HANDBOUND
AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF
TORONTO PRESS
The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga
. Kraka and the Bjarkarimur
to Beowulf
A Contribution to the History of
Saga Development in England
and the Scandinavian Countries
A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND
LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(DEPARTMENT or ENGLISH)
BY
OSCAR LUDVIG OLSON
A Private Edition
Distributed By
The University of Chicago Libraries
A Trade Edition Is Published By
The Society for the Advancement of Scandinavian Study
1916
PT
OM-
.
* A^
857284
PREFACE
It was at the suggestion of Professor John M. Manly that I
took up the study which has resulted in the following dissertation,
and from him 1 have received much encouragement and valuable
assistance on numerous occasions. I have profited by suggestions
received from Professor Tom Peete Cross and Professor James R.
Hulbert; and Professor Chester N. Gould has been unstinting in
his kindness in permitting me to draw on his knowledge of the
Old Norse language and literature. In addition to the aid re-
ceived from these gentlemen, professors in the University of Chi-
cago, I have received bibliographical information and helpful sug-
gestions from Professor Frederick Klaeber, of the University of
Minnesota; I have been aided in various ways by Professor George
T. Flom, of the University of Illinois, particularly in preparing the
manuscript for the press; and from others I have had assistance
in reading proof. To all these gentlemen I am very grateful, and
I take this opportunity to extend to them my sincere thanks.
INTRODUCTORY.
The following pages are the result of an investigation that has
grown out of a study of Beowulf. The investigation has been
prosecuted mainly with a view to ascertaining as definitely as possi-
ble the relationship between the Anglo-Saxon poem and the Hrdlfs
Saga Kraka, and has involved special consideration of two portions
of the saga, namely, the BrfvarsfydUr, and the Fr6$a\>dUr , and such
portions of the early literature in England and the Scandinavian
countries as seem to bear some relationship to the stories con-
tained in these two portions of the saga. Some of the results
achieved may seem to be outside the limits of the main
theme. But they are not without value in this connection, for
they throw light on the manner in which the Urdljssaga and some
of the other compositions in question came to assume the form in '
which we now find them. Thus these results assist us in deter-
mining the extent to which the saga and the Bjarkartmur are re-
lated to Beowulf.
As the field under consideration has been the object of investiga-
tion by a number of scholars, much that otherwise would need to be
explained to prepare the way for what is to be presented lies ready at
hand, and this is used as a foundation on which to build further.
In order to give the reader who is interested in the subject, but
has not made a special study of it, an idea of the problems in-
volved, and the solutions that have been offered, the discussion is
preceded by a brief summary of the principal conclusions reached
by various scholars.
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
Aarb.— Aarboger for nordisk Oldkyndighed ot Historie, 1894.
Ark.—Arkivfor Nordisk Filologi.
Aug. — Anglia.
Ant. Tid.—Antiquarisk Tidsikrifl.
Beow.— Beowulf. The line numbering used is that of A. J. Wyatt's edition.
Beau:, Child— Beowulf and tht Finnuburh Fragment, translated by C. G. Child,
1904.
Beow. Slud.—Beowulf-Studien, by Gregor Sarrazin, 1888.
Beow. Unt. — Beowulf, Untersuchungen, by Bernhard ten Brink, 1888.
Beow. Unt. Ang— Beowulf, Untersuchungen iiber das angelsdchsische Epos ttnd
die altrste Geschichte der germanischen Seevolker, by Karl MUllenhoff, 1889.
Camb. Hist. Lit.— The Cambridge History of English Literature.
Chron.— Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by Raphael Holinshed,
edition of 1808.
Helt.—Danmarks Heltedigtning, by Axel Olrik, vol. I, 1903; vol. II, 1910.
Dan. Nor. Rig. — Danske og norske Riger paa de britiske Oer i Danevaldent
Tidsdder, by Johannes C. H. Steenstrup, 1882.
Eng. Nov.— The Development of the English Novel, by Wilbur L. Cross, 1914.
Dictionary of National Biography.
Eng. Stud.—Engtische Studien.
Ext. Ch. Rol.—Exlraits de la Chanson de Roland, by Gaston Paris, 1912.
Cest. Dan.—Gcsta Danorum, by Saxo Grammaticus, edited by A. Holder, 1886.
Elton's Saxo — The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammatical,
translated by Oliver Elton, 1894.
Gesfh. Altfng. Lit. — Geschichte der dltenglischen Littrralur, by Alois Brand!
(Paul's Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, 1908).
Eeimsk. — Heimskringla, eller Norges Kongesagaer, by Snorre Sturlasson, edited
by C. R. Unger, 1868.
Hist. Reg. Wald.—Hisloria Regis Waldei, by Johannes Bramis, edited by R.
Imelmann, 1912.
Hist. Mer.— Historic Meriadoci, edited by J. D. Bruce, 1913.
En. Bjark.—Hrdlfs Saga K'aka og Bjarkartmur, edited by Finnur J6nsaon;
1904.
Icel. Leg.— Icelandic Legends, collected by J6n Arnason, translated by George
E. Powell and Eirfkur Magnusson, 1864.
Mori. d'Arth.-Morle f Arthur, by Sir Thomas Malory, Globe edition, 1871.
Norroen Fornkvafai, edited by Soph us Bugge, 1867.
Nor. Tales— Norse Fairy Tales, selected and adapted from the translations of
Sir George Webbe Dasent, 1910.
Folk. Huld. Even.— Norske Folke- og Huldre-Eventyr i Udvalg, by P. Chr. Asbjorn
sen, revised edition by Moltke Moe, 1910.
Event. Sagn—Norike Polkeamtyr og Sag*, by O. T. Oben, 1912.
Nor. Hist.— Del norske Folks Historie, by P. A. Munch, 1852.
fJL
Sagn—Norske Sag*, Christiania, 1902.
Notes, Beow.— Notes on Beowulf, by Thomas Arnold, 1898.
Oldn. Lit. Hist— Den oldnorske og oldislandske Utteraturs Historic, by Finnur
Jonsson.
Grundr, — Paul's Grundriss der germanischen Philologie.
P. B. B.— Paul and Braune's Beitr&ge tur Geschifhte der deutschen LitteraJur.
Pop. Tales— Popular Tales from the North, by George Webbe Dasent, 1859.
P. M. L. A.— Publications of the Modern Language Association of America.
Cretiis.—The Saga of Greltir the Strong, Everyman's Library.
Sc. Folkl.— Scandinavian Folk-lore, by William A. Craigie, 1896.
Sc. Rer. Dan. — Scriptores Rerum Danicarum, edited by Jakob Langebek, 1772.
Uacb.— Shakespeare's Tragedy of Macbeth, edited by William J. Rolfe, 1905.
Skjs.—Skjoldungasaga (AarbSger for nordisk Oldkyndighcd og Hislorie, 1894).
S*. Ed.—Snorri Sturluson, Edda, edited by Finnur J6nsson, 1900.
St. germ. Sag.—Studien xur germanischen Sagengeschuhte; I Beowulf, by Fried-
rich Panzer, 1910.
51. Sag. Eng.—Studien tur SagengescUe-hte Englands; I Teil, Die Wikingersagen,
by Max Deutschbein, 1906.
Volsttngasaga (Fomaldars^gur NorHrtonda, edited by Valdimar Asmundarson,
vol. I, 1891).
Widsith (The Oldest English Epic— Beowulf, Widsiih, etc.— translated by
Francis B. Gummere, 1909).
Yd. Fair. Bh.—The Yellow Fairy Book, by Andrew Lang.
CONTENTS.
Preface I
Introductory 1
Bibliography and Abbreviations / 3\
The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka and the
Bjarkarlmur to Beowulf
I Boovarsjrittr 7
H Fr«fe)*ttr 6i
III General Summary 98
/
THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA AND THE
BJARKARlMUR TO BEOWULF.
I
The question whether Saxo Grammaticus' account of Biarco's
fight with a bear or the account in the Hrdlfssaga of Bjarki's fight
with a winged monster is the earlier version of the story has been
the subject of 'much discussion, as has also the possible identity
of Bjarki's (Biarco's) exploit with one or both of Beowulf's ex-
ploits (his slaying of Grendel and the dragon). The latter problem
is still further complicated by the introduction of two beasts hi
the Bjarkarimur where Saxo and the Hrdlfssaga have only one,
and the introduction in Beowulf of Grendcl's mother, who makes
her appearance in order to defend her offspring and also is slain.
In this dissertation an attempt will not be made to clear up the
whole of this complicated matter. But an attempt will be made
to solve some of the problems involved. It will be shown that the
stories in the Bjarkarimur of the slaying of the wolf and the bear
at the court of Hrolf Kraki1 are based on the story in the Hrelfssaga
of the slaying of the winged1 monster. The explanation of the
origin of the dragon and the interpretation of the whole dragon
story in the Hrdlfssaga, both of which have hitherto been wanting,
will be given. From this it will be seen that this story in the
Hrdlfssaga is based on the story, related in the second book of
Saxo's Gesta Danorum3, of Bjarki's slaying the bear.
Earlier Opinions in Regard to the B(jt5vARSbArrR, the BjARKAxf-
MTJR, and Related Mailers.
Gisli Brynjulfsson, the first writer, apparently, to call attention
to the similarity between Beowulf's combat with Grendel and
Bjarki's combat with the winged monster, identified the story in
the Hrdlfssaga of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster with the
story in Beowulf of Beowulf's fight with Grendel. That it was a
sea-monster (havjsette) that caused the trouble in Denmark, while
it was a mountain-troll that caused the trouble in Norway, he
thought was as characteristic as anything could be.4
1 For these portions of the Bjarkarimur, sec pp. 47-48.
1 For the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster, see pp. 20-22.
•Seep. 51.
*A*t.Tid., 1852-54, p. 130.
8 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
Gregor Sarrazin would identify Bjarki with Beowulf. He calls
attention to striking similarities between the stories about the two
men and attempts to identify the word " BgoVar," etymologically,
with the word "Beowulf." The translator, as he calls the author
of Beoivulf, may, through misconception, have regarded "var," the
second part of the name "BotSvar," as "vargr" and translated it
faithfully into AS. "wulf." This, combined with other changes,
which he discusses and illustrates, that might have taken place in
the name in its passage from very early Danish to Anglo-Saxon,
could have caused the Scandinavian name " BotJvar" to be rend-f
ered "B6owulf" in Anglo-Saxon.6
Sophus Bugge thought that saga-characteristics earlier ascribed
to Beowulf had been transferred, in Danish tradition, to Bjarki.
The story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster he regarded
as acquired from contact with the story of Beowulf's fight with the
dragon. He showed that the words " BotSvar" and " Bgowulf " are
not etymologically related, but that "BpoVar" is the genitive of
"00.8," meaning "battle," so that "BooVar Bjarki" means "Bat-
tle Bjarki." He called attention to the fact that Saxo regarded
Bothvar's real name as Bjarki (Lat. Biarco), that the Bjarkamdl
was called after that name, and, furthermore, that Saxo ascribed
to Bjarki the words "belligeri cepi cognomen."*
Sarrazin regards the story of Bjarki's journey from Sweden to
Denmark and subsequent exploit there, with which he identifies
the corresponding journey and exploit of Beowulf, as an embodi-
ment of the Balder and Frey cult. He thinks it may be inter-
preted as the southward journey of the sun in the autumn and its
contest with frost and mists when it reaches its southern limit (i. e.,
Denmark, according to the ancient conception of the people of the
Scandinavian peninsula); or it may be interpreted as the introduc-
tion of the Balder-cult from Sweden into Denmark.7
Bernhard ten Brink agreed with Karl Miillenhoff,* that, on the
one hand, there is really no similarity between the Beowulf story
and Saxo's account of Bjarki, in which the blood-drinking episode
is the main point, and, on the other, between Saxo's account and
* A«(., 1886, IX, pp. 198-201.
•P.B.B., 1887, XII, pp. 55-37.
' Btaw. Stud., 1888, pp. 62-63.
• Beov. Unl. Ang., 1889, p. 55.
AND THE BJARKARlMtIR TO BEOWULF 9
that in the Hrdlfssaga, which has too much the nature of a fairy
tale to be ancient tradition. He agreed with Bugge, that Bjarik's
combat with the winged monster shows contact with the story of
Beowulf's fight with the dragon.'
Sarrazin, replying to ten Brink, scouts the idea that a poem, such
as Beowulf, which was completely unknown in England after the
eleventh century, should, after this time, be well known in Scan-
dinavian countries and exert a notable influence there.10
G. Binz does not think that Sarrazin's attempt to identify Bjarki
with Beowulf is sufficiently substantiated and shows by a list of
names," dating from the twelfth century and found in the North-
umbrian Liber Vitae, that the story about Bjarki was probably
known at an early date in northern England."
Sarrazin thinks that perhaps Beowulf married Freawaru, Hroth-
gar's daughter, as, similarly, Bjarki, according to the Hrdlfssaga,
married Drifa, the daughter of Hrothgar's nephew, Hrolf Kraki;
that the troll which supports Hrolf Kraki's enemies in Hrolf's last
battle is a reminiscence of the dragon in BeowulJ; and that, owing
to the change of taste and other causes that occurred in the
course of time, the Beowulf story developed into the form in which
it is found in the Bjarki story in the Hrdlfssaga.13
Thomas Arnold concedes that there may be a faint connection
between the Bjarki story and the Beowulf story, but he rejects
Sarrazin's theory that the Anglo-Saxon poem is a translation from
the Scandinavian (see p. 8).M
B. Symons takes the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged
monster to be a fusion of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel
and that of his fight with the dragon."
R. C. Boer identifies Bjarki with Beaw. In the West-Saxon line
of kings, Beaw succeeded Scyld; in the poem Beowulf, Beowulf,
the Danish king, succeeded Scyld; in Saxo's account, Frothi I suc-
ceeded Scyld. Frothi is represented as having killed a dragon.
•Beow.Unt., 1888, pp. 185-88.
»•£»«. Stud., 1892, XVI, p. 80.
" The list is "Osbern Thru win Aeskitil Riculf Aeskyl Rikui Boduwar Berki
Esd Petre Osbern."
» P. B. B., 1895, XX, pp. 157-58. .
» Eng. Stud., 1897, XXIII, pp. 245-46.
"#<*!,£«>»., 1898, p. 96.
» Grundr., 1898, III, p. 649.
10 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KFAKA
According to the Hrdlfssaga, Bjarki killed a dragon. As Beaw in
one account occupies the same position in the royal line as Frothi
in another and Beowulf, the Dane, in a third, Boer thinks that
Bjarki's exploit and Frothi's exploit are the same one and that to
Beowulf, the Dane, the same exploit was also once attributed. In
Saxo's account, Bjarki is a king's retainer; and Boer thinks his
exploit has been differentiated from that of Frothi, who is a king.
In Beowulf, he thinks, the exploit has been transferred from Beowulf,
the Danish king, to Beowulf, the Geat, and that the differentiation
of the deed into two exploits has been retained — Beowulf, as a
king's retainer, slaying Grendel, and later, as a king, killing a drag-
on. This identifies Bjarki's slaying of the winged monster with
Beowulf's slaying of Grendel. In Saxo's account of Bjarki, Boer
thinks that the dragon has been stripped of its wings and changed
to a bear.1'
Finnur Jonsson regards the story in the Hrdlfssaga of Bjarki's
slaying the winged monster as a reflection, though a feeble one, of
the Grendel story in Beouitlf."
Axel Olrik, who, more extensively than any other writer, has
entered into the whole matter, of which the problems here under
consideration form a part, does not think there is any connection be-
tween Beowulf and the Hrdlfssaga.™ He regards the stories in the
Bjarkarimur of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the
bear as earlier compositions than the corresponding story in the
Hr6lfssaga.u The addition of " Bothvar" to Bjarki's name he thinks
was acquired among the Scandinavians in the north of England,*0
where the Bjarki story, by contact with the story of Siward, Earl of
Northumberland, acquired the further addition of Bjarki's reputed
bear-ancestry.21 The stories in the GreUissaga, FlaUyjarbdk, and
Egilssaga to which counterparts are found in Beowulf, he believes
to have been acquired by contact either with the Beowulf legend
or, perhaps, with the Anglo-Saxon epic itself*
» Ark., 1903 (the article is dated 1901), XIX, pp. 19 ff.
" Oldn. Lit. Hist., II, 1901, p. 832.
"Belt., I, 1903, pp. 135-36.
»ffett.,I,p 135.
»BtU., I, pp. 139-41.
» Hell., I, pp. 215-17.
ȣW/.,I,p.248.
AND THE BJARKARiMUR TO BEOWULF 11
Finnur J6nsson thinks that the stories in the Bjarkarimur of
Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later
compositions than the story in the Hrfilfssaga of Bjarki's slaying
the winged monster, and supports this opinion by maintaining that
the monster in the saga is a reminiscence, though altered and
faded, of Grendel in Beowulf*
Sarrazin regards the cowardly, useless Hott, Bjarki's companion,
as a personification of the sword Hrunting, which fails Beowulf
in his fight with Grendel's mother. But Hjalti, as Hott is called
after he has become brave and strong, he regards as a personification
of the giant-sword with which Beowulf dispatches Grendel's
mother. Sarrazin would also identify the giant-sword, which is
said to have a golden hilt (gylden hilt), with the sword Gullin-
hjalti in the Hrdlfssaga."
Max Deutschbein sees a connection between the Bjarki story
and the Gcsta Hcrwardi that would tend to establish the story in
the Bjarkarimur as earlier than the correspomiing story in the
Hrdlfssaga?-
H. Munro Chadwick, basing his opinion on the similarity between
the career of Bjarki and that of Beowulf, thinks there is good
reason for believing that Beowulf was the same person as Bothvar
Bjarki"
Alois Brandl does not think that Beowulf and Bjarki were the
same person. He calls attention to the difficulty involved in the
fact, which, he says, Olrik has emphasized, that "Bjarki" is etymo-
logically unrelated to "Biar"; and of troll fights, he says, there
are many in Scandinavian literature."
*Hrt. Bjark., 1904, Introd., p. 22.
« Eng. Stud., 1905, XXXV, pp. 19 ff. The similarity between "Gullinhjalti,"
in the Hrdlfssaga, and "gylden hilt," in Beowulf, was first pointed out by
Friedrich Kluge in Englische Sludien, 1896, XXII, p. 145. Sarrazin would
write "gylden hilt," the form in which the words appear in Beowulf, in one word
and capitalize it (i. e., Gyldenhilt). This manner of writing the words brings
them nearer in form to " Gullinhjalti," as this word is written in the Hrfilfssaga.
Holthausen in his latest edition (1909) of Beowulf also uses the form "Gylden-
hilt." Lawrence, likewise, identif.es "gylden hilt" with Gullinhjalti (see
p. 12), as does also Panzer (see p. 12).
» SI. Sat. E*f., 1906, pp. 249 ff.
» Comb. Hist. Lit., I, 1907, pp. 29-30.
" Geuk. AUeng. LU., 1908, p. 993.
12 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
William Witherle Lawrence thinks that "we may have to do
with late influence of Beowulj upon the Hr6lfssaga"u He identi-
fies "gylden hilt" with Gullinhjalti.29 He regards the stories in the
Bjarkartmur of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the
bear as earlier compositions than the story in the Hrdifssaga of
Bjarki's slaying the winged monster,30 which, in agreement with
Olrik, he regards as "a special late elaboration peculiar to the
Hrdlfssaga." He regards Saxo's story as earlier than the stories in
the BjarkaHmur?1 He refers to Mogk as believing that the Bjarki
story in the saga is a werewolf myth into which the Grendel motive
is woven.32 He quotes a passage from Heusler, in which Heusler
states that he regards the story in the Bjarkarimur of the fight
with the bear as earlier than the story in the saga of the fight with
the winged monster and that, furthermore, Beowulf's fight with
Grendel has been transferred to Bjarki.33 Lawrence also calls at-
tention to the fact that Gering thinks there is unmistakable simi-
larity between the Grendel story and the story of Bjarki's fight
with the winged monster.34
Fried rich Panzer identifies Bjarki with Beowulf and regards the
story in question in the Hrdlfssaga as a later composition than the
corresponding stories in the Bjarkartmur, which he identifies with
the Grendel story." " Gylden hilt" he identifies with Gullinhjalti *
and Hott-Hjalti, whom Sarrazin regards as a personification of
swords in Beoutilf, he identifies with Hondscio, Beowulf's com-
panion who is devoured by Grendel.17
The Story in the HRCLFSSAGA of Bjarki's Slaving the Winged Monster.
It appears to the writer that the key to the explanation of much
that has been the subject of dispute, or has remained unexplained,
in the story about Bothvar Bjarki in the Hrolfssaga is the influence
" P. M. L. A., 1909, XXIV, p. 237.
"P. M.L.A., XXIV, p. 239.
"P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 231.
»P. M. L. A., XXIV, p. 231.
«/>.J/.L.X.,XXIV,p.224.
"P. M. L.A., XXIV, p. 223.
*P. M. L.X.XXIV, p. 224.
*Sl. germ. Sag., 1910, pp. 366 ff.
* SI. germ. Sag., pp. 372-73.
•5<.cerM.5af., p. 383
AND THE BJARKARM1UR TO BEOWULF 13
of the fictitious (in part, also historical) life of Siward, Earl of
Northumberland under Canute the Great and succeeding kings.
The life of Siward, briefly summarized from the Dictionary of
National Biography,39 is as follows.
Siward, Eari of Northumberland, called Digera, or the strong, a
Dane, is said to have been the son of a Danish jarl named Biorn.
According to legend he was descended from a white bear and a lady,
etc.39 As a matter of fact, he probably came to England with Ca-
nute, and received the earldom of Dcira after the death of Eadwulf
Cutel, the Earl of Northumbria, when the Northumbrian earldom
appears to have been divided. He married /Elflsed, daughter of
Ealdrcd, Earl of Bernicia, the nephew of Eadwulf Cutel. In 1041
he was employed by Hardecanute, along with Earls Godwin and
Leofric, to ravage Worcestershire. Later he became Earl of North-
umberland and probably also of Huntingdon.
He upheld Edward the Confessor in his quarrels with Godwin in
1051. In pursuance of the king's command, Siward invaded Scot-
land both by sea and land with a large force in 1054. The King
of Scotland was Macbeth, who had slain his predecessor, Duncan I,
the husband of a sister or cousin of the eari, and Siward's invasion
was evidently undertaken on behalf of Duncan's son Malcolm. A
fierce battle took place on July 27th; the Scots were routed, Mac-
beth fled, and Malcolm appears to have been established as King
of Cumbria in the district south of the Firths of Forth and Clyde.
Siward died at York in 1055. Siward and his son Osbeorn, called
by Shakespeare "Young Siward," appear in Macbeth.
The legendary life of Siward is found in two Latin versions in
Langebek's Scriptores Rerum Danicarum, vol. III. These two ver-
sions Olrik designates as A (anonymous; p. 288) and B (Bromton;
p. 300) .40 According to B, an earl of royal descent in the kingdom
of the Danes had an only daughter, who went with her maidens for
a walk in a neighboring wood. They met a bear, whereupon the
maidens fled and the daughter was seized by the bear and carried
off. In the course of time she gave birth to a son, whose name was
Bern and who bore marks, in the shape of a bear's ears, of his pater-
nity. Bern had a son, whose name was Siward. According to A,
"XVIII, pp. 318-19.
" See the legendary life of Siward in the following.
«Mr*.,XIX,p. 199.
14 THE RELATION OF THE HR6US SAGA KRAKA
Siward is removed by three generations more from his bear-ancestor,
the line of descent being Ursus (the bear), Spratlingus, Ulsius
(should be, Ulfius), Bcorn (with the cognomen Beresun), Siward.
According to A, where the account is a little more detailed than
in B, Siward, who was given the cognomen Diere (large), was a
brave and powerful man, who, disdaining the succession to his fa-
ther's earldom in Denmark, set sail with one vessel and fifty chosen
companions, and arrived at the Orkney Islands. On one of the
islands was a dragon that had done much damage by killing men and
cattle. To show his strength and bravery, Siward entered into a
combat with the dragon and drove it from the island. Thence he
set sail for Northumberland, and there, he heard, there was another
dragon. During the search for this dragon, he met an old man sit-
ting on a hill. He inquired of the man as to the whereabouts of
the dragon. But the man, calling him by name, told him that he
sought the dragon in vain, and directed him to continue his journey
and proceed till he came to a river called Thames, on whose bank
was situated a city by the name of London. "And there," he said,
"you will find the king of that region, who will enlist you in his ser-
vice and in a short time bestow land upon you." As a token of the
trustworthiness of his prediction, the old man drew from the folds
of his garment a banner, called Ravenlandeye, and presented it to
Siward.
Siward accepted the banner and proceeded to London, where he
was summoned by King Edward to meet him at Westminster. Si-
ward obeyed the summons and was enlisted in the service of the
king, who promised him the first position of honor to become
vacant in the kingdom. On this visit to the king, he slew Tosti
in order to avenge an imagined insult and demanded and received
Tosti's earldom of Huntingdon, which had thus become vacant.
Some time after he also received the earldoms of Northumberland,
Cumberland, and Westmoreland.
Later the Norwegians made war on the king; but Siward defeated
them and avenged many fold the insults and injuries sustained
by the king, thus fulfilling the prophecy "that Divine Provi-
dence would permit to be born from the union of a rational with
an irrational creature, i. e., from the union of a woman with a
bear, a man who would wreak vengeance on the enemies of the
illustrious and glorious King of England."
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 15
In the course of time, Dunewal, King of the Scots, was ejected
from his kingdom. He sought the aid of Siward, who gathered
an army and proceeded as far as Dundee, when news was brought
him that his subjects in Northumberland had risen in insurrection
and slain his son Osl>ertum (Osbernum) Bulax. Compelled to
return, he was roused to such anger that he sank his sword into a
rock, leaving a mark that could l>e seen, the author says, in his day.
Siward restored to the king the territory seized by the rebels, and
returned home and inflicted severe punishment on his enemies.
B has some variations from the account in A, but none of these
variations are of present significance.
The transformation of Siward from an historical character, in
regard to whom we have authentic information, into the hero of a
saga the first part of which is of the " fornaldarsaga" type, the lat-
ter part of the " Islaendingasaga" type,41 is quite remarkable.
He must have made a deep impression on the minds of his con-
temporaries and remained a hero in oral tradition long after the
historical events of his life had been forgotten.
Olrik, who has done work of great importance in this field,
offers a discussion of the legendary life of Siward in the Arkivftfr
nordisk Filologi, vol. XIX, from which it seems desirable to quote
some passages for the light they throw on the development of this
saga in England.
"Tagen som helhed er Sivards saga den maerkelige forening af
jeventyrlig og historisk sagastil.
"I dragekampene og i Odinskikkelsen, er der mer tilslutning til
norron tradition; her mi de i Nordengland bosatte Nordmaend
have gjort sig gacldende med et berigende og udviklende element.
Dette gander da ikke blot for Sivards saga, men ogsa for Ragnar
Lodbroks historic, for si vidt den fra forst er bleven til i England.
Pi den anden side mi vi ikke alene regne med, at Nordengland er
en aflaegger af norsk sagakultur; den er tillige en banebryder for
dens rigere udvikling. Vi har set det med dragekampen, der
optages vaesenlig fra engelske forestillinger, og som vistnok ad den
vej finder ind i de norsk-islandske aeventyrsagaer og bistoriske tra-
ditioner."48
41 Olrik, Ark., XIX, p. 205.
•Ark., XIX, pp. 212-13.
16 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
With the situation thus before us — namely: 1. the numerical
strength of the Danes and Norwegians in the north of England,
which had become a second home of Norwegian saga-culture; 2.
the fact that the llrtifssaga was known in England, where Bjarki
received the addition "Bothvar" to his name; and 3. the fact that
the Siward saga as we find it in Langebek was developed in the
same locality — it is evident that it was not only possible, but
practically inevitable, that the Hrdlfssaga and the Siward saga
should come in contact with each other. And this was, indeed, the
case. That a popular hero is said to have descended from a bear
is a very widespread motive, not at all confined to the territory in
which the Bjarki story was known; but the similarities in the gene-
alogies of Siward, Bothvar Bjarki, and Ulf (Gest. Dan., tenth
book) are so great that the casual reader immediately concludes
that these genealogies must in some way be related. Olrik has
unraveled the skein and shown that the bear-ancestry belonged
originally to Siward and from him was transferred to Ulf and Bjarki.
Olrik dwells on the fact that, "Det sagn, der her optrxder som
knyttet til historiske eller rettere halvhistoriske personer, findes ogsa
rundt omkring i Europas seventy r som indledning til fortaellingen
om den stierke kaempe, der hentede de bortforte kongedolrc tilbage
fra troldene." Olrik says further: " Men ogsa i den islamfcke saga-
verden liar vi tilkny tning. Beorn Beresuns fodsel genfmdes som Bod-
var Bjarkes. Bodvars foracldre cr den til bjorn omskabtc kongeson
Bjorn og bondedattercn Bera. Foruden ved navnene robes sammen-
hiengen vcd at bjornen — ligesom i Sakses sagn — bliver jaget og
drabt, og sonnen sencre tager hacvn. Men samtidig er molivet ud-
viklet langt rigere, idet omskabelse og stemoder er blandet ind, og
arven efter vilddyret fordeles paa tre sonnendclsbjorneagtigt ydre,
dels styrke og 'hamram'-hed. Saledes er de danske og dc (norsk-)
islandske tilknytninger af forskcllig art; de danske giver os de
acvcntyragtige clementer, hvoraf sagnet opstar. Den islandske
Hrdlfssaga og Bjarkarimur viser os dels vidcre udvikling til acven-
tyrsaga. Selve den nordengelske Sivardssaga stir i midten som
et maerkeligt mellemled i udviklingen."4* Here we have the first
• Ark., XIX, pp. 205-07. Sec also lldl., I, pp. 215-17. In his Si. germ. Sag.,
p. 378, n., Panzer calls in question the connection that Olrik makes between
Bjarki's bear-ancestry and that of Siward. But Olrik's theory furnishes the
only satisfactory explanation of all the phenomena involved, and is so ex-
tremely probable that it must be regarded as correct.
AND THE BJARKARiliUR TO BEOWULF 17
sure indication of contact between the Siward saga and the story
of Bjarki, in the Hrdlfssaga.
There is much in the main features of the lives of Siward and
Bjarki that is similar. Both were men of extraordinary prowess
and bravery; both gave up a great heritage at home (Siward, an
earldom; Bjarki, a kingdom); both left their native land to enter
the service of a foreign monarch (Siward entering the service of
Edward the Confessor; Bjarki, that of Hrolf Kraki); both slew a
ferocious monster; both paused in another land (Siward, on the
Orkney Islands; Bjarki, in Sweden) before reaching what was to
be their destination; both displayed their warlike qualities by slay-
ing a man of great prominence who was closely connected with the
king (Siward slaying Tosti, and Bjarki slaying Agnar); both were
the king's chief support in his wars against his enemies; and both
invaded a foreign land (Siward making an expedition to Scotland,
and Bjarki accompanying Hrolf on his expedition to Sweden).
Certain features of the life of Bjarki mentioned above, such as his
bravery, strength, his being in the service of Hrolf Kraki, his killing a
fierce beast, and slaying Agnar, the saga-man found ready to his
hand ; but not the renunciation of his kingdom. Earldoms and king-
doms are not renounced "for light and transient causes." As
regards Siward, who renounced his earldom, he seemed to be des-
tined for a greater career, as subsequent events show and as is indi-
cated by the fact that Odin (for the old man on the hill whom
Siward met was none other than Odin) took a hand in directing
his course. But when Bjarki renounced his kingdom, it was alto-
gether unmotivated. The saga says: "Soon afterwards [i. c., after
Bjarki's revenge on his evil step-mother] King Hring fell sick and
died, whereupon Bothvar succeeded to the throne and was for a time
satisfied. Later, he called his subjects together to a 'jnng' [i. e.,
assembly] and said he wished to leave the country, married his
mother to a man named Valsleit, who had been an earl, celebrated
their wedding, and departed."'" He became Hrolf's most noted
warrior, but neither sought nor attained to any other distinction.
The renunciation of a kingdom for the fate of a man who appears
among strangers and gets what his own right arm can win for him
is a rare occurrence; and when the saga-man lets Bjarki become a
king and then, without reason, renounce this highest of all earthly
"Bn.Bjork., pp. 59-60.
18 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KKAKA
dignities, it can only be in servile imitation of the corresponding
feature of the Siward saga.
Besides those already mentioned, the two stories have other
features in common. It is said of Siward, that when he learned
that his son Osbeorn had fallen in battle, he became so angry that
he sank his sword into a rock. It is said of Elgfrbthi, Bjarki's
brother, that he swung his sword against a rock with such force
that it sank in to the hilt. But Elgfrothi's feat was performed
under such widely different circumstances that the author may, or
may not, have had Siward's feat in mind in recording the incident.
However, suggestions received from one story are often employed
in another quite as the author sees fit, so that, although one is not
inclined to attach much importance to this incident, it is, never-
theless, worth noting.
Somewhat more noteworthy than the incident just mentioned is
the introduction of Odin in both stories in the disguise of an old
man. In the Siward story he appears on a hill as Siward reaches
Northumberland on his journey from the Orkney Islands, and tells
Siward what course to pursue, presents him the banner Ravenland-
eye, which is accepted, and predicts for him a brilliant future. In
the Hrdlfssaga Odin appears as a one-eyed old man living in a hut
in Sweden. Hrolf and his men seek a night's entertainment of him
while on their way to the Swedish court, and the old man tests their
endurance and instructs Hrolf in regard to the measures he must
take to accomplish his purpose. Odin also appears to the men as
they return on their way to Denmark, when he offers Hrolf a sword,
shield, and armor. Hrolf declines the preferred gift, whereupon
Odin tells Hrolf that he is not as wise as he thinks he is,
and Hrolf soon, but too late, realizes that the rejection of the gift
augurs ill fortune. There is nothing unusual in the appearance of
Odin as a one-eyed old man, for it is a common characteristic of
saga literature. But though Hrolf's expedition to Sweden is men-
tioned in Snorri's Edda,4* where the passage concerned is based on
the old Skjqldungasaga, the oldest authority in regard to the matter,
but unfortunately now lost, no mention of Odin is made in this
connection.4* Furthermore, Odin again appears in the saga (at the
close), where Bjarki vows that if he could get his eye on the god
he would use him roughly for permitting the enemy to gain the vic-
•Sn.Ed., pp. 107-10.
•See p. 95, 3 and note.
AND THE BJARKARJMUR TO BEOWULF 19
tory in the battle that is being fought and that is going against Hrolf
and his men. In the latter instance, Odin belongs originally to the
story (Gesi. Dan., second book, where Odin is represented as riding
his steed Sleipnir and being invisibly present at the battle to take
the dead to Valhalla). The two conceptions of Odin — on tlic one
hand, as appearing in the disguise of an old man; on the other, as
riding his horse, Sleipnir, and taking those fallen in battle to Valhalla
— are quite different, the former being distinctly Norwegian, one of
the circumstances that Olrik uses to show that the Siward saga origi-
nated under strong Norwegian influence, while the latter was the
conception of Odin current in Denmark and Sweden.47 As already
stated, the introduction of Odin as an old man is a motive that
occurs frequently in saga literature. It cannot, therefore, be stated
definitely that his appearance in the Siward saga suggested the use
of him in the Bjarki story. But the two stories were current in
the same locality; they were formed under similar conceptions of
saga literature; in both stories Odin directs the hero in question
as to the most advisable course to pursue and offers him a present;
the Bjarki story already contained an instance, of another mintage,
of the Odin motive; as stated above, the oldest authority in regard
to the matter says nothing about Odin's appearing to Hrolf on the
expedition to Sweden; and, as we know, the one has acquired
important features (Bjarki's bear-ancestry and his renunciation of
his kingdom) from the other. These circumstances render it highly
probable that this is another of the Bjarki story's acquisitions from
contact with the Siward saga. Incidents of this kind need not
necessarily be used in one story as they are in another; saga litera-
ture abounds in evidence of this fact, as, for instance, Saxo's and
the Hrdlfs saga's story of Hroar and Helgi, considered later.
A feature of the Hrdlfssaga that is much more noteworthy in
this connection and that has certainly been acquired from the
Siward saga is that concerning the kind of monster slain by Bjarki
at the court of Hrolf Kraki. When Siward's bear-ancestry had been
transferred to Bothvar Bjarki, it followed as a matter of course
that Bjarki must no longer be represented as killing a bear. Si-
ward had driven a dragon, which had killed men and cattle in
great numbers, from one of the Orkney Islands; and it is in imi-
tation of this exploit that Bjarki is represented as having slain a
«Xr*.,XIX,p. 211.
20 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
winged monster (dragon). This would be only another instance,
in addition to those already mentioned, of the influence exerted
by the story of Siward on the Hrdljssaga. Ordinarily, there was
nothing about Bjarki's person that revealed or suggested that his
father was a bear; but he was able to assume the shape of a bear,
which, according to the JlrMfssaga, he did with terrible effect in
the last battle of Hrolf and his warriors. Since he sustained such
near relationship to the bear-family, it would be inappropriate to
represent him as showing his prowess by killing a bear, for his
sentiments toward that animal would, as a result of his own ancestry
and the treatment his father had received, be those of sympathy
rather than antipathy. His mother had told him the whole story
of his ancestry and the maltreatment of his father, and it had
aroused him to take most dire revenge. Consequently, he must
be represented as having killed some other kind of ferocious beast, or
monster, than a bear, and this naturally became the sarr.e kind
of monster that Siward had overcome, namely a dragon. The fact
that it was not uncommon at the time the saga was composed for a
popular hero to be represented as having slain a dragon made it
all the easier for the author of the Hrdlfssa^a to imitate this feature
of the Siward saga. It may be said that this is attributing too much
consistency in one particular to a story that otherwise is a piece of
patch-work. But the story of Biarki's fight with the winged mon-
ster is not patch-work; it does not represent the poorest and latest
form of the Bjarki legends, as Olrik says;48 it is not an impossible
story, as Panzer says;4' nor is it "inconsequent and. absurd," as
Lawrence says.60 Considering the time at which it was written, it
is a well considered, well constructed narrative, in which the ma-
terial at hand and the machinery that was regarded as permissible
and appropriate in saga-writing at the time is employed with great
skill to produce the intended effect. The story is as follows: —
"Ok sem lei'S at jolum, gcrSuz menn 6katir. BptSvarr spyrr
H<jtt, hverju betta sa?tti; hann segir honum, at dyr eitt hafi bar
komit tva vetr f samt, mikit og 6gurligt — 'ok hefir vaengi a bakinu
ok flygr bat jafnan; tvau haust hefir bat nu hingat vitjat ok gert
mikinn skatSa; £ bat bita ekki vdpn, en kappar konungs koma ekki
«ndl.,l,p. 136.
"St. germ. Sag., p. 367.
"P.M. L. A., XXIV, p. 239.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 21
hcim, pcir sem at eru cinna mcstir.1 Bgovarr m.Tlti: 'ekki er hollin
sv£ vcl skipufi, sem ek xtlaSi, ef citt dyr skal her eytJa n'ki og f€
konungsins.' Hgttr sagSi: 'pat er ekki dy"r, hcldr cr pat hit mesta
troll.' Nu kemr j61aaptann; pa maelti konungr: 'nu vil ek, at menn
se kyrrir ok hljoo'ir i nott, ok banna ek gllum minum mgnnum at
ganga i ngkkurn haska vi'5 dyrit, en fe ferr cptir pvi sem auSnar;
mcnn mina vil ck ekki missa.' Allir hcita her g6<Su um, at gcra
eptir pvi, sem konungr bauo". Bgfivarr Jeyndiz i burt um notlina;
hann Isctr Hgtt fara me'5 scr, ok gerir hann pat nauo'ugr ok kalla'6'i
hann scr styrt til bana. Bg'o'varr scgir, at betr niundi til takaz.
pcir panga f burt frd hgllinni, ok ver'o'r Bp'o'varr at bera hann;
sva cr hann hraeddr. Nii sja peir dyrit; ok pvi naest a'pir Hgttr
slikt, sem hann ma, ok kva'8 dyrit mundu gleypa hann. BoSvarr
ba<5 bikkjuna hans pc^ja ok kastar honum niSr i mo:umn, ok par
Hggr hann ok eip me'6 gllu ohneddr; ei;;i porir hann l:c-im at fara
hcldr. Nu gengr Bgfivarr moli dyrinu; pat haefir honum, at sverS-
it cr fast i umgjgr'o'inni, cr hann vildi brego'a pvi. BgSvarr
cggjar nu fast svcro'it ok pa brago'ar i umgjgro'inni, ok nu faer
harm brugoit uingjgr'Sinni, sva at sver'Sit gengr ur sli(5runum, ok
leggr pegar undir bscgi dyrsins ok sva fast, at stoo" i hjartanu, ok.
datt pa dy"rit til jarSar dautt pi or. Eptir pat ferr hann pangat
sem Hgttr liggr. BgSvarr tekr hann upp ok berr pangat, sem
dyrit liggr dautt. Hgttr skelfr akafJ. Bgo'varr ma;ki: 'nu &kaltu
drekka bloo' dyrsins.' Hann er lengi Iregr, en po porir hann vist
eigi annat. Bg'6'varr. Inctr hann drckka tva sopa stora; h.ann Idt
hann ok eta ngkkut af dyrshjartanu; cptir pctta tckr Bg'h-arr til
hans, ok attuz pcir vio' lengi. BgSvarr m«Tlti: 'helzt ertu nu sterkr
or'Sinn, ok ekki vacnti ek, at pii hrxo'iz nu hirSmenn Hnilfs kon-
ungs.' Hgttr sagSi: 'cigi mun ek pa hraco'az ok eigi pik upp frd
pessu.' 'Vcl cr pa orSit. Hgttr felagi; fgru vit nu til ok reisum upp
dyrit ok buum sva um, at a'6'rir xl\'\ at kvikt muni vera.' J)eir
gcra nu sva. Eptir pat fara peir heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok veit
engi maSr, hvat peir hafa iojat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn,
hvat pcir viti til d^rsins, hvart pat hafi ngkkut pangat vitjat um
n6ttina; honum var sagt, at fe alt vaeri heilt f grindum ok osakat.
Konungr ba?5 menn forvitnaz, hvart engi sasi likindi til, at pat
heftSi heim komit. Var?5menn gerSu sva ok k6mu skj6tt aptr ok
sogSu konungi, at dyrit faeri par ok heldr geyst at borginni. Kon-
ungr baS hirtSmenn vera hrausta ok duga nu hvern eptir pvf,
«em hann hefSi hug til, ok raoa af 6vaett penna; ok sva var gert,
22 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
sem konungr bautS, at beir bjuggu sik til bess. Konungr horfSi a
d^rit ok maelti sJSan: 'enga se ek for a dyiinu, en hverr vill nu taka
kaup einn ok ganga f moti bvi?' BooVarr maelti: 'bat vaeri naesta
hrausts manns forvitnisb6t. Hottr felagi, rektu nu af }>6r illmaelit
bat, at menn lata, sem engi krellr n£ dugr muni f her vera; far nu
ok drep |m dyrit; mattu sjd, at engi er allfuss til annarra.' 'Ja,
sag(5i Hottr, ek mun til bessa raSaz.' Konungr maelti: 'ekki veit
ek, hvaSan bcssi hreysti er at her komin, Hottr, ok mikit hcfir um
bik skipaz d skammri stundu.' Hottr maelti: 'gcf mcr til sverSit
Gullinhjalta, er bu heldr a, ok skal ek b,i fella dyiit eSa fa bana.'
Hr61fr konungr maelti: 'betta sverS er ekki beranda nema beim
manni, sem bae'Si er goSr drengr og hraustr.' Hottr sagtSi: 'sva
skaltu til setla, at mer se sva hattat.' Konungr maelti: 'hvat ma
vita, nema fleira hafi skipz um hagi >ma, en sja Jjykkir, en facstir
menn l>ykkjaz )?ik kenna, at )>u scr enn sami maSr; nu tak vitJ
sverSinu ok njot manna bezt, ef )>etta er til unnit.' SiSan gengr
Hottr at dyrinu alldjarfliga ok h^ggr til l>ess, )?a er hann kemr f
hoggfaeri, ok dyrit fellr ni5r dautt. BpSvarr mjelti: 'sjaiS nu,
herra, hvat hann hcfir til unnit.' Konungr scgir: 'vist hefir hann
mikit skipaz, en ekki hefir Hgttr einn dyrit drepit, heldr hefir j?u
J>at gert.' BpSvarr segir: 'vera ma, at svd se.' Konungr segir:
Vissa ek, ^a er Jju komt her, at fair mundu Jn'nir jafningjar vera,
en jjat )?ykki mcr }>6 jntt verk frajgiligast, at \>u hefir gert her
annan kappa, )?ar er Hottr er, ok 6va;nligr )>6tti til mikillar giptu;
ok nu vil ek at hann heiti cigi Hgttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti
upp fra )>essu; skaltu hcita eptir sverSinu Gullinhjalta.' ""
11 tlrs. Bjark., pp. 68-7 1 . La wrcncc's translation of the above is as follows : —
"And as the Yule-feast approached, the men grew depressed. Bothvar
asked Hott the reason; he told him that a beast had already come two successive
winters, a great and terrible one, — 'and it has wings on its back and flies about
continually; two autumns it has already sought us here, and it does great
damage; no weapon wounds it, but the king's champions, the best warriors of
all, don't come home at this time.' Bothvar said, 'The hall isn't so well defended
as I thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the king.' Hott
answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest of monsters.' (l>at er ekki
dyr, heldr er jwt hit mesta trpll). Now came the Yule-even; and the king said,
•Now I desire that the men be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them
all to run any risk on account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills (sem
auSnar) ; my men I do not wish to lose.' All promised to act as the king com-
manded. But Bothvar crept secretly out in the night; he made Hott go with
him, but Hott only went because he was forced to, crying out that it would
iurely be the death of him. Bothvar told him it would turn out better. They
AND THE BJARKARfMUR TO BEOWULF 23
The consistency observed in displacing the hear, as the animal
killed by Bjarki, has been noted, as has also the reason why the
dragon was introduced as a substitute for the bear. It will be
observed that the account of the dragon in the Siward story sug-
gested the further development of the story in the Hrvlfssaga.
Olrik says: " I en hensccnde har Sivard den digres kamp dog noget
egct. De almindelige nomine dragekampe lige fra Sigurds drab
p& Favne har stadig til mal at vinde dragens guld. For Sivard
went out of the hall, and Bothvar had to carry him, so full of fear was he. Now
they saw the beast, and Holt shrieked as loud as he could, and cried that the
beast was going to swallow him. Bothvar commanded the doc (bikkjuna bans,
i. e., Hott) to keep still, and threw him down in the moss, and there he lay in
unspeakable terror, and didn't even dare to run home. Then Bothvar attacked
the beast, but it chanced that the sword stuck in the sheath when he wanted
to draw it; then he pulled so hard at the sword that it flew out of the sheath,
and he plunged (leggr) it immediately with such force under the shoulder of the
beast, that it penetrated the heart, and hard and heavily fell the beast down
on the ground dead. Then Bothvar went over to where Hott \vas lying. He
took him up and carried him over to the place where the beast lay dead. Hott
trembled frightfully. Bothvar said, 'Now you must drink the blood of the
beast.' For a long time he was loth to do this, but he finally didn't dare to do
otherwise. Bothvar made him drink two big gulps, and eat some of the beast's,
heart; then Bothvar grappled with him, and they struggled long with each
other. Bothvar said, 'Now you have become very strong, and I don't believe
that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any longer.' Hott answered,
'I shall not fear them any more, nor shall I be afraid of you henceforth.' 'That
is well, comrade Hott,' [said Bothvar] 'and now will we set up the beast, and
arrange it so that the others will think it alive.' They did so. Then they
went in and were quiet; no one knew what they had done.
"The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast;
whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; thcj told him the cattle
were all safe and sound in the folds. The king bade his men sec if they couldn't
find any indication that it had come thither. The warders obeyed, came quickly
back again and told the king that the beast was advancing rapidly to attack
the town (borginn). The king bade his men be courageous, [and said) each one
should help, according as he had courage for it, and proceed against thismonstcr.
It was done as the Xing commanded; they made themselves ready for it. The
king looked at the beast and said, 'I don't see that the beast moves; but who
will undertake the task and attack it?' Bothvar answered, 'A brave man
might be able to satisfy his curiosity about this! (|>at varri nareta hrausts
manns forvitnisbot.) Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,— men
say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and kill the beast I—
you sec nobody else wants to.' 'Yes,' said Hott, 'I will undertake it.' The king
said, 'I don't know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed
marvellously in a short time.' Hott said, 'Give me your sword Gullinhjalti,
which you are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in the attempt.' King
24 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
digre eksistcrer dette motiv ikke; han vil frelsc de hjemsogtc
mennesker. Af alle de islandske dragekampe bar kun Bjorn
Hitdolekjempes noget tilsvarende, og her er del naeppc tilfacldigt,
at ogsA den cr henlagt til de cngelske farvandc. Del er det cngelske
dragckamps-motiv."52 Olrik further calls attention to the fact that
in English tales the object is not to kill the dragon, but to drive it
away, as Siward did. But to fit the dragon into the Bjarki story, it
had to be killed in order that the blood-drinking episode might be
introduced. This involved no difficulty, however; for the killing
of the dragon was in harmony with Scandinavian saga-usage. But
it should be observed how, in essence, the conception of the dragon
in the Bjarki story harmonizes accurately with that in the Siward
story. The king and his court are afflicted by the visitations of
a dragon; and Bjarki puts an end to this affliction by killing the
dragon, as Siward, in the corresponding situation, does by driving
it away.
Not less terrible than dragons, but much more common, were
trolls; and this fact led Brynjulfsson to remark that the introduc-
tion of a troll in this connection was as characteristic as anything
could be." The introduction of the troll is quite in harmony with
the genius of Old Norse folk-lore. The saga-man did not, however,
characterize the dragon as a troll merely because he would thus
be employing good saga-material, but because the depredations
ascribed to the dragon in the Siward story.. which were quite for-
eign to the accounts of dragons in Scandinavian folk-lore, were very
Hrolf said, 'This sword can only be borne by a man who is both brave and
daring.' Hott answered, 'You shall be convinced that I am such a man.'
The king said, 'Who knows whether your character hasn't changed more than
appearances show? Take the sword and may you have good fortune!' Then
Hott attacked the beast and struck at it as soon as he was near enough so that he
could hit it, and the beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, 'Look, lord, what
he has done!' The king replied, 'Truly he has changed much, but Hott alone
didn't kill the beast, you were the man who did it.' Bothvar said, 'It may be
io.' The king said, 'I knew as soon as you came here that only few men could
compare with you, but this seems to me your most illustrious deed, that you
have made a warrior out of Hott, who appeared little born to great good fortune.
And now I wish him called Hott no longer, he shall from this day be named
Hjalti,— thou shall be called after the iword Gullinhjalti.'"— P. U. L. A.,
XXIV, pp. 226-27.
»Ark., XIX, pp. 207-08.
« See p. 7.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 25
suggestive of the depredations ascribed to trolls, and because a troll
story would enable him to woik out his plot with admirable effect.
The statement in the saga, "As the Yule-feast approached, the men
grew depressed," is a characteristic beginning of a troll story; for,
while trolls commit their depredations at all times of the year and
under a multitude of circumstances, many of the stories about them
begin with such expressions as: "Yule was approaching. On the
eve the shepherd went with his sheep";54 "In old days no one
could stay over Christmas Eve";64 "It happened once late on a
Yule Eve";M "Formerly every Christmas Eve";" "I gamle dage
var dct en julcnat";68 " Julcaftcn gik Per Bakken til kvernhusct";51
"Nogen av sclskapct kom til at tale om Hammertrollet, som det
nu kaltes, og de mcnte, at skulde de nogengang vente ulempe av
det arrige troll, saa maatte det vcl v.-crc saadan i julcgryct."60
Thus, as we see, the statement that the winged monster appears
late Christmas Eve,"1 is exactly in harmony with the belief, still
current in some parts of Norway, that on Christmas Eve, after
sunset, but never earlier in the day, an adventure with a troll is to
be expected unless proper precaution be taken to avoid it. It is a
part of the superstition, that if any one ventures into, or near, the
stable or other outbuildings late in the evening, he is in the greatest
danger of being attacked by one of these malignant beings; and
people are in mortal terror of falling into the clutches of a troll.
As a result, there is great haste to get the chores done up early
on Christmas Eve. In fact, the fear that Hott shows before leav-
ing the hall, when he knows he must go out, and the extreme fear
that he shows later, can be duplicated from the tales that are told
in connection with the superstition. There is no danger, however,
so long as one remains in the house.61
M GrcUis., p. 92.
»Sc. Folkl., p. 65.
»Se. Folkl., p. 66.
"Sc. Folkl., p. 108.
•• Sagn, p. 34.
•• Event. Sagn., p. 10.
" Evenl. Sa^n., pp. 52-53.
""Ebbe svarede, at troldc kampcdc ved nat."— Helt., I, p. 126. The
sunlight is represented as being invariably fatal to trolls.
"George Webbe Dasent says (Pop. Tote, Introd., pp. 57-58): "The trolls,
oo the other hand (i. e., in comparison with the Giants], with whom mankind
26 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
A story, pertinent in this connection, is told to illustrate the
difficulties that ministers in the rural districts in Norway have had
to contend with on account of the superstitious belief in trolls. A
minister had exerted himself to root out of the people in his parish
the belief in trolls. Among those whom he had endeavored to
enlighten was a boy. But so ingrained had this belief become in
the boy that, when Christmas Eve arrived and he was requested
to go to one of the outbuildings on an errand, he was seized with
fright. He went on the errand, however, and performed it without
seeing a troll; but on his return he was so overcome with the fear
had more to do, were supposed to be less easy tempered, and more systemati-
cally malignant, than the Giants, and with the term were bound up notions
of sorcery and unholy power But when Christianity came in, and
heathendom fell; when the godlike race of /£sir became evil demons instead of
good genial powers, then all the objects of the old popular belief, whether /Esir,
Giants, or Trolls, were mingled together in one superstition, as 'no canny.'
They were all trolls; all malignant; and thus it is that, in these tales, the tradi-
tions about Odin and his underlings, about the Frost Giants, and about sor-
cerers and wizards, are confused and garbled; and all supernatural agency
that plots man's ill is the work of Trolls, whether the agent be the arch enemy
himself, or giant, or witch, or wizard."
It is quite impossible to characterize trolls in detail with unqualified words
or phrases. They are usually malignant, though there arc instances of their
doing men a good turn. They are always very powerful, and are usually
very large. It is told of one troll that, had she not made a misstep, she would
have succeeded in wading from Norway to Iceland; and of another, that the
thumb of his glove held four bushels, good measure. In some instances, how-
ever, it is possible for many trolls to enter one room of an ordinary dwelling
house. There are trolls with three heads, with six heads, with nine heads, and
with twelve heads. Sometimes they are one-eyed, and sometimes they have
other characteristics that differentiate them from human beings. In fact,
anything with supernatural qualities is apt to be called a troll. As a rule, it is
impossible for human beings to cope with trolls except by outwitting them,
which often is done. They are inimical to Christianity; and, though their
depredations may occur on any day of the year, between sunset and sunrise,
adventures with trolls, as stated above, are frequently represented as occurring
Christmas Eve; and that is the time when particular precaution must be taken
to avoid them. Usually it is taken for granted that trolls will not attack the
inmates of a house, and people feel perfectly safe so long as they do not venture
out. In another type of troll story, however, people expect trolls to invade
the house Christmas Eve and attack them; and to avoid injury, the inmates
vacate the house for the night, before sunset. Illustrations of these statements
are found in such well known collections of fairy tales as Sc. Folkl., Nor. Totes,
Folk. Utdd. Even., Event. Sag*.
AND THE BJARKARI'MUR TO BEOWULF 27
that a troll was pursuing him that he fell to the ground, and had
to be met by people from the house and escorted back.63 The story
is supposed to be true, and there is no reason to doubt it. But
whether it is true or not is immaterial in this connection; in any
event, it shows what kind of story we are dealing with in the saga,
and it shows to what admirable use the story enabled the saga-man
to put the inordinate fear and cowardice of Hott. In view of the
circumstance.-; (Hott's cowardice and the common fear of the Christ-
mas troll), Hott's actions, when he is forced to accompany Bjarki
and when he sees the monster, are perfectly natural; and to see
the matter in any other light is not to understand the story.
Another feature of the first part of the story that should be
noticed is the dual nature of the monster. A dragon was as ter-
rible a creature as one could imagine; a troll was also as terrible a
creature as one could imagine. But the saga-man has introduced
into his story a being that combines the characteristics of both.
Hott knew that the monster possessed this dual nature, for it is from
him that the author lets the statement proceed, "That is no beast,
it is rather the greatest troll." This makes it still more natural
for him to display ridiculous fear. It also explains the king's fear,
of the monster, and removes the odium that might seem to attach
to the king and his warriors in withdrawing from a combat with
such a creature and allowing it, unopposed, to perform its Yule-
tide depredations and depart. The saga-man did not intend to be-
little Hrolf Kraki; he intended to magnify Bjarki by introducing a
monster for him to overcome that it was no shame for other mortals
to avoid. Nor is it accidental that the reader is informed of the
troll-nature of the dragon in a statement made by Hott to Bjarki.
It serves to make it plain that Bjarki also knew what kind of
monster the dragon was. This places in the strongest relief his
courage in undertaking voluntarily, nay against the express com-
mand of the king, to attack the beast, and his prowess in felling it
without difficulty. What single feat could he have performed, or in
what manner could he have performed it, to reflect greater credit
on himself? The cowardly Hott.he had to have with him also, in
order that the blood-drinking episode might be introduced; but
Hott's childish actions encumbered him at a time when they would
* This story is in print and was related to the present writer by one who
had read it; and, though diligent search has failed to locate it again, the writer
ventures to reproduce it, for he is certain that it is in existence.
28 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
be very provoking and it might be necessary for Bjarki to have
command of all his resources to gain a victory.
In the scene that follows the slaying of the dragon, it seems at
first sight that an incongruous element has been introduced. That
Hott is compelled to eat some of the dragon's heart is good saga-
material, as is evident from the similar episode in the Vqlsungasaga
(i. e., Sigurd's eating some of Favnir's heart); but the dragon is
also a troll, and there is no sanction in saga-literature for eating a
•\ troll's heart and drinking a troll's blood to gain strength and cour-
age. Trolls have always been regarded as detestable beings; and
in drinking the blood of a troll, it might seem that one would
acquire detestable qualities. But, on the one hand, the difficulty,
if indeed story-tellers of the time regarded the matter as presenting
a difficulty, was unavoidable without a reconstruction of the whole
story; on the other hand, so far as the monster was a dragon, no
difficulty would be involved, and so far as the monster had the
nature of a troll, the heart-eating and blood-drinking would cer-
tainly be regarded as imparting strength. In such scenes as this
it is never the intention th?t one who eats the heart of a dragon
or drinks an animal's blood shall acquire all the characteristics of
the animal; every scene of this kind would then be ridiculous from
any point of view. The eating and drinking are done to gain
strength and courage, as is the case here; and it is not proper to
subject this scene to a more critical judgment than similar scenes
in other sagas. The strength of a troll was certainly not to be
despised ; and we find this particular episode sanctioned in a way in
the Bjarkartmur, where it is said that after Hjalti had drunk of
the blood of the wolf, he became, not as strong as a wolf, but "as
strong as a troll." In view of the fact that the troll is a troll-
dragon, that the eating of its heart associates the episode very
closely with the similar episode in the Vtjlsungasaga, and that the
rimur magnify Hjalti's strength by saying that it is equal to that of a
troll, it is hypercritical to say that the saga here contains an incon-
gruous element. And however insistent one may be in maintain-
ing that the author has introduced an element that is not recognized
saga-material, it must be admitted that he has so skillfully fused it
with good saga-material that it is not probable, as the rimur show,
that contemporary readers found any fault with the episode.
But does such a monster as a troll-dragon have any sanction in
folk-lore? Yes, it does. It is characteristic of Norse folk-lore to
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 29
ascribe troll-like qualities to beings about which there seems to be
something supernatural, such as invulnerability. In one of As-
bjornsen's tales, there is a story about a troll-bird, told by a man
named Per Sandaker, who "was supposed to be strong in stories
about troll-birds." In the story referred to, there is a woodgrouse
(tiur) which has become known as a fabulous animal (fabeldyr)
throughout the whole neighborhood. " 'One might just as well
shoot at a stone,' said Per, with the greatest conviction"; for he had
shot at the bird and made the feathers fly, without being able to
injure it. Later, on the hunting-trip on which Per was telling
about the bird, he and a companion came across it. "Now he is
out again, the old fellow," said Per; "there is no use in the wide
world to shoot at him, one might just as well shoot at the clouds."
The men maneuvered for a position; and Per's companion, who is
telling the story, says, "My gun was raised, and the mighty bird
tumbled down head first." Per picked it up and examined it and
declared that it was the troll-bird; he could tell it by the beak. On
the same trip stories were told about troll-hares that for a time had
escaped uninjured but had finally been killed.*4
Panzer*6 and others have called attention to the discrepancy
between the statement that the monster in the saga is said to be
invulnerable, and that it is nevertheless killed. In the story from
Asbjornsen's tales we have the explanation. The troll-animal
seems to be invulnerable until some one appears who has the re-
quisite skill or strength, or a combination of both, to dispatch it;
and it might be observed that Bjarki paid no more attention to
Hott's statement about the invulnerability of the troll-dragon than
Per's companion paid to Per's statement about the invulnerability
of the troll-bird.
Finnur J6nsson calls the dragon a hall-attacking monster;" but
this appellation is hardly correct. The only thing in the saga
that might fairly suggest it is Bjarki's statement, "The hall isn't
so well defended as I thought, if a beast can destroy the domain
and property of the king." But Hott has not said that the monster
had attacked the hall; and if it be insisted that it is the author who
has represented Bjarki as making the statement and has not paused
M Folk. HuU. Even., Pt. I, pp. 66 ff .
• St. germ. Sa(., pp. 367-68.
« "Dette halfen hjetnsegende uhyte."— En. Bjffk., Introd., p. 22.
30 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
to weigh nicely the dramatic proprieties, the reply may be made that
Bjarki thinks of how weakly the king's hall is defended when a
monster can regularly defy his men and come off without injury.
He does not imply that the hall has been attacked; he refers to
the destruction of " the domain and property of the king." In any
event, the saga does not represent the monster as attacking the
hall. To continue immediately after the statement just quoted:
"Hott answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest troll.'
Now came the Yule-even; and the king said, 'Now I desire that
all the men be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all
to run any risk on account of the beast ; let the cattle fare as fate
wills; my men I do not wish to lose.' " The king expects the
cattle to fare ill, but wishes to run no risk of losing his men; however,
if they remain in the hall in the night, there will be no risk of losing
them, because (such is the necessary conclusion) the hall and the
men in the hall will not be attacked. Hence, the monster cannot be
called a hall-attacking monster; it is a cattle-attacking monster.
Again, Bjarki did not expect the monster to attack the hall. If he
had, he would probably have done as Beowulf did under similar
circumstances — awaited its arrival. And the king's men did not
expect the monster to attack the hall, for they seem to have gone
to sleep; this is implied in the statement telling about Bjarki's
and Holt's return to the hall, "Then they went in and were quiet;
no one knew what they had done." If the men had been on guard
for the monster, which was the only rational thing for them to do
if they expected the hall to be attacked, the opportunity for Bjarki
and Hott to sneak out, remain some length of time, and return, all
unobserved, would have been cut off. Later, after Bjarki had crept
out at night and killed the dragon, compelling Hott to go with
him, etc., the saga continues, "The king asked in the morning
whether they knew anything of the beast; whether it had showed
itself anywhere in the night; they told him the cattle were all safe
and sound in the folds." From this it follows that the dragon
might have appeared and killed all the cattle, so far as the king
knew; he had paid no attention to the matter in the night; he had
apparently been asleep. The question was not whether the mon-
ster had attacked the hall; it was not expected to attack the hall;
and the fact that it had not attacked the hall signified nothing as
to whether it had made its appearance. The question was whether
AND THK BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 31
the cattle had suffered; and when the kins asked if the beast "had
showed itself anywhere in the night," the answer was that " the cat-
tle were all safe and sound in the folds." The extreme danger to
which the cattle were exposed, and the entire safety of the men if
they remained in the hall during the night, show again that this was
no hall-attacking monster, but "et kongsgarden hjemsogende
uhyre," a troll that destroyed cattle and did not endanger the men
unless they left the hall in the night and exposed themselves to
attack.
Among the Icelandic legends collected by Jon Arnason is a story
which, in certain important particulars, is very much like the story
about Bjarki's fight with the troll-dragon. A portion of it is as
follows:—
"A man named Gudmundur lived once upon a time at a farm
called Silfninarstadir, in the bay of Skagafjordur. He was very
rich in flocks, and looked upon by his neighbours as a man of high
esteem and respectability. He was married, but had no children.
"It happened one Christmas Eve, at Silfrunarstadir, that the
herdsman did not return home at night, and, as he was not found
at the sheep-pens, the farmer caused a diligent search to be made
for him all over the country, but quite in vain.
"Next spring Gudmundur hired another shepherd, named
Grimur, who was tall and strong, and boasted of being able to resist
anybody. But the farmer, in spite of the man's boldness and
strength, warned him to be careful how he ran risks, and on Christ-
mas Eve bade him drive the sheep early into the pens, and come
home to the farm while it was still daylight. But in the evening
Grimur did not come, and though search was made far and near
for him, was never found. People made all sorts of guesses about
the cause of his disappearance, but the farmer was futi of grief,
and after this could not get any one to act as shepherd for him.
"At this time there lived a poor widow at Sjavarborg, who had
several children, of whom the eldest, aged fourteen years, was named
Sigurdur.
"To this woman the farmer at last applied, and offered her a
large sum of money if she would allow her son to act as shepherd
for him. Sigurdur was very anxious that his mother should have
all this money, and declared himself most willing to undertake the
office; so he went with the farmer, and during the summer was most
successful in his new situation, and never lost a sheep.
32 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
"At the end of a certain time the farmer gave Sigurdur a wether,
a ewe, and a lamb as a present, with which the youth was much
pleased.
"Gudmundur became much attached to him, and on Christmas
Eve begged him to come home from his sheep before sunset.
"All day long the boy watched the sheep, and when evening
approached, he heard the sound of heavy footsteps on the moun-
tains. Turning around he saw coming towards him a gigantic
and terrible troll.
"She addressed him, saying, 'Good evening, my Sigurdur. I
am come to put you into my bag.'
"Sigurdur answered, 'Are you cracked? Do you not see how
thin I am? Surely I am not worth your notice. But I have a
sheep and fat lamb here which I will give you for your pot this eve-
ning.'
" So he gave her the sheep and the lamb, which she threw on her
shoulder, and carried off up the mountain again. Then Sigurdur
went home, and right glad was the farmer to see him safe, and
asked him whether he had seen anything.
" 'Nothing whatever, out of the common,' replied the boy.
"After New Year's day the farmer visited the flock, and, on
looking them over, missed the sheep and lamb which he had given
the youth, and asked him what had become of them. The boy
answered that a fox had killed the lamb, and that the wether had
fallen into a bog; adding, 'I fancy I shall not be very lucky with
my sheep.'
"When he heard this, the farmer pave him one ewe and two
wethers, and asked him to remain another year in his service. Si-
gurdur consented to do so.
"Next Christmas Eve, Gudmundur begged Sigurdur to be cau-
tious, and not run any risks, for he loved him as his own son.
"But the boy answered, 'You need not fear, there are no risks
to run.' "
The troll appeared again, and Sigurdur gave her two old and
two young sheep. When he returned to the farm he declared that
he had seen nothing unusual. Next year the troll appeared as
usual, and took four sheep, which Sigurdur offered her, and
himself besides. When she arrived at her cave, she bade Sigurdur
kill them, and then bade him sharpen an axe, for she was going to
kill him. He did so, but she spared him.
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 33
From this point, the story becomes more of a common fairy
tale. By following the troll's advice, Sigurdur won Margaret, the
dean's daughter."7
This is another story about a troll that comes on Christmas Eve
and harms people only when they expose themselves after sunset.
Particularly noteworthy are the statements: "Gudmundur became
attached to him, and on Christmas Eve begged him to come home
from his sheep before sunset"; — ' ' Next Christmas Eve, Gudmundur
begged Sigurdur to be cautious, and not run any risks, for he loved
him as his own son"; — and, "The farmer . . asked him whether
he had seen anything. 'Nothing whatever, out of the common,'
replied the boy." They bear a striking resemblance to the corres-
ponding statements in the Hrftlfssaga: "The king said, 'Now I
desire that all the men be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid
them all to run any risk on account of the beast; let the cattle fare
as fate wills; my men I do not wish to lose' ";— and, "The king
asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast;
whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him
the cattle were all safe and sound in the folds."
The purpose of calling attention to the story in Arnason's col-
lection is that it may aid in showing what kind of story the dragon
story in the saga really is. That the most terrible kind of troll
attacks the cattle** of the famous King Hrolf Kraki and is dis-
patched by the noted hero Bothvar Bjarki does not alter the
nature of the story.
A possible objection remains, which should be removed. When
the warders in the morning saw the dead proppcd-up dragon, they
said "that the beast was advancing rapidly to attack the town."
And ' ' the king bade his men be cou rageous, [and said] each one should
help, according as he had courage for it, and proceed against the
monster." But it is plain that, since the beast was apparently
coming in the morning, in broad daylight, instead of at night, it
seemed to have changed its tactics, and no one could tell what it
intended to do. It was the part of wisdom to prepare for the
worst. Besides, the men would- have better prospects of success,
"led. Leg., w. 140 ff.
'* That it was the cattle of King Hrolf that the dragon attacked has been
recognized by others, MUllenhoff (Berne. Unt. Aug., p. 55) and Cbadwick
(Camb. Hist. Lit., I, p. 29), for instance; but they make no more of the matter
than to state it correctly.
34 THE RELATION" OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
or at least of avoiding injury, in an encounter with it in daylight,
when its maneuvers could be watched and guarded against. That
the warders in a state of excitement said that "the beast was ad-
vancing rapidly to attack the town," is of no significance. They
merely expressed the thought that came to their minds; and they
were palpably wrong when they said that it " was advancing rapid-
ly." But it is an exquisite touch on the part of the saga-man to
have the warders utter these words. They got one view of the
monster and hastened back. Of course, the beast was advancing,
and advancing rapidly; it would never occur to them, unless they
had paused to take note of it, which they did not do, that the
monster was standing still.
It may seem that too much attention is devoted to this feature
of the story. But it is important to establish, if possible, the type
of story we have before us in this much discussed tale alxmt Bjarki
and the troll-dragon. Regardless of where the author got the idea
of the dragon, he has made use of the popular story about the troll
that comes Christmas Eve and attacks those who venture out into
the open after dark. And when the saga-man transformed the
story into one of this type, he did it with the conscious purpose of
providing a story that would enable him to let Bjarki take Holt out
secretly at night, kill the dragon, compel Hott to eat of its heart
and drink of its blood, put Holt's newly acquired strength to the
test, prop the dead dragon up in a living posture, thus paving the
way for further developments, and then return to the hall — all
unseen and without arousing a breath of suspicion. The type of
story is adapted precisely io the requirements of the author's plan.
That the propping-up of an animal that has been slain is good
saga-material, or has the sanction of earlier usage, is admitted, and
need not be dwelt upon here.
The type to which the dragon story belongs has a bearing on its
relationship to the Grendel story. Grendel is a hall-attacking
monster; the troll-dragon is not a hall-attacking monster. If the
dragon story in the saga is a modification of the Grendel story in
Beowulf, or if it is a modification even of the story about the fire-
spewing dragon, there has been a change, not only in the details
of the story and the nature of the monster, but it has been trans-
ferred from one well-defined type of story to another. There is,
indeed, a type of troll story in which the troll comes Christmas Eve
and attacks the inmates of the house, not the cattle in the stable or
AM) THK DJARKARIMUR TO IIKOWL'LF 35
in the folds. To this type belongs the story in liie 'ircl!i\.':gj in
which the troll-wife attacks the man of the house6* and vvhL'h is
often compared with the Grcndcl story. Another story of the s:ime
type is that about Per Gynt, who, having been informed that a cer-
tain house is invaded by trolls every Christmas Eve so that the
inmates must seek refuge elsewhere, decides to ask for lodging there
over night next Christmas Eve in order that he may put an end to
the depredations of the trolls. The trolls make their apjwarancc
as usual, and with the aid of a tame polar bear Per Gynt puts them
to flight.70 But these stories must be sharply differentiated from
the Bjarki story and others of its type; so that while the Grettir
story and the Grcndel story are essentially of the same type, the
story about the winged monster in the Hrdlfssa^a and the Grendel
story are not of the same type.
The last episode in the story about Bjarki and the winged mon-
ster has met with more criticism than any other portion of it. Olrilc
says that the story should have given us a real test of Hjalti's
manhood;1'1 Lawrence says, "The beast-propping episode spoils the
courage-scene;72 and Panzer says that this part of the story is impos-
sible, because Hjalti is represented as killing a dead monster, and
Hrolf, although he perceives the deception that has been practiced,
nevertheless gives the swindler the heroic name Hjalli.7* Panzer
is also inclined to make much of Hjalti's asking for, and receiving,
the king's sword, as he mentions the matter twice. Once he says,
"Warum er dcs Konigs Schwert verlangt, gibt die Saga nicht an,
er 'totet' damit das (tote) Tier wie in den JW«i«r";M and again,
"Man sieht nicht, warum und wozu Hjalti des Konigs Schwert zu
seiner Scheintat erbittct und crhalt."7* Furthermore, Kluge,
Sarrazin, Holthausen, Lawrence, and Panzer7' would identify
"gylden hilt" in Beowulf with Gullinhjalti in the saga.
In considering this portion of the story it should be observed
that the saga-man had a fourfold purpose in view. Bjarki must
receive credit for his great achievement in killing the troll-dragon;
"Gretlis., pp. 92 ff.
"PoUt. HtUd. Even., Pt II, pp. S3 ff. •
nndt.,l, pp. 1 17-18.
nP. M. L.A., XXIV, p. 239.
n SI. germ. Sag., p. 366.
19 St. germ. Sag.,?. 368.
n Ht. germ. Sag., p. 372.
"See pp. 11-12.
36 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
he must receive credit for having made a brave man of the coward
Hott; Hott must give proof of his newly acquired courage; his
change of name must also be made, and, as is most appropriate, it
must result, and result naturally, from the deed by which his cour-
age is displayed. But before proceeding to an explanation of how
the author manipulates the scene so as to accomplish his purpose,
let us see how he has prepared for it.
The monster is dead. Hott has partaken of its strength-giving
blood and heart. Bjarki and Hott have wrestled long, so that
Bjarki has brought Hott to a thorough realisation of the strength
he now possesses, for that is the significance of the wrestling-match;
and what better assurance could Hott have that he is now very
strong than that he is not put to shame in wrestling with Bjarki,
who has overawed the king's warriors and slain the terrible dragon?
Finally, the dragon is propped up and the two retire.
The morning comes and the monster is in view; but some of the
terror that its expected arrival in the darkness had inspired has
disappeared when it is seen in bro.id daylight. An effort ought
really to be made to destroy it, but the king will not command any
one to take the risk involved in attacking it. He calls for a vol-
unteer, and the fact that no one volunteers shows what the men
think of it. Bjarki sees an opportunity to continue what he has
begun in the night, by having Hott do what will win him the repu-
tation and place among the king's men to which, owing to the
change that he has undergone, he is now entitled; and he calls on
Hott to show his strength and courage by attacking the beast.
Hott knows that the monster is dead, but this is not the reason
why he accedes to B;arki's request. He realizes now that Bjarki's
friendship is beyond question and that everything that Bjarki has
done with regard to him, and asked him to do, has been for the
best; and though he feels that he is called upon to engage in a
strange proceeding, loyalty to his friend, who probably is equal
to this occasion, as he has been to every other, impels him to do
as requested and assist in playing the game to the end. So he says
to the king, "Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you are bear-
ing, and I will kill the beast or die in the attempt."
Whether Hott has a sword of his own the saga does not tell, and
it is quite immaterial. That such a coward as Hott has been has
no business carrying a sword, would be sufficient justification for
his being without one. But whetb T he has a weapon or not, if
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 37
he is going to attack the monster he ought to be armed with the
best sword available; and whose would that be but the king's
sword? If the king expects any one to run the risk of attacking
the beast, he ought to be willing to do what he can to assure suc-
cess in the undertaking. He feels the force of the argument im-
plied in Holt's request, and hands him his sword; but he says,
"This sword can only be borne by a man who is l>oth brave and
daring." Hott answers, "You shall be convinced that I am such a
man." He then goes up to the beast and knocks it over. But a
beast that has shown itself to be so terrible on former occasions
cannot be alive and yet stand stock still and allow itself to be killed
and tumbled over in this manner. It must have been killed before,
and no\v the king strongly suspects that the reason why Bjarki has
urged Hott to attack it \vas that Bjarki, having killed the monster
himself, knew that it was dead; and when he is charged with the
deed he does not deny it. Thus Bjarki gets the credit for his
achievement.
It is true, as Miillenhoff,77 ten Brink,78 and Olrik" have said,
that the main object of the whole story of Bjarki and the dragon is
to motivate Holt's newly acquired courage. Bjarki compels Hotl
lo go wilh him when Ihe dragon is lo be allacked; he compels him lo
eal and drink whal will give him slrenglh and courage; he props up
ihe dead dragon in order thai, as Ihe sequel shows, Hott may gain
the reputation of being what he now really is, a brave man; and
while, of the two achievements with which Bjarki is credited, the
killing of the dragon is passed over lightly, his having made a brave
man of Hott is strongly emphasized. But there can be no doubt
that the saga-man planned that Bjarki should get credit for killing
the dragon; for Bjarki does get such crcdil, and it must be presumed
thai, whal ihe aulhor permils lo occur, he planned should occur.
It is also natural that more emphasis is laid on his having made a
hero of Hott lhan on his having slain ihe monster. Now lhal ihe
beasl is dead, ihe killing of il proved not to be an impossible feat,
and Bjarki has shown before, thai he possesses ihe qualities neces-
sary for such a deed. But that he possesses the ability to make a
hero oul of ihe miserable, cowardly wretch, Holl, is a revelaiion of
a new and uncommon power. He has nol only dispalched Ihe
" Beow. Unt. Ang., p. 55.
'• Beow. Unt., p. 187.
., I, p. 135.
38 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
king's most dangerous foe, he has added another brave man to the
number of the king's retainers. This naturally attracts the king's
particular attention, and he gives Bjarki special credit for the
achievement.
But when Bjarki is known to have killed the beast, what becomes
of Holt's display <-f bravery, or even the appearance of bravery?
His whole demeanor, from the moment he accedes to Bjarki's re-
quest to attack the Ixiast, reveals the change in his nature. But the
proof of this change consists, not in knocking over the dragon, 'out in
his ability to wield the sword which the king himself says can "only
be borne by a man who is both brave and daring." This must be
conclusive proof to the king and to all present. It is not accidental
that it is the king's sword that Tlott uses and that it is the king him-
self who makes the remark about it which he dees. The king, above
all men, must be convinced of Hott's bravery, and in vir>v of the
manner in which Holt's bravery is displayed, tlv '-t,
indeed, be satisfied with the proof. Thus this purpo^ M
is also accomplished. Nor has the saga-man devised tui M!
method of Icsting slrenglh and courage. Il is quilc in harmony
with folk-lore. That a strcnglh-giving drink enables one lo wield
a sword lhal an ordinary mortal cannot handle, is a motive em-
ployed in a number of fairy tales. It occurs, for instance, in Soria
Moria Castle, one of the best known Xorse fairy tales. It is told
thai Halvor, a typical good-for-nothing fellow and groveler-in-
the-ashes, has arrived at a casllc inhabited by a princess and a
three-headed troll. The princess warns Halvor to beware of the
monster, bul he decides lo await the troll's arrival. Halvor is
hungry and asks for meat lo cal. "When Halvor had eaten his
fill, the princess told him to try if he could brandish the sword that
hung against the wall ; no, he couldn't brandish it— he couldn't even
lift it up. 'Oh,' said the princess, 'now you must go and take a
pull of that flask that hangs by its side; that's what the troll does
ever\r time he goes out to use the sword.' So Halvor took a pull,
and in a twinkling of an eye he could brandish the sword like any-
thing."80 It is apparent, therefore, that the saga-man intended
Hott's ability to wield the king's sword to constitute the proof of
his bravery. Thus the author's third purpose is accomplished,
and the king rewards Hott, not in spite of the deception that has
•• Nor. Tales, p. 366. The sword here in question is just like the sword in
Grendel's cave in Beowulf, except that it is not said to have a golden hilt.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWfLF 39
been practiced and revealed, but on account of his bravery, which
has been proved."
In Saxo, Hjalti has no other name than "Hialto." In the
Hr6lfssa%a he first has the name "Holt" and this is changed to
"Hjalti." The appropriate time for changing it is, as has hcen
said, when his change of nature becomes apparent; and his new name
is most fittingly derived from the deed by which he manifests that
he has become a different man from what he was. "Ilialti"
means "hilt"; hence, he must get his name from a hilt; but it should
come from the hilt of a sword connected with his display of cour-
age, and this is the king's sword. It is a fine conception that, as
Hjalti gets his new name from his ability to wield the -.vondcrful
sword of the king, his name is a constant reminder of 1 is bravery.
But the name of the king's sword is Skofnung; hence, us the word
has no suggestion of "hilt" in it, it is not available in this connec-
tion. The form "hja'.ti" must appear in some way to suggest the
•'Other talcs which contain the motive that a strength-giving drin> enables
one to wicW a sword that has supernatural qualities are: Thr Hig Bird Dan
and The Seven Foals (Nor. Talcs, pp. 266 and 440); The Three lirn'!fn (Polish,
Ytl. Fair. Rk., p. 144); and I#nkenlus (£rrn/. S<i.?;«, p. 268). li may be urged that
in all these instances the drinking imparts strength, not bravery. But the
two qualities arc closely related; and the saga-man makes it plain that, by
mcansof the drink, Holt hasacquired both. Bothvar says, "Now you have be-
come very strong, and I don't believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King
Hrolf any longer." Halt answers," I shall not fear them any more." Later Bothvar
says, referring to the proposed attack on the pn.ppcd-up dragon, "A brave man
migh. be able to satisfy his curiosity about this! Comrade I loll, destroy this
evil talk about you,— men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you;
go up and kill the beast!" "Yes," says Hott, "I will undertake it." The
king says, "I don't know whence this courage has come lo you, Hott, you have
changed marvellously in a short lime." From the foregoing and what is said
about Holt's wrestling wilh Bothvar, it Is plain thai the author has taken
particular pains lo emphasi/c ihe fact that, by partaking of the heart and blood
of Ihc dragon, Holt has acquired great strenglh, ihe lack of which set-ms to
have been ihe cause of his cowardice. It seems equally plain that when Hott
knocks over the dead proppcd-up dragon by mca,.s of the sword Gullinhjalti,
which the king explicitly says "can only be borne by a man who i-i l>oth brave
and daring," the purpose is to call particular atlenlion to the fact that it i« by
wielding the sword that Hott gives proof of the change thai has come over him.
Regardless of ihe deceit thai has been practiced in connection uiih iru dead
dragon, ihe king is compelled, if he believes what he has w.id about Gul'.in-
hjalli. lo recognize that Hotl has demonstrated by his ability to wield the
sword thai he is now "a man who is both brave and daring." And the king
does recognize it; for he says to Bothvar, "You have made a warrior out of Ho't."
40 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
name; and since the name is to come from the king's sword, the
word "hjalti" must be used in connection with it. But what kind
of hilt would the king's sword naturally have? A golden hilt, of
course. So far as the words are concerned, "iron hilt," "brass
hilt," or "silver hilt" would have served the purpose just as well,
had it been appropriate to use any of these terms. But the king's
sword must have a golden hilt. Hence, Hott says to the king,
"Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you are bearing, and I
will kill the beast." And after the king is convinced of Holt's
bravery he says, "And now I wish him called Hott no longer, he
shall from this day be named Hjalti, — thou shall be called after the
sword Gullinhjalti." Thus Hjalti gets his name from the king's
sword; and ihis, again, is proof that it is by wielding the king's
sword that Hjalti displays his courage. That "Gullinhjalti" is
written as one word and capitalized may be a late development
and signify no more than the modem treatment by some writers of
"gylden hilt" (i. e., writing it "Gyldenhilt") in Beowulf. Even
if we assume that the original author of the word intended "Gullin-
hjalti" as a proper noun and the name of the king's sword, it does not
necessarily conflict with the idea that the name of ihe king's sword
is Skofnung. "Gullinhjalli" would Ihen be a by-name, a pet-
name, for Skofnung, derived from its golden hilt. It can hardly be
presumed that when the saga-man in this connection calls ihe
king's sword "Gullinhjalli," he has for ihe momenl forgotlen lhat
the name of Hrolf's famous sword is Skofnung. Nor is it in con-
flicl wilh the description of Skofnung thai Gullinhjalli is given a
supernatural quality. Skofnung also has a supernatural quality.
It is Skofnung's nalure lo utter a loud sound whenever it reaches
the bone.82
That two swords in two widely separated compositions are iden-
tical requires more proof than lhat the term "golden hilt" is used
in connection with both of them; and in the two compositions in
queslion there is nothing else than this lerm, and the peculiarity
of the one sword thai it can be wielded only by a man of unusual
strength, of the olher lhal it can be wielded only by a brave man,
on which to base an identily. The fact of ihe mailer is lhal il is
ihe requiremenl of ihe plol lhal has supplied bolh Ihe name and
the unusual quality of Ihe sword Gullinhjalli in ihe Hrdlfssaga.
Olher requirements would have produced other results.
* Urs. Bjvk., p. 100.
AND THE BJARKAR1UUR TO BEOWULF 41
But since so much stress has been laid on the similarity between
"gylden hilt" (Beoumlj) and " Gullinhjalti" (Hrdljssaga) in the
attempt to identify Bothvar Bjarki with Beowulf, let us turn our
attention, before proceeding further, to the portion of Beowulf
where the term "gylden hilt" occurs.
The context shows clearly that the author of Bemvulf did not
intend "gylden hilt" as a proper noun. He never uses the word
"hilt" in connection with the weapon in question to designate the
sword as a whole. " Hilt," both as a simple word and in compounds,
is used only to designate the handle of the sword. The following
terms are used for the sword as a whole: "bil,"83 "sweord,"8*
"wsepen,"86 "mil,"* "Irena cyst."87 The word "hilt" is used
seven times. Sarrazin says, "Es ist bemerkenswert, dass bci jenem
Schwert, auch als es noch vollstandig und unversehrt war, regelmas-
sig die hilze, der griff (hilt), hervorgehoben wurde (11. 1563, 1574,
1614, 1668, 1677, 1687, 1698). "88 But the statements, "He
gefeng ba fetel-hilt,"89 "Wipen hafenade heard be hiltum,"*0
contain the only two instances in which the hilt is mentioned
before the blade melted. It is quite natural for the author to
say, "He then seized the belted hilt," "The strong man raised
the sword by the hilt"; for the hilt is the part of the weapon that
is intended to be held in the hand when a sword is to be used.
It is hardly correct to say that the hilt is here emphasized.
"Ne nftm he in \>xm wlcum, Weder-G*ata leod,
mafim-d-hta ma, \>ch he \>xr monige geseah,
baton fane hafelan ond )>& hut somod,
since fage; sweord aer gemealt.""
"Hilt" does not here mean "sword," because "sweord aer gemealt"
and nothing but the hilt was left to be taken away. The same ap-
• LI. 1557, 1567,1607,1666.
"LI. 1558, 1569, 1605, 1615, 1663, 1696.
"LI. 1559, 1573.
« LI. 1564, 1616, 1667.
•' L. 1697.
•• Eng. Stud., XXXV, p. 22.
"L. 1563.
"LI. 1573-74.
•« "The chief of the Weder-Geats took no more of the treasure-holding* in
the dwelling, though he saw many there, but only the head, and with it, the
•word's hilt, brave with gold; the sword had already melted" (U. 1612-15).—
Bto*., Child.
42 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
plies to "hilt" in the statement, "Tc jwet hilt bannn frondum actfer-
edc.""
"p3 wxs gyldcn hilt gamelum rince,
harum hild-(ruman, on hand gyfcn,
enta xr-geweorc."M
In this passage, "hilt'' cannot refer to the whole sword, because the
blade had melted; only the hilt remained. To say that the hilt
was given to the kin?, was proper, for (making allowance, of course,
for the fictional nature of the whole story) it was literally true; but
to say that "Gyldenhilt" (the sword) was given to the king, would
not be proper, because the principal part of the sword had disap-
peared. The word "gylden" is used in this passage apparently for
two reasons: 1. that the hilt is of gold renders it more appro-
priate as a gift to the king ; 2. " gylden" alliterates with " gamelum."
The hilt was remarkable for other qualities than that it was of
gold.
"HrOfigar maSclode, hylt scCawode,
ealde life, on Cim waes or writen
fyrn-gcwinnes, sySf'an flod ofsloh,
gifen peotendc, glganta cyn;
frtcne gcferdon; )?.Tt wxs fremde >eod
Cccan Dryhtne; him bxs cnde-lCan
>urh w«t<?res wylm Waldend sealde.
Swa W.TS on fijcm sccnnum sclran goldes
Iwrh rQn-stafas rihtc gcmearcod,
geseted ond gcsscd, hwam >xt sweord geworht,
Irena cyst, aercst wire,
wreoj>cn-hilt ond \v>Tm-fah."M
"Hylt"w cannot mean the whole sword, since Hrothgar could look at
only what was left of the sword. That was the "gylden hilt,"
•» "1 bore the hilt thence away from my enemies" (11. 1668-69).
M " Then the golden hilt, the work of giants long ago, was given into the hand
of the old prince, the white-haired battle-leader" (11. 1677-79).— Beow., Child.
*" Hrothgar spake, looked on the hilt, the old heirloom, on which was
written the beginning of that far-off strife, when the flood, the streaming ocean,
slew the giant kind — they had borne themselves lawlessly. The people were
estranged from the Internal l>ord; the V/iclder, therefore, gave them their
requital through the whelming of the waters. So was it duly lined in rimed
•tavcs on the guard of gleaming gold, set down and told for them for whom that
sword was wrought, choicest of blades, with twisted hilt and decked with
dragon-shapes." (LI. 1687-t,'S).— Btow., Child.
" L. 1687.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 43
which he held in his hand; and the expression "hylt sceawode"
leaves no doubt that "gylden hilt" is not a designation of the whole
sword. "Wreoben-hilt"96 also obviously refers only to the hilt.
In no instance, therefore, in this connection, does the author
of Beou'tilf use "hilt" to designate the whole sword; consequently,
to write "gylden hilt" as one word and capitalize it is both arbitrary
and illogical. There is, in fact, nothing in the poem to indicate
that the sword had a name.
Furthermore, the author refers to other swords that were dis-
tinguished by being ornamented with gold. When Beowulf left
the land of the Danes, it is said,
"HC l>xm bdt-wcardc bundcn goldc
swurd gcscalde.""
And when Beowulf returned to the land of the Geats and presented
to Hygelac and Hygd the gifts he had received from Hrothgar,
"HCt 81 corla hlCo in gefetian,
heaSo-rfif cyning, HrCdles lafe
golde gepyrcde; nzs mid GCatum S4
sinc-maohJm sflra on sweordes had;
l>a:t h6 on Blowulfcs bearm alegde.""
It is not said that either of these swords had a golden hilt; but it is
plain that it was not unusual to represent a sword that possessed
excellent qualities as being ornamented with gold, and the hilt is
the part of the sword that naturally lends itself to ornamentation.
Other examples of richly ornamented swords are King Arthur's
sword, Excalibur, whose "pommel and haft were all of precious
stones";99 Roland's sword, Durendal, which had a golden hilt;10*
and the sword of Frothi II, which also had a golden hilt.101
The fact, therefore, that, both in regard to the giant-sword in
Beou'ttlf and King Hrolf's sword in the saga, the hilt is said to be
golden proves nothing as to the identity of these two swords.
« L. 1698.
•'"He gave the guardian of the boat a sword ornamented with gold"
(11. 190O01).
•• "Then the shield of earls, the king stout in battle, bade fetch in Hrethel's
sword, mounted in gold; there was not then among the Geats a better treasure
in the like of a sword. He laid it on Beowulf '» lap." (LI. 2190-94).— Btme., Child.
m "En 1'orie pont assez i at reliques."— Exl. Ch. Rol., p. 103.
IM " Preditum auro capulum." — Gtst. Dan., p. 118.
44 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
And when, both in the term "gylden hilt" and in the word "Gullin-
hjalti," the hilt of the sword is made prominent, it is due, in the
one instance, to the fact that nothing but the hilt remains; in the
other, to the fact that the word "hjalti" is just the word that the
author must have in order to explain the origin of Hjalti's new
name.
A little more ought to be said about the propping-up of the
dragon. That it served an excellent purpose is evident. It pro-
vided the occasion for Hjalti's asking for the king's sword, in the
use of which he displayed his courage and from which he received
his new name. Furthermore, Bjarki's interest in having Hott
attack the beast and display his courage indicated that he knew
that the beast was dead and that he had a special interest in having
Hott recognized as a brave man. This, again, indicated that
Bjarki had himself killed the beast and been the cause of the change
in Hott's nature, for both of which he receives due credit. But it
may be asked, when Bjarki propped the dead beast up, how could
he know that events would take the turn they did? He could not
know it. He relied on his resourcefulness to handle the situation,
a resourcefulness on which he had drawn with success before. He
was on hand in the morning to take note of developments, and we
can imagine several possibilities that he might have had in mind.
Had the king proposed that no risk should be taken with the beast,
Bjarki could have requested and secured permission to attack it,
taking Hott with him. Had the king himself proposed to attack
the beast, or had he proposed that his warriors should attack it in
a body, Bjarki could have said, "No, the king must not expose
himself," or, "The king must not expose so many of his men at once;
let me go." To which the king could have assented, whereupon
Bjarki could have taken Hott with him and let Hott, at the last,
proceed against the beast alone and knock it over. One can imag-
ine other possibilities, which it is not necessary to enumerate here.
To be sure, none of them would be so fortunate as the one repre-
sented as having occurred; but they would have enabled Hott to
gain the reputation of being a brave man, and that is all Bjarki
contemplated. That all turned out more fortunately than Bjarki
had foreseen or even intended, enhances the interest of the story
and illustrates the skill of the narrator, who chose to represent,
as he had a right to do, that particular possibility as having actu-
ally occurred that produced the most satisfactory results. That
AND THE BJARKARlMUR TO BEOV.'ULF 45
Bjarki had no thought of credit for himself, redounds, in the estima-
tion of the reader, all the more to his credit; and it is a fitting reward
that he gets full credit for all that he has done.
It seems, then, that Bjarki intended to deceive the king. He
undoubtedly did; but the deception was not intended to mislead
the king. Holt was brave and strong, and Bjarki knew it;
and even if Holt's strength and bravery should gain recognition
through the employment of a ruse that involved no real test, no
harm would be done. The author, however, planned that all
should turn out otherwise. The reader will also remember the
deception practiced by the shepherd lx>y in the story from J6n
Arnason's collection.101 The boy, who is there the hero of the
story, as is Bjarki in the Hrdljssaga, is represented as deceiving his
master, but likewise without doing him appreciable harm, and
furthermore without raising reflections on the part of the author as
to the rectitude of his conduct.
Panzer says that Holt's explanation that the repeated breaking-,
in of the monster is due to the fact that the king's best men do not
return home at that time of the year is a strange explana-
tion.108 But in regard lo Holt's statement a distinction must be
made between fact and opinion. It is a fact, as the saga immedi-
ately afterwards shows, thai the king's berserks are not al home;
but it is only Holt's opinion lhal, if Ihey were al home, ihey would
be able to put an end to the depredations of the monster. It was
quile nalural, however, that he should think so; for to such an
abject coward as he was, it musl have seemed lhal nothing could
resist such warriors as these berserks were. That they were nol at
home was due to the fact that they were on one of iheir regular
expeditions. Bui why ihey had nol been relained al home lo cope
wilh the dragon is not explained. The first lime il appeared, il
came enlirely unexpecled. The nexl year Ihere may have been a
queslion as lo whelher it would appear or not. The third year il
was definilely expecled. Il seems, iherefore, lhal preparalions
would have been made lo resisl it; and when the berserks are nol
relained al home lo cope wilh ihe monster, it is due lo ihe exi-
gencies of Ihe story. The berserks mighi have been relained al
home to cope unsuccessfully wilh ihe monsier, or avoid coping
with il at all as Ihe king's other men did, and ihus place Bjarki's feat
'"Seepp. 31 ff.
"•5<.rerm.5«*.,p.370.
46 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
of slaying it in the strongest relief. But by letting the berserks be
absent at Christmas and return later, the author accomplished
more than this. Bjarki slew the monster, which, in any treatment
of the story, he must be represented as doing. He seized one of the
berserks, who demanded that Bjarki recognize him as his superior
as a warrior, and threw him down with great violence. This was
a more spectacular method of showing superiority to the berserks
than merely doing what they dared not attempt to do, or could
not do. But it is especially in the treatment of Hott, that skillful
manipulation of the story is displayed in having the berserks return
home and resume their boastful manner, after Hott has become
strong and daring. Compared with the king's best warriors it is
still a question as to how strong and brave Hott now is. The
question is answered when he is requested to admit his inferiority
to the berserks; for he seizes the one who confronts him and treats
him as Bjarki is treating one of the others. Thus, in the pres-
ence of King Hrolf and the court, Hott displays his superiority
to the doughtiest of the king's famous warriors. Finally, poetic
justice is also achieved, for the very men who had made fun of Hott
and thrown bones at him are now compelled to recognize that he
is the master of them all.
Panzer sees a deeper meaning, than evidently is intended, in
the statement that, as Bjarki was about to attack the dragon,
his sword stuck fast in the scabbard.104 There is no reason, how-
ever, for regarding it as anything more than a melodramatic
incident characteristic of medieval romances. It reminds one of
the following statement by Wilbur L. Cross, which, with the
omission of the reference to "giants" and "Merlin," characterizes
the Hrfilfssaga quite accurately and shows how it harmonizes with
the spirit of medieval literature of its kind, "It is true that they
[i. e., the Arthurian romances] sought to interest, and did interest,
by a free employment of the marvellous, fierce encounters of knights,
fights with giants and dragons, swords that would not out of their
scabbards, and the enchantments of Merlin."10*
•"Si. term. Sag., p. 372.
'• £«<. AW., p. 2.
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 47
The Storks in the BJARKARIMUU of Bjarki's Slaying the Wolf and
Hjalli's Slaying the Bear.
But what is the relation of this story to the corresponding stories
in the Bjarkarfmur? The stories in the rimvr are as follows: —
"Flcstir cjmuftu Hetti heldr,
hann var ekki ( mdli sneldr,
einn dag foru l>cir ut af holl,
sv6 ckki vissi hirSin oil.
Hjalti talar er felmtinn fa;r,
'forum vi6 ekki sk6gi naer,
h6r cr sfi ylgr sem ctr upp mcnn,
okkr drcpr hfin bd<5a scnn.'
Ylgrin hlj6p fir einum runn,
6gurlig me?) gapanda munn,
hijrmuligt varS Hjalta viSr,
& honum skalf bxSi Icggr og Ii5r.
Otzpt Hjarki a5 henni gcngr,
ekki dvelr hann vi8 |>a'S lengr,
hcjggur sv6 a5 I hamri st6d,
hljY.p fir hcnni fcrligt bl65.
'Kj6stu Hjalti um kosti tv6,
kappinn BgSvar talaM sv6,
drckk nfi b!6tS eSa drep eg \>ig her,
ducrinn Ifz mer engi ( l>^r.'
Ansar Hjalti af xrnum m65,
'ekki fan eg atS drckka b!6»,
nytir flest ef nauSigr skal,
nu er ekki a bctra val.'
Hjalti gjgrir sem Bg<War bitJr,
a« blfitti fra eg hann lagSist ni»r,
drckkur sfftan drykki >rji,
duga mun honum viS einn a5 rjA.
Hugrinn 6x en miklast milt t r,
minst var honum t litlu drittr,
raunmjpg sterkr og ramr sem troll,
rifnuSu af honum klxSin oil.
Sv6 er hann oro'inn har5r i hug,
hann hrxd'ist ekki jarna (lug,
burlu er nfi blcyft'inafn,
BQSvari var hann aS hreysti jafn." (IV, 58-66).
"Hann hefr fengiS hjartaS snjfclt
af hijro'um md9i,
fekk hann huginn og afliS alt
af ylgjar b!6tSi.
48 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
1 grindur vandist grdbjorn einn
I garSinn Hleio'ar,
var sa margur vargrinn beinn
og vlSa sveiSar.
Bjarka cr kent, aS hjarSarhunda
h.ifi hann drepna,
ekki cr h6num allvel bent
vi5 £ta kepna.
Hrolfur byst og hirS bans oil
a<5 huna st^ri,
sa skal mestr f minni h()ll
cr martir dyri.
Bcljandi hljop bjgrninn framm
fir b61i krukku.
veifar slnum v6nda hramm,
sv6 virSar hrukku.
Hjalti sir og horfir J»A a,
f r hafin er r6ma,
haftSi hann ckki 1 hgndura J>4
nema hncfana t6ma.
Hr61fur fleygSi aS Hjalta )>&
)>cim hildar vendi,
kappinn m6ti krummu brd
og kI6ti5 hcndi.
LagSi hann si'San hj<jrninn bratt
vi3 bAginn hacgra,
bess-i fell f l.ru,\vr dtt
og bar sig Ixgra.
Vann hann I>at5 lil fra?gSa fyst
og fleira siSar,
bans var lundin longum byst
f leiki gritSar.
lUr mcft fekk hann Hjalta nafn
bins hj;irtapru.\i,
Bjarki var eig? betri en jafn
vit$ b?ti skr65a." (V, 4-13).1"
l*Hrs. Bjark., pp. 139-40 and 141-42. Lawrence's translation of the
above selections from the rlmur is as follows: —
"Most of the men insultixi Hjalti; he was not clever in speech. One day
they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of the hall, so that the king's men did not
know of it. Hjalti wa« afraid, and cried, 'Let us not go near this wood; there
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 49
These stories seem, indeed, at first sight more rational than the
story in the saga, and have features more in harmony with the
account in Saxo; but this does not prove that they are earlier than
the version in the saga. In the first place, by introducing two
animals, where the other versions have only one, the author of
the rlmur has broken the unity of the story, a feature in which
the story in the Hrdlfssaga remains intact and as a consequence
is nearer to the primitive form of the story as we find it in Saxo.
In the second place, the author of the rinmr made precisely the
changes that were necessary to remove the most irrational fea-
tures of the story as we find it in the Hrdlfssaga. The troll-
dragon, which is an unusual creature, has been supplanted by
the more conventional creatures, a wolf and a bear; and by the
employment of two animals, the necessity of causing a dead animal
to be propped up and be apparently killed again, is avoided. Con-
sistency in the treatment of Bjarki as the descendant of a bear is
also observed to the extent that he is said to kill a wolf, not a bear;
but this consistency has begun to fade and suffer to the extent that
is a she-wolf here, which cats men; she will soon kill us both.' The she-wolf
burst out of a thicket, frightful, with gaping jaws. Hjalti thought this terrible;
his legs and all his limbs trembled. Undaunted Bjarki' advanced upon her,
struck deep with his a*e;~fearful blood streamed from the she-wolf. 'Between
two things," said Bothvar, 'shall ycu choose, Hjalti, — drink this blood, or I
will kill you, no courage seems to be in you.' Angrily answered Hjalti, 'I don't
dare to drink blood; (but) it is best to do it if I must; now I have no better
choice.' He lay down to drink the blood; then he drank three swallows, —
enough for fighting with one man ! His courage increased, his strength waxed,
he became very strong, mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open. So he
became courageous at heart, he feared not the flight of steel, the name of covard
he feared no more, he was equal to Bothvar in courage." (IV, 58-66.)
"He (Hjalti) has gained a brave heart and a courageous disposition;
he has got strength anu valor from the blood of the she-wolf. The folds at
Hleidargard were attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts were there far and
wide thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had killed the herdmen's dogs; it
was not much used to contending with men. Hrolf and all his men prepared
to hunt the bear — 'he shall be greatest in my hall, who faces the beast I' Roar-
ing the bear ran from its lair and shook its baleful paws, so that the men fled.
Hjalti looked on when the combat began; he had nothing in his hands. Hrolf
tossed to Hjalti his sword; the warrior stretched forth his hand and grasped it.
Then he plunged it into the bear's right shoulder, and the bear fell down dead.
That was his first heroic deed, many others followed; his heart was ever brave
in the battle. From thi« exploit he got the name of Hjalti the brave, and was
the equal of Bjarki." (V, 4-13.)-/>. M. L. A., XXIV, pp. 229-30.
50 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
Bjarki accompanies Hrolf on a hear hunt. It is probable, however,
that consistency in the treatment of Bjarki in this respect is not
contemplated, but that when he is said to kill a wolf it is only
that the larger and more dangerous animal may be reserved as the
one on which Hjalti is to show his strength and courage and in order
that an animal worthy of the king's attention may be reserved for
the royal hunt. To eat wolf meat in order to gain strength has
just as good warrant in Old Norse literature as to drink the blood
of a bear;107 this, in so far, justifies the introduction in the rlmur
of the wolf. But when Hjalti is made to drink the blood of the wolf,
it seems to be another instance of the author's keeping in mind the
version of the story in the Hrfilfssaga, where Hjalti drinks the blood
of the dragon. It is not necessary to go to Saxo's version for
this.
It is said in the rlmur, "One day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went
out of the hall, so that the king's men did not know of it." Why
did they go out of the hall so that the king's men did not know of
it? No reason is assigned; the deed is unmotivated. It seems
to be a mere harking back to the statement in the Hrdljssaga,10*
that the two men left the hall secretly. But in the saga there is a
reason for their leaving the hall secretly; the king has forbidden
his men to leave the hall and expose themselves to attack. That,
in the rfmur, the men are said to leave the hall in the daytime,
instead of at night, is a consequence of the substitution of the
wolf for the troll-dragon; a wolf is usually hunted in the daytime.
It might be surmised that their going out secretly is in imitation of
the story as Saxo knew it. But this is not the case; Saxo does not
say that Bjarki and Hjalti went out secretly.109 The weakness
of this feature of the story in the rlmur has been observed by
Panzer, who believes, nevertheless, that the rlmur represent an
earlier form of the story than the one in the saga. He says,
"Zweifeln mochte man nur, ob das MotivdesheimlichenAuszugs
der beiden nicht in den Rlmur falschlich in den ersten Kampf
gesetzt ist, wo es ganz unbegriindet steht, statt in den zweiten, wo
™Hdt., I, p. 118.
"• When, here and elsewhere in this discussion, the Hrdiftsaga is referred to
as an earlier composition than the Bjarkarlmur, the implication is not intended
that the version of the saga which we now have was earlier committed to writ-
ing.
'"Seep. 51.
AND THE BJARKARlMUR TO BEOWULF 51
es allein motivicr!. cr.scheint."110 But this is not the correct explana-
tion. The author of the rtmur for some reason, such as a wish to
rationalize the story, but which, however, we can only surmise,
decided to make radical changes in it. In the first instance he
substitutes a wolf for the dragon, but otherwise, considering the
material he is going to use in the story of the fight with the bear,
retains as much as he can of the story as it is in the saga. Thus the
idea of Bjarki's and Hjalti's going out secretly is retained, but with-
out motivation; and if we did not have the story in the saga for
comparison, perhaps this deficiency would not have been noticed.
Even as it is, Panzer is the only one who has called attention to it.
Referring to the story as Saxo has it, Mullenhoff,111 ten Brink,11*
Olrik,113 and Deutschbein"4 speak of Bjarki's going on a hunt.
This is hardly correct and requi-es a little attention, for, if, in
Saxo's version, Bjarki went on a hunt, the account given by Saxo
is nearer to the first story in the rlmur than if he did not. But
Saxo does not say that Bjarki went on a hunt. He says: "Talibus
operum meritis exultanti nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam
prebuit. Vrsum quippe eximie magnitudinis obuium sibi inter
dumeta factum iaculo confecit, comitemque suum laltonem, quo
uiribus maior euaderet, applicato ore egestum belue cruorem
haurire iussit. Creditum namque erat, hoc pocionis genere cor-
porei roboris incrementa prestari." m The circumstances immedi-
ately preceding the slaying of the bear were such, that it is highly
improbable that, at that particular time, he would go on a hunt.
It will be remembered that there was to be a wedding in the royal
residence; that Agnar was to marry the king's sister; that Agnar
took offense at Bjarki's manner of defending Hjalti, whereupon
110 5<. germ. Sag., p. 367.
l"Beow. Unt.Ang.,p.SS.
111 Bctm. Unt., p. 186.
l»Heli., I, p. 116.
1MS<. Sag. Eng., p. 250.
"• Gtst. Dan., p. 56. Elton's translation of the passage is as follows: "When
he was triumphing in these deeds of prowess, a beast of the forest furnished him
fresh laurels. For he met a huge bear in a thicket, and slew it with a javelin;
and then bade his companion Hjalti put his lips to the beast and drink the blood
that came out, that he might be the stronger afterwards. For it was believed
that a draught of this sort caused an increase of bodily strength."— Ellon't
Saxo, p. 69.
52 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
a fight ensued and Bjarki killed Agnar and his warriors. But if
Bjarki did not go on a hunt for the bear, how did he come to meet
it, and in a thicket at that? The lack of more details, the lack
of motivation for going on a hunt in the midst of, or immediately
following, the stirring events just mentioned, and utter lack of
connection with what precedes, show that Saxo, who, with this
story, begins to set the stage, so to speak, for the last grand act
of King Hrolf's life, concluded to insert it at this juncture as the
most appropriate and effective place he had for it, and then, to
add a touch of realism and supply a retreat where the bear would be
unobserved by the men, and unwarned of their approach, until
they were close upon it, said that Bjarki met it in a thicket. The
idea of supplying a motive and observing such consistency as we
find in connection with the corresponding story in the Hrf>!fs<;,iva
never occurred to him. The author of the rtmur may have known
of the version of the story familiar to Saxo, though it is not prob-
able; but the point here is, that he is not following this version
when he represents Bjarki as having slain an animal for which he
has presumably (though the rtmur do not make the matter clear)
gone on a hunt.
The author was under no more obligation than Saxo was, to say
that Bjarki and Hjalti went out secretly, and the idea is not con-
tained in Saxo's account. But the author of the rfmur, observing
what pains the author of the saga took to motivate the going out
secretly, felt that this feature of the story was so important that
it must be retained, and so he retained it without motivation.
In Saxo, Hjalti shows no fear when the bear is met, and he does
not refuse to drink the animal's blood. But in the rtmur there is
the same kind of fear as in the saga. In the saga, however, the
author has found an excellent setting for Hjalti's fear; it is beyond
improvement; while the ferocity of the man-eating wolf, in the
rtmur, is stretched to the utmost limit, in order to preserve the
spirit of the heroic. Furthermore, when Hjalti had drunk of the
blood of the wolf, he had courage "enough for fighting with one
man." How did the author know that he had just courage
"enough for fighting with one man"? According to the next state-
ment, namely "his courage increased, his strength waxed, he be-
came very strong, mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open,"
he seemed, in fact, to have gained strength enough for fighting
with several men. Again, "he was equal to Bothvar in courage."
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 53
How did the author know it? He knew it from the version of the
story in the saga, where it is said that Hjalti had wrestled long with
Bothvar, and, thus having tried his strength on Bothvar, toid him,
"nor shall I be afraid of you henceforth." The saga does not say
that Hjalti had courage "enough for fighting with one man" or
"he was equal to Bothvar in courage." These statements are
deductions that the author of the rtmur made from the story in
the saga, in the light of subsequent events.
In the rimur, it is said that Hjalti "became very strong,
mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open." Why, or whence,
this reference to a troll? Another harking back to the IIr6lfssap,a,
another deduction made from the story in the saga. The saga
does not say that Holt acquired any of the characteristics of
a tro!!. He is given the desired strength without any reference
to the strength of a troll, liul when the rimur say tha.i he became
"mighty as a troll," it amounts to saying, "Hjalti is no longer rep-
resented as having drunk tlic blood of a troll and eaten some of its
heart, as is the case in the Hrdlfssaga, but let it be understood,
nevertheless, that the strength he has acquired is no less than that
of a troll." The troll-dragon has been eliminated, but so great,
in the rtntur, has the strength of Hjalti become that it now equals
that of the very monster, the troll, which, in the saga, he feared
to such an extent that it rendered him pitiable in the extreme.
Here again the author of the rtmur inserted an element that is
wholly foreign to his story and unsuggested by it, but that is sug-
gested by the saga, and that he probably never would have thought
of, had he not known of the version of the story that is contained in
the saga.
Furthermore, the rimur say, "The folds at Hlcidargard were
attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts were there far and wide
thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had killed the herdsmen's
dogs; it was not much used to contending with men." This is still
another harking back to the Hrdlfsscga, and confirms what has
been said on pp. 29 ff., that the monster in the saga is a cattle-
attacking monster, not a hall-attacking monster. "The folds
were attacked," " it had killed the herdsmen's dogs," " it was not
much used to contending with men."
The fact that dogs are here said to be killed, but not in the saga,
need hardly be mentioned. The idea of dogs is easily associated
54 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAK.A
with that of cattle, especially when, as here, the dogs are "herds-
men's dogs."
Again, we notice the statement in the rimur that " Hrolf tossed
to Hjalti his sword." Has he been informed since the slaying of
the wolf, that Hjalti is now a courageous man? Perhaps; but
nothing is said about it in the rimur. Since Bjarki took pains to
go on the wolf hunt secretly, and since we are not informed that
what occurred on that hunt has become known or that it has become
known that Hjalti is now a courageous man, the presumption is
that the king does not know it, and we are surprised at his unmo-
tivatcd action in treating Hjalti in this unexpected manner. And
if Hjalti is now known to be such a hero that Hrolf feels warranted
in placing reliance on him to the extent that he tosses him his
sword at this critical juncture, why has Hjalti taken part in the
hunt with "nothing in his hands"? In the saga it is not said that
Hjalti has nothing in his hands; his motive in asking for the king's
sword has no connection with whether he has anything in his
hands or not.114 But the author of the rimur, having apparently
missed the point in the saga, assumes that, when Hjalti asks for
the king's sword, it is because he has no weapon of his own. Hence,
without realizing, apparently, the anomalous situation in which he
places Hjalti, who is now strong and courageous, he represents
him as taking part in the beaf hunt empty-handed, though there
is no indication that Hjalti thinks that he can cope with the ani-
mal without a weapon.
In the Hrdlfssaga, it is said that Bjarki killed a dragon by plung-
ing his sword under its shoulder. In the rimur, it is said that
Hjalti killed a bear by plunging his sword into its right shoulder.
This is another harking back to the Hrdlfssaga. Hjalti has now
become as courageous as Bjarki; he kills a live animal (instead
of knocking over a dead one), and he kills it in just the same way
that Bjarki killed the dragon. It can not be assumed that the
author of the rimur and the author of the saga employed this
manner of dispatching the animal without any knowledge on the
part of the one as to what was contained in the account of the
other. In fact, it is taken for granted by all writers on the sub-
ject that the later account is an altered version of the earlier
account. Hence, either this episode in the rimur is modeled after
that in the saga, and Hjalti is made to kill the bear in the same
'"See pp. 36 ff.
AND THE BJARKARJMUR TO BEOWULF 55
way that Bjarki killed the dragon, or the episode in the saga is
modeled after that in the rimur, and Bjarki is made to kill the
dragon in the same way that Hjalti killed the bear. Is there
any doubt as to what has occurred? The former is natural and to
be expected, and is probably what has taken place, because: 1. in
all the versions of the story Hjalti is represented as having under-
gone a change that has caused him to become very much like
Bjarki — "equal to Bjarki," as it is stated in the rfmiir, where
he is represented as having killed a ferocious beast in the same
manner that Bjarki, in the saga, killed a winged monster; 2.
it was not unusual to represent dragons as having been killed by
being pierced under the shoulder,117 since a dragon had to be pierced
where its scales did not prevent the entrance of a weapon into its
body; 3. since there is no special reason why a bear, which is
vulnerable in all parts of the body, should be represented as being
pierced through the shoulder, the manner in which Hjalti is said
to have killed the bear is evidently another unmotivatecl incident
in the rimur that is imitated from a motivated incident in the saga.
What the author of the rimur has done to give the story the
form in which we find it in his composition is quite plain. He no-
ticed that, as the monster in the saga attacked the folds at Hlcidar-
gard, the situation was very much like that at the beginning of
the story about Bothvar in the saga, where a bear is said to have
attacked the cattle of King Hring, Bothvar's father.118 But a
bear is a real, not an imaginary, animal, and King Hrirg took a
creditable part in the effort to dispatch it. Hence, this story was
substituted for the story about the troll-dragon and adapted to
the circumstances, King Hrolf himself taking the lead in the hunt
and thus acting in a manner that seemed more to his credit than
the way he acted in regard to the monster in the saga.
This story, namely that the man whose cattle have been killed
by a bear goes with his men and hunts it down and kills it, is the
same that we have in connection with the early life both of Ulf
and of Bjarki, where the bear is represented as being the great-
1IT See, (or instance, Sc. Fo'kL, p. 253, where dragons are said to h»ve
been pierced "under their shoulders to the heart."
"• Finnur J6nsson has also been struck by the similarity between the story
connected with Bjarki's birth and the second story in the rimur, in which
Hjalti slays a bear. He says, "I rimerne (V, 5-14) er der endnu tale om en
'gribjora.' "— En. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.
56 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
grandfather of the former, but the father of the latter. The bear-
ancestor feature was not applicable in the connection in which the
story is used in the rimur; hence, it was omitted. Now, did this
story spring up spontaneously and independently in all these
three instances? No, Bjarki and Ulf got their reputed ancestry
from the Siward story; and this bear hunt story they got from a
common source through contact with each other, or Bjarki got
it from Ulf. The author of the rimur, liking it better than the
last part of the dragon story in the saga, as most modern readers
also have done, took it from the version contained in the saga
of the early life of Bjarki and used it for letting Hjalti display
his courage. As a result, he modified the story where it applies
to the early life of Bjarki. He has two sets of three sons each,
while the saga has only one set; and, whatisstill more suspicious,
there is a Bothvar in each set. This is the same kind of separation
or repetition as the rimur later make with regard to the dragon
story, dividing it into a wolf story and a bear story. Again, as
Finnur Jonsson, summarizing the account in the rimur of the death
of Bjarki's father, says, "Bjorn forfolges, flygter ud i et skaer
og dra-bes der af jarlens maend pa et skib (en staerk afvigelse fra
sagaen)."1" This divergence was plainly introduced to make the
story different from the story that, in substance, was replaced and
that was transferred to where Hjalti displays his courage. In
the saga, Bjarki's mother is called Bera (she-bear),120 not Hildr,
as in the rimur; and that the name Bera is the earlier of the
two there can be no doubt.
Furthermore, we find in the rimur another of the characteristic
traces that the author left when he tampered with the dragon
story. In the saga, in connection with Bjarki's early life, it is
said that when the bear was hunted, it killed all the dogs, but was
itself soon after killed by the men. From this the author con-
cluded that it was death on dogs, but could not contend success-
fully with men. Hence, he says, "Bjarki was told that
it had killed the herdsmen's dogs;111 it was not much used to con-
tending with men." This statement must, therefore, mean, if
"•ffrj.B/ar*.,Introd.,p. 18.
"•Seep. 16.
Ul The dogs are here said to be the herdsmen's dogs, in conformity with the
spirit of the story in its new setting and to differentiate the story from what
it is in the place whence the author of the rtmur took it.
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 57
it means anything, that the bear was not really dangerous to men
or, at any rate, not as dangerous as one would naturally suppose.
Hjalti must have known this as well as Bjarki, for it was probably
he who gave Bjarki the information about the beast, as he did in
the corresponding situation in the saga and in the story of the
slaying of the wolf. If this was the case, the bravery that Hjalti
displays in attacking the animal suffers considerably. The state-
ment reminds us of the situation in the Hrdlfssaga. Just as Hjalti
knocked over a dragon that was not dangerous because it was dead,
so, in the rimur, he dispatched a bear that was not particularly
dangerous because "it was not much used to contending with
men." In the former instance, however, the feat was not the real
test of his courage; in the latter instance, it was.
In the saga, Bjarki knew that the dragon was harmless, because
he had killed it; and his knowledge of its harmlessness is vital to
the latter part of the dragon story. In the rlmur, he is informed
that the bear is not so dangerous as one would suppose. But his
knowledge of this circumstance has no bearing on the story what-
ever; everything would have proceeded just as it did if he had
been without this information. But in spite of the fact that the
bear "was not much used to contending with men," "the men fled"
when it "ran from its lair and shook its baleful paws." The
author is evidently trying to ride two steeds going in different
directions. On the one hand, he has in mind the story of the bear
with which Bjarki's father was identified and which was killed by
the king's men, and the story of the dead propped-up dragon,
which was, of course, not dangerous; on the other hand, he wishes
to represent Hjalti's feat of killing the bear, which, in the rfmur,
the king's men avoided, as, in the saga, they avoided the dragon,
as a notable achievement.
Finally, "Hrolf and all his men" took part in the hunt; but,
as already stated, when the bear appeared, " the men fled." The
statement, "the men fled," introduces a feature that is wanting
in the account in the Hrdlfssaga of how Bjarki's father, who had
been transformed into a bear by his stepmother, was hunted down
and killed. It reminds us of the situation in the saga where
King Hrolf and his men avoid the winged monster by remaining
indoors when it is expected. In the saga, Bjarki, of course, did
not avoid the monster; but whether, in the rimur, the king fled is
uncertain. He was, in any event, near enough to Hjalti to toss
58 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
Hjalti his sword. Bjarki, however, must have fled; and while that
would be strange under any circumstances, it would be particularly
strange in the present instance, since he knew that the bear
"was not much used to contending with men."
Considering the dragon story in the saga and the corresponding
stories in the rlmur, it is apparent that there is no comparison
between them as regards skill in composition; and that, while the
stories in the rlmur throw no light on the story in the saga, the
full significance of the rlmur stories appears only when they are
read in the light of the story in the saga. Therefore, when Finnur
Jonsson says, "Sporger vi om, hvad der er oprindeligst, er der i og
for sig naeppe tvivl om, atrimerneher har af e"t dyr gjort to (ulvin-
den og grabjornen), sa at sagaen pa dette punkt ma antages at
have bedre bevaret det aegte," he is undoubtedly right; but when
he continues, "Dette bestyrkes kraftig ved, at dette hallen hjem-
sogende uhyre intet andet er end et om end aendret og afbleget
minde om Grendel i BjovnlJ,'ntt he is, as the evidence also
shows, undoubtedly wrong.
The fact of the matter is that the account in the rlmur of the
killing of the bear, though brief, is so confused and indefinite that
it does not bear analysis; and this is further evidence of the fact
that the author of the rlmur clumsily re-worked material that he
found in the Hrdljssaga version of Bjarki's career, and for the
dragon story, which is a good story, substituted two poor ones,
namely the wolf story and the bear story.
But the troll-dragon having been eliminated and the bear story
selected as the one to be used in connection with Hjalti's display
of his newly acquired bravery, for which purpose it is, indeed, on
account of the presence of the king and his court, more appropriate
than for giving Hjalti an opportunity to imbibe secretly an animal's
blood, another story had to be devised to account for Hjalti's
strength and courage. The wolf was the next fiercest animal avail-
able that the author could think of. He therefore invented a
wolf story and placed it first; and, as the examination of it has
shown,121 a late and very poor invention it was, bearing manifest
traces of the influence of the dragon story in the saga.
mBrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 22.
"See pp. 50 ff.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 59
Conclusion.
The principal results attained in the foregoing consideration of
the dragon story in the Hrfilfssaga and the corresponding stories
in the Rjarkarimitr may be stated briefly as follows: —
1. The story in Saxo is the earliest story we have of the slaying
of an animal by Bjarki in order that Hjalti may drink its blood
and acquire strength and courage.
2. Bjarki having acquired a reputed bear-ancestry from the
fictitious story about Siward, the saga consistently takes this into
account and substitutes a dragon, also acquired from the story
about Siward, for the bear, which, in Saxo's version, is the kind of
animal that Bjarki slays.
3. To motivate Bjarki's going forth secretly to slay the mon-
ster at night, a well defined type of Christmas-troll story is cm-
ployed and the dragon is given the natuie of a troll that comes on
Christmas Kve and attacks the cattle of the king, who, on account
of the terrible nature of the monster, commands his men to stay
in the house the night it is expected.
4. That Bjarki may be given credit a) for slaying the monster
and b) for making a brave man of the coward Holt, and that
c) Hott's change of nature may become apparent and d) a suit-
able opportunity and plausible reason may be devised for changing
his name to Hjalti, the dead dragon is propped up and, in connec-
tion with the discovery of the ruse, the story is manipulated so
that the saga-man realizes his fourfold purpose.
5. It is highly improbable that the sword-name "Gullinhjalti"
in the saga is connected with the words "gylden hilt" in Beowulf .
The use of the word "Gullinhjalti" in the saga is not arbitrary
or artificial, but a logical result of the situation; and, as the dis-
cussion of the matter has shown, the attempt to identify Gullin-
hjalti with the giant-sword in Bfou'ulf is based on a mere super-
ficial similarity, in which a substantial foundation is altogether
lacking.
6. The Bjarkarlmur are a later composition than the Hr6lfs-
saga.M The author of the rimur has discarded the story of the
troll-dragon, has substituted for it the story of the bear hunt con-
nected with the account of Bjarki's early life, has invented a new
story about Bjarki's early life, and has invented the story about
IM For further proof of this, see pp. 81 ff.
60 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
the wolf hunt to give an opportunity for the introduction of the
blood-drinking episode. In the stories of the wolf hunt and the
bear hunt, the rtmur contain several unmotivated statements that
are plainly based on the story as we have it in the saga; and, on
the whole, the two stories in the rtmur represent such decidedly
poor workmanship in the art of narration that recourse must be
had to the story in the saga for a realization of the significance of
some of the incidents contained in the rtmur. The rimur must
therefore be left entirely out of account in any attempt to identify
Bjarki with Beowulf, or in attempting to connect Bjarki's deeds
with those of other heroes, as, for instance, that of Hereward in
Gcsta Herwardi.1*
In regard to some particulars, these conclusions differ from the
conclusions at which others have arrived; in regard to others, they
agree with them. This, however, is a mere matter of chance; for,
where some have affirmed and others have denied, it is impossible
to avoid agreeing with one party or the other, whatever conclu-
sion an investigation may lead to. Nor should there be any
desire to strive for what is new, merely for its own sake. The
merit of the foregoing discussion, if it has any, lies in the expla-
nation of the story about Bjarki and the dragon in the Ilrdlfs-
saga and the explanation of the relation between this story
and the corresponding stories in the Bjarkarlmur. This explana-
tion is new, and the writer believes that he has given sufficient
reasons to prove that it is correct. If it is correct, it shows
that the stories in the rtmur are less admirable compositions
than they are usually held to be; it shows that the dragon
story in the saga is a better composition than it is usually taken
to be; and, finally, it establishes the fact that the dragon story
in the Hrdlfssaga has no connection whatever with the Grendel
story or the dragon story in Beowulf.1*
"•Seep. 11.
'" In the foregoing no implication is intended as to the identity of the
story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and Saxo's story of Bjarki's slaying the
bear. The result, however, of the discussion is to establish the priority of
Saxo's story to that in the Hr6lfssaga; hence, an attempt to identify Bjarki's
exploit with Beowulf's exploit must consist, principally in an attempt to
identify the Grendel story with Saxo's version of the corresponding story told
about Bjarki.
AND THE BJARKARf&TUR TO BEOWULF 61
II
FR&SApATTR
The first appearance of Hroar (Hrothgar) in literature is in
Widsith and Beoivulf, where we become acquainted with him as
the famous King of the Danes. Helgi (Hatga) appears first in
Beou'ulf, where he is scarcely more than mentioned. Hroar and
Helgi belong to the most famous group of ancient kings in Denmark
and appear repeatedly in old Scandinavian literature. The account
of them in the Fr6fta\>dttr, which introduces the Urdlfssaga, is,
briefly summarized, as follows.
Halfdan and Frothi were brothers, the sons of a king, and each
was the ruler of a kingdom. Halfdan had two sons, Hroar and
Helgi, and a daughter, Signy, the oldest of the three children, who
was married to Earl Sjevil while her brothers were still young. The
boys' foster-father was Regin. Near Halfdan's capital was a
wooded island, on which lived an old man, Vifil, a friend of Half-
dan. Vifil had two dogs, called Hopp and Ho, and was skilled
in soothsaying.
Frothi, envying his brolher the crown of Denmark, attacked his
capital with a large army, re Uue«l it to ashes, and took Halfdan cap-
tive and put him to death. Regin took his foster-sons, Hroar
and Helgi, to the island and placed them in the care of Vifil, in
order that they might not fall into the hands of Frothi. Vifil took
them to a cave (earth-hut), where they usually stayed at night;
but in the daytime they sported in the grove. Frothi made every
effort to locate them and make away with them, calling in witches
and wise men from all over the land to tell him where they were,
but in vain. Then he called in soothsayers, who told him the
boys were not on the mainland, nor far from the court. The king men-
tioned Vifil's island, and they told him to look for the boys there.
Twice he sent men to search for them, but the men failed to find
them. Then the king went himself. Vifil, who knew the king
was coming, met him on the strand as if by chance, pretending to
be looking after his sheep; and when the king bade his men seize Vifil,
the old man said, "Do not detain me, or the wolves will destroy
my sheep," and cried out, "Hopp and Ho, guard my sheep."
The king asked him to whom he was calling; he said, to his dogs.
But he had told the boys before, that, when he called out the
names of his dogs, they should hide in the cave. The king failed to
62 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
find the boys and returned; but Vifil told the boys that it was not
safe for them to remain on the island and sent them to their brother-
in-law, Saevil, saying that they would some day be famous, unless,
perchance, something prevented it.
Hroar was now twelve years old and Helgi ten. The boys returned
to Saevil, but, calling themselves Hrani and Hamur, did not tell
him who they were; and as they always wore masks, their identity
remained unknown to him.
Frothi invited Saevil to a feast. Hroar and Helgi expressed a
wish to join him; but Saevil commanded them to remain at home.
Nevertheless, when Saevil and his retinue had started off, Hclgi
got an untamed colt, and mounting it with his face toward the
horse's tail, set out, acting all the while very foolishly. Hroar also
mounted a colt, and joined him; and the two overtook the com-
pany. They galloped back and forth beside Sacvil's retinue, until
finally Hclgi's mask fell off, and then Signy recognized him. She
began to weep, and when Saevil asked her the cause of her distress,
she informed him of her discovery. Sasvil tried to get the boys
to return home; but, though they now were on foot and remained
in the rear, they persisted in accompanying him on his visit to
Frothi.
When they arrived at Frothi's, Frothi began to hunt for the
boys, and bade a witch, who had come to the hall, to try her skill
in finding them. She told him that they were in the hall. Then
Signy threw her a gold ring, and the witch said that what she had
just stated was false. Frothi threatened to torture her if she did
not tell the truth; and she said that unless he soon prevented it,
which he would not do, the boys would be his death. But the boys,
terrified, fled to the wood. The king ordered his men to seize
them; but Regin put out the lights in the hall, and, in the confusion
that followed, those who were friendly to the boys used the oppor-
tunity to obstruct those who would pursue them. Frothi vowed
that he would take vengeance at a more suitable time on those
who had assisted the boys, but added, "Let us now drink and
feast"; and this they did till the men lay in a drunken stupor in
a heap on the floor.
Rcgin rode out to where the boys were, but would not return
their salutation. In fact, he pretended to be angry. They won-
dered what this meant, and followed him. Helgi thought that Regin
wanted to help them, but without violating his oath to the king.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO HEOWL'LF 63
Then Rcgin said to himself, so that the IK>VS heard it, "If I had
a matter to settle with the king, I would burn this grove." They
took the hint and started a fire. Sarvi! came out with all his men
and bade them aid the boys, and Regin took measures to get all
his men and relatives out of the hall. The king awoke from a
dream, in which the goddess of the nether world was summoning
him. He discovered the fire, and learning who had set it, offered
the boys peace on their own terms; but terms of peace were denied.
Frothi then retired from the door of the hall, hoping to escape by
an underground passage; but at the entrance stood Regin, who
blocked his progress, and he returned into the hall and perished
in the flames. His wife, Sigrith (now mentioned for the first time),
the mother of Hroar and Hclgi, refused to leave the hall and
perished also.
The boys thanked their brother-in-law, Srcvil, and their foster-
father, Regin, and all the others who had helped them, and gave
the men rich gifts. The boys subdued the whole land and seized the
late king's possessions; and for a while the time passed without
the occurrence of anything worthy of special mention.
At this time there was a king by the name of Northri, who ruled
over a part of England. Hroar often passed long intervals at the
court of Northri, supporting him against his enemies and defending
his land. Hroar married Ogn, the daughter of Northri, shared the
royal power with his father-in-law, and after Northri's death suc-
ceeded to the throne of Northumberland. Hclgi remained at
home, and, by agreement with Hroar, became sole King of Denmark.
In Saxo's seventh book, there is another version of the same story.
The features in which it chiefly varies from the version in the
Hrdlfssaga are as follows.
Halfdan's name has become Harald; Hroar'sand Helgi's names
have become Harald and Halfdan; Earl Sa:vil has become Siward,
King of Sweden; Signy has become a daughter of Karl, governor
of Gautland, and wife of Harald (Erothi's brother). Envy and
the quarrelsomeness of Frothi's wife and Harald's wife cause
Frolhi to engage men to murder Hnrald. Frothi tries to avoid
suspicion of being the author of the crime, but in vain; the people
believe he is guilty. When he seeks the boys of the murdered king,
to put them out of the way, their foster-parents bind the claws
of wolves under the boys' feet and let them run about and fill
a neighboring morass and the snow-covered ground with their
64 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
tracks, whereupon the children of bond-women are put to death
and the children's bodies torn to pieces and strewn about. This
is done to give the impression that the boys have been torn to pieces
by wolves. Then the boys are concealed in a large hollow oak,
where food is brought them under the pretence that they are dogs.
Dogs' names are also applied to them. The episode with the witch
is present, but other men and women with superhuman power are
not introduced. The whereabouts of the boys begins to be bruited
about, and Ragnar, their foster-father, flees with them to Fyen.
He is captured and admits that he has the boys in his protection;
but he begs the king not to injure them, calls attention to the
foulness of doing them harm, and promises, in case they make any
disturbance in the kingdom, to report the matter to the king.
Frothi, whose severity Ragnar thus transforms into mildness,
spares the boys, and for many years they live in security. When
they are grown up, they go to Seeland. Their friends urge them
to avenge their father's death, and this they promise to do. Rag-
nar, when he hears of this, reports it to the king in accordance
with his promise, whereupon the king proceeds against them with
an army. In desperation, the boys pretend insanity; and, as it is
considered shameful to attack people who are insane, the king again
spares them. But in the night the boys set fire to his hall, after
having stoned the queen to death; and Frothi, having hid himself
in a secret underground passage, perishes from the effects of smoke
and gas. The hoys share the crown, ruling the kingdom by turns.
Before proceeding further, it would be well to have a summary of
the relations of the Danish kings concerned, up to the last stage of
development, the stage with which we are dealing; and this sum-
mary is best supplied by quoting the following from Olrik's Dan-
marks II die <!:gtn ing :ir—
"Der er en fortaelling, som har banet Skjoldungsagnene vej til
manges hj;erter, i vort arhundrede ikkc mindre end pa selve saga-
fortaillingens tid: sagnene om de to unge kongesonner Hroar og
Helge, der ma skjule sig for deres faders morder og tronraner,
farbroderen Frode, men som efter en raekke aeventyrlige
oplevelser pa den enlige holm og 5 selve kongsgarden ser lejlighed
til at fuldforc haevnen og hzeve sig pa tronen. En stralende be-
gyndelse pa den navnkundige kongeaets mange skaebner! Del er
denne forta?llings udspring, vi nu skal sb'ge.
1:7 1. pp. J 75-78.
AND THE BJARKARfMUR TO BEOWULF 65
"Tidligst foreligger den i en norsk saga fra 12te arh., der abner
Sakses 7de bog; men smukkest er den islandske Hrdljssaga. Desu-
den foreligger den kort og kronikeagtig i den islandske Skjnldunga-
saga, som lader brodermorderen hedde Ingjald og ikke Frode.
" Med disse kilder ndr vi dog kun til del egenlige sagamands-
omrade, Norge og Island. I Danmark cr fortiellingen ukendt;
og Sakse og Svend Ageson er enige om den lige modsatte over-
levering: det er Halvdan, der slar sin broder Frode eller begge sine
brodre ihjel for at vinde hcrredommet alene. Dct er ikke rime-
ligt, at den danske overlevering skuldc have dels forvansket, dels
tabt den mere xgte norske; ti fortsellingen om de forfulgte konge-
sonner er sd let at huske som et seventyr og vil vanskelig ga i glemme,
naar den forst er hort.
"Ogsd den aeldste sagnform, Beovulfkvadets, kender kampen om
herredommet imellem Halvdan og Frode; men der er den forskel, at
den ene er konge over Danerne, den anden over Had-Barderne, og
det er imellem disse to folkestammcr, striden udkaempes. Det
syncs snarest, som om Frode cr falden i kampen (Mere forskere
opfattcr stedet saledes); i hvert fald tilladersnmmenruengen nseppe,
at Halvdan kan vsere falden imod Frode. For sa vidt star denne
aeldste form nacrmcst ved den senere danske overlevering, f jaernere
fra den norske.
"Som Halvdans broderdrab fortaclles hos Sakse og Svend
Ageson, star del losrevet, vi kan godt sige meningslost. Det over
ingen episk indtlydelsc pa Skjoldungernes liv, og der rammer heller
ikke Halvdan eller hans ?et nogen moralsk gengaeldelse. Mcd god
grund undrer Sakse sig over denne livsskacbne, at den grumme
drabsmand kan do en fredelig dod i sin alderdorn; ti det er ganske
mod heltedigtningens ind. Forklaringen derpa har vi til dels i den
aeldre sagnform: broderkampen er opstaet af den gamle folkekamp,
hvor Had-Barderne 14 under for Danerne; men tillige ma der vaere
bristet en episk sammenknytning. I naeste slsegtled af Skjoldungxt-
ten er det et ret gammelt sagnmotiv, at Hrorik overfaldcr og faelder
Hroar; han har sikkert vaeret opfattet som Frodes son og haevner,
ikke blot i norsk men ogsi i gammel'dansk overlevering.
"Den saerlig norske form er da bleven til, ved at man vendte
broderdrabet om. Det er en sagndannelse af ganske samme art
som den, der gjorde Hrorik til Hroars drabsmand; helteaetten kom
til at st& skyldfri. Det naeste trin var at udvikle denne ny situa-
tion med HalvdansOnnernes fredloshed og deres faderhaevn. Vi har
66 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
en gammel kilde, dcr viscr, at udviklingen virkelig er pact i disse to
trin. Grotlesangcn sluttcr med spadom om, at 'Yrsas son (Rolf] skal
haevne Halvdans drab pa Frode.' Da kv?det synes digtet af en
Nordmand i lOde arh., bar vi i alt fire tidsfjestede udviklingstrin af
sagnet:
" 1. Danekongcn Halvdan koemper med Hadbardekongen
Frode og bar formodenlig fxldet bam (Bcovulf).
"2. Skjoldungen Halvdan ka;mpcr med sin broder Frode om
riget og fadder ham (danske sagn).
"3. Skjoldungen Frode draebcr (sin broder) Halvdan, sonne-
sonnen Rolf haevner det (Grottesangen, lOde arh., norsk).
"4. Skjoldungen Frode overfalder sin broder Halvdan og draeber
ham ; sonnerne Hroar og Helge redder livet og haevner siden deres
faders dod (norsk og islandsk saga, 12te, 13de, 14de arh.).
"Ifolge dette ma sagaen om Hclgcs og Hroars barndom vaere
opstaet mellem ar 1000 (950) og ar 1 100, snarest nacr ved den forste
tid.«"
" Langt vigtigere end tidspunktet er dog arten af denne omdan-
nelse. \"\ star her foran det storste skel, der forckommer i heltedigt-
ningens levnedslob: ovcrgangen fra den lose skare af smasagn, der
slutter sig forklarende og udlyldendc omkring kvadene, til sagacn,
der selvstaendig og i lobende sammenhaing gor rede for heltenes
liv. Xetop ved Skjoldungsagncne matte denne overgang blive
afgorende. Nar Halvdans mord var det forste punkt i slacgtens
historic, kundc man umulig unddrage sig fra klart og alsidig at
belyse dcts folger. Det var selvfolgeligt, at Frode ogsa stracbte at
r>'dde Halvdans to sonner af vcjen; saledes fremkom sagnene om
fosterfacdre og venner, der sogte at skjule dem. For Helge og
Hroar matte den eneste vej til deres fa?drene trone gagennem kamp;
dcraf opstod da sagnet om ha?vn over Frode.
"•"Del seldste vidnesbyrd om sagnet har vi i den sakaldtc Vtfuspd in
skamma; det hcddcr her: 'eru vglur allar (rd Vi(5olfi.' Denne troldkvindemes
stamfader er idcntisk med troldmanden Vit[h]olphus i Sakses norske saga; og
nir vi scr, hvorlcdes digtcts troldmandsremser nsevner kendte sagnfigurer —
HciSr i Voluspd; Hross|»j6fr i Sakses norske Baldersagn— , tor vi ogsa i ViSolfr
se he'itydning til en bcstemt digtning, i. c., til dette norske Skjoldungsagn.
Desvirre kcndes digtets alder ikke videre noje; det er efterhcdensk og er digtet
torn et tillxg t'l Voluspd, sikkert cfter at dette digt var blevet udvidct med
dvtergremserne. (F. J6nsson, Oldn. Hi. hist., I, 204, gor det til islandsk og
setter det til 2. halvdel af 12te arh.)."— Oirik's note.
AND TIIF, njARKARlMUK TO IH.OWUI.F 67
"Enkeltc trrck i denne digtning har sagaman.lcu naturli^vis
hentct fra den overlevcrcde rigdom af sagn. Del er allcrede for-
laengst indset, at va:senlige Irak skyldcs Ian fra sagnct om A mlcd,
den unge kongeson, der redder sit liv vcd foregivet vanvid,dahans
farbroder har hsevet sig pa tronen ved mord pa. bans fader."
The chapter from which the above is taken contains alxmt a page
more. Olrik says, "Sagnet om Helgc og Hroar er dog som helhed
noget ganske andct end den specielle Amledtype." He refers by way
of comparison to the life of Sigurd the Volsung, to the myth of
Romulus and Remus, and the corresponding myth of the Greek
twins of Thebes, Thessaly, and Arcadia; and concludes thus: "Er der
fremmed indflydelse ved dens fo'dsel [i. e., the story of Hroar'sand
Helgi's childhood], ma den vaere svag og let strejfende. Snarere
ma man opfatte sagnet salcdes, at dette aimne har en livskraft til
stadig at fodes pa ny, hver gang den unge helt vokser op efter fader-
ens drab. Motivet er sa na?rliggende, sa ubetinget heltegyldigt,at
da Skjoldungsagaerne voksede frem pa folkemunde, matte de abnes
med denne digtning; den var stadig — sa at sige — lige nodvendig
for at stemple den store helteskikkclse."
The story about the Scylding kings in its various phases (except
the first, in Beou'itlf) is found in Denmark and in the Old Norse.
Among the Danes and Norwegians (including Icelanders), there-
fore, we must look for an explanation of this last stage of develop-
ment. But in the north of England were many Danes and Norwe-
gians, and, as has already been pointed out , the story about Bothvar
Bjarki was known in England and acquired distinct features
there.129 To England, then, we turn for an explanation of the main
features of the Hroar-Helgi story.
Furthermore, the story is due to a combination of influences
Evidence of this is the fact that it shows unmistakable influence of
the Hamlet story, which, however, does not furnish an explanation
of the story as a whole. And the fact that the story about Hroar and
Helgi was not a native product of England and had no roots in
the soil of the country, so to speak, which tended to hold it within
bounds, but was an imported story circulating rather loosely, far
from the scene of the supposed events related, would make it
peculiarly susceptible to extraneous influences adapted to aid in
its development.
"•See pp. 9, 15, 24.
68 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
The first influence to which the Hroar-Helgi story was subjected
was plainly the "exile-return" type of story, whose general charac-
teristics are stated by Deutschbein as follows: —
" Das Reich eines Konigs, der nur einen jungcn unerwachsenen
Sohn hat, wird eines Tages vom Feinde iiberfallen. Der Vater
fallt im blutigen Kampfe. Die Rettung des jungcn Thronerbcn
ist mil Schwierigkciten vcrbunden — haufig steht dcm jungcn Fiir-
stensohn in der aussersten Not ein getreuer Eckhart zur Seite, eine
feslstehcnde Figur in unserm Typus. Der Konigssohn wird in
Sicherhcit gcbracht, in der Fremde zunachst in niedriger Stellung,
meist unter angcnommenem Namen, wachst er zu einem tiichtigen
Recken heran, bis zuletzt die Zeit der Heimkehr gekommen ist. Er
nimmt furchtbarc Rache an den Mordern seines Vaters und ge-
winnt sein Erbe zuriick: wesentlichc Dienste leistet ihm dabei ein
oder mehrcre treue Anhiinger seines Vaters, die in der Hcimat
zuriicUgcbiicben sind.
"Eine Abart dieses Typus wcist einen andcren Eingang auf:
stall uusscrcr Feinde sind es nahc Verwandtc (Oheim, Stiefvatcr,
Sticfbriider), die den jungen Prinzcn seines Vaters berauben uml
ihm sclbst nachstellen. Dicse Form bezeichncn wir mit B, die
Hauptform mit A."I3:'
The Hroar-Helgi story has two young princes; otherwise, it con-
forms exactly to type B.
Frothi, Halfdan's brother (Hrolfssa^a version), attacks him with
an army and defeats and slays him. The boys are taken by Regin,
their foster-father, to a neighboring island for safety (this, however,
is being sent abroad with a limited application of the term), where
they live with a shepherd in a cave, responding, when necessary, to
the names of dogs. There they remain until they are twelve and
ten years old respectively, when they return to their sister and
brother-in-law, who, together with Regin, render the boys valuable
assistance. They take frightful vengeance on their father's slayer
by setting fire to his hall and forcing him to perish in the flames.
The third stage having been reached in the development of the
Hroar-Helgi story, in which the brother who is slain is avenged
by one of his descendants, it was easy and natural for it to fall
in with the "exile-return" type. The type is not an artificial type,
it is founded on human nature. The guileless and weak must yield
to the designing and strong. History teems with illustrations of
™ St. Sag. Eng., pp. 120-21.
AND THK BJARKAR1MUR TO BKOWULF 69
the (act that he wears the crown who can win it and hold it. Where
a kingdom is the prize, a man is under a mighty temptation when
he sees that he can seize it by brushing aside a weak ruler and a
still weaker heir, or, the ruler being out of the way, the young heir
only. And it is natural that, the young heir surviving, he should
avenge a murdered parent, regain the crown, and not permit the
usurper to enjoy the fruits of his crime unmolested. Friends each
party would also have, actuated, if by nothing else, by self-interest,
which is bound up in the success of their chief. What the Hroar-
Helgi story in its third stage of development may have been we do
not know. We are only told that "Yrsa's son will avenge Frothi's
murder of Ilalfdan." But the story was well prepared for the type
it w.'is to assume.
That the story was clearly regarded as one of thi< type U evident
from the fact that in Johannes Hramis' Historia Regis Walde: Frodas
is the usurper of the throne which by right belongs to Waldef."1
It is not necessary to repeat the story; it has all the characteristics
of the "exile-return"' type. As a whole, it has no connection with
the Hroar-Hclgi story; and it contains the only instance known of
the use of Frothi outside the story where he originally belongs.
But he is so typically the same person, with the same unlovable
characteristics, that he can be none other than the Frothi who
plays such a conspicuous part in the history of the Scylding kings.
The use of Frothi as a typical usurper in the English Waldef
story is also a very strong indication that the story in which he has
his proper setting was current in England; otherwise, by what
channel did he get into the Waldef story?132
Our next question is, What stories of the "exile-return" type
were current in the portions of England in which the Hroar-Helgi
*" Sec R. Imclmann's edition, pp. 45 fi.
™"Hroarr-IIrlsi. Frodas, der Florencius Kojcnubcrstcht und \Valdcuszu
bcseitigcn sucht, hat zwar als Usurpator in eincm ganzen Typus seine Ver-
wandtcn, abcr cine in formellcr Hinsicht auffallende in der nordi.schcn Sage von
Kroarr und Helgi. Hier stellt FroSi zwci Neffen nach, die aber durch ihren
Erzichcr in Sicherheit gcbracht wcrdcn. Sie riichcn sich spater an dcm Usur-
pator in seiner Halle. Hei seinen Nachstellungen lasst FroSi sich tauschen.
Fur dicsc Ziige bietet der Waldcus cine genaue Parallele (S. 45-60). Seine
Vorlage konntc die Sage kennen, da sie in England cntstanden und beliebt
war; und ihre Benutzung mlisste angenommen wcrdcn, sobald man die Namens-
gleirhhcit Frooi— Froda (Frode) fOr nicht zufallig halt. Der Name FroSi
scheint in England sonst zu fchlen; er steht nicht bei Bjorkman."— Hist. Reg.
Wald., Introd., p. 52.
70 THE RKLATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
story would naturally circulate? We think, of course, immediately
of Havclok the Dane. Deutschbein has shown that Havelok is
founded on historical events that occurred in the first half of the
tenth century.133 The gist of the story is that an heir to the Danish
throne is deprived of his heritage, suffers deep humiliation, but
finally regains his heritage and, through marriage, the crown of
Norfolk in England in addition. The story was of a nature to make
a strong appeal to the Scandinavians, especially the Danes, in
England. It achieved, in fiction, the ambition which the Danes
realized under Swen and Canute, when these sovereigns governed
both Denmark and England. It was a Danish story; it was devel-
oped after 950, which was about the time the third stage in the
development of the Hroar-Helgi story had been reached; and it was
a creation of the Scandinavians in England, among whom the story
circulated.
Closely connected with the Havelok story is the Meriadoc story,
the first part of which, as Deutschbein has shown,134 and in regard to
which J. D. Bruce agrees with him,1-1* is based on the Havelok
story. These stories Deutschbein calls " cymrisch-skandinavische
Sage" and says, "Wir schen, dass den Cymrcn und den Skandi-
naviern in England der wesentliche Antcil an der Entwicklung
unserer Sage zukommt.""*
It is evident that in the Havelok and Meriadoc stories we have
every condition present for contact between them and the Hroar-
Hclgi story, namely: time (after 950); place (England); people
among whom all the stories would circulate (Scandinavians, coming
in contact with the Welsh); and, in the case of the Havelok and
Hroar-Helgi stories, a popular theme dealing with Danish princes
who regain a lost kingdom. The theme would be all the more
popular as the time when the Havelok story was developed was
a period of struggle on the part of the Scandinavians in the British
Isles to gain and maintain supremacy.137 Again, the nature of the
Hroar-Helgi story was such that its development depended wholly
on invention or on contact with other stories.
m St. Sag. Eng.,pp. 103 ff.
^ St. Sag. Eng., p. 134.
•» Hist. Mer., Introd., p. 30.
« St. Sag. Eng., p. 139.
»» See, for instance, Dan. Nor. Rig.
AND THE BJARKARfllUR TO BEOWULF 71
The first part of the Meriadoc story, with which a comparison
will be made, is summarized by J. D. Bruce as follows: —
"In the time of Uther Pendragon, Caradoc ruled over Wales.
He had a son and a daughter by his wife, a princess of Ireland,
which country he had conquered. As old age approaches, he turns
over the government of his kingdom to his brother Griffith and
devotes himself to hunting and amusement. Wicked men persuade
Griffith to slay his brother and seize the throne. Despite the
warning of a dream, Caradoc goes hunting and is slain by hired
assassins in the forest.
"The queen dies of grief, and, to turn suspicion from himself,
Griffith has the assassins put to death. Before their execution,
however, they revealed Griffith's guilt. Caradoc's friends among
the nobles wish to get out of Griffith's power their late master's
children, who had been committed to the charge of Ivor and Mor-
wen, the royal huntsman and his wife. Griffith determines to kill
the children, but, touched in a measure by their appeal, does not
have them executed on the spot. He has them taken to the forest
of Arglud, where they are to be hanged. The executioners, how-
ever, feel compassion and tie them by a slender rope, easily broken,
so that they may fall to the ground unharmed. Hearing of the
children's disappearance, Ivor sets out for the forest, accompanied
by his wife and his dog, Dolfm. To frighten the executioners away,
he kindles fires in the four quarters of the forest and throws flesh
into these fires to attract the wolves. He then hides himself i:i
a tree. The wolves gather and the men, afraid, conceal themselves
in the hollow of the tree to which the children had been hanged.
Ivor drives away the wolves and then begins to smoke out the men.
They promise to give up the children, if he will let them come forth.
He consents, but kills them one by one, as they arc crawling out.
"He delivers the children, who have been suspended for half a
day, and flies with them and his wife and dog to the l-'leventanean
forest. Here he lakes refuge in a caverned rock, called Ka^le Rock,
because there were built on it the. nests of four eagles who con-
stantly faced the four points of the compass. How Ivor and his
wife struck fire from flint, and the peculiar way in which they cooked
their fowl is described. One day Urien, King of Scotland, passing
through the forest, carries off the girl from her companion, Morwen.
Similarly Kay, Arthur's seneschal, carries off the boy from Ivor.
72 THE RELATION OF THE HKOLFS SAGA KRAKA
Morwen goes to Scotland to seek Orwen, the girl; Ivor to Arthur's
court to seek Meriadoc, the boy.
"The day Morwen reached Scotland, Urien and Orwcn are to be
married. The latter recognizes Morwen in the throng by the way-
side and has her brought to the palace. Ivor comes with a dead
stag to Arthur's court and offers it to Kay. Meriadoc recognizes
his foster-father and springs clear over the table to greet him. Kay
receives Ivor among his attendants. Kay visits Urien and takes
Ivor and Meriadoc with him. Mutual recognitions and rejoicings.
''Arthur and Urien determine to take vengeance on Griffith, who
fortifies himself at Mount Snowdon. After a long siege he suc-
cumbs to famine, surrenders and is executed. Meriadoc succeeds
him, but resolves to leave Urien in charge of the kingdom and go
forth in search of adventure."138
According to Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story, the usurper
procures the assassination of his brother and, to avoid suspicion,
has the assassins put out of the way. In this the Meriadoc story
agrees. In Meriadoc, the queen dies of sorrow. No mention is
made of the queen in Saxo's version. In the Hamlet story, the
brother slays the king with his own hand, but secretly, to avoid
suspicion. He marries the king's widow. In the Hrdlfssaga, the
brother attacks the king with an army and slays him. In Have-
Ink, Arthur, likewise, attacks the king with an army and slays
him.13" The widow is rescued. In the Hrdlfssaga, as appears at
the end of the story, the widow is not only rescued, but, as in the
Hamlet story, marries the usurper.
In Meriadoc, the murdered king's adherents try to rescue the
young prince and princess. This feature is common to both the
Hrdlfssaga and Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story. In
Meriadoc, the usurper gets the children into his power, but, being
appealed to, saves them for the time being. This feature is found
in Saxo's version, where the usurper agrees to spare the children
during good behavior. It is lacking in the Hrdlfssaga. In Meria-
doc, the usurper plans to have the children hanged in a forest. In
Saxo's version, the children having violated the condition on which
they are to be spared, the usurper gathers an army to attack them.
»• Hist. Mer., Introd., pp. 65-67.
"• The version of the Havelok story here referred to is that contained in
Geffrei Gaimar'i Estorit des Engles and summarized in St. Sag. Eng., pp. 98-
100.
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 73
In the Hrdlfssaga, there is a continuous effort on the part of the
usurper to make away with the children.
In Havelok, Grim, a fisherman, rescues the prince, who lives as
a fisherman's son, under the name of Cuaran. In Meriadoc, the
royal huntsman, Ivor, rescues the children and they live in a cave
in the woods as a huntsman's children; Ivor is accompanied by his
wife and his dog, Dolfin. In the Hrdlfssaga, the children live in a
cave in the woods as a shepherd's (Vifil's) children, responding,
when necessary, to the names of dogs. In Saxo's version of the
Hroar-Helgi story, the children are concealed in a hollow tree,
food being brought to them under the pretence that they are dogs,
and dogs' names are applied to them. In the Hamlet story, the
rescue is supplied by the insanity motive, but friends at court are
not wanting.
There is no insanity in Meriadoc or Uavclok; but it is present in
the Ilrfilfssaga and Saxo's version of the story about the two boys.
In the 7/r(i//5S(j,ijfl, the boys, especially Helgi, cut crazy capers while
on the way with Saivil when he goes to Frothi's hall in response to
an invitation. Helgi rides horseback with his face to the horse's
tail, just as Hamlet does; and the horse is an untamed colt, the
idea coming from the fact that, when Hamlet is thus riding, a
wolf appears and one of the men, to test his sanity, calls the wolf
a colt. It would, indeed, be an untamed colt. In Saxo's version,
better use is made of the insanity motive. Pretended insanity is
the only resort left the boys to save themselves. In the Hrdlfssaga,
it serves no other purpose than to attract attention to the boys
and reveal their identity to Signy and Saevil.
In Havelok, the prince returns home, and, with the aid of a'
faithful friend, Sigar, who has remained at court, the usurper is
overthrown and the crown regained. In Meriadoc, Arthur and
Urien besiege the usurper, starve him out, and execute him. Meria-
doc becomes king. In the Hamlet story, the prince returns from
England, whither the usurper has sent him in order to get rid of
him, sets fire to the hall in which the usurper's men lie drunk after a
feast, and goes to the usurper's chamber and slays him. Nothing
is said about the queen, though the presumption is that she per-
ishes also. In the Hrdlfssaga, the boys, aided by their foster-
father and brother-in-law, trusty friends, set fire to the hall in
which the usurper's men lie drunk after a feast; and the usurper's
egress through an underground passage having been blocked, he
74 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
perishes in the flames. The queen, the boys' mother, refusing to
leave the hall, perishes also. In Saxo's version, the boys attack
the usurper in his hall and set fire to the building; he hides himself
in a secret underground passage and perishes of smoke and gas.
It is told of Ivor that when he rescues the children he is accom-
panied by his dog. Not only that, but the dog's name is given.
This looks as if some use is to be made of the dog; otherwise there
is no point in the statement that a dog is present, whose name is
Dolfin. Bruce says, " It is to be remembered that even this Welsh
version, no doubt, passed through the hands of a French romancer
before reaching the author of our Latin text";140 and there is reason
to suspect that this is one of the places where the story has suffered.
Both Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story, and the Hrdljssaga,
show to what use a dog's name could be put; and this specific
reference to the dog in Meriadoc, and the use that might have
been made of him in an earlier version of the story, arouse a strong
suspicion that here is the source of the suggestion of using dogs'
names in the Hroar-Helgi story to aid in saving the boys. Even
if no such use was ever made of the dog in the Meriadoc story,
such specific reference to him is in itself very suggestive. That the
Hroar-Helgi story employs two dogs' names is, of course, due to
the fact that there are two boys to which they are to be applied,
although, so far as the plot is concerned, the matter could have
been managed with the use of one dog's name; and the fact that
the dogs' names, in the Hrdljssaga, are Hopp and Ho, and that the
boys' later assumed names are Hrani and Hamur, is due to a desire
to preserve the initial letter, "H," of their names, which is in accord-
ance with Scylding nomenclature.141
Furthermore, in the Hrdlfssaga it is said that Vifil concealed the
boys in a cave in the woods. Likewise, in Meriadoc, Ivor concealed
the boy and the girl in a cave in the forest. But in Saxo's version
of the Hroar-Helgi story, the boys are concealed in a hollow tree.
This also must be an adaptation from Meriadoc. The men who
were to execute the prince and princess hanged them on the branch
of a large oak-tree (quercus) and concealed themselves inside the
tree, which was hollow. Ivor, in an attempt to rescue the children,
"Quatuor igitur ingentes focos e quatuor partibus ipsius saltus
**Bist. Mar., Introd., p. 30, n.
MSetHelt., I, pp. 22-23.
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 75
accendit, acccnsisquc plurimas quas secum attulcrat carnes passim
iniecit iliccmqne uicinam cum coniuge et cane ascendens delituit.
Fumo autem ignium per nemoris latitudincm difTuso, ubi iupi in
confinio degentes— quorum inibi ingens habcbatur copia — odorem
perceperunt carnium, illo contendere et conflucre ilico coeperunt."141
Here we have the idea of a hollow oak with people in it, wolves
in the vicinity, and children at hand who have been hanged, and
therefore presumably dead. Had the cord broken by which they
were hanged, they would certainly have been torn to pieces by the
wolves. But especially striking is the statement that Ivor's dog is
concealed in a tree; and this tree is called "ilex" (holly-oak), the
very word used by Saxo to designate the kind of hollow tree that
Hroar and Helgi (he calls them Harald and Halfdan, as has been
stated) are concealed in, under the pretence that they are dogs. Also,
pieces of meat are thrown into the fires; and Ivor, as soon as the
men in the hollow tree beg for mercy, shoots four wolves and
"ceteri omnes Iupi in eos qui uulnera pertulerant irruerunt cosque
membratim dilacerantes discerpserunt."143 Here is again the idea
of meat for wolves and the bodies of animals torn asunder. The
idea of dismembered bodies of children is indeed absent; but the
whole passage in Mcriadoc is so suggestive of what we find in Saxo,
even to the hiding of a dog, whose name is given, in an "ilex," that
it would be remarkable if there was no connection between Saxo's
story and Mcriadoc,
Again, as has already been stated, Saxo says that Frothi perished
in an underground passage, of smoke and gas. The men who, in
Meriadoe, were to execute the prince and princess concealed them-
selves in a hollow tree, which had an entrance that was so formed
that " depressis humeris, illam necesse erat subire,"144 which is sug-
gestive of the stooping that would probably be necessary in enter-
ing an underground passage. But what is noteworthy in this con-
nection is that, at the entrance to the tree, Ivor starts a fire "cuius
calore f umique uaporc inclusos pcne extinxit."14* Saxo says that Fro-
thi " Vbi dum clausus delitescit, uapore et fumo strangulatus inter-
iit."14* Here is the idea of concealment again, but particularly
*"Hisl. Mer.,p. 8.
"Hist. Mer.,p.9.
*»Hiit.Uer.,p.S.
«• Hist. Mer., p. 9.
*»Gtst. Don., p. 218.
76 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
noteworthy is the suffocation by " uapore et fumo," the same words
that are used in Meriadoc. In the Hrdlfssaga, the account of the
events immediately preceding Frothi's death resembles more the
account of the corresponding events in the Hamlet story than does
Saxo's account; but in the Hrdlfssaga also, Frothi attempts to
escape by an underground passage.
The use of wolves' claws and the dismembered bodies of child-
ren to mislead those who might seek to get possession of the boys
is the employment, as Deutschbein has observed, of a form of deceit
similar to that practiced by Joseph's brethren.147
In regard to the manner in which the children are saved, it is
difficult to correlate the Hroar-Helgi story with the Meriadoc story
as definitely and simply as one would wish, but the explanation
probably lies in the following idea expressed by Bruce, "In conclu-
sion, as to this division there seems to be a certain confusion of motifs
in the first part of the Historia Meriadoci with regard to the manner
in which the children are saved from execution."148 The statement,
for instance, that the children were suspended for half a day is out
of all harmony with the statement that they were to be suspended
by slender ropes, easily broken, that would permit them to fall to
the ground unharmed. But Bruce's statement quoted above,
"This Welsh version, no doubt, passed through the hands of a
French romancer before reaching the author of our Latin text,"
would account for the "confusion of motijs"; and the fact that we
have not now that form of the story with which the Hroar-Helgi
story came in contact would obscure some of the points of relation-
ship between the two. But the hiding of a dog, whose name is
given, in an oak tree of a particular species (ilex) is so definite and
unique a point of identification that there is no mistaking it.
But even if we had the Meriadoc story in its original form, we
should not expect to find it exactly reproduced in the Hroar-Helgi
story. Various causes would operate to introduce changes. Such
features as mountain-rocks with their eagle-nests would be modi-
fied to bring the topography more into harmony with that of Den-
mark, so that the caverned rock would naturally become an earth-
cave. Characteristics of Scandinavian life and history would sup-
plant what was peculiarly Welsh. Thus the shrewd old shep-
M St. Sag. E»t., p. 129.
»" Bitt. Mer., Introd., p. 31.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 77
herd, Vifil, naturally takes the place of the royal huntsman, Ivor; and
Saxo, quite naturally, gives the story a marked Danish geographical
and historical setting, which he does by introducing such names as
Fyen and Seeland, and by connecting the Danish royal family in the
beginning of the story with those of Sweden and Gautland.
Allowance must also be made for two lines of oral transmission,
one going to Iceland, and the other to Norway and thence to Den-
mark. This would result in the modification of details in the two
versions, such as details connected with the insanity motive and the
concealment of the boys, and the omission, in one version, of the
dogs' names supposed to be applied to the boys and the insertion of
the names in the other.
But this would not explain why Hroar, Helgi, and their father
are given other names in Saxo's version, and why such a radical
change has been made in the family relationship of Siward and
Signy. This, however, as will be explained later,149 is due to
arbitrary action on the part of Saxo, in order to conceal the fact
that he twice includes the same group of men in his line of Danish
kings.
If the foregoing is substantially correct, much in the Hroar-Helgi
story is accounted for, besides some striking differences between
the two versions. But it is possible to account for more. We
have seen how the Siward story exerted narked influence on the
story about Bothvar Bjarki; hence, we might expect it to have
exerted some influence on the Hroar-Helgi story, which is also a part
of the Hrdlfssaga. And this it has done. Siward was historically
closely associated with the events of the Macbeth story; but the
Macbeth story is of a type that, in one noteworthy particular at
least, resembles the Hroar-Helgi story more than do any of the
stories thus far considered, and that is in the fact that Duncan has
two sons, who flee when their father is murdered. In the Macbeth
story, as in the Hamlet story, it may be said that we have not,
under a strict interpretation of the term, an instance of the "exile-
return" type of story; but Hamlet goes to England and immediately
upon his return avenges his father's murder, and, still nearer the
type, Malcolm and Donaldbane flee and Malcolm returns and
avenges his father's murder. But the matter of type is, in this
connection, unessential. There is no doubt that the Hamlet story
*«S«epp.86ff.
78 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
exerted an influence on the Hroar-Helgi story, nor can there be
any doubt that the Macbeth story did the same.
First, attention is called to the fact that in the Hrdlfssaga Siward
himself is retained in the story under the name of Saevil.150 In
Saxo's version of the story about Hroar and Helgi, he is called
Siward, but there his proper relationship to the other characters is
obscured. Siward was related to Duncan by marriage, some ver-
sions, Holinshed's for instance, having it that Duncan was married
to Siward's daughter;161 similarly, Saevil was married to Halfdan's
daughter. Siward aided Duncan's sons (Donaldbane, however,
not being present to take part in the expedition against Macbeth);
similarly, Saevil aided Halfdan's sons, not by an armed expedition
against Frothi, the usurper, but proceeding against him in such
manner as the plot of the story permits. It is said of Donaldbane,
that he fled to Ireland "where he was tenderlie cherished by the
king of that land";"2 similarly, Hroar went to Northumberland,
where he received a hearty welcome and later married King
Northri's daughter, Ogn.1M Siward was first an earl in Denmark;
similarly, Saevil was an earl in Denmark. Saevil did not, however,
become Earl of Northumberland, as Siward did; but Hroar took
his place, so to speak, in this respect, and, as Siward had done,
married the earl's (king's) daughter154 and became King of North-
umberland.
In the Hroar-Helgi story, the usurper is represented as consult-
ing a witch in regard to the whereabouts of the young princes.
This feature must also be due to the influence of the Macbeth
story; for, though the purpose for which Frothi and Macbeth con-
sult the witch, or witches, is not exactly the same, it is the possible
future disposition of the throne that in both instances causes
anxiety; and while at first, in both instances, a prediction, or
information, is given that is favorable, a prediction in both instances
"»« A variant of "S*viT[in the manuscripts is "S*var." See Hrs. Bjark.,
pp. 3, n. and 5, n.
Ul Chron., V, p. 269.
"There is something similar to this in Meriadoc. Orwen, the princess,
marries the King of Scotland. This feature of Meriadoc, besides being in line
with Hroar's marrying Northri's daughter, points toward Scotland also.
•" Siward married /Elfla-d, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of Bemicia in North-
umbria (see p 13).
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 79
is given in conclusion that is unfavorable. The witches are so
conspicuous a feature of the Macbeth story that they would, of
course, attract the attention of the saga-man; and we naturally
expect this feature of the story to leave its impress on the Hroar-
Helgi story. It is a special feature, not found in any of the other
stories considered in this connection, and there can be no doubt as
to whence the Hroar-Helgi story acquired it. The witch in the
saga is called a "seib'kona." Concerning the kind of witchcraft
practised by a "seib'kona," P. A. Munch has the following: "Som
den virksomste, men og som den skjendigste, a£ al Troldom ansaa
vore Forfaedre den saakaldte Seid. Hvorledes den udovedes, er
ikke ret klart fremstillet ; den var forbunden med
sang Men dette slags Troldom ansaaes ogsaa en
Mand uvaerdigt, og udovedes derfor sacdvanligviis af Kvinder,
ligesom dette ogsaa stedse synes at have gaaet ud paa noget ondt."ls*
Thus the "seib'kona" is exactly the same kind of creature as the
witches in the Macbeth story. Consider, for instance, the dis-
gusting practice in which Shakespeare represents them as engaging,
as they go round the cauldron, chanting the refrain, "Double,
double toil and trouble," etc. W. J. Rolfe refers to the witches in
Macbeth as follows: "Macbeth and his fellow captain Banquo have
performed prodigies of valour in the battle, and are on their way
home from the field when they are met by the three witches, as
Shakespeare calls them, and as they are called in the old chronicle
from which he took the main incidents of his plot. They appear
simply to be the witches of superstition— hags who have gained a
measure of superhuman knowledge and power by a league with
Satan, to whom they have sold their souls and pledged their ser-
vice.""6 The statements at an earlier stage of the story in the
Hrdlfssaga, while the boys are still on the island, that soothsayers
and wise men are called in from all over the land to tell where the
boys are, and that wizards, who are also summoned, warn Frothi
to beware of the old man Vifil on the island, remind us of the
statement by Holinshed that Macbeth "had learned of certeine
wizzards, in whose words he put great confidence
how that he ought to take heed of Macduffe.""7
"Nor. Hist., I, pp- 180-81-
mMacb., Introd., p. IS.
»TC*r«i.,V,p. 274.
80 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
Still another feature may have been acquired from the Macbeth
story. It is said that Hroar and Helgi were transferred to a neigh-
boring island. Holinshed says that Donaldbane fled to Ireland.
The Macbeth story has been treated by a number of chroniclers,
who, though they agree in the main, occasionally disagree in regard
to details. Thus Johannes Fordun says, "Hi a Machabeo rege
expulsi, Donaldus insulas, Malcolmus Cumbriam adibant.""*
This is evidently one version and would supply the hint for trans-
ferring the young princes to a neighboring island, which would be a
convenient disposition to make of them till the time of their return
to regain their heritage. It would also harmonize topographically
with the coast of Denmark, where there were many islands covered
with trees, the idea of woods as a hiding-place for the boys having
been abundantly supplied by the Meriadoc story.
It may be said that this introduces a conflict with the statement
that Donaldbane fled to Ireland. It is not possible to know, in a
case like this, which variant has influenced the saga, or whether,
indeed, both have not been utilized. But there was ample warrant
for transferring Hroar to Northumberland without such a sugges-
tion as lay in Donaldbane's flight to Ireland. In any event, imi-
tation of Donaldbane's flight has not been a necessary consideration
in making Hroar King of Northumberland. A suggestion of the
same nature lay in Hamlet's going to Kngland, where he married the
king's daughter; but chiefly, the Scandinavians were numerous in
the north of England and regarded themselves as the rightful
possessors of that part of the count ry. The mastery of North-
umberland was long an object of contest between Anglo-Saxons and
Scandinavians, and this was the chief point at issue in the famous
battle at Brunanburh, 937. Since Helgi, whom the Hrdlfssaga
represents as the more forward of the two boys, was made King of
Denmark, no more honorable disposition could be made of Hroar
than to place him on the throne of Northumberland, and events
show that he himself was perfectly satisfied. He thus also became
ruler of the land once governed by Siward, who must have made
a powerful impression on his countrymen in England; and with one
of the two princes reigning in Denmark and the other in England,
the glory of the Danes when Canute was king of both countries
would be revived in story, as it was in Havelok lite Dane, where '
Havelok, likewise, reigned both in England and Denmark.
"•Quoted by LanKebek in Sc. Her. Dan., Ill, p. 291. n.
AND THE BJARKARI'MUR TO BEOWULF 81
No attempt has been made to point out all the respects in which
the Hroar-Helgi story resembles the Macbeth story. The Mac-
beth story has most of the characteristics of the "exile-return"
type, and striking resemblances that fall in with features of the
stories already mentioned might have been added, but will suggest
themselves to the reader. Only such things as point to special
influence exerted by the Macbeth story on the Hroar-Helgi story
have been mentioned.
It may be urged that some of the material, such as the "seio"-
kona," said in the foregoing to be derived from foreign sources, is
recognized saga-material. The point, however, is that it is not
the material itself, but the suggestion for the use of it, that in such
an instance is said to be derived from a foreign source.
The Hroar-Helgi Story in the SKJQLDUNGASAGA and the BJARKARIMUB.
Thus far nothing has been said about the "short and chronicle-
like form in the Icelandic Skjqldungasaga, where the fratricide is
called Ingjald, not Frothi."159 The story is, in substance, as follows.
Fridleif, King of Denmark, abducted Hilda, daughter of Ali, King
of the Uplands in Norway, and by her had a son who was named
Ali; by another woman he had a son who was named Frothi.
Frothi inherited his father's kingdom; but Ali, his half-brother,
who was a great warrior, conquered Sweden. Frothi's men feared
Ali and persuaded Frothi to try to have him put to death. Frothi
yielded to their entreaties, and Starkad, the famous warrior, was
dispatched to perform the deed. When an opportunity presented
itself, he stabbed Ali to death. "My brother has caused this,"
said Ali, and died laughing.
Later, Frothi defeated Jorund, King of Sweden, and made him
a tributary prince. He also defeated Swerting, a Swedish duke,
and treated him in the same manner. Frothi abducted Jorund's
daughter, by whom he had a son who was called Halfda.i. But
taking another woman to wife, a legitimate heir was born to him,
and this son was called Ingjald. -
Starkad, however, was so filled with remorse for having killed
Ali that he did not wish to remain with Frothi. He went, there-
fore, soon after to Russia and later to Sweden, but, disgusted with
the idolatry of the Swedes, returned to Frothi. Ingjald, son of
»»Olrik;s«ep. 65.
82 THE RELATION OF THE H ROLFS SAGA KRAKA
Froth i, had in the meantime married the daughter of Swerting,
thus, as it seemed to all, effecting a reconciliation with him.
Jorund and Swerting, however, formed a conspiracy against
Frothi, and he was slain one night while sacrificing to the gods.
In the meantime, Starkad was absent in Sweden, where, under the
guise of friendship, he was detained by gifts, in order that the plot
against Frothi might be the more easily executed.
Swerting placated Ingjald, Frothi's son and Swerting's son-in-
law; but Halfdan, Ingjald's half-brother, conquered Skanc and
avenged his father's murder by putting to death Swerting's twelve
sons, who had slain Frothi. At the instigation of Starkad, Ingjald
put his wife, Swerting's daughter, aside. He also granted Halfdan
a third of the kingdom. Swerting's daughter later bore Ingjald a
son (Agnar); and by his wife, Sigrith, Halfdan had a daughter,
Signy, and two sons, Hroar and Helgi.
Ingjald, however, desiring to rule over the whole kingdom, fell
upon Halfdan unexpectedly with an army and slew him. He mar-
ried Halfdan 's widow, and by her had two sons, Hrorik and Frothi.
Signy grew up under her mother's care, and later Ingjald gave her
in marriage to Ssevil, an earl in Seeland. But Hroar and Hclgi
hid from the king on an island near Skane, and when they had
arrived at the proper age they slew Ingjald and thus avenged their
father's death.
Hroar and Helgi now became Kings of Denmark. Later Hroar
married the daughter of the King of England. Hrolf, nicknamed
Kraki, who was eight years old when his father, Helgi, died, suc-
ceeded him on the throne. Hroar was soon after slain by his half-
brothers, Hrorik and Frothi. Hrolf then became sole King of Den-
mark.1*6
The story in the Bjarkarimur is substantially the same as the
story in the SkJQldungasaga. Both are plainly based on the same
account, and, within certain limits, are identical with the corre-
sponding story in the Hrdlfssaga. Skane, mentioned in {.hcSkjqld-
ungasaga in the phrase "in insula quadam Scaniae," is not men-
tioned in the flrdlfssaga. Its insertion in the Skjqldungasaga is
due to the fact that Halfdan, the father of Hroar and Helgi, is
said to have conquered Skdne, and, as a result, would be regarded
as having ruled there. But its presence in one account and omis-
sion in the other involve no contradiction. In all that belongs
"•Skjs. (Aarb., pp. llOff.).
AND THE BJARKARIMUR TO BEOWULF 83
peculiarly to the slory al>out Hroar and Helgi, the account in the
SkjqldUttg*sag<i is identical with the account in the Hrtlfssaxa.
According to both sources, the name of the boys' mother was Sig-
rith; their father's name was Halfdan; he was slain by his brother,
who fell upon him uncxjwctedly with an army; the fratricide
married the murdered man's widow; Signy was the sister of Hroar
and Helgi; she married Saevil, an earl in Denmark; Hroar and
Helgi had to conceal themselves on an island to save their lives
(according to the Rjarkarfmur, they were brought up by the
old man Vifil, a circumstance omitted in the Skjqldungasaga, but
contained in the Hrdljssaga); when they had arrived at the proper
age, they slew (according to the Ilrdlfssaga and the rfour, ''burnt-
in") their father's murderer and thus avenged their father's death;
Hroar and Helgi then became Kings of Denmark; Hroar married
the daughter of the King of England; Helgi's son was Hrolf, who
later became sole King of Denmark.
The essential difference between the story as it is in the Skjqld-
ungasaga and as it is in the Hrdlfssaga is that, in the Skjoldunga-
saga, Ingjald is said to be the brother of Halfdan; while in the
Hrdlfssaga, Frothi is Halfdan 's brother. The Hrdlfssaga has, how-
ever, preserved the earlier account. The Skjtfdungasaga dates
from about the year 1200."" About the year 950, Frothi is said
to be the slayer of Halfdan;162 and in Historic Regis Waldei, Frothi
is made the typical villain in a Hroar-Hclgi type of story"* (the
"exile-return" type), so that, in the version of the story that was
current in England, Frothi must have been the slayer of his
brother. The conflicting statement that it was Ingjald who slew
Halfdan requires, therefore, an explanation.
In Saxo's Gcsla Danorum, the story about Hroar and Helgi is
told twice. It is first told in the second book, where we find the
version with which is connected the story about Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa,
Athils, and Ingjald and his son Agnar, whom Bjarki slew; it is told
a second time in the seventh book, where Hroar and Helgi are
called Harald and Halfdan, and where the story about them is
another version of the same story that we have in the Hrdlfssaga.
M1 Oldn. Lit. Hist., II, p. 665.
'" See pp. 64 ff ., where Olrik's explanation of the development in the rela-
tions between Frothi and Halfdan, from the earliest to the latest account, is
given in full.
M See p. 69.
84 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
Not only do Hroar and Helgi appear (disguised under different
names), but Frothi and Ing laid again appear.
A comparison of the line of Danish kings as Saxo has it, with the
line of the same kings in the Skjqfdungasaga?" shows that the
Skj otdungasaga has the story about Hroar and Helgi just where
Saxo's second story about them (i. e., in his seventh book) puts
in its appearance. These lines of kings are as follows: —
SAXO: SKJQLDUNGASAGA:
Humblus I
Dan I
Humblus II
Lotherus
Scioldus Scioldus
Gram
Svvibdagerus
Guthormus
Hadingus
Frotho I
Haldanus, Roe, Scatus
Roe, Helgo
Roluo Krage
Hiurtwarus
Hotherus
Balderus
Roricus
Vigletus
Wermundus
Uffo
Dan II
Hugletus
Frotho II
Dan III
m"Vi finder Skjoldungaaagas kongerekke bekraeftet i de andre skrifter.
Langfeftgatal stemmer belt igcnnem i kongerxkken og — pi et enkelt punkt
nser— ogsi i slscgstskabs-forholdene. Rolv krakes saga stemmer ligeledes; kun
gor den sin konge Frode til Halvdans broder, ikke til nans broderson som de to
andre kildcr. Hcrwrarsaga bar forvansket nogle af de mindre vigtige konge-
og dronningnavnc, men bar i dct hele samme bygning af Skjoldungslegten.
De p& Island bevarede oldkvad (Grnllcsangrn, Bjarkcmdl, Brfaallakvadrt og
Byniltdjffft itemmer belt med prosaskrifteme."— Olrik, A orb., p. 157.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULT 85
Fridleus I Fridleifus Ilfc
Frotho III114 Frotho I1W
Herleifus
Havardus
Leifus
Herleifus1"
Hunlcifus167
Aleifus'"
Oddleifus187
Geirleifus1"
Gunnleifus117
Frolho II
Vermundus
Dan I
Dan II 1M
Hiarnus1* Frotho III
Fridleus II170 FridleifusII
Frotho IV Frotho IV
Ingellus Ingialdus, Halfdanus
Olauus171
Frotho V, Haraldus173 Agnerus, Roericus, Roas or Roe, Helgo
Haraldus,17'Haldanus,'7" Frotho (V)'» Rolpho Krag
'•* Son and successor of Scioldus.
IM Said to have been king when Christ was bom.
147 Brothers, sons of Leifus.
M$ Married to Olafa, daughter of Vermundus.
"" Chosen king upon the death of Frotho III, when Fridleus II was absent
from the kingdom.
"•Son and successor of Frotho III. He defeated Iliarnus and later slew him.
171 Olaf appears here in a disturbing manner; but that Saxo had no clear
conception of him is plain from the way he introduces his seventh book. He
says: "Ingcllo quatuor filios fuisse, ex iisdemque, tribus bcllo consumplis,
Oiauum sol urn post patrem regnasse, perita rerum prodit antiquitas: quern
quidam Ingelli sorore cdilum incerto opinionis arbitrio perhibent. Huius actus
uetustatis squalorc conspcrsos parum iusta noticia posteritatis apprehendit;
atremum duntaxat prudencic eius monitum memoria uendicauit. Quippe cum
supremis fati uiribus arctaretur, Frothoni et Haraldo filiis consulturus, alterum
terris, alterum aquis regia dicione preesse, eamque potestatis differenciam non
diutina usurpacione, sed annua uicissitudine sortiri iubet."— Gest. Dan., p. 216.
171 Son of Ingjald, but not his successor on the throne.
m Halfdan in Hn. and Skjs.
"«Hroarin^rj. and 5*/J.
I7( HelRi in Bn. and Skjs.
86 THE RELATION OF THE HR6tFS SAGA KRAKA
A comparison of the two lines of kings shows that, beginning with
the first Fridleus in Saxo's account and the first Fridleifus in the
Skj qldungasaga1 s account, there are important correspondences.
Fridleus I (Saxo)- Fridleifus I (Skjs.). Frotho III, son of Frid-
leus I (Saxo) = Frotho I, son of Fridleifus I (Skjs.). Fridleus
II, son of Frotho III (Saxo) = Fridleifus II, son of Frotho III
(Skjs.). Frotho IV (Saxo) = Frotho IV (Skjs.); and in both sources
Frotho IV is the Danish king in whose career Swerting plays such
a prominent part. By omitting all of Saxo's kings between Sciol-
dus and Fridleifus I, among whom are also the Hroar-Helgi group,
the Skjoldungasaga has avoided the difficulty of having to deal
with Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki where they first occur in
Saxo's history.
The paralleling of the two lines of kings also furnishes the key
to the explanation of how the different names and a different setting
for the Hroar-Helgi story, from those found in other versions, got
into Saxo's version. Since the Hroar-Helgi story appears in the
same place in his line of kings as in that of the SkJQldungasaga, he
must also have known the names that really belonged to the story.
But he had told the story about Halfdan, Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf
Rraki (in its second stage of development, see p. 66) once before,
and therefore could not consistently tell a different story about
the same men. The story was, however, in existence and was too
good to be discarded, so he retained it, but disguised it by making
arbitrary changes. This explains the loss, which otherwise would
be very strange, of such well known names as Hroar, Helgi, and
Hrolf Kraki. The only incentive any one could have to change
the names would be just that which Saxo had, namely that he had
used them before in another connection. He retained the name
Frothi, which appears so often in the Danish line of kings that its
reappearance would cause no difficulty; and his retention of Frothi
as the slayer of his brother is additional evidence that to him, not
to Ingjald, was this unenviable rdle first assigned. Ingjald, whom
he has in his story about Hrolf Kraki, he also retained, but in a
different relationship from that in his second book. It will be
observed that Saxo merely shifted the name Halfdan from father
to son, ar. i that Harald, almost a conventional name, he employed
twice. Finally, he introduced a strange person, Olaf, about whom,
he says, nothing, practically, was known.
AND THE BJARKARfllUK TO BEOWULF 87
But since Saxo has the Hroar-Helgi story substantially as it is
in the Hrdljssaga, except for the changed names, the author of the
Skjqldungasaga, or its source, whose version of the story occurs in
the same place in the line of Danish kings as Saxo's, mu?t also
have known the story in the same version. This we shall find
was actually the case, and that the story as it appears in the
Skjoldungasaga is an attempt at reconciling conflicting elements in
ancient tradition.
As already stated, according to the Groltasqngr (from about 950),
Frothi is the brother of Halfdan and slays him. But according to
an equally old tradition, the story on which the Ingjald lay in Saxo's
sixth book is based, Frothi is Ingjald's father and is himself slain.
The events that gave rise to this lay are also narrated in Saxo's
sixth book and are as follows.
In Saxony were two kings, both of whom paid tribute to Frothi.
They planned to throw off the foreign yoke. Ilancf made the at-
tempt first, but Frothi defeated and slew him. Swerting made the
attempt later and slew Frothi, but met his own death at the same
time. Swerting's sons, fearing that Ingjald would avenge his
father's death, gave him their sister in marriage. Thus a reconcilia-
tion was effected, and Ingjald thenceforth devoted himself to pleas-
ure. Starkad, the famous warrior, who was in Sweden, had been one
of Frothi's men and had later been Ingjald's foster-father. When
Starkad learned that Ingjald, instead of seeking revenge, had made
friends with his enemies and had taken Swerting's daughter to wife
and with her was leading a life of luxury, the old warrior hastened
back to Denmark. When Starkad returned, Ingjald's wife, not
knowing him on account of his shabby appearance, insulted him.
Ingjald was away on a hunt at the time; but when he returned, he
recognized Starkad and told his wife who the old man was. In
the evening Ingjald sat down to a luxurious meal with Swerting's
sons; and his wife did all she could to appease Starkad, who was
also present. But Starkad could not forget the insult he had suf-
fered, and became more and more angry with the effeminate way of
living that Ingjald and his wife had introduced from Germany.
In burning words, which are reproduced in the Ingjald lay, he
condemned Ingjald's neglect of duty, his luxurious mode of life,
and his living in friendship with those on whom he should have
88 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
avenged his father's death. Ingjald was finally aroused, and he
drew his sword and killed all of Swerting's sons. In regard to his
future relation to his wife Saxo says nothing; but as Starkad
advised him to drive the impudent woman (as he called her) from
the land, the presumption is that Ingjald did so.
The Ingjald lay has its roots in Beou'ulf. Its relationship to
the corresponding episode in the Anglo-Saxon poem is explained in
the following by Olrik:—
"Kun et eneste af Starkad-digtningens mange optrin kan folges
til aeldre kilde end de nordiske. Det er den scene, hvor den gamle
kriger opaegger Ingjald til haevn og dermed afbryder forsoningen
imellem de to f jendtlige slacgter. I BSou^ulf findes dette optrin for
forste gang, ganske afvigende i den politiske stilling, men med
kendcligt slacglskab i det digterske indhold.
"Digtet fortacller om det forsog der blev gjort pa at stille den
lange fejde, dcr var fort mellem Danernes folk og Hadbardernes, af
Halvdan og Hrodgar imod Frode og Ingeld. Forsoningen skulde
frembringes ved bryllup mellem Ingeld og Hrodgars datter Freyvar
(Freaware). 'Hun blev lovet, ung og guldsmykt, til Frodes hulde
son; det har tyktes Skjoldungers ven sa, rigets vogter (i. e., Hrod-
gar) har fundet det rideligt, at ved den viv skulde tvisten og dods-
fejden stilles. Ofte, ej sjaelden, hviler dog dodsspyddet kun foje tid
efter mandefald, hvor gaev sa bruden er. Da ma det mistykke Had-
bardemes drot og hver thegn af det folk, nar han gar med jomfruen i
hallen, at en hirdsvcnd af Danerne skaenked for skaren; ti pi ham
straler faedrenes eje, hardt og ringlagt, Hadbardernes klenodier,
salaenge de ejede de vaben (indtil de misted i skjoldelegen de kaere
fasller og deres eget liv). Da maeler ved ollet en gammel spyd-
kaempe, der ser skatten, og mindes al maendenes undergang; grum
er hans hu. Fuld af harm begynder han at friste en ung kaempes
hu med hvad der bor i hans bryst: ''Kender du, min ven, denne
klinge, som din fader bar til svaerdslaevnel sidste gang — dette
kostelige jaern — dengang Danerne slog ham; de beholdt valpladsen,
de raske Skjoldunger; siden kom der aldrig oprejsning efter kaem-
pernes fald. Nu gar her afkom af de banemaend her i hallen,
pralende af skattene, bryster sig af drabet, baerer det klenodie som
du med ret skulde eje!"— Saledes maner og minder han alter og
alter med sirende ord, indtil den stund kommer, al jomfruens
•vend segner blodig ned for klingens bid, skill ved livel for sin
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 89
faders did; men den anden (i. e., drabsmanden) undflyr levende, ban
kender vel landet. Da brydes fra begge sider sediingernes edspagt;
i Ingeld koger dodshadet, men karrligheden til hans viv koines ef ter
den harm. Derfor kalder jeg ikke Hadbardernes trofasthed, deres
del i folkefreden, svigelos mod Danerne, deres venskab ikke fast.'17*
"Trods den antydende stil i digtets fremstilling, siledes som
den laegges helten Beovulf i munden, er handlingens sammenhaeng
nogenlunde tydelig. Der har vaeret gammel fejde mellem Daner
og Hadbarder; hvis man kan tro betydningen af et ikke helt sikkert
ord, er ogsi Hadbardernes konge (Frode) falden i striden. In-
geld, Frodes son, slutter fred med Danernes konge Hrodgar og
holder bryllup med hans datter. Under selve bryllupet blusser
kampen op, idet en af brudesvendene bliver draebt af en af Hadbarder-
ne,som en gammel kaempe har segget op til at haevne sin faders dod.
Bryllupet (og drabet) foregir — efter digtets fremstilling — snarest i
Hadbardernes kongehal; ti det hedder, at drabsmanden undslap
forci han kendte landet. Ingelds rolle er indskraenket til at hans
kaerlighed til kongedatteren 'koines'; at hun er bleven forskudt eller
selv er vendt hjem, fremgar deraf, at hun i digtet gar i den danske
kongehal som ugift og skacnker for kaemperne.
"Kampen nacvnes en gang til, i Btowuljs begyndelse, daer hvor
det hedder om den danske kongehal Hjort: 'den opleved fjcndske
ildbblger, haerjende lue; det var ikke lasnge efter at kamphadet
vigned efter [gammelt] dodsfjendskab mellem svigerson og sviger-
fader.'177 Disse ord — der naeppe stammer fra den egenlige Beo-
wulfdigter — indeholder en afvigende fremstilling: bryllupskam-
pen stir i den danske kongehal, og synes at vaere opfattet sora
storre og voldsommere end en enkelt mands mord og hans bane-
mands undslipning. At sagnet vakler med hensyn til stedet, er
ikke si underligt. Historiske forhold viser, at bryllup snart er
holdt i svigersonnens, snart i svigerfaderens hjem.
"Ogsi WldslS-kvadet taler om en kamp 'i Hjort' (at Heorote),
hvor Ingeld og hans Hadbarder skal have lidt et nederlag mod
Hrodgar og hans broderson Hrodulf. Det er rimeligst, at ogsi
dette er hentydning til det blodige bryllup, opfattet pi lignende midc
og henlagt til samme skueplads som i den nysnaevnte antydning.
"Handlingen foregir i Ingelds kongehal, og indhoidet er at en
gammel kaempe bevaeger en ung til i selve halien at draebe sonnen af
«B«w.,U. 2024^9.
mB«r»., II. 82-85.
90 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS $AGA KRAKA
sin fadcrs bancmand, hervcd blusser dct gamle fjendskab mellem
folkcne op, op Ingeld forskyder sin udenlandskc hustru.
"Forskcllen cr den, at i Blffwitlf er faderhasvneren en fra Ingeld
forskellig person. Dette er sikkert det aeldre, og Ingjaldskvadets
det yngre. Det gadder som en lov for episk udvikling, at man
arbejder sig hen imod det enklere; hvis to personer udforer beslaeg-
tede handlinger, vil den ene af dem forsvinde; og i kraft af digtnin-
gens midtpunktsogen, vil bifiguren ga ud af spillet, hans rolle vil
entcn blive til intet eller overtages af hovedpersonen. Digtningen
hargjort et stort skridt frem i episk taetning.da Ingeld blev bide
faderhaevner og den der forskod sin hustru; det hele drama udspilles
nu imellem den ungc konge og den gamle stridsmand.
"Episk er omdannelscn naturlig nok; nationalt er den meget
maerkeligere. Dct cr ikke sa underligt, at den aeldre form handler
om Daner og Hadbarder, den yngre om Daner og Sakser. Men
det ovcrraskende er, at Hadbardernes parti gores til 'Daner' og de
tidligere Daner til 'Saksere'; den danskc heltetradition er her ganske
vildfarende i, hvem der er folkets egne forfacdre, og hvem der er
dels bitreste fjender. Dog ogsa dettc bliver episk forklarligt.
Bevidstheden om Hadbarderne, der engang havde fyldt Danerne
med racdsel, svandt efterh&nden bort, fordi Ostersoegnenes hele
aetniske stilling forandredcs. Ikke en eneste gang er deres navn
overleveret i samtlige den nordiske literatur! Men hvorsynskres
og navne glemmes, drages personer og optrin naermere til. Efter
Vendemes indvandring til Ostersokysten bliver alle dens gamle
sagnhelte opfattede som Danske: Anglernes Offa, Hadbardernes
Ingeld, Holmrygerncs Hagena. Senere i tiden flytter ogsa andre
af den gotiske verdens store sagnskikkelser nordpa: minder om
Hunnerslagct overfores pa Danmarks sydgraense (Dan, Fredfrode);
Volsungcr, Nibclunger, Didrikskaemper — alle blev til en eller anden
lid gjorte til vore landsmacnd, efter ganske samme nacrhcdslov,
hvormed Nordma.-ndene gjordc danske kacmper som Starkad og
Bjarke til norske helte. 1 og for sig er der intet mjerkeligerc i, at
Ingeld og den opseggcndc gamle spydkaempe gores til Daner. Som
Bjarkemdl blev udgangspunkt for ganske uhistoriske forestillinger
om Skjoldungaetten, sker det ogsa her — i endnu storre males t ok.
Ingjaldskvadet har bortkaslet alt det historiske stof, undtagen den
gamle kaempes harmtale, og det skaber en ny episk sammenhaeng,
som det gennemforer paa glimrende made.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF 91
" Nu forstaar vi Ingclds nationalitetsskifte. Dct maerkelige er blot,
at de oprindelige Dancr blev gjorte til Sakscre. Men ogsd dette
folger af den cpiske udvikling. Nar den gamle kacmpe er det
punkt der tiltnekkes (fordi ban er det poetiske tyngdepunkt), m4
bans modparti frastodes og gores til Danefolkets fjendcr. Nogen
sclvstacndig betydning ejer denne part jo ikke. .
"Udtalt i jacvnere ord vil dette sigc, at man i vikingetiden tog
et gammelt sagnstof og deri fandt udtryk for sin tids store oplevelsc,
sammcnstodet mcllcm Danmark og et m;egtigt /saksisk' rige.17*
" Dct eneste nye navn, vi mb'der, er betegnclsen 'Svert ings sb'nner.'
I aeldre diglning (Biou'ulf) er 'Svertings celling' Geaternes konge;
men da bevidstheden om 'Geaterne' blegnede, er navnct vel sprunget
over og er knyttet til en kcndt folkcstamme, Sakserne. Grunden
dertil cr muligvis kun, at det danner bogstavrim med Sakser, og
at det sproglig bar en biklang af sort, i. c., ond oglistig,,dcr gjorde
det egnet til at bruges om Dancrnes fjendcr."179
The significance of this is, first, that in the Ingjald lay we are
dealing with old material; secondly, that the account of the rela-
tionship in the Skj Qldnngasa^a between Frothi and Swerting
and their families is based on the Ingjald lay; thirdly, that when
the nationality of Swerting and those associated with him is changed
from Saxon to Swedish, it is merely another stage in the develop-
ment of the story, quite in line with earlier changes made to keep
the story in harmony with changing conditions.
Thus we have two stories, based on the same events (events
first related in Beowulf and Widsith\ that come do\vn to posterity
by two independent lines of transmission and suffer changes
in the course of time that bring them into absolute conflict with each
other. According to both stories, Frothi has become a Danish king.
But in the story connected with the Ingjald lay, Frothi is slain,
and is avenged by his son, Ingjald; while in the lirdlfssaga, Frothi
is his brother's slayer, on whom vengeance is taken by the sons
(Hroar and Helgi) of his victim (Halfdan). In the SkjjUtutgutga,
the conflict is obviated. It is done very deftly and with only such
disturbances of the genealogical relations involved as seemed neces-
sary to secure the desired result. As a consequence, the changes
that have been made, for which, in most instances, the reasons
are quite apparent, can be traced step by step. The story as we
"• "Dette forhold, at det cgenligc vikingeliv lifter forud for di«tet, forer os
hen til lOdc arh. som dels tilblivelsestid."— Hell., II, p. 36.
»'/W<., II, pp. 3741. Olrik's notes, of which there are a number, have
been omitted.
92
THE RELATION OF THE HRoUS SAGA KRAKA
have it in the Skjqldungasaga is, therefore, plainly an artificial
amalgamation designed principally to harmonize conflicting stories
about Frothi.
The genealogy in the Skjqldwtgasaga is as follows: —
Swerting Frothi Jorund
daughter
daughter Ingjald
Sigrith
Halfdtn
I I *. I I
Agnai Hrftrik Frothi En&Lady Hroar HelgiSigny Savil
Hrolf Kraki
Below is the same genealogy with the portions enclosed that, on
the one hand, are taken from the Ingjald lay (Frothi, Swerting,
etc.) and, on the other, from the Hrdlfssaga (Halfdan, Sigrith, etc.).
The names in italics are found in the Hrdlfssaga, but, with the excep-
tion of Ogn, whose name is omitted altogether, are employed
in another connection in the Skjqldungasaga (see the foregoing
"• Later, the statement is made that Ilroar had a son called Waldar; but
the statement causes no difficulty in this connection. First, we observe that
when Hroar, who is older than Hel«i, is slain, Helgi's son, Hrolf Kraki, becomes
sole King of Denmark with no competitor for the throne. Secondly, Arngrun
AND THE RJARKAK1MITK TO EEOWULF 93
It will be observed that the following changes have been made
to produce the family relationship as we find it in the Skjqldunga-
•suga. Frothi is removed as Halfdan's brother and becomes his
father, a change suggested, probably, by the tradition related in
Saxo's second book that Frothi was Halfdan's father, and facili-
tated by the fact that, in the ffrdlfssaga. the father of Half dan and
Frothi is not mentioned, and, as a result, presents no impediment
to the change. But to explain how Halfdan has become Frothi's
son, a new relationship has to bt: invented, s«» Frothi is said to
have the son Halfdan by the daughter of Jorund. According to
the HrdlfssaRa, Halfdan is slain by his brother. This idea, in the
abstract, is retained. But, according to the new arrangement,
Ingjald, Frothi's son, has become Halfdan's brother, i. e., half-
brother; hence, Ingjald slays Halfdan. According to the Hrdlfxsaga,
Halfdan's brother and slayer marries his widow, Sigrith."17 This
idea is also retained. In the Hrdlfssaga, it is Frothi who slays his
brother, Halfdan, and marries his widow, Sigrith. But, according
to the new arrangement, Jngjald is Halfdan's brother and slayer;
hence, it is now he who marries Sigrith. According to the Hrdlfs-
saga, Agnar is H roar's son; but this, apparently, is not according to
current tradition. According to Saxo's second book, he is Ingjald's
son and is slain by Bjarki. This conception of him occurs in the
Hrdljssaga also, but towards the close, where Bjarki, in recount-
ing his own achievements, mentions his having slain Agnar. This
Agnar is not Hroar's son, but the Agnar of the SkjqUungasaga and
of Saxo's second book. The SkJQldungasaga, therefore, properly re-
tains him as Ingjald's son and omits him as Hroar's son. Hrok
and Hrb'rik are the same person. According to the Hrdlfssaga, he
is the son of Ssevil and Signy. Olrik has al*>ut a page of comment
on him,18" in which he shows that he (Hrethric, Hrothgar's son,
says: "Roes. Hujua posteros ctsi non reppcri in compcndio undc Regum
Danic Fragmenta descripsi; tamcn gencalogiam hanc alibi sic obl.it am intcgre
ut sequitur visum est contexere. Valderus cogn. munificus, Roa> predict!
filius."— Aarb., p 139, n.
>•' Halfdan's brother, who, after Halfdan's death, married his widow,
Sigrith.
•• This is not expressly stated; but her appearance and action in the last
scene admit of no other conclusion. This it Finnur Jonsson's opinion also;
MC p. 95, n.
*»HtU., I, pp. 175-74.
94 THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
in Beowulf) was originally regarded as Hroar's son, but, for reasons
that need not here be rehearsed, became a fluctuating character.
The SkJQldungasaga has made him the son of Ingjald. In the
Hrdlfssaga, Hroar is said to have married an English ladv named
Ogn. The SkJQldungasaga also says that Hroar married an English
lady, but omits her name. Finally, Ingjald is given another son,
Frothi. He corresponds to Frothi V in Saxo. In Saxo, however,
Frothi is the slayer of his brother and corresponds to the Frothi
who appears in the Hrdlfssaga as the slayer of Halfdan. As the
Frothi who appears in the Hrdlfssaga becomes, in the SkJQldunga-
saga, the father of Halfdan, and Ingjald becomes Halfdan 's slayer,
Frothi, Ingjald's son, is, as a consequence, assigned the rdle of
joining his brother Hrorik in slaying his half-brother Hroar. Thus
the idea of Frothi (corresponding to Frothi V in Saxo) as a fratri-
cide is retained. But as Ingjald is succeeded on the throne by
Halfdan's sons, Hroar and Helgi, there is no opportunity for Ing-
jald's son Frothi to become king. It will also be remembered that
Frothi IV in the SkJQldungasaga, who, like Frolhi IV in Saxo, was
slain by Swerting (or his sons), was himself a fratricide, having
caused the death of his brother AH. Frothi IV in the SkJQldunga-
saga corresponds to the Frothi mentioned in the Hrdlfssaga.
Thus, as a fratricide, Frothi IV in the SkJQldungasaga corresponds
to the Frothi in the Hrdljssaga, and as the victim of Swerting, he
corresponds to Frothi IV in Saxo; while the account of Frothi,
Ingjald's son, as the slayer of his half-brother Hroar, preserves
the idea that Frothi V (in Saxo) is his brother's slayer. The
SkJQldungasaga has, therefore, amply retained the idea of Frothi
as a fratricide, and contains an account that, in a way, embraces
the essential features of the treatment of the same period in the
Hrdlfssaga, on the one hand, and in Saxo, on the other. The re-
lationship in the SkJQldungasaga of Frothi (Ingjald's father),
Swerting, Ingjald, and Swerting's daughter is identical with that
in the Ingjald lay.
Thus we see how, at the most conspicuous and interesting junc-
ture of the Danish royal line, the SkJQldungasaga harmonizes con-
flicting traditions.184 This involves a train of consequences, among
which are the following: —
IM Finnur J6nsson, in his comment on the FrffiopdUr, regards the version
of the Hroar-Helgi story contained in the SkJQldungasaga and the BjorkoHmur
as earlier than the version contained in the Hrdlfssago. His most significant
AND THE BJARKAR1UUR TO BEOWULF 95
1. "The short and chronicle-like form [i. e., of the Hroar-Helgi
story] in the SkJQldungasaga, where the murderer is called Ingjald,
not Frothi," is taken from the account that appears in the Ilrdlfs-
saga; this account must therefore be earlier than the corresponding
account in the SkJQldungasaga.
2. As the story about Frothi, Halfdan, etc., in the Bjarkarimur
is substantially the same as in the SkJQldungasaga, it must be
derived from the same source as the story in the SkJQldungasaga.
The Bjarkarimur are, therefore, at this point a later composition
than the corresponding portion of the Hrdlfssaga; and this fact
affords further corroboration of the idea that the stories in the rlmur
of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later
than the ttrdlfssaga's account of Bjarki's slaying the winged
monster.
3. When the SkJQldungasaga says that Hrolf Kraki met Hrani-
Odin on the expedition to Sweden, though nothing is said about
such a meeting in Snorri's Edda, the idea is probably taken fiom a
version of the story essentially as we have it in the
statements bearing on the matter are as follows: "I Skj^dungasaga, der blandt
de islandske kilder har storst betydning, har vi hcrfor [i. e., instead of Halfdan
and Frothi] Hdlfdan og Ingjaldr, der er halvbrodre, b.TRge sonner af kong
Fr6t5i froekni; Hilvdans modcr er en datter af kong JSrund i Sverrig, Ingjalds
modcr er en datter af Sverting og Frodes virkeligc hustru; hcrom ved vor saga
altsA intet. Halvdan cr ifg. Sttj. gift med en SigrfSr (saledes ogsa i Mrs., hvor
hun pludselig dukker op). Deres bom cr de samme som i sagaen; ogsa her er
Sign£ gift med Sxvil. Ingjald drx-ber sin brodcr Halvdan OR giftcr sig med
bans cnke (heri finder vi motivet til at hun lader sig indcbrxndc med Frode
i Hr s., hvilket d£r stir ganske umotiveret)." — Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 9.
The SkJQldungasaga does not, however, say that Ingjald's mother was a
daughter of Swerting. It says, " Postea ducta alia, Ingialldum filium legitimum
hzredem suscepit" (Aarb., p. 111). And later it says that Ingjald married Swert-
ing's daughter. The words of the saga arc, "Ingialldus Frodonis filius Sver-
tingi baron is paulo ante commemorati filiam in uxorcm accepit firmioris gratis,
ut omnibus visum, conciliandse ergo" (Aarb., p. 112). This would indicate that
Ingjald was not the son of a daughter of Swerting.
m "Arngrim tilfojer, at natten efter var de hos en bonde, i. e., Hrane, hvis
gaver de afslog. (Footnote. Her traeffer vi sikkert det oprindelige forhold,
kun 6t mode rned Odin.) Hvorledes Rolv rejste videre, sigcs ikke i nogen af
kilderne. Det er klart heraf, at Arngrims frcinstilling stir sagaen naermere
end Skj., hvilkt-t naeppe kommer af, at Snorre skulde have udcladt det som
Arngrim har; det har vteret den yngre bearbejdelse af Skj., som A. Olrik vistnok
med rette har ment at kunne pavise, som Arngrims frcmstUling beror pi."—
Finnur J6nsson, Hrs. Bjark., Introd., p. 25.
96 THB RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
4. Though the Ilrolfssaga is made up of elements of varying
degrees of antiquity and merit, it contains features worthy of more
consideration than has generally been accorded them.
5. In discussing the genealogy of the Danish kings in Beowulf
and comparing it with that of other documents,188 it is to be remem-
bered that the Skj Qldungasaga has no independent value as an
authority in this connection; its value lies in its recognition of a
conflict between the Ingjald lay and the story in the Hrtilfssaga, and
its attempt to harmonize the two.
6. On the whole, as Olrik says, " Hvor vxrdifuld den islandske
Skjqldungasaga end er, den er selvfolgelig ikke pa alle punkter
at foretrackke for enhver anden kilde."187 When it disagrees with
other documents, its statements should be scanned with care.
A little ought to be said about Saxo's treatment of the problem,
the solution of which in the SkJQldungasaga has just been consid-
ered. The solution in the saga is based on the recognition of the
fact that Frothi as a king who was slain (i. e., by Swerting) and
later avenged by his son is irreconcilable with the idea that he
slew his brother, whose sons later put Frothi to death and thus
avenged their father's murder. Saxo solved the problem by
employing two Frothi's, — namely Frothi IV, Ingjald's father, who
was slain by Swerting and was avenged by his son, and Frothi V,
Ingjald's successor, who slew his brother, Harald (i. e., Halfdan in
the HrMJssaga), and later was put to death by Harald's sons.
On the whole, Saxo's story presents something of an attempt to
harmonize Danish and Old Norse tradition. The Danish tradi-
tion about the Hroar-Helgi group of kings Saxo preserves in his
second book. The Old Norse tradition about them he utilizes in
his seventh book, at a point where, in the line of Danish kings, it
occurs according to the Old Norse conception of the matter.1*"
In the latter connection he repeats certain features of the story
as it appears in his second book. Ingjald who appears in the
sixth book is really the same Ingjald (second book) whose son
Agnar is slain by Bjarki; and Hclgi (here called Halfdan) takes to
sea, just as he does in the second book. All that concerns Hrolf
Kraki, Vrsa, Bjarki, etc., Saxo omits from the seventh book; but
'« See, for instance, Sarrazin's KOnig Hrodhgeirr und seine familie; Kng.
Stud., XXIII, pp. 221 ff.
'•» Aarb., pp. 164.
'••See p. 85.
AND THE BjARKARl'MTm T'» HKOWTTT.F 97
he gives Halfdan (Helgi) a career in Sweden, something like rW
gi's (second book). Halfdan dies, however, without leaving in
heir to the Danish throne; and this solves another problem, for
thus the necessity of introducing Hrolf Kraki, Helgi's son, again,
or some substitute for him, is obviated, and the story of this royal
family is brought to an end.
Conclusion.
We have, therefore, only two versions of the Hroar-Helgi story
(Saxo's version and the one in the Hr6lfssa^a), and these have been
subjected to a variety of influences and manipulations. The two
versions do not, however, always employ the same features in just
the same way, as is exemplified in the treatment of the insanity
motive; nor have they always retained the same features present
in the source of influence, as where the place of concealment of the
boys in one instance is a cave and in the other a hollow tree. But
the possession of the two versions is valuable in this respect, that
they afford a double confirmation of the source of influence, as in
the instances just cited and in Frothi's consulting the witch.
It is a great transformation that has taken place in the fortunes
of Hrothgar (Hroar) from the time we become acquainted with him
as the famous King of the Danes in Hemvtdf till we finally see him in
the Hrtilfssafri sitting on the throne of Northumberland in England.
But the conception of him that excludes him from the list of
ancient kings of Denmark seems to have been shared by Snorri
Sturlason; for in Snorri's Ynglingasaga, where Frothi. Halfdan,
Helgi, Hrolf Kraki, and other early Danish kings are mentioned,
and where one would expect something to be said about Hroar
also, his name does not occur and there is no reference to him
whatever.
The foregoing explanation of how Hroar came to be regarded as
King of Northumberland has a l>earing on /tawu//-criticism. The
name of Hroar's wife is given as Ogn. In Beowulf, Hrothgar's
wife, Wealhtheow, is called a Helming and is supposed to be an
English lady. In support of this 4dea, Sarrazin1" and, following
him, Thomas Arnold190 have stated that perhaps we have a reminis-
cence of her nationality in that of Ogn. But, as we have seen,
there is no connection between the two women.
'•• Bw».-Sl*d., pp. 41 IT., and Eng. Stud . XXIII, p. 228.
98 THE RELATION OF THE HR6LFS SAGA KRAKA
Finally, l'*t it be stated that not all has been said about the
Hroar-Helgi story that one would like to say. One would like to
be able to trace still more in detail the development of the story
and account for all the variations between the two versions. Such
knowledge is, however, vouchsafed in very few instances. But if
what has been said is substantially correct, a little has been added
to what was known before about this interesting story.
Ill
GENERAL SUMMARY.
From what has been said, it will be seen that the origin of the
dragon in the BQtycarsfydttr of the Hrdlfssaga has hitherto been
unperceived and the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon has
not been understood. Neither of the two has any connection with
Beowulf. The Bjarkartmur throw no light on the Beowulf problem,
for the story of Bjarki's slaving the wolf and that of Hjalti's slaying
the bear are later than the storv of Bjarki's slaying the dragon and
were written by one who had the story of Bjarki's fight with the
dragon in mind. Moreover, the story told in the rimur in connec-
tion with Hjalti's slaying the bear is merely an adaptation of the
story told in the Hrolfssaga about Bjarki's father.
The I'rd'8a}>dttr of the Hrdlfssaga embodies an earlier form of the
Hroar-Helgi story than is found in the Skjqldungasaga and the
Bjarkarimur; and this confirms the idea that the story in the
Hr6lfssaga of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster is earlier than
the corresponding stories in the Bjarkarimur. Aside from the
influence exerted by the Hamlet story, the Frd'<5a\>dtlr version and
Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story are the result of influences
emanating from the "exile-return" type of story in England, and,
more particularly, the Meriadoc story and the Macbeth story,
which were well known to Scandinavians in Great Britain.
The version of the Hroar-Helgi story which we find in the SkJQld-
ungasaga and the Bjarkartmur is the result of an attempt to har-
monize conflicting traditions emanating from events about which
we now find the first account in Beowulf and Widsith, as is also
Saxo's treatment of the same matter in his sixth and seventh books.
The change of names in Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story
is the result of arbitrary action on his part in order to conceal the
AND THE BJARKAaiMOT TO BEOWULP 99
fact that he introduces into his history the Hroar-Helgi group of
lungs a second time, namely in his seventh book, and gives an
account of them that conflicts with the account already given of
them in his second book.
INDEX
Agcson, Svcnd, 65.
abbreviations, 5, 6.
Agnar, 17,51,52,82,83,93,96.
Ali, 81,94.
"Angler," 90.
Anglo-Saxons, 80.
Arcadia, 67.
Arglud, 71.
Arngrim, <>2, 95.
Arthur, KinK, 43, 71-73.
Arthurian romances, 46.
Athils, 83.
Balder-cult, 8.
"Baldcrsagn,"66.
Banquo, 79.
bear, 13, 16, 20, 23, 35, 49, 50, 55, 57.
bear in Hjark., 7, 10-12, 47-55, 57, 58,
60, 95, 98.
bear in Gcsl. Dan., bk. two, 7, 10, 19,
51, 52, 59,60.
bear in //«., 55, 59.
bear ancestry. 10, 14, 16, 19, 20, 56,
59.
Beaw, 9, 10.
Bcorn, 14, 16.
Beowulf, 7-12, 30, 41, 43, 60, 89.
Beowulf ( Danish king), 9, 10.
Browulf, 3, 7-12, 34, 35, 38, 40, 41, 43,
58, 59, 61, 65-67, 88-91, 94, 96-98.
Bcra, 16, 56.
Bcrcsun, 14, 16.
Bcrki, 9.
Bern, 13.
Bernicia, 13, 78.
Biar, 11.
bibliography, 5, 6.
Hiorn, 13.
Bjorkorlmur, 3, 7, 10-12, 16, 28, 35,
47,49-60,81-83,94,95,98.
Bjarki, 7-12, 16-20, 23, 24, 27-31, 33-
39, 41, 44-60, 67, 77, 83, 90, 93, 95,
96,98.
Bjarki and the dragon in Hrs.,
Story of, 20 ff.
Bjarki and the wolf in Bjark., Story
of, 47 ff.
Bjorkman, 69.
Bjorn, 16, 56.
blood-drinkinK, X, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28,
34, 49-52, 58-60.
Boduwar, 9.
Boihvar, 8, 10-12. 16, 19, 22, 23, 33,
41,49,52,53,55,56,67,77.
"Uoovar," 8, 20-22,47.
flvftmrs)>dUr, 3, 7, 98.
British Isles. 70.
Bromton, 13.
Brunanburh, SO.
Canute, 13, 70, SO.
Caraclm-, 71.
tattle-attacking monster, 30, 53.
Christianity, 26.
Christmas, 27, 46.
Christmas Eve, 25. 26, 31-35, 59.
Cuaran, 73.
CumlH-rland, 14.
Cumbria, 13,80.
"Cymren," 70.
"cymrisch-skandinavisrhe Sage," 70.
Dan, <X).
Danes. 13, 16, 43. 6!, 65, 67, 70, 80,
."8-91,97.
Deira, 13.
Denmark, 7. 8. 14, 1«. 19, 61, 63, 65,
67, 70, 76-78, 80 83, 87, 90-92, 97.
" Didrikskxmper," 90.
Dierc, 14.
Digera, 13.
dogs, herdsmen's, 48. 53, 54, 56.
dog's name in llisl. .\frr., 74.
dogs' names in Grsl. Dan., bk. seven,
64, 73, 74, 77.
.dogs' names in Hrs., 61, 67, 73, 74, 77.
Dohm, 71,73, 74.
Donaldbane, 77, 78, 80.
dragon, 9, 14, 15, 19, 20, 23, 24, 27,
46,55.
dragon in Beow., 7-10, 34, 60.
102
THE RELATION OF THE HROLFS SAGA KRAKA
dragon in Hrs., 7, 10, 19, 20, 24, 27,
28, 30, 33, 34, 36-39, 44-46, 50,
51, 54-60, 98.
Drifa, 9.
Duncan, 13, 77, 78.
Dundee, 15.
Duncwal, IS.
Durendal, 43.
Eadwulf Cutel, 13.
EaKIcRock,71.
Ealdred, 13, 78.
Ebbe, 25.
Eckhart, 68.
Edward the Confessor, 13, 14, 17.
Elgfrothi, 18.
England, 3, 9, 10, 13-16, 63, 67, 69,
70,73,77,80,82,83,97,98.
Excalibur, 43.
"exile -return" story, 68, 69, 77, 81, 83,
98.
Favnir,23, 28.
Firth of Clyde, 13.
Firth of Forth, 13.
Fleventanean forest, 71.
Florencius, 69.
folk-lore, 24, 28, 38.
Fordun, Johannes, 80.
" fomaldarsaga," 15.
Frcawaru, 9, 88.
Frey-cult, 8.
Fridleif, 81, 86.
Fridlcus, 86.
Frodas, 69.
Frothi, 9, 10, 43, 61-66, 68, 69, 73, 75,
76, 78, 79, 81-97.
Fr<fta\>dUr, 3, 61, 94, 98.
Fyen,64.
Gaimar, Geffrei, 72.
Gautland, 63, 77.
Geats, 43, 91.
genealogy of Danish kings in Gcsl.
Dan., 84, 85.
genealogy of Danish kings in Hrs., 92.
genealogy of Danish kings in Skjt., 84,
85, 92.
Germany, 87.
giants, 25, 26, 42, 46.
gUnt-sword in Beow., 11, 38.
Godwin, 13.
Great Britain, 98.
Grcndel, 7, 9-12, 34, 35, 38, 58, 60.
Grendel's mother, 7, 11.
Grcttir, 35.
Griffith, 71, 72.
Grim, 73.
Grlmur, 31.
Gudmundur, 31-33.
Gullinhjalti, 11, 12, 22-24, 35, 36, 39-
41, 44, 59.
Gyldenhilt, 11,40,42.
"gylden hilt," 11, 12, 35, 40-44, 59.
"Hadbarder," 65, 88-90.
Hagena, 90.
Halfdan, 61, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 75, 78,
81-84, 86-88, 91-97.
Halga,61.
hall-attacking monster, 29-31, 34, 53.
Halvor, 38.
Hamlet, 67, 73, 80.
Hamlet story, 67, 72, 73, 76, 77, 98.
Hamur, 62, 74.
Hanef , 87.
Harald, 63, 75, 83, 86, 87, 96.
Hardccanute, 13.
Havclok, 80.
Hei»r, 66.
Helgi, 19, 61-64, 66, 67, 69, 73, 75, 77,
78, 80, 82-844 86, 91, 92, 94, 96, 97,
99.
Helming, 97.
Heorot, 89.
Hereward, 60.
Hilda, 81.
Hildr, 56.
"Hitdoleksempe,"24.
Hjalti, 10-12, 22, 24, 28, 35, 39, 40,
44, 47-59, 95, 98.
Hjalti and the bear in Bjarh., Story
of, 47 ff.
'"Hjort,"89.
Hleidargard, 48, 49, 53, 55.
Ho, 61, 74.
"Holmryger,"90.
Hondscio, 12.
Hopp, 61, 74.
AND THE BJARKAR1MUR TO BEOWULF
103
Hott, 11, 12, 20-25,27-30,34,36-40,
44-46, 53.
Hrani, 62, 74, 95.
Hrethel, 43.
Hrcthric, 93.
Bring, 17, 55.
Hroar, 19, 61-67, 69, 75, 77, 78, 80,
82-84, 86, 91-94, 96, 97, 99.
Hroar-Helgi story, 61, 67-70, 72-74,
76-79, 81-84, 86, 87, 94, 95, 97, 98.
Hrok, 93.
Hrolf Kraki, 7, 9, 17-23, 27, 33, 35, 39,
40, 43, 46, 48-50, 52, 54, 55, 57,
66, 82-84, 86, 92, 95-97.
Hrdlfssaga, 3, 7, 9-12, 16-20, 23, 33, 35,
39-41, 45, 46, 49, 50, 52-54, 57-60,
63, 65, 68, 72-74, 76-80, 82, 83, 87,
91-98.
HrossJ>j6fr, 66.
Hrothgar, 9, 42, 43, 88, 8», 93, 96, 97.
Hrothulf, 89.
II run ting, 11.
Hrorik, 65, 82, 93, 94.
" Hunncrslaget," 90.
Huntingdon, 13, 14.
Hygd, 43.
Hygclac, 43.
Iceland, 26, 65, 77, 84.
Icelanders, 67.
"ilex," 75, 76.
Ingjald, 81-84, 86-91, 93-96.
Ingjald lay, 87-92, 94, 96.
insanity in Gest. Dan., bk. seven, 64,
73, 77, 97.
insanity in Hamlet story, 67, 73.
insanity in Hrs., 73, 77, 97.
invulnerability, 29.
Ireland, 71, 78, 80.
"islxndingasaga," 15.
Ivor, 71-75, 77.
Jomnd,81,82,93,95.
Joseph, 76.
Karl, governor of Gautl&nd, 63.
Kay, 71, 72.
Leofric, 13.
London, 14.
Lonkentus, 39.
Macbeth, 13, 78-80.
Macbeth story, 77-81, 98.
Macduffe, 79.
Malcolm, 13, 77, 80.
Margaret, 33.
Meriadoc, 72, 73.
Meriadoc story, 70-76, 78, 80, 98,
Merlin, 46.
Morwen, 71, 72.
New Year, 32.
" N'iebelunger," 90.
"Nordm*nd,"15,90.
Norfolk. 70.
Northri, 63, 78.
Northumberland, 10, 13-15, 18, 63, 74,
80,97.
Northumbria, 13, 78.
Norway, 7, 25, 26, 65, 77, 81.
Norwegians, 14, 16, 67.
Odin, 15, 17-19, 26, 95.
Offa, 90.
Olaf, 85, 87.
Orkney Islands, 14, 17-19.
Orwen, 72, 78.
Osbeom, 13, 18.
Osbernum, 15.
Osbcrtum Bulax, 15.
Per Bakkcn, 25.
Per Gynt, 35.
Per Sandager, 29.
"quercus," 74.
Ragnar. 64.
Ragnar Lodbrok, 15.
Ravcnlandeye, 14, 18.
Regin, 61-63, 68.
Remus, 67.
Roland, 43.
Romulus, 67.
Russia, 81.
"Sakser,"90,91.
Scandinavians, 10, 70, 80, 98.
"Scania," 82.
Scioldus, 86.
Scotland, 13, 17, 71, 72, 78.
Scots, 13. 15.
Scyld, 9.
Scylding kings, 67, 69.
Seeland, 64, 77, 82.
"seid," 79.
104
THE RELATION OF THE II SOUS SAGA KRAKA
"seiSkona," 79, 81.
troll-wife, 35, 66.
Sigar, 73.
Ulf, 16, 55, 56.
Signy, 61-63, 73, 77, 82, 83, 93, 95.
Ulfius, 14.
Sigrith, 63, 82, 83, 92, 93, 95.
Ulsius, 14.
Sigurd, 23, 28, 67.
Uplands in Norway, 81.
Sigurdur, 31-33.
Uricn, 71-73.
Silfriinarstadir, 31.
Ursus, 14.
Si ward, 10, 13-20, 23, 24, 56, 59, 63,
Uthcr Pendragon, 71.
77, 78, 80.
Valhalla, 19.
Sjavarborg, 31.
Valsleit, 17.
Skane, 82.
"Vender," 90.
Skagafjordur, 31.
Vifil, 61,62, 73, 74, 76, 79.
Skjqldunzasaga, 18, 65, 81-84, 86, 87,
Vitholphus, 66.
91-96, 98.
ViSolfi, 66.
"Skjoldunper,"65,88.
"\'olsunger,"90.
"Skjoldungsagaer," 67.
Waldar, 92, 93.
" Skjoldunpsagn," 64, 66.
Waldef story, 69.
"SkjoldunKsl*gt,"84.
Wales, 71.
"Skjoldunga-t,'65, 90.
Wealhtheow, 97.
Skofnung, 39, 40.
WedorGcats,41.
Sleipnir, 19.
Welsh, 70.
Snowdon, Mount, 72.
werewolf myth, 12.
{soothsayers, 61, 79.
Westminster, 14.
Spratlingus, 14.
Westmoreland, 14.
Starkad, 81,82, 87, 88, 90.
Widsith, 61,89, 91,98.
Sweden, 8, 17-19, 63, 77, 81, 82, 87, 95,
winged monster in Hrs., 7-12, 20-22,
97.
25,55,95,98.
Swedes, 81.
witch, 26, 61, 62, 64, 78, 79, 97.
Swen, 70.
wizard, 26, 79.
Swerting, 81, 82, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92,
wolf in Bjark., 7, 10-12, 28, 47, 49-52,
94-96.
54, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
Savar, 78.
Sa-vil, 61-63, 73, 78, 82, 83, 93, 95.
Thames, 14.
wolves in Cfsl. Dan., bk. seven, 63, 64.
wolves in Hist. Mcr., 71, 75, 76.
Worcestershire, 13.
Thebes, 67.
Thessaly, 67.
Tosti, 14, 17.
York, 13.
Young Siward, 13.
Yrsa, 66, 69, 83, 96.
troll, 7, 9, 11, 16, 21, 22, 24-28, 30-35,
38, 52, 53, 59.
Yule, 25.
Yule Eve, 22, 25, 30.
Yule-feast, 22, 25.
troll-animal, 29.
Yule-tide, 27.
troll-bird, 29.
AMted, 13, 78.
troll-dragon, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 49, 50,
yfcsir, 26.
53, 55, 58, 59.
Ogn, 63, 78, 92, 94, 97.
troll-hare. 29.
"Ostereoen," 90.
203606018071
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Olson, Oscar Ludvig
^The relfction of the
Hrolfg Sage. Kraka c.nd the
Bjarkarimur to Beov/ulf .
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