

10 i.e. from 10 to 3, Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53; Salisbury Records, Hist. MSS. 
Various Coll. iv. 195 (1907). 

11 Not by "the heroes of the battle arrayed in their war equipments" while "their 
squires bore the trophies that each had brought away," as Towle, 360. 

12 De quibus Henricus apud suos magnifice triumphavit, Aen. Sylv. Comm. 152. 

13 Sights in vulgar speech called gasyngs, Antiq. Repert. ii*. 286. 

14 Melusine, 151. 

268 London [CH. xxxix 

pressing 1 was so great it was almost impossible to get along 
at all 2 , while long halts were made at every gate and conduit 
to listen to the hymns and hear an explanation of the mum- 
mery 3 . The king had ordered that no pompous speeches 
should be made and that the songs appointed to be sung 
should not be personal laudations of himself 4 but thanksgiv- 
ings to God alone 8 and he would not wear the bruised helmet 8 
and the battered armour that his people longed to see 7 , but 
clad in a purple cloak he seemed to shun applause and rode 
unmoved with moody look 8 and quiet pace amidst the loud 
clarions 9 of the minstrels and the plaudits of the jostling 

On the day following the great progress through the 
city (i.e. on Sunday, Nov. 24, 1415) the Mayor and 200 
of the leading citizens came out to Westminster to present 
the king with ^iooo 10 contained in two gold basins 11 , which 

I Gret was the pres that abrod to se 

Of sondri folks that schove fast and croude. 

Lydg. Troy Bk. 262. 

a Tanta erat compressio populorum quod vix equites sed non sine difficultate eis 
percurrere potuerunt, Gesta, 68; Chron. Giles, 60; causa prepeditionis diversarum 
ordinationum et munerum eidem oblatorum, Lansdowne MS. 1054, f. 53. 

Omnibus in vicis plauditur et comitur. Pol. Songs, i. 289. 
Turba premit turbam, jacet hie, ruit hie, cedit iste, 
Quippe satis lento passu transitur in urbe 

Concursu populi prepediente viam. Ibid. 290. 
Tune adstant bene discutientes 

Quid velit haec turris alta vel hi juvenes. Ibid. 291. 
4 As in the case of Richard II in 1392, see Pol. Songs, i. 289, 295. 
6 Elmham, Lib. Metr. 80; Vita, 72; Harpsfeld, 589; non nostris meritis sed Sua in- 
effabili Benitati, Rym. ix. 436 ; Burney, i. 382, who thinks that he was "either so modest 
or so tasteless," &c. Not that he " ordered this part of the pageantry to cease," as 
Chappell, i. 24 ; or that he forbade all ballads to be sung in disgrace of the French, 
as Sandford, 285. Cf. forbade all further celebrations of his victory either by the poesy 
or the songs of his obsequious and intoxicated people, Brougham, 126. I can find no 
authority for Fuller's statement (Church Hist. 169) as to his "going commonly with his 
head uncovered," cf. Bradley, Guide, 78. 

6 His bruised helmet and his bended sword, Hy. V, Act 5, Prol. 18. 

7 Tit. Liv. 23 ; Harpsfeld, 589. This is altogether ignored in Mr Dicksee's Academy 
picture of the Two Crowns, who depicts him with a crown and a splendid suit of armour 
such as was not worn till a generation after he was dead. 

8 Redman (48) makes him deliberately turn away his eyes ab illis ineptiis and shout 
out that it was God who had subdued their enemies. For his "sober and even taciturn 
demeanour," see Oman, Pol. Hist. 260; "a solid aspect," Historians' Hist, xviii. 537, 
from Knight, ii. 62 (q.v.). Cf. "solemp with semblant so sad," J. Page, 29, of his look 
when receiving the submission of Rouen ; "silent self-restraint that bore witness to anxiety 
as well as modesty," Radford, 50. 

9 Brut, ii. 426. 

10 A pounde of gold ther Inne yclosed, i.e. in a hanaper of gold, Kingsford, Chron. 
114; cf. cum tngenti apparatu, magna reverentii in muneribus et honore, Strecche 

II Chron. Lond. 103. For silvergilt goblet containing 100 nobles given by Richard II 

1415] The Memory of the Dead 269 

themselves were valued at ^500 *. On the following day 3 , 
Nov. 25, a council was held 3 , which was attended by Bishops 
Beaufort and Langley, the Treasurer 4 , the Keeper of the 
Privy (Bishop Wakering), and Roger Leche as Keeper of 
the Royal Household. 

A week after her jubilant welcome to the living came 
London's solemn tribute to the memory of the dead. 
The Duke of York's sodden bones 6 , which had been 
delivered to his wife Philippa 8 , had rested at his hostel 
called the Old Inn near Paul's Wharf 7 until Dec. i, 1415', 
on which day a solemn service was held over them in 
St Paul's 9 . The king, the Dukes of Clarence, Bedford 
and Gloucester and the Marquis of Dorset, who had just 

to Froissart at Windsor, see Frois. at end. At Barbara Down the men of the Cinq. 
Ports had presented him with "a shippe (i.e. bowl) and gold therin," Brie (Brut), ii. 
558. For money presented to Henry V at Coventry in 1421 cum uno cipho aureo, see 
Cov. Leet, i. 34. For quoddam vas cum argento in massa sent from London to Rouen, 
see Iss. Roll 8 H. V, m. Feb. 27, 1421 ; pelves et lavatoria de fulvo metallo, Wals. ii. 211. 
Cf. basons and potts fulfilled with coynes to a greate summe, Antiq. Repert. ii. 281 (1502). 
For picture of Charles VII presenting a cup filled with money to the Virgin and Child, 
see Lecoy de la Marche, 194. For a bassin containing 4000 gold crowns presented to 
the Duke of Orleans on his entry into Orleans on Jan. 24, 1441, see Molandon, 411 ; cf. 
Kingsford, Chron. 225 (1498). In Usk, 129, 6 citizens present the king with 2 gold 
basons full of gold coin at the Cross of Cheap. In the Changers windows in the Lady 
Chapel of the cathedral at Lemans each of the Changers holds a cup and there are two 
more cups in the margin, see Hercher, passim ; do. Etudes, 50 ; Cembroise, Mon. p. 2, 
Plate in ; Bordier-Charton, i. 409. For the cupful of crowns at Henry VIII's masquerad- 
ing at York Place, see Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, quoted in Knight, London, i. 136. 
For zwo itel gulden kanner with 5000 nobles in them presented by Henry V to Sigis- 
mund, see Windecke, 80. For vases d'or presented to Charles VI in Paris in 1389, see 
Rittiez, Hotel de Ville, 179. For picture of Paris citizens making presents to the Emperor 
Charles IV in 1377, see Tisserand, i. 206. 

1 Kingsford, Lit. 294; Chron. Lond. 103; Sandford, 282; Besant, Survey, i. 109; 
not each worth ^500, as Cassell, i. 537. 

2 For documents dated at the Palace at Westminster Dec. 9, see Rot. Scut. ii. 215, 
Dec. n, 1415, see Rym. ix. 324. 

8 Ord. Priv. Co. ii. 184, 185. 

4 i.e. John Rothenale. On Aug. 19, 1416, Roger Leche is Treasurer of England, 
Exch. Accts. 48/1. 

8 Not the body, as Kingsford, 155. 

6 For her arms with those of the Duke of York at Wootton-Bassett near Swindon, 
see Aubrey, Plate xvn. 

7 It had a garden and a brewhouse attached, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 14. For picture of 
Baynard's Castle (i7th cent.), see Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 122. See Vickers, 445, for "a 
place called the Dukes Wardrobe atte Baynardes Castel in London otherwise called 
Waterton's Aley," quoting Rot. Parl. v. 239, said to be on the river bank just west of 
Paul's Wharf bounded on the north by what is now Queen Victoria Street, quoting R. 
Davey, The Pageant of London (1906), i. 42, 188 (q.v.); also "fayer places on Temmy's 
side," Pol. Songs, ii. 207; W. J. Loftie (1891), London City, p. 249; site is still shown 
by Castle Street and Castle Yard, Davey, i. 337. 

8 Wals. ii. 314; Hypo. 468; Sandford, 383; Comp. Peerage, viii. 214, who gives 
this as the date of the burial at Fotheringhay ; also Bibl. Top. Brit. no. xl. 10. Usk 
(129) says that a funeral service was held at St Paul's on Nov. 24 for all, whether English 
or French, who had fallen in the war. 

9 Not at Westminster, as Murray-Smith, 63. 

270 London [CH. xxxix 

come across from Harfleur 1 , attended both at the vigils on 
the previous night 2 and the requiem obsequies in the pre- 
sence of a large number of lords, bishops and abbots on the 
morrow 3 . The hearse 4 was hung with black above, below 
and around, and set with bright banners beaten 5 with the 
arms of notables worked in gold thread, and an account 6 
is still extant which records the amount of gold cloth, 

1 Stow, Chron. 351. 

2 Cf. vigiles au soir et lendemain la messe solemnez, Douet d'Arcq, Enterrement, 130; 
les vegelles et la messe de Posseque, ibid. 135. For vigiles des morts, see Taetey, Test. 
532 ; Soleil, 13, 54, 120, 176, 242; servicium mortuorum videlicet Placebo et Dirige (1437), 
Oliver, Mon. 405 ; vigiles de mors, recommendasses et messe de requiem a note, Matton, 
5 ; cum Placebo et Dirige et novem psalmis, 9 antiphonis, 9 lectionibus et orationibus 
cum missa de requiem in crastino cum nota, Raine, Historians, iii. 296 ; dirige dicebatur 
cum tribus lectionibus, exequiae cum nota et psalmis, Stone, 8, 10. There was Dirige 
don ovyr evyn la messe of Requyem on the morowe, Brut, ii. 430 ; que la dirigie soit dite 
a vespre et la messe de requiem soit dite le matin apres, Wills of Kings, 225. 

The corpses wiche with torches lyght 

They waked had there all that nyght. 

Speght, 364 ; Sherzer, 106. 

Placebo et Dirige also 

The sowle to brynge out of woo 

And also the salmis evenne 

For to brynge the sowle to heven. Pol. Relig. Po. ii. 

With de profundus (sic) placebo et dirige, Lydg. Min. Po. 80 j Kingsford, Lit. 244. 
For une vigilles a neuf pseaulmes et neuf Ie9ons, see Taetey, Test. 549, 632 ; also a trois 
psaumes e 3 lecons, ibid. 633. 

8 Cf. His funeral obseque to-morn we do, Coudrette, 84; when passed (trespasse) we 
shall goo to the corps tomorn to the offrynge, Caxton, Dial. 39 ; tortis et patis cierges a 
aller aux offrandes et pour mettre aux autelz, Taetey, Test. 532; Placebo and Dirige at 
night and masses on the morrow according to custom, Sharpe, Wills, ii. 412. For 
"morrow-mass," see Dugd. ii. 126; Wills of Kings, 246; " obsecque et funerailles," 
Matton, 6; "the exequies," Lydg. Troy Book, 357. For pictures of a requiem mass 
from Sloane MS. 2468, and singing Placebo from Harl. MS. 2971, see Benham, Plate 18 ; 
do. Old St Paul's, 56; see also Rock, ii. 394; Schultz, 68. For requiem a notte, vigilles 
de morts a notte, see Mem. Soc. Archeol. de Touraine, xi. 238; missam de requiem 
submissa voce v. alta voce, Coyeque, ii. 57 ; messe a notte v. basse messe, Bourgeois, 


4 See page 149. Cf. que le herce soit coveree (sic) de drap noir tout entier, item que 
une tres bele herce de cire de la mesme assise soit sur la herce avant dit, Wills of Kings, 
226 (1430). For i6s. paid pour le herse ou furent mis les torches, see Douet d'Arcq, 
Enterrement, 135 ; also 4-$-. pour taindre (i.e. stain or paint) les herces ou furent les cierges 
et le luminaire au paintre qui le fist, ibid. 131. Called a stand for 7 candles in George, 
62 ; not "a pyramid of candles on an altar," as Ramsay, i. 214. 

5 Baners bright beten with gold, Chron. Lond. 232; Nicolas, 328; cote armour beten 
for George, Dugd. Warw. 408 ; gold ful riche in which there was ybete the Minotaur, 
Chauc. Kts. Tale, 981 ; brouded or bete upon his cote-armure, Lydg. Troy Bk. 133 ; bete 
baners and royal cote armuris, ibid. 165, 306, 406; with baners brode and gold-begon, 
Laud Troy Bk. 256; Murray, Diet., s.v. Beaten. For goldbeters (aurimalliatores), see 
Letter Bk. I, 9, 49, 127, 147, 153; Wylie, iv. 272; valance, vexitl' et pennons vapulat' 
diversis armis, Exch. Accts. 406/26, 28 ; moult noble pavilion de drap batu en or perles 
et pierres, Arras, 61, translated as " a fair pavillion made of riche cloth of gold" in 
Melusine, 53 ; diz grans tapis de soye tous batuz a or de 1'ouvrage d'Arras, Lecoy de la 
Marche, ii. 161. For a " betar of wulle," see Caxton, Dial. 44 ; batteur (i.e. gold beater), 
Pitou, 162. For payment to a chasubler for making 18 escussons des armes du trespasse 
for a funeral in 1380, see Douet d'Arcq, Enterrement, 136. 

6 Exch. Accts. 406/26, 28 j pro enternamento, Rym. ix. 334, from Wardrobe Accts. 

1415] The Tomb of the Duke of York 271 

racaemas, turtrin, buckram 1 and silk fringe that was used 
in upholstering the ceremony. 

The dead man had made his will when the army was 
encamped before Harfleur 2 , and in this he had directed 
that the expenses of his funeral should not exceed ^100, 
half of which was to be given to the poor in demi-groats, 
and that his remains should be buried in the church of the 
college that he was building at Fotheringhay 3 , and thither 
his bones were now conveyed to be buried on Dec. i, 141 5 4 , 
under a flat stone in the middle of the choir. On this was 
placed a representation of him in brass, which was seen by 
John Leland in I534 5 , but disappeared when the choir was 
pulled down with the college in I552 6 . For 20 years after- 
wards the coffin lay exposed in the ruined choir 7 , together 
with those of his nephew Richard and his wife Cecily Nevil. 
In 1573 these coffins were opened and re-interred by order 
of Queen Elizabeth 8 , who had a memorial inscription placed 
in the south wall of the church, which exists to the present 
day 9 . 

The Duke of York left no son, but his title and most 

1 For 4 ells of bokeram viridis et rubei coloris at is. ^d. in 1468, see Stone, 5. 

2 i.e. on Aug. 17, 1415, Gibbons, 146; Rym. ix. 309; Dugd. ii. 157; called Aug. 22, 
Hunter, 23, quoting Ducarel, see Wylie, ii. 48. In this he arranged for 1000 masses at 
id. each to be said by the Carthusians at Witham, Beauvale in Shirwood, Henton (i.e. 
Charterhouse Hinton near Bath, Monast. vi. 3; Collinson, iii. 366; Test. Vet. 192), 
Coventry and London, and by the begging friars in London and Stamford. The will 
was proved at Lambeth on Nov. 30, 1415 (Geneal. vi. 228, from Reg. Chichele, 284, 
p. i, where it would appear to have been made at Fotheringhay) ; also at the Old Temple 
in London on Dec. i, 1415, and at Lincoln (Gibbons, 146). 

3 For account of Fotheringhay Church, see Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. no. xl. (1787), p. 20. 
For contract for building it in 1437, see Gardiner, 311; Wylie, ii. 193, note 2. For 
picture of it, see Craik-Macfarlane, ii. 659 (1718); Macfarlane-Thomson, ii. 166. For 
the Duke's arms in the College Hall, see Bonney, 43. For seal of the College, see 
Birch, in. For John Bukland or Bokeland, Master of the College, May 18, 1419, see 
Band, 401 ; Monast. viii. 1411, from Bridges, 2068 f. ; for 40^. left to the College in the 
will of the Duchess Philippa dated March 12, 1431, see Wills of Kings, 227. 

4 Sandford, 383. 

5 Upon whose Tumbe lyithe a flat Marble Stone with an image flatte in Bras, Lei. 
Itin. i. 6; Dugd. ii. 157. 

6 Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. (xl.) 29. 

7 Fuller, Worthies Durham, i. 326; Bonney, 52. Not that the bones were dug up, 
as Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. (xl.) 85 ; nor the body exposed, as Diet. Nat. Biogr. xlv. 4, 13. 

8 Camden (Gough), ii. 182; Peacham, 189, who gives particulars as he heard them 
from Master George Creuse (or Cruys, Bonney, 68) who lived in the College at the time, 
Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. xl. (1787), p. 37. 

9 Sandford, 383; Goodwin, 96; Bonney, 52; called two monuments in Camden 
(Gough), ii. 166; Fuller, Worthies, i. 326; York, xxv, where they are said to be speci- 
mens of the bad taste of the day; Evans, 316; figured in Bibl. Top. Brit. iv. xl. 
20, 34. 

272 London [CH. xxxix 

of his vast estates 1 passed ultimately to his nephew Richard 2 , 
son of the Earl of Cambridge, who had just perished on the 
block at Southampton 3 . At the time of his death he was 
only 42 years old 4 , and to his contemporaries he was known 
as "the Good Duke 5 " and a "second Solomon 6 " in recog- 
nition of his learning, of which we have some evidence not 
only as regards his poems 7 and his purchases of books 8 , but 
in his translation 9 of Gaston Phoebus' famous Livre de 
Chasse, dedicating it to Prince Hal 11 as a fellow sportsman, 

1 Inq. p. Mort. iv. 14, including the castles of Fotheringhay, Stamford and Ewyas- 
Lacy (Herefordshire) and the park of Rayleigh in Essex. 

2 Called Ric. fil. Ricardi nuper comitis Cantebr. in Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 21, Nov. 25, 1415, 
but on Jan. 16, 1416, he is " Ricardus de Ebor.," heir to the Duke of York (ibid. m. 17), 
where he is in the king's custody. He was made Duke of York in 1425-6, Comp. Peer, 
viii. 214; Greg. Chron. 160; Brut, ii. 441; not Oct. 25, 1425, as Doyle, iii. 745. For 
portrait of him in the church of Penrith, see S. E. Harding. 

8 Vol. I. page 533. 

4 He was born in 1373, Doyle, iii. 742 ; Claudius C. x. 260 in Brie, 72, where he is 
30 years old in 1403 (4 H. IV), though called " the old, the veteran, the venerable" Duke 
in S. Turner, v. 423, 427, 456. For his seal on which he is also Earl of Cambridge (not 
"Count of Canterbury," as York, 169), Rutland and Cork and Lord of Tynedale (Doyle, 
iii. 742), see Sandford, 370, 382 ; copied on cover of Baillie-Grohman, Burlington Mag. 
viii. 215. For portrait of him, see S. E. Harding (from MS. B.M. 227); Doyle, iii. 
743 (from Harl. MS. 1319). 

6 Peter, Chron. 487. 

6 Godstow, 242. 

* Wylie, ii. 47. 

8 For 60 gold crowns paid by him when Earl of Rutland for a copy of the Chroniques 
de France bought from Regnault de Montet, a Paris bookseller, who had to cross to 
London for his money, see Champeaux-Gauchery, 127. 

9 York, xvii, from Cotton MS. Vesp. B. xii (circ. 1420) and Add. MS. 16,165, 
written by John Shirley (b. 1366, d. 1456), see York, p. xxvii, which refers to a ballad 
written by him 1440 in Thoresby. This MS. fixes the authorship proving the sup- 
position in Strutt, Sports, 13, who wrongly attributed it to his father Edmund, 
Duke of York, who died Aug. i, 1402, Evans, 305 ; Wylie, iv. 202. It has been 
recently edited by W. A. Baillie-Grohman. For another copy written temp. H. IV 
now lost, see York, 242, who suggests that it may have been written by Richard 
Frampton (see Wylie, iv. 438). (For Thomas Frampton granting land in Essex to the 
Abbess of Bouisgard near Saxmundham (called Boysgard in Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 4) in 1404, 
see Ad Quod Damn. 372.) In it he refers to " Milbourne the kyng otere hunte" (p. 40), 
i.e. William Melbourne, York, 178; Wylie, iii. 245, note 5, on whose death the office 
passed to his brother John Melbourne, i.e. on Dec. 12, 1422, see Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 19, 
who again was succeeded in the office "del oterhunt" at death by Robert Spender on 
Feb. 3, 1430, ibid. iii. 235, i.e. with an allowance of id. per day + \\d. for his groom, 
and f </. each for nine dogs. For Robert Melbourne, Escheator in Somerset and Dorset 
1429-30, see Cal. Pat. H. VI, i. 504, 541 ; ii. 49, who held an enquiry in Wilts, in 1429 
and was trustee for lands in Wilts, in 1424, 1428, ibid. i. 269, 526, 548. For the otter 
( = fynbryn), see York, 179; probably a Welsh word=Dyrfgi in Nemnich, s.v. Mustala. 
Cf. pro lutriciis (i.e. otter hounds), see Du Cange, s.v. Lutra. For picture of an otter 
hunt (la loutre), see Coudere, PI. 65. 

10 Begun May r, 1387, and presented to Philip le Hardi, Duke of Burgundy, York, 
xxxvii. For MSS. of it, see Werth, 67-81; York, 234. For account of the famous 
illuminated MS. Fr. 616 in Bibl. Nat. of the "Livre de Chasse," see Coudere, pp. 3-8; 
York, p. xxxvii; Burlington Mag. viii. 216; Herbert, 267; J. C. Cox, 61. 

11 Whom he calls "my right worshipful and dread lord," "my lord the pryns," 
York, 3, in. 

1415] The Master of the Game 273 

not long after his release from Pevensey 1 . This " little 
simple book," which he had submitted for the Prince's 
" noble and wise correction 2 ," still remains to us under 
the title of The Master of the Game*, and he wrote it in 
order "that English hunters might know something of the 
terms that hunters use beyond the sea 4 ." He himself 
had felt the joy that comes to the hunter's heart ; he 
had loved the grey dawning 5 , the clear bright weather and 
the sweet fair morrow with the song and melody of the 
birds, and the fresh dew shining on the small twigs and 
grass at sunrise, and like all good sportsmen who love 
hounds and hunting and hawking and the lust of beasts 
he had lived most joyful in this world and knew for certain 
that he would go to Paradise when he died 6 , but modern 
writers find little that is favourable to say of his public 
career, which reads as a series of restless intrigues against 
the reigning house and a succession of betrayals to secure 
his own interested ends 7 . His wife Philippa, a daughter 
of John Mohun 8 of Dunster, was allowed the lordship of 
the Isle of Wight with the castle of Carisbrooke during her 
lifetime 9 , and on Feb. 26, 14 16 10 , it was arranged that she 
should have a " reasonable dower " as soon as the inquest 

1 Wylie, ii. 46; called between 1406 and 1409 in York, pp. vii, xii, xvii, xxii, where 
it is regarded as " the oldest book on hunting in the English language." 

2 York, 3. 

8 York, 99, 100, 102, 107, 108 and passim ; R. F. Williams, i. 214. "I am maister 
of this Game with that noble prince your fadere," York, 3, which evidently means 
"Master of the Hart hounds" (see Wylie, ii. 47; York, xxxii), under which title 
he made an indenture with the Sheriff of Somerset and Dorset at Dorchester on 
Oct. 3, 1408, Q. R. Accts. 405/18, translated in York, 169. It shows payment of 
6 yeoman berners (or prickers, bernarius, G. F. Turner, 151, cf. beerners on foot, yemen 
atte hors, York, 94, 100), 2 fewterers and 4 grooms, and the puture of dogs from Sept. 30, 
1407, to Sept. 29, 1408. For the Master of the Game to John of Gaunt, see Armitage 
Smith, Reg. I. p. xii. On April 26, 1397, he was appointed Keeper of the Royal Forests 
south of the Trent, Doyle, iii. 782 ; Eng. Hist. Rev. xviii. 113, 115; including Rocking- 
ham, Pat. 2 H. V, ii. 39 d, July 12, 1414, where he still holds the same office. 

4 York, 74. 6 Ibid. 83, 86. 

6 Translated from Gaston Phoebus, York, 8, 9. 

7 For an account of him, see York, pp. xxi-xxv, where he is called "this tumultuous 
prince." For picture of him from Creton, see Doyle, iii. 743. For his stall-plate in 
St George's Chapel, see Hope, Plate XLIII. For his seal, see Sandford, 374, 380; Bur- 
lington Mag. viii. 215, 361. For his will, see R. F. Williams, i. 211; Wylie, ii. 48, 
note i. For Peter Mavan, esquire, and John London, clerk, as two of the executors of 
his will, see L.T.R. Misc. Enr. Accts. 6/3 ; for the names of the two others with 4 super- 
visors, see Rym. ix. 309. 

8 Dugd. i. 498. 

9 Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 6, Dec. 10, 1415 ; York, xxv. For John Muston, vicar of Caris- 
brooke, as one of the executors of the Duke's will, see Rym. ix. 309 ; Wills of Kings, 

10 Claus. 3 H. V, i. 

W. II. 1 8 

274 London [CH. xxxix 

as to her late husband's estate had been completed, and as 
a result many manors and lands 1 were set aside for her 
which were to pass to the Duke of Gloucester 2 at her death. 
She survived her husband 15 years and did not die till 
July 17, i43i s , when she was buried in the Abbey at 
Westminster 4 . 

The bones of the Earl of Suffolk were buried in the 
church of Ewelme 6 , and his title and possessions 6 passed to 
his brother Michael de la Pole, who was then but 19 years 
of age*. Two hundred years elapsed and the fame of 
Agincourt was fast fading out when patriotic efforts were 
made in the spacious days to galvanise it into life again 
in the fond hope that Harry the King and all his heroes 
would be remembered on St Crispin's Day "to the ending 
of the world 8 ." In this revival the names of the slaughtered 

1 For payments to her as widow of the Duke of York on account of her dowry, see 
Iss. Roll 6 H. V, Pasch., April 8, 1418. For her estate, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 137 

2 For manors of Castlemartin (Pemb.), Barton in Bristol (Inq. p. Mort. iv. 14; 
Vickers, 34), Osterlowe, St Clears, and Trane (i.e. Trayn near Llantrissaint in Glamor- 
ganshire, Inq. p. Mort. iv. 347), the castles of Llanstephan (which had belonged to a 
Welshman, Henry Gwyn, who was killed fighting on the French side at Agincourt, Pat. 
3 H. V, ii. 9, Feb. 20, 1416; Nicolas, 175; Tyler, ii. 187; Vickers, 34), Kilgerran and 
Carisbrooke and the lordship of the Isle of Wight, all held by Philippa Duchess of York, 
for her lifetime, see Pat. 5 H. V, 8, after which they were to come to Humphrey Duke 
of Gloucester, see Pat. 3 H. V, ii. 16, Dec. 28, 1415; Vickers, 34; Ancient Petitions, 
File 85, no. 4220. Most of these Welsh manors had been granted to him on July 20, 
1413, see Vol. I. p- 325, note 2. For the Duke of York's castle at Devizes (said 
to have been demolished temp. Edward III, Vickers, 34, who gives no reference) with 
the town (villa) of Rowell and the park of Pewisham and Melksham granted to Duke 
Humphrey, see Priv. Seal Writs, 1423/617. These had come to the Duke of York from 
Hugh Waterton, kt. f who died in 1409 (Wylie, ii. 292), to whom they had come from 
Queen Joan (ibid. ii. 284). Duke Humphrey succeeded as Keeper of the Royal Forests 
south of the Trent, which office the Duke of York had held since July 6, 1406, Exch. 
Accts. 136/9, in which one of his executors, Master John London, clerk, renders an 
account for the sale of wood, &c. ; see also Vickers, 34. 

3 Comp. Peer. viii. 214; not 1433, as Sandford, 382; nor 1415, as Stothard, 88; 
Bonney, 77. For her will dated March 12, 1430 (?i43i), proved Nov. 13, 1431, see 
Gough, iii. 99; Royal Wills, 224-228; called 1430 in Geneal. vi. 228, from Chichele, 
Reg. 428% p. i. 

4 For her tomb in St Nicholas' Chapel in Westminster Abbey, see Wylie, ii. 48 ; Le 
Keux, 59; Lyte, 23; Stanley, 127; W. H. Rogers, Plate xxix; Feasy-Mickelthwaite, 
101 ; F. Bond, 56; Macfarlane-Thomson, i.686; Besant, Survey, ii. 138; Lethaby, 255 ; 
F. Bond, 189; do. Guide, 18, 20, with plan of St Nicholas' Chapel. Cf. al autre de 
Seint Nicolas a quel mon corps fist, Wills of Kings, 226; i.e. the third chapel on the 
south side of the ambulatory, Monast. i. 264. For dispute as to her sale of Dunster to 
the Luttrells, see Wylie, ii. 48 n.; Lyte, 118, with cost of paper and parchment Jan. 5, 
1406, for writing down the evidence at Bridgwater; see also Hancock, Minehead, 168, 
from Dunster Muniments, 13 (B. i). 

6 Napier, 48; called "New-Elm" in R. Baker; or "Ewhelm," Kennett, i. 319. 

6 For his manors and other possessions, see Inq. p. Mort. iv. 1 7. 

7 Doyle, iii. 436. 

8 Hy. V, iv. 3. 64. 


Christmas Revelry 


Duke and Earl were again recalled to England's memory 
when a minor poet sang: "They won, they lost, they live 
though they are dead 1 " ; but Fate has long since sealed 
them down in her oblivion, from which no artificial trum- 
peting can ever hope to bring them back 2 . 

The remainder of the year 1415 was spent at Westmin- 
ster 3 , and Christmas was spent at Lambeth 4 , where all went 
mad with music and revelry in honour of their " most 
victorious king 6 ." For never had England known a king 
more keen, more manly 6 , more unwearied 7 , who shared his 

1 Harbert, 49; or Wm. Herbert, Diet. Nat. Biogr. xxvi. 225. 

2 Cf. the feast of Crispin passes by without any mention of Agincourt, Johnson in 
Bos well, 417, quoted in Courtenay, i. 198. 

3 For documents dated at the Palace at Westminster, Dec. 9 (Rot. Scot. ii. 215), 
Dec. u, 1415, see Rym. ix. 324. 

4 Wals. ii. 314; Otterbourne, 277; not at Eltham, as Kingsford, Chron. 123. For 
^1007. os. ^\d. paid to the king at Lambeth, Christmas, 1415, per manus Thomas 
Chitterne, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Jan. 10, 1416. For other payments apud 
Lambeth without specified dates, see ibid. March 18, 1416. For indenture dated at 
Lambeth, Jan. i, 1416, see Wardrobe Accts. 406/27, on which day Archbishop Chichele 
was at Offord near Sevenoaks, Cone. iii. 375. 

8 Victoriosissimus rex, Gesta, 59; Tit. Liv. 22, 54, 55; Elmham, Lib. Metr. 79; 
tres victorieux prince, Rym. x. 430; Rot. Parl. v. 176; Paston Letters, i. 362; invictis- 
simus, Rym. ix. 447; x. 556; Tit. Liv. 16 ; Anjou Lett. 2, 5, 9, 12; invictissime et 
gloriosissime regum sacra et metuendissima corona, Rym. ix. 606; most famouse and 
victoriouse Prynce Harry, Rot. Parl. v. 56, 139; Noblesse, 31, 41; That was on earth 
King of Kings called, Buswell, 70; The fulle noble and victorious prince of renomme, 
Noblesse, 32; that mightifull prince of renommee, ibid. 19, 43 ; most victorious, Lydgate 
in Pol. Songs, ii. 137; most mighty of puissaunce, ibid. Fall of Princes, xxxiii; victorio- 
sissimi principis, Rym. ix. 444 ; Ashmole, App. xlv ; Blanchard, v. 205 ; victoriosus rex, 
Stone, 19; nunquam victus, Strecche, 265 b; regia victoriosa pietas, Tit. Liv. 123; 
gloriosissimo et victoriosissimo principe, Decembrio, in Eng. Hist. Rev. xxiv. 89 (1909). 

Of knyghthode moste famouse 

Most avisy and most victorious. Pol. Songs, ii. 137. 

Right gracious and right redoubted lord, Orig. Lett. Ser. II. i. 55; "The famous and 
invincible king," J. J. Bond, 74; The merveillouse werroure and victorious prince 
Henry V, Pol. Songs, ii. 199 (written 1436) ; The fyft Henry the myghti conquerour, 
Lydg. Min. Po. 125. For documents dated at Westminster Feb. 5, 28; March 18 ; 
Apr. 7, 1416, see Rym. ix. 330, 331, 332, 337. 

6 Magis laboriose, strenuius, vel humanius, Gesta, 60; wonne by his gret manhode, 
Noblesse, 16. 

No manlier to speke of worthinesse 

Of governaunce nor of hy prowesse 

Which thurgh his manhode and grete laboure 

Lyche a notable worthie conqueroure 

For which he may amonge the worthie nyne 

Truly be set and reconed for oon. Pol. Songs, ii. 137. 

What had this kynge of his magnificens 

Of gret corage of wisdom and prudence 
Provision, forewitte, audacite", 

Of fortitude, justice, agilite" 
Discrecioun, subtile avisifenesse 

At emperaunce noblesse and worthynesse 
Science, pro-esce, devocion, equite* 

Of most his magnanimite". Pol. Songs, ii. 200. 

7 Impatiens quietis ac audax in bello, Strecche, 265 b. 

18 2 

276 London [CH. xxxix 

people's toil through such a march 1 , fought at their head 
in such a fight and brought them back with so glorious 
a triumph and so swift a return 2 . He had gone forth as 
the dawn to return as the noon-day ; he had sailed as a 
king and come back as a conqueror whose own good 
strength had crushed the might of France 3 , revived his 
country's old renown and made her the queen of kingdoms 
and a terror to her foes 4 . His victory had sounded like a 
thunder-clap and all Europe felt the advent of a mighty 
conqueror 5 . His people called him " their most uncon- 
quered Prince 6 ," "a second Hector 7 ," and "the king of 
kings 8 ." The Pope addressed him as the arm of his 
strength 9 , and 200 years later he was still the Henry 
whose name could hale his people "to an hundred mischiefs 10 " 
and "made all France to quake 11 ." 

1 Given as 320 miles traversed in 18 days, "a rate surpassing any continuous marching 
recorded of late years," Oman, Art of War, 109. The number of days will be reduced 
to 1 6, i.e. at the rate of 20 miles a day, if the start was begun on Oct. 8. Called 430 
kilometres in 18 days, Viollet-le-Duc, Mobilier, vi. 382. George (87) pronounces this 
to be "fairly hard marching" with "rather scanty supplies of food." 

2 Where was on lyve a man more victoriouse 
And in so shorte tyme prynce so mervelouse. 

Pol. Songs, ii. 200; Hakluyt, i. 228. 
In xv wokes forsothe he wroughte al this. 

Chron. Lond. 233; Nicolas, 329. 

3 For seu boo esforco foi venceder do principal poder de Franca, Duarte, 87. 

4 Vita, 71. 

5 Whose worthines thorouj the world doth sprede. 

Lydg. Troy Bk. 148. 
And also fer as Phebus in his spere 
From est to west shadeth his bemys brijt 
Thou art y-reknd for the beste acurding to knyjt. 

Lydg. Troy Bk. 876 (written 1420). 

Puix le temps d'un an le roy d'Angleterre est venu a tres grande puissance, Blanchard, v. 
205 (written in 1416). 

6 Inclyti et omnium priorum aetatum praeclarissimi, Bekynton, i. 20.3 ; initium tuorum 
bellorum praeclarum magnificum et omni laude collaudandum a cunctis mortalibus cense- 
batur, Blundel, 32. 

7 Alter Hector in conquestu, Strecche, 265 b. 

8 That was on earth King of Kings called, Buswell, 70. 

9 Rym. ix. 558. 

10 Henry VI, Pt. II. iv. 8. 55. 

11 Ibid. iv. 8. 16. Cf. The scourge of the Frenchmen, Watson, 107. 



No record now remains to indicate the manner in 
which the news of the tribulation 1 of Agincourt was 
received in Paris. The clerk of the Parliament makes no 
mention of it at all in his official diary and does not allude 
to the battle until nearly four weeks after it had been fought, 
and even then he merely refers to it as " the affair that the 
English had against the king 2 ,'' and the earliest unofficial 
mention of it that I have found occurs in a letter written 
in Paris on Oct. 30, 14 is 3 , by a merchant of Lucca to the 
signory of Venice, in which he told them that things were 
going from bad to worse and the few leaders that had sur- 
vived the rout were all divided amongst themselves and that 
if they did not mend their ways the whole country would 
be lost 4 . There were many still living who remembered 
the arrival of the crushing news of the great slaughter at 
Nicopolis some twenty years before 5 and the official services 
that had then been recommanded for the dead 8 . But though 

1 See page 196. 

2 La besoigne que ont les Angloiz centre le roye, Baye, ii. 224, Nov. 19, 1415. Cf. 
la besogne de Picardie, Luce, ii. 100. The news reached Tournay on the day after the 
battle, Vandenbroeck, 126, where it is called "la desconfiture de plusieurs seigneurs de 
gens du roy faite par les Engle"s. " 

8 It was received in Venice on Dec. i, 1415, Morosini, ii. 70, and is summarised in 
Sanuto, 898, 899, who says that it was registered in the Cronica Dolfina a carte, 144. 

4 Sy non muda muodo quel reame eser perdudo, Morosini, ii. 74. 

8 For letters from Paris to Venice dated Dec. 10, 13, 23, 1396, and Jan. 1397, asking 
for fuller information, see Mas-Latrie, Commerce, 162, 170. For supposition that the 
news arrived in Paris at the end of Dec. 1396, see Mirot, xxx. 166. Konrad Kyeser, 
writing in 1405, dates it in 1395 and calls it diem impurum obliquum, curvum retro- 
gradum, eclipticum infelicem et opacum, Romacki, i. 135. Cf. le mal et doloreux vriage 
de Honguerie, Christine, CEuvres, ii. 197. He calls Sigismund profugum et furibundum. 
For his escape, see Kling, 103. 

6 St Denys, ii. 522; Guizot, ii. 232; Robinson, 152. For picture of Jacques de 
Heilli delivering the news to Charles VI in Paris at Christmas, 1396, see Humphreys, 
Frois. ii. Plate xxix. Cf. 

En mains licus noirs vestemens 
Porter deuil et courroux pour joye 
Sonner pour les trespassemens 

278 Lagny [CH. XL 

several provincial churches at once put up official mourning 
for the Agincourt dead 1 yet in Paris no such order seems 
to have been issued now, though the members of the French 
"nation" of the University met on Oct. 31, 1415, and de- 
cided to hold a service of their own in memory of their 
fathers, brothers, friends and relations whose bodies were 
amongst the slain 2 . For these accordingly a vigil was held 
at Martinmas (Nov. n) in the Chapel of the College de 
Navarre and the mass for the dead was sung on the 
following day by the Dauphin's confessor and tutor 3 , Jean 
d'Arsonval, Bishop of Chalon on the Saone 4 . 

While the battle was being fought, the king, the Dauphin 
and the Duke of Berry were at Rouen 5 looking confidently 
for cheering tidings. The bad news reached Boulogne on 
the same day that the battle was lost, and on the following 
day a messenger started for Montreuil asking urgently for 
help to meet the expected attack upon the frontier 8 . Thus 
within four days of the disaster the fatal facts were fully 
realised at Rouen and it is typical of the impotence of the 
rulers of France that the chronicler has nothing to record 
beyond the fact that when the news was broken to the 
court King Charles and all about him wept and cried out : 

De pluseurs que Pitez envoye 

Au moustier 

Je ne voy que tristesse et pi our 

Et obseques soir et matin. Deschamps, viii. 86. 
1 e.g. the Chapter of St Quiriace at Provins, Bourquelot, ii. 56. 
a Du Boulay, v. 295. 

3 Called his confessor and maitre d'ecole, Archon, ii. 344 ; Malte Brun, 67 ; Pannier, 
2I 5> 384? cf. cujus eruditor es, Clamenges, Ep. 146; qui regium adolescentem erudien- 
dum suscepisti, ibid. 267. For other letters of Clamenges to him still in the cathedral 
library at Bayeux, see Hermant, 370, 374, in which he leaves money for a mass in the 
church at Arson val near Bar-sur-Aube for the soul of " son ancien maitre le Due de 
Cayenne." For his signature to a document (Jan. 7, 1410) certifying that N. d'Oresme's 
translation of the Ethics of Aristotle which had been in the possession of Jean de Mon- 
taigu at Marcoussis has been restored to Giles Malet the librarian at the Louvre, see 
Delisle, Recherches, i. 257. 

4 Not Arconval, nor Arcamval, as Du Pin, iii. 54; nor Arconville, as Eubel, 158. 
He is called Arkenvalle, or Arconvalle, by Clamenges (ii. 146, 207, 285), who addressed 
several letters to him on hearing that he was safe after a rumour had reached him that he 
was dead, cf. Hermant, 370. For his will dated Paris Aug. 9, 1416, see Gall. Christ, iv. 
929; called Aug. 23, 24 in Tuetey, Test. 264. He died on Aug. 27, 1416, Gams, 533; 
called Aug. 14 in Eubel, i. 158, or Aug. 19, Gams, 384, and was buried in the Paris 
Charterhouse just outside the Porte de 1'Enfer, Gall. Christ, iv. 929. For his brass, 
where he is called " Arson valle," confessor to Charles VI, see Berty, iii. 84. He became 
a Canon of Tours, Chartres and Paris (Ste Chapelle), Bishop of Chalon-sur-Sa6ne 1413, 
Pannier, 217. 

5 e.g. Oct. 27, 1415, Regnoult, 124; also Nov. 8, 1415, Add. Ch. 260; not that the 
French king was at Agincourt, as Mussiou, iii. 259. 

6 Deseille, 424. 

1415] The News in France 279 

" We be all dead and overthrown 1 ." The king indeed was 
but a witless phantom 2 , too mad to rule, not mad enough 
to be deposed but long exploited by ambitious relatives*. 
At times he fancied he was made of glass and must be 
held together with the baumes 4 of a horse-collar lest he 
should break 5 . He insisted that his name was not Charles 
but George, that he was not a king, that his badge was not 
the fleur-de-lis but a lion hit with an arrow in the flank, that 
he was not married, that he had no children 6 , and it is a 
touching fact that in these sad November days they sent 
him down a book 7 from the Library at the Louvre 8 con- 
taining plenty of pictures of guns and siege engines to look 
at if he could do nothing else. The regent Dauphin 9 was 
a young and wilful 10 debauchee who had not many weeks to 
live and the Duke of Berry a timid, shattered old man 11 
who had thrown in his lot with the faction whose life lay 
crushed on the battlefield in Picardy. Still there remained 
a large force intact at Rouen and the Dauphin has been 
blamed for not at once attempting to recover Harfleur 
before the English could establish a permanent foothold 
there 12 . But as a matter of fact he had other foes to face 
and his first care was to get the king back to Paris and 
secure the capital if possible against the machinations of 

1 "No som to mors," Brut, ii. 597; gemitu et lachrymis dolorem protestantur, 
St Denys, v. 574; eussent au cceur grand' tristesse, Monstr. 381; D. Sauvage, 242; 
tous grandement troublez, Waur. ii. 231. 

2 Un phantome de souverain, Villaret, xiii. 456 ; le spectre d'un homme et Tombre 
d'un roi, Vallet de Viriville, i. 135, 136; fetiche de'bonnaire, ibid. i. 224; "a gentle 
kindly unimportant creature," Robinson, 127; "gentle, dull and generous," ibid. 179; 
chief essoignie, Baye, ii. 219; Felibien, iv. 560; estant malade et sequestrl, Martial de 
Paris, i. 28 ; occup et detenu de maladie, Monstr. 420. 

8 Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 130; triste jouet de toutes ces competitions, Battiffol, 242. 
4 Attelles de fer, cf. Cotgr., s.v. ; Godefroy, s.v. Astele = morcea.u de bois, astell, see 
Wylie, iii. 191. 

6 Le Laboureur, 242 ; Prevel, 28 ; Vallet de Viriville, Isabeau, 48. 

6 St Denys, ii. 86. 

7 Thesaurus regis in quo libro figurantur plures modi ingeniorum belli, EC. des 
Chartes, xlix. 426, which shows that the librarian, J. Maulin, brought it from Paris to 
Rouen in Nov. 1415. 

8 For Giles Malet's catalogues of the Louvre Library, see Wylie, iv. 85, note 5 ; 136, 
note i. They were re-edited by his successors, Antoine des Essarts (July 7, i4ii-May 8, 
1412) and Jean le Begue, who began his on Oct. 3, 1413, and finished it on July 10, 1415, 
Pannier, 215. 

9 On Nov. 15, 1415, he is lieutenant du roy et capitaine general des parties de Picardie 
et West-Flandres et de toutes les autres frontieres de ce royaume, Add. Ch. 133. 

10 Jeune regent plain de sa volont, Baye, ii. 219; Monstr. 380; Felibien, iv. 560; 
Duchesne, 824; moult plein de volonte plusque de raison, Bourgeois, 622. 

11 Der schwache Berri, Assmann, iv. 101 ; Wylie, iv. 69, note 4. 

12 St Denys, v. 582. 

280 Lagny [CH. XL 

the Duke of Burgundy, and when at length news came 
that Henry had really sailed home from Calais, the large 
army broke up from Rouen and moved eastwards to take 
up quarters at Corbeil, Melun, Meaux 1 , St Denis, St 
Cloud 2 and other places on the lines of the Seine, the Oise 
and the Maine. 

On Nov. 29, 141 5 s , King Charles entered Paris by the 
St Honore" gate with a small escort. His long hair streamed 
down his shoulders and he wore his ordinary dress and cap. 
No streets were decorated, no work was stopped, no crowds 
came out with "Welcome Noel 4 ." The Duke of Berry alighted 
at the Hostel de Nesle on the South Bank and the Dauphin 
rode on Nov. 3o 5 from the side of St Denis without pausing 
to pay the customary visit to the Abbey. He stayed at the 
newly built Hostel de Bourbon 6 on the river side adjoining 
the Louvre, where a council was at once held, at which the 
Count of Armagnac* was summoned from the south 8 to take 
up the office of Constable of France 9 with full command of 

1 Meuillon, 19, who had come up from Dauphin^ with 50 men-of-arms had met the 
Dauphin at Pontoise and been told off to defend Meaux and le Marthe (sic), possibly the 
frontier of Brie and Champagne where the Duke of Burgundy's influence prevailed. For 
names of the nine squires of his muster in Paris Dec. 28, 1415, whither he had been sum- 
moned by the Count of Armagnac, see Roman, p. 21, with other musters from Dauphine 
in Paris Nov. 28, Dec. 28, 1415, and Jan. 24, 1416, ibid. 20, 22. 

2 For muster of Guillaume de Paladue with 12 squires at St Cloud Nov. 24, 1415, see 
Roman, 19; Mirot, D'Orgemont, 157, who gives many more musters. 

3 Not Nov. 22, as Monstr. 381 ; nor Nov. 25, as Vallet, i. 18; nor Nov. 30, as Moro- 
sini, ii. 85 note ; nor that he had been left at Rouen, as Meuillon, 19. For a journey from 
Rouen to Paris in three days, see C. Beaurepaire, Deux Comptes, 243, with halts at Fleury 
sur Andelle, Fxiouis, Magny, Villeneuve en Chievre, Pontoise and St Denis. 

4 See Wylie, iii. 93. 8 St Denys, v. 582. 

6 J uv - 5 2 5 > au logis de Bourbon, Gollut, 1015 ; not in the Louvre, as Cousinot, 135 ; 
Babeau, 40. It had just been rebuilt (i.e. 1395) by Louis II, Duke of Bourbon, whose 
arms with those of his wife Anne, Dauphine of Auvergne, were in one of the stained 
windows of the oratory. In 1396 it was called le grand hostel neuf, Berty, i. 36; ii. 104. 
For plan and description of it, see ibid. i. 32-39 ; A. Duchesne, Antiquitez, 109 ; H. 
Legrand, 61. For pictures of it, see Berty, i. 133, 135, 138, 146, 149, 317 ; ii. 133, 171 ; 
App. p. vi ; Duruy, ii. 65; Babeau, 20, 34, 41, 73. It was afterwards known as the Petit 
Bourbon, Babeau, 151 ; it was demolished in 1758, ibid. 221. 

7 i.e. Bernard VII, b. 1367, who succeeded his brother Jean II in 1392 as Count of 
Armagnac and Rodez, Rouquette, 375, 394; Montlezun, iv. 86. For his seal, see Zeller, 
Armagnacs, 25 ; Serrazin, Cauchon, 27, from Archives Nat. no. 352. For his arms, see 
Anselme, vi. 223. He is called el Cont6 d'Armignaccha in Sercambi, iii. 235. 

8 He was at Perpignan during King Sigismund's visit in the latter part of Oct. 1415, 
Bater, Chron. v. 161 (Oct. 22); Zurita, ii. 72. For a letter written by him on June 14, 
1415, at Vic (in Bigorre) near Tarbes (Hautes Pyrenees), see Jurade, 181, 227; also 
another dated Nov. 28, 1415, at Gaye (i.e. G6e) on the Adour below Risde (Gers), see 
ibid. 282. 

9 Monstr. 381 ; St Denys, v. 584; not Marshal, as Vita, 71 ; Pol. Verg. 447, where 
he is wrongly called John. In Baye, ii. 228; Felibien, iv. 560, he is called le capitaine 
de Paris before Dec. ii, 1415. For his seal as Constable of France Feb. 28, 1416, see 
Demay, Inventaire, i. 108; Forestie, Title page. 

1415] The King enters Paris 281 

the general defence. He set out at once from Lectoure 
with a large company of Gascons 1 and arrived in Paris on 
Dec. 3<D 2 , taking up his quarters with his father-in-law the 
Duke of Berry 3 in the Hostel de Nesle. 

During those eventful months unquestionably the 
strongest man in France was the remorseless Duke John 
of Burgundy 4 . He had taken no actual part in the battle 
but had kept his forces in reserve and believed that as soon 
as he appeared he could rouse into furious action the callous 
mocking spirit of the capital 6 . He had already leagued 
himself with his country's victorious enemy to forward the 
factious personal ambition which had been the one con- 
suming passion of his life. For the last three months he had 
kept a force of 3000 Savoyards, Lorrainers and Germans 6 
quartered on the people of Champagne ready to threaten 
Paris from the east, but when the fact of the great defeat 
was fully known he seemed to halt irresolute to strike. It 
is said (though the story is probably apocryphal 7 ) that he 
sent his gauntlet to the conqueror at Calais with a challenge 
to fight him for having killed his brother the Duke of 
Brabant who was not a subject of the King of France 
except as regards a hostel that he owned in Paris, but 
that Henry courteously returned the gage with an explana- 
tion that the Duke's brothers 8 had been really both killed 
by the French themselves, as some of the prisoners had 
confessed 9 , but that if the scruples of honour could not be 

1 Bonal, 529; Mezeray, ii. 569; aus der abgeharteten Gebirgswohnern des baskischen 
Landes, Loserth, Gesch. 547. 

2 Bourgeois, 622; Monstr. 383; Le Fevre, i. 273. Called Dec. 29 in Juv. 527. 

3 Juv. 527. He had married the Duke's daughter Bonne on Jan. 26, 1395, when 
grand fetes were held in the Hostel de Nesle, Anselme, iii. 421. For the contract of 
marriage dated Jan. 8, 1394, or Dec. 1393, see Anselme, i. 107 (D. Godefroy, 675, 676, 
677; Durrieu, 16 ; Mas-Latrie, 1541; not 1393, as ibid. 1704). She had previously 
married (i.e. in the church of St Pol in Jan. 1377, Voces, 232; called Jan. 18, 1376, in 
Toulgoet-Treanna, 69, 93, 94, where a clyster is charged for; or 1372 in Chantilly, 61, 
where he is wrongly called Duke; or Jan. 24, 1378, in Neuville, 95) Amede'e VII the 
Red Count of Savoy who died in 1391, and was the mother of Amedee VIII the first 
Duke of Savoy. She died at Carlat on Dec. 30, 1435. Bonal, 556; Rouquette, 417, 
but her body was buried in the church of the Grey Friars at Rodez, Bonal, 556, where 
since her husband's murder she had passed her widowhood in devotion and was regarded 
as a saint, ibid. 472, 555. In 1395 she is called Comtesse de Savoie and baronne de 
Frucignac, Affre, Inv. 228. 

4 Potentissimo signor altra tuty i altoy de Franza, Morosini, ii. 120. 

6 Froid et moqueur, Lavisse-Rambaud, iii. 134; ces bruyants allies, ibid. 135. 

6 St Denys, v. 584. 

7 Though accepted by Barante, iii. 172; H. Martin, vi. 25; Cassell, i. 538. 

8 Not sons, as Crowe, i. 128. 9 Juv. 524. 

282 Lagny [CH. XL 

otherwise appeased he would be ready to meet his anta- 
gonist at Boulogne in two months' time (i.e. on Jan. 15, 
1416) and prove his statement to the hilt 1 . It was even 
afterwards said that the Duke had actually been himself 
to Calais and held a personal conference with King Henry 2 , 
but this is altogether disproved by reference to the official 
records of his accounts which show his whereabouts with 
exactness from day to day 3 . For 10 days after the battle 
he remained inactive at Dijon and then began to move 
slowly towards Paris, having with him Simon Caboche and 
others of the most desperate leaders of the dmeute of 1413 
who had hitherto always been excluded from the royal 
pardon 4 . The presence of these men was all along his 
greatest source of weakness. Negotiations for their pardon 
had been recently pressed at Rouen and on Nov. 13, 141 5 5 , 
a royal ordinance was proclaimed in Paris liberating all 
prisoners who had been concerned in these events except 
the 45 special offenders, but the Duke was not satisfied 
with the prospect 6 . By this time his force amounted to 
10,000 men 7 , which was afterwards swelled to twice that 
number 8 . On Nov. 1 1 9 he arrived at Chatillon, where he 
was met by the mayor and skevins of Dijon 10 and attended 
a solemn service for the souls of his two dead brothers in 
St Nicholas' Church 11 . He then moved onward down the 
Seine, arriving at Troyes on Nov. 2i 12 , and two days later 18 
envoys came in from the court at Rouen inviting him to 

I Goodwin, 95. 2 Fenin, 560. 

3 Itin. 560. 

4 Monstr. 382 ; see page 100. 

5 Juv. 522. With text dated at Rouen Nov. 7, 1415, cf. Ordonnances, x. 249; 
Coville, Caboche, 400. 

Baye, ii. 228 ; Felibien, iv. 560. 

7 Monstr. 381 ; Le Fevre, i. 270. 

8 Monstr. 382; Le Fevre, i. 271; D. Sauvage, 242. Plancher (Hi. 443) supposes 
that he got this army together pour humilier 1'Anglois, le chasser du royaume, &c., &c. 
Called "grosse puyssance" in Meuillon, 19. Michelet (vi. 49) thinks that he took ten 
horsemen and galloped straight to Paris only to find that the Count of Armagnac was 
there before him. In Constance the number was believed to be 40,000, Pulka, 43, writing 
on Jan. 22, 1416. For 30,000 crowns asked for from the Four Members of Flanders to 
pay his men, see Delepierre, Ser. II. i. 203, where he claims that he will soon be sum- 
moned to Paris by the Queen and the Dauphin to conclude a lasting peace. 

9 Gachard, 231 ; Itin. 422. 

10 Vallee, 24. 

II Plancher, iii. 439. For a mass for the dead which he had previously attended in 
the Charterhouse at Dijon on Nov. 2, 1415, see Monget, ii. 56. 

12 Boutiot, ii. 357. 

13 i.e. Nov. 23, 1415, Itin. 422. 

1415] Duke John of Burgundy 283 

come to the royal presence 1 at Christmas and offering to 
make him a perpetual member of the King's Council with 
an annual allowance of 800,000 crowns 2 , while his son Philip 
should be governor of Picardy 8 if he would desist from 
his menace to the capital and turn his arms against the 

As soon as his approach was known an order had been 
published in Paris 4 that no Prince of the Blood should be 
allowed to enter the city accompanied by troops, that all 
bridges should be broken and all boats and ferries removed, 
for everywhere there were indications that the Armagnacs 
would have to fight for their very life if once the Duke of 
Burgundy drew near. At Laon the bishop had arranged 
to quarter some of the royal troops, but townsfolk and 
countryfolk alike stood out against it, declaring that none 
should undertake to defend their town except themselves, 
and the order for admitting outside troops had perforce to 
be forthwith cancelled. Within the capital all was suspi- 
cion and alarm. On the night of Tuesday, Dec. 10, 14 15 5 , 
a pie-baker named Robin Copil was charged with having 
sent a child to Brie-Comte- Robert with a letter urging the 
Duke of Burgundy to make haste as there were 5000 men 
in Paris ready to receive him and open for him either the 
gate of Montmartre or of St Honore". The man was at 
once tortured and beheaded at the Halles and his body 
hung up on the gibbet at Montfaucon 6 . The gates were 
strengthened 7 , the customary panic order was issued that 
no man was to carry a knife, and any one who was caught 
talking about the Duke of Burgundy was liable to be 
thrown into prison. The Provost secretly distributed 4000 
axes with blackened blades amongst the Armagnac partisans 
who roamed about the streets at night clad in black jackets 
and set upon any Burgundian stragglers who could be 

1 Cf. Belligere (i.e. Isabel) vers lui de fait Envoye ung bergier, Pastoralet, 783. 

2 Called 80,000 /. in Mirot, D'Orgemont, 157, quoting Juv. 522. 

3 Not that he should be himself Governor of Picardy, as Godefroy, 431; Mezeray, 
ii. 569. 

4 i.e. on Nov. *i, 1415, Juv. 522, with text dated at Rouen Nov. 15, 1415; Mirot, 
D'Orgemont, 159. 

8 Baye, ii. 229; Felibien, iv. 560; Juv. 525; Douet d'Arcq, i. 276; called Goupil in 
Mirot, D'Orgemont, 160, 162. 
8 Maillard, 83. 
7 Fist-on murer les portes comme autrefois, Bourgeois, 61 . 

284 Lagny [CH. XL 

decoyed out of their homes by means of sham rallying-cries 
while the inmates of the religious houses lay awake all night 
in hourly expectation of the alarm. Meanwhile the Duke 
of Burgundy's force was daily growing as he moved steadily 
up, and at Provins 1 he was joined by 10,000 mounted men 
under Charles, Duke of Lorraine. In accordance with the 
negotiations 2 that had passed before he started from Troyes 
arrangements had been made for the Dauphin and the 
Dukes of Berry and Brittany to meet him at Meaux and 
do their best to ward off a collision 3 , but before he reached 
Meaux he found that an order was out forbidding all cities 
and towns to admit him within their walls or supply him 
with provisions 4 while there was no evidence of any pre- 
parations for the projected meeting. He therefore turned 
aside to Coulommiers 5 whence he marched to Lagny 6 on 
the Marne, arriving there on Dec. io 7 . Here he was only 
about 15 miles from Paris whither he had already 8 de- 
spatched a vigorous message to the Dauphin demanding the 
promised audience, and he now posted some of his men 
to take up a position at Le Bourget close up to the walls of 
St Denis. To his demand an answer was returned that he 
must first dismiss his troops 9 , with an addition that hence- 
forward the Dauphin meant to be his own master and not 
to be governed by wasters of the country's treasure 10 . The 
envoys replied that such words were an insult and that the 
Duke of Burgundy was a peer of France, a prince of the 
blood, and the father of the Dauphin's wife whom he had 
discarded. No matter what he was, said the Dauphin in 
a rage, if he came any nearer he would march against him 
and have him proclaimed a traitor. 

1 Calmet, iii. 530; Barante, iii. 173. 

2 Page 283, note i. 8 Juv. 524. 
4 D. Godefroy, 680; Monstr. 382; Le Fevre, i. 271. 

6 Michelin, 1 167 ; with plans of the town, ibid. 1 160. For Coulommiers, see Aufauvre- 
Fichot, 197. 

6 Called " Laigni " in D. Sauvage. For account of Lagny, see Desrues, 103 ; Dulaure, 
ii. i; Aufauvre-Fichot, 180. For picture, see Zeiller, Pt. i; A. France, iii. 112. For 
its connection with the family of D'Orgemont, see Mirot, D'Orgemont, 73. 

7 Itin. 423; Baye, ii. 229, 308. Not Nov. 15, as Gaguin, Mer des Chron. cxli; nor 
" by the end of November," as Cassell, i. 538 ; nor after Dec. 18, as Fenin, 561 ; nor even 
after the death of the Duke of Touraine, i.e. April 4 or 5, 1417, Mas-Latrie, 1524. 

8 i.e. on Dec. 5, Juv. 525. 

9 En simple estat et non autrement, D. Sauvage, 243; not that this message was sent 
to him at Troyes, as Cassell, i. 538. 

10 Dissipatoribus thesaurorum regni, St Denys, v. 584. 

1415] The Duke and the Dauphin 285 

Thus when the Duke arrived at Lagny the whole 
atmosphere in Paris was surcharged with storm, and the 
shadow of death was lowering heavily around her ; and the 
feeling was still further embittered by the presence in the 
city of the Duke of Anjou against whom the Duke of 
Burgundy had vowed special vengeance for the insult 
offered to his daughter 1 . 

On Dec. 15* a second batch of messages came in from 
the Duke to the Dauphin, but by this time the young Prince 
was too ill to be seen. On Dec. 6 he had visited his mother 
who was lying ill at the Hostel of St Pol 8 , but on the 
following day he was seized with diarrhoea 4 and took to 
his bed in the Hostel de Bourbon 8 from which he never 
rose alive. Fever rapidly ensued ; there were the usual 
suspicions of poisoning 6 ; and he died in the night on 
Dec. 1 8, 14 1 5 7 , worn out with dissipation and debauchery 8 

1 Sachant que pas n'estoit aime* du dit Due de Bourgogne, Monstr. 382 ; Le Fevre, i. 

8 Juv. 526. 

8 For description of it, see Bournon, St Pol, 88-111 ; called the Hostel d'Orleans in 
Monstr. 381. 

4 Profluvium ventris, St Denys, v. 586; Brachet, 57; fievre quotidiane, Songe veri- 
table, p. 396. 

5 Juv. 525; Monstr. 383; Le Fevre, i. 273; D. Sauvage, 243. 

6 For a rumour that he had been poisoned by his attendants because he was beginning 
to find out the wickedness of the Armagnacs and wanted to have the Duke of Burgundy 
at his bedside, see Monstr. 382; Cordeliers, 230; Gollut, 1012 (who shows a strong 
Burgundian bias); cf. ut ferunt, Vossius, 479; peu vraisemblable, Barante, iii. 176. A 
charge to this effect was made by the Duke of Burgundy on April 25, 1417, see Monstr. 
399; Plancher, in. ccciv; Bibl. Nat. MS. Coll. De Camps, no. 48, pp. 651-666, quoted 
in Pannier, 210; D. Godefroy (Charles VI), 68o = comme il est apparent par la maniere 
de sa mort. For supposition that he was poisoned by order of the Duke of Anjou, see 
Choisy, 333. For 20 florins paid to medicins juifs, viz. Benedict du Carmet of Aries, 
Bellant of Tarascons, and Mosse Marveau of Marseilles qui ont soigne le roi (Louis II) 
in his last illness, see Blancard, Inv. 87 (i4[9~2o). For an agitator in Provence who said 
on Louis' death : O bonas gens al jorn du hey non es coma davant quar la Reyna no 
fara lo que vodra, quar al jorn du hey nos autres non staram pas amb' el la ma ben stara 
ella ambe nos, ibid., which records his pardon in 1419. For Guillaume Cardonnel, 
Archdeacon of Josas, physician to the Dauphin in 1409, see Mirot, D'Orgemont, 

7 Not before August, 1415, as Mazas, Cours, ii. 173; nor Nov. 17, as Norm. Chron. 
175; do. (Hellot), 25; nor Dec. 16, as St Denys, v. 586; Lenz, 71; nor Dec. 17, as 
A. Thomas, Dauphin, 373; nor Dec. 24, as Rapin (Tindal), i. 515; nor Dec. 25, as do. 
Acta Regia, ii. 137; cf. circiter Dominicum natale, Gaguin, 203; environ le Noel, Main- 
crot, 272. The news reached Venice between Jan. 21 and Feb. 9, 1416, Morosini, ii. 88, 
where he is "Ducha de Normandia" instead of Guienne. On Jan. 18, 1416, he is re- 
ferred to as feu puissant Due de Guienne, Briele, Doc. iii. 24, where he had given to the 
Hotel Dieu in Paris 100 crowns qui valent 90 livres. 

8 He'be'te par la d^bauche, H. Martin, vi. 7 ; par les hearts d'une vie dereglee, Mirot, 
D'Orgemont, 150. 

286 Lagny [CH. XL 

before he was yet 19 years of age 1 . His injured wife, 
whom he had openly discarded, was living near by on 
a small allowance at the Hostel d'Orleans 2 near the Halles 
and it was only when his last moments were at hand that 
he could be persuaded to relax in his shameful aversion to 
her 3 . Her father's messengers had an interview with the 
Duke of Berry in Paris on the day on which her husband 
passed away, but he only learnt of his death by the tolling 
of the bells within the city 4 . When the funeral was over 
the Duke sent to demand his daughter, and the council 
answered that she was welcome to go, and she did go on 
Twelfth Night (Jan. 6, I4i6) 5 , returning to her mother at 

1 He was born in the Hostel of St Pol on Jan. 22, 1397, St Denys, ii. 522; Coville, 
19; Perrens, ii. 203; Beaucourt, i. 3; do. "Caract. 350; Pannier, 1 60, 210; Thibault, 
230; Wylie, iv. 78, note 2. Not 1396, as St Denys, ii. 587 note; Meuillon, 19; Ville- 
neuve-Bargemont, i. 381; Nicolas, 9; Tyler, ii. 83; S. Scrope, xvii; cf. de 1'aage de vint 
ans ou environ, Baye, ii. 231 ; Leroux de Lincy, Chants Hist. i. 295. Christine de Pisan 
calls him 15 years old at the Peace of Auxerre, i.e. April 22, 1412; Thomassy, 151; 
Wylie, iv. 79. 

9 Le Fevre, i. 273. Not at Marcoussis, as Cousinot, 136; Plancher, iii. 445; Barante, 
iii. 445 ; Bissey, 38. For its position near the Porte Coquillere in the enceinte of Philippe 
Auguste, see H. Legrand, 61, 63; called the Porte de Bussi in Sauval, ii. 185, but the 
Porte de Bu9i was on the south side near St Germain des Pres, H. Legrand, 44. It was 
originally called the Maison de Nesle and afterwards the Hostel de Boheme, and was 
granted to Louis, Duke of Orleans, by Charles VI, Sauval, ii. 180, 185 ; A. Barthelemy, 
181, 182. During the English occupation of Paris temp. H. VI it was granted to Robert 
Lord de Willoughby, Longnon, 156, where it is called 1'hostel de Behaigne near 
the Rue de Neelles. The site was afterwards occupied by the Hotel de Soissons (for 
picture of it, see Bournon, 75) or the Hostel de la Reine (i.e. Catherine de Medicis) who 
built in its gardens the column which still stands close to the Halle au Ble, Piton, 41, 
21 1 ; Minerval, i. 225, 453; ii. 32. For picture of the column, see A. Barthelemy, 185; 
Bournon, 228; Albert Lenoir, Statistique, 250; Mem. de la Soc. de 1'Hist. de Paris, vi. 
185; Mrs Mark Pattison's Renaissance of Art in Florence. For account of the Hostel 
d'Orleans, see Mem. de la Soc. de 1'Hist. de Paris, vi. 182; Terrasson, 17, 24, 41 (with 
plans); La Vallee, Jean sans Peur, 73; Leroux de Lincy, Femmes, 409. For the 
Duke of Orleans' three hostels, viz. Hostel d'Orleans, Hostel de Giac and Hostel des 
Tournelles (near the Hostel de St Pol), see Bournon, St Pol, 73, 145. 

3 St Denys, v. 558. For their espousals Aug. 31, 1404, see Cartellieri, Beitrage, i. 
15; Luce, Dunremy, 300; Wylie, i. 466; iii. 39; not 1403, as Collas, 256. The actual 
marriage took place in July 1409. 

4 Not that he heard the news on his way back to Flanders, as Heuterus, 203. Cf. 
les quelles messes seront cliquetees aux deux grosses cloches de la Tour, i.e. that all 
persons might pray for the dead man's soul, Tuetey, Test. 530; le chevacier (i.e. the 
Treasurer, Cotgr., s.v.) sera tenu de sonner ou faire sonner durant les vigiles, ibid. 574. 
For bread and wine and 2 sols for the ringers, see ibid. 531, 570; cf. non pulsatis cam- 
panis et submissa voce (i.e. low-mass), Rym. ix. 615. For payments to le secretaire 
(? sexton) pour sonner les saintz solempnement au Placebo et vigilles, see Blanchard, iii. 51 ; 
cf. sera goubetd par trois fois la plus grosse campanne de PEglise...o (avec) celle mesme 
grosse campanne sera sonnd pour lad. messe affin que un chacun de la ville puisse mieux 
avoir cognoissance de 1'heure que elle debvrera estre dicte, ibid. ; cf. sonnerye et luminaire 
et aussi chappes ainsy que est accustume en anniversaire solempne, Blanchard, iii. 51. 

5 Juv. 527. Not the end of January, as Mirot, D'Orgemont, 163. In Cousinot, 136, 
she is handed over at Brie-Comte-Robert, cf. Belleforest, Chron. 321. 

1415] Death of the Dauphin 287 

Dijon by Jan. 23* but leaving an awkward question unsolved 
in regard to the payment of her dower 2 . 

Thus at this dreadful juncture the Dauphin Louis died 
unregretted and without a friend 3 . His mother was too 
ill to visit him and his wife was justly estranged. He 
had always been delicate 4 from a child, and when he was 
1 1 years of age he was so feeble that a journey from the 
Hostel of St Pol to the Palace on the Island in the 
Seine was too much for him in the rains of March 5 . 
He had taken little pains to show himself in public or 
even to be courteous to those who had to do with him. 
He was fat and sluggish 6 and his want of skill in arms 
had roused the impatience of the nobles while the re- 
spectable public was shocked by his late hours 7 and indolent 
frivolity 8 and called him a glutton and a wencher 9 . He 

1 Plancher, iii. 445; Malte Brun (71) supposes that she was sent to Marcoussis to be 
out of the "dangerous society" of Queen Isabel, that she remained there till April 1416, 
and was then taken to Brie-Comte-Robert. She was at Dijon with her mother at the 
visit of Vincent Ferrer in July 1417, Luce, Dunremy, 300, where she is called Madame 
de Guienne. She afterwards (1423) married Arthur of Brittany, Count of Richmond. 
For articles signed at Amiens Apr. 14, 1423, see Plancher, iii. 557 ; Barante, iv. 96. For 
the Sobieski Book of Hours now at Windsor Castle, probably executed for her at this 
marriage, see Herbert, 275; Delisle, Recherches, i. 401, quoting G. F. Warner in New 
Palaeographical Society. 

2 In 1423 her brother Duke Philip allowed her 6000 livr. on this account, Rossignol, 
i. 30, where she is called Duchess of Guienne. For expenses of Margaret Duchess of 
Burgundy and of Madame de Guienne sa fille in 1422, see Rossignol, i. 35. She died in 
1441 : Delisle, Recherches, i. 401. 

3 Ne fut guere plaint, Belleforest, Chron..32i ; Series, i. 962. Not that toute la France 
porta un extreme regret, as Dupleix, ii. 716. 

4 He suffered from hemoptysie according to Brachet, 56, who concludes that he died 
of consumption (p. 57). 

6 Kervyn de Lettenhove, Jean sans Peur, 564 ; Coville, Veritable Texte, 62 ; Douet 
d'Arcq, Document, 12. 

6 See Vol. I. 168. Though Pannier (222) thinks that " il aimait la chasse avec passion," 
quoting Douet d'Arcq, i. 325, which merely proves that horse exercise was advised as 
likely to be profitable for his health et poindre aucune foiz des solaz et esbatemens a 
chacier. For a courser presented to him on June 6, 1408, see Pannier, xxvii. 36. It 
had been given to Boucicaut by the Florentines as Lords of Pisa which they had captured 
on Oct. 3, 1406, Zeller, Italic, 289; Romische Quartalschrift, 1894, p. 481; Lodge, 244, 
288; Wylie, iii. 372, note 4 ; not Aug. 26, 1405, as Sercambi, iii. 99. The news reached 
Venice on Oct. 9, 1406, Morosini, i. 228. For 20 books belonging to the Dauphin 
Louis (3 of which are still in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Malte Brun, 69, 332), see 
Pannier, 216, 284. They came to him on Jan. 7, 1410, from Marcoussis after the exe- 
cution of Jean de Montaigu in 1409, cf. Champeaux-Gauchery, 29. 

7 Vue la vie qu'il menoit, ung homme de tres mauvaise vie, Champion, Document, 37; 
cf. "over longe slepynges as doth a swyn," see Secreta, 138. 

8 Ab universis reprobate, St Denys, v. 586 ; de tres petit gouvernement, Champion, 
Document, 37 (see Vol. i. p. 167). In Cousinot (135) he is pompeux, parisceux, inutile, 
lasche, paoureux, et peu aimoit ceulx de son lignage (i.e. the Duke of Burgundy). Cf. 
mal conditionne, Belleforest, Chron. 321; of little valour and great toyle, Speed, 787; 

9 For note see next page. 

288 Lagny [CH. XL 

was ridden by self-will 1 and would brook no advice from 
others ; remonstrance meant dismissal and his whole com- 
plexion 2 so irritated the officials that one of them has 
ventured to leave a quite unusually candid appreciation of 
him in his record 3 . In this he sketches him as handsome 
in features, slow and awkward in gait, gorgeous in dress 4 
and fond of jewellery 5 . He spent large sums in ornaments 
for the decoration of his private chapel 6 , took great delight 
in organs 7 , singers 8 and musicians 9 , turned day into night 
and night into day 10 , dined at four in the afternoon (the usual 

altier, inde'cis, porte' a la frivolite, a la profusion et au dereglement, Villaret, xiii. 331; 
inconstant et frivole, Battiffol, 186; a young man of feeble talent and no fixed principles, 
W. Scott, Tales (France), 1344; extravagant, licentious, unfaithful, brutal, Bearne, 585; 
rash, headstrong and capricious, Lingard, iii. 482; this worthless Prince, Tyrrell, 288 
[168]; a weak and worthless youth, Kingsford, in; a frivolous and worthless boy, 
Oman, Pol. Hist 248; Towle, Engl. 161, thinks that there is no sound reason for calling 
him cruel and treacherous. 

9 Qu'il estoit devenu gorment et ung putiez, Champion, Doc. 37 ; do. Vie, 113. See 
Cotgr., s.v. Putier. 

Moult plain de sa voulente plus que de raison, Bourgeois, p. 66, quoted in Brachet, 
58; qui ne vouloit faire chose sinon a sa volonte, Wassebourg, 462. 

2 Cf. His complexion is so courageous, Chauc. (S.) iv. 605; Qui ne fut guieres 
plaint pour ses complexions, Chaumeau, 136; = disposition of the mind, Cotgr., s.v. 

3 Baye, ii. 231; Felibien, iv. 560; Bourgeois, 622; Anselme, i. 113; Villeneuve- 
Bargemont, i. 381; Michelet, vi. 49; Pannier, 161 ; Batiffol, 214; called une oraison 
funebre sans indulgence in A. Thomas, Dauphin, 373 ; not said of Dauphin Charles, as 
Norm. Chron. 247. 

4 Magnificence habit et joyaux, Baye, ii. 231 ; Aubert, Organisation, 166. 

6 Pannier, 166; Beaucourt, i. 18. For inventory drawn up on Jan. 18, 1416, by 
Queen Isabel and the Duke of Berry as his executors (though the text of his will has not 
yet been found, Pannier, xxvii. 33), who pledge 34 articles of plate and jewels for 40,000 
francs, see Pannier, 211, 307-312, where the total yield is 33,247 fr. is. 6d. For a 
diamond made like a fleur de lys given by him to the Duke of Berry in Aug. 1410, see 
Guiffrey, i. 138, also pearls, ibid. 320. For his jewels, including le Ruby de Guiaune, 
le Balay de la Chartaique, la grosse Perle de Navarre &c., see Pannier, xxvii. 41 ; Guiffrey, 
I. xciv. For his debts, see Guiffrey, I. cxlviii. 

6 For his vestments, see Pannier, 218. For a missal for his chapel given to him by 
the Duke of Burgundy in 1405, see Prost, Acquisitions, 345. For a breviary given to 
him by the Duke of Beriy with return presents, see Delisle, Livres d'Heures, 5, 13 ; 
Bradley, i. 131 ; Guiffrey, i. cxlviii. 

7 See Vol. I. 168 ; Brachet (58) calls him un melomane bizarre, impulsif, emotif et 
moralement de'se'quilibre. Cf. fonder of fiddling than fighting, Macfarlane, 28; Craik- 
Macfarlane, ii. 29; Macfarlane-Thomson, i. 558. 

8 For 4 enfants de musique for his chapel, see Archon, ii. 345. 

9 For minstrel's gallery built by him in the Great Hall in the Louvre in 1413, see 
Babeau, 39. For his expenses in connection with plays (jeux) in the Louvre on Mid- 
summer Day, 1415, see A. Thomas, Dauphin, 373, who supposes these to have been the 
mysteries of St John Baptist, his treasurer being Master Francis de Nerly. Pannier (162) 
finds no records to prove his musical tastes. 

10 Cf. de nocte lucem facimus de luce noctem, Clamenges, Ep. 192 ; insuevit lucem in 
tenebras et tenebras in lucem confundere, Blondel, Reductio, 19, of John V, Duke of 
Brittany. If he be acustomed to etc soberly and at a certayn houre he (i.e. the courtier) 
shal dyne late and shal soupe in suche facoune that he shal disacustomme hys tyme and 
hys maner of lyvyng, Curial 7, from Chartier, 395. 

1415] The Dauphin 289 

hour being eleven in the morning), supped at midnight 1 
and did not go to bed till daybreak. These habits certainly 
landed him in debt 2 , but still he managed to put away 
money to be spent some day in building a magnificent 
church where he himself should be the centre of the daily 
services 3 , and so they gave him a splendid funeral. His 
body was embalmed, placed in a leaden coffin and carried 
to Notre Dame 4 on the shoulders of four men on Sunday, 
Dec. 22, 1415, but the only relatives that followed him to 
the grave were his little brother Charles then Count of 
Ponthieu 5 , his great uncle the Duke of Berry "and one 
other 8 ." On the following day 7 they buried him with great 
ceremony on the right of the High Altar 8 in the church of 
Notre Dame, intending that his remains should be some 
day 9 lifted and laid amongst those of the Kings of France 
in the Abbey church at St Denis. 

A week after the funeral the Count of Armagnac arrived 
in Paris 10 with a large force of Gascons 11 and was invested 
with the office of Constable 12 with great solemnity 13 . Soon 
after his arrival he scored some success and made some 
captures, and thus put a little heart into the city where 

1 For "rear-supper" as an extra meal, see Wylie, ii. 23, note n; cf. '* reresopers," 
La Tour Landry, 8; called "rere banquets" in 1603, see Murray, s.v. Sever. 

2 For his debts, see Guiffrey, I. cxlviii. 

3 St Denys, v. 588. 

4 Not at Compiegne, as Speed, 786. 

5 Baye, ii. 233; Felibien, iv. 561; called " Monseigneur de Ponthieu" on Jan. i, 
1416, in Guiffrey, i. 303; not "le Corate d'Eu," as Bourgeois, 622. He was certainly 
present and also in Paris on Jan. 10, 1416, Baye, ii. 236; though Beaucourt (i. 18) thinks 
that he was at Angers with his mother-in-law, see also do. Caract. 353 ; Vallet de Viri- 
ville, i. 17. 

6 Bourgeois, 353. 

7 Juv. 527; Gall. Christ, vii. 142. 

8 Bouvier in Godefroy, 43 1 . 

Et fut enterre au devant 

Le grand autel de Nostre Dame. Martial de Paris, i. 22. 

For 120 1. p. assigned in Nov. 1416 for his obit at Notre Dame, see Mirot, D'Orge- 
mont, 217. 

9 Lorsqu'on le jugeroit a propos, Felibien, St Denis, 335; cf. depuis fut porte a 
Sainct Denys, Monstr. 382; Le Fevre, i. 273. 

10 i.e. on Dec. 29, 1415, Juv. 527; Gaujal, ii. 279; not Dec. 23, as Barante, iii. 176; 
nor Jan. 1416, as Cagny, 102. For a letter written by him at Gage (i.e. Gages near 
Rodez) on Nov. 28, 1415, see Jurade, 282. According to Bonal, 536, he and the Count 
of Foix were both present at Narbonne on Dec. 13, 1415. 

11 St Denys, v. 748, 754. He was Count of Armagnac, Fezensac and Rodez and 
Vicomte de Lomagne and Carlat, Guichenon, ii. 14. 

12 L'office et charge de 1'espee, Martial de Paris, i. 22. 

13 i.e. on Jan. i, 1416, Cochon, 276; Cagny, 102. On Feb. 2, 1416, he is called 
Mongsgr Darmanhat conestable de France, Charner, i. 205. 

W. II. 19 

290 Lagny [CH. XL 

bread, cheese, eggs, and all the necessaries of life were 
rising to famine price. A rumour had been abroad that 
the Duke of Burgundy had taken Brie-Comte- Robert and 
slaughtered all the townsfolk, whereupon some envoys of 
the Duke who were in Paris were seized by the king's 
order and frightful reprisals might have followed had not 
the rumour turned out to be untrue 1 . An effort was then 
made to arrive at some means of procuring peace if only 
it were not a " Cabochian " one 2 . So when the Duke of 
Brittany arrived in Paris 3 with fresh musters on Jan. 14, 
1416*, the University approached him to secure his inter- 
vention as a mediator in the direction of internal peace 
and for help to recover Harfleur from the English 5 . 
Hitherto he had occupied a position of semi-neutrality 6 
in the quarrel. He was a son-in-law of the French king 7 ; 
his sister Blanche was married to John, Viscount of Lo- 
magne 8 , eldest son of the Count of Armagnac, while he 

1 Trouva-t-on que c'estoit bourde, Juv. 527. 

2 Paix Cabochienne, Juv. 529; Lobineau, i. 530; not fax Cabochiana, as Boulay, 
v. 205. 

For musters of troops under the Duke of Brittany for the defence of Paris Nov. 15- 
Feb. 1416, see Lobineau, ii. 906. 

4 He was in Paris Jan. 14, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, Feb. 3, 1416, and at Nantes March 17, 
1416, Blanchard, I. cxxii; n. 194, 195, 197, 198. Lobineau, i. 530, gives Jan. 14, 1416, 
as the date of his return to Paris from Lagny, adding that he was lodged first at the 
Hostel de Bourbon and then at the Hostel d'Ale^on. For 100 frs. given by him to 
the Hotel Dieu in Paris in 1416, see Briele, Doc. iii. 24, where two-thirds of this amount 
= 64 liv. 6s. 8d. ; also 4 livres given by aucunes (sic) gens de Monsieur le Due de 
Bretaigne, ibid. For 32 liv. given by the Duke "of Brittany on Feb. 28, 1417, see do. 
iii. 48. 

5 i.e. on Jan. 18, 1416, Baye, 236; Boulay, v. 297; Lobineau, i. 530. 

6 Une sorte de neutralite, Beaucourt, i. 105 ; cf. sa conduite mesuree, C. Barthelemy, 
172 ; assis au milieu des deux (i.e. French and English) se comporta neutre gras et replet 
des biens de la terre, Chastillon, ii. 158. 

7 i.e. by his marriage with the Princess Jeanne in 1404, Wylie, iii. 101, note 4; 
Boudet, Aquitaine, 235 ; not Margaret, as Mamerot, 270. Cf. nostre tres chiere et tres 
aimee compaigne Jehanne fille aisnee du roy de France la Duchesse, Blanchard, iii. 50. 
For the contract of marriage Jan. 26, 1392, when she was only a year old, see Thibault, 
192. For their betrothal Aug. i, 1396, renewed July 30, 1397, see Thibault, 312, 313; 
Vallet de Viriville, Assass. 272, where he is called Jean IV; Mirot, Isabelle, xviii. 565; 
xix. 170. Since the beginning of 1403 they were companions as children in Queen 
Isabel's household [see Wylie, i. 308]. For reference to the marriage and to her 
dowry of 150,000 livres tournois, see Blanchard, ii. 101, 106, 109, 119, 133, 187; Brous- 
sillon, iii. 119. She was born at Melun on Jan. 24, 1391, Thibault, 178; Vallet de 
Viriville, i. 230. For a ring given on New Year's Day, 1392, by Louis Duke of Orleans 
to " la nourisse de Madame Jehanne," see Roman, 20. She made a will signed " Janne" 
on June 14, 1415, but did not die till Sept. 20, 1433, Mas-Latrie, 1574. For silver 
ornaments for robes for Charles Duke of Orleans on the occasion of her visit to Queen 
Isabel at Montargis, see Add. Charter, 2439, J an - 3 T I 4 I S- For storv of ner nus band 
stiiking her, see Roujoux, iv. 156; C. Barthelemy, Bretaigne, 172. 

8 i.e. the district round Lectoure part of the Depts. of Gers, Haute Garonne and Tarn 
et Garonne, Grande Encycl. xxii. 499. 

1415] The Duke of Brittany 291 

himself had quite recently refused to take sides against 
the Duke of Burgundy 1 , on which account his life was 
in some danger 2 , and he was distinctly regarded with 
suspicion by the Armagnacs as being more English than 
French 3 . At any rate his pro-Burgundian sympathies 
now kept him from any effective interference 4 , and when 
he sent out two barrels of lampreys for the Duke's ac- 
ceptance the lampreys like the negotiations never got 
beyond the St Antoine gate 5 . 

The Dauphin's death had worked a complete change 
in the political outlook. For the succession had fallen to 
his next brother 6 John Duke of Touraine of France 7 at 
17 years of age 8 , who from his infancy had been matched 
with one of the Duke of Burgundy's daughters 9 , and though 
this marriage had never come about yet the boy had long 
been separated from France and brought up entirely under 
the influence of the Duke's sister Margaret, having just 
married her little daughter Jacqueline, heiress to the 
counties of Hainault, Zeeland, and Holland. She was 
born on St James' Day, July 25, 1401, and received the 
saint's name, being known in her own country as the Lady 
" Jacque 10 ," "Jacquette 11 ," or even "Jacob 12 ," but there can 

1 i.e. Oct. 22, 1414, see page 122, note 2. 

2 Monstr. 412. 3 Paradin, 570. 

4 Ne se voulut plus mesler de la guerre de 1'une partie ne de 1'autre, St Paul, 53. 
6 i.e. on Jan. 17, 1416, Lobineau, 130. 

6 He is called "second ne " in Ordonnances, viii. 450; Mamerot, 270, though he was 
really the 4th son and the 9th child, Luzarche, 4; Mas-Latrie, 1524. 

7 Called Comte de Ponthieu in Norm. Chron. 175, which title he certainly held in 
1406 and 1416 (Ordonnances, x. 368). Cf. Hartoghe van Turcynen oncle van Ponteynen, 
Reygersberg, ii. 182; not "Graf Karl Ponthieu," as Schmidt, ii. 244. The county of 
Ponthieu was given to Jacqueline as part of her dower, St Denys, vi. 60; Loher, i. 451, 
452. In Morosini, i. 234, the Dauphin Louis is called the firstborn (sofiolhunigenito). 

8 Called 1 8 in Wagenaar, iii. 398. He was born in the Hostel of St Pol on Aug. 31, 
1398, Anselme, i. 114; Bibl. de 1'Ecole des Chartes, xix. 480; Beaucourt, i. 3; do. Carac- 
tere, 356 ; Thibault, 232 ; Sellier, 47 ; Wylie, iii. 52, note 3. For picture of him from 
the Louvre, see Mezeray, ii. 574. On Jan. 2, 1416, he was appointed to succeed his 
brother as Concierge of the Palais, Ordonnances, x. 368 ; Anselme, i. 1 14. 

9 Galhard, 29, 39, with ratification by Queen Isabel on May 6, 1403. 

10 Jacobum nomine, Leyden, 346; "Dame Jacques," Monstr. 397; Mieris, iv. 472; 
Dynter, iii. 785; Loher, i. 233; "Madame Jacques," Le Fevre, i. 320; "Jacques de 
Baviere," ibid. 335; Lydgate in Hammond, 388; Chastellain, i. 209; "Jacque de Hol- 
lande," Jacqueline, 147; Dame Jake, Rym. x. 134; " Lady Jaquet, " Mirror for Magis- 
trates, ii. 113, 137; or Jacquette, Aen. Sylv. Oral. iii. 205; Heda, 271; Zantfliet, 408; 
or Jacquet, Loher, i. 233. For Jacquette as a woman's name, see Tuetey, Test. 434; 
"a nome Jake," Stavelot, 161 ; la dit Jaket, ibid. 196; or Jacquamina, Zantfliet, 412, 
416. For Jacoba as a woman's name in Dauphiny, see P. Guillaume, Gap. 41. 

11 For Jaquette as a woman's name, see Collas, 334. 

12 H.R. vi. 424; Mieris, iv. 399, from her official proclamation. 


292 Lagny [CH. XL 

be no objection to retaining the softer French name of 
"Jacqueline," by which she is still universally known and 
the more so as she was officially recognised by that name 
in her lifetime 1 . The children had been betrothed more 
than 10 years ago 2 , and they were brought up together by 
the little girl's mother 3 . The marriage had been consum- 
mated at the Hague 4 in this very year 5 ; the Dutch towns 
and nobles had acknowledged Jacqueline as their sovereign 
lady 6 , and the young couple were in Hainault 7 either at 
Mons 8 or Le Quesnoy 9 , whither a messenger was despatched 
from the Afmagnac requesting him to bring the new heir 

1 e.g. Mieris, iv. 472, where she is called "Jaqualine." Cf. " Jaqueline de Baviere," 
Monstr. 439; "Jacqueline en Baviere," Le Blunt, p.ix; Jaqueline or Jacquette, Bouvier, 
408. For the big bell at Notre Dame in Paris called Jacqueline, see Bourgeois-Tuetey, 
p. xix. 

2 i.e. June 26, 1406, Ordonnances, x. 368; Loher, i. 234, 235; Sellier, 40; Wylie, 
iii. 52; Collas, 259, quoting Le Blunt; not 1404, as Mamerot, 270. For Philip van 
Dorp's account wagen de bruiloft, see Kronijk van het historisch Genootschap in Utrect 
(1853), p. 428. For dispensation of Pope John XXIII for the marriage dated Rome 
Apr. 22, 1411, see Dehaisnes-Finot, i. 291. 

3 Vallet deViriville, i. 19; Beaucourt, i. 18; not "at Burgundy's court," as Kingsford, 
163; Wagenaar, iii. 404; Loher, i. 235. 

* For letters showing that the young couple were at the Hague on Aug. 15, 1415, 
see Mieris, iv. 383, 386; also Aug. 6, 1415, Jan. 18, 1416, Beaucourt, i. 14. For a letter 
sent from the Dauphin at the Hague to Sigismund at Calais in Aug. 1416, see Enge- 
brechtsz, 219. On Aug. 30, 1416, the Dauphin and the Count of Holland rode from 
Geertruidenberg to Hainault, ibid. 223, 224, 225. For both of them at the Hague, 
Sept. 1 8, 1416, see ibid. 210. 

8 See document dated at the Hague Aug. 6, 1415, in Dumont, u. ii. 45; Reygers- 
berg, ii. 182; cf. C. M. Davies, i. 190; Mas-Latrie, 1689; Wagenaar, iii. 398; Loher, i. 
252; not 1414, as Nameche, i. 254; Reiffenberg, Hainault, 134. 

6 Landsvrouwe, Mieris, iv. 383, 386; cf. die Jung frouwe von Hollant, Windecke, 
213; mijnre liever vrowen de Dalphine (1416), Engebrechtsz, 221. 

Et la dame de grant valeur 

Qui Haynan tint du temps jadis. 

Leroux de Lincy, Chants, 20. 

Cf. "my lady of Holland" in Lydgate's Ballade, printed in Anglia, xxvii. 385; 
MacCracken, pp. xv, xxxvi, xli, see Vickers, 390. 

7 En Hainaut, Juv. 533; H. Martin (vi. 23) says that they had long been at Valen- 
ciennes and Mons, but gives no reference. 

8 For arrival of Jacqueline and her mother at Mons on Aug. 22, 1416, where they 
were presented with 2 queues of Beaune and i of white wine, 4 piks (bicques), a gold 
goblet (godet) and a mixer (temproir) ornamented with beryl (vericle, i.e. bericle) and 
pearls, see Jacqueline, 10, n, showing that the Dauphin had also been expected by Aug. 
19, 1416. For Mons as pulcherrimum oppidum et amoenissimum, see Montreuil, 1417. 
For 206 queues, 2 pouchons (i.e. puncheons) et 2 quaques (i.e. casks or kegs) de vin, see 
C. Beaurepaire, Invent. Rouen, 6. For queues pleines de terre, see Monstr. 487. For 
keuwe, keuve (about 450 litres), see Boutiot, ii. 413; Jacqueline, 3, 172; une queue de 
vin, Tremville, 39, 50, 61 ; Meux, Inventaire, 157; Vandenbroeck, 61, 104; cf. candae 
vacuae, L. Legrand, xxiv. 101, 143; doleis vocat' queues vini, Glaus. 4 H. V, 19. 

9 Jacqueline and her mother left Mons for Le Quesnoy (au Kesnoit) or Kaynoit, 
H.R. vi. 424, on Aug. 23, 1416, the former riding in the place of honour (chevauchoit 
au deseure). For letters dated tot Kanoyt (i.e. au Quesnoy) April 22, 1416, see Enge- 
brechtsz, 2ii. For letter of the Dauphin written at Le Quesnoy Sept. 27, 1416, see 
Beaucourt, i. 140, quoting from Luzarche. 

1416] The New Dauphin 293 

to Paris to help to govern the country and promising him 
a kind reception provided that the Duke of Burgundy was 
not with him 1 . But as a reply his father-in-law had him 
promptly removed to Holland 2 and refused to part with 
him as long as the sea was so rough 3 , while the Duke of 
Burgundy took good care to have him kept where he was 4 . 
A little later he was removed to Valenciennes 6 under the 
charge of the Count of Holland 6 . 

The first result of the changed position was the issue 
of an order by the new Dauphin commanding both sides 
to void and disband. This was certainly prompted by the 
Duke of Burgundy who was becoming tired of his venture. 
His men were clamouring for their pay which was falling 
far into arrears, while the Parisians under the cheering lead 
of the new Constable were ceasing to be afraid of the bogey 
that was still lingering at Lagny, and began to mock him 
as " Long John" or "Johnnie Longcoat who is never in a 
hurry'." With the new Dauphin in his hands he thought 
it time to cease his lingering at Lagny and accordingly 
on Jan. 28, I4i6 8 , he drew off after looting the town 
for the benefit of his clamorous soldiery. Thus the im- 
mediate tension around Paris was for the moment relieved, 
but the pitiless wretches who had hitherto gathered round 
the capital now spread themselves throughout the country, 

1 Bouvier in Godefroy, 431 ; Meyer, -247 b; Vallet de Viriville, i. 19. 

2 Monstr. 399. For a letter of the Duke of Anjou dated Paris Oct. 10, 1416, in 
which he states that the Dauphin has returned from Holland, see Bouche, ii. 438. 

3 Pour le peril de la mer, D. Godefroy, 601. 

4 Cordeliers, 231. 

5 For the Duke of Burgundy at Valenciennes from Nov. 9 to Nov. 15, 1416, see Itin. 
430. For his meeting the Dauphin there and concluding a secret treaty with him, see 
Mezeray, ii. 569; D. Godefroy, 681. 

6 Meyer, 248; Bess, Bundniss, 642. The Count is called his "curateur" in Gaguin, 
Mer des Chron. cxli, where the Dauphin John is confused with the Dauphin Charles. 

7 St Denys, v. 592; Monstr. 383; Le Fevre, i. 275; "Jehan a la longue cotte," 
Cordeliers, 235; Jehan de Lagni qui n'a hate, Calmet, iii. 531; Paradin, 599; Cartier, 
ii. 431; Daniel, iii. 879; Barante, iii. 177; H. Martin, vi. 23; Michelet, vi. 49; Na- 
meche, iii. 60; Puiseux, Rouen, 122; Menorval, ii. 58; Brougham, 131; Michelin, 779; 
Haggard, 136. 

8 Itin. 423; Juv. 529; Mirot, D'Orgemont, 164, 168; called the beginning of February 
in St Denys, v. 592, i.e. after about 6 weeks' stay, Luzarche, n ; not 10 weeks, as Monstr. 
383; Le Fevre, i. 274; nor "several months," as Towle, 369; nor 2 weeks, as Cheruel, 
Moyen Age, 236; nor "aucuns jours," as Cousinot, 136; nor till Carnival, i.e. March 3, 
1416, as Lobineau, i. 529; nor Feb. 28, as H. Martin, vi. 23; nor March 8, as Gaguin, 
Mer des Chron. cxli. His departure for Flanders is noted in a letter written in London 
on Feb. 24, 1416, which reports a rumour that had reached Harfleur via Calais that there 
had been a " bon escorn " ( = scorn, shame, disgrace, Cotgr., s.v. Escorne, nil in Godefroy) 
in Paris (ct Paris) between the Duke of Burgundy and the Count of Armagnac and that 
altogether 8000 men had been killed, Jurade, 331. 

294 Lagny [CH. XL 

both sides robbing and thieving alike till all northern 
France 1 was wrecked and Agincourt was forgotten in 
the struggle to exist in presence of these blood-stained 
bands of brigands 2 . The Duke of Burgundy himself 
moved off to the north-east through Rheims and Douai 3 
and by the middle of February reached Mons 4 , where 
he satisfied himself that there was no prospect of the 
new Dauphin slipping out of his hands. On Feb. 20, 
141 6 5 , he arrived at Brussels where he attempted to estab- 
lish his claim to act as guardian 6 to his dead brother's 
children John and Philip 17 , the elder of them being only 
13 years of age 8 . In this however he was foiled by the 
watchfulness of the three Estates of Brabant and the 
firmness of the Council of Regency 9 , and he spent the 
next four months in his own Flemish towns, Ghent, Lille 10 , 
Bruges and Ypres being successively visited amid banquets, 
jousts and dances 11 . 

It has sometimes been represented that in all this 
restless manoeuvring the Duke of Burgundy was merely 
endeavouring to establish himself in power in order the 
better to drive out the English and rescue his country 

1 Propter metum hominum armatorum et praedonum pro nunc (proh dolor !) ubique 
in regno Franciae discurrentium et cunctos quibus obviant miserabiliter depredantium, 
written Dec. 3, 1415, Metais, iv. 125. At St Jean d'Angdly the town council decided 
on May 15, 1416, to retain the Spanish crossbowmen for 15 days longer pour le vuide- 
ment des gens d'armes qui pillent et robent le pays de Xaintonge, Aussy, iii. 164. On 
Jan. 14, 1416, they forbid 4 ousteliers to lodge gens d'armes routiers durant ceste guerre 
without first obtaining permission, ibid. iii. 130. 

St Denys, vi. 81. Under the name of " Begeaux," Cassell, i. 539. 

D. Sauvage, 243. 

i.e. Feb. 17, 18, 1416, Gachard, 231; Itin. 424. 

Where he stayed five days, Itin. 424; not Feb. 13 or 14, as Plancher, iii. 448. 

Jus tutele, Dynter, iii. 320, 767; ut tutor, Heuterus, 203; ses pupilles, Dehaisnes- 
Finot, i. 317. 

7 Monstr. 384; Le Fevre, i. 275. He was Count of St Pol, a title inherited from 
his mother Joan, daughter of Waleran, Count of St Pol and Ligny, Paradin, 599. He 
was born July 25, 1404, and died Oct. 15, 1429, Mas-Latrie, 1676; not that he was 
17 years old in 1417 when he made his premiere armee as a squire with the Duke of 
Burgundy, as Cordeliers, 237. 

8 Dynter, iii. 309, 311, 322, 758, 768; Berlandus, Rerum, 16; Loyens, 77 (with fancy 
picture) ; not 12 years, as Wenzelberger, i. 274. He was born Jan. 18, 1403, Wylie, iii. 
62, note 6. For six gold crowns paid to messenger who brought news of accouchement 
of "Madame de Bethel" to Dijon in 1403, see Gouvenain, i. 25. For his portrait in 
1422, see Barante, iii. Frontispiece. 

9 Nameche, Louvain, 25. 

10 On Thursday, Mar. 4, 1416, he was at Lille with the Counts of Charolais and St Pol 
on which date he entertained ambassadors from the Duke of Brittany, Rossignol, i. 35. 
For expenses of the Count of St Pol at Liege, Jodoigne, and Hurcele on his way to meet 
the Duke of Burgundy at Bruges, see Dehaisnes-Finot, i. 315, March, Apr. 1416. The 
Duke was at Bruges Apr. 1-6, 8, 12-30, 1416, Itin. 425, 426. 

11 Gillesde Roy, 170. 

4 i6] 

The Duke's Ambassadors 295 

from their grasp 1 , and a modern writer 2 has even surmised 
that the best chance for France lay in accepting him at 
once as her only possible deliverer. The first of these 
theories could only be accepted by ignoring the fact that 
throughout the whole time the Duke was actually in secret 
alliance with the English, while the second must remain a 
mere speculation on the assumption that if he had gained 
supreme power in France he would have thrown over his 
English ally and called up the whole power of France to 
drive him out. Such a doubling had it is true occurred 
before, but it had only resulted in throwing the Armagnacs 
into the hands of the English, and it is far more in accord- 
ance with the facts to regard the Duke of Burgundy as bent 
upon the utter destruction of his rivals as his chief aim 
rather than upon any large patriotic scheme of national 
defence. It may indeed be taken as certain that without 
revenge on Armagnac no change would come over Bur- 
gundy and the English might depend on him to work their 
will in France to the full. Indeed no sooner was the 
Dauphin dead than he despatched ambassadors again to 
England who arrived there about the middle of January, 
I4i6 3 . Among them was Master Thierry-le-Roy 4 , an ad- 
vocate from Lille who was a member of his council, had 
made himself useful to him in connection with Jean Petit's 
defence of murder in 1408, and had just returned from 
Constance as one of the Duke's envoys, where his diligence 
had greatly helped to secure a reversal of the condemnation 
of the thesis 5 . The envoys were well received by King 
Henry at Westminster, and started to return home about 
Feb. 9, 1416, with the usual presents of silver cups and 

1 Plancher, iii. 2 H. Martin, vi. 22. 

3 For 6. 1 3-r. \d. for expenses of Terry (sic) le Roy and other ambassadors of the 
Duke of Burgundy for 28 days, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 8, 1416. 

4 For safe-conduct dated Jan. 15, 1416, for Masters Thierre le Roy and George of 
Ostend (not " Doonstede"), one of the Duke's secretaries coming to England to confer, 
see Rym. ix. 328. Called " Maister Thers le Roy" in Rym. ix. 767. 

6 The decision was given on Jan. 25, 1416, and a copy was received in Paris in 
February, Juv. 529; Monstr. 384; Le Fevre, i. 276. 

8 For ;i6. i^s. od. paid on this account, see Iss. Roll 3 H. V, Mich., Feb. 9, 1416. 



BY this time Henry had quite made up his mind to 
renew operations in France as soon as the winter was 
over 1 . Even before he had returned a deputation from 
the English Parliament had crossed from Dover urging 
him to follow up his victory without delay 2 , and this was 
still so fixedly his intention that he had even arranged 
with some of the prisoners at Calais to meet him about 
their ransom money before Paris at the next Midsummer 
Lendit, and that if he were not there by that time they 
should be quit. On Jan. 12, 14 16 3 , he was present with 
Archbishop Chichele at a council held in the Tower where 
copies of the documents connected with the Earl of Dorset's 
mission to Paris in the previous spring were certified and 
attested for circulation among friendly sovereigns abroad 4 
to show that he had abated nothing of his claims to the 
crown of France. Before Jan. 23, 14 16 5 , he had despatched 
letters to many lords, knights and squires to come to West- 
minster and confer with him as to his proposed voyage to 
France and Englishmen believed that the coming year 
would witness for them the highest, the greatest and the 
most profitable conquest that the world had ever seen 6 . 
The king was indeed the darling of the streets where 
strangers heard the Londoners ever ringing his praises 7 

1 St Denys, v. 750. 

2 Sans desister aucunement, Juv. 522. 

3 Rym. ix. 208, where Roger Leche, Hugh Mortimer and Master Philip Morgan were 
also present, cf. Calig. D. v. ff. 136-140. 

4 For arra