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University of California. 





1 624-1 636 








Fnrtnprh Rrholar of 

Ze Oxford 

Title-page. For ' scholar ' of St. John's College, 
read ' Fellow.' 







Introduction... ... ... ... i 

The Relation of Sydnam Poyntz ... 45 

Appendix ... ... ... ... 139 

Index ... ... ... ... 145 



p. 74. Delete last paragraph of Footnote. 
Lilly's letter was addressed not to 
Gustavus Adolphus, but to his 


p. III. Colonel ' Musten ' is almost certainly 
' Mostyn ' who fought with distinct- 
ion under Gustavus in Poland. 



I 624- I 63 6 


The fragment of autobiography here pubHshed is of two-fold 
interest. On the one hand it throws a new and not altogether 
favourable light on the character of one of the Parliamentary 
leaders in our own civil conflict, and it also embodies one of the 
very few narratives of the earlier and more stirring period of the 
Thirty Years' War written by men who actually took part in the 
events they describe. The student of the history of the War is 
amazed to find how little of such first-hand authority is available for 
his use. The Memoirs, the Diaries, the private correspondence 
which render the history of the English Civil War so lucid are 
almost entirely lacking. Anyone who will for example critically 
examine the seventy pages of Bibliography at the end of the 
volume entitled The Thirty Years' War in the Cambridge Modern 
History will find that contemporary narrations of actors in the great 
conflict reduce themselves to two or three. There are plenty of 
titles it is true like Ausfilhrliche Relation of this or that battle and 
Extract eines Schreibens from such and such a (possibly fictititious) 
combatant, but these are plainly the work of mere pamphleteers — 
mere catchpenny publications at the best. And when we seek 
for personal memoirs we find few indeed. There is one genuine 
German soldier's diary, first published by Westenrieder a century 
ago and somewhat unaccountably neglected : and there is the so 


called Soldat SuedoiSy which, as the work of a mere litterateur, 
and a deeply prejudiced one, may almost be accounted a forgery, 
but which for two hundred years was quoted, and where not 
quoted used, as a professional memoir. These almost make up 
the sum of German records of the personal type indicated. It is 
possible that the Piccolomini family papers at Siena may prove 
interesting from this point of view, but little seems to be known 
of them at present. For contemporary history we are left to the 
mercy of makers of books, often misinformed and seldom if ever 
impartial. It is either the Vienna Jesuit, adulatory of all things 
Imperial, and chronicling every lying bulletin which reaches the 
capital as authentic history, or the subservient historiographer of a 
Protestant court, on whom we have to rely. Of the former class 
of history the Annates Boicae Gentis^ the work of two Jesuits and 
a librarian, is a good specimen : it gives for example the number 
of Tilly's killed and wounded at the famous fight at the passage 
of the Lech as thirty only. Of the latter Chemnitz's four parts, 
pubHshed at long intervals indeed — 1648 to 1859 — give us a 
favourable example. Pufendorf adapted all of this which he could 
lay hold of, and published it in his own Commentarii de Rebus 
Suecicis in 1686. 

In the last half century, however, the archives of European 
courts have been ransacked for contemporary material, and they 
have yielded such in enormous quantities but of very doubtful 
value. As a rule they supply merely records of wearisome intrigue, 
without interest for the student of the social or military features 
of the great war, but which are supposed to illustrate the ' publi- 
cestic history ' of the time. In reality they illustrate nothing but 
the senseless ' Macchiavellismus ' of the period — the same which 
deferred for years the peace of Westphalia (of which the conclusions 
were foregone and the details all but certain) with the Empire 


bleeding to death all the time. Throughout the war, while 
generals were fighting and soldiers plundering and peasants 
starving, pedants were scribbling away in their chancelleries, 
tinkering at their little alliances, patching up marriages here, 
corrupting venal commanders there, and at times venturing so 
far as to concoct assassination. But a folio volume of their 
futile despatches adds less to our knowledge than a couple of 
essays from Freytag's Bilder aus der Deiitschen Vergangenheit; and 
the student who desires to get a vivid idea of the war had 
better read even Schiller than wade through the records of 
tortuous intrigue on which even Ranke and Droysen employed 
their great talents. The view of a certain school of historians 
is thus summed up by the American translator of Gindely's 
Thirty Years^ War : ' Diplomacy is the point of most interest 
and importance in the history of a war ' : battles are but inci- 
dents' and so on. The negotiations which precede a war and 
those which end it are it is true of interest : for example the 
debates in the American Senate which heralded Secession, and 
the diplomatic struggles which ended in the Treaty of Ports- 
mouth. But the writer who should present a history of the 
American Civil War or the Russo-Japanese contest on the basis 
of the neglect of military operations and their social results 
would assuredly command neither an extensive nor an intelli- 
gent audience. Yet this was the view held not so long ago. 
It is sufficiently irritating to find Ranke in his great Geschichte 
Wallenstcins practically ignoring the duke's ferocious ' Blutgericht ' 
after Liitzen (which probably did more to ruin him than all 
his half-hearted palterings with treason — if treason it was), and 
Gindely dismissing the battle of N5rdlingen in eighteen lines, while 

' For an example of the value of diplomacy during war see note on p. 89 of 
the ' Relation. " 


he devotes six pages to an account of the Infanta Mary's journey 
from Spain to Vienna in 1629-1631. 

But of late years the cult of the protocol has sensibly diminished, 
and has given place to exhaustive enquiry into matters of more 
human interest — the sociological concomitants and results of the 
war. And in this respect there must be exempted from any cen- 
sure on the ' new material ' the few town-records which have 
been published or utilised for such admirable monographs as Wille's 
Hanau im dreissigjdhrigen Kriege. 

They offer genuine and at times horrifying evidence of the 
dislocation of society and the annihilation of the common feelings 
of humanity which resulted from the war. But when we seek 
for the testimony of eye witnesses of military operations we iind 
little in German : we must turn to foreign testimony. We have in 
English Robert Monro's simple soldierly narrative of his Expedition 
with the Scots Regiment and George Fleetwood's single Letter to his 
father, published by the Camden Society in 1847. Then comes 
the quaint ' Itinerarium ' of Thomas Carve ' Tripperariensis ' and 
chaplain in ' Deveroux's ' regiment, written in Latin by an Irish- 
man ; and then we have the French Memoirs (notably those 
of Guebriant by Le Laboureur) which are after a certain date, 
later generally than the events with which we are concerned, 
excellent. Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato, the Italian, had served in 
the war, but he writes rather as a fluent historian than a soldier ; 
up to the time when he left the service, however, his evidence is 
superior to that of any literary compilers. 

Even Walter Harte's Gustavus Adolphus^ though not published 
till 1759, is by reason of its reference to first-hand' authorities of 
more value than many modern and more pretentious, works. 

' E. g. Vol. ii, p. 331, sub fincm, and his constant references to Memoirs 


Harte may easily have been in toucii with men whose grandfathers 
had served under the great king of Sweden : the last events of the 
Thirty Years' War were hardly more remote from his times than 
those of the Waterloo campaign from our own : and in spite of 
Carlyle's petulant description of his book as a ' Wilderness ' it 
remains a valuable military record of the times. 

To the scarce professional narratives of the war — or at least of 
its most stirring years — we here add one. Where Sydenham 
Poyntz was an eye-witness, as at Breitenfeld, Liitzen and Nord- 
lingen, he is an unimpeachable authority. Where accounts vary, 
he is more likely to be right than all the Brunners and the Pufen- 
dorfs. How accounts do vary no one would believe who has not 
studied the professedly contemporary narratives. This is no 
doubt the result of uncritical reliance on hearsay : but although 
soldiers' views of mere manoeuvres in battle, amid smoke and 
slaughter, may well be expected to conflict, it is surely marvellous 
to find actual events of the first consequence reported in many 
different ways. There are certainly half a dozen variant accounts 
of the death of the great Gustavus himself; three or four discrepant 
versions of the murder of Wallenstein's generals; and — perhaps 
most remarkable of all — three distinct and utterly incompatible 
reports of the cold-blooded assassination of Prince Ulrich of 
Denmark during the peace negotiations in 1633 (Poyntz — Relation^ 
p. 88). 

One asks, in such conflict of evidence, where to look for the 
truth : as a rule we should look to the soldier — to the man of 
action, who is on the spot : and as already stated where Poyntz 
saw things with his own eyes we may believe him : but the 
moment he begins to refer to his scribbled notes (pp. 45-123) he 
becomes only half trustworthy, especially as to names and dates : 
and when he repeats soldiers' gossip his testimony is worse than 


queslionable : it is misleading. His chronology under such cir- 
cumstances becomes, as we shall see, fantastic. 

To hearsay, and partly also no doubt to newborn Romanist 
prejudice, we must attribute his one-sided and malignant portrait 
of Gustavus Adolphus. He had never been brought in contact 
with the great king's marvellous personality : probably he had 
never even seen him : ^and he repeats without hesitation the 
calumnies of those who, unable to stand before the Swede in the 
field, avenged themselves by blackening his character. However 
far Poyntz's excuses for abandoning the cause of the Protestants 
and embracing that of the Emperor may have weight (and he 
certainly makes out a good case against poor drunken John George 
of Saxony) the fact remains that he was a renegade both in 
politics and religion, and that he shewed one of the renegade's 
worst qualities in attacking his former friends. He simply repeats 
every vile story he hears : for example his talk (p. 60) of the 
atrocities perpetrated by the Swedes at the peaceful surrender of 
the city of Wiirzburg is at variance with every other known account. 
That mutilation of priests and deflowering of nuns were not 
unknown before under Christian of Brunswick, and afterwards 
under Bernhard of Weimar, is unfortunately true, but under the 
stern rule of Gustavus such things were simply impossible. Still 
more hateful is the insinuation, worthy of the worst Jesuit of 
Vienna, that the unlucky assault upon Wallenstein's entrenchments 
outside Nuremberg was ordered by the king under the influence 
of liquor (p. 71) ; it may be dismissed together with the half -veiled 
charge of licentiousness. That Gustavus was not the demi-god 
Schiller painted him may be readily conceded : but his life was 
undoubtedly a chaste one. The one amour that has been laid to 
his charge was the sin of hotblooded and cruelly checked youth : 
Margarethe Kabbeljau was the mother : Gustav Gustavson, brave 


officer and difficult comrade, the son. But after his union with 
the not very attractive Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg no question 
of the king's fideUty to his marriage vovi^ was ever raised save by 
such slanderers as Sydenham Poyntz had lent his ear to. Every 
action of the Swede is in like manner distorted : when he does 
not march on Vienna after the victory of Breitenfeld ' God blinded 
him ' (p. 59). At Wiirzburg his natural hankering for indiscrimi- 
nate massacre is only appeased by the promise of a cellar full of 
gold : and when he gets money he simply appropriates it to his 
own use : (p. 61). We may compare with this the more authentic 
story in Harte. ' There was indeed a great cask full of doubloons 
which Gustavus would fain have taken possession of for the military 
chest : but the bottom falling out, a general scramble among the 
soldiers ensued, which he was powerless to stop, and was forced 
to allow. The King's ambition according to Poyntz knows no 
bounds : he is not merely to capture Vienna but Rome also — 
presumably to make himself Pope : (p. 68) and Pappenheim's last 
words, which are variously reported, are here given in such a 
form as to shew the great cavalry general's conviction that 
Gustavus aimed at the Imperial crown (p. 73.). 

But wherever Poyntz was an eyewitness (it is not always easy 
to say where he was an eyewitness) he is an authority, and a 
professional authority. His account indeed of the battle of Breit- 
enfeld is meagre, but is what might be expected from a young 
soldier of the time : it simply amounts to this : that John George of 
Saxony, his general, ran away and he ran too, though (as he says) 
he saved the colours (p. 59) : but somehow or other his side, by 
methods which he cannot explain, not having been present, won 
the battle and practically annihilated the enemy. But he has here 
at least mercifully spared us his hearsay accounts, and had fortun- 

' Harte, Vol. I, p. 443. 


ately no opportunity of reading ' lying Corantoes. ' His statement 
of the disposition of the armies is correct, but with wrong reasons 
assigned (p. 57) for Gustavus' tactics. From Breitenfeld to Nord- 
Hngen he mounts the ladder of promotion : that he turned his coat 
in the meantime being simply a common incident of any military 
career of the time. At Liitzen he appears as one of Wallenstein's 
captains, and his personal experience here furnishes us with an 
answer to the charge brought against the general — that he with an 
army which had (so the people at Vienna said) held its own, preci- 
pitately and treasonably retreated to Bohemia. Poyntz gives a 
very good reason. That the ' cannon-jades ' had run away we 
knew : the grim general's remark as he saw them go (' canally — 
bagagy ') is actually recorded elsewhere. But we did not know 
that Wallenstein sent round orderlies to every one of his exhausted 
captains to see if they could fight again. Here we have one of 
those captains (p. 126) found ' in a dead sleep and my horse as 
weary as I lying on the ground by mee asleep ' with but three 
officers of his staff out of some twelve (the ' prima plana ' of every 
troop or company) surviving. And we understand why the general 
retreated to Prague : his savage punishment of the men who had 
fought so hard it is not so easy to understand : nor did their 
comrades either understand or forget it, as he found to his 
cost when he called upon them in his need. The story of his 
officers having been bribed may be dismissed without further 
consideration (p. 74). 

At Nordlingen Poyntz is in a position of even greater responsibi- 
lity. So zealous an officer may be pardoned for the belief (a belief 
prevalent among men of action as far back as the time of Thucy- 
dides) that where he fought the action was decided, and that where 
he was not things were mismanaged or indifferently conducted ; 
but no doubt he was stationed at a very important point, and it 


may well have been that Bernhard of Weimar wasted strength on 
attacking him (p. Ill) which was sorely needed elsewhere. 

Of Poyntz's second-hand history we shall presently hear suffi- 
cient : but his geography is even worse. That a runaway London 
'prentice should have but little acquaintance with the scarce maps 
of the time is natural enough. But one would expect an officer in 
fairly high command to know something of the country in which 
he served. Yet he speaks of ' Nerling ' in his apocryphal account 
of Gustavus' western campaign, apparently without a suspicion that 
it is the same as Nordlingen (p. 63) ; and though he undoubtedly 
fought in the battle before the walls of that city he ' thinks it is in 
Westphalia' (p. 81), it being really in the very heart of Swabia. 
He places ' Tessona ' as he calls it, meaning Teschen, in Wallaky, 
which may however be a miswriting of the name ' Galicia. ' It is 
even hard to believe from another passage (p. 101) that he does 
not think that the Danube flows from East to West — from Austria 
into Bavaria. And yet according to his own account he had once 
swum over it (p. 51). 

Coming to the actual record of his life as here given we find at 
the very beginning a statement which, if not intended to be mislead- 
ing, effectively is so. ' To bee bound an apprentice, ' says he 
(p. 45), ' that life I deemed little better than a dog's life and base. ' 
Yet the Chancery document (discovered by Sir John Maclean tind 
quoted by him in his Memoirs of the Poyntz Family^) which is here 
printed as an appendix, proves that he endured not only one, but 
a multiplicity of apprenticeships. The story is a curious one. 
Poyntz belonged to a family which might reasonably have looked 
to provide for its sons in a sphere higher than the base mechanical : 
but the misconduct of his father, a man apparently more devoted 
to music than to morals, had brought poverty upon all, and 
Sydenham was apprenticed to one Golder, a tradesman of London 


(trade not specified) with a premium of fifty pounds, which was to 
be repaid in case of the lad's death (?) or the expiry of his indent- 
ures. Sometime early in the reign of Charles 1. William Poyntz, 
brother of Sydenham, himself a roving blade, who had at one time 
commanded a royal cruiser in the West-Indies, and had also fought 
for the king's brother-in-law at Prague in 1620, brings an action 
against Golder's widow Katherine to recover the fifty pounds on 
the ground that Sydenham had died at Rotterdam on July 25, 1625, 
as appeared by the certificate of Thomas Davies captain to the said 
Sydenham. It is remarkable that Poyntz himself only mentions 
at a later date Rotterdam nor does he give the name of Davies as 
an officer under whom he had served, though he speaks of Bailey 
and Reysby (? Rysby) as his captains. It is no doubt a case of 
mistaken identity. 

The particulars of the Chancery proceedings are illuminative. 
Katherine Golder seems to have alleged (her pleadings are lost) 
that Sydenham ran away to avoid punishment for pilfering, and 
William Poyntz rejoins that his brother was starved and compelled 
to obtain bread and cheese on his master's credit, for which he 
was cruelly whipped by Golder. And here appears a plea which 
is characteristic of the times. Golder, says Poyntz, ' was then 
before a convicted Recusante and after a confirmed papist'whereas 
his brother ' was an absolute protestante in the unity with the 
Church of England ' and ' for that hee the said Sidenham Poyntz 
would not bee conformable and persuaded by the said Golder in 
this religion to bee a papist or a Roman Catholicke hee the said 
Golder did turne over as apprentice the said Sydenham Poyntz 
to one Briscoe' and afterwards to one Weyer (a Frenchman), who 
being poor men almost starved him ' the which was the onlie cause 
that the said Sidenham Poyntz (hee beeinge a gentleman of an 
ancient stocke and famylie and tenderly brought upp) did go 


beyonde the seas and betooke himselfe to bee a souldier '. The 
plain EngUsh of all which is that Sydenham was a very troublesome 
idle 'prentice — his gentle birth no doubt making him more 
difficult to deal with. For what is said of his family is true 
enough : it was a great family, but its chief possessions lay, not in 
Surrey where Sydenham was born, but in Gloucestershire, where 
for centuries the Poyntzes held the manor of Iron Acton and for a 
time the very extensive one of Winterbourne ' also. 

Though Poyntz dates his narrative ' from Manslields going out 
of England ' he does not seem to have been much concerned 
therein, joining the English troops in the Netherlands as a 
volunteer only early in 1625. Mansfeld was in England no less 
than three times during 1624, and at his final departure he took 
with him, or rather left ready to start, a considerable army of 
pressed men raised in nearly all the counties of England. 

The muster-rolls of these troops, as sent in by the counties, are 
preserved at the Record '■' Office : those for the city of London are 
particularly complete and uninjured, and the name of Sydenham 
Poyntz, Poynes, or Poins (he seems to have cared little how he 
spelt it himself) certainly is not there. We may probably accept 
his statement that he went abroad at his own expense after 
Mansfeld's departure, and had no connection with the turbulent 
crew who made up the bulk of that general's force. He repre- 
sented a better element, and one which was not lacking in the 
Thirty Years' War. German writers have said little or nothing of 
the services rendered by British troops in the struggle. Schiller * 
indeed apparently never knew that Mansfeld had been in England 

' Maclean passim. Fosbrooke's Gloucestershire ii, pp. 99, sqq. From 
Hutchins, Dorset ii. pp. 703, 705, it appears that it was through the Gloucester- 
shire branch that the Poyntzes became allied with the Sydenhams. 

* State Papers: Domestic 1624. vol. CLXXIX (otherwise case James I. C). 

» Werke, ed. 1834, p. 955. 


or had any English troops under his command ; for speaking of 
the auxiliary force sent to Gustavus Adolphus under the Marquess 
of Hamilton, he remarks that their arrival alone is all which history 
has to record of the deeds of the English in the Thirty Years' War: 
and this in face of the heroic defence of the Palatinate towns 
against Tilly by Englishmen, and the innumerable exploits of 
Gustavus's British captains. After this one is not much surprised 
to find the accurate Droysen " gravely copying Rusdorf, the Count 
Palatine's envoy, in his statement that Mansfeld at his landing was 
met and greeted by the ' Archbishop of Westminster. ' 

Of the events of the year 1625, in which he was actually con- 
cerned, Poyntz gives us but a confused account. From many 
indications it is evident that he had a bad or rather most treacher- 
ous memory and his ' particular notes in writing ' would seem to 
have misled rather than guided him. Probably mere ambiguity of 
expression, however, is responsible for his statement (p. 45) that 
he was ' taken prisoner by Cap'^ Sidnam his soldiers,' which would 
seem to imply that Sydenham was a commander on the Spanish 
side. Of several Sydenhams who were soldiers at the time — the 
full pedigree is in Hutchins's Dorsetshire — none was likely to be 
fighting against his own countrymen in such a quarrel : we must 
assume that Poyntz means ' pressed into the service. ' But when 
we come to the history of the attempt to relieve Breda, we are in 
touch for the first time with the fighting man, writing about things 
he understands. Founded merely on hearsay as the contemporary 
accounts of the siege are, Poyntz's account confirms them. The 
' narrow bancke along the river side, at the end of which bancke 
stood skonces behind skonces with canons upon them ' can be 
traced with sufficient exactness in the plate in the Thealrum 

• Gustaf Adolf . I. p. 172. 


Eiiropceum : the holding back of the French and Dutch is a parti- 
cular (p. 46) comfirmed at least by letters of the time. ' 

Still relying on his ' notes ' and, as we may conjecture, not 
always able to decipher them exactly, Poyntz gives us a brief and 
rather rambling account of Mansfeld's last luckless campaign in 
Germany. He himself was shipped off from Amsterdam with 
many other English and Scots to what he called the ' Stif- 

breames in ' (p. 47). At first sight this name seems inexplicable : 

the best explanation is that what he had written down was origin- 
ally ' Stiff Bremen ' (the Bishopric of Bremen) and that looking to 
his notes years afterwards he took Bremen for a plural, and 
thought the whole expression denoted a landing place at or near 
some important town. That the force to which he was attached 
did land at Bremen and was royally welcomed and entertained 
there we know from other sources .* Poyntz, as already mentioned, 
was no geographer, and his readings of ' Oysterbank ' for ' Oster- 
burg ' and ' Sendle ' for ' Stendal ' may very well pass muster : 
but when we come to ' Recant Castle ' we are fairly puzzled. The 
place which was actually stormed was Rogaz* (it is fair to state 
that there is great doubt as to its name and situation) but Poyntz 
omits the most remarkable particular with regard to its capture. 
It was believed that the garrison had by a compact with the evil 
one rendered themselves invulnerable to leaden bullets, and no 
shot was fired against them : they were clubbed to death with 
cudgels and musquet-stocks or stabbed. This belief in invulner- 
ability was not unnatural considering the low penetrating power of 

' E. g. Hist. MSS. Comm. Report V, App. p. 411. There is, however, a most 
unfavourable account of the conduct of the English troops at Breda in Uetterodt 
von Scharffenberg's Ernest Graf zn Mansfeld (iiotha, 1867) p. 621. 

» Uetterodt, p. 634. 

* Uetterodt, p. 677. Rittner in Kiister's Antiquitt : Tangermundenses, Pt. II, 
P- 30. 


the ammunition of the day and the heavy armour worn : but it is 
worth noting that Christian of Brunswick thought it worth ' while 
to employ his ducal brother's glass-workers to cast glass bullets to 
be used against the diabolical Tilly. 

There follows a most remarkable slip — and there are many slips 
in Poyntz's Relation, even with regard to affairs in which he was 
himself concerned. It was of course not Tilly, as he says (p. 47) 
but Wallenstein, who defeated Mansfeld at the bridge of Dessau 
— ' Treaso ' our author calls it, though he afterwards gets as near 
to the real name as ' Tesso '. It seems almost incredible that a 
soldier who was actually engaged in the battle can have been 
ignorant of the name of the commander of the enemy : we must 
attribute it, as a mere slip, to the hurried and careless character of 
this part of the narrative. The rest of the campaign is fairly 
accurately described, including Mansfeld's last march into Hungary. 
One mysterious name only do we meet with — ' Podulo ' : it is 
either Popelau, a place not far from Oppeln in Silesia, or Oppeln 
itself, which is usually given* as one of Mansfeld's halting places. 

Why Foyntz should write ' Solmits ' for ' Olmiitz ' is not very 
plain, but it is interesting to recognise in ' Whitsecar ' the then 
respectable fortress of Weisskirchen in Moravia. In the account 
of the attack upon this town (p. 48) we find the name of an officer 
not mentioned elsewhere — ' Tarbychan. ' This is almost certainly 
Sandilands (of Torphichen). That he had no right to the title as 
one of nobility is of course true : he could be at most but a cadet 
of the family : but he was probably taking advantage of the well 
established Scottish custom, by which a man is addressed by the 
name of an estate with which he is connected, to magnify himself. 

' Iletterodt, pp. 55, 97, 655, quoting in the latter place a broadside of 1625. 
* Cf. Niemann, Gcschichte der Grafen im Mansfeld (Aschersleben, 1834), p. 226. 
Niemann also cites authorities for the attack on (?) Rogaz. 


Sandilands is mentioned as one of the officers serving' in the 
Netherlands when Mansfeld's expedition started thence, and he is 
briefly dismissed by Monro in his catalogue of British auxiliaries as 
' killed in the Pfalz. ' If the identification here suggested is correct, 
we have one more particular of the career of a brave officer, 
hitherto unrecorded. 

Of Mansfeld's death, as of so many other events of importance 
in the Thirty Years' War, we have several conflicting versions, 
including the romantic one which represents him as dying in his 
harness, supported by his friends, and uttering brave words to the 
last. Others allege that he expired in his bed, reconciled to the 
Roman Church, and receiving her last consolations. But which- 
ever story is right, Poyntz's certainly is not. The ' bastard ', as 
Imperialist writers love to call him, died many leagues away from 
the Pasha of Belgrade and his treacherous hospitality, in a small 
town of which even the name * is uncertain. That he was poisoned 
is unlikely : the facile charge is brought in the case of nearly every 
commander of repute who died suddenly (as most did) in the 
Great War. The case of Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar is the one to 
which most real suspicion attaches : but brief reflection on the 
reckless lives of the soldiers of the time and the qualities of their 
physicians will convince us that the chief wonder was that they 
were ever able to resist any disease at all. They were mostly 
cripples after forty. Mansfeld died young, and with his death 
Poyntz chronicles that of another youthful commander — John 
Ernest the younger of Saxe- Weimar. He also is of course sus- 
pected to have been helped to his death ; his heart was said to be 
found ' shrivelled to the size of a nut ; ' but a more credible 

' Fortescue, Hist, of the British Army i, p. 169. 

* Hennequin de Villermont, Mansfeld. (Brux. 1865), II, p. 343, calls it Ratona. 
Uetterodt (p. 706) gives a choice of Urakovvitz, Wrakowitz, Rackau, and Rokau. 


account assigns his fatal sickness to strongly seasoned Hungarian 
dishes. The observer who notes that the chaste and abstemious 
Tilly was almost the only General of the time who attained to old 
age will have little difficulty in accounting for deaths of this kind. 
The principal guests at Bauer's wedding in 1640 were dead within 
a few weeks afterwards — the bridegroom himself not much later. 

There are two circumstantial statements made by Poyntz in his 
account of Mansfeld's march through Hungary which deserve 
some consideration. The first (p. 50) is that he supplied the 
Turks with French engineers or artillerymen : the other (p. 49) 
that he borrowed janissaries from them and terrified Wallenstein 
by placing them in the forefront of his battle. The first story is 
probably a garbled version of a real transaction, viz : Mansfeld's 
pawning of his guns to Bethlen Gabor : for the gunners would 
in all probability go with the pieces. Of the second there seems 
to be no confirmation. Sir Thomas Roe, English envoy at the 
Porte, would be the most likely to report such a story (in his 
' Negotiations ') from the Ottoman side : but though he has plenty 
to say of Mansfeld he is silent about this. In his will, as given by 
Villermont, Mansfeld certainly makes mention of ' les chiaux 
turcqs qui nous ont conduit par I'Hongrie et la Bosnie ' but this is 
a very different matter from thousands of janissaries. Nevertheless, 
Foyntz's evidence, as that of a soldier actually serving with the 
force, deserves attention. 

There follows the narrative of a Turkish captivity : and the mere 
name is enough to put us upon our guard : for all students of 
seventeenth century literature will recognise here a stock asset of 
the romancer. No story of adventure is complete without a ' cap- 
tivity among the Moors, ' and as a rule we therefore look with 
suspicion upon such incidents. Yet after careful scrutiny we can 
find no flaw in Foyntz's narrative. The compassionate beauty of 


the harem, the dissohite son, even the bastinado, are perhaps 
embelHshments — certainly they are to be met with in almost all 
such adventures. But in other respects the story bears marks of 
veracity. That Mansfeld's soldiers, practically disbanded in a 
country absolutely unknown to them, should be snapped up as 
slaves is perfectly natural. And there is here no fierce engagement 
of the kind (generally naval) which so often precedes the captivity. 
Poyntz goes where he thinks he can get good wine and pays dear 
for his folly. Nor can he be detected as a falsificator by his chron- 
ology, wherein the inventor is so often entrapped. From the 
autumn of 1626 when Mansfeld died, to the battle of Breitenfeld in 
1631, is not far short of the time which Poyntz claims for his captiv- 
ity — ' six years ' he says with a little pardonable exaggeration 
(p. 54). We have no ground for disputing his story except 
manifest errors of time or place : and these are hard to find. That 
Belgrade was not ' the uttermost Towne the Turke hath in 
Hungary ' may be conceded : but it does not follow that Poyntz 
was not there : he was merely ignorant of geography. And when 
we find him quite naturally describing a town, known all over 
Germany as ' Erlau, ' by its Hungarian name of ' Egre ' it is a point 
in favour of his veracity : he had at least not concocted his advent- 
ures with the aid of a map : and this use of Hungarian instead of 
German names is general. Again, the description of ' Saint 
Marks ' formerly a Cloister now ' a Market-Towne where are two 
Constables, the one a Turke the other a Christian ' (p. 53) and the 
account of the rascally ' Seneschall ' of Novigrad, seem to bear the 
mark of verisimilitude as portraying the character of what was then 
the Debatable Land between Crescent and Cross. We may 
perhaps set such marks of good faith against the story of the 
galleys (p. 53) in which Poyntz professes to have been for a whole 
year. Where were those galleys ? surely not at Belgrade. So too 



we really must take exception to the swimming over ' Danubius 
the River ' (p. 51) which is so lightheartedly chronicled. 

We come now to the episode of Poyntz's conversion. Assuredly 
the ' elder of the Dutch Church ' of whose resolute Protestantism 
his brother William had made such boast, and who a few years 
later paraded that Protestantism before the eyes of carping Inde- 
pendents in his ' Vindication ' must have forgotten this damning 
record. ' I could not choose but admit of it ' says the humble 
convert (p. 54) ' and follow their advice therein which was to bee 
made a member of that holy Church and wherein by God's grace 
I mean to dy considering it could not bee but donne by God's 
speciall grace ' and so forth : this reads oddly when set against his 
own appeals to ' my constant Professions which from my first years 
according to the Instructions of this my native Country have been 
in the Reformed Protestant Religion '. (Appendix B). 

This extreme fervour may be largely accounted for by the 
atmosphere in which he was living when he wrote the Relation. 
He was the guest of Sir Lewis Tresham, younger brother of that 
Francis Tresham who betrayed the Gunpowder Plot, and himself 
a staunch Romanist. His sister Lady Webb was among the 
ninety ' Recusants killed by the fall of a house in London where 
they were holding a religious service, to the vast delight of the 
mob. He had moreover married Maria Perez, a full-blooded 
Spaniard, and step-daughter of Alderman Moore of London. We 
note that Poyntz (p. 125) claims kinship with the Moores or Mores, 
though the only mention of the name in the pedigrees given by 
Maclean is that of ' Frawnch Moore ' who married into the family 
thirty or forty years before ; and this may possibly have procured 
him, together with his fervid Romanism, an introduction to the 
Treshams. But we note also that these latter took an interest in 

' State Papers : Domestic : 1623, vol. CLIV, no. 8. 


and occasionally ' relieved broken soldiers of Lord Vaux's Nether- 
lands regiment, in which Poyntz (p. 2) had served. Be this as it 
may, he appears at the time of writing the Relation as their guest, 
and, from his language, their humble guest, which may in part 
account for his strong professions of like belief with theirs. It is 
worth noting that like other adherents of the persecuted doctrines 
Sir Lewis left sadly diminished estates at his death, and that his 
own son William succeeded to little beyond the empty title. It 
seems likely that he sought refuge in France, as did others of his 
co-religionists under the Commonwealth, and this would account 
for the presence of our MS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale. He 
was the last of his race. 

We come now to a fresh instalment of the story of Poyntz's own 
military career ; but unfortunately he has thought fit to prefix to it 
a narrative, entirely derived from hearsay, of the King of Sweden's 
first campaign in Germany ; and like many such hearsay narratives 
it only deserves notice in order to have its inaccuracies marked. 
Gustavus Adolphus landed at Peenemiinde (of which Poyntz does 
not know the name) with thirteen thousand — not seven thousand — 
men. He did not build a ' Fort Royall ' (p. 55) there, but only 
repaired an old Danish entrenchment — having indeed no mind to 
tarry there. Nor did Frankfort on the Oder detain the conqueror 
eight days, but two only : nor was Colonel Sparre (not Sparke) 
there killed but captured, and lived to fight much. On the other 
hand the relations of Gustavus with the dotard Duke of Pomerania 
are pretty incisively indicated. But the most marvellous point to 
be noticed in this account, compendious as it is, is the complete 
omission of all mention of the most awful event of the War — almost 
of modern history — the sack and burning of Magdeburg. It is a 
relief to turn from this slipshod specimen of secondhand history to 

' State Papers : Domestic : 1628, vol. XCI, no. 38. 


Poyntz's own personal experience. In spite of their wallets and 
their crusts his poor Franciscan friends raised him a purse of a 
hundred angels, and equipped him ' de cap a pied ' for the wars 
(p. 55) : it is evident that they had at their disposal deeper purses 
than their own. But surely they can hardly have known that they 
were furnishing a soldier for John George of Saxony, who, whatever 
side he happened to be fighting on, was never anything else but a 
Lutheran and a heretic. Of all the deplorable potentates of the 
time, with the exception perhaps of the Elector of Brandenburg 
and (ieorge of Hessen- Darmstadt, the Duke of Saxony is the worst. 
Bullied by Gustavus Adolphus into a Swedish alliance and scourged 
out of it again by the Emperor's generals ; selling his support to 
the impoverished Kaiser at the price of huge slices of the hereditary 
dominions ; the man is nevertheless praised by some modern 
writers — e. g. Barthold ' — as the model of an old German prince, 
because, drunk or sober, he hated foreigners. Poyntz's estimate of 
him is severe but correct (pp. 77-85) : his happiest time was no 
doubt when after Breitenfeld he was living at Prague in another 
man's house and at other people's expense. But even then his 
pusillanimous fear of consequences led him to guard and seal up 
the Emperor's private property : he was only acting as his repre- 
sentative, he said — keeping his kingdom of Bohemia (out of which 
he had just chased his troops) intact for him. Except with regard 
to the terms of surrender of the city of Prague, which are given in 
full in the Theatrum Europceum and elsewhere and include no 
stipulation for ransom (p. 79) it is likely that Poyntz gives us a gener- 
ally accurate view of the Elector's stay there. If he did not get 
continuously drunk in the Bohemian capital he was acting contrary 
to his usual habits : and if he did not run away at the first approach 
of danger he was belying his reputation. 
* Geschichten des grossen deutschen Krieges i. p. 221. 


It will be noted as an example of Poyntz's exceedingly bad 
memory that he reports as a particular of the battle of Liitzen 
(p. 72) a circumstance really belonging to the battle of Breitenfeld — 
the manoeuvring to obtain the ' weather-gage ' or advantage of the 
wind, which in the earlier engagement meant a good deal, the dust 
and heat being terrible : whereas at Liitzen the position of the 
two armies was decided for the day by the situation of the sunken 
road or ditch over which all the fighting really took place. In all 
other respects Poyntz's account is that of an eyewitness. He 
notes the great superiority of the Saxon artillery (p. 58), little as he 
loved Saxons. The Imperialists indeed only overcame that 
difficulty by ' charging for the guns ' and cutting down the ' Con- 
stables. ' The King's extended and extenuated front is explained 
just as we might expect a man in the ranks to explain it. Poyntz 
thinks it was a piece of bravado on the part of Gustavus : it was 
really (setting aside internal complications of arrangement) a 
repetition of tactics as old as Hannibal's at Cannae — the pitting 
of an easily handled line against unwieldy and self-hindering 

With the end of the battle of Breitenfeld ends for the time 
Poyntz's credibility as a chronicler. He has already given us one 
totally inaccurate story — that of Tilly's capture of ' Lypwicke ' 
(p>age 57) which was really a perfectly peaceful occupation, unac- 
companied by pillage. But this is nothing to what follows. His 
chronicle of the king's campaign in Franconia and Bavaria (of 
that on the Rhine he knows little) is simply a romance and an 
absurd romance : it is only valuable as a contemporary record of 
the Imperialist portrait of the ogre called Gustavus Adolphus. 
The mere outline of the campaign is false : the capture of ' Swin- 
ford' (page 62) preceded that of Wiirzburg, and the description of 
the attack on the latter town is so inaccurate as almost to prove 




that Poyntz had never seen the place at all. The picturesque 
account of the king ' with his sword in his hand and his sleeve 
naked up to the elbow encouraging his Souldiers' (p. 61), is as 
mere a fancy as the story of his addressing the assembled nobility 
in the same butcherly costume. Gustavus was certainly under 
fire : indeed he had the tip of one of his gauntlet-fingers carried 
off by a ball : but he was a mere spectator of the forcing 
of the passage of the Main by Ramsay and Hamilton and 
their Scots. There are divers accounts of the capture of the 
Marienberg, the citadel of Wiirzburg, including one which repre- 
sents the whole garrison as overcome by liquor at the time of the 
assault, but none which approaches Poyntz's wild tale of massacre 
of ' Man Woman and Childe ' — a mere stock expression appro- 
priate to the sack of any town, but not very applicable to a citadel. 
That there were nuns who had taken refuge in the fortress, as 
Harte tells us (vol. I, p. 444) is like enough ; but he is probably 
right, considering the Swedish discipline at that time, when he 
adds that ' not a nun was violated, not a matron affronted, nor a 
child terrified.' Poyntz is giving us merely the gossip of the 
Imperialist camp-fires, which yet contains here and there the 
germs of truth. It is quite correct (though the facts or rather the 
consequences of the facts have been overlooked by historians) 
that the Bishops of Wiirzburg had rendered themselves odious by 
their persecutions. Bishop Franz von Hatzfeld had been in 
possession but a few months : but his predecessor Philipp Adolph 
had, as Poyntz (p. 62) says, drawn upon himself the rebuke even 
of the bigoted Ferdinand. Had it not been for this the subjects 
of the See would not so easily have deserted their ruler : for the 
ecclesiastical princes were as a rule beloved by all : ' unterm 
Krummstab ist gut leben ' was still a good German proverb. But 
Philipp Adolph's vindictive zeal had not been exercised solely 


against Protestants : he had ' been infected by the mania common 
to the times for hunting out and burning of ' witches ' so called : 
and this put every man's and every woman's life in danger, high 
or low, Romanist or Protestant. If Poyntz's account of Gustavus's 
reception by the ' Nobility and Gentry ' (p. 62) be not absolutely 
true, it is at least what might have been expected to happen. 

The months spent in the reduction of the Palatinate and the 
Upper Rhine or in winter quarters are to this romancer as nothing. 
After a night spent at ' Swinford ' he hurries the king off to 
' Rodenburg upon the Dover ' where the inhabitants offer such a 
valorous resistance that with their garrison of 1500 they kill 
3000 Swedes (p. 63). At this point we begin to perceive that we 
must as a rule divide Poyntz's figures not by two only, but by 
twenty. But the most amazing part of the story is that Rothen- 
burg was, strictly speaking, never besieged by Gustavus Adolphus 
at all. During his triumphal progress westward the little Fran- 
conian fortress was swept into the net, its inhabitants apparently 
welcoming the Swedes. While the king was occupied in the 
Palatinate and elsewhere, Tilly appeared with his resuscitated 
army and by a sudden attack made himself master of the town. 
But the resistance of the citizens to his troopers was so obstinate 
that he is traditionally said to have spared them from massacre 
only on condition of one of them emptying an enormous bowl of 
wine — the famous ' Meistertrunk '. It is difficult to believe that 
within a few weeks they can have become so enthusiastic for the 
Imperial cause as Poyntz represents. But the whole story is a 
fable. On his march to Bavaria, many months after the capture 

' Soldan. Gcschichte dcr Hcxenprozesse. Stuttgart i88o. There was a fort- 
nightly ' auto da fe ' at Wiirzburg, even children of nine years old being burned 
alive. It was only stopped when some of the victims, under the torture, denounc- 
ed the Bishop himself as a sorcerer, cf. Church Quarterly Review. Jan. 1904. 


of Wiirzburg, the king took a road (accurately traced by Monro) 
to the north of Rothenburg altogether. Nor did he ever appear 
before its walls till late in the year 1632 when, after his defeat at 
Nuremberg, he again marched towards the Bavarian frontier. 
The whole story of his march by Rothenburg and Dinkelsbiihl 
and the siege of the former place, if there was one at all, belongs 
to this latter • period. Such mistakes seem almost incredible : 
perhaps we may set against them the fairly accurate account 
(though only hearsay still) of the passage of the Lech. Poyntz's 
informants knew at least something of the engagement. It is 
quite true that part of Gustavus's troops crossed by a ford, however 
discovered (p. 64) and the tremendous crashing of the tree branches 
is described by all contemporary authorities. It is generally attri- 
buted to the effect of the Swedish artillery lire, but it was more 
likely, as Harte (II. p. 144) says, due to a desperate attempt of 
Tilly to form an impromptu breastwork or obstruction with the 
boughs. Poyntz is alone (p. 65) in attributing it to a, manoeuvre 
of Aldringer to cover his retreat — Aldringer having really been 
rendered hors de combat altogether by a wound in the head. The 
remainder of the story as to Aldringer's deception of the Swedes 
is a mere fairy-tale. 

Passing over such minor inaccuracies as the assigning of eight 
days to an unsuccessful attack on Donauwerth, which was captured 
with ease in forty- eight hours, and which is manifestly confused 
with Ingolstadt, the one town which did successfully resist the 
conqueror, we come to the most marvellous mistake of all. Poyntz 
gives a long, and as it seems an accurate, or at least circumstantial, 
account of the attempt of Count Cratz von Scharffenstein, Governor 
of Ingolstadt, to betray the town (pp. 66, 67). The particulars given 
are minute : and only one thing spoils the historical value of the 
story — viz., that the whole transaction took place two years later 


when Gustavus had long been dead. Cratz did plot to betray the 
city — but to Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar ; was discovered, had to 
flee for his life, and being afterwards captured at Nordlingen met 
a traitor's death. Poyntz does not mention his stalwart accomplice 
Fahrensbach, who when he came to the scaffold leaped off the 
platform and brained more than one of the guard before he could 
be cut down. But he actually speaks of Cratz as made governor 
of Augsburg by Gustavus (p. 68) which is of course a pure invent- 
ion. After this amazing anachronism we are content to pass over 
as trifling the statement that the King wasted three months in 
Munich — he really stayed there three weeks. 

It may very well be asked, where during all this time was 
Sydenham Poyntz ? The answer is that he was engaged in trans- 
ferring his allegiance. And common though such action was 
among soldiers of all ranks in the Thirty Years' War, he was 
ashamed of it. The whole of his ' character of the Elector of 
Saxony ' is really one long apology for deserting him. He tells us 
(p. 75) that he was captured ' in foitland ' by Butler, ' one of the 
Emperor's Coronells ; ' that he applied to John George for his 
ransom and did not get it, and thereupon took service under the 
Kaiser. There is nothing disgraceful according to the notions of 
the times or even (considering that the men were all mercenaries) 
of our own, in such a proceeding : whole regiments did the like at 
times ; and so did Field-marshals and Electors. What we do 
notice, however, is that Poyntz nowhere indicates that in taking 
service with Butler he was really enlisting under Wallenstein : for 
Wallenstein's name was in 1636 no longer one of glory but of 
disgrace ; and Poyntz figures as the emperor's soldier only — with a 
lively hope of favours yet to come. But there is every indication 
that he was with Wallenstein's force when the latter moved out of 
Bohemia into Saxony or rather the Upper Palatinate to begin the 


campaign which ended at Liitzen. If so we may use his evidence 
to correct current history. He gives the fortresses captured by the 
ImperiaHsts at the outset in the following order: Elbogen, Falkenau, 
Eger ; and a glance at the map will show that this is the natural 
succession for troops advancing from the East : yet the bookish 
historians of the time reverse the order, putting Eger, the most 
westerly of the three, first. Again, Poyntz speaks positively and 
more than once of Colonel ' Beckar ' as the conqueror of Elbogen 
(pp. 69, 70) an exploit generally attributed to Hoik, as in the 
Theatrum Europceum (II, p. 652). Now if there be any truth at all in 
Poyntz's story of Wallenstein's message to the attacking officer — 
' if hee did not take in the towne in eight days hec would have his 
head ' (p. 69), that order was certainly never sent to an officer in 
high command like Hoik : but it is very like Wallenstein's way of 
dealing with his subalterns. 

Whether Poyntz was present in the camp before Nuremberg it 
is impossible to say from what he tells us : probably not : for 
where he is actually engaged as at Liitzen and Nordlingen his 
account of things is vivid enough ; whereas here he confines 
himself to vague generalities, very different from the graphic 
narrative of Monro, who was present and was wounded in the 
grand assault upon Wallenstein's entrenchments. We may conclude 
that Poyntz was on duty elsewhere, but was recalled to the main 
army in time to take part in the battle of Liitzen. Of his share in 
that battle we have two accounts — one (pp. 71-74) in which he 
attempts, not very successfuly, to give a general military survey of 
the engagement : the other in the kind of appendix subjoined to 
his general Relation (pp. 126-127) in which he gives a lively picture 
of his own personal dangers and escapes. In the first account his 
story must simply take rank with a multitude of others, often 
divergent and sometimes incompatible. For example, Harte 


(II, p. 333) puts Pappenheim's arrival on the field late in the 
afternoon, when Gustavus Adolphus had long been dead. Other 
(modern) writers ' speak of the great cavalry leader as wounded in 
the first onset. Poyntz gives the common account — viz, that 
Pappenheim arrived in the very thick of the engagement. But his 
story of the single combat between him and Gustavus is absurd. 
Such traditions were long repeated : but they were merely the 
invention of people who desired to assert the fulfilment of an 
alleged prophecy. * No doubt they were to the taste of Poyntz's 
host Tresham and his Spanish wife. The version of Pappenheim's 
last words is one of many (p. 73). 

After the account of the battle of Liitzen Poyntz digresses into a 
personal matter, and gives us his estimate of the Duke of Saxony, 
which, as already noticed, is really a long apology for deserting 
that worthless prince. We may sum up the whole as a collection 
of political gossip: like most gossip .sometimes false and some- 
times hitting off the truth. Yet here and there it admits of 
positive confutation. In spite of his Frenchified Calvinism, it is 
impossible to believe that the Elector Palatine was absolutely 
ignorant of German, (p. 78). It was not Voigtland but Lusatia 
that the Emperor ' morgaged ' (p. 78) in return for the Elector's 
assistance against the Count Palatine. The false account of the 
conditions under which Prague was surrendered has already been 
noticed above : and it is entirely untrue that the Elector and 
Baner were attacked and defeated in their retreat from before the 
city (p. 82). There was, as a consequence of John George's refusal 
to co-operate, no real attack on Prague at all, but as the joint 
armies retired they were pursued by Croats, and the accepted 

' E. g. Winter. . Dreissi^tihr : Krieg, p. 421, presumably relying on some 
unquoted authority. 
» Harte. II, p. 268 note. 


account is that these were beaten off with ' heavy loss. The figures 
given (p. 82) as the amount of the Swedish and Saxon losses 
— 7000 or 8000 — are of course absurd. 

Having made an end of John George of Saxony and his ' mutabi- 
litie, ' Poyntz appears as an eye witness again — for he was certainly 
engaged in Wallenstein's somewhat inglorious campaign in Silesia 
in 1633. Here he mentions as one of the opposing generals 
' Duvalt for Brandenburg ' (p. 86). Poyntz is by no means alone 
in writing the name thus : but it will hardly be believed that this 
much -suffering officer was really called Taupadel — of a respectable 
family in Thuringia. He appears at various times during the war 
under the names of Daupadel, Dewbattle, Dubartle, Dubald, 
Duvald, Duval, Tuball ; and a multitude of others. Harte even 
(I. p. 167 note) proposed to identify him with the Swedish colonel 
' Hubald ' who captured Hanau, but afterwards thought better of 
it (II, p. 12 note). But upon the form ' Dewbattle ' Grant in his 
Memoirs of Hepburn constructed the preposterous theory that 
Taupadel's real name was Macdougal, adding the absurd remark 
that Macdougal's ' nom de guerre was Dewbattle ' — a statement 
which has been copied by writers ^ who should know better. 
False writing of foreign names is common enough in the histories 
of the war — (e. g. ' Hebron ' for ' Hepburn, ' and ' Rudwen ' for 
' Ruthven '), but ' Duval ' for ' Taupadel ' would appear to be unique. 

Near Schweidnitz in Silesia, and during a truce promoted by 
Wallenstein for the purpose of peace negotiations, happened the 
murder of prince Ulrich of Denmark. Here there appears upon 
the scene for the first time in Poyntz's narrative the sinister figure 
of Ottavio Piccolomini as the secret enemy of Wallenstein. Too 

' Lotichius, Rerutn Germanicarum libri, vol. ii, p. 252. Khevenhuller. xii. 1276. 
* E. g. Leslie : Historical Records of the Family of Leslie. (Edinb. 1869) 
vol. iii, p. 242. Fischer : Scots in Germany, p. 283. 


good an Imperialist to say so openly, Poyntz yet gives us clearly to 
understand (p. 87) that this murder was effected for a political 
object, and that Piccolomini was the instigator. The motive was 
not far to seek. To Piccolomini and men of his stamp the war was 
their livelihood and their one means of enriching themselves. It 
added to their hatred of Wallenstein that he was continually, 
treasonably or not, negotiating for peace : and Piccolomini saw 
plainly enough that the coldblooded murder of a young prince of 
one of their ruling dynasties would liU the negotiating potentates 
with alarm and suspicion : which it did. 

The mystery in which the affair is involved, is increased by the 
variety of reports concerning it. The one which inculpates Picco- 
lomini most is that quoted by Menzel ' from the Theatrum Eiiropmmt. 
According to this, a number of officers of both parties had been 
breakfasting together ' al fresco.' Prince Ulrich mounted to ride 
away, and as he started Piccolomini called to him : he halted, 
turned, and was shot dead on the spot by Piccolomini's ' Jager, ' 
disguised as a jester. Poyntz's version is hardly less inculpatory : 
but the true Imperialist story is to be found in Khevenhiiller : * it 
runs as follows : at a dinner given by Piccolomini a sham fight is 
arranged for the following day : a ' Jager ' of the host's hears the 
proposition and conceals himself during the fight behind a bush 
' in hopes to earn a reward^ ' whence he shoots the prince through 
the lungs, and he expires in a few hours. But all accounts agree 
in stating that the assassin disappeared — was in fact spirited away. 
Poyntz adds that Wallenstein was ' mad-angrie ' as indeed he 
might very well be. But the wily Italian's point was gained : the 
princes of the Union were filled with a deeper distrust than ever of 

1 Ncuere Geschichte der Deutschcii, vii, p. 388. Theatrum Europceitm iii, p. 114; 
cf. Mitchell, Life of Wallenstein, p. 336, who has a fourth (slightly divergent) version 
and Forster Wallenstein p. 216 n. even a fifth. 

* Annales xli, 589. 


the Duke of Friedland's ways and works ; and this distrust cost 
him dear when at Eger a few months after he practically threw 
himself upon their mercy. Far too little attention has been paid 
by historians to this incident, to which Poyntz attaches due import- 
ance. It must be remembered that Piccolomini still counted as 
Wallenstein's confidant. 

In what follows Poyntz's remarks as to Wallenstein's intentions 
must be taken as those of a person entirely outside the political 
inner circle : as to the Duke's actions, we have means of checking 
the wild statements here recorded. A long passage is devoted 
(pp. 89-92) to a story of the attempted corruption of Don 
Baltazar (Marradas) by Wallenstein : as a matter of fact that 
general was, for a long time before the final catastrophe, on the 
worst ' of terms with the generalissimo, on account of the release 
of his prisoners Thurn and Taupadel after the surrender at Steinau 
(p. 89), and was at the time of the famous banquet (or banquets) 
at Pilsen sulking in his tents at Frauenberg near Eger. He 
presents us with the blackest instance of ingratitude to be found 
among the officers whose fortune Wallenstein * had made. He at 
least had no shadow of proof of the general's treason ; yet he was 
among the most relentless in his persecution, and received his 
reward in the form of a gift of 124,000 gulden out of the dead 
man's estate. As to the statement that Wallenstein beheaded 
Schafgotzsch (' Showtcoats, ' p. 89) ' for doing that hee did 
without command ' it is of course absurd. The poor man was 
actually executed, long after, for complicity in Wallenstein's 
treasons, and died asseverating his innocence to the last. But he 
was a Protestant, and could expect no mercy from Vienna. 

We have already spoken of the motives which inspired Poyntz's 

' Liliencron in the Deutsche Rundschau ucxxiii. p. 214. 
* Hallwich (s. n.) in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographic. 


virulence against Wallenstein : his politics are those of the true 
mercenary to whom the mere cry of ' treason ' is sufficient to make 
him turn on his own officer. There were two classes of people who 
were inimical to the generalissimo — the Jesuits, who never forgot 
that Wallenstein had been born a Protestant, and knew the 
reluctance with which he had carried out the Edict of Resti- 
tution — and the professional soldiers : to the latter class of 
course Poyntz belonged : but it is difficult to account for his 
animosity (p. 99) against the dead man till one remembers his 
devoted attachment to the assassin Butler. It will be noted that 
the great nobles like Eggenberg and Questenberg ' were Wallen- 
stein's firm friends wellnigh to the end. 

There follows (pp. 92-93) the most circumstantial account 
which we possess of a very obscure incident — the alleged attempt 
of Schaffenberg to seize Vienna. Ranke with all his wealth 
of documentary material has apparently passed over this remark- 
able story in silence, and only a few contemporary historians 
mention it. One might almost conjecture that the narrative of an 
attempt which came so near to endangering the Emperor's person 
was suppressed as far as possible. Gualdo Priorato (lib. viii) 
mentions it briefly, and Adlzreitter at more length, adding what is 
apparently quite true (pars iii, lib. xix, p. 313) that Schaffenberg 
was afterwards pardoned by the emperor : it will be noticed that 
Poyntz's narrative allows for the possibility of this : he does not 
speak of any punishment inflicted on the commander. But a 
contemporary Spanish account in the Bodleian Library, which 
comes next to Poyntz's in circumstantiality, though it calls the 
colonel ' Ausemberg ', gives an account of his execution. ^ Unless 

' Liliencron, ubt supra, p. 215. 

* Arch. Seld. A subt. 6. ' Schaffenberg ' cannot possibly to Schaftenberg, who 
was with Wallenstein at Pilsen. 


therefore Poyntz is giving us again a mere romance like the story of 
the attempted corruption of Marradas, we have here an invaluable 
piece of contemporary history elsewhere unrecorded. 

Of the final catastrophe at Eger Poyntz knows just as much as 
any other contemporary who was not on the spot at the time, saving 
always the possibility that his friend Butler may have given him 
details. He certainly introduces a new and picturesque element 
(p. 94) in his account of Piccolomini's pursuit of the flying 
Wallenstein and his rear-guard action with Butler : but the story 
is absolutely unsupported by other evidence, which generally goes 
to prove that at this time the Imperialist commanders were plunder- 
ing Wallenstein's baggage- waggons at Pilsen. As usual, 2000 
men are slain on both sides. Poyntz has also a new version of 
the old story of the intercepted letter (p. 96) which he himself 
transcribes elsewhere in a different form (p. 132). If Butler did 
produce such a letter as is here described it was most certainly a 
forgery and a clumsy forgery. But Poyntz is, as usual, talking at 
random. The statement that fifty musqueteers were concealed 
outside each door of the banqueting- room at Eger (p. 98) is at 
variance with all known accounts : six is the number generally 
given and accepted. 

To the hundred versions of Wallenstein's assassination Poyntz 
adds only one detail, which is probably authentic and derived from 
the statements of Butler. He says (p. 97) ' Gordon not trusting 
his owne souldiers who were all Germans advised Butler to bring 
in as many of his Irish as hee could without suspicion. ' And 
further ' Butler trusted none but his Irish and not all of them 
nether^ knowing what they should doe.' This goes to confirm 
the view taken by Hallwich and other defenders of Wallenstein as 
to the despicable part played by Butler and the rest. Their 
soldiers were truer to their salt than themselves, but they calculated 


correctly as to the apathy which would succeed the fait accompli. 
If Harte be correct, Edmund Burke would be one of those whose 
loyalty would be sorely tried at such a crisis. Carve, ' Devereux's 
' chaplain, ' actually appears on the list of the Duke's poor pension- 
ers in receipt of alms. There is probably a good deal of exag- 
geration in the account of the rewards given to the assassins : 
Butler complained that Leslie, who got first to Vienna, had the 
lion's share of the spoils : and Marradas and Piccolomini were 
certainly those who profited most. Poyntz says he was present at 
the distribution of the great man's plate (p. 101) and there is no 
reason to doubt that part of his narrative ; but when he comes to 
give an account of the indignities offered to Wallenstein's remains 
at Vienna he is plainly speaking from hearsay again, and what he 
says may be disregarded. 

With the recapture of Regensburg by the Imperialists we enter 
again upon a series of events in which Poyntz was an actual parti- 
cipator. Yet even here we have to correct him : the taking of the 
city by Bernhard of Weimar of course preceded Wallenstein's 
death by some months, and the story of the horrors there enacted 
is a pure invention. So too we must check his numbers, when we 
come to the actual siege : he speaks (p. 102) of a garrison of 
' 20000 souldiers of the Sweves ' : the real number of the auxiliary 
troops in the city was 3800. But his account of the repeated 
attacks upon the fortress are those of an expert : with Merian's 
birdseye view (in the Theatrum Europceum) before us we can trace 
every movement which he describes : and for once he is not wrong 
in imputing to Bernhard of Weimar ferocious cruelty in the sack 
of Landshut (p. 104). His narrative of the attempted relief of that 
town is a genuine piece of first hand history : unfortunately he has 
not given us any account of the way in which Aldringer, his leader, 

' Forster. Wallenstein. p. 379n. 


met with his death — an incident of which, as of so many others in 
this war, there are divergent accounts. 

The passage which follows (pp. 105-107) professes to give an 
account of the ' Duke of Bavaria's ' character and politics. It 
almost defies interpretation. The only probable solution of the 
puzzle is that Poyntz, referring to his treacherous ' notes,' has 
confused the Elector Maximilian with some other potentate — 
apparently a Protestant — for he is a member of the ' Union ' — and 
one is almost tempted to believe that it is the Elector of Branden- 
burg who is spoken of. The story of his inviting Gustavus into 
Germany, then refusing to help him, and then being punished by 
having Swedish troops quartered in his territories, might very well 
be a soldier's version of the experiences of the cowardly George 
William. But then we are met with the mention of the Duke's 
' deare Miniken ' and his flight ' to the mountaynes ' (p. 105). 
There is neither ' Miniken ' nor a ' mountayne ' in Brandenburg. 
Coupling this with a previous mention of the ' neutrality ' of 
Bavaria (p. 101) we are forced to conclude that there is hopeless 
confusion in the passage, and that Poyntz was not an exact historian. 

But a soldier he undoubtedly was : and we find him at his best 
in his story of the battle of ' Norling ' (Nordlingen). He only 
knows his own part of the engagement : very possibly he exagger- 
ated his own share in the fighting : but his description is vivid 
enough. The plan of the battle is simple. Ndrdlingen was 
beleaguered by the Imperialists. Bernhard had succeeded (p. 108) 
in throwing supplies into the town, and he had occupied the long 
hill or range of hills called the Arnsberg to the south of the city, 
about two miles distant. Between him and Nordlingen lay a 
lower range of hills which were held by the besiegers. Bernhard 
had with him Gustavus Horn, who wished to wait for the arrival 
of the Rheingrave Otto Lewis, who was bringing up reinforcements, 


before engaging. It is generally said that the Swedes simply 
seized and occupied the Arnsberg in the dusk of evening (Sept. 5 
1634). Poyntz gives (p. 109) a somewhat different account. 
Bernhard overruled the advice of Horn and attempted to carry by 
a night attack the lower hills, which the Spaniards serving with 
the Imperialists had strongly entrenched. It is here that Poyntz 
appears upon the scene: he with 'Captain Burke' (p. 109) 
discovered this nocturnal manoeuvre and reported it to head 
quarters. In the actual battle he was evidently on the Imperialist 
right, where the Duke of Lorraine was in nominal command, but 
he reports with considerable detail Gustavus Horn's capture of a 
' skonce ' on the left wing and subsequent abandonment of it. The 
Swedes' retreat is generally said to have been caused by an 
explosion of powder. Such explosions occur with irritating 
regularity, as an excuse for defeat, in every battle of the Thirty 
Years' War. Poyntz says nothing of this one, and it was probably, 
if it happened at all, an insignificant affair. He was himself in 
another part of the field, where he saw Bernhard pour his troops 
in vain into the deadly ravine : ' I could hear hym sweare ' he says 
(p. Ill) : but he swore in vain : he furnished yet another instance 
of the old truth ' that a man. may have too many men as well as too 
few' : and it was his fugitive troopers that disturbed Gustavus 
Horn's orderly retirement from the Arnsberg, and turned a retreat 
into a rout. Poyntz must of course deal out poetic justice : Horn 
being a prisoner and Bernhard fled, he drowns the third accom- 
plice, the Rheingrave, in the Rhine (p. 113); whereas Otto Lewis, 
though he did have to swim a river in so doing, escaped, and 
lived to fight again, though not for long. 

The account of Gallas's campaign on the Neckar and Rhine 
(pp. 116 sqq.) calls for little remark. The warlike operations are 
recounted with accuracy, and we may fairly assume that Poyntz 


was present at most of them : only in respect of names does his 
memory betray him. ' Coronell Huncks ' was not comrhandant at 
Heidelberg, which was under the charge of Abel Moda, a Swede. 
We may note also the unpleasant story of the attack upon the 
disarmed ' Smithburg ' (Schmidtberg, best known for his brave 
defence of Philippsburg a few months before) after the surrender 
of Mannheim. But the account of the capture of the Swedish force 
at Frankfort (p. 118), accurate as it is in detail, gives a double 
instance of Poyntz's faulty memory : for the Imperialist commander 
was not the ' Marquesse de Grande ' (by which name we are appar- 
ently to understand that Carretto, Marchese di Grana, is meant) 
but General Lamboy : and the Swedish troops were led not by 
Kniphausen but by an officer of repute named Vitzthum. 

On the other hand the story of the two starving armies facing 
one another at Metz and Dieuze is in full accordance with the facts 
of known history, and the account of the worthless Gallas's excuses 
for his inaction seems to be (p. 121) somewhat more than a mere 
recital of gossip. But at this point it is pretty evident, though he 
does not himself say so, that Poyntz left the Imperial army : he 
was not a man to endure starvation at Metz or elsewhere. Gallas's 
retreat to Landau and John de Werth's proceedings in the diocese 
of Liege (pp. 121-122) are events belonging to the Spring of 1636, 
in which year Poyntz professes to be writing. The relief of Hanau, 
which he describes fairly accurately, took place as late as the end 
of June of that year. He is either recounting these events from 
hearsay (in which case hearsay did not play him so false as usual) 
or else he wrote very late in the year 1636 : i. e. according to the 
reckoning of the times, up to March 24, 1637. This latter alter- 
native is rendered almost certain by his own statement (p. 123) 
that he met William of Hesse in Holland ' in October last ' : for 
the landgrave was not there in 1635. 


We come now to what is from the personal point of view far 
the most interesting part of the book — Poyntz's account of his own 
ways and works. His remark that ' I did not thinke my memory 
would have carried me so farre ' is pathetic, considering the tissue 
of inaccuracies which make up so much of his Relation. Almost in 
the same breath he proceeds to shew the value of his ' memory ' 
by crowding the three ' greatest set Battailes ' of the war (p. 124) 
into a space of a year and a half. Now, Breitenfeld was fought in 
September 1631 and NordHngen in September 1634. Again, we 
have to note the prevalence of a mercenary spirit in a good deal of 
what follows. Poyntz's lamentation for the horse he had stolen 
(p. 125) and which was in turn stolen from him, is amusing: ' hee 
would have given mee an hundred pound if some other had had hym.' 
His estimate of his two first wives is that the one was (p. 125) 
' of an humble condition and very housewifly ' and therefore a 
good woman. The second ' had great kindred that lay upon us ' 
and is consequently accounted somewhat of a jade. That he * 
exploited the very considerable opportunities of an officer of the 
time we cannot doubt : indeed he says so himself (p. 126). The 
pay of a Swedish colonel of infantry was 2000 thalers a year — say at 
least ;^1200 of our money ; and the Imperialist officers were far 
more highly paid. A colonel of a cavalry ' regiment (of at least 
seven companies) received the equivalent of ;^500 a month, out of 
which however he was expected to provide for his troops everything 
but their money-pay. There were besides many allowances and 

' Harte's estimate of the pay of an officer is (vol. i, p. i6) based on the money 
values of his own time. Freytag's (Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit, iiij 
calculations are on the sounder basis of the comparative price of corn, and arc 
here taken as authoritative. 

* Winter, Dreissigjdhr : Krieg, pp. 290, 359 gives facsimiles of two ' ordinan- 
ces ', one of Gustavus Adolphus (1632), and one of Ferdinand III (1639), regu- 
lating pay and perquisites. 


Poyntz's attachment to his friend ' Count ' Butler is very 
touching : for Butler's was not by all accounts a very attractive 
personality. He was but a poor soldier, and had it not been first 
for Wallenstein's capricious favour, and afterwards for his own 
extremely cautious share in that general's death, he would pro- 
bably never have risen high in the Emperor's service. He survived 
his treachery but a year, and died at Schorndorf, which he had 
recently captured from Taupadel, and of which by the way Poyntz 
has already forgotten the name. He implies (p. 128) that Butler was 
governor of ' Michelburg ' (Mecklenburg) which he certainly was 
not ; he may have been temporarily in command in the Eastern part 
of the duchy of Wiirtemberg, overrun by the Imperialists after Nord- 
lingen. But this slight indication enables us to decide — what has 
puzzled his biographers much * — the question of Poyntz's wives. 
He married, says Aubrey*, 'Anne Eleanora de Court Stephanus de 
Cary in Wiirtemberg ' — a name as remarkable as his presentation 
of Poyntz himself as 'Sir Denham. ' Where Aubrey got his 
information from he does not say ; but this was evidently the 
second wife — the one with ' great kindred that lay upon us. ' 
The third was the lady who in her letter to Parliament of July 9, 
1645, signs herself 'Elizabeth Poyntz' and describes herself as 
coming ' a wife and a gentlewoman into the Kingdom. ' 

In spite of somewhat mixed chronology (e. g. it is hardly likely 
that Poyntz married his second wife before the battle of Liitzen) 
we can make out a tolerably intelligible account of this second 
match. Butler used his authority as governor of Schorndorf to 
induce the Wiirtemberg heiress to marry his friend : her estates 
must have been in the South of the country — Poyntz himself puts 
them (p. 128) two or three leagues from Schorndorf; and it is quite 

1 Maclean, Poyntz Family, p. 175, who writes 'Count Stephanus de Casy.' 
* History of Surrey iv, p. 212-213. 

Introduction 39 

possible that straggling French troopers from Italy (p. 128) may have 
made their way through Switzerland and done mischief in Swabia 
on their way to Alsace and France. 

The old captain of dragoons, who has chronicled sack and rapine 
thus far with some complacency, now finds his account, ' This 
went nere me ' he says speaking of the utter devastation of his 
home with ' some poore people got into the ruines living with 
rootes' — only too true a picture, as all students of the history of 
the terrible war will recognise. And presently thereafter (pp. 124- 
129) we have the most natural touch of description imaginable. 
Poyntz compares Germany as he knew it first, a young soldier of 
twenty, and saw it fair, fat and flourishing, and as he left it after the 
so-called peace of Prague in 1636. Yet what he had seen so far 
in the way of devastation was but child's play compared to the 
organised raids of the Wrangels and Konigsmarcks during the 
next ten years. He had left the fair Empire an exhausted body ; 
after the peace of Westphalia he would have found it a skeleton. 
That he did go back, as he announces his intention of doing 
(p. 133), is pretty certain, though we have no account of his career 
until he appears as a general in the service of the Parliament in 
England. His boast that he was ' knighted by the Emperor on 
the field of battle ' is probably an exaggerative statement. Fer- 
dinand II, though (p. 134) ' there is made for hym a Buffe Dubblet 
such as souldiers weare which certainly will bee a great encourage- 
ment unto the whole army' — was never present at any engagement 
during the war ; and if the King of Hungary (afterwards Ferdinand 
III) had conferred any mark of distinction on Poyntz after the 
battle of Nordlingen it is unlikely that he would have forgotten to 
to mention the fact in his Relation. 

And so ' with a Longum Vale to my Country and a Longum 
Vine to my Sovereigne Lord and King King Charles ' ends the 


record of Sydenham Poyntz. He has written down his own 
character in pretty plain words — a soldier of fortune neither of 
the very worst nor perhaps of the very best type — certainly hardly 
in his early history deserving of the commendation bestowed on 
him in respect of his later career : ' His views in entering upon 
this war were purely patriotic, and he was never known to be 
influenced by covetousness or ambition when he had frequent 
opportunity of gratifying those passions'. • 

At the end of the Poyntz MS. we have a separate tract in his 
handwriting called ' A Relation of the Death of Walleston from 
Vienna the 8 Feb., 1^34^- Even in the title Poyntz's incorrigible 
inaccuracy reappears. For Wallenstein was not murdered till the 
twenty-fifth of February. 

What the value of the tract is it is difficult to say — probably not 
great : it seems to contain little beyond the rumours which might 
be current in the streets of Vienna : even the Emperor's ' buff 
doublet ' may be assigned to that category. The writer seems to 
pretend to some special knowledge of Wallenstein's court, and 
whether hearsay or not, some of the particulars^ which he gives are 
deeply interesting, and throw a new light on the Duke's character. 
The document also gives Leslie's own version of the assassination ; 
but this is certainly at second hand : (p. 224) ' this relation cometh 
from one who had it from Lesley's own mouth. ' According to 
Hallwich's unfriendly sketch of Leslie in the Allgemeine^ Deutsche 
Biographie he had on his arrival at Vienna imparted ' to a venal 
scribe ' his account of the murder. Hallwich does not mention the 
pamphlet or tract to which he alludes; but this is assuredly not it, 
for the ' venal scribe, ' though he mentions Leslie's alleged convers- 

' Grainger, quoted by Maclean, p. 184. 

* Vol. 18, p. 437. He also according to Ranke (Wallenstein, p. 308 n.) told his 
story to the Tuscan ambassador. 


ation with Wallenstein on the road to Eger, gives an entirely 
different account of it from what we have here. This is indeed 
the most absurd part of the narrative : that the grim and silent 
duke should have poured his confidences into the ear of the young 
subaltern of six or eight and twenty who rode beside his litter and 
whom apparently he had never seen before is simply incredible. 
All contemporary historians assert it : but the talkative Leslie is 
plainly the one source of the story. For the rest the whole history 
is so set forth as to put Butler and Gordon altogether into the 
background and to attribute to Leslie the bad eminence of chief 
assassin. If Hallwich be right in his facts, he has every claim to 
the name. He went to Eger with the deliberate intention of 
playing the traitor : he had not been there more than a few hours 
before he was in secret correspondence with Piccolomini : he 
boasts himself (p. 132) of having opened a letter addressed to 
Wallenstein : he claims that it was he who invited the generals to 
the fatal supper : he gave the signal for their murder ; and it was 
he who hurried down into the town to secure the allegiance of the 
garrison. Nor was he slow in demanding his payment. Getting 
first to Vienna in Carretto's or Piccolomini's carriage, he posed as 
the chief assassin : demanded and received the profitable command 
of a regiment, and finally, on the ground that his ancestors had 
been ' counts ' for the last six hundred years, was ennobled. The 
last we are told of him here is that the ' gallant young man about 
25 yeares of age ' who was brought up a Calvinist (p. 134) ' and 
hath so lived hitherto ' is preparing to be ' converted. ' And so 
we leave him. To add a word to the interminable ' Wallenstein- 
literature ' would be unpardonable. 

That Poyntz wrote the tract himself is of course outside all 
probability : it differs from his own narrative in a score of points. 
Most likely he has copied out or translated one of the numberless 


accounts of the Duke of Friedland's death, which appeared in 
wellnigh every European language, that happened to attract his 

Poyntz's handwriting and spelHng are for a soldier of the time 
remarkably good — the former even elegant : but that he could 
when under the influence of strong excitement forget both to 
spell and write correctly is evident from his hasty letter to Lent- 
hall written after his seizure by the mutineers at Pontefract, and 
preserved among the Tanner MSS (vol. LVIII, 366) in the 
Bodleian Library. It should be noted however that two letters 
published by Sir John Maclean in his Memoirs of the Poyntz Family 
(pp. 174, 175) which are distinguished by their eccentricity of 
spelling — one being a version of the letter above mentioned — 
are not originals at all. Maclean prefaces them with the words 
' Hence followed the outrageous violence described in the follow- 
ing remarkable letters printed from the original holographs 
preserved amongst the Tanner MSS in the Bodleian Library at 
Oxford. ' As a matter of fact hardly a line of the letters agrees 
with the Tanner MS ; and the mystery is solved by a courteous 
communication from the Rev. Newdigate Poyntz of Shrewsbury, 
who informs the Editor that he lent to Sir John Maclean the 
letters in question, which are only copies of the originals, the 
subscriptions, which are genuine, having been cut off from some 
other letters and gummed on, and the body of the documents 
being in a lady's handwriting of some century back. The extra- 
ordinary spelling is precisely what might be expected under the 
circumstances, but it is certainly not Sydenham Poyntz's. 

Our author's reproduction of German proper names taxes the 
ingenuity of the interpreter. It is plain that he never consulted a 
map : he wrote down the names as he heard them pronounced, 
and the result is sometimes interesting and sometimes completely 


baffling. ' Pryzon ' for Prussia (Preussen), ' Sprighter ' for ' Speer- 
reuter ' and ' Tiring ' for ' Thiiringen ' are simply pretty puzzles : 
we may add ' Stif-breames ' for ' Stift Bremen, ' ' Keeping ' for 
' Goppingen ' and ' Servist ' for ' Zerbst. ' An extension of such 
indulgence will enable us to discover in ' Elses Chabur ' or even 
' Eleschamber, ' the name of ' Elsass-Zabern ' and to iind in 
* Kirkenundre ' the mutilated name of ' Kirchheim unter (Teck). ' 
But when Poyntz refei;s to his ' notes ' he fairly puzzles us : he 
could write vilely at times, as we have already remarked, and 
plainly he could not read his own writing. In no other way can 
we explain ' Haygleberg ' for ' Havelberg ; ' ' Treaso' for ' Dessau ; ' 
' Solmits ' for ' Olmiitz ' and (possibly) Recant for Rogaz. Names 
of places are sooner or later to be made out ; but names of persons, 
unless they be well known persons, may remain altogether 
disguised. ' Showtcoats ' unless he had been a prominent officer 
could hardly be identified as Schafgotsch. ' Starschedel ' is almost 
unrecognizable under the name of ' Doorestetle, ' if indeed it be 
the same person at all. ' To conclude, these phonetic traductions 
are not without philological interest as throwing some light on 
the pronunciation of the English vowels less than twenty years 
after Shakespeare's death. 

The document from which the " Relation " is now edited is 
preserved in the BibHotheque Nationale at Paris (F'onds Anglais 55), 
where it was discovered and first transcribed by Dr. Maurice 
Ettinghausen of Munich, formerly of Queen's College, Oxford. 
It is a beautifully written paper MS. of seventy folios, and is 
certainly, as appears from a comparison with the letters in the 
Tanner MSS. at Oxford, in Poyntz's handwriting. It has been 
bound, but is only seriously cut down in one place, at the 
foot of folio 16b. The extreme care with which it is written 

' It is also written Storschedel. 


appears from the fact that in nearly all cases of proper names 
occurring for the first time the author has written them in slightly 
larger letters, thus giving no room to doubt of his own very 
eccentric phonetic versions. The variety of these is sometimes 
extraordinary. We have for "Sweden" successively "Sweueland" 
" Swethland " " Swede " " Swedelavid " " Sweue " and " Swevia " ; 
for "Regensburg" we have "Reynsburg", ''Reinsberg", " Reynes- 
burg", "Reinsburg" " Reinspurb " (!) and of course "Ratisbone" 
— all clearly and unmistakeably written. Such variations give us 
some index to the curiously inaccurate habit of mind which 
makes the " Relation " in places a mere travesty of history. 

Our best thanks are due to the authorities of the Bibliotheque 
Nationale for their ready courtesy in permitting the transfer of the 
MS. to the British Museum and its deposit there for collation, as 
well as to the latter institution for the facilities kindly given for 
this purpose, and to the Foreign Office through whose official 
mediation these arrangements were carried out. To Falconer 
Madan Esq., of the Bodleian Library, we are also indebted 
for photographs of a letter in the Tanner Collection, which 
were necessary for comparison with the handwriting of the 
'' Relation. " 









After 16 or 17 yeares absence from my Country ; at last by Gods 
favour comming hither againe, this present yeare 1636, where 
desired by many of my frends, to set downe in writing, what I had 
told them in familiar discourse, which seemed pleasing to them : 
And it beeing a thing not altogether impossible to mee, having 
formerly made to myself some particular notes in writing, of 
thinges of most importance which happened in this my (as I may 
tearm it) Peregrination from my native Country : and so for the 
better continuation of this my History, I am forced to begin from 
my first departure out of England, which was as followeth. 

It is well knowne to most, how nere youth and rashness are of 
affinitie, which I may instance in my self, for having no sooner 
attayned to 16 yeares of age, but I began to harbour these coniec- 
tures in my self. To bee bound an Apprentice that life I deemed 
little better then a dogs life and base. At last I resolved with my 
self thus : to live and dy a souldier would bee as noble in death as 
Life, which resolution tooke such strong root in mee, that not long 
after I took my way to Dover, thence to Calice, to Graveling, to f. lb. 
Dunkerke, to Newport, to Ostende, to Brudges, to Gaunt, to 
Antwerp, to Dermont, ' there my necessitie forced mee, my Money 
beeing growne short, to take the meanes of a private souldier in 
my L. Vaux his Regiment under Captayne Reysby, and so presently 
wee marched to Berghen upon Zome where the Marquis Spinola 
had layd before it certayne dayes where my fortune was to bee 
taken Prisoner by Cap" Sidnam his souldiers. But having 
understood that Captaine Sidnam was my Godfather, I made my 
self knowne unto hym : hee like a noble Gentleman gave mee a 
new suite of apparell if I would stay with hym or goe for my 

* Termonde. 


Country againe, and Money in my purse but I meaned to try 
further. My Lord of Essex coming with his Regiment, in my way, 
of English souldiers, I tooke meanes under Captaine Baily. ' Within 
a short tyme wee marched to Gitterenberg, * where we lay a whole 
yeare, untill that tyme that Spinola besieged Breda. This called us 
away to the Leager lying at Longron, * thence to Breda to assist 
the besieged and pitched our Leager not farre from Trehan, * some 
Leagues distant from thence, where must be resolved on some 
speedy course and that not without great danger and valour could 
bee donne otherwise the besieged could hold out no longer : most 
nations, as french, and Dutch, refused the enterprise but they said 
they would second us : where upon our English bravely resolved 
thereon. And the Earle of Oxford with 2000 musquetiers 500 fire- 
locks and 50 with handgranadoes of which I was one, marched 
towards Breda upon a narrow bancke along the River side which 
f. 2. leadeth to the Towne at the end of which bancke stood Skonces 
behinde Skonces with Canons upon them to skoure and cleanse all 
that should venture to passe that way, yet notwithstanding our 
English bravely ventured upon that dangerous passe, and fiercely 
in the darke night charged and assailed the ennemies skonces, tooke 
in two of them, and having placed our Colours upon the third : 
the ennemy charged us so fiercely, and those that promised us to 
second us, as the french and the Dutche never came but left us to 
our selves like Cowards, wee were forced to retreat, which although 
we did in as good order as wee could ; yet this retreat was very 
sharpe unto us, for wee lost more therein then in the assault, 
because the passage backe was narrow and the Skonces playing 
upon our backs cut us of very thicke, many by the heads, but most 
by the middle, where it was my fortune to escape with life, but to 
bee hurt on the right side with a pike. This basenesse of the 
Hollanders in not seconding us, Oxford took in such distast that 
hee would often sweare, whereas before hee had bene a frend to 
them hereafter hee would bee their utter ennemy : at our retreat to 
the Army the wounded were left at Gitterinberg. 

Now Winter did salute us, every Regiment was sent to his 
Garrison. I being cured, desired my Captaine to give mee leave 
to travell further, who yielded to my request, and gave mee a 
discharge, and away I went to Amsterdam where I found some of 

' Probably William Baillie ' colonel of Dutch ' and afterwards Lieutenant- 
General in Scotland. Monro spells him as here ' Baily '. 
" Gertruydenberg. 

* Dongen. Thealrnm Europceum, i, 837. 

* Ditren. 


Mansfields souldiers under S"" James Lasly ' who had two or 
3 Regiments, under whome I tooke pay and so to Germany, 
whither it seemes Mansfield had formerly determined with Saxon 
Weymar, ^ who was raysing an Army and both to meet with f. 2 b. 
Bethlehem Gabor who had solicited the Turke and all to ioyne 
togeather against the Emperour,but Mansfields plot did not succeed 
as hee coniectured, but all went otherwise then hee imagined as 
afterward shall bee showed. 

And now again to our long journy. Lying not long at Amster- 
dam wee were summoned by sound of Drum to ship-bord whence 
wee sayled towards the place called the Stif-breames in ( ^) 

where we landed our men, and there wee met with many 
Regiments, which came from other Princes and Dukes, and so as 
wee marched, our Army encreased still untill they came to 30000. 
Our first march was to Saltz-weedle, to Oysterbank, * to Sendle ^ in 
the old Marke, so to Tangerinde, " thence to Recant ^ Castle which 
wee tooke having 200 musquetiers therein, and pillaged it. Our 
next dayes march was vi Leagues nere Treaso ** where wee 
entrenched our Army. Whereof Tilly having notice approached 
towards us with his forces, who was nere 30000 strong of 
Infantery and Cavallery : and having charged each other bravely, 
wee were beaten togeather with the losse of our Canon and 
baggage, many slayne and many taken Prisoners with Coronell 
Kniphousen, wee beeing brought to this streight and most of our 
soldiers that were unkilled and taken Prisoners, were dispersed 
and so our hopes almost frustrated. And the King of Denmarke 
who had promised to furnish us and assist us with men and other 
provision failed us : yet nere old Brandeburg eleven Leagues from 
Treaso our Army that was dispersed by the late overthrow came 
togeather and so to Haygleberg : " where Duke Weymar met us f. 3. 
with 8000 : wee tooke our marche to frankford on the Odor. 
But the Townsmen hearing of our approachment met us two 
Leagues out of the Towne and were content to let Mansfield and 
his souldiers passe through the Towne, if hee would promise they 

' A mistake probably for Sir John Leslie ' Lieutenant Colonel of Siv John 
Ruthven's Refjiment of Dutch'. Grant Memoirs of Hepburn p. 254. 

* John Ernest the younger. See Introduction. 

■' A lacuna without reason, ' Stiff Bremen ' is meant. 

* Osterburg. 
^ Stendal. 

® Tangermiinde. 

^ Rogiiz. See Introduction. 

* Dessau. 

** Huvelberg. 


should not pillage as they passed, or offer violence as they passed 
thorough, and so the gates were set open and wee passed in quiet 
towards Crassen. ' Thence in 8 dayes wee marched to Brusloe* 
beeing the head-Cittie in Silesia and so to Podulo^ 5 Leagues; to 
Darnise * 6 Leagues, to Troppo, there wee remayned two dayes 
and there wee left our Canons, and there our Pikemen were made 
Dragoniers, thence to Tessona* in the Wallaky : thence some 
18 Leagues to Solmits*^ the chief Towne in Moravia and so towards 
Whitsecar ' where lay a Garrison of 500 musquetiers of the 
Emperours souldiers. Mansfield knowing this comaunded 3000 
musquetiers to bee put in Wagons 300 horse marching before 
them and 200 behinde them ; and so approaching nere the Towne, 
the Musquetiers were cornaunded to light from out the Wagons 
and to march and about 3 or 4 of the clock in the morning wee 
were within a Quarter of a miles march of the Towne. The 
musquetiers marched forward in Battalia. 200 of the 300 horse with 
20 musquetiers were commaunded to assaile that part of the Towne 
which was thought to bee strongest and without a good guard, 
and there to make a blinde Alarme. the Enneniy ran and resisted 
f . 3 b. them. But our General Tarbychan * assaulted the Towne in an 
other place, where though wee were repulsed the first tyme, yet 
the second tyme wee entred killing man, Woman and child : the 
execution continued the space of two howers, the pillageing two 

The next day wee marched to a place called Pacaloco ' there 
wee met with Bethlehem Gabor his Army of 30000 : And the 
Turkes Army of 50000 with ours ioyned togeather made it was 
thought a hundred thousand. The Emperour hearing of this and 
terrified therewith after much secret doings among them made a 
Peace for two yeares with the turke and Bethlem Gabor, giving 
them what they desired. Gabor chalenged two Townes in 
Transylvania with other Priviledges : the Turke had money which 
hee said was behinde in Tribute but the P2mperour made shift to 
pay it, and so out of this private peace Mansfield and Duke 
Weymar were excluded and not once mentioned therein. Mans- 

' Crosseir. 
' Breslau. 
' ? Popelau near Oppeln, or even Oppeln itself. 

* Tarnowitz. 

* Teschen. See Introduction. 
« Olmutz. 

' Probably Weisskirchen. 

' ? Sandilands of Torphichen : see Introduction. 

* ? Malaczka. 


field and Weymar seeing themselves brought to this streight, and 
deceaved by them in whome and on whome lay all their conlidence 
and had taken so long a journy to them, put all their Wits a worke, 
hee sent in hast to Troppo ^ and Jeadendorf , * two of the chief 
Townes in Silesia for certaine Regiments which hee had left 
therein for the strengthening these two Townes kept all the rest 
in Obedience, and raising there new Regiments for the strength- 
ening his Army and therewithall coyned mony with his owne 
stamp whereof the Emperour hearing caused Walleston to f. 4. 
prosecute hym with an Army of 40000 who came to this Towne, 
but Mansfield was gonne to the Arny, and therefore Walleston 
thought better to follow hym, but yet leaving some Regiments 
behind hym, which did keep all passages that the besieged should 
have no relief come to them and afterwards tooke in the said 
Townes etc. 

Mansfield having intelligence that Walleston made after hym, 
not daring to repose any confidence in his owne forces, beeing of 
small number posted to the Turkes Basha of Buda bemoaning his 
case, and that hee had come so farre into Germany with an Army 
beeing confident of the Turks ayd against the Emperour. But 
Peace it seemed was made privately betwixt them, and hee and 
Duke Weymar excluded. So that now beeing thus left alone they 
were not able to stand against the Emperour, and that Walleston 
pursued him, and therefore besought hym that hee would not see 
them utterly ruined but to let him have 6000 Janissaries who should 
but stand by, whose presences would at least quaile Wallestons 
heat, and that they should not bee in any danger, but when they 
came, Mansfield put them in the fore-ranks. Will they, nill they, 
and to bee those that must endure the first brunt, whereat the 
Janissaries themselves were discontent, but no remedy, and whereat 
the Basha himself was angry, which Mansfield hymself afterwards ^ f. 4 b. 
felt. But to our History. Walleston pursued Mansfield, but hee 
flying from hym came to Levens ^ where not farre from thence 
wee pitched our Leaguer. The Emperour had souldiers therein. 
Walleston marched after us with all speed ; but wee shrinked from 
hym still and marched to Polamia 3 Leagues and thence to Novi- 
grade a great Castle on the top of a hill but ruined by the Turkes, 

1 Troppau. 

' Jagerndorf. 

' It is the Pasha of Belgrade who is afterwards accused of assassinating 

* Levenez or Levencz in the county of Bars. Polamia, afterwards called 
Polava, cannot be identified. It was somewhere between Levencz and Novigrad. 



hitherto Walleston followed us and that so nere that sharp skir- 
mishes were betwixt our Cavallerie and Wallestons. But Walleston 
seeing the Turkish Janissaries in Mansfields forefront conceived 
that Mansfield was gotten under the Turkes protection, caused his 
Army to retreat not dareing to passe any further then Novigrade 
least hee should breake the Peace lately concluded. So Mansfield 
having got rid of Walleston, the Turkish Janissaries who came to 
bee our defense from Walleston, and to bee as it were our Convoy 
marched from Us, but did us most harme, for they catched up our 
couldiers for Slaves, if they did but straggle from their Troops but 
never so little : not long after Duke Saxon Weymar with his 
Lieutenant, they say dyed for grief to see the evill successe of their 
journy beeing so long and tedious, and knowing not what to doe 
nor what would become of them. Mansfield did bestirre his Wits 
f. 5. how hee also might get to Venice where they said hee had a great 
stocke of money, and thither hee could not get without great 
danger, nor without the Turkes Passe, for hee must goe through all 
the Turkes Country. And so he marched to Belgrada with all the 
hast hee could ; and with most of his Army hee had left which was 
but small whereof I was an unfortunate one. This Belgrada is the 
uttermost Towne the Turke hath in Hungary. Beeing come 
thither the Basha entertayned hym very royally. There hee made 
great meanes for his passe for hymself and his followers through 
his Country to Venice, and to move the Basha the more to it hee 
would presently give hym 8 Canons with horses and furniture to 
them belonging, and also bestow on hym fifty french-men who 
were excellent Ingeniers (who to his eternall shame) should teach 
the Turkes the Christian manner of light and withall the Christian 
manner of fortifications : the Turke not beeing so dexterous in 
nether, which was accepted with great show of thankes, and with 
all his Passe to Venice : but hee showed hym a Turkish Tricke for 
the night before hee was to depart, the Basha with his Coinaunders 
invited hym to a Banquet after the Turkish manner upon Carpets 
on the ground, but the night after his great feast hee found hymself 
very evill crying out upon his Belly full of gripes, paines and grones 
hee cast hymself upon a Carpet on the ground and so dyed, it was 
£. 5 b. thought on poyson, but hee beeing dead his little rayned Army was 
quite dispersed, most of them taken for slaves whereof I was one, 
who with 6 or 7 others was gonne into a village where they said 
was very good Hungarian Wine, the name thereof invited us to it, 
where being taken by a Company of Turkes they brought us backe 
to Belgrade, where they stripped us of all wee had, Cloathes and 
all, and shaved our heads and put us into a slavish habit from 





thence wee were had to Vicegrade ^ and so to Buda distant 
9 Leagues where wee were sold for slaves, one hither and another 
thither : my maisters name who bought mee was Bully Basha a 
Lieutenant of a Turkish Troop of horse and also a great Merchant. 

You may thinke well in what heavines and sorrow I was to see 
my self of a free man to bee made a Slave, and like to continew in 
it all my life, and to be stripped of all I had gotten in all my long 
voyage through Germany beeing a thousand Leagues, having 
nothing from our Generall but what we got by pillage which as the 
Proverb is lightly come as lightly goes : but what it was I wot well, 
but now it is gonne ; and there was no remedy. And my thoughts 
night and day was to runne away and get into Christendome and 
yet I thought it impossible because my slavish habit would discry 
mee, Beeing thus a Captive and Slave, the first thing I was put 
to, was to fetch and carry wood, then to keep the Kine, after that 
to manure the Vineyards : in processe of tyme having got a smacke 
of language I was put to sell Water up and downe the Towne every 
day and night bringing in the money to my maister which Water I f. 
carryed upon a horse in leather bags on ether side the horse one. 

Before I had lived a whole yeare in this Slavery, a disease came 
among us in the house whereof my maister dyed, and others, 
which ministered to mee (as I thought) good opportunity to get 
away, and so earely one morning I let my self downe by a hay- 
rope, which I carried hay withall from above tyed fast, and tooke 
my way to old Buda, a League distant from Budin where my 
maister lived, and swimmed over Danubius the River on that side 
Pesta lyeth, and so I tooke my next way towards Hongary, and 
thence up to Novigrade : but fortune did but smile a little while 
upon mee, for at a Towne called Egre ^ there met mee a party of 
Turkes who were sent as skoutes to watch the Ennemyes Army, 
some of them presently knew mee, and seised upon mee, then 
tying a double bag full of filth, earth, and stones having thrust my 
head thorough the middle tyed it with a fast knot, and so drave 
mee before them to new Buda where they delivered mee to my 
maisters sonne, who gave me 300 blowes upon the soles of my feet 
after this hee caused weightier stones to bee put on my legs then 
before, and kept mee close untill I was recovered. Then I was 
brought to Bosna where I was sold for 125 crownes unto one 
Demise ^ Basha a Bashaw and a great merchant. Here I was at 
the first reasonably entertayned by reason of my former maister 

1 Wisgrad. 

* The Hungarian name of Erlau. 

' Dervish. 


f. 6 b. his comendations who for his profit concealed my running away. 
I was made groome of my new maisters stable of horses and after 
employed a Caterer to provide all manner of Victualls for hym and 
his Concubines. Not long after one of his Concubines seemed to 
affect mee and would have mee to wayte on her, and among other 
things to hold a Bason and Ewer with Water when shee went to 
ease nature, and came from the hot Bathes, and so our familiarity 
came to bee the greater : but our familiarity was not so secretly 
carryed but my maisters sonne got notice of it. The story I will 
tell you. My Maister was an old man but had a wilde young man 
to his sonne, who many tymes in his drinke would addresse 
hymself unto mee in an unnaturall manner, which I with detesta- 
tion reiecting, hee many tymes beating mee I not daring opposition 
and so hee continued in his vile intention, I resolved to acquaint 
his father with it, and so I did, saying withall that if his sonne 
continued those courses, I would bee his death, for which I could 
have bene punished but with the Bastinado, hee said it was true and 
warned his sonne to take head and leave those base courses, but 
in a drunken fit hee fell to the same courses againe. I gave hym a 
wound over the breast with my knife, such as slaves use to wear 
like Turkish Simeters, hee runne to his father and complayned, 
but his father hearing the cause was somewhat more pacified then 
at the first, and chid his sonne and said no more to mee. But his 
f- 7. sonne remembred the former blow, sought all opportunity to bee 
revenged. And on a tyme when I was holding her water and 
merry in words with her, hee came in and swore wee should dy 
both, and withall promising that if I would let hym have his 
pleasure on mee he would say nothing, but I refusing fell to cuffes 
I threw hym to the ground giving hym many wounds in his breast 
and hands, and shee and I agreed to tell his father first, and that 
it was because hee could not have his will on mee having offred 
mee the like violence before. Thus by the furtherance of her 
loving tongue wee were freed, though hee had complayned against 
us both, yet not withstanding this bred a jealousy in the old man, 
so that at the last hee sold mee away to one Joseph Ogga a great 
merchant in Belgrade gayning 116 Aspers by mee ^ which is 
( ). This man I served a yeare and more, till a 

fellow slave of myne a Dutch man agreed to run away, and so 
wee did, and had gotten 24 Leagues from Belgrade but a party of 
Turkes took us and brought us back againe ; and wee were both 

^ An ' asper ' was but the third of a penny in value : he probably means 
' Piastres '. 


put into the Gallies. In this drudgery I was a whole yeare untill 
at last it pleased god to bee a meanes of my delivery for Mustapha 
Basha governour of all those confining provinces dying, Davisha 
succeeded hym according to the custome. At his first entrance 
hee demanded a View of all the Gally-slaves there about, which 
hee having scene, ransomed mee by reason of my youth, and that 
I could speake the language and made mee groome of his stable, 
and this liberty was given mee under hym, that I was well used in f. 7 b. 
comparison of my other maisters. To speake of our faire, and the 
manner of our maisters living with his concubines, I will referre it 
to the end, • beeing too long to relate here. I longing to bee in 
Christendome with my liberty, it fell out that the Basha my 
maister upon some cause was cited to Constantinople. I having 
heard of it, about the tyme of his going feyned my self sicke, 
whereupon I was left behinde hym : I was very desirous to see 
Constantinople, but I was told by one of my fellow-servants that 
if I went to Constantinople I should bee given to some Courtier, 
and so loose all hope of escape, after his departure I soone grew 
well, and having found opportunity beeing well mounted on a 
Turkish horse which with the rest I used to breath every Evening, 
that night I rid 6 Leagues to the Cloister called S. Severine, where 
I was well entertayned thence having a Convoy I came to the 
Cloyster of St. Augustin : thence to St. Marks formerly a Cloister 
now a Market-Towne where are two constables the one a Turke, 
the other a Christian who is bound to entertayne any Christian 
Pilgrime for one night, and the next morning to convoy hym to 
the Hongarian confines not farre thence distant: having entred the 
confines of Hongary I left Egre on the right hand and going 
towards Novigrade was taken by a party of souldiers and brought 
mee to their Seneschall beeing an Hongarian borne, who examined f. 8. 
mee and find mee halting in my Answeare, having as I conceaved 
a good liking to my horse, that I was cast in Prison, where I lay 
three weeks, at last hee asked mee if I would serve hym, I told 
hym it was my very great desire, whereupon my liberty was 
graunted mee and an office and place of Groome appointed mee. 
I was not long but I found opportunity to fly away. On a Sonday 
my Maister going to Church, I tooke my owne horse and rode the 
next way to Polava, thence to Levency, thence to Presburg, the 
chief Citty of Hongary where the Court is kept and the Hongarian 
Crowne. You may thinke and I felt what Joy I had to have gotten 
out of the Devills Clawes, but to coole my Joy once againe before 

• An unfulfilled promise. 


I could get to Austria, a party of Heyduks met and stripped mee 
of that little money I had and my horse and all, then was I cleane 
( delected, yet glad that I escaped with life : and so in great poverty 
by many jeeres I got into Austria ; and beeing come within two 
miles of Vienna where the Emperour lyeth I met with a poore 
English franciscan fryer whose name was More with a Wallet on 
his backe full of bread and scraps which hee had begged there 
f. 8 b. abouts for his covent about Vienna, hee had in his company an 
English factour of Vienna. I beeing poore and very hongry almost 
starved, begged of them, who beholding my poverty gaVe mee 
part of such as hee had in his Wallet, so examining mee I related 
to him the story of my case and misery, and what country man 
I was, but I had lost my English tongue yet some words I uttered 
that hee knew I was that country man, hee had a great feeling of 
my case and made the merchant give mee some money, and would 
not part with mee but had mee home to his Convent, where I was 
put in some fresh though poore cloathes, and some of them came 
and washed my feet and dryed them, that I was ashamed of my 
self, and to see such an alteration in my self and such freshnesse 
and lightsomenes in my body after such a tedious Journey. Not 
content with this, having knowne my name and condition, after 
some tyme staying with them they sent a purse about to beg for 
mee not knowing to mee they got mee a Purse of a 100 Angels, 
to put mee into cloathing and apparell if that I had a mynde to bee 
a souldier. But whilest I was there, which was about three 
weekes, they sounded mee about Religion whether I was not a 
Turke and had any sparke of Christianity in mee and finding that 
all was not dead in mee but had kept my prayers alive which I was 
taught when I was young, thinking that my 6 yeares slavery in 
f- 9. Turky had quite extinct all feare of God and my Religion : but at 
length they broke with mee which was the true Religion, which 
they proved to be no other, than that which coinonly is called 
Papistry and their reasons were so strong ioyned with such 
wonderfuU humility and charity towards mee, that I could not 
choose but admit of it and follow their advise therein which was 
to bee made a member of that holy Church and wherein by Gods 
grace I mean to dy considering it could not bee but donne by 
Gods speciall grace towards mee leading mee as it were by the 
hand to it out of my Slavery to come to meet with so holy a 

In this Interim great newes was of great Warres which was like 
to bee, for they said the king of Sweveland was or would come into 
Germany, and all my thoughts enclined from my youth that way as 


formerly you have heard. And even then the Duke of Saxony was 
raising a great Army with his speciall protestation to the Emperour 
that it was to resist the said kings comming. I hearing this was 
upon thornes till I put my self among them, and having got mee 
with these good fathers Charity, so great a liberality which furnished 
mee at all parts like a souldier de cap a pied with a good horse 
under mee having taken my leave and the blessing of these good 
fathers I posted into Saxony and to Drayson ^ where the Duke 
lay, and comming in good equipage I had soone insinuated my 
self, and was entertayned by the Duke with great promises, and 
was after a while made of his Guard which they call his Life-guard: f. 9 b. 
and so to the King of Swethland his comming. 




It seemes the Princes of Germany had bene long inviting the 
said king to come to relieve them and bee their Protectour against 
the Emperour Ferdinando, that now is, upon small occasions of 
discontent, which was the whole mine of Germany as shall be 
showed in his place. And therefore after longe Warres betwixt 
the King of Polonia and hym, at length peace was made betwixt 
them, then hee resolved for Germany and came onely with 
7000 men : for the Princes promised at his landing that all Princes, 
Dukes and Lords should bee ready with their forces to assist hym 
and so with the said 7000 foote and 500 horse hee landed in 
Pomerania at an obscure Creeke called ( ') where, at his 

landing hee built a fort Royall. His comming was so little looked 
for, and especially there, that hee had no resistance at all, for after 
a while hee marching downe by the River called the Dam, whereon 
stood some small skonces, all the Imperialists within them ran 
away and hee tooke them without any resistance : and thence hee 
marched to Stetin ; the Emperours souldiers hearing of his comming 
left the Towne and retreated to Walgost. At Stetin the King 
entrenched hymself. The Duke of Pomerania entertayned him 
very royally there. The King lay there a long tyme. The German 
Princes having notice hee was come, began to draw their forces to 
geather, not seeming to the Emperour that they would rebelle but 

* Dresden. 

* Peenemunde. 


that they would resist hym. Then the King broke up his Leaguer 
and marched over the Dam toward Staregard, whither the Duke 
of Michelburg ' (who had bene long banished out of his Land) 
came from Lubecke a free Towne upon the Sea with 2000 horse, 
who was the first Prince that ioyned with the King. As for the 
Duke of Pomerania, hee made but small account of hym, as of a 
man of little understanding, and could doe but small help. At 
length the King came to Staregard where hee entrenched hymself 
and in a short tyme tooke it, with great losse of the Imperialists. 
Thence hee marched to Griffinhang * upon the River of Odor and 
beleagred it. The Imperialists fled out on the other side, and so 
hee tooke the towne easily : from thence hee went to Gastrin, ' the 
Imperialists flying before hym and retiring towards francford upon 
Odor, besides many other Townes hee tooke in as namely Goarch, * 
Lanspurg, * Rustock, Gripswald etc. 

At length hee came to francford upon the Odor, and besieged it, 
one of the principall strong Townes that lyes upon that River 
wherein lay 3000 Imperialists but the King beeing nere 20000 strong; 
and all the Gentry and Cavalieroes of Michelburg, Holsten and 
Pomerania every one bringing aide, and hee keeping good coiriaund 
got the good will of the Country that they adored hym where- 
soever hee came like a God come from heaven, and besieged it, 
where lying not aboue the space of 8 dayes, hee began to assault 
f. 10 b. the Towne, the breach beeing made at the first assault entred at 
3 breaches. The Imperialists retyred unto a Skonce on the Bridge 
where was slayne in the Towne Coronell Sparke ^ and many brave 
Souldiers more, besides those that were taken Prisoners, Coronell 
Butler, &c. So that of all those 3000 men, came of some 200. 
Where the King lay some 3 or 4 dayes and left a garrison there, 
and came with his army towards Newmarke and Barlin, the 
principall Citty of the marquis of Brandeburg. 

Then came Gustauus Home, out of the Land of Prizon, ' with 
6000 fresh souldiers, having under his Cofnaund the Regiment of 
old Sr. James Ramsey ^ a Scottish man, and young Walleston, ' 

1 Mecklenburg. 

^ Greiffenhagen. 

' Custrin. 

* Garz. 

* Landsberg on the Wartha. 

® Sparre. He was not killed, but made prisoner. 
'' Preussen (Prussia). 

* Afterwards commandant of Hanau. 

* There seem to have been two Wallensteins in the Swedish service, cf. the 
list of regiments in Droysen. Gusiaf Adolf 2, p. 464 note. 


and many more which I cannot name beeing all old brave beaten 

In the meane tyme the Duke of Saxony, and the marquis of 
Brandeburg hauing taken vp two great Armies, not declaring 
themselves as yet Ennemies to the Emperour, sending private 
Letters to the King of Sweueland, that when hee approached 
forward they would bee ready to aide hym : But the Duke of 
Saxony with other Princes holding a parly at Lypswicke, whereof 
the Emp"". hauing notice, began to suspect their rebellion, and sent 
General Tilly who lay at Magdeburg to approach nere to Saxons 
Country, to ly nere vpon his backe, & if hee found hym to bee in 
rebellion to fall vpon hym : the Duke seeing this began himself, 
and fell upon 2 Regiments of Tyllies horse and cut them of, and 
tooke many of them Prisoners. With that Tilly fell into his ' f . 11. 
Country, and pillaged it and burned as hee went and tooke in the 
Towne of Mersburg, and pillaged it : from thence hee marched to 
Lypswicke besieged it, and in one night tooke in the Towne and 
Castle, wherein they found much richesse and gold, pillage [d] the 
Towne, and tooke the principall Merchants Prisoners and many 
factours of other nations, and many of them English. But the 
Duke seeing Tilly to have come so farre into his country sent post 
to the King of Swedeland to approach with speed, and so hee did, 
and met with Saxons Army the next day after Tilly had taken in 
Lypswicke and Ilmburg, * and ioyned their Armies togeather. 
The next morning the King and the Duke approached with their 
Armyes toward the Towne ; whereof Tilly hauing notice aduanced 
towards them and there found a faire field 8 or ten English mile 
broad, and there set his Army. Hee had on his right hand a little 
Hill whereon stood a Gallows, upon his left hand a Wood wherein 
hee had layde an Ambuscado, but it did hym little pleasure : the 
King and Duke approaching with their forces, the King on the 
right hand and the Duke on the left, and seeing the Emp'* Army 
so strong whose front was two English miles long, their files being 
12 deep and hauing two Reserves that is two fresh Troopes 
behinde. The King thought hee would make as brave a show 
drew out his Army as long as Tillies in the front but with 3 deep 
in file and two Reserves. Tilly wondering at so broad a front of 
his Ennemies Army, not thinking the King of Sweveland could 
have posted thither so soone, for Tilly his drift was to have kept 
the Kings Army and Saxons asunder, but then there was no 
remedy. In the meane tyme the Duke of Saxony, my m""., for I 

' Harte i, pp. 374-5. Poyntz's chronology is hopelessly confused. 
* Eilenburg. 


came thither with hym to this field, himself in person armed from 
head to foot began with his Canon to play upon Tilly, and the like 
they did to vs, which did last two or three howers wherein was many 
slayne. But the Duke my m"" had the better canoniers of the two, 
and had the better of the other side therein : whereupon the 
Imperialists approached with their horse, thinking (? it) in Vaine to 
spend their tyme in shooting, and left their Canon : the horse on 
both sides encountring, there was a terrible fight a long tyme. 
The Duke my maister seeing so many fall about hym was amazed, 
beeing not vsed in person to see such hot play : and of himself 
very timorous began to retire in tyme, and gave up his coinaund 
to his Generall Arnem, and rid in hast 6 miles of to Ilingburg ^ to 
a Castle hee had, which did much discourage his Army, to see 
hym runne as it were from them ; for presently after his departure, 
Tilly though hee was fighting bravely with the King of Sweue for 
two howers together, sent the best part of his Infantery to charge 
home the Saxon Troopes, who beeing young Cavalliers and 
Gallants and who had never scene a battaile fought, and seeing 
themselves drop, and the bullets fall so thicke, and their Duke 
gonne, threw away their Armes, and fled, and most that way 
f. 12. which the Duke went : the Imperialists pursuing them with all the 
might they could, Tilly hymself striuing all hee could to sound a 
retreat, but hee could not ; for they were so hungry after pillage, 
had put themselves out of order with pillageing the dead Saxons : 
which disorder the King of Sweveland seeing, followed them in 
the reare with that Army hee had (for hee had a great losse also) 
killed and dispersed all that followed the Saxons slaughter, and 
had the killing of the Imperialists ten or twelve English miles. 
An other cause of Tilly his overthrow was the richesse of his 
souldiers, especially of his horsemen who were so rich in gold 
about them, which they had taken the day before at Lypswicke, 
and seeing it like to be a bloody day, the King of Sweve being 
come unlooked for, and loth to loose so soon their richesse with 
their lives, many Troops of horse went from hym, even when they 
were to goe to fight ; which is a maxime A rich souldier will 
never fight well. The Battaile ended and the field lost and .night 
beeing farre in, Tilly retreated with those forces hee had left, 
which were 6000 to Mansefield, there hee made a stand to refresh 
them and hymself, for the old man was sore bruised, his Armour 
being broken with a shot or two into his Body : and thence to 
Halberstat ' to geather his dispersed forces togeather. The losse 

^ Eilenburg again. 

» Tilly fled to Halle: Pappenheim to Mansfeld. Villermont, Tilly 2, p. 182 ; 
Harte, i, p. 421. 


was equall, it was thought on ether side, otherwise the king of 
Sweue would have followed Tilly and what might hee not have 
donne even to Vienna it self, having none to oppose hym, and f. 12 b. 
comming with a conquering Army all would have yielded to hym : 
for ether hee was weake in strength, or els god almighty blinded 
hym that hee could not make vse with Hannibal of such a Victory. 
But hee did but stay a day or two to refresh hymself and his 
souldiers and take the spoile and sight of the field where the 
Battle was fought, and so went to the land of Tiring. ' But before 
hee went the Duke of Saxony my m'' came into the field with a 
more lightsome heart then at the beginning of the battaille hee rid 
out thereof : and there with great reioycing congratulated with the 
King for his so good a beginning and good successe that by his 
valour had turned all about. Where it was argued, which way to 
take, whether to follow Tilly with both their Armyes ; but it seemeth 
that the Duke of Saxony did not like that, afraid hee was that the 
King of Swede should grow too great that way [margin : hee was 
loth the King should come to bee Emperour] and have all the 
honour and then bee maister of hym and his Country also. And 
so it was at length agreed Saxon should follow Tilly that way, and 
that the King should take the contrary way towards Westphalia 
Bavaria and the Palatinate and so they thought to deuide the 
world betwixt them, and so they did reasonable well for their 
tyme, and so they parted : the Duke to his owne Country and 
Towne of Drayson ; but left his Generall Arnem in the field where 
the Battle was fought expecting such forces as were fled at the 
first overthrow to draw them to head againe, and to get the spoiles f. 13. 
of the field which were great for the Imperialists lost all their 
Canons, their Amunition, 2000 Colours and all their Baggage which 
was infinite. The Duke before hee went, and as hee went made 
Proclamation that all such as had fled from their colo''^ should bee 
hanged, when in right hee deserved it best, for hee fled hymself 
first. But finding mee there said, little Englishman (for so hee 
called mee) you fled to, you deserve to bee hanged, for you runne 
from your Colours also, but I told his grace that my Colours runne 
from mee, and then, quoth I, it was tyme for mee to runne also : 
for hee that carryed them runne away, as the rest did, and threw 
his Colours away, and I coming after tooke them up, and here 
they are, " and so delivered them to his grace : with that hee 
praised mee exceedingly but gave mee nothing, but afterwards 
when hee went into the field from Drayson againe, hee maide me 

' Thiiringen. 


Cap" of a Troop of horse. But Arnem his generall hauing got 
such forces togeather as hee could that had fled from the field, 

f. 13 b. went first to the Towne of Lypswicke which Tilly the day before 
the Battle had taken and entrenched hymself and after the third 
day by accord tooke in the Towne and the Castle, the Commander 
was Coronell Wangeler ^ to goe out with flying Colours and to be 
conuoyed to the Borders of Bohemia, leaving his Baggage behinde 
hym, and all that would, might serve the Saxon, their Canons 
beeing lost in the field. 

Now to follow the Sweue and leave the Duke of Saxony and his 
Generall to another tyme more fit for my history, beeing to long to 
be inserted here. The lirst march the King made after his Victory 
was to a Towne called Wertzburg the Lord thereof was a Catholique 
Bishop. The noyse of the King of Sweuelands comming and his 
Victoryes had quickely runne all over, not trusting to his Castle 
though very strong went hymself to Colen, hauing left 2000 Mus- 
quetiers in the Castle and Citty with a Commaunder who was but 
f. 14. a raw souldier, but a favorite of the Bishops. Thither the King 
marched night and day thorough the Land of Franconia till hee 
came thither, that hee was there before any could imagine. Some 
fault the Watche did linde but they thought they were but stragglers 
that came to pillage the Country : but the King comming on with 
his whole Army in the evening from behinde the Hill approached, 
and besieged the Towne on one side, and tooke the Bridge in, but 
the Imperialists seeing the Kings whole Army was there, left the 
Towne and retired to the Castle and so the King in a fury breaking 
into the Towne pillaged it, Cloisters and Abbies, committing great 
disorders, using much * tyranny to the Clergie-men, cutting off 
their members and deflowring of their nunnes : but for all this yet, 
they had not got the Castle, which beate the houses upon their heads 
with 7 or 8 Canons, and troubled the Swede much that hee could 
not bring in more forces over the Bridge, the Castle coihaunding * 
the Towne and the Bridge, but the King in the night made two 

f. 14 b. Shadowes * on the Bridge, that his Souldiers might passe the safely er 
ouer, and the second night approached with his owne Country 
souldiers the finelanders, and approached within half a Musquet- 
shot of the outmost Trenches of the Castle which was under the 

' The name is for once correct. It is sometimes given as ' Wrangel '. 

* See Introduction. 

* This is absurd : the King entered from the North-East : the Castle is West 
of the city. 

* The word seems inexplicable, but plainly some form of shelter is meant. 
' Chateaux ' has been suggested as an obscure military term of the period, but 
such use lacks confirmation. 


Shot of the Canon, wherein was 500 musquetiers upon which en- 
trenchment the King set very furiously hymself , with his sword in his 
hand and his sleeve naked up to the Elbow encourageing his Soul- 
diers, and at length tooke it in, and slew all therein, but with great 
losse. The Governour of the Castle seeing this sent more ayd out of 
the Castle into the second entrenchement wherein were a thousand 
musquetiers before, and so left the Castle very poorely manned, and 
withall that if they were overmaistred in the Trenche they should 
retyre to the Castle. But the King hauing got the first entrenchment 
as valiantly assaulted the second entrenchement encourageing his 
souldiers, that if they did get that entrenchement they would soone 
get the Castle where was Gold enough, with which hope they fought 
like Deuills, and supply vpon supply and the King in person. The 
Imperialists finding themselves overlaid retyred to the Castle, whome 
the King followed so hard, that they entred pell-mell into the Castle f. 15. 
with them, kilHng both man, Woman & Childe. The Coiiiaunder 
hymself Coronell Kelder ' was taken Prisoner, the King would haue 
hanged hym up, that would take upon hym such a charge, having 
no better skill in martiall affaires to loose such a Castle that was 
inuincible. But hee fell downe upon his knees, and said, if hee would 
saue his life, hee would show the king a private vault which no man 
knew but hymself, wherein lay ten millions of gold, which hee tooke 
possession of, and sent it with all speed into Sweuia, and none had 
any share thereof. The private souldiers found such an infinite 
deale of Wealthe in the Towne, besides the ten millions, that syluer 
was not esteemed : and syluer plate and guilt boles were trodden 
under their feet. Rich apparell and ornaments would bee looked 
upon : the cause of these richesse was, in tyme of Troubles the Catho- 
lique Gentry and nobility of that Country would send their wealth 
thither for that Bishopricke was onely Catholique, and the others 
were ether Lutherans or Caluinists, and besides the Castle was 
thought invincible and never had in any time bene taken, and the 
Bishops of that Citty had for many ages laid vp euery yeare part of 
their Revenews in the Castle which was * of so great an encrease, 
besides a gold chaine of infinite Valew which by the addition of a f. 12 b. 
linke by every Bishop every yeare was growne to an extraordinary 
lengthe, all of which fell into this Kings hands : which wealth made 
it bee emulated so much, for there wanted not them to spurre the 
King forward to so great a prize, besides those of the contrary religion 
had a great tooth against the said Bishop, as well for his wealth, as 
for that they hated hym extreamely, for hee was wonderfull sharp 

' Keller. 

* Some words seem to be omitted: probably '[the cause] of so great an encrease.' 


against any of the contrary religion that came within his comaund, 
and persecuted them euen unto death ; whereof it is said that the 
Emperour ferdinand tooke notice of, and did somewhat checke hym 
for his severity in that kinde. No sooner was the Towne and Castle 
taken but in came some 200 of the Nobility and Gentry there about 
and fell downe upon their knees before hym to whome the King came 
out of the Castle beeing all bloody, with his bloody sword in his 
hand, and his Arme naked beckened to them to stand vp, calling for 
one of his Commanders to tell them, how that hee was come into 
their Country not to destroy them, but to put them into their Es- 
tates, and the maintenance of their Religion, against a Tyrannizing 
Emperour, and the proud house of Austria, and now hee had begun 
with a couetous and cruell Bishop : who had cruelly persecuted 
them, as hee was told by many, and how God had deliuered as it 
f. 16. were miraculously his inuincible Castle, but hee hymself was fled, 
and therefore hoped they ioyne and assist hym in that hee had so 
happily begun by raising an Army, and that hee would bee a father 
to them, and that hee would shed his dearest blood for them and 
for their sakes. The Nobility and Gentry hearing this, presently 
cryed out, God blesse hym^ and that they would venture lives and 
goods in assisting hym to their uttermost power. And so hee gave 
them Patents to take up Regiments, but most at their owne charge, 
having Warrant onely from hym to billet them among the Catho- 
lique Boores, and among the Bishops Townes who exacted them 
soundly. This beeing donne the King marched day and night to 
bring all in a fright, to the Citty of Swinford, the head Cittie in 
frankeland : but the Lords of the Cittie hearing of his comming met 
hym two Leagues from the Cittie, with their keyes in their hands 
falling on their knees desiring hee would take them into his protect- 
ion who bid them arise and marched with them to the Citty, the 
Citizens having strewed their Streets with rushes, and their Streets 
and houses with hangings receaved hym as one come from heaven. 
The King having laid there a night broke up and marched to Roden- 
burg upon the Dover wherein lay a thousand Musquetiers and 500 
horse : but before hee came there the horse of the Towne sallyed out 
and encountred 4 or 5 howers with the Kings avantgard as long as 
they could, the Towne in the meane tyme fortifying themselves, but 
the King approaching within Canon-shot pitched his Leguer, and 
f. 16 b. entrenched hymself , but the souldiers bravely sallyed out every howre 
horse and foot doing great hurt to the Sweuish Army, beating them 
out of their Trenches, but the Sweves not daunted herewith came 
nerer and nerer and builded a battery within musquet-shot of the 
Towne, and there planted 12 Canons and a breach beeing made 3000 


musquetiers made the onset, but they like Vahent souldiers beat them 
backe both the second and the 3'' tyme, having slayne of the Sweues 
3000 men, not without great losse of their owne, and their Amunition 
weake, which discouraged them much. The Commander thereof 
sounded a parly and began to come to a composition, but during the 
Treaty which was 3 dayes they made their breach stronger then 
before, but the King not comming to their desires were as great 
Ennemies as before, whereupon the King was much wrath and angry 
and began a new breach, and vowed the death of them all, man, 
Woman, and child : but the King having shot a new breach bethought 
hymself, it was better to give them their desires, and let them goe 
out, then hazard so many men as hee had donne, and should doe, 
besides the losse of tyme for greater exploits ; so hee yielded at length 
that they should depart with flying colours with bag and baggage &c 
as they would themselves. And so the Towne was delivered ; and 
what souldiers would serve the Sweue might, and to bee conducted 
to the Borders of Bavaria where the Emp""* Army lay from thence 
the King marched away towards Bavaria : from Rodenburg on the 
Dowver hee came to Winshen ' where were certaine companies of 
the Emp"", the first night hee besieged it, hee was beaten of with the 
losse of many, the next morning, the Governor sounded a Parly, and 
fell to the King of Sweueland with hymself and 5 Companies of 
Souldiers : and the King swore hym and gave hym a Patent to take 
up 5 Companies more and to bee a Coronell & bee billeted in the f. 17. 
Catholique Countries, and there to receave his Contribution accord- 
ing to his owne exacting. From thence the King marched to 
Dinkellspeel,* where the Lords of the Towne, hearing of his comming 
sent the chiefest men of the Towne with submission, and the keys, 
desiring his Ma^^ to bee mercif uU unto them. The King lay in that 
Towne all night, and his Army without. The Lords of the Towne 
sent his Army Prouision, as bread wine and flesh. 

The Duke of Wertinburg came with his Nobilitie and Gentry, 
and submitting himself to the King, profering his seruice, with 
proffer to raise ten thousand men against the Emperour, which 
the King accepted, but the younge Duke of Wertinburg wayted on 
his Ma'^y from thence till hee came to Nerling, ^ where the Lords 
of Nerling beeing a great free Cittie sent in the like sort the 
Keys towards hym inviting his Ma**' to ly there : and also 
victualed his Army. But the King having intelligence that Tilly 
whom hee had formerlie overthrowne had got some new forces 

• Windsheim. Monro calls it Vintzin. 

* Dinkelsbiihl. 
' Nordlingen. 


togeather againe, but not able to bandy with hym, and lay not 
fare of at Donwart with his Army beeing some fourteene English 
Miles from thence : the next morning broke up very early and 
marched with speed towards hym, but coining to Donwart, Tilly 
was retreated over the River of Danubius, but the Sweden finding 
hym gonne pitched his Campe before the Cittie of Donwart and 
lying there a night hee besieged the Towne with great force, but 
was beaten backe and the next morning very early broke vp and 
left the Towne and marched downe by the Riuer of Danubius, but 
not farre from a River called Rawne ' betweene which and 
Danubius the King built a Bridge and marched over with his 
forces : But Tilly seeing the King comming retreated over the 
River of Lake * which was very deep and pitched his Camp 
betwixt two Rivers and broke the Bridges hee passed over, by 
reason that the Kings Army was growne so mighty and strong : 
All Princes, Dukes, nobility and Gentry with the great free Citties 
f. 17 b. sending hym both aide and provision, Canons and Amunition : and 
Tillyes Armie growing lesse and lesse having had little supply, hee 
was glad to retreat. But the King comming on that side where 
the Towne of Rawne was, pitched his Camp on the right band of 
the Towne close to the River of Lake where Tilly did ly on the 
other side, and there entrenched hymself, but could not come over 
the Water in no short tyme. Tilly lying along the Waterside 
with Skonse upon Skonse, there playing with their Canons one 
upon an other, doing great hurt in both Armyes. The King 
thought to turne the River an other way not beeing very broad 
that hee might march over with his horse, but it was not possible. 
But at the last there came to the King a private Boore and told 
hym, if hee would give hym a good reward hee would show hym a 
ford where hee might march with his horse, which the King was 
very ioyfull to heare, and promised the Boore a thousand Crownes 
if hee did bring hym over, but if hee did not, hee would hang hym 
up. The King presently commaunded all the baggage horses that 
were in the Army to bee prouided and brought, whereon hee 
made his Generall to put seaven thousand Musquetiers and so the 
King takes his whole Cavalery and makes a Troop of a thousand 
horse and five hundred Dragoniers, and himself in person with the 
avantgard passes over the ford in the night, Tilly not knowing of 
any such forde that was passable, was not prouided for any 
resistance, but good watch was kept and a Larum was made as 
the King came over with his Avantgard. The King beeing come 

' Rain. 
2 Lech. 


over the ford, made a stande and with his Dragoniers kept the 
TilHans in play till the rest of his horse were come over, and 
beeing come caused the Musquetiers to alight and the Baggage 
horses to go fetch over more souldiers, and so hee planted his 
horse and his foot along the Riverside. But Tilly hearing that the 
King was come over the Riuer in person with most of his horse & 
foot approached thinking to beat the King backe at his first 
comming where was a sharp combat wherein Tilly was slayne : f. 18. 
but Generall Maior Aldringer beeing next by hym seeing Tilly was 
slayne brought his body of very privately and caused his horse and 
foot to encounter with the King as much as was possible, but the 
King not desirous to approach further (beeing glad hee had so 
well got over) till hee had got the ground where before Tilly had 
past and had broke the Bridge after hym accounting to make an 
other there. But Aldringer commaunded all the Army to breake 
vp with their baggage in silence and to march with the Corps of 
Tilly towards Reigensburg but hee made all the Trumpets to 
sound all night long so merrily as if they would give the King 
Battaile the next morning, sending his Canon also away : onely 
hymself with a good Reregard Kept the Ennemy play having a 
great Wood upon his backe, a little & a little retreated the better 
it beeing a very misty morning. 

The next morning the Sweves hearing all so still approaching 
nere Tillyes Trenches durst not bee to [sic] bold to venture upon 
them, for beeing entrapped with vndermining and blowing up 
which the King when hee knew in great rage coihaunded to enter 
upon them and so they did, and finding all gonne sent news to the 
King who angrie to see hymself so cheated of such a prize 
commaunded a thousand horse which were finlanders with all 
expedition to follow the Reare of Tillyes Army : but Maior 
Aldringer beeing a politicke souldier had a hundred souldiers with 
axes and marching thorough a Wood beeing a narrow passage cut 
downe the Trees behinde hym which lay so crosse that no horse nor 
foot could passe without infinite toyle, this beeing in Action having 
alwais his Trumpets & Kettledrums sounding and beating very 
merrily. The Swedes imagining their Army was in the Wood and 
in the meane tyme the Coronell with his Rearegard marched 
with what speed hee could after the Army, which had marched 
ten or twelve leagues before the Swedes knew what was become 
of them : the finlanders who were in poursuite could not overtake f. 18 b. 
them, onely tooke some od straglers from the Armie who told them 
all they could and that Tilly was slayne & dead. After which 
news which was some 7 or 8 dayes after, away the King went with 



his whole Army to the Towne of Donwart w*^^ a little before had 
given hym the repulse, which now hee besieged againe, and there 
hee lay a whole Moneth, at length tooke it by composition, the 
souldiers going out in good fashion. 

Winter now was farre past and the King not resting the whole 
Winter frost nor snow with wonderfuU expedition, but taking one 
Towne after an other ether by himself in person or by his Commaun- 
ders farre and nigh in the lower and upper Palatinate as farre as 
Mentz &c. came at length to Bauaria where all yielded to hym 
except Ingolstad, a Towne strong by situation and fortification, 
lying upon the River of Danubius which Tilly had left well 
manned with two thousand Musquetiers besides Cittizens who 
were all as well practised in Armes as the souldiers themselves : 
The Gouernour was called Count Cratz, ' who had bene long 
Gouernour thereof and had a Country of his owne called Cratz, 
which the King amongst other Lands had taken. The King had 
often tryed to get this Towne by force, but it would not bee for 
hee went of with great losse still. Yet it did hym so much harme 
in his Companies that were billited in Bavaria with the Inroades 
from that Towne, that hee thought hee was not secure vnlesse hee 
had that also. Hee tryed to see if the Governour would bee 
wonne by bribes, and so by his Trompeter that passed vp and 
downe for the Exchange of Prisoners the King sent hym a Letter 
stuft so full of faire promisses, as that hee would restore hym his 
owne Country of Cratz againe and keep it that it should not bee 
pillaged with many others that the Governour was taken, and so 
many Letters past in prievate betwixt them how and when it 
should bee donne, which was that the King such a tyme of the 
night should come nere Ingolstad with his Army, and from thence 
f. 19. to send three thousand in the night which should have the 
Governours Trompeter beeing well Knowne to the watche to 
bring them in under colour they were come from Reynsburg to 
man the Towne the stronger against the Kings assaults. 

So at the appointed hower they came and the gard at the first 
Entrenchement let them in because the Governours Trompeters 
came with them. But the gard upon the Wall and upon the 
second Entrenchement it beeing somewhat a quiet light night 
heard the noise of horses, looking up spied afarre of the Kings 
whole Army, with that they cryed Treason, and going to give fire 
to their Canons and Musquets, found all their powder to bee wet. 
Then they found surely there was Treason towards the Towne. 

' See the Introduction. 


The Cittizens from the Walles hearing the Treason, gave fire to 
their Canons, having powder enough vnder their owne Keeping, 
shot most stoutly without any coihaund from the Governour into 
the Kings Army, where they did much harme as also to the three 
thousand souldiers in their retreat, whereat the King was very 
angrie to see his plot tooke not the effect as hee hoped, and in 
that anger made two or three assaults upon the Towne with very 
great force and lost many men, and his owne horse v/as shot 
under hym, whereupon hee raised his Army and went away, but 
hoped in tyme to get it by some way or other, when they saw hee 
had gotten all the rest of the Country, that would not stand out 
long. But the Coiiiaunder of the Towne first when hee was 
plotting of the Treason sent for the Cittizens of the Towne and 
told them that the owtward Trenches were very great and there 
were not men enough to man them, hee would entreat them that 
every night they would supply the said Trenches and watche in 
them every night against any assault of the King that might 
happen sodainly till hee could get three thousand from Reynes- 
burg to supply that defect, whome hee had sent for and expected 
them nightly, and that they would let them come in quietly 
without any noise, least the Ennemie should take any advantage f. 19 b. 
by it, and said his Trompeters came with them whome they knew 
and then hee would release them. They consulted and made 
answeare that if they should doe so, hee would vse them to it, and 
therefore bid hym content hymself for they would not : it seems 
the Governours intent was if hee could have gotten them out into 
the Trenches, there hee would have kept them and shot them in 
the Trenches, and having the souldiers at commaund, hee might 
have donne what hee would w*^^ the Towne. 

The Governour seeing his plots tooke no effect and that the 
Cittizens and Souldiers began to murmure and mutiny against hym 
and had found out his Treason ; Hee swore they were Traitours ; 
and so they should heare of it, for hee would goe to the Emperour 
hymself and complaine, and thereupon tooke a small boat with his 
best richesse & Jewells and rowed downe the River to Reynsburg, 
& there told the Governour how the Cittizens at Ingolstad had 
vsed hym and therefore would goe to the Emperour himself to 
complayne and that it would please the Governour of Reynsburg 
to let hym have post-horses to carry hym to Vienna : but hee was 
no sooner out of the Towne but hee rid to the King of Sweue who 
lay not farre from thence, to whome when hee came hee humbled 
hymself and told hym the cause of the ill successe of that con- 
spiracy, and with what danger hee got away, and also told hym all 


the State of the Towne. The King entertayned hym very well and 
made him Sergeant Maior and Generall of a flying Army. And so 
tooke hym along with hym. And the King was going to Ausburg 
where most of the Lords and Gentry of the Towne (beeing a free 
Cittie) met hym and fell at his feet, delivering hym the Keys of the 
Citty, having adorned their Streets with strowing them with hearbs 
and rushes and their houses set with Palme-trees and entertayned 
f . 20. hym so royallie as never was Prince before : the next day hee 
broke up and went to Miniken, the Duke of Bavarias Palace, and 
made Coronell Cratz, Governour of Ausburg. Oxenstall, his 
favorite, hee made Chancelour of all Germanic and Ausburg to 
bee the Chauncery or Exchequer to receave the Contribution and 
Taxes that the King had layd upon all the Provinces and Duke- 
domes of Germany under colour for the maintenance of the Warres 
but the souldiers got but little of it. 

In the meane tyme, the chief Cittizens of Miniken met hym, and 
fell downe at his feet, submitting themselves, desiring hym to have 
mercy upon them, for they were but poore subiects and they must 
yeild to hym that was maister of the Country, & hym they would 
obey and desired his Ma*^^ that they might enioy their Religion 
which the King graunted, and marched into the Cittie and in the 
Palace of the Duke of Bavaria was lodged ; which was so stately 
and pleased hym so wonderfuU well that hee stayd there two or 
three Moneths having found there much richesse & Jewells by 
Count Cratz his discovering with many ancient Antiquities out of 
straunge Vaults, which hee sent into Sweueland, and ment to leave 
his Queene there, and to bee the Seate of his Empire minding 
from thence to make his Journy to Austria and had an intention 
from thence to goe to Rome. 

But in the meane tyme the Emperour sent to Prague to Walles- 
ton where hee had lived ever since hee was dismissed of his Army 
live yeares before. The effect was that hee should bee his Generall 
of his Army against the Sweue, but Walleston answeared hee was 
dismissed of his last coinaund with such dishonour both to the 
Emperour and also to hym, and at the suite of them who meant his 
f. 20 b. Imperiall Ma*y no good ; but their owne traiterous ends, and as 
hee himself did presage to his Majesty and now to late it proves 
too true, and therefore besought his pardon therein. But beeing 
often solicited therto, at length hee entertayned it upon these 
conditions that the Emperour should make hym absolute Generall, 
that is Generalissimo, without any mans power to contradict hym, 
to light any Battaile or besiege any Cittie as hee sho.uld thinke lit 
no not the Emperours Counsell of Warre : all which authority put 


hym afterwards into such a pride that it was his owne destruction 
as after shall bee said. 

Having receaved the charge from the Emperour, hee sent for 
the Emperours forces hee had in Italy which lay about Mantua &c. 
and all the Emperours forces in other places except it was ten 
thousand under the charge of Don Baltasar ^ a Spaniard in Silesia 
which fought against the Duke of Saxony. Having gathered this 
Army which was about iifety thousand strong, his Generall Rende- 
vous was upon the great Hill by Prague where the Battaile was 
lost by the King of Bohemia : from thence hee marched thorough 
Bohemia, and the first Towne hee came to of the Saxons was 
Elboying^ a small Cittie but very strong, lying upon a Rocke, 
whither hee sent Coronell Beckar with certaine Regiments telling 
hym that if hee did not take in the Towne in eight dayes hee would 
have his head and there left the Coronell to shift for hymself. 
After this sharp order the Coronell came to the Towne and assaulted 
it in the night but failed of his designe ; onely tooke in one Skonse 
nere the Port of the Towne, but entrenched hymself under the 
shot of the Canon within two Pikes length of the Port, but with 
very much difficulty by reason of the Rocke, they in the Towne 
did hym much hurt with fire-works & Granadoes. The Coronell 
seeing the place was to hot for hym there because of the rocke that 
hee could not get farre enough into the ground sounded a Parly, the f. 21. 
effect was his Generall Walleston lay at the foot of the hill with his 
whole Armie and had sent hym to demaund the Towne ; and so 
if hee would deliver it up the Governour should have what condi- 
tions hee would desire, otherwise if Walleston came with his whole 
Army hee would not spare Man, Woman nor child and hang up 
the Governour hymself at the Port. The Governour it seemes 
considering not long of it, or that hee knew Wallestons crueltie, 
presently yielded up the towne upon the same conditions and hee 
and his men were safely conducted into Saxony. 

In the meane tyme Walleston marched with his Army to Falkeno 
where lay fine companies of the Saxons, which Towne hee in the 
night besieged and in that fury tooke it in putting all to the sword, 
man Woman and childe and burned the Towne, the Castle kept 
hym play till the next day, at length sounded a parly thinking hee 
would serve them also so, came to a composition, and the Souldiers 
were to serve the Emperour but the Officers were conducted to 
Saxonie with the CoiSaunder. From thence Walleston marched 
towards the Citty of Aegre where lay a Regiment of Saxons, the 

' Marradas. 
* Elbogen. 


Coronell was called Doorestetle ' where hee entrenched hymself 
upon the Hill nere the Towne, they of the Towne not dreaming of 
his comming, and presently assaulted the Towne but was beaten 
backe, whereupon hee discharged his Ordinance from the Hill 
with fire-Granadoes, that the Towne began to burne. The 
Governour on the other side shot like a Dragon, and did great hurt 
to the Adversary : but the Cittizens on the sodaine rise in armes 
almost 5000 of them and came to the Governour of the Towne and 
tooke hym prisoner, and cut downe the Saxon Souldiers which lay 
in the towne : and the Lords of the Towne presently sent out at a 
f. 21 b. sally port two of the principall men to Walleston and there made 
their accord so well for the Saxons as for themselves which 
Walleston well accepted & the souldiers were conducted into 
Saxony. Where hee lay two or three dayes and the Townesmen 
entertayned him royally and thence hee departed leaving a garrison. 
Thither repaired Coronell Beckar who had taken the Towne of 
Elboing in so small a tyme, and this is the Towne where after- 
wards hee came to bee so basely Killed ; hee & his company as 
they deserved. From thence Walleston marched to Norinberg a 
great free Cittie and pitched his Leager not farre from the Citty 
thinking to take it in, but it was to strong for hym. But hee 
stronglie entrenched hymself there thinking to expect there to see 
which way the King of Sweueland would bend for Italy or Austria 
as the report went hee would, or els come that way to meet with 
the Duke of Saxony, and so to goe towards Bohemia. But 
Walleston lying entrenched there did stop his passages that way 
without hee would come over hym. 

But the King puft up with his great victories thought no thing 
nor no man durst stand in his Way : hearing of Walleston his 
coining was glad, did swallow hym up in connceit presently and 
would take no advice to stay till hee had sent abroad for his forces 
which hee had dispersed into many places for the taking in of 
Townes all that Winter that they were neuer idle. But away hee 
would goe with such forces as hee had billited in Bauaria and 
thereabout which were not aboue twenty thousand ; for though 
hee had an Army of a hundred thousand hee could not commaund 
them at that tyme, but away hee comes towards Norinberg, where 
hee heares what an Army Walleston had gathered togeacher and 
what Townes hee had taken in, in his comming as Aegre &c. put 
of his thoughts from Italy and Austria when hee came to Norin- 
berg, with some more addition of forces then hee brought with 

• Starschedel (?) Theatrum Eiiropoeum, 2, p. 652. 


hym, pitched downe his Camp on the other side of the Towne, 
thinking to give battaile presently to this new Generall, but beeing f. 22. 
come thither hee found Walleston strongHe entrenched and would 
not come out to fight. But there they lay one against the other 
for the space of three Moneths, & every day skirmishing. At last 
two so great Armies lying so long there a great famine grew in the 
Swevish Army, though hee had all the benefit the Cittie of 
Norinberg could yield, for hee lay in the Towne almost all that 
tyme : at the last the Swevish horse was driven to that need that 
they were constrayned to ride ten or twelve Miles for a bottle of 
hay : and then many tymes they were catched up by the Crebats 
and come short home and many taken Prisoners in every corner. 
For Walleston had stopped two passages, that they could goe a 
pillageing but one way towards Saxony, and the King grew angrie 
to see his Army pent up and like to endure a long famyne. One 
night the King having heated his blood with drinking (from which 
and women hee had bene held very temperate always before lying 
long in that Cittie grew very intemperate in both) vowed in that 
heat presently to set vpon and beat this new proud Generall out of 
his Trenches and, to use his words to pull the fox out of his denne, 
having also wrought some of Wallestons Captaines to his mynde 
made a very brave and fierce assault, was constrayned to retire, 
though with great losses on both sides, and then finding his Army 
with lying grow weaker and prouision grow scarser and scarser 
and seeing no good to bee donne upon Walleston in his Trenches 
broke up and marched towards Saxony and partly to meet new 
forces which were to come to hym from other Princes : Walleston 
seeing hee was gonne, broke up also and marched towards foytland, 
a Country belonging to the Duke of Saxony where hee tooke in 
many Townes as namely Elsenes, ^ Blone, ^ Houe, * Chycho, ^ 
Camets, * Friburg, Aldenburg all Citties of great account and after 
marched to Wisenfets " [sic] where the King of Sweve had lyne 
the night before, expecting to meet with Duke William of Lunen- 
burg ' who had an Army comming of fifteene thousand to ioyne 
with the King, who came but it was after the King was Killed. f. 22 b. 

The next morning Walleston broke up and marched away and 
betwixt Whysonfieldt ® and Lytzen found the King was nere with 

* Oelsnitz. 

* Plauen. 
3 Hof. 

* Zwickau. 

* Chemnitz. 

^ Weissenfels. 

' George, not William. 


his Army begun to look about hym and order his Army. The 
King it seemes hearing of Wallestons nearnesse hasted with all 
speed with his Army ; which Walleston hearing and finding 
hymself in a field ;fit as hee thought for hym to fight a Battaile 
with the King, pitched downe his Camp : but presently sent a 
Poast after Papenham (who was marched not long before from 
Walleston not thinking the King and Walleston should meet) into 
Saxony to HoU ' a Cittie to take it in, if hee could ; or otherwise 
to fetch provision to help Wallestons Army, which news when 
Popenham heard hee returned with all speed, but the Armies had 
ioyned battaile before hee came. Where Walleston had set downe 
his Army was nere a Hill whereon stood 3 Winde-Mills which 
hee threw downe and thereon planted his Canons. In the front of 
his Camp lay a long dry ditche which hee filled full of Muske- 
tiers : so the King coining lay downe with his Army before his 
Adversarie that this long ditche did part both the Armies. 

Both the Armies began to advance and at the first charge the 
Imperialists had the Winde ^ of the Sweves which was a great 
advantage to them. But the Kings encountring bravely with them 
wheeled about this way and that way till hee had got the Winde 
of the Imperialists, and then the advantage was turned upon his 
side, which Walleston from aloft where hee stood made Picolo- 
minie to strive to repaire that disadvantage, who came with his 
two thousand Cuirassiers which are Horsemen armed Cape a pied 
from head to foot, who at his first comming made a wonderfull 
breach through the Kings finlanders who are light horsmen, but 
lighting upon a Brigade of the Kings Infantery, thinking to breake 
f. 23. thorough them also, the foot receaved them with such a Volley of 
shot, that they were constrayned to retyre. And the finlanders 
with their light horse wheeling about upon their Rere, that in that 
retreate there was such a confusion that both horsmen came 
pell-mell over the dry ditch, that those musketiers which were 
layd there to gall the ennemy could not hurt the ennemy but must 
shoot their owne. But Walleston supplying that fault with new 
forces the Ennemy retired ; but the ditch was quickely filled 
up and leuelled in that encounter with horse and man that lay 
dead therein. 

Just at which charge came Papenham in, having marched all 
night hym and his Troopes with no tyme to rest, and the first 
hee light upon was the King in the head of a Troop for which 
forwardnesse hee was much blamed, nether of them had any 

1 Halle. 

* See the Introduction. 


Armour but in Buffe as other souldiers were. How each knew 
one an other it is not certaine but know one an other they did. It 
may bee by their Pictures : for Papenham pricked forward very 
courageously crying Vine Ferdinando. The King presently ans- 
weared with like courage Viue Gustavo, and so encountred the 
iirst second and third tyme in which approach was slayne many a 
brave spirit. The King and Papenham were sore wounded in the 
first and second charge, seeing their owne blood grew like Spanish 
,horses more fierce then at the first : but at the third encounter 
they both got their deadly wounds and the King fell from his 
horse : Papenham was brought of and lived about the space of 
three quarters of an hower, saying now I am desirous to dy having 
the honour to kill this great King and Generall who did strive to 
bee Emperour. 

But though these two great Commaunders were killed, the 
Victory inclined to nether side, and the Kings body beeing fallen 
from his horse to the ground ; ether side stroue, the one to saue, f. 23 b. 
the other to get the body of the dead King. There was a bloody 
fight and many fell on both sides : but the Sweuish recouered his 
body and carried it of, for it grew towards night, and both the 
Armyes sounded a retreat, for both sides had enough : and the 
Kings body could not bee found till the next day nor known & 
had it not bene by a little ring which hee had on his finger hee 
had not bene knowne at all, for his face & head was troden all to 
pieces by the horse-feet fighting to get his body when hee was 
fallen, that hee could by no meanes bee knowne by it : nor by his 
cloaths, they were so suteable with the rest of his Commaunders. 
The night beeing farre in, both Armies retreated the space of one 
half English mile and refreshed themselves beeing wonderful! 
weary man and horse, so many of both as were left unkilled : wee 
were scarcely laid downe on the ground to rest and in dead sleep 
but comes a coinaund from the Generall to all Coronells and 
Sergeant Maiors to give in a Note how strong every Regiment was 
found to bee, but it seemes finding every Regiment very weake by 
the Officers Relation, wee had scarcely had one sleep for ourselves 
& our horses and as little victualls for both ; hee caused in private 
the Leager to breake up without ether sound of Trumpet or 
Drumme and also hee was glad and so were the rest of the 
Cornaunders to leave most of their baggage behind them and also 
all the Canon, for the baggage and Canon Jades were all burst 
loose and run away and the Generall in hast and so there was no 
remedy. But indeed I thinke hee feared the suddaine comming of 
the Luningburg with fresh forces : but in all hast without scantly 


eating anie thing that night wee marched 8 mile backe to Altenburg 
with so much as were left of our broken Army which I thinke 
f. 24. were betwixt five and six thousand of iiftie thousand that wei^e 
brought to field. It was thought that Walleston had had the 
better of the day, but that some of his Captaines were false to hym 
in fight, shooting their pistols vp in the ayre when they encountred 
with the Conspiratours on the other side, which it seemes the old 
fox did not forget, when hee had these Captaines in his clutches at 
Prague ; as I remember, they were some 36 in number, some of 
them were Coronell Huskirk, ' young Grave Coronell Tirskey, 
Coronell Nyman and others more I cannot name. Where on a 
scaffold he whipped of their heads much against the will of the 
Emperour, who sent expresse word to Prague to save them till at 
least his Army was stronger, but it would not doe : which they 
said it was to strike terrour into the rest. But a little backe to the 
Sweves, who could not tell whether to bee more sad for the losse 
of their brave King or ioyfull that Walleston was beaten out of the 
field, and was sneaked away with the losse of all his bag and 
baggage and Canons, which was very great, besides the death of 
Papenham : whom it is said the King was advised by some of his 
Wisards * to avoid, and that it made hym hastier to battaile 
hearing of his departure, but it seemes whether hee feared death 
that day, hee had ordered all his officers in order, that one might 
supply the others death and mischance, and so hee did for hym- 
self, if himself failed, hee appointed Gustavus Home to supply 
presently his place, that there should bee no confusion in the 
Army, the head beeing strucken. Walleston beeing got away as 
I have said, the Sweves staying upon the field got all Wallestons 
Canons and baggage. 

Presently the next day after the battaile or thereabouts in came 
the Duke of Luninburg with his sixteene thousand men, and 
finding what was donne and that the King was killed, and that, 
hee thought, was for his slownesse in comming was mightily 
f. 24 b. discontent with hymself and tore his hayre and began to despaire 
of good successe against the Emperour, having lost the King of 
Sweue in whome was all their hope having had such prosperous 
successe from his first comming into Germany for their deliverie 

• It is difficult to say who are meant by these names : Huskirk may be 
Hofkirch. The rest are uncertain. ' Young Grave Coronell Tirskey ' may be a 
description of some cadet of the Trczka family. Wallenstein spared no man in 
his wrath. But Khevenhiiller's list (XII. 495) contains no such names. 

^ Cf. Harte, ii, p. 268 note and perhaps the letter from Lilly in Harte, 
Appendix II. 


even till this tyme ; and finding that Walleston was sneaked away 
presentlie hee determined to poursue hym with all speed hee 
could and so sent his light horsemen after him and himself came 
after with the rest of his Army. But Walleston by his continuall 
marches night and day had gotten out of his clutches and was got 
to Prague where hee wintred and dispersed his Army in Bohemia. 

The Duke of Luneburg seeing Walleston was not to be over- 
taken marched (though it was farre in winter) into Foitland which 
Walleston (as is formerly spoken of) had taken in, but comming to 
Chiko, the Winter forced hym to dissolve his army. 

Before I goe any further in the historie of Walleston what hee 
did after the King of Swethland his death, as also of Walleston his 
owne death, I must speake something of the Duke of Saxony, my 
late maister, which is as foUoweth. It may bee some when they 
shall read that which hereafter I shall write of the Duke of Saxonie 
my late Maister, will say that it had bene better on my behalf to 
have suppressed in silence that, which I have written here, then 
for mee to divulge his faults, considering that by my owne confes- 
sion I had the first honour I had given mee in martiall affaires, 
after my escape out of my captiuitie from the Turkes from his 
handes, viz, to be sworne of his guard and after that to bee made 
Cap*^ of a Troop of Horse. I cannot but confesse it and would 
have donne it still and did doe it very faithfuUie whilest I served 
hym : but when I found that hee was false to the Emperour, my 
heart was alwais from hym, and though in that battaile wherein f. 25. 
Tilly was overthrowne my hand was in blood as other souldiers 
were, yett I confesse I did that I did against my conscience and 
would faine have got away from hym but I could not come of 
handsomely, and so I trust God did see my heart and preserved 
mee from death in that great battaile (wherein so many did perish) : 
to doe pennance for my fault, considering hee made the Emperour 
believe that Army hee raised was in his behalf against the Swevish 
King ; and for his honour hee gave mee, it was much to mee, 
but nothing to hym, for hee was very prodigall of that which 
cost hym nothing : but gave mee not allowance to maintaine that 
honour, but what I could sharke ether from the Boores, or from 
the souldiers I had under mee : and that which most vexed mee 
was that in foitland under his dominion and in his service I was 
taken Prisoner by Count Butler one of the Emperours Coronells 
and an Irish-man and the same man that killed afterwards 
Walleston though I sent to hym to tell hym what state I was in, 
and that hee would bee pleased to pay my ransom or els I must 
starve in prison, or serve the Emperour (which is the custome on 


both sides in those German Warres) and I could never get any 
answeare from hym of my Letter, nether in Word nor writing 
which fell out very well for mee to serve according to my owne 
conscience, and light under an honourable Coronell who by his 
credit raised mee and loved mee entirely as his dfeeds did show 
and so to my history from which I have thus long digressed in my 
owne excuse. 













It is well knowne and spoken in Bohemia, that George now f. 25 b. 
Duke of Saxonie, though hee made a fine show to the Emp"" 
Ferdinand, that hee was a Conspiratour with those first Bohemian 
Lords for the bringing in of the late King of Bohemia. But after 
hee was crowned King, hee begun to hate hym, because hee saw 
hym grow too great and in probability having such supporters 
would come to bee Emperour, when hee hymself had the place 
offered hym and refused it, and the Emperour hymself was brought 
very low by that generall rebellion : and withall if hee should bee 
Emperour and a Calvinist hee would bee to neere and great a 
neighbour for hym beeing a Lutheran and so did begin to feare 
hymself and his state : and withall one who was so farre under 
hym in honour and estate, now like to bee as farre above hym 
in both ; these cogitations terribly troubled hym night and day 
till at last advising with his counsell hee resolved to take part and 
bee of the Emperours side for, quoth hee, this old Emperour 
and himself were nerer farre in religion then any Calvinist of 
them all, for, quoth hee, the Calvinists hate both our Religions, 
and the Emperours Religion and myne differ but in small matters, 
and hee had tryed the Emperour to bee an honest man and 
they two had bene of great familiaritee and long acquaintance f. 26. 
and could understand one an other in the same language and 
breake their mynds to one an other without an Interpreter : 
where to this new King hee must come that an other must tell 


his Tale. * These considerations agreed upon, hee was quickly 
reconciled to the Emperour, and the Emperour was glad that hee 
had drawne such a prop from his Adversary the new crowned King. 
But the Emperour it seemes bemoaning himself to hym, and how 
that his purse was poore, considering his Revenews were so curtayled 
by this generall Rebellion of his Subiects, the Saxon bid hym bee 
of good cheere, hee should not want mony : aad so for six millions 
the Country of f oitland ' was morgaged to the Duke, and so in 
truth hee stucke close to hym which in outward show had hee 
fallen from hym it had gonne very hard with the Emp"", for hee 
helped hym with men and mony and hymself in person tooke in 
many Townes for the Emperour in Silesia and Morauia : but at 
length the King of Bohemia beeing overthrowne and driven out of 
his new Kingdome, having bene scantly a whole yeare there, and 
the Emperour Ferdinand growne very strong hee begun then to 
feare his greatnesse and to bee sory that hee had bene a meanes to 
lift hym up to such a height : that hee kept Walleston in the field 
with forty or threescore thousand men here and there that kept all 
in awe that none durst stirre. And Walleston hymself beeing very 
austere and severe in his charge the Princes of Germanic making 
some complaint of his severitie to the Emperour : the Emperour 
did somewhat checke Walleston and advise hym to bee more 
temperate in his place, but it seemes Walleston found severitie was 
necessarie for hee told the Emperour that if we loose the reynes to 
them, they will bee ready enough to put your Ma*y besides your 
f . 26 b. seate as you have found it very lately to your cost and so kept his 
strict hand as hee had formerly donne and also kept his souldiers in 
awe, that they durst not oppresse the subiect as hitherto they had 
donne. This stuck much in the Princes stomach and made them 
discontent that they could not prevaile. 

Not long time after out of his zeale to Gods Church, the 
Emperour thinking to doe in the Provinces of Germany, that 
which hee had donne in Austria and other his owne Inheritance 
viz. get all or most of the Religious Land to bee laid to their 
houses againe as formerly it had bene before the Warres : but the 
case was altered, for the Warres had turned them to be most 
mens Inheritances and all that many Lay-men had to live on, and 
so would rather part with their lives then their livings ; it went so 
farre that most of the Princes of Germanic were deeply touched 

' ' Voightland ' : is a mistake for Lusatia. 

' Poyntz is apparently here thinking, with his customary confusion of ideas, 
not of the Count Palatine but of the King of Sweden. In either case the point 
is an absurd one. 


therein, yea Saxonie and Bavaria and most of them made a stiffe 
denyall of the motion, and seeing they had gotten them in these 
Warres by the sword, so thgy would hould them. This made a 
generall heart-burning against the Emperour, and other things 
were not wanting to lire on Toe : and faine they would have bene 
in rebellion but durst not, because Wallestons Army held them in 
awe : so it seems that they had private consultations how to get rid 
of Walleston, and his Army, but made no great show of discontent 
outwardly : at last they made a generall Petition yea Bavarias hand 
to it and most of the Protestant Princes to the Emperour for the 
suppressing of Walleston and his Army ; obiecting his crueltie : 
the Emperour moved with the petition of so many and such great 
people, condescended for Walleston his laying downe his Armes 
which with a discontented mynd hee did, presaging to the Empe- 
rour what would follow, but Tilly was put in place. The Princes 
having got this their desire, were ready presently to rise in 
rebellion, but they could not agree who should bee head of this f. 27. 
Insurrection : at last they agreed to try the King of Sweveland 
who after many entreaties came and to whome they all repaired, 
especially the Duke of Saxony, as I have formerly related at large ; 
what brave acts the King of Sweue and Saxonie did after the death 
of Tilly, the one in Westphalia and Bavaria and carried all before 
hym and on that side, the other, I meane the Duke of Saxony on 
the other side the world, even almost to Vienna. But a word by 
the way. In the battaile against Tilly, the King of Sweve would 
not trust hym, but made hym begin the battaile in person first, 
least hee himself beginning the fight, the Duke should run away 
and leave hym in the lurch, as before is related hee little better 
did. But to our story. 

The Duke with his Generall Arnem after Tillies overthrow did 
wonders, not loosing any tyme but followed it hard, no men daring 
a great while to stand in their way, first recovered all the Townes 
wonne by Walleston in Saxony and foitland ; then tooke all 
Bohemia as Egre, Lintz, ^ Piltzon, &c. even unto Prague. The 
Lords of the Towne hearing of his comming met him, submitting 
themselves desirous they might not bee pillaged, and for the 
redemption of that, they were content to give hym [ ] thousand 
Crownes of gold and sylver weekly so long as hee stayed there, 
whereof the Jewes were to pay half, and the Cittizens the other 
half besides a reuenew which came out of the Country about to 
hym, where hee liked his entertainement so well that hee staled 

' ? Leitmeritz : or else a mere blunder. 


there all Winter, from whence hee sent though in Winter his 
Generall Arnem into Silesia & Moravia and tooke in most of the 
Townes hee came before : and at his going away carryed a Tun of 
gold and sylver with hym, that hee drayned the whole country dry 
of mony to pay hym his Composition. At the Spring hee raysed 
his Army, part hee left with Arnem his Generall, & y*= other part 
hee carryed with hym into Saxony, hee would have stayed longer 
f. 27 b. at Prague hee had such good entertainement there, but hee 
receaved letters from Saxony that the Emp"" had sent 2 running 
Armies into that Country, who in his absence had run over his 
Country, and carryed & droue away a world of prey besides 
burning all where they came, which news made hym mad, and so 
made hym post away with part of his Army to succour his 

Don Baltazar ' a Spaniard, with an other of the Emperours 
Coinaunders who had but ^ one ey, hearing that hee was comming 
with his Army, tooke all the prises they could get of sheep 
Oxen Cowes, horses, yea hogs, and drove them all away out 
of the Country, and away they went : so when the Duke came 
they were gonne ; but hee found most part of his Country burned 
which made hym wilde. After the Duke had stayed at home a 
great while, and found that hee was free from his Ennemies and 
that they were gonne ; because his souldiers should not ly idle at 
home and eat upon his owne Country, which hee found much 
harrowed, hee sent them backe into Silesia to his Generall Arnem 
againe where they were to ioyne with some Sweuish forces about 
some great exploit : but as soone as Don Baltazar and his 
Companion heard hee had sent away his forces so farre of with 
some 6000 light horse and pieces but no Canon thither they came 
againe, and did more harme than before, for they tooke Lypswicke 
and ransacked it and burned it, but the Castle they could not get : 
and other Townes of great importance payed them great sommes 
of money to keep their suburbs and mills from burning. Nay they 
ran vp to Drayson itself where hee hymself was, and burned some 
houses hard at the Gate of the Citty, and hee hymself ran vp and 
downe the Walles crying out and lamenting to see it. The 
f. 28. Cittizens of Prague you must thinke were no small glad men that 
they were rid of such a costly Guest. But when they thought how 
hee had drayned and squeesed them of their mony, then they sent 
after hym many bitter curses, but the Proverb is, the the more the 
fox is cursed, the better hee fares ; but made Wise by these deare 

' Marradas. 
» Hoik. 


experiences, considering with themselves how to prevent such 
after-claps againe, for that the Duke having found such sweet 
entertaynement there, would come againe, or any other by the 
Dukes example, if they come with any power they could not nor 
were not able to resist them, their Towne beeing an open Towne, 
was subiect to every Incursion : some of the best of the Citty 
repaired to the Emperour to condole their miserie : the Emperour 
was feeling of their case as themselves considering in their losse 
was hys losse : taking counsel of his Councel about it, whereupon 
Enginiers were sent to see if it could bee made able to resist and 
withstand an Army : which was donne with expedition and 
brought in short tyme to such perfection & strength as is incredible 
and old Corredor ' was made Governour thereof with 16000 Soul- 
diers. The Duke of Saxonie heard of w;hat those of Prague were 
about and did strive to hinder the worke, but beeing hindred by 
other occasions could not come so soone as hee would with 
sufficient forces, but that the worke was finished : yet towards the 
later end of Sommer having ioyned with Banier Generall of the 
Swevish forces, which were on that side the Country making 
betwixt them an Army of sixtie thousand, came bravely up to 
Prague to assault the Towne ; encouraging their souldiers and 
promising them the pillage, whereof the souldiers in hope were so 
ioyfull, the Duke telling them how hee sped there that they cast 
away their upper Garments that they might bee the lighter to run 
up to skale the Walles, but they were entertained at the top of f. 28 b. 
their skaling ladders with a World of long heavie Iron bound to 
Trees which were let downe suddainely upon them, that carried 
all before them to the ground, and yet with a devise of Iron 
chaynes at ether end of them suddainely drawne up againe for a 
new assault : and what with the Volly of shot of Musquet & 
Canons that Saxon & Banier were forced to retreat. And Colredor 
sallying out of the entrenchments slew many a brave fellow. But 
Saxon & Banier charged the second & third tyme and this did last 
in wonderfuU heat from breake of day till night and still repulsed, 
& had set up their rest, not to depart from thence till they got it. 
In the height and heat of this assault, it seemes a post comes to 
the Duke and Banier of very heavy news that the Army of the 
Vnited Princes under the coinaund of Duke Saxon Weymar and 
Count Home were cleane overthrowne by the King of Hungary and 
the Cardinall in a great battaile at Norling * not far from Bauaria 
I thinke it is in Westphalia, which strucke such a discourage- 

' Colloredo. 
* Nordlingen. 


ment into the two Generalls that they presently broke up the 
siege from Prague with both their Armies without the sound of 
Drum or Trompet, whereof the Governour getting notice sallyed 
out with 8 or 9000 men and came vpon the Saxons and the 
Swevish rere, who hauing a very narrow passage betwixt Slawne ' 

6 Prague under the Hill, the Emperialists made a great slaughter 
of the Sweves and Saxons and thereupon returned backe into 
Prague, not daring to follow them any further, Saxon & Banier 
after they had passed the passage making a stand with their 

f. 29. Armyes. The Duke at his first departure from Prague tooke a 
solemne leave of the Cittizens, I meane when hee carried so much 
mony from thence and with a Jiere should bid them farewell, 
thanking them for his royall entertaynement, which no man could 
have better for hee had had fidlers fayre, Meate, drinke and mony 
for hym and his, in plenty : But yet (quoth hee) I thinke no 
welcome. And now at this stand hee made (quoth hee to Banier) 
my old Hosts of Prague are wonderfully altered in their kindnesse 
since I was last here, for then they entertayned mee bravely 
with meat drinke and mony and now they are turned to the 
cleane contrary. It seemes (quoth hee) there is no trust to them. 
The Cittizens on the contrary were glad to see their labour and 
charge to bee so well bestowed, and to so good purpose, and 
hoped they should not bee troubled with their troublesome guest 
so oft having had such cold entertaynement as they had given hym. 
His former sweet meat had now some sower sauce for they lost 

7 or 8000 men betwixt the two Generalls. 

But away went these two Generalls with great speed into the 
Dukedome of Lowsnets' which ioynes upon Saxony to refresh 
their Armyes, much discontented to see all their plots turned 
contrary, for they had swallowed all among them I meane Saxon 
and Banier, beeing so strong on this side with sixty thousand men 
verily accounted to have taken Prague, and so it should not have 
bene long before they had bene in Austria with so potent an Army 
would have I may stered Vienna and all. And how ^ at this tyme they 
f. 29 b. knew what a potent Army the Princes of the Union had about 
Westphalia under the Leading of Home and Duke Saxon Weymar. 

But Saxon hymself went home to Drayson in Saxony whither 
beeing come much melancholy to thinke that y^ overthrow of his 
fellow Princes at Norling would bee his also, and the next doing 
the Emp*" would have should bee with hym called his Councell and 

> Schlan. 

* Lausitz : Lusatia. 


Nobility and acquainted them with what had happened to hym 
with a repulse at Prague and now the overthrow of his fellow 
Princes in whose good successe all his hope was, what was fitting 
for hym to doe. For hee considered the Emp"" had maistered all 
the Princes, and almost the Sweves and none but the french were 
any thing strong in Germany, and hee wanting the Princes helpes 
and the Sweves : the Eaip' would bee at length too hard for the 
french and drive him out : and quoth hee if the french should 
prevaile it would bee as bad or worse for hym hee ' beeing also a 
Papist and a proud generation : at length resolved to submit 
hymself to the Emp"" and sent presently an Embassadour to the 
Emp"" with offer of his submission, so that hee might have some 
reasonable conditions which hee would desire. First that the Emp*" 
should pardon hym and all the united Princes and all the free- 
Townes that should submit themselves to hym : and that also for 
his owne part hee would have the Dukedome of Lowsnets confirm- 
ed to hym and his heyres which hee already had in the first 
Bohemian Warre pawned to hym for 6 millions of gold : also hee 
would have the Towne of Aegria to hym and his heyres, and his 
Sonne to be B? of Magdeburg during his life : and the Lutheran 
Religion quiet without any Jesuits or Priests to bee put in their 
Country for 40 yeare as they had it before. 

The Embassadour comming was receaved in great state where f- ^0. 
after consideration had of things how they stood viz that the 
french were gotten verry strong in Germany and the Sweves 
though their King was killed had strong footing in Pomerania and 
other places and this Duke of Saxony of hymself very strong and 
to nere neighbour to Bohemia, at length the Dukes Embassadour 
was returned with kinde acceptance of his offers and yielding to 
all hee desired: onely that the Duke should bring them all to 
submission and to a Dyet at Ratisbone to consult about the quiet 
and good of Germany which in no age was ever so martyred & 

Saxon presently upon this peace somewhat abruptly withdraw- 
eth his Army from Banier the Swevish generall, and though this 
peace was carryed as close as they could from Banier : Yet the 
Dukes Generall Arnem beeing a good Sweuish in heart gave 
Banier notice of his maisters secret peace-making with the 
Emperour whereupon Banier seeing how the Saxon had forsaken , 
hym, and that hee was not able to stand and encounter alone with 
the Saxon Army, retreated thorough Saxonie pillaged the Country 

' Apparently the French king. 


before hym, whereat Saxon beeing angrie and mad persecuted 
after Banier and made proclamation that every man that would, 
might kill any Sweve hee could meet with all. The Saxons 
Generall Arnem seeing how hotly things were like to growe 
betwist his Maister and the Sweve and being rich discharged 
hymself of his office and went home. Here you see in a 

little space his change from the Emp"" to the Sweve and now on a 
suddaine from the Sweve to the Emp'' againe and hee had blowes 
from them all. But Saxon wanting a Generall by the advise of his 
Generall Arnem sent to Duke Holsten his kinsmen that hee would 
send hym Coronell Powdize ' who was a good Souldier but hee 
retired hymself from the Warres to Lubecke a Sea Towne and 
there lay idle, to come & bee his Generall, who was also Swevish 
in heart, and it is thought had some instruction from Arnem that 
f . 30 b. hee suffred Banier to run over all Saxony almost that Winter before 
hee could or would draw his Souldiers out of Garrison to rescue 
his new maisters Country of Saxony from burning and pillageing. 
But Banier had gotten such an advantage of the Duke of Saxon 
his Generall that hee would not suffer hym to bring his souldiers 
togeather, they beeing wintered in such severall places but snapped 
them up here & there, not letting them meet, that hee had slayne 
& taken prisoners 16000 and began to take in Townes & Citties in 
Saxony as namely Servist, Tesso, Holl, Merseburg and Nowing- 
burg^ which two Townes lastly named gave hym 2 Millions of Gold 
to spare them from burning and pillageing, which after hee had 
got he pillaged them both and tooke the Lords and Gentry 
Prisoners that were in the Townes and who thither had fled for 
safetie with 2000 horse they had brought thither and where hee 
stayed a long tyme living like a little King fetching in booties out 
of all the Country about. The Duke of Saxony seeing hee was not 
strong enough to deal with Banier sent to the Emp'' in all hast to 
assist hym, who sent hym out of Silesia 6000 men by Count 
Marachin' and also sent hym 12000 by Count Hatzfield which as* 
I said formerly lay upon the Lant-grave of Hesse his Country and 
5000 more by Count WuUifield * these three Armies meeting by 
Holl ioyned with the Duke of Saxonies forces which were but weake 
vpon a great plaine whither the Duke came & viewed vs ® and was 

' Baudissin, who is at times called Baudiss. 

* Zerbst, Dessau, Halle, Neuenburg. 

* Marazin or Marazini, Harte, vol. i, p. 260. Rudolph Freiherr von Marazin 
or Marzin, commander of Croats. 

* Nothing has so far been said of this, but see p. 122. 
» Uhlefeld (?). 

* Poyntz had apparently been with the Imperialists in Hesse. 


glad to see vs, and promised vs, if wee did beat the Ennemy out of 
the Country hee would give vs two Moneths pay. The Ennemy 
came bravely vp to fight with vs a great way from his Leagner, as 
wee would desire, and had hym at our mercy, for wee were two 
for one when the Ennemy saw hee had entrapt hymself would 
have retreated little thinking the Duke had so many men come to 
hym, but we would not let hym go backe and ready to charge hym, f. 31. 
the Ennemie seeing into what straights hee was brought, vsed policy 
& cosened us all for hee sounded a parly. The Duke of Saxony 
beeing Generall of the field accepted of it, and sent to our Coinaun- 
ders to hold their hands, with the which they were very angrie, & 
sent the Duke word againe hee did not know when to use a Victory, 
for God had given his Ennemy into his hand and all the pillage hee 
had gotten out of his Coutitry should have it againe, and that hee 
should never have such an opportunity againe over hym, and wherein 
was the strength of the Sweves, and that this was but policie & a 
stratageme to deliver hymself out of the straite hee was in. But the 
Duke sent us word it was not good to put that to a battaile which 
oftentymes when it is thought most sure falls out contrary, and so 
in this parly the Ennemy got a truce of 24 howers, in which tyme 
so soone as night came hee made a Brige over the River of Elve 
close by which River his Camp lay, and by morne had passed 
over his Canons and on the other side had mounted them and 
played vpon us and kept us of till all his Army was got over. The 
Duke seeing how hee was gulled was mad angry and then went 
higher to make a Bridge to follow hym over. But the Ennemy 
seeing his intent followed after hym on the other side and still 
beat to pieces what all the Dukes art could doe in the night hee 
would beat to pieces in the day : that at length they were faine to 
march 5 or 6 mile about to get over and when they were got over 
then was hee marched away and crossed the River againe : most 
of the Emp" coinaunders seeing what a deale of tyme they lost 
took leave of the Duke and went whither they were appointed by 
the Emp"" viz. Count Hatsfield to march with his Army towards 
Gallas who lay in Burgundy whither I went with it. 

Some of the Emperours forces were coinaunded to stay with the f. 31 b. 
Duke but wee heare since that Banier with his Swevish forces 
have put the Duke and the Imperialists to a great deale of foile 
and have given them many overthrowes. 

I have a great while digressed from my history willing to 
continue all togeather what I had to say of the Duke of Saxony 
and so I have donne as neere as I could : though many things 
mentioned herein happened half a yeare & neere a yeare betwixt. 


Otherwise I could not I thought make my Story so full to the 
Readers sight of his variety of changes as lay for his owne com- 
modity. By reason of which I was constrayned to leave prose- 
cuting Walleston from the tyme of the Battaile hee had with the 
King of Sweveland, who was killed by Papenham, unto the tyme 
of Wallestons owne death. And please you to remember I abruptly 
left my History of Walleston after the King of Sweveland his 
death for to tracke the Saxon Duke, which having donne I am 
now come to it againe ; how Walleston got to Prague &c ; and 
what rigour hee used to his faulty Coriiaunders and I thinke 
formerly I have mentioned their names, how hee wintered in 
Prague & dispersed his souldiers there & whilest hee lay at Prague 
so long hee had tyme to studie mischief ; and then it seemes the 
Deuill followed hym in his ambitions thoughts : that now or never 
it was in his power to make hymself Emp' finding the King of 
Sweveland who set hard for it, to bee taken out of his way, and 
hee himself to have all the Imperiall forces under his Corhaunders, 
and officers many which hee had made to his owne Bowe. It 
onely rested for his more easy ascent to that place, to draw into 
this conspiracie the vnited Princes the now Emp""** Adversaries, 
which ioyning with hym who could hinder hym but a poore naked 
Emp', whome hee had taken all his strength from, and onely left 
hym with the bare title of Emp"" which hee could soone deprive 
f. 32. hym of by taking away his life & his issue which hee had set hard 
for, if God had not bene on his side : and so it seemes hee had had 
that Winter many intercourses betweene the vnited Princes and 
hym about the businesse and had broke his mynd to them with 
great liberall promises Saxony should bee King of Bohemia, 
Brandeburg King of Hongary and all of them should have had 
honour & places and hymself Emp'' : with w*^^ offers they were all 
taken & liked them well : but they were not certaine of his reality 
herein, for they knew hym to bee a great Polititian and that this 
might bee a trap to catch them in and when hee had taken them 
in some hold under colour of debating busines cut of their heads. 
Hee it seemes strove all hee could to put this suspicion out of 
their heads, and so set the better colour to it and without least 
suspicion ether side drew into the field with all the force they had 
the Spring beeing come. The Duke of Saxony his Generall and 
Duvalt ' for Brandeburg with the Swevish Generall having 
wintered in Silesia began to draw their forces into the field, and 
somewhat bending towards Bohemia. Walleston hearing thereof 

' See Introduction. 


drew all his forces togeather and had his generall rendevous at 
Budin in Bohemia ; and from thence hee marched towards 
Swinets ' in Silesia his Army beeing 60000 strong whither when 
hee came hee found the Armies of Saxon & the Sweves within two 
English Miles where hee pitched his Camp and entrenched hym- 
self very strong, thither came also the Adversary and pitched their 
Camp on the other side of the Towne and entrenched themselves 
very strong where both Armies lying very long many skirmishes 
past betwixt the horsemen and braving one the other every one 
striving to get the passages, to keep the other side from going for 
victualls, many were taken by the Crabats & at length famine grew 
hot among the Army Walleston after they had layne thus long the f. 32 b. 
space of fower Moneths braving one the other expecting daily 
when wee should fight, for Walleston marched out of his Trenches 
and so did the Ennemy. And our Crabats began the fight with 
the Ennemies Cavalerie and all of our side looking when wee 
should ioyne battaile, on a suddaine the Saxon sounded a parly. 
So the souldiers valour was soone dashed and stopped for pre- 
sently a Coriiaund run thorough the whole Army upon paine of 
death that none of the Imperialists should doe the least wrong 
to the Saxons and Sweues during the Treaty of peace which 
lasted the space of 14 dayes. Their Generalls and ours comming 
togeather every day & sate in Councell treating of a generall 
Peace in publique & in private it seemes of Treason, so that many 
did suspect something but they could not tell what, things were 
carryed so politicktly. For the souldiers did mumble and curse to 
have scene them selves cubbed * and pent up so long and did 
nothing and then to give a colour to what did follow by comming 
to a Parly, and the more to colour the businesse that it should 
bee sounded first by the Ennemy and not any seeking of Wallestons. 
Our souldiers and Commaunders were mad to have bene a fighting. 
So during this Treaty which was 14 dayes great familiarity was 
betwixt the Generalls, great feasting and drinking of health one to 
the other. But there was during this feast a thing happened 
which was like to have marred all their sport which was this. 
The King of Denmarke had a Sonne of his in the Adversaries 
Army, who had the corhaund of a Regiment of Dragoniers : A 
forward young Prince hee seemed to bee and apt to quarrell 
especially in his drinke. Picolominie saw it well & observed it, 
quoth hee to Galas, this fellow must bee taken downe in tyme. 
If hee come to bee King what will hee doe : a little occasion of 

' Schvveidnitz. 
* ? cribbed. 


f. 33. quarrell was taken betwixt them, quoth Picolomini, your father is 
bound to send ayde to the Emp'' my maister upon his allegiance : 
his Kingdome beeing at his mercie to have outed hym, and hee 
sends here a Sonne of his to fight against hym. And the truth 
was, Picolomini would not pledge his fathers health, for the said 
reasons : wherat the young Prince grew very angrie and gave 
Picolomini some hard language. That night the young Prince 
going home to his tent after this healthing, a long fellow clad in a 
fooles clothing meets hym with a Musket on his necke, and makes 
hym stande, crying thou fall out with my maister Picolomini ; and 
shootes hym, and dead hee falls ; away fled the Jester and was 
quickly conuayed away. A great adoe there was and a generall 
search for hym. The Princes of the Vnion were mad-angry 
and therefore stood upon their guard as though they would have 
gonne to battaile and it was long before they could bee brought to - 
treate againe or out of their Trenches. Walleston hymself showed 
hymself mad-angrie and it seemes thought all his plot had bene 
broken, but at length with much adoe it was pieced againe, laying 
the fault upon a Mad foole and in Policy seeing they could not 
fully agree upon the peace there beeing not able for famyne to stay 
longer ; it was agreed those great Generalls & their Armies should 
have an other tyme of meeting and that should bee at Aegra about 
Bohemia, where all should bee concluded : Hither Walleston 
carried his businesse so close that though some did suspect some- 
thing, yet they could not tell what. The day beeing appointed of 
these great Princes meeting or their Generalls viz. Saxon, Sweve 
& Brandeburg came according to their tyme as shall bee showed 
to Aegra. Now that Walleston had brought these Princes to his 
desire it onely rested now some private Governours hee had to 
f. 33 b. winne to hym, or els to catche them in his Clawes which were 
Gallas, Picolominie, Don Baltazar a Spaniard and the Duke of 
Bavaria his Generall Coronell [ ]'. Gallas and Picolominie 

hee had with hym and did looke narrowly to them least they 
should get from hyni. These Campes beeing broke up from 
Silesia, Walleston left some 12000 of his Army behind hym, to 
keep that Country under the commaund of Don Baltazar. The 
Sweve and Saxon left also of their forces to keep and guard that 
they had in that Country, though this last treaty of peace was a 
Kinde of Truce, under the coiriaund of old Count Thurne and 
Sergeant Mai or Duvalt the Saxon and the Sweuish Commaunders, 
for all this Truce did a great deale of mischief in Silesia and that 

' Aldringer. 


so much as if the Truce had not bene.' Don Baltazar and his fellow 
Commaunder Showtcoats * saw and heard of the mischief they 
did, sent the Saxon and Swevish Commaunders word of it once or 
twice desiring them to see thinges amended, but they were so 
farre from it that Thurne hymself and Duvalt were in the field 
themselves burning and taking in of Villages. Don Baltazar saw 
they would not bee warned, watched their opportunities and at a 
narrow passe got old Home [sic] and Duvalt with their forces at 
an advantage and without striking stroke tooke them both prisoners 
with all their Canon and baggage. And brought their two Coin- 
aunders & other Officers Prisoners to Prague to Walleston, thinking 
to have had great praise & thankes of their Generall. This had 
like to have bred a Skarre and troubled Walleston much, for 
Saxon & the Sweve sent presently post to Walleston to tell hym 
that this did not savour of good dealing, and that hee ment 
otherwise then hee said, in tyme of Truce to take their Commaun- 
ders Prisoners. Hee sent them word that it was not with his f. 34. 
coifiaund and they should see hee would punish them for their 
rashnesse and so hee put Showcoats * in Prison, and they said hee 
cut of his head for doing that hee did without coiiiaund. Don 
Baltazar hee had some other plots upon hym and therefore would 
not correct hym so sharply, but chid hym a little, but it showed 
hee was a good souldier, (quoth hee) and carefull of his charge : 
but that hee was a little too rash without coinaund and made very 
much of hym & said the Emp'' should thanke hym. Old Count 
Thorne & Duvalt had leave to walke the street, and so by little & 
little stole away to their charge againe and had secret restitution 
of what had bene taken from them. 

Walleston in the meane tyme beeing at Prague swore all the 
nobility and Coiiiaunders, and calling a Councell of Warre the 
nobilitie & Coiiiaunders and as many as hee could get, hee swore 
to hymself. The most of greater sort it seemes knew his intention 
but the rest not. Those of trustiest Councell were Count Terksa, 
Count felo, * Count Kinkskey, Count Niman & others more, these 
were men according to his owne heart. Gallas and Picolominie 
were not men of his Privy Councell though hee tilled them on 

* Chemnitz, quoted by Forster Wallcnstein p. 215, estimates the loss in men 
caused by this ' truce ' at 12000. 

^ Schafgotsch. 

' Schafgotsch was really executed (Theatrum Europ., iii, 184 and 507) as an 
adherent of Wallensteins long afterwards. 

* Illo : the name is variously spelt. lUow is probably the original form : he 
was a Pomeranian or Marker. In Spanish documents of the time he appears as 
Lilo. Ranke, Wallcnstein, App. III. 4. p. 371. 


with hym with good words and deeds, but whether they knew any 
thing certaine then, or only suspected things and went with hym 
along for feare, is vncertaine. But his onely maister-piece was 
how to get in Don Baltazar ye Spaniard, which hee tryed to doe 
very poHtickly, as you shall heare. Taking occasion to discourse 
with Don Baltazar of Honours the now Emp' had bestowed on 
seuerall persons in this tyme of warres, naming many that were not 
worthy of that honour they had : at length said there was one 
who better deserved Honour then the best of all and quoth hee 
f. 34 b. whether it bee out of modestie, or humility or pride never seeks after 
any. Baltazar wondering who that should bee, Walleston said it 
was hymself. Baltazar said hee was contented. It was enough 
for hym to doe well for it was his duty to his maister the Emp^ 
Quoth Walleston, I love you so well, as I will whilest I am in 
Office, that you make vse of it, and you shall finde it : and all that 
I can doe for you is that the Emp^ bestow some honour on you, 
and that I thinke hee will doe at my request, and if it please you, 
quoth hee, to take my Letter with you and make a iourny to the 
Court, your labour will bee well payed. Don Baltazar modestly 
refused it, but must needs accept of his kind offer, the next day 
hee was to have Walleston his Letter and came for it, and because 
you shall know, quoth hee, what you carry, made his owne 
Secretary to read it : the effect of it was to desire his Ma*y in lieu 
of Don Baltazars many services to make hym a Duke with 
wonderfull praises of his valour and Vertue &c. hee set his hand 
to it in his presence & sealed before them but it was so finely 
handled that Walleston popt an other Letter into Don Baltazar his 
hand of an other content : which was that Don Baltazar had bene 
earnest with hym to write in his behalf to his Ma*y to bestow on 
hym the Honour of a Duke, for his faithfuU service : that was all 
hee requested. Hee did confesse to his Ma**" that hee did deserve 
it well but at this tyme hee besought his Ma^y to hold his hands 
till these troublesome Warres were over, for quoth Walleston, I 
find by experience that after one hath gotten such honour on theyr 
backes, they grow troublesome to the Generall and will not bee 
ruled but ready to rise in rebellion against hym and hee could not 
f. 35. keep them in aw as before, and that hee would bee pleased to pvt 
hym of to some other tyme with some good answeare or other. 
So Walleston delivered the Letter to the Don, with a Kisse in 
reverence of the Emp"" & the other receaved it with the like. 
Walleston desirous to heare of his successe at his leasurable 
returne, away went the Don with his Encomiendum verily expect- 
ing hee should bee a present Duke. And the Emp"" was willing 


enough to doe hym that honour & more for hee loved hym very 
well, & knew Don Baltazar loved hym as well ; and that hee was a 
good souldier & had donne hym brave & faithfull service and a 
good and Vertuous man besides notwithstanding hee was and 
must bee ruled by his Generall especially thinges standing as they 
did. But welcomed Don Baltazar very kindly, and promised hym 
faithfully that if hee would but stay his leasure a little while, hee 
would finde out both honour & that which should support that 
honour besides and so the Emp"" meaned indeed. Don Baltazar 
with these kinde words from the Emp' hymself went away very 
well satisfied and after comming to Walleston the first thing 
Walleston said to hym, I doe not doubt but I may give you the 
ioy of your new Honour hee had from the Emp"" ; who answeared 
hym no : that the Emp'' was very busie, but that hee would doe it 
an other tyme, wherein hee would load hym with honour & 
Revenews, with that Walleston gave a great stamp on the ground 
tearing his heire and swearing a great Othe Who would serve 
such a simple Emperour that knew not to whome to bestow his 
honour, nor will not believe his Generall who is a continuall 
ey-witnesse in the field of souldiers merits or demerits, and you 
especially that have doime hym such honourable and faithfull f. 35 b. 
service and not to gratifie you with so small a request, the 
dishonour hee hath donne to you in it is the more, because the 
whole Camp taketh notice of it, and will the more when they see 
& heare you returne without your desert and will despise you as a 
man of little merit hereafter, your owne souldiers will hardly obey 
you ; and for my owne part I my self am deeply disgraced in it, 
for what will not others under mee [be] ready to contemne mee 
when they see mee of so little credit with the Emp"", that I can not 
get honour to be bestowed on them that so well deserve it. How 
many Counts and Dukes hath hee made of those who have nether 
Vertue, valour nor Nobility of blood in them, onely come to it by 
flattery, with these and the like words when hee found hee had 
set Don Baltazar on fire, and as hee thought sensible of his 
disgrace — Come, come, quoth hee, follow my advise, Don Baltazar, 
and bee ruled by mee & bee true to mee, I will make you greater 
then a Duke, wee will make hym sensible of his wrong hee doth 
to well deserving men ; and so vttered to hym his secret conspir- 
acie. The Spanyard amazed at it within hymself on the suddaine, 
yet finding hymself within his Clawes and what danger hee was in, 
if hee did not show hymself somewhat plyant to the Traytour, 
seemed to follow hym in his wicked devise, whether hee swore 
hym to secrecie or no I know not, but Walleston thought that hee 


was sure of hym and so beeing to goe to Pilson beeing in his way 
txD Aegra hee called hym to goe along with hym thither. But Don 
Baltazar found many excuses of delay that hee could not so 
presently goe, but all excuses apart hee would bee with hym, 
f. 36. within two or 3 dayes without faiie, after hee had given order for 
all things that his souldiers might come after hym in good 

So away went Walleston with a goodly Army towards Pilson 
and great store of Canon as if hee had gonne to a Battaile, which 
Pilson was ten Leagues from Prague. Don Baltazar so soone as 
hee was gonne had no intention to bee catched in a Trap, and 
loose his head as hee thought many more would doe, that went 
with hym 'after hee had once got them in a Stronghold as Pilson 
was. But at length bethought hymself and sent away a Post to 
the Court to informe the Emp"" of what had passed betwixt 
Walleston and hym : but hee could not bee believed thinking hee 
had spoken out of malice, having heard of Walleston his letter 
to the Emp' to put hym by his Dukeship. 

In the meane tyme there hapned a thynge of great importance 
and it seemes it was Gods will, which certainely confirmed Don 
Baltazar his Information to discover the Treason. Walleston had 
left no device untryed publique & private to bringe his ends to 
passe, for among other his Commaunders hee had dispersed to 
bee billited abroad one was Coronell Shaffingberg, ' who had a 
Regiment of a thousand Corasiers, whome hee had billited in the 
suburbes of Vienna, and gave hym comaund to try as hansomly as 
hee could without suspicion to have their Quarter in the Towne 
itself, which hee tryed, but could not obtaine it, but had a 
distastfuU answeare from the Emp' saying have I not a Country 
wide enough to lodge Souldiers in but I must quarter them in the 
Towne where I Keep my Court. This put the Emp'' into some 
suspicion, yet this was but light suspicion. But at last the Coronell 
f. 36 b. as hee was instructed saw hee could not get leave as hee hoped, 
tooke an other politique course which was, that at severall tymes 
and severall gates one by one and by two at a tyme had brought in 
4 or 500 which hee had lodged in od places of the Towne and 
private Innes and houses upon his owne Charge, thinking when 
hee saw his opportunity to make a generall massacre upon the 
suddaine of the Emp*", his Sonnes Wives and children and of all 
the Court, and if need were of all the Cittizens : and the Coronell 
hymself got and lay in the Towne and was very Jouiall vp and 

1 Schaffenberg or Schaffenburg. 


downe every day in the Towne spending his Money with companie 
at Tavernes. And one day, beeing foxt at a Taverne, one of his 
Pages had angred hym, in that heat that hee beat the boy beyond 
measure, and kicked hym downe the stares the noyse was very loud, 
that drew the hosts eare to the Starefoot to see what it was, where 
hee met the page coining, crying and cursing his maister down the 
stares, and by God (quoth the Page), it should bee the dearest beating 
to hym that ever his maister gave in his life ; for hee could reveale 
that which would hang hym. The Host heard hym say so, pittied 
the boy & I thinke made his head to bee washed for it was bloody 
and had hym into an other roome and cherished hym, and 
bemoaned hym, till hee had got out as much as hee could tell. 
The host a good sensible man, thought this was not to bee 
neglected for some thing was suspected before, but they could not 
finde it out, what it should bee : the host hastened to the Spanish 
Embassadours who lay not far from hym and hee had some credit 
besides in the house and was presently admitted to his presence ; 
who told hym what had bene disclosed by a sory boy and upon 
what occasion. The Embassadour bid hym go home and make f- 37 
much of the boy and keep hym safe from his maister, and in that 
tyme hee went hymself and informed the Emperour. The Emp"" 
presently sent part of his Guard who beset the Taverne and with 
the help of the host entred and tooke the Coronell Prisoner, and 
them that were with hym. The Citty gates were shut up and the 
Cittizens presently in Amies and a generall search thorough out 
all the Cittie, where they found all as the boy had discovered, and 
all the souldiers with their horses in every place were snapt up, 
those that were not entred but lay in the suburbs especially the 
officers fled one one way and an other an other when they heard 
what was doing within. The priuate souldiers were pardoned and 
altering their Comaunders were sent to the Campe. The Coronell 
without much adoe confest the Treason, whereupon Te Deum was 
presently sung vp and downe the streets in procession for so 
miraculous an escape of the Emp"" & his issue. 

But in the meane while Walleston beeing come to Pilson and 
having sent for Aldringer the Generall of Bauier^ his Army to 
come to hym as hee had promised, but hee thought hym long, 
quoth Gallas, I wonder hee cometh not I pray God all bee well, I 
could find in my heart to goe see what makes hym stay so long 
and fetch hym least hee should bee turned from us, and then wee 
are spoiled. Walleston consented and away hee went, but hee had 

' Bavier for Bavaria. Fr : Baviere. 


not rid a league or two but hee met with Aldringer. This was 
ioyfull to Gallas, turned hym againe & away they both rid posting 
to Vienna. Picolominie all this while sate upon thornes studying 
how to get away, envying Gallas his escape but yet hee hoped 
well for hee made horses bee layed for hym every five miles if hee 
f. yi b. should have that good lucke to escape and so it fell out well for 
hym, for Walleston beeing in his Chamber with many Coihaunders 
was speaking of removing to Aegre from Pilson but hee onely 
stayed for Aldringer and Don Baltazar, quoth Picolominie, Gallas 
will bringe the one presently and if it please your Highnesse I will 
fetch the other I warrant you in an instant. No saith Walleston 
it shall not I thinke greatly need for heele come of hymself. 
Picolominie replyed no more but tooke leave of hym and went out 
of his presence without contradicting hym, and so with his two 
Pages got to horse : but the Watche would have stayd hym but hee 
answeared I come now from his Highnesse, and so they let hym 
passe : hee was no small ioyfull man and rid soundly till hee got 
to the Court where hee met with Gallas coining post to proclayme 
Walleston and after hee had kissed the Emp""* hands &c. with 
thankes for both their fidelities in that extremitie that hee found 
some that would sticke to hym, away they came post backe againe 
proclayming Walleston Traytour all the Way and all that tooke 
his part and such forces as they could get togeather came marching 
after them. Walleston then repented but to late y' hee had bene 
so foolish to let those two so madly to escape : began to say this 
Towne was too weake for hym to stay in, hee would in all hast to 
Aegra where shortly hee should find strength enough, for there 
was the Sweues Army, the Saxons Army and Walleston his owne 
forces to ioyne togeather, and though his plots were discovered 
hee had forces enough to come to his designe, and so in all hast 
away hee went to Aegra leaving sixty pieces of Artillery behind 
hym upon the Market place, and also a Garrison and hymself 
guarded with 5 Regiments viz. Count Terskies, Count felos, 
f. 38. Butler, Nymans, Kinskey ; but Butler would faine have bene gonne 
but could not. But before Walleston could get within two Leagues 
of Aegre Picolominie was at his heeles chargeing the rere of those 
five Regiments, where was a sharp encounter for three or fower 
howers and there were slayne on both sides 2000 Men. The 
Regiments had so many Dragoniers amongst them that gauled 
Picolominies horse extreamely that hee was glad to retreat. Gallas 
with most part of his Army hee had drawne togeather came 
to Pilson and showing his Patent of his new Authority from 
the Emp""^ the Governour obeyed hym and rendred up the Keyes. 


Butler was mad with hymself that hee could not get away as 
Gallas & Picolominie and with all that hee must fight on the way 
to defend hymself with those hee loved and were his frends, but 
yet hee was studying all the way how to doe mischief & some 
brave exploit to bee talked on and it succeeded to his desire as it 
doth follow : Walleston was glad hee was got into this 

Towne and presently sent to Duke Saxe ' and to Duke Weymar to 
desire them to draw nere their forces as they could to the Towne 
and so they did. Then they began to treate where hee should bee 
lodged. The Castle was motioned for hym, but the Governour 
excused it and sayd it was full of his trash and trumpery, that hee 
dwelt there & his houshould and was not fitting for his Highnesse 
beeing so sluttish, then it was appointed that his Highnesse should 
ly upon the Market-place where were goodly Lodgings. The 
Coronels themselves as Tersky and Butler &c were lodged in the 
Towne with their Captaines &c. But all their companies without 
the Citty, none of the vnited Princes would trust themselves within 
the Citty Walles. (But Count Butler was with child till hee vented f. 38 b. \ 
his plot which hee had bene hatching on all the way jhee came to v > ^\^ ir 
the Towne, and so in all hast hee v/ent to the Castle to the Gover- ^ ^ ^ V^^ 
nour whose name was Gordon his old acquaintance A Scottish-man ^ 

and hymself Irish and tooke with hym Cap" Edmond Burke, Cap" 
Walter Devreux and Cap" Denis and found with the Governour ( 

onely Lasly his Sergeant Maior. They had not bene tong togeather 
but Butler tooke hym apart, and told hym of all particulars and 
what had happened before their comming to the Towne, and how 
that Gallas & Picolominie had got out of the Nett and had bene at 
the Court, and opened all Walleston his Treason and that they 
were both come backe in post with speciall commission to 
proclayme Walleston Traytour and all his followers : and so they 
had already vs * all the way they went, and withall how Picolo- 
minie had followed them so hard that there had bene a sharpe 
encounter very bloody on both sides before they could get into the 
Towne, and quoth hee, I had not the happines as they had to get 
away nor could by any meanes, but was constrayned to fight to save 
our selves as wee came along though it was against them I loved 
which was Picolominie and in hym against my maister the Emp"". 
Now so it is I am proclaymed Traytour by name and my Wife & 
children and all the wealth I have ly in Austria, which I know will 
presently fall into destruction and ransacking. I have bene consider- 
ing how to redeeme my self out of this misery which must bee 

> Francis Albert of Saxe Lauenburg. 
» ? ' viz. ' 


donne suddainely and which with your good help may bee donne 
with ease, otherwise wee all perish, you yourself also and therefore 
doe not lightly thinke of what I shall tell you. And if wee doe it, 
f . 39. as it is very easie to bee donne, but not without your helpe wee 
shall not onely save ourselves but make ourselves a perpetuall 
name to Posterity, and make ourselves and our posterity as wealthy 
as the world can make us. The Governour was on fire till hee 
heard what hee could say, with promise of furtherance what lay in 
hym. The case is thus. You see this great Generall is poursued 
for a Traitour and so hee well deserves, who would bee the mine 
of all Christendome and the Emperour his maister who hath 
raised hym to this height that his proud and ambitions Mynd hath 
carryed hym to make hymself Emp"", and hee hath layd a stronge 
foundation, that I doe not see how hee can bee prevented but by 
this way ; hither hee is come with a World of wealth, and hath all 
Princes of the Vnions strength to support hym, which ioyned with 
all the Emp'"'* forces at his coriiaund ; nothing can hinder his 
designe but the taking of hym out of the way. And if you will 
bee ruled by mee it shall bee donne without any noise for if you 
will but make a great supper and feast and invite hym and his 
4 or 5 Counts who are his owne heart, wee will kill them all at 
the feast & then the deed is donne. If they will not bee catched 
so with your strength beeing Governour of the Towne, and my 
trusty Rogers** I will employ in it, wee will doe it in their owne 
lodgings where they ly, that surely they shall not escape. The 
Generalls of the Princes will not bee brought in they are afraid of 
Walleston hymself, and keep in their Armies without for all his 
protestations & faire promises to them. And then hee pulled out 
a Letter of his pocket which hee by chance had intercepted which 
Walleston had sent to Saxes Marshall of the field that hee did but 
stay till hee had got all the Emp'* Commaunders togeather at 
Aegra that hee might cut of their heads for hee knew they never 
f. 39 b. would bee faithfull to hym, and therefore quoth hee the best way 
is and surest to begin first with hym having the fox now in the Trap, 
that hee could not possibly escape their hands. The Governour 
liked his plot wonderfull well and was as much forward as Butler. 
And withall such rewards promised to hym that could bring his 
head. So it was concluded betwixt them that Gordon should 
invite all these Coronels with Walleston their Generall to a supper 
at the Castle the Governours house. The old fox would not bee 
catched whether out of feare of danger those feasts commonly 

' Rogues. (?) 


bring with them, or that hee was weary as hee said hee was, and 
would goe to bed, and indeed I thynke hee was weary, & sory in 
mynde that hee begun it, seeing it was discovered before it was 
thorough ripe. But to bed hee did goe. The NobiHty accepted 
of it and promised to come, a great supper was providing &c. 
In the meane tyme Butler thinking what might fall to hym and his 
by beeing proclaymed Traytour got a trusty messenger and sent 
hym away at a backe Posterne Gate with a Letter in all hast to 
Gallas & Picolominie at Pilson with their forces there. The effect 
thereof was ; that they knew his poore heart and love to his 
m'aister the Emp"", and withall how impossible a thing it was for 
hym to get out of Walleston his lingers, though they had so good 
lucke therein as they had, and how that they had proclaymed hym 
Traitour with the rest : therefore hee did desire them that his Wife 
& children might not suffer in this busines, till they heard from 
hym which would not bee long and to redeeme this disgrace hee 
would present them with the Traitours head. This Letter was 
very welcome to them for they loved Butler well and knew 
withall if hee undertooke such a busines hee would doe it. 

So now to our Governour & Butler who followed their businesses 
close. Gordon not trusting his owne souldiers who were all f. 40. 
Germans, advised Butler to bring in as many of his Irish as hee 
could without suspicion & to lodge them here & there, and their 
boys to bring in their horses by one & by two but unsaddled 
to bring them ' an other tyme in. Butler trusted none but his Irish 
and not all of them nether, knowing what they should doe : 
evening growing on the nobihty came as they promised to supper 
to the Castle ; at the Bridge they were met with Gordon and 
Butler & lighting from their Coaches were led up to their supper, 
where was a sumptuous roome adorned in all the state that could 
bee : none was suffred to come into the Castle with them but two 
Pages and their Coach and horses in the Castle-yard. Butler had 
two Irish Captaines way ting on hym as Edmond Burke * & Denys. 
Gordon onely his Sergeant Maior Lasly. A hundred Irish soul- 
diers were brought in in private. At the nobilities entrance they 
were presented with Wines and other Junkets till supper was 
ready, Gordon & Butler drinking with them and very merily 
talking sometymes of the sharp & hot encounter they had had 
with Picolominie &c. The gates of the Castle were shut up and 

' ? the saddles. According to Carve {Itinerarium, ed. i, p. 107), who seems to 
have been in Eger the night of the murder, the whole number of conspirators 
was thirty : two Scots, one Spaniard and the rest Irish. 

* For Burke and his honourable conduct cf. Harte, ii, p. 53. 



the Draw-Bridge pulled up, so when they had all things thus 
sure, up came their supper a very stately one and supper was past 
with great mirth ; Butler playd upon them in his Irish which none 
of them understood and bid Denys goe to the Castle top and turne 
the Canon upon that Traytours lodging and breake hym & his 
lodging to pieces meaning Walleston with many such iests in Irish. 
Supper beeing donne then came a banquet in ; but by the way the 
Chamber had two doores one on the right hand and the other on 
the left, upon ether dore was coihaunded 50 Musquetiers to attend 
and so soone as Butler should cry Vive Ferdinando in should the 
f . 40 b. Muskets come & discharge upon their Guests. During this feast 
many healths went round and merrily, nay quoth Butler I will 
begin one health and beeing a great cup spoke to Count Kinksky, 
and said it should bee the Emperours health. The Count skorned 
hee said to pledge, and Butler would prove a Villaine, with that 
Butler threw the cup and drinke in Count Kinkskys face, and with 
a styletto hee had by his side presently stabbed Kinksky, and so 
they grappled and skuffled almost to the ground but the stab did 
not kill hym, for Butler strucke his hand upon the Table and 
cryed with a loud voice Viva Ferdinando whereupon presently 
stept in the Musquetiers at ether dore and all the Nobility were 
presently strucke downe Pages & all. This donne presently Butler 
called for his Irish to goe along with hym with all speed with their 
naked swords and Pistols in their hands and with Partizans and 
Holbards to Walleston his Quarter where hee lay. 

Whilest this slaughter was in hand above, a Captaine of a 
hundred Dragoniers on horse-backe was coinaunded to ride up 
and downe every street to keep in the Cittizens in their houses, but 
hee found all very still. 

Butler coining nere Walleston his Quarter, the Sentinell who 
stood to gard Wallestons doore cryed Qui va la, Butler answeared 
the Round ; the Sentinell calling to his Officer to give the word to 
the head round. Then Butler called for the Lieutenant of the 
Gard before Wallestons doore who was one vnder Gordons Regi- 
ment, who coining Butler bid hym lay downe his Amies who 
obeyed knowing Butler to bee a Coinaunder and so disarmed all 
the rest that had the gard there. But Walleston hearing some 
noyse before his Window below coinaunded his two Gentlemen 
f. 41. Pages who nightly lay in liis chamber with hym to goe see what 
noyse it was below : in the meane tyme Butler- had comaunded 
Walter Devreux with 6 Halberdiers and a Partizan in his hand to 
goe up & kill Walleston, who going up the stares at the head 
thereof met with one of Wallestons Gentlemen of his Chamber 


come newly out to see what noyse it was. At whome Devreux 
stabbed & killed hym : ^the other within seeing that clapped to the > i 
dore Walleston cryed out hee would hang that Bestia that made ^^ ^ 
such a noyse with the dore^but Devreux beeing a strong lusty man 
running with his foot at the the dore burst it open and stabbed the 
other Page and found Walleston hymself in his shirt running to 
the Window to call to the Guard. But seeing Devreux with his 
Partizan and Halberdiers after hym began to reach at his Pistols 
which hung upon the Wall. But Devreux at his comming in 
cryed Sa sa sa Traytour thou must dy and pierced hym with his 
Partizan on the left side hauing giuen hym also two Wounds on 
the body and one in the necke, hee fell to the ground, not saying 
one word but gave a great groane as if the Deuill had gonne out of 
hym, and presently drew hym out by the heeles, his head knocking 
vpon every stare all bloody and threw hym into a Coach, and 
carryed hym to the Castle where the rest lay naked close together 
for the souldiers that watched them had stripped them and there 
hee had the superiour place of them beeing the right hand lile, 
which they could not doe lesse, beeing so great a Generall. His 
lodgings and Treasures were all locked up till the Emp""^ pleasure f. 41 b. 
was knowne. 

Butler & Gordon were no small proud men to see their plot take 
so good successe, and with so little noise that the ennemy without 
heard nothing of it till the next day. This newes was very crosse 
to them when they heard it, and made Saxon much discontented ; 
but Duke Weymar was glad to heare it linding such a Mutiny in 
the Emp""* Army, one Coronell against an other, hee might the 
easilyer destroy them all. But finding all their plot by his death 
was broken & yt there was no good to be donne with staying 
there, having there lost all this tyme rose with their Armyes & 
away they went to take the opportunity of this fraction ; to 
Ratisbone otherwise Regensburg and by force of Armes tooke it, 
and killing all before them, onely reserving the Nunnes for their 
lust, and the fryars to abuse by dismembring them &c. and deflow- 
ring Nunnes upon their Altars with all the skorne that could bee 
inuented, from thence hee broke up leaving a strong Garrison, and 
fortifying it far better then before with great fortresses, that it was 
held almost invincible, tooke his march towards Austria and so to 
the Citty of Stroubin which lyeth betwixt Bavaria & Austria & 
beleaguered it shooting night & day with his Canons into the 
Towne, made a breach, entred by force, killing man Woman & 
child making great pillage and booty leaning a Garrison broke up 
from thence thinking to take his way to Passo. These townes 


were of great consequence to them and on the other side hindring 
all passage upon the River of Danubius even to Vienna. 
f. 42. This Passo was the very entrance into Austria. Bavaria's 
Generall Aldringer waited on hym as neere as hee could there- 
about, and guessing which way hee would goe and of his Intention; 
so beset the passages thereabout that Weymar on the suddaine 
was very much bestreitned ; that hee was faine to pitch downe his 
Leaguer betwixt Stroubin and Passo and mayntaine those Townes 
hee had got beeing of such consequence. 

A little backe to Walleston whose Pockets beeing searched they 
found a Letter wherein Duke Robert,' Saxons tield marshall had 
promised Walleston hee would come to hym such a day, where- 
upon the Governour & Butler sent 50 Dragoniers to meet hym, 
hee not knowing what had happened to Walleston, begun to aske 
how Walleston did thinking they onely had bene sent to bring 
hym in safely but they told hym, Walleston was a Traitour and all 
that held with hym, no excuses but hee must goe with them & so 
hee was brought Prisoner to the Governour who entertayned hym 
very nobly, and showed hym the dead Corps of the great Generall 
& his trusty Counsellours, where they lay naked onely sheetes to 
cover their Nakednesse, which sight strucke the poore Duke into a 
suddaine dump thinking hee should have kept their Company, but 
they perceaved it and put hym out of that feare. But the next 
day all those bodies were put into Waggons and with a good 
Convoy were sent with the Duke new taken Prisoner to Gallas & 
f. 42 b. the Army, and so conveyed to Vienna. Where their bodies were 
hanged upon a Gallows for a shamefull sight of an vngratefull man 
to a maister that had raised hym to that height. It was said his 
frends with much adoe got leave to bury his body but withall that 
there * should have his Armes hang vp a Reverse and an engrave- 
ment under them of his foule act and great Ingratitude to posterity. 
In the meane tyme Butler, Gordon, Devreux, Lasly, Denys Burke 
Garoldine were all sent for to the Emperour, beeing all Irish but 
two Scots Gordon and Lasly where they were royally entertayned 
& feasted by the Nobility especially Butler and Gordon who had 
the honour to Kisse the Empresse hand with great applause of 
their fidelity, and euery one had a chayne of gold put upon his 
necke with the Emperours picture thereon : and the Empresse 
tyed favours to every one : and at their departure loaden with 
honours and meanes : hereupon the Irish grew into such credit at 
the Court and puft them up so high that vnder that colour great 

' An error for (Francis) Albert. 
» .'they. 


disorders were committed by many base people of that Nation 
which had crept in to tlie Court, and winked at. 

Inlinite was the wealth that Walleston brought to Aegra in 
sylver and gold [ ] millions besides Rings, Pearles and 
precious stones, gold Chaines, sylver Vessell & plate besides 
sylver spits and other Kitchen Implements of sylver innumerable 
all which was given them by the Emp'' onely somewhat the Emp"" 
reserved for hymself which was not much, the rest was at their 
returne divided among them and I my self w^as an ey-witnesse of 
the diuision among them : and so I will leave hyni. 

The Emperour though God had rid hym of many mightie f- 43. 
Ennemies contrary to humane expectation as the late King of 
Bohemia : the King of Swevia and last of all his owne servant 
(then which there is none more dangerous) yet the dregs of those 
great Princes were left behind I meane their Generalls and their 
forces, and they were so strong that troubled hym horribly for 
they had lately taken under his nose two or 3 great Townes of 
Danubius of great importance as Reinsberg, Stroobing, Passo, &c. 
Gallas and Picolominie had donne as much as could bee to quiet 
and bring againe into order those Imperiall forces which were so 
distracted by Walleston his rebellion : yet the Emp'' learned by 
Walleston his Treachery not to bestow to much honour upon a 
subiect in making any Generalissimo againe : thought best to 
employ his owne Sonne the King of Hongary who was growne to 
mans estate, and had bene in the Warres : so invested his Sonne 
with the Authority of General. And so taking a solemne leave of 
the Emp"" and Empresse his father and mother with their benedic- 
tion, and the Queene of Hongarie his Wife with many teares and 
generall Prayers thorough the Citty for his good successe and 
happie returne marched thorough Bohemia and part of Austria for 
by Danubius hee could convey nothing downe the River : Duke 
Weymar had stopped the passage. At length by laborious 
marches hee came to Reinsburg which hee found to bee wonder- 
full strong, whither came Bavaria with 40 thousand men : it 
standing hym vpon now to iest no more having so dearly payed 
for his neutrality and consentment to bring in the Sweve ; ' and 
there the King and the Duke set downe their Armies about the 
Towne and strongly entrenched themselves. Duke Weymar 
expecting such a thing had long stayed there about with his f. 43 b. 
Army and fortifying the Towne with what art and Invention could 
doe to make them invincible. The Imperiall Army with Bavarias 

' He is confused with the Elector of Brandenburg. See Introduction. 


was thought to bee nere a hundred thousand strong : Duke 
Weymar had a bout with them seeking to hinder their entrenche- 
ments and sharp tights there was and bloody, the Towne 
sallying out on the one side and the Duke Weymar on the other 
that they did great hurt to the Imperialists, but seeing hee was 
not able to deale with two so great Armies and hauing a repulse 
retreated. But withall encouraging the Towne to hold out and 
hee would shortly bee with them with a greater Army : his 
departure did daunt the Cittizens, notwithstanding they tooke 
courage and swore one to the other that they would dy in the 
cause rather then yield to the King having 20000 souldiers of the 
Sweves with amunition and provision for them besides the Cittizens 
were 5000 well armed and good souldiers and defended the Citty 
most bravely salying out every day and did much hurt to the 
contrary part. But the King of Hongary approaching nearer & 
nearer every night came with in a Musquet shot of the great 
Skonce which lay betweene the Bridge and the Emp""" Army. The 
King comaunded old Coronel Brinar * with his 1000 Musque- 
tiers to assault the said Skonce where lay 500 Musquetiers lalso, 
who fiercely assaulting it, was beaten of the first, second and third 
tyme. The Coronell hymself was sore wounded and lost many a 
brave fellow besides. Then was Coronell Inyon with his thous- 
and fresh Musquetiers, commaunded to second hym. The Towne 
did the like seconding the Skonce with fresh souldiers. But 
Coronell Inyon would not bee beaten backe but in despite of 
them entred part of their workes and filled them vp, at length the 
f. 44. Coronell was felled with a hand-Granado and beaten out of 
the worke againe but hee not discouraged made an other assault 
though hee was sorely wounded before, the more hee saw his 
blood the fiercer hee was and with all had his Jawe-bone with a 
partizan cut in pieces yet this Inyon entred & slew all the 
500 souldiers that were in the Skonce and the Officers retreating 
to the Bridge hee poursued them to the very foot thereof : but the 
Towne seeing the distresse sallyed out with fresh souldiers and at 
the foot of the Bridge made a stand and if young Coloredo had 
not come in with a thousand fresh Musquetiers they had recovered 
the Skonce againe they lay so heavy on them. 

So having got the Skonce the King sent them more souldiers to 
maintayne it and presently turned the Canons of the Skonce upon 
the Towne and beat the Cittizens from the foot of the Bridge 
backe into the Towne and kept the Bridge also. And vpon 

' Breuner, Theatr. Eur., 3, p. 285 a. His regiment was known as Alt 
Breuner, Theatr. Eur., 3, p. 283 a. 


the right hand of the Bridge lay an Hand whereon was two 
Skonces manned with 500 Cittizens and 500 Sweves, which lay 
betweene in the River & the Towne : but thie King having gotten 
the great Skonce thought hymself not safe till hee had got these 
other Skonces in, sent 5 or 600 Musquetiers with their Coihaunders 
to assault the 'said Skonces having made Bridges upon Boats for 
3 or 4 men to passe in a ranke, beeing brought downe the river of 
Danubius above hfty of them ready covered with planchers ready 
nailed on downe the River in the night right over against the 
Skonces where our forces did wayte their comming, and the Boats 
beeing made fast, presently passed many souldiers over but not 
without the losse of many, and beeing come over assaulted the 
Skonces very fiercely, but beaten of the first and second tyme, but 
sending fresh ayde upon aide at length tooke them in killing f. 44 b. 
all therein. The Towne playing mightily upon vs that wee could 
not abide therein, no not so much as peep but were cut of and the 
next night were faine to retreate from the Skonces and shelter our 
selves in many old houses which were in the Hand, which the 
souldiers and Cittizens had defaced and thereby kept the Cittizens 
from entring the Skonces againe. But it seemes the Governour of 
the Towne sent in private to Duke Weymar to challenge his 
promise to relieve them and to tell hym in what distresse they 
were in and could not hold out long. The King having taken 
their Skonces and Bridge and besides having made so many 
breaches into the Towne, though they had often beaten them of, 
yet they could not endure many more assaults : the Cittizens and 
souldiers beeing many of them slayne and the rest tyred out and 
wearyed with continuall fighting and watching and their Amunition 
growing very short with continuall shooting Duke Weymar and 
Gustavus Home the Swevish Generall got all their forces togeather 
and ioyned them in one body and in all hast marched from 
Miniken which lyeth in Bauaria towards vs afore Reinspurb and 
comming by the Citty of Lansfort ' lying betwixt Austria & 
Bauaria would needs venture vpon that by the way, hearing it was 
rich, whereof the King and the Duke hearing was loath it should 
fall into their hands, commaunded presently all the Dragoniers in 
both Armies to march away beeing 20 thousand in number, if it 
were possible to save the Towne. But the Sweves were long 
there before our forces could come & had battered ye Towne & the 
Castle extreamely and had taken in a Skonce or two one after an f. 45. 
other and after much battery had entred the Castle killing all 

' Landshut. 


therein Aldringer who had the leading of our forces and Bauarias 
Generall, and hee who so bravely came of with Tillies body, as 
I have told you before entred the Towne with as many horse as 
hee could but the Towne was little that horsemen could doe no 
good & there was no roome upon the Market-place to light but 
for 2000 horse that all our Army could doe vs no succour but 
onely stood aloofe without the Towne. But Duke Weymar having 
got the Castle came powdring downe the Hill upon us with all his 
forces, therefore the light was very cruell and bloody and in that 
hght Aldringer was slayne, Coronell Henderson ' a Scottish man 
was taken Prisoner and the Kings forces were forced to retreat but 
with great losse and so the Ennemy got the Towne and pillaged 
it ; in the Abbies and Cloisters they found much wealth every 
body strove to bring their wealth thither for safety. But they kept 
old racket among the fryars and nunnes dismembring the Priests & 
deflowring the nunnes ; where they found great provision for their 
Army and the Towne rich kept them 4 or 5 dayes in pillageing 
the covetousnesse whereof made them stay so long there that the 
Towne of Regensburg was delivered up to the King before 
Weymar could come with his Army. At the length when Duke 
Weymar and his souldiers had glutted themselves with pillage 
away they marched. But the Cittizens the very same day hee set 
forward in despaire of his comming made their owne peace with 
the King. The souldiers to depart with bag and baggage, flying 
colours. Bullet ith mouth and burning matches and to bee convoyed 
as far as Norinberg. The Cittizens to have their pardon and 
Religion free for forty yeares. 
f. 45 b. But Weymar drawing nigh to it and not hearing the Canon 
play continually imagined the Towne was delivered as it was, then 
did hee curse the Towne where hee had stayd so long for a little 
pray and at last hearing it to bee certainely true by some Prisoners 
hee tooke, broke up and retreated with his Army. 

Our side hearing of his so nere approach sent out to hght with 
hym, but hee was gonne, neverthelesse our horse followed at the 
heeles with many light skirmishes hee seeing the Army come fast 
upon hym marched away with all speed hee could ; and yt hee 
might march the more speedily from the Ennemy, sunk many of 
his Canons in the River of Lake * with many Wagons loaden with 

' This cannot be the Henderson who commanded the Scottish reserves at 
Liitzen, but an Imperialist officer who was afterwards employed to treat with 
Bernhard of Weimar. Barthold, i, p. 218. Monro calls him simply John 
Henderson. Grant makes him ' Sir John ' (Memoirs of Hepburn, p. 256). 

» Lech. 


powder, bullets and match that they might not fall into the 
Ennemies hands but wee tooke many Prisoners and followed hym 
so hard thinking hee would have turned and fought with vs : but 
hee never stayed till hee came to the Cittie of Norling where hee 
made a stand : but the King seeing hee would not tight turned to 
the Cittie of Donwart which the Sweue had formerly taken and 
left therein a Regiment of a thousand Musquetiers the Commaunder 
thereof was a Scottish Man called Coronell Trup. ' But Coronell 
Struts * having marched a nerer way had beleagred Donwart 
before the King came and shot a breach therein and had demaunded 
the delivery of the Towne two or three tymes, at length tooke in 
the Towne by force before the King came, killed all that resisted, 
man Woman & Childe : then came the King and finding the Towne 
taken praised the Generalls speed and diligence and left him 
Governour there as hee deserved and away hee marched following 
Duke Weymar to Norling where wee must leave hym a while & f. 46. 
speake some thinge of the Duke of Bavaria. 

The Duke of Bavaria, it is generally spoken & I have related 
before, certainely was discontented with the rest of the Princes of 
the Vnion and had his hand in the sending for the King of Sweue- 
land with promise to send hym Men and mony in at his Landing. 
But repenting it seemes sent hym nether at his Landing, nor sent 
to congratulate as others did ; which the King as it is said forgot 
not when hee was in his hieght for they said the King should say 
when hee was come as low as Westphalia that seeing the Duke of 
Bauaria would nether send nor come to hym, hee would vouchsafe 
both to send & come to hym and that it was no marvaile hee had 
broken his Word with hym seeing hee had donne the like before 
to the Emp"^ Ferdinande and to the King of Bohemia that late was 
and so true to none and the King of Sweue kept his word with 
hym and that soundly for before hee came hymself hee billited 
most of his Souldiers in his Country : which storme hee forseeing 
coming upon hym, wisely declyned it as much as in hym lay, and 
although hee could not remove his Country, nor hide it from the 
furious Tempest, but that it must fall upon it, yet hee hymself with 
his Dutchesse & household and all such as had no mynd to suffer 
drew themselves as far from it as they could, and so with what 
baggage as was portable as Jewells, Money and other Treasures 
fled to the Mountaynes and into Austria and left the rest to the 
Conquerour to whome it was no great labour to maister it, all 

' Troup : ' William Troope killed in the Pfalz,' Monro. 

* Strozzi. He can hardly have been left as governor. Barthold, i, p. 175. 
He was commander of Croats with Isolani. 


f. 46 b. yielding to hym as I have showed you before. Only Ingolstad hee 
left soundly manned & prouided of what Nature & Art could 
invent to stand against a 1000 strong and yet that wee may know 
how subiect to mutability and infirmenesse these worldly things are 
that let all the Wit and deuice of men bee put togeather fortune 
will have a deuice to overthrow for as you have heard the weak- 
nesse and faint-heart of a base Governour had brought all these 
preparations to naught, if God had not prevented it. But as 
I say the Duke of Bavaria for all the devastation of his Country 
which the King made hee hymself carryed away a World of 
Treasure with hym : for hee was riche, that if fortune did but 
smile a little upon hym againe as Nullum violentum est durabile, 
no violent thing can continue long, hee might bee able to recover 
hymself and his Country. And so though after Tillies first over- 
throw hee was never able to bandy in open field with the King of 
Sweveland but flying from hym, yet hee kept always a running 
Army upon foot which Army if it had bene succoured in tyme 
with forces from Walleston as the Emp"" had coiiiaunded hym 
often to doe, the King of Sweve had not run so full a carrier as hee 
did, but that old Tilly would faine have bene meddling with the 
King againe if hee had had but sortie addition to those hee had : 
but Walleston kept hym short having an opportunity to bee revenged 
for some former discontent and suffred the King to take the 
pleasure of his Country with fire and sword. But to our History. 
Swethland beeing taken away : And Walleston his Adversary also ; 
f. 47. hee then ioynes it seemes strongly with the Emp' as it stood hym 
upon : for they both togeather had enough to doe, for their 
Adversaries were very strong as the remaynder of the Sweves 
Army ioyned with the Princes of Germany and with the addition 
of the french who also had gotten strong footing in Germany. 
Vnder the Emp""^ nose & Bavarias both they had taken Ratisbohe 
and [ '] the very Key of Germany & Austria and also of 

Bavaria standing upon Danubius, that without the getting of those 
two Townes againe hee was in feare ever to get any more of his 
Country againe, and in danger sooner to loose Ingolstad then to 
recover the other. For Gustavus Home and Duke Bernard 
Weymar though the King was dead, yet kept their Court at 
Miniken in as great state as if the King hymself had bene alive, & 
there, and in that forme as at his last departure from thence hee 
left it full of strength & forces. But to the busines this Towne of 
Ratisbone beeing taken in but with great losse & blood : then 

I Straubing. 


begun Bavaria to thinke of getting his owne Country againe and 
also the sooner & easyer for that Gustavus Home & Weymar 
those two brave Generalls (who had kept Court at the Dukes 
Palace at Miniken) as I have said to succour this Towne of 
Ratisbone had drawn e from thence all the forces they could, 
fayled of their comming short and besides durst not stand before 
the Kings and the Dukes Army whome they had followed as far as 
Norling, might with ease, none or small resistance get his Country 
& his deare Miniken againe & so hee did, for first hee began with f. 47 b. 
Stroobing which held out long till they had made their Peace as 
Ratisbone had donne and all the rest followed with ease, some or 
most glad to bee under their old Duke againe and so saluting 
Miniken thence to Engolstad praising the Cittizens faithfulnes. 
Away hee posted after the young King (leaving some small forces 
to take all in Bavaria that was left) ; and knowing & hearing from 
the King that there was like to bee a sharp encounter at Norling 
and that vnita Vis est fortior ; away hee marched with all his 
strength to ioyne with the King least thorough his defect the 
day should miscarry and then all that they had formerly donne 
had bene to no purpose and coming thither found the King at 
the Seige. 





Duke Bernard alias Weymar and Gustavus Home having as I 
may say little better then fled from the Kings Army which prosecu- 
ted them even unto this Cittie of Norling, and finding the neare 
approach of the Kings Army and his forces not sufficient to with- 
stand the Kings Army alone came and touched at Norling and told 
them what they were like to trust to, which was a Siege for the King 
and the Duke were at hand, left them some forces to hold out the 
longer and refreshed his Army bidding them bee of good heart 
and hold out, and hee would but goe to encrease his strength and 
f. 48. would not faile but relieve them and to bee able to fight with the 
Ennemy if not to remove- hym from the siege, and so away hee 
went into the Land of Wertinburg, where having got more forces 
made no long stay but to Norling hee comes backe againe, where 
he finds the Ennemie but newly and rawly entrenched not 
expecting Weymars so suddaine returne. But Weymar came 
bravely on with his Army and past vs. as though hee would 
presently fight with us. His horse and ours encounters and while 
wee were busy thus on our right-hand file hee sends three 
Troopes of his horse upon his left-hand file and behind every 
horseman a Musquetier, and approached up to a Mill which lyes 
close to the Walles of the Towne and caused there Musquetiers 
to alight, whome the Towne were ready prepared to receave and 
bring them in : and wee not conceiting such a Stratageme that 
they had Musquetiers behind them, but that onely they were come 
to make a bravado : and with all wee had enough to doe with the 
Ennemy on the left-hand file, wee could not have well come tyme 
enough to hinder them. 

But Duke Weymar having donne that which hee came for viz to 
relieve them and night growing on, on the suddaine retreated and in 
an Instant to a great ' Hill which lay about the space of an English 
Mile from our Leaguer, whereon stood a Castle and at the foot of 
the Hill a little stronge Towne and a deep Moate about it, in 
which Towne lay 3000 Musquetiers : and his whole Army lying 
upon the Hill, having provision enough by reason all the Country 

' The Arnsberg. The little strong Town is probably Elderheim. 


behinde them was theirs as namely the Land of Wertingburg, 
Swaven, Franconia, and the Palatinate and so up to the Borders of 
Swisherland : and there hee lying some 8 or 10 dayes wee daily f. 48 b. 
expected Battaile : in that tyme came the Cardinall Infant with his 
Army out of Spaine to goe into the Low Countryes, and lay at 
Donwart some three German Miles of, which the King of Hungary 
had lately taken in, whereof when the King heard, sent to hym to 
congratulate his comming and to know withall whether it pleased 
hym to bee with his Army at the Battaile which hee daily 
expected, and to ioyne with hym, which hee very willinglie did 
and the next day wee drew our Army out of their Trenches, horse 
& foot with all our Canons, and gave three Volleys of shot Canons 
and Musket all ouer the Armie for the honour of the Cardinalls 

Duke Weymar hearing this and knowing the cause, was much 
angrie and swore hee would send the proud Spaniard backe to 
Spaine with a pestilence. But the next day broke up his Army 
from the Hill and wheeled about a Wood which was nere, as if 
hee would march into Wertingburg- Land : wee sending out our 
Skouts after hym, they returning said that certainely hee was 
marched backe againe, that which dazeled and blinded their 
discovery because hee kept his Reregard so farre behinde. This 
newes beeing brought to the Camp our Generalls gave leave to 
most part of our horse to goe to their Quarters to refresh them- 
selves having stood in Battaglia a whole night and a day. But 
Coronell Butler (whose name I can not mention without reverence) 
having the Guard half an English Mile before the Army sent mee 
and Cap" Burke up to a Rocke to discry if wee could which way 
the Ennemy had taken his march : and wee two riding upon the 
top of the Rocke all alone, saw the Ennemies Rere-gard marching 
toward the left hand : wee tooke our way downe the Rocke into a 
Wood at the foot of the Hill and in the Wood wee found a f. 49. 
Tracke where a Troop of horse had marched before vs wee 
supposing it was a Troop of the Ennemies horse followed them, 
and going thus a space of a quarter of an hower seeing no bodie, 
we heard Drummes & Trumpets sound not knowing whether it 
were frend or Ennemy comming to the end of the Wood, wee saw 
the whole Army of the Ennemy in a great field behind the Wood 
standing in Battaglia with their front towards our Army : wee 
seeing this beeing both well mounted in hast tooke our retreat 
backe to our Regiment and acquainted our Coronell with what wee 
had scene, who presently sent us in post to the King to acquaint 
hym with it ; who would not believe it, but wee had no sooner 


spoken the Word but there came a Courier who told the King 
that the Ennemies was fallen upon our gard w''^ Count Butler did 
comaund. But our Sergeant Maior Generall Count Marachin, 
having the Gard behind hyni with 3000 horse seconded Count 
Butler : but the Ennemie approached with great force, and our 
Generalls Person, having not notice tynie enough before wee 
could get ' the Infantery to ayde vs the Ennemy had put vs to 
small retreat : and in the skirmish was slayne Baron de Turnet * 
Coronell de Binder and Coronell Nicola was sore wounded, 
Coronell Devreux was shot in the right thigh : where this skirmish 
was made upon our left hand stood a Hill which the Ennemy was 
desirous to get : where wee had a Spanish Capitaine with 
200 Musquetiers. Our Generall seeing the Ennemy did strive to 
assault the Hill sent mee with 200 Dragoniers to ayde the Spaniard 
there. But the night grew on and the Ennemy had approached 
with in half a Canon-shot of the Army, and our Generall thinking 
wee were too weake to maintayne that Hill sent a Lieutenant 
Coronell with 500 Spanish Musquetiers to relieve mee, and I 
f. 49 b. to returne but I could not passe but I must come thorough the 
Ennemies garde, which lay betwixt mee and my Regiment, but I 
was resolute to passe through them with my Dragoniers and 
beeing darke commaunded none should discharge till they were 
bidden, and so marched close togeather, they calling often for the 
Word, but I gave no answeare, till we were in the midst of them 
and then on a suddaine wee discharged all togeather that made a 
great confusion among them, whether they thought till then wee 
were frends that they did not shoot, but then they bestirred 
themselves. My Coronell lying not far from thence, hearing this 
doing came up with his Regiment and brought mee of for there 
hee lay expecting my coining. 

The Ennemie hearing this Alarme thought that the Spaniards 
which kept the Hill were fallen upon their Gard : approached up 
to the Hill & assaulted it : but the Spaniards beate them backe. 
The Sweves tooke courage and set on it againe and this Assault 
did last for three howers, at last they tooke in the * Hill & cut of 
most of the Spaniards : some of the principall officers they gave 
Quarter vnto : but the next morning brought those Spaniards 
before the whole Army and shot them to death contrary to the 

' There is some confusion in language here. 

* These officers, if their names are correctly given, do not appear to be 
mentioned elsewhere except ' de Turnet, ' who is ' Baron de la Tornetta. ' 
Khevenhiiller. xn. 1213. 

* The Haselberg. (Wille, Hanau im dreissigJUhrigen Kricge, p. 132.) or possibly 
the ' Allbuch. ' 


Lawe of Armes. This Hill beeing taken in, they brought their 
Canons upon it and the next morning by breake of day they began 
to play with them into our Leaguer which was the speciall thing 
they aymed at. But our horse and the Spanish horse beeing come 
(who had marched all night) made a stand and began to draw 
their Batallia up into divisions, but the Ennemy very resolutely 
approached and tooke a skonce in of ours, which lay hard under 
the Hill which they had new gotten of us, and played upon us 
with Canon of the Hill & of the Skonce which gauled the 
Spanish Army ; but the Spaniard approached with his whole Army 
and tooke in the Skonce & Hill againe, and put the Ennemy to f. 50. 
retreate in which Ennemies retreat wee tooke Prisoners Coronell 
Hew ' a Scottish-man Cap" Christen and Cap" Fiscots * and 
Cap" Ramsey a Scot and Coronell Musten was shot dead and 
many a brave sparke more, during this hot light the Towne sallyed 
out on our backes and did us much mischief : but wee beate them 
often backe. 

Duke Weymar seeing the service so hot on the right hand file 
and like to have the worst of it, fled to Policy, and thought if hee 
could get out and fall upon the Kings backe who was very atten- 
tive to maintayne this tight on the right hand-file, hee should 
puzzle the King extreamely coining so unlooked for, tooke two 
strong Troopes of horse and marched towards a passe where I 
was comaunded to stand with 200 Dragoniers by Picolominie, * 
who had carefully observed & viewed all passages of danger. 
Before mee I had a Quick-set hedge and a bog of about a pistol 
shot in breadth and in the midst a narrow passage of fower in 
ranke which narrow passage Duke Weymar had found and thither 
hee comes but not knowing or thinking any body was there yet to 
prevent danger sent a Troop of 200 horse to see if the passage 
were cleare, which Troop I embraced with a voUy of 50 Musque- 
tiers then 50 more and so kept their order 50 at a tyme and 
coiiiing so unexpected vpon them made such a confusion among 
them man & horse tumbling in the bogs that it grieved my 
self to see them. Weymar swearing intolerably and the more 
hee strove to second them with fresh in that heate the more they 
fell into disorder, I and my Troopes standing in security and at 
our ease having 50 fresh shot upon them still. At length I could 
heare hym sweare and call aloud to bring downe 500 horse and 

' ' Hew ■ may be the real name, or it may be an error for ' Hume ' or 
' Home '. Thomas Hume of Carrolside was Lieut. Col. of the Rhinegrave's 
regiment of horse. 

' ■ Fiscots ' is possibly (a Lindsay of) ' Pitscottie '. 



300 Musquetiers more. I hearing hym say so, sent presently a 
Courier to Galas our Generall that if hee would have that passe 
kept, hee must send more forces : John de Wert hearing this 
came hymself and brought 500 Crabats and 300 Musquetiers : the 
Crabats beeing come I marched over with my Dragoniers and 
played upon the Ennemy with them till the Crabats got over with 
the 300 Musquetiers and beeing got over John de Wert encountred 
with Duke Weymar but was beaten backe to the bog but John de 
Wert sending backe for 5 Regiments of Cuirassiers got a good 
courage and at the second encounter got 5 Colours in the skirmish, 
with which Duke Bernard was much vexed, that hee called aloud 
to fetch 3000 Musquetiers more & the rest of his horse that had a 
field piece betwixt every Troope. And the bottome wherein they 
fought was but small and had more horse and men then they 
could well order there already beeing betwixt two great Hills : 
but John de Wert having got some advantage held it and followed 
it with fresh horse upon horse that there was a bloody fight. At 
length came Duke Weymars horse but there was no roome for 
them to employ them to the Dukes relief, but the Dukes forces 
beeing once in disorder John de Wert plyed hym so hard that hee 
would not give hym leave to make any stand : and then these new 
forces coining in the necke of the other that there was such a 
generall confusion among them that the Dukes Infantry which were 
' in the bottome were all cut downe, and themselves out of order lost 
their courage and away they fied, and John de Wert followed the 
Duke in slaughter 6 English Miles : so it seemes a man may have 
too many men as well as to few, unlesse hee have roome to order 
them in, as it fell out here : and what a little occasion as such a bog 
as this should order all the order of the Battaile and bring the 
f. 51. Battaile out of the plaine champion into a little bottome, which was 
as was thought, they would have got the day in the plaine field, and 
all that Duke Weymar now [did] was in heate and choler without 
consideration comming to bee beaten backe at such a passage. But 
Gustavus Home although hee saw that Duke Weymar was over- 
throwne on the right hand and fled, which was enough to discourage 
a good spirit, yet fought like Dragons two howers after ; and on 
the other side the Spaniards were as much encouraged to see wee 
had got the day, that they fought like Tygers and so long and 
having fresh supply that at length Gustavus Home was taken Pris- 
oner and Sergeant Maior Generall Cratz who as I said before had 
runne from Ingolstad, and many a brave Cavalliero cut downe. 
The rest of the Army began to fly and our Infantery with our horse 
following the slaughter for the space of twenty English Miles. 


There wee got all their Canons and other field-pieces which 
were above fiftie in number and all their Amunition Wagons and 
Baggage- Wagons above fower thousand with all their Colours : 
and withall wee found such a number of Ladies and Commaunders 
Wives that I can not count them, and all of them taken Prisoners. 
John de Wert followed the execution after Duke Weymar thorough 
the Land of Wertinberg with his light horse & Crabats till hee 
came to a Towne called Holbrum ' which was 50 English Miles 
and more standing upon the River of Neckar, where Duke Weymar 
had 5 Companies of souldiers and there made a stand, the Towne 
was too strong for hym ; and so returned and coming by a Towne 
called Keeping^ where lay Coronell Grinoway* an English man 
with his Regiment belonging to Duke Weymar, hee seeing the 
battaile lost, Weymar fled and hymself riche gave up the Towne 
with his whole Regiment to the service of the King of Hongary. f. 51 b. 

Then the King marched with his whole Army thorough the 
Land of Wertinberg to Kirken ^ vndre, but the Duke who had an 
Army of his owne Boores of ten thousand threw away their armes 
and run away and left their Duke shift for hymself who fled to 
Straseburg but John de Wert followed hym through a Wood called 
Swartzwald and upon the other side of the Wood meets with the 
Ringrave with an Army of 8000 not one knowing of the other. 

The Ringrave was so amazed first seeing the flight of the Duke 
of Wertinberg and John de Wert coining so suddainely upon hym 
in good order after, made a stand and encountred, but the Ringraves 
horsemen beeing discouraged therewith made a retreat towards the 
River of Rhene, thinking to swim with his Cavalliery over the Rhene 
was drowned therein hymself with many of his horsemen who was 
coining with his Army to the Battaile of Norling. 

But the King of Hongary beeing come to Kirkenvndre wherein lay 
two Companies of Duke Weymars. The Commaunder did yield up 
the Towne as the former did and the King left Coronell Butler there 
with certayne Regiments as Corhaunder to take in the rest of the 
Country. Which doune the King marched forwards to the Towne of 
Holbrum as aforesaid and beleagred it, and tooke it in by force but 
not without burning half thereof. The King stayed here a long tyme 
and divided his Armie into three parts : Count Redburg ' marched 
into Franconia and tooke in all the Townes & Castles thereabouts. 

* Heilbronn. 
^ Goppingen. 

^ ? Greenway. 

* This seems to be Kirchheim unter (Teck) 

* Riedberg, (Theatr. Europ : iii, p. 639.) 



Gallas marched with an other Army toward the Rhene and 
coming nere Heydleburg met with certaine Troopes of the french 
Armie which did encounter with hym, but the french getting more 
f . 52. ayde hauing the Towne & Castle to help, Gallas was forced to retreat. 
The Duke of Lorayne having the Reregard of the Armie and the 
french approaching strong upon hym was forced to leave 3 of his 
Canons behinde hym and so wxnt to Holbrum to the King, and 
there the Winter Quarters were delt out which fell out to bee so 
neare the Ennemies Wynter-Quarters that as much harme was 
donne to both sides with often Incursions as if the Armies had bene 
in the field. And Coronell Despanias Quarters fell out to bee 
betwixt Holbrun and Heydleburg which was in the french hands 
and one Coronell Dubartle ' one of Duke Weymars Army, which 
had bene lately taken Prisoner and had lost most part of his 
Regiment, and beeing ransomed and getting an other Troope of 
horse fell into Coronell Despanias Quarters and cut of most of his 
men and hymself was taken Prisoner, after this manner they spent 
the whole Wynter. 

But I should have told you that as there was great sorrow on 
Duke Weymar his Syde for his losse, which you must judge was 
sorrow enough : so on the other side the joy was in extremity, for 
what expression of joy could bee made there was ether in Drummes 
Trumpets, Canons &c. for so great a Victory. Te Deum was pres- 
ently sung thorough out all the Armie that was left, for those that 
followed the poursuite had more mynde of taking pray then of 
making prayer I thinke. Especially the Congratulation of the young 
King with the young Cardinall, how God had donne them that 
honour to meet almost by miracle at so great a Victory. Bavaria and 
Loraine had their shares in this ioy. The Battaile ended the 
Cardinall prepared for his journy and after leave taken very 
solemnely by the good Princes: the Cardinall went away by Colen : * 
and thorough Colen ; whither the Citty it is thought had invited 
f. 52 b. hym as it seemes by his enter tainement for hee was met within a 
Mile of by the Lords of the Citty : and at his entrance by all the 
Clergie especially those Electorall Bishops and others that were 
fled for refuge thither from the face of the Swevish King and by 
them brought to the High Church thorough all the Streets, hanged 
and strewed where hee heard a delicate Sermon with Te Deum sung 
all the way : where hee rested that night. The next day marched 

1 Taupadel. He had been captured by Butler at the taking of Schorndorf. 

* His army crossed the Rhine not at Cologne, but at Andernach. But he 
himself went on to Cologne. Theatr. Europ., iii, p. 372. Poyntz's story is quite 


away with all speed : but -before his going made the Cittizens a 
gratulatory speach for their more then kingly entertayment of him : 
and with all it did rejoyce hym much to see them so firme in the 
Catholique faith : and what a favour God had donne them to have 
the happinesse their Towne to bee the Civitas Refugij to the Saints 
which had fled to them for succour. But amongst all hee had an ey 
of the Bishop of Wertsburg where the Swevish King had found so 
much Money : whome hee much blamed that Knowing what 
distresse the Emp"" was in for mony, and thereby the Empire, and 
yet would suffer so much Mony and gold to ly resting there, that 
that which was layd up there for the good of the Empire should fall 
into an Ennemies hands and thereby destroy the Empire by Gods 
permission. The Bishop [said] it was laid there by his Predeces- 
sours to which hee had followed their course and made some addi- 
tion of his yearly revenew as they did, and indeed durst not without 
some great offence adventure of stirring it. 

Notwithstanding this great Victory, the Towne of Norling from 
which wee have long digressed was not discouraged but held the 
King play a long tyme with great losse as well by their often sallies 
when hee was in fight with Weymar as also now beeing often 
beaten backe from many assaults : whereat hee beeing angrie made f. 53. 
his Cuirassiers to allight who are horse-men armed Cap a pied 
who were also served in like sort : of which Companie I was one : 
where was a strife betwixt one and my self for one Ladder, whether 
of us should goe up first, hee would have the first honour, & I would 
have it hee pleaded hee was my ancient in service and so hee was, 
and I let hym goe, a proper young man hee was and up hee went 
and I followed hym at heeles so soone as hee came to the Top of 
the Walles, his head was no sooner peeped up above the Walles, 
but it seemes one thrust at hym with a Halberd and thrust of his 
Bever, his Bever was no sooner of but with a sword one strucke of 
his head and fell to the ground the head beeing of the body falls 
upon mee and there it lyes very heavy upon mee and blooded mee 
wonderfully that I was almost smothered with blood. I not 
knowing what was the cause cryed what the Devil ayld you that 
you doe not mount higher, but what with the weight and with the 
blood I could hold no longer and downe wee fell togeather and 
what with my fall upon the stones and hee in his armour upon mee 
that I knew not whether I was alive or dead, but after I came to 
myself sore bruised and bloody I crawled to the Wall and stood 
close where I saw them run from the Assault, I though overloaden 
got away the bullets coiiiing flying after us, which chance was 
much observed afarre of and I had such wondring at mee to see 


mee so bloody all over and yet not wounded. But yet the King 
would not bee beaten of so but got it at last to the Townes-mens 
cost who were all slayne. ' 

The Princes of the Vnion were wonderfully dejected with the 
overthrow of their two Generalls, and with them almost all their 
forces & strength presently sent a Post to Prague at the siege 
f. 53 b. whereof they knew very well the Duke of Saxony lay with Banier 
to acquaint them in what state they were, and that with all speed 
hee could that hee would make their peace with the Emp"" otherwise 
prosecuting his Victory they would all bee outed of their Countries : 
hee as I have formerly writ neglected no tyme but made good use 
for hymself and them of it : and a Peace was concluded and a Dyet 
to bee held at Ratisbone (lately taken in by the King of Hongary) 
and so it was the next sommer after. 

Now to the King againe : the Sommer coiiiing on Gallas drew 
into the field (for the King of Hongary wintred most part in Vienna 
and was not yet come to his Army) and marched to Heydleburg 
and beleagred the Towne and Castle, the Coinaunder thereof was 
Coronell Huncks ^ an English man. Gallas lying there about the 
space of 14 dayes broke up from thence leaving certaine Regiments 
about it an [sic] marched towards Mannum ^ and there hee 
pitched his Leaguer and lying certaine dayes there, broke up againe 
and left two Regiments of foot with young Papenham * of 6000 men 
with 3 Companies of Dragoniers lying a mile of onely to keep that 
no provision should come to the Towne. And Gallas with the rest 
of his Army marched towards Wormes where lay 3 Regiments of 
french & Swevish where Gallas built a Bridge "' betweene franken- 
dall & Wormes and marched over with half his Army, and beleagred 
the Towne on both sides and laying there the space of 8 dayes 
tooke in the Towne upon composition laying downe their Amies 
and Colours and put a Garrison in the Towne : and sent Don 
Hannibal de Gonzaga with 3 Regiments of horse and foot to 
frankendall and there to entrench themselves a Mile of to Keep out 
f. 54. provision and lay there the space of 24 weekes where were Pris- 
oners taken & killed on ether side in sallies. But Coronell Smith- 

1 Nordlingen surrendered on good terms the day after the battle. The whole 
' story seems misplaced. 

* Abel Moda a Swede was the real commandant, but Huncks was a real 
person, who fought at Maestricht. Markham, ' Fighting Veres, ' p. 445. 

' Mannheim. 

* Nephew of the cavalry general, and defender of the Wiilzburg against 
Gustavus Adolphus in 1631. cf. Harte, ii, p. 126 note. Pappenheim had but one 
son, born in 1618. 

* i. e. across the Rhine at a point between the two towns. 


burg ' Governour of the Towne of Mannum finding his Amunition 
and provision to grow short, agreed to yield up the Towne laying 
downe colours & Armes, and all them that had mynde to serve the 
Emp"" and stay might, and was to bee conveyed with his Companie 
to Metz in Lorraine, but tarrying long for his conduct betweenefrank- 
endall and Mannum came certaine straggling parties from our Army 
& fell into his Quarters where hee lay with his baggage and beeing 
disarmed men, pillaged his baggage and put his men to flight that 
the Coronell alone took his way with a Page in the night towards 
Haganaw where lay a Regiment of the french and there hee stayed. 

But the Towne of frankendall seeing the Towne of Mannil given 
up and no hope of relief, began to parly that they might march 
out with bag and baggage, flying Colours, burning Matches and 
bullet in mouth but the Regiment which was called the Holland 
Regiment was to bee conveyed downe the River of Rhine towards 
Holland and a french Regiment to bee conducted as far as Elses ^ 
Chabur which lyes in Alsatia upon the passage vp to Loraine, so 
the; Towne was yielded. 

But Gallas hearing the french Armie lay about Mentz marched 
thither ; but the french not thinking themselves strong enough to 
stay his coining broke up and marched towards Chritznocke. ^ 
Gallas beleagred Mentz and sent a flying Army up to Chritznocke 
to assault the Towne, and tooke half the Towne but the french 
kept the other half with the Castle, and the french having got a 
new supply drive out the Imperialists cutting of 2000 and so the 
rest were constrayned to retire backe to Gallas, who hearing this f. 54 b. 
news broke up from before Mentz, for that the french with their 
new supply followed the flying Armie even to Mentz. 

Gallas marched backe to Wormes againe there tarrying till the 
King of Hongary came with an Army of 15000 men which Count 
Colredor had commaunded in Bohemia when the King came to 
Holbrun, hee sent the said Colredor with the Armie to Gallas which 
beeing come joyned togeather and went over the Rhene at Wormes 
and went to franckford on the Mayne and pitched his Leaguer 
betwixt franckford and Darmstat. The french Generall built a bridg 
at Mentz and began to approach to Gallas, but hauing notice hee 
had a new supply retreated hymself to an Hand which is called 
Gustavus-burg, * lying betwixt the Rhene and the Mayne; there they 

• Schmidtberg, best known for his defence of Philippsburg after Nordlingen. 
^ Elsass Zabern. 

^ Kreuznach. 

* Harte, ii, p. 117. Modern historians say Httle of this matter, but the Theatrum 
Europceum has a plan of the place, ii, p. 604. 


lay both Armies facing one the other for the space of 4 Moneths. 
This place called Gustavus-burg was built by the King of Sweve by 
his owne name viz. the Cittie of Gustavus : and it was a thing of 
great importance for it commaunded Mentz and also the River of 
Rhene that nothing could passe without its leave paying contribut- 
ion. And the King was so earnest in the edification of it that hee 
placed all about that they that would come and build and live there 
should have greater priviledges then other places had, and it almost 
beggered Mentz and defaced it ; for most of the Churches, Abbeyes 
and Religious houses were pulled downe for the Stone to bee 
brought to build Gustavus-burg, and so they did from any Towne 
round about where they could get any, that before the King was 
f. 55. killed it was growne to a great Citty, but since his death it is 
almost come to nothing ; for the french souldiers getting the com- 
maund there and every where with the Sweve, both goe to wracke 
one envying the other. 

In the meane tyme the King of Hongary lying at Holbrun, brought 
all the free Townes to Composition with hym and submitted them- 
selves, as namely Norinberg, WoUom,' franckford on the Mayne, but 
Straseburg would and would not as hee [saw] the successe. But 
franckford having 2000 Musquetiers lying in one half of the Towne 
of the Sweves forces, the Coinaunder whereof was Coronell Knip- 
housen * who did not know at first the Lords of franckford were 
gonne to the King to Holbrum about peace, but at last got notice 
of it, by this their secrecie hee expected some rough dealing : the 
Lords suddainely upon their returne without any warning to the 
Coinaunder turned all their Canons upon the Sweves and shot 
fiercely vpon them and withall sallyed over the Bridge, thinking to 
beat hym out of his Quarters but hee receaved them with such 
Vollies of shot that they were constrayned to retreat backe with the 
losse of many. This continued the space of 8 dayes so that the 
Lords of the Towne were forced to write to Gallas for ayde, who 
sent them 8000 men by Marquesse de Grande ^ who beeing come in 
short tyme the Governor began to parley and at length it was 
agreed hee should march away with flying colours, bullet in the 
Mouth, bag and baggage 5 pieces of Canon and 6 Wagons of 
Amunition and convoy for hymself to Mentz where the french Army 
lay. This half Towne thus yielded and hee marching out with all 
his souldiers, baggage &c hee thinking to have a convoy for all his 
2000 men, our Generall caused his souldiers to stand and with our 


* Vitzthum was the real commander. Possibly Kniphausen was present. 

' Carretto, Marchese di Grana : it was really Lamboy. 


8000 men made a Ring about them and there our Generall showed f. 55 b. 
hym the Accord which was made betwixt them, wherein hee had 
forgotten convoy for his men and mentioned it onely for hymself 
which was given hym, but his Officers and souldiers were faine to 
take the kings pay and so lose all his bag and baggage which fell 
to our horsmen. The Canons and Amunition was sent backe to 
the Towne and their colours to the Emperour. In the meane tyme 
the french Army lying so long in this Hand of Gustavus-burg having 
almost famished them broke up and left the Hand unmanned : but 
in the Towne of Mentz hee left a thousand Musquetiers and Gallas 
marching after hym up towards Chritznocke besieged it and in the 
space of 8 dayes took the Towne in : but the french retreated to the 
Castle and Gallas leaning went from thence, left 2000 souldiers in 
the Towne who continually skirmished with those of the Castle, and 
in the night Coronell Becker, an Ingenious and valourous man got 
under the shot of the Canon and there entrenched hymself but not 
without the losse of many a man. The french next morning finding 
what was donne, sallyed out and besieged this entrenchement and 
fought the one with the other the space of three howers, but the 
Imperialists having worked the whole night grew very faint and 
weary and thorough the greatnesse of the labour were forced to 
leave the entrenchement, and retreat into the Towne. The french 
layd the entrenchement levell, a great slaughter there was on both 
sides, and this continued all the Sommer. 

But the Coronell sent to Gallas for 500 i Musquetiers who lay 
betweene Sorbruck and Sweybruck ^ those forces beeing come hee 
approached the Castle againe the nights beeing growne longer and f. 56. 
entrenched hymself as before, but the french grew weake partly 
for want of food and men : made one sally more out but with great 
losse ; which discouraged them so that presently they came to a 
parly and hauing their owne conditions coining out with flying 
colours etc. were conducted to their Army. 

In the meane tyme Gallas marched after the french Army who 
tooke their retreat towards Metz in Loraine having pillaged the Duke 
of Sorbrucks * Country with the principall Townes as Sorbruck 
Sweybruck etc. and following the french over the Moselle sent 
young Colredo before hym with the Van-gard of 6000 light horse, 
who meeting with a Troope of french of 200 or thereabout, put 
them most to the sword, but the principall Officers Kept Prisoners, 
so going forward marched thorough a Wood, hee saw a party of 
2000 french horse which was vpon a Hill with a small Brooke at 

' Saarbriick and Zweibriicken. 
* Nassau-Saarbriick. 


the foote but upon the other side of the Hill lay the frenche with 
his whole Army, Colredo advanced to these 2000 over the Brooke 
with all his 6000 men, but sent two great Troops to encounter with 
them and hee marching upon the right hand got to the Top of the 
Hill, where hee saw the whole Army advancing up the Hill towards 
hym, but hee slew like a brave souldier most of the 2000 before 
the rest could come up the Hill. ButColoredo thinking to make a 
retreat in good order coihaunded 3 Coronells with 3000 men who 
were Binder, Long & Peter Gets ' to hold them in play till hee 
got over the Brooke and that hee would second them in like case, 
but his owne souldiers beeing discouraged with that retreat, and 
the french Army comming on them all fled, and the Ennemy had 
f. 56 b. the slaughter of them 6 English Miles. Coronell Long was slayne, 
Coronell Binder and Gets were taken Prisoners. But Coloredo ^ 
got away with some 3 or 400 men and came to Gallas who had a 
great check and was clapt in Prison. 

After this Gallas tooke his March into Loraine and some 4 Miles 
from Metz, the french Card : * meets with hym with the goodlyest 
sight that ever I beheld with a World of brave horse and men 
coming up a Hill in such order : and the first day they were clad all 
in horsemens coats of scarlet colour and sylver lace ; the next day 
having laid by their coats they were all in bright Armour and great 
feathers wonderfuU beautifull to behold, that wee did looke every 
day for battaile but striving a long tyme who should begin the round, 
none would adventure and so at length they both fell to entrench 
themselves and that very strongly. This was in August where both 
Armies lay thus facing the one the other for the space of three 
Moneths togeather but with many skirmishes. 

This long continuance in our Trenches made a great famine in 
Gallas his Army, both of horse and man, that hee lost above twenty 
thousand men that were famished and did nothing worthy of 
memory. The Winter coiiiing on ether side retreated but the 
french rise first, by reason the french could not endure such 
hardnesse as the Germans : but all their Bravery which they 
showed at their comming was gonne, wee could see at their 
parting nether scarlet Coats nor feathers, but sneaked and stole 
away by little & by little from their Camp. And it seemes most 

' Peter Gotz, younger brother of the general, Hans Gotz. 

^ This seems to be a garbled version of the defeat of Colloredo the younger 
by Gassion in March, 1636. Colloredo was captured and imprisoned : not by 
Gallas however, but at Vincennes. 

' Cardinal De la Valette. He had with him the flower of the French nobility. 
Barthold, i, p. 265. 


of their brave horses were eaten or dead for few we could see at 
their departure nor heare so much neighing of horses as when they f. 57. 
came, and that their losse was farre greater then ours in mortahty 
and running away that it was thought, that if with that Army wee 
had left, our Generall had adventured further into the Country hee 
had found none to resist hym : and for which hee was suspected to 
have bene bribed by the Cardinal : and for which hee was mightily 
checked by the King to have such a brave Army of above 80 thous- 
and strong and to ruine them and doe nothing besides the infinite 
charge it was to the Emp"" to which hee answeared as they said 
that by yt meanes hee kept the french in awe at home that hee 
could not so well ayde those his Allies abroad in Germany : and the 
King of Hungary had more leasure to draw in his rebellious subjects 
and Citties, beeing not well settled after his late Victory at Norling, 
and further that if hee had hazarded a Battaile and miscarried, all 
what the King had formerly gotten would have bene presently lost 
and bene over runne by french. The same they say hee did the 
next yeare ' after, but I was away here in England : but that hee 
excused also that hee durst not venture a battaile with the Cardinall 
for then the Dyet at Ratisbone was in agitation and there was a 
suspension a while among the Electours about choosing the King 
of Hongary King of Romans which was so long about that Winter 
was come on and then it was tyme to goe to Garrison. 

Now where wee left ; the french beeing retreated into france ; 
Gallas retreated into Alsatia and tooke in the Towne of Eles- 
chambar * a great Towne upon the passage to Loraine, where lay 15 
Companies of french which were convoyed to Metz. And Gallas f. 57 b. 
went to Landoe in Alsatia and there delt out his Winter-Quarters 
whither was sent hym a fresh Army of ten thousand Polanders 
which hee sent to the Entrenchement in Loraine, where hee had 
layne the whole Sommer with his Army, to keep the frenche in 
play that hee might ly the quietlier the whole Winter to strengthen 
his Army against the next Sommer. 

Hee sent John de Wert with ten thousand into the Land of 
Lutzinburg there to have his Winter Quarter : halfe of them hee 
sent into the Land of Liege ^ who were all for Hollande & hated 
the house of Austria and were the cause that the Hollanders tooke 
in Mastrick their Country bringing them in provision. John de 
Wert lying in their Country with his Army did vexe them at heart 
whereupon the Citty with the Boores grew in rebellion against 

' This must refer to a date late in 1636. See Introduction. 

^ Elsass Zabern. 

* In the Spring of 1636. 


them and cut of many of his souldiers whereupon hee grew angry 
and sent for the other 5000 of his Army and wasted their Country, 
and followed them home even to Lieg and besieged it where hee 
lay at it the space of 8 weeks with every day many skirmishes but 
it being very strong by situation and in that tyme hee could not 
take it, having receaved order from Gallas to ioyne his forces with 
Picolominie and so to march into france having well wintered his 
souldiers among their fat Boores hee rise from the Siege and away 
hee went. 

During this Winter Quarter Gallas sent also Count Hatzfield ' 
to ly upon the borders of the Langrave of Hessen his Country with 
12 thousand men to bring hym to submission to the Emp"" all the 
f. 58. rest of the vnited Princes having submitted themselves (as was 
afterward scene at the Dyet of Ratisbone) only hee excepted but 
hee fearing the Emperours Army lying so neare upon his backe, 
& his souldiers dispersed into Winter Garrisons writes to the Duke 
of Saxony to make his Peace with the Emp' as hee had donne 
before for the rest of the Princes and that the Emp'^ souldiers 
might not pillage his Country which the Duke obtayned, and none 
upon paine of death might trouble Coronell Sprighter ^ his 
Country who was a Coronell of the Sweues lying nearer where our 
Army lay. And thinking the peace would bee made betweene 
the Duke of Hesse and Vs, fell over with 3 Regiments to the 
Emperour and was maide Sergeant Maior Generall of a flying Army. 

But in the meane tyme the Duke of Saxony having need of ayde 
against Banier the Swevish Generall as I have formerly related in 
his History, writ to the Emp"" to entreat hym that hee would send 
hym an Army of ten or twelve thousand men ; the Emp'' writ to 
Gallas to satisfie his request who presently sent the Duke of 
Saxonie the twelve thousand souldiers who lay upon the Borders 
of the Duke of Hessen his Country ; which beeing donne and got 
away : so soone as the Duke of Hessen saw hee was rid of his ill 
neighbours the Emperour's souldiers hee drew his Souldiers out of 
Garrison ; and made an Army and marched up as farre as Hannow 
in [* ] which was beleaguered by a part of the Emp""* 

Army. The Coinaunder of Hannow who was old Coronell Ramsey 
f. 58 b. a Scotch man having gotten notice of the Duke of Hessens coining 
to succour hym and at hand, and the other side not dreaming of 
any Adversary nere, sally ed out of the Towne, beat the Imperiahsts 
out of their Trenches, having on the other side and hee on the 

' See note 4 on p. 84. 

^ Speerreuter. There is again some confusion in language. 

* A useless lacuna : there is nothing to be supplied. 


other, killed & drowned in the River of Muine ' as good as fower 
thousand and levelled all their workes. 

Duke Hessen victualed the Tow^ne for a yeare and put in fresh 
souldiers. So soone as the Imperialists heard this presentlv they 
sent felt Marshall Gots with an Army of 14000 men into the Duke 
of Hessen his Country againe, and there tooke in one Towne after 
an other beating his forces at every turne. Hee seeing hymself in 
this distresse repented hymself of his former foolery, yet having 
not lost all heart left his chief Towne called Cassell (where hee left 
his Wife also) as well stored with provision and Souldiers for a 
siege as his short tyme would give hym leave, and departed 
bidding her bee of good cheere for hee would leave Malander * 
his Generall behinde hym who joyning with the Swevish forces 
who lay in the stiff ^ Breame about the River of Vessure * and 
hee hymself would ship away presently for Holland and get some 
new supply of men which joyning with Malander & the Sweves 
would quickly relieve her out of that distresse, and whither 
certainely hee went, for I found hym in Roterdam when I was 
there in October * last and at Gravesende I met two of his 
Sonnes comming about some such suites as I thinke to our King 
leaving his Wife besieged. And since I heare getting some 4 
or 5000 Holland forces comming home upon the suddaine with 
other forces to his have driven the Imperiall souldiers out of the 

Now I have gonne as farre as I can of things of any importance f. 59. 
I am sure, I am sure I have tyred my self if not my Reader. 
I did not thinke my memory would have carried mee so farre, but 
one thing draweth on an other which with the help of some od 
notes I had by mee I have brought to this perfection if any 
perfection can ly in Warres and bloody histories. And this one 
thing I may say that what I have here related is true, which few 
others can doe because those things they publish they have them 
but at most at second or 3'' hand or els from Dutch and lying 
Corantoes : * and withall I doe not take upon mee to goe any 
further then in those things which were of importance and wherein 
I my self was an Actour, where were of those 3 greatest set 

' Main. The word is almost illegible. 

* Peter von Holzapfel ; called also Melander. 
^ Stifl Bremen as before, p. 47. 

* Weser. 

" Barthold, i, p. 364. But this is certainly October, 1636 and proves that 
Poyntz could not have written till very late in 1636 or early in 1637. See the 

^ ' Courants. ' " Newsletters " of the time. 


Battailes that were fought in Christendome these hundred yeares, 
I meane betweene Christian and Christian and all within the 
compasse of a yeare & half and had such valourous Leaders that 
they were fought to the very last man as you may read and that 
which showes the Battailes were fought to the last for those that 
[had] taken many Prisoners were glad to let them goe againe to 
save themselves. And I call these Battailes of Importance for if 
the Emp"" had fayled & bene overthrowne in ether of these two 
last Battailes, viz. in that wherein the King of Sweve was slayne or 
in the last of Nerling, the Emp'' and his issue and the house of 
Austria would quickly have bene put besides his Crowne, but God 
it seemes defended & vpheld hym miraculously, and in my opinion 
in nothing more then in Wallestons conspiracy, which the more 
private it was, the more dangerous, 
f. 59 b. And now a little to myself, how often have I scene fortunes, and 
first I will begin with those of higher rancke, for when I began 
first as many others did to follow after Mansfield like mad folkes 
wee knew not whither I came into Germany with other troopes of 
souldiers wee passed thorough many brave Princes Countries in all 
which wee had supply of Men and Money and where wee found 
such plenty of all things for backe and belly that heart could desire 
and had got pretty store of Crownes : but at the length wee had a 
Crosse of fortune, for Tilly met with us & stript us naked of all 
Canon, Amunition and whatsoever wee had, yea with the death of 
most but those that saved their lives by running away : yet at 
length our Army was encreased againe by those Protestant Princes 
thorough whose plentifull Countries wee had marched ; that at 
that tyme when we met w*** Bethlem Gabor wee were got to 
30 thousand which also as I told you before came to nothing, and 
worse then nothing by the death of Mansfield and Weymar, and 
most of many brave souldiers fell into miserable captivity where 
wee were stript of all that wee lightly got in that long journy, but 
lost in an hower, and made slavish Slaves & nightly chayned by 
the feet to a great log after our sharpe dayes Labour, which was 
so terrible to fellowes of brave spirits that they did strive to dy & 
could not, and that which grieved mee as much as for my self was 
for a brave young gentleman of a Duke of Barlamonts house ' in 
Italy, and wee called hym Count Barlamont, who was beaten to 
death before our faces, because his Spirit was so great as would 
not yield to bee a drudge. But now to my self I saw there was no 
striving tooke upon mee an humble spirit and fell to my drudgery 

' The Duke of Barlamont was really a Walloon nobleman. 


hoping once for a light night as they say and went merrily to my 
Worke and strove to get the language and now & then some 
money by hooke or by crooke & hid it in od corners : so after 2 or 
3 yeares patience, opportunity fell that I got away and some f. 60 b. 
40 myles but was brought backe with a vengeance and had 300 
blowes on my feet which cooled my running for one yeare. But 
God at length did prosper my intentions, for I got a brave horse 
which at length brought mee to the skirts of Christendome, but 
fortune threw mee againe on my backe, met with theeves got all 
my little Mony and horse and all : O how that went to my heart to 
part with my horse, which had brought mee out of the Devills 
Mouth, and so neare Christendome, I meane Austria, where hee 
would have given mee a hundred pound if some other had had 
hym, but no remedy. After all these Crosses the Sunne began to 
shyne clearly upon mee as I have formerly showed you how 
luckily I light upon a poore franciscan an English-man by name 
A. More, and somewhat allyed by marriage to our name in Sussex. 
Then I rise by fortunes from a Lieutenant to a Capt° of a troop of 
Horse in Saxons Armie, but beeing taken Prisoner by the Imper- 
ialists I lost againe all that I had under the Saxon Duke. Thus 
fortune tossed mee up and downe, but I sped better then I expect- 
ed ; for I was taken Prisoner by Count Butler with whome after 
I got in favour hee raysed mee extreamely : for by his favour hee 
got mee my first Wife, a rich Merchants Daughter, who though 
wee lived not two yeares togeather, shee dying in child-bed to 
my great grief, yet shee left mee rich, and she was of an humble 
condition and very houswifly, wee should have lived very happily 
togeather ; and if shee had lived but halfe a yeare longer I had 
come to greater Wealth : for within that tyme after her death, her 
father & Mother, who lived in Aegre where I got my wife, dyed, f. 60 b. 
and left a World of Wealth which came to strangers, having no 
child nor childs child ; and not content with this the good Count 
Butler got mee an other Wife, rich in Land and mony, but of a 
higher birth & spirit, and therefore would live at a higher rate than 
our meanes would well afford, for no Lady in this Land wore 
better close than she did, besides her Coach and 6 Coach-horses 
w*^** with Attendants answearable to it would bee very expensive 
and had great Kindred that lay vpon vs. But I beeing come to 
this height got to bee by Count Butlers favour Sergeant Maior of a 
Troop of 200 horse but I was to raise them at my owne charge, 
which was no small matter for mee to doe, beeing so well under- 
layd and so well aforehand, for I had then 3000 £, which I carried 
into the field with mee besides that I left at home with my Wife, 


and besides that I had layd out about some land I bought which 
lay nere my ' Wives Lande. And I made good use of my place 
for I could and did send home often tymes Mony to my Wife, who 
it seemes spent at home what I got abroad, but fortune turned 
against mee againe for in that cruell bloody Battaille where in the 
King of Sweveland was killed, my horses were all ether killed or 
ranne away : for that night after the Battayle (when Walleston was 
glad to withdraw out of the field) our Camp beeing at rest horse 
and man, an Officer came from our Generall to every Officer to 
know what strength every company was of. One came to mee I 
beeing in a dead sleep and my horse as weary as I lying on the 
ground by mee asleep, to know the like of mee, but after great 
£. 60. adoe to wake mee, I could give hym but account of 3 Officers of 
my Companie which lay there downe by my side. It seemes hee 
found most of his Companies as weake as myne, for presently that 
night the Army was coiiiaunded to march away without sound of 
Drum or Trumpet, and so wee marched 8 Miles that night before 
wee refreshed ourselves againe : but the march was so suddaine, 
that every one that had baggage, horse and Wagons were glad to 
leave his baggage behinde hym, for our horses were all strayd and 
run away beeing played upon continually by the Swevish Canon 
though they stood a Mile of. For Walleston to make his Army 
seeme bigger, had together all the Women, struggers and boys of 
the Camp with horses and wagon-Jades to stand togeather to make 
as it were a great Troop with sheets for their flags, who when they 
saw the Canon shoot so fast upon them, run all away ; though soul- 
diers were sent to keep them togeather, where I lost most of my 
wealth, and could bring no more away then I and my 3 weary Offi- 
cers could carry ; and Walleston was in the same predicament 
hymself for hee was faine to leave all his canon and baggage behinde. 
At the beginning great store of prisoners were taken on both 
sides, I my self was taken prisoner three tymes but twice I was 
rescued by my fellowes ; the third tyme beeing taken hold of by my 
belt, having my sword in my hand, I threw the belt over my Fares 
and rescued myself. I lost three horses that day beeing shot under 
mee, and I hurt under my right side and in my thigh, but I had 
horses without maisters enough to choose and horse my self ; all 
had pistols at thei*- saddle bowe but shot of and all that I could 

' This was clearly in Wurtemberg. This second wife is the lady mentioned 
by Aubrey (Surrey, tv, 212, 213) under the curious title ' Anne Eleonora de Court 
Stephanus de Gary in W rtemberg, ' and we may refer all the events alluded to 
to the time of Butler's command at Schorndorf in 1635. The Story of Liitzen is 
with Poyntz's habitual disregard of chronology, put after this second marriage. 


doe, was with my sword without a scabard, and a daring ' Pistol 

but no powder nor shot : my last horse that was shot had almost £. 61 b. 

killed mee for beeing shot in the guts, as I thinke, hee mounted on 

a suddaine such a height, yea I thinke on my conscience two yards, 

and suddaine fell to the ground upon his bum, and with his suddaine 

fall thrust my bum a foot into the ground and fell upon mee and 

there lay groveling upon mee, that hee put mee out of my senses. 

I knew not how I was, but at length coining to ihyself, with much 

a doe got up, and found 2 or 3 brave horses stand fighting to- 

geather. I tooke the best, but when I came to mount hym I was 

so bruised & with the weight of my heavy Armour that I could not 

get my leg into the saddle that my horse run away with mee in that 

posture half in my saddle and half out, and so run with mee till he 

met with Picolominie comming running with a Troop of horse und 

my horse run among them that I scaped very narrowly of beeing 

throwne cleane of but at length got into my saddle full of paine and 

could hardly sit, and followed the Troop having nothing but a daring 

Pistol and a naked Sword. 

No more Prisoners taken that day, every one strove to save 
hymself. Here fortune left mee almost bare againe, and well she 
left mee at so bloody a battaile with life. But this losse I did 
prittily well recover that Winter beeing billeted in Austria among 
rich Boores, by hooke or by crooke, I got mee strong in horse and 
men as I thought any had ; but it fell out so that with continuall 
marching this spring from one side of Germany to the other, to help 
the miserly Duke of Saxon against the Sweve: and from thence backe 
againe to Loraine from whence wee went at first to Gallas who lay 
there entrenched with the Army, and the famine wee endured so 
long there, my Troop grew so short & poore & the Country growne so f . 62. 
poore that nothing was to bee got amongst the Boores upon whome 
alwais lay the Cornaunders hopes whilest they were in good plight, 
for wee might bee our own carvers, for we had no other pay : these 
failing, my thoughts were in despaire of ever raising my companie 
againe : And I had almost 2000 £, in my purse with mee at that 
tyme, yet I considered it would goe hard to part with my ready 
Money, and nothing to bee got, and I knew not how things stood 
at home, and to goe empty handed home would not doe so well, 
considering also I had left a costly Wife at home : and having bene 
almost a whole yeare in Warres, I set up my rest of going home, 
and mee thought a private life after these wandring wearisome 
marches did relish sweetly in my thoughts and so after a long 
march I came nere home, where I heare the true tryall of fortunes 

' ? Swaggering : really ineffectual, but making a brave show. 


mutability, which was that my Wife was killed & my child, my 
house burned and my goods all pillaged : My Tenants and Neigh- 
bours all served in the same sauce, the whole Village beeing burned ; 
nether horse, Cowe, sheep nor Corne left to feed a Mouse, This 
when I came home I found too true some poore people got into 
the mines living with roots : this went nere mee. This was donne 
by a party of french that came out of Italy going homewards : here 
was little comfort for mee to stay here : then I presently determined 
to go see my deare friend Count Buttler Governour of that Country, 
who lived some two or 3 Leagues ' from thence at the [ ^] 

the head Citty of the Dukedome of Michelburg, but my hopes were 
turned upside downe, for it was my good hap to see hym, but he 
was dying, which strucke more nere to mee, or as much as my 
f. 62 b. owne losse, but there was no remedy, but yet it somewhat revived 
hym and what show of love a dying man can expresse, hee did 
grasping my hand with all his strength and calling for his Will 
gave mee a thousand pound therein and not long after having 
receaved his Viaticum with a great sylver Cruciiix in his hand and 
in my Armes yielded up the Ghost. I had thought my heart would 
have burst with grief, but could get out no teares out of my stony 
heart : but to my owne heart I cryed Spes et Fortuna Valete, my 
hopes and fortune now farewell, who if hee had lived, I had had 
fortune almost at my becke ; but hee beeing dead about the 1000 £ 
hee gave mee his Wife beeing his Executrix and not so friendly 
to mee as she might have bene, and her husbands love to me 
required, kept mee so of with delayes, and at last I was forced to 
goe to Ratisbone where the Emp"" was expected about it, but never 
the nearer, and there also I was as nere but the charge in expecting 
was so great as the debt it self would not countervaile it and finding 
there an English Embassadour * made as much use of his favour 
as I could in my passe hither, away I went for England loosing my 
frend and his guift. 

But it is by the way worthy your consideration and myne which 
I did observe more of fortunes mutability whilest I was at Ratisbone 
in others cases then myne owne had donne, and it made a great 
impression in mee : for when I wandred out of my owne Country, 
I knew not whither, and I followed I knew not whome, wee went, 
I well remember, thorough many brave Dukes and Princes Countries 

' This fixes the position of Po^ntz's estates in the neighbourhood of 

* Again a lacuna without meaning. Butler died at Schorndorf. Michelburg 
(^ Mecklenburg throughout) must be Wiirtemberg. 

^ John Taylor, cf. State Papers : Domestic : 1635-6, passim. 


of Germany full of all things that belonged to mans vse and of all 
things wee had supplies of men and mony as wee passed : for mee 
that had scene the one now to come to see the contrary was 
wonderfull, viz. their Countries destroyed, their Townes burned, f. 63. 
their people killed and most of themselves or by their Embassa- 
dours making their Peace with the Emp'' while I was there and some 
that I had knowne formerly in the Warres : Captaines and Lieuten- 
ants, there I met with, who of themselves falling into passionate 
Exclamations against the late king of Sweveland and his officers 
cursing the tyme of his comming who had brought them to blood 
and beggery, the pretense of whose comming was to deliver them 
from the tyrannies of the Emp"" threw them into an other farre 
worse ; having carried most of the Treasure out of Germany into 
their owne Country and left them in worse plight at the Emp""* 
mercy then at first by farre and that which troubled these Captaines 
and officers most was the pride of the King of Swevelands officers 
especially Oxenstall whome the King made Chancelour of Germany 
and his place of residence should bee [ '] where all the 

revenews which should come to the maintenance of the Kings 
warres in Germany, and there bee kept and distributed as necessity 
required. And the Towne to be called the Chancery or Exchecquer 
of Germany, but little went out to the souldiers or Officers, though 
with Warrant from the King, for Oxenstall would still complaine 
of want of Money in the Exchecquer unlesse they would take Land 
in such a Dukedome or such which had bene newly gotten and 
easily, all flying from the face of the Conquerour as from a Lyon, 
and withall his pride was so great that they might have a dispatch 
twice from the King before from hym once and bee they Dukes or 
whosoever or of what ranke soever they must attend many dayes 
and two or 3 roomes of before they were admitted. This drew an 
infinite hate of them. 

But to myself I posted to England to see how fortune had dealt f. 36 b. 
with mee for my estate there, whither when I came, to adde more 
vexation and grief I found our house extirpated & sold out of the 
name, the land and revenew in like sort dispersed and severed to 
many buyers, which if my wild & wandring head had had any 
braynes or consideration as one of 16 or 17 yeares of age might have 
had and so kept in England, it might have bene the cause it had 
not come to ruine as it hath donne or at least so soone. 

And if I had not bene reasonably well underlayd, I meane with 
Money at my coming out of Germany which journy was very 

' Augsburg according to Poyntz himself (p. 57 supra). 


chargeable to mee, I might have begged, for any friendship of my 
owne kindred, and I must confesse I found great friendship from 
those that were mere strangers to mee which was Sir L. Tresham 
and his Lady, in whose house I have writ these my poore labours 
and for whose sake I reduced them to this head, and seeing my 
expectation had failed mee here and no employment in England in 
that faculty of souldiery, which I have followed from my youth, I 
doe give a Longum Vale to my Country, and a Longum Vive to my 
Soveraigne Lord & King, King Charles and will try my fortune 
againe where I first raised it, and where I left a great deale of 
dead- Land which, if it please God, a happy peace to bee betweene 
the Emp'' & his subiects I may come to such an Estate there as 
may beseeme a greater man then myself. But yet so farre am I 
bound to fortune (if there bee any such a thing as fortune but 
divine providence) it hath delivered mee from servitude, kept mee 
since like a gentleman and in good respect with greater persons 
f. 64. then my self and at last left mee in an other manner of Estate 
then when I first departed from my native Country. And so here is 
an End of the Peregrination of 



THE 8 FEB: 1634. 

The Duke of fridland comonly called Walleston was slayne in f. 65. 
Aegra togeather with the Lord Kinsky and the Lord Terska : these 
three in goods had a great part of the Kingdome of Bohemia, some 
say the fourth part, others report that they had nigh the third part 
thereof : with them also was slayne one Coronell lUaw borne in 
Pomerania, but now dwelling in Bohemia ; and also one Cap" 
Newman a German who had bene Wallestons Secretary, but was 
now made a Cap'' of Horsemen and a Coronell. All these fower 
were cut of by the meanes of fower other brave Captaines, Gordon 
and Lesley Scots, Butler and Giraldine Irishmen : Lesley hymself 
is now at Vienna here with some others who did help in the exploit, 
and this relation cometh from one who had it from Lesleys owne 

The Lord Terska an inward frend of Wallestons, had the 
Commaund of 6 Regiments and consequently was as 6 Coronells : 
one of his Lieutenants was Cap'' Gordon a Scottish man who with 
his Regiment lay at Aegra, hee hymself lodging in the Castle, where 
was likewise at Aegra Coronell Buttler the Irish man with his Regi- 
ment and Captain Lesley maister of the Watche with his coinaund. 
Walleston knowing his wicked Treason to bee detected and fearing 
the comming of Picolhominie after hym accompanied with these 
two Lords Kinskie and Terska and the Coronells Illaw and New- 
man hasteneth with those forces they had there present towards f. 65 b. 
Aegra of whose comming thither those of Aegra beeing advertised 
Cap'' Lesley with his souldiers went to meet hym and to waite on 
hym into the Towne whome Walleston did not onely most kindly 
and lovingly entertayne and heartily thanke for this show of 
Love and Duty but did also make hym to ride close by hym, 
and as they rid on did relate many thinges unto hym to winne 
hym to his side and to ioyne with hym in the conspiracy and 
among other thinges hee told hym that there was great Hurly 
burly in Vienna, the Cittie beeing devided into two factions and 
that the King of Hungary with all the Spaniards and father Lay- 
merman ' were revolted from the Emperour and were now all 

• The name is variously written : it was very probably the simple German 
name Lammermanii. The version in the text is at least nearer this than the 
French corruption " Lamormain. " 


at Newstadt and that the Emp' with his Adherents did remaine 
still at Vienna and that father Laymerman was not onely revolted 
but was become the Emperours most capitall Ennemy ; all this 
beeing most false. Beeing come to Aegra the 24:^^ of feb; Walleston 
called Cap'* Gordon unto hym and told hym that hee should goe 
into Lusatia to governe those Townes which were lately taken in 
and that Cap" Lesley should bee Lieutenant of Aegra in his roome 
and gives a charge to Cap" Lesley that if any Letters should bee 
brought to hym in the night tyme directed to hymself (Walleston) 
that hee should open them to see what they contayned and if hee 
found in them matter of importance that hee should presently 
f, 66. bring them to hym otherwise hee should keep them till morning. 
In the meane tyme the Scots and Irish having consulted among 
themselves of this busines and beeing assured of Walleston his 
Treason and evill intention and more confirmed by that which 
Walleston said to Lesley in the way, but most of all by this 
accident, to wit the same night came Letters very luckily to 
Walleston from Francis Albert Saxon Luneburg.' Lesley receives 
them, hee opens them and reades what they contayne, to wit, that 
fridlandt should boldly goe on to put in practise his plot and 
intendements and that Weymar Saxon would assist hym with many 
thousands both of foot and horse and that hee hymself (the said 
Luneburg) accompanied with some few would come aforehand to 
Aegra to conferre with Walleston concerning the same. These 
were the contents of those Letters of the Duke of Luneburg. All 
which Lesley having communicated to his Partners, in the morning 
delivers the Letter to his Highnesse, who seeing them opened was 
much vexed thereat, saying to Lesley, thou oughtest not to have 
opened Letters directed to my owne person and superscribed with 
my owne Titles. Lesley excused hymself saying that hee had 
mistaken his Highnesse Cornaund and that hee would doe so no 
more. These Scottish Irish Cap"^, I say, beeing now well 
assured of this foule Treason they enter a consult what is to bee 
donne for in delay they see great danger: Saxon Weymar is comming 
with his Army, and the Emp"" is fowly betrayed : In brief they 
f. 66 b. conclude presently to cut of the lives of the chief heads of this 
conspiracy and thereupon they all kneeled downe upon their knees, 
set the points of their swords to one an others breasts and so swore 
fidelity to Caesar and that they would bee true to each other and 
by all possible meanes help every man to his uttermost to effect 
this their resolution to dispatch the lives of these chief Traytours, 

' A mistake for Lauenburg. 


and till it was performed to keep all possible secrecy and silence. 
All this, I say, they swore upon their knees with the points of their 
swords at each others breast. Then rising vp they consult of the 
manner, how they may best execute the exploit. At lengthe it was 
concluded that Coronell Gordon beeing Lieutenant there and 
dwelling in the Castle should invite them thither that night to 
supper, to wit Kinsky, Terska, Illaw and Newman, for Walleston 
hymself had taken up his lodging in a private house in the Citty. 
These fower though with difficulty, yet they promised to come and 
at supper tyme came indeed : towards the end of supper cheese 
and sweet-meates comming in Lesley stepped forth, hee went 
downe to the draw-bridge of the Castle, hee caused it to he drawne 
up, he locked the Castle-gate, tooke the key with hym and so 
returned againe to the company and then the Watchword beeing 
given " Vivat Domus Austriaca, Vivat Imperator Ferdinandus 
there suddenly rushed into the place where they supped 6 lusty f. 67, 
gallant souldiers ^ with their swords drawne and well appointed 
for the purpose, some of them beeing Captaines and some other 
beeing Officers, at which sight Illaw snatched his sword ; leap- 
ed up and cryed Treason, but hee was presently strucke downe 
and laid along dead, next followed Kinski, then Terska who 
by reason of a buffe Jerkin hee had on, was not so quickly 
dispatched : Newman got out of the roome thinking to have 
saved himself by flight, but a guard was set without to prevent 
flying, and so was slayne by one who pursued hym at the heeles. 
This exploit was effected between seaven and 8 of the clocke at 
night on the 25 of feb : and carryed so within the Castle that 
nothing could bee suspected in the Citty. These 4 chief heads 
beeing thus taken away, they enter againe into consult what is to 
be donne with Walleston, whether to give hym the same doome 
which the others have had or to apprehend hym and so to send 
hym Prisoner to Vienna. After 3 howers consultation, many diffi- 
culties having bene proposed in both events, it is resolved that the 
surest and safest way is presently to cut hym of ; and therefore 
Lieutenant Gordon should stay still in the Castle to keep those 
souldiers there in good order : Lesley M"" of the watch went downe f. 67 b. 
into the Piazza to encourage and animate the souldiers there to 
stand true and faithfull to the Emperour, and caused them all to 
sweare fidelity, giving them some light and inkling of a foule 
conspiracy : they all swore to be true to Caesar, and that they 

' This contradicts Poyntz (p. 98) and is certainly the correcter account. For 
Gallas paid twelve soldiers (six at each door) 500 Rixdollars apiece. Forster : 
Wallenstei II p. 291. 


would live and dy for hym. Coronell Butler with a competent 
Company and those 6 that slew the other fower, made to the house 
where fridlandt lodged, rushed into the same, and came to the 
chamber wherein hee lay, which ch«B\J3er had two doores, the bed 
stood against one, at the other the^^ eii|(;ed having broke it open 
and beeing come in hee leaped or.- of h«jbed, & hastened towards 
the window. But c "aptaine Jeudreuj^^ade to hym and with 
a Partizan runne hy , ,^ .. Drough aying "V) shall dy all Rebells 
and Traitours to the Emperour hee fell downe dead, beeing not 
heard to speake any one wor^ ^ ( r w donne betwixt ten and 
eleven of clocke at night|nett ^/ , heard or scene any one 

signe of sorrow or grief am* .^. guard, nor did any one 

seeme to bee any thinge mov«a'; . 

The day following francis' Ai. v uke of Luneburg comming 
to Aegra as hee signified in his Letters to Walleston, was way-laid 
by the Imperialists and taken and according to order given was 
f. 68. sent from Aegra to Newstadt. This beeing thus so happily come 
to passe by Gods goodnese, the Emperour hymself the 13 of march 
set forth towards Bohemia, where hee intends to ordaine his sonne 
the King of Hungary Generalissimo, and to give order that the 
souldiers there may receave the pay of some Moneths which are 
behinde hand. Hee meaneth to goe in a military manner like a 
Souldier, and for that purpose there is made for hym a Buffe 
Dubblet such as souldiers Weare, which certainely will bee a great 
encouragement unto the whole Army. While all these thinges have 
bene doing the Ennemyes having taken Tupania, ' a Citty in Silesia 
which confines with Moravia, one effect of Walleston his Treason, 
* for the Cittie was betrayed and delivered up by the Lieutenant 
Governour thereof one of Walleston his Creatures and an adherent 
unto hym in the Conspiracy. Lesley one of them that cut of 
Walleston and his Confederates in Aegra is made a Colonell by the 
Emperour hymself and the king of Hongary hath made hym one 
of the Guard of his body. The Emperour hath bestowed on hym 
for the reward of his good service ten thousand Rix dollars and a 

f. 68 b. very rich chayne of Gold. Hee is a gallant young man about 25 
years of age. Hee was brought up a Calvinist and hath so lived 
hitherto, but hath some weekes past resolved to become Catholique. 
Caesar hath given hym * already the golden key ; Thus much briefly 

* the event and successe of Walleston his Treason. 

' Possibly Troppau. Schafgotsch seems to be alluded to. 
* i.e. made him one of his chamberlains. This is apparently true. Carve, 
I finer, p. no. , 



The Duke of fridlandt commonly called Walleston was tall of 
stature, slender, leane, and almt,F/t perpetually melancholy ; from a 
private Gentleman hee ha v bene advanced tp supreame charges, 
such as formerly had not bene ccmferred upQaany other, and of a 
subiect became a soveraigne, beeihg hon^jj^^ with 4 very good 
Dukedomes, to wit, fridiandt, Glq';^*V, SaslW j^d Mechelburg, and 
lastly with the title of Excellencv . nm whence hee arrived to the 
Title of Illustrious HigHjj^^ w^^iv h \V;is given hym by all men, 
hee was much honoured «HH^ ' Rl, .m d forrayne souldiers, by • 

whome once knowne he9^^HB||yflRdored : hee was rigorous 
and pardoned no fault, nc^H^^HB suffer any man to passe 
unrewarded who bare himsefl^PIRy: hee punished severely and f. 69. 
gave liberally. Above all hee expected extraordinary obedience 
and reverence. Hee had as splendide a Court as any Soveraigne 
Prince could have, and well treated those that served hym. But 
whoever sought to bee enrolled in his service was to take very 
good heed, for hee disaiissed none unlesse it came of his owne 
accord, nor would hee that any other should speake for hym, for 
if hee did, hee was sure ether to bee cast into Prison, or to be 
farre worse used. Hee punctually payed his Servants and would 
have them well provided and orderly. There was not any in his 
Court whose nativity hee would not cause to be cast aforehand by 
Astrologers, whome hee had perpetually about hym. These Kinde 
of people were very precious with hym, for hee was not onely a 
very good maister in this Art but above all thinges infinitely >« 
delighted therein ; hee likewise made the nativities of all his 
Colonells and Commanders to be calculated, in this matter of 
Auguries and foretelling observing the Roman Rules. There was 
an Astrologer in his Court named Signer John Baptista Leni a 
Genoway much esteemed to whome hee gave 2000 Rix Dollars for 
annuall entertaynement and the freedome of the Table of the 
greatest Cavaliers of his Court notwithstanding that this Leni ^ had 
bene a pore Scrivener, residing in the house of Rappata a mer- f. 69 b. 
chant of Vienna. Hee had foretold many thinges, which succeeding 
the Duke gave hym 6000 Rix Dollars in goods. Hee would not suffer 
any man to come into his Court, nor nere the place of his aboad 
ether on horsebacke or in coach. In his Anticamera hee had 
about 60 Gallants, Princes and men of prime qualitie and no more 
noise was to bee heard then in a devout Church : If any one spoke 

> Seni. 


aloud were hee a man of quality, hee was reprehended, but if of 
meaner ranke, hee caused hym to bee bastonadod by some enter- 
tayned to that purpose. Whither soever hee came, hee instantly 
contiaunded all the Cats and dogs to bee killed, not enduring in 
any sort to heare a noise. No Coronell nor Officer of foot service 
might weare Boots or spurres and this under most heavy penalties 
which without remission were inflicted. Hee changed the sound 
of Drum and Trumpet having found out others to his liking. The 
Companies both Horse and foot must have all necessary provision. 
When hee was out of his house ether on horsebacke or on foot or 
in coach, hee was not pleased that any one should stand to salute 
hym, nor any body should looke upon hym or salute hym as hee 
passed. No man might have audience nor speake to hym of what 
f. 70. condition soever hee were but that hee must first bee scene in 
Court where having taken his Physiognomic (which hee in private 
endeavoured to see) if hee disliked hym not hee called hym to 
hym and used hym well, and if it came into his head, would 
conferre many honours and extraordinary favours on hym. When 
any one came into his Chamber hee must bee circumspect in doing 
reverence and speaking to hym, for if too ceremonious hee would 
turne hymself to the other side, and speake no more. When hee 
comaunded, no man must open his mouth, but execute without 
reply ; hee had in his Court men versed in all sciences, paying 
them well, not so much for instruction of his Pages as for applause 
and greatnesse to have men famous and excellent in all Professions. 
Hee tooke no pleasure in Musique, hunting or any other Pastime 
beeing ever seriously bent to dispatch businesses, to study plots 
and understand some Astrologie what might happen from day to 
day, wherein hee infinitely excelled. Hee was very liberal), and 
when hee gave great presents hee much reioyced, and indeed was a 
man who gave most to them who least looked for it but his guifts 
were golden snares, which indissolubly obliged and wherein they 
were tyed, must take heed not to offend hym, for in an instant they 
f. 70 b. forfeited their lives. No Letters of recomendations must bee brought 
to hym although from Princes, and when any one unexperienced 
presented them to hym, hee read them not, nor could cast an ey 
upon what was sent. Hee would not have in his Army any 
Colonells but such as were made by hymself, most of which were 
men of meane condition raised onely by hymself to greatnesse to 
the end they should bee the better affected to hym, the more 
partiall and, dependent. And the old especially such as were 
Souldiers of note hee entertayned because hee could doe no lesse, 
but they were so little respected, and so ill entreated ; that it was 


necessary for them to leave their charges and seeke out other 
services. Hee kept the Army togeather for although hee gave 
them no money, hee at least held them in hope and suffred them 
not to want bread, for hee caused it to bee made by contribution 
of the Emperours hereditary Provinces, which they for feare 
consented willingly unto, daring not to doe otherwise. His prin- 
cipal! ayme in this Warre was to draw at length, to entertaine the 
Army, to practise diversions, as if hee would remove some Con- 
federates, stirre up the Polacke or some other Prince, or attempt 
some Treason conceaved by the french. To conclude this relation, 
I say, the Duke of fridlandt was severe, liberall, and proud, an 
excellent Politician and a great machivillian. 



The Replication of William Poyntz gentt Complayn* to the 
Answer of Katherine Golder, wydowe Defend*. 

The sayed Replyant by protestation not acknoweledgeinge any 
the matt*'^ Clauses articles or thinges in the sayed Defend** answer 
contained to bee true and Certane in suche sorte man' and forme 
as the same are therein mentioned &. declared ; And sauinge to 
himsealfe all aduantages of exception to bee taken to the 
incertaneties&. insufficyencie,equiuocations and mentallreseruations 
in and by the s*^ defend*'^ answer mentyoned and contayned for a 
full &. pfect Replication therevnto replieth and sayeth in suche sorte 
as by his Bill they are sett forthe ; vidzt : that the sayed John 
Poyntz in the Bill named this Reptte Father and father to Syden- 
ham Poyntz in the Bill menconed, did in or about the tyme in the 
bill alledged put his sonne Sidenham Poyntz as Apprentice w*^ 
the said William Golder for the tearme of yeares in the Comptts 
bill menconed and that hee did deliu' and pay or caused to bee 
deliu'ed and payd in or about the tyme in the bill menconed the 
some of Fiftie pounds of lawfull money of England to the said 
William Golder to bee payd to the said Sidenham Poyntz or this 
Reptt in such sorte maner and forme (as by the said bill is alledged, 
and accordinge to the condicon of the bond of the said Golder 
made by him for the paym* thereof) and that the said Sydenham 
Poyntz beeinge twoe and and Twentie yeares of age or there abouts 
dyd at Rotterdame in the Netherlands on or vpon the five and 
twentieth day of Julye in the yeare of o'' Lord God one thousand 
six hundred twentie and five (as by the Certificate of Thomas 
Davies Captayne to the said Sidenham Pointz bearinge date the 
thirteenth day of Auguste then next foUowinge ready to bee 
shewen to this hono''^'^ courte it appeareth) and this Reptt denyeth 
all and everie the misdemenors ptended by the said dft in her 


ansuer to bee commited by the said Sidenham Pointz in pilfringe 
wastinge and p''loyninge from the said William Golder either his 
goods or money, or that hee did rune awaye and absente himselfe 
from his said service for feare of punishm*^ for the cause aforesaid. 
For this Comptt Replyeth and saith that the said Sidenham Poyntz 
in or about the twelueth yeare of his age and duringe his service 
aforesaid vi^as all most sterved for wante of victualls and necessarie 
foode, and for pvencon thereof and to releive himself from famyn 
and stervinge hee the said Sydenham did in or about the tyme 
aforesaid receave and take vpon the score and creditt of the said 
William Golder of and from a Chandler then and there neare 
inhabitinge to the said Golder onely one halfpenny loofe of brede 
and one halfpenny Cheese : For the doeinge whereof hee the said 
Golder and his eldest Apprentice or Jurneman, and one mayde 
servante by the commaundem* of the said Golder did soe hould 
and detayne the sd Sidenham soe that hee the sd Golder whipped 
him the sd Sydenham w*^^ cruill roddes and whippes all his bodie 
over from his heade to his heles in such sorte as that hee the said 
Sydenham was like to die thereof, and did hardly recover the 
same. And this Reptt saith that that was the onely cause of the 
sudden depture of the sd Sidenham to pvent famyne of the sd 
Sydenham, and least hee should bee soe vnhumanely whipped as 
aforesaid : For this Reptt saith that att divers and severall Lymes 
duringe his said apprentishipp that hee the sd Sidenham did often 
come and repayre to one M"^ Dorethie Lawe a greate Aunt of the 
sd Sydenham Poyntz dwelling in or neare the Cittie of London, 
upon the intente and p''pose onely to crave and begge for victualles 
for his necessarie foode and sustenance, hee the sd Sidenham 
sayinge that he was all most starued and famyshed in his sd masters 
seruice. And this Reptt replieth and further saith that the said 
Sydenham Poyntz apprentice to the sd Golder was an absolute 
^testante in the vnity w*^ the Church of England accordinge to the 
lawes and sta[t]ute of the late kinge of ever blessed memorie, and 
accordinge to the holy lawes of the holy Church in England, and 
that the sd William Golder was then before a convicted Recusante 
and after a confirmed papist and Roman Catholicke masked and 
Clothed vnder the habitt of a Church .ptestante as this Reptt hath 
credablie hard and hopeth to proue to this ho^'*^ Co''te, and for that 
hee the said Sidenham Pointz would not bee conformable and 
psuaded by the sd Golder in this religion to bee a papist or a 
Roman Catholicke hee the sd Golder did turne over as apprentice 
the sd Sydenham Poyntz to one Briscoe in the (tfts answer named. 
And further this Reptt saith that the sd Golder and his wife the 


now dft beeinge papists as aforesaid hee the sd Colder did 
duringe his Hfe fraudulently convey and assure his capitall messuage 
or dwelhnge house in Flet streete London and other houses in 
London in trust and confidence for the vse and behoofe of the sd 
William Golder duringe his naturall life, and after his death to the 
vse and behoofe of the dett his wife for her life or for soe many 
yeares as shee should live duringe the estate for yeares w^^ the sd 
Golder had in the sd tearme in the houses aforesd, vpon p'"pose as 
well to defraude and deceaue his late Ma^'^ as our sou' aigne Lord 
the kinge that nowe is of and from the penalties debts and duties 
due to the said late kinge James and to o"" dreade sou' aigne Lord 
kinge that now is for the recusancie of the sd William Golder and 
the dft his wife, and to defraude yo"" sd Orato"" of his debt and 
damages due to him as aforesd vpon the bond of one hundred 
pounde made and deliu' ed as aforesd by the said William Golder 
for the paym* of Fiftie pounds to yo"" Orato"" and that by colour of 
the sd convayance shee the said dft doth receave and take the 
rents of the sd houses in London, and converteth the same rents 
to her owne prop vse and behoofe. And this Reptt further saith 
that hee the said deceased William Golder the dfts late husband 
confessed and sd to this Comptts mother Ann Poyntz in the 
psence and hearinge of the dft vpon some speeches betweene them 
concerninge the said debt and bond of one hundred pounds in the 
bill menconed these or the like words foUowinge (vidzt) that hee 
had receaved the some of Fiftie pounds of her husband yo*" Orato""* 
father w*"^ Sydenham Poyntz his apprentice, and likewise then and 
there further said to this Comptts mother in the said defend*^^ 
hearinge that he would not onely pay him the sd Sydenham Poyntz 
or to such pson to whome it should appertayne the said some of 
Fiftie pounds when hee should bee out of his apprentishipp 
accordinge to the condicon of his bond aforesd, but allsoe hee the 
said Golder said that it may bee hee would make him the said 
Sidenham Poyntz his heire if hee did over live him the said Golder. 
And this Reptt further repheth and saith that shee the said dft in 
or aboute the tyme that this Comptt did extlite his bill of Comptt 
against the said dft said and confessed in the hearinge of this 
Reptts brother Nudigate Poyntz and other credable wittnesses 
vpon some discourse and speech betweene them concerninge the 
said some of Fiftie pounds in the condicon of the aforesaid bond 
made by the said William Golder in this Reptts bill menconed, 
that shee the said dft therevnto Replied and said that it was in her 
power to pay the said some of Fiftie pounds in the condicon of 
the said bond menconed to this Reptts sister, or to w°^ other of 


the fower Children of the said John Poyntz this Reptts Father shee 
pleased. And shee the said dft then and there likewise said and 
affirmed that it was soe limited and appoynted in and by the 
condicon of the bond aforesaid, and shee the said dft for better 
confirmacon of her said opinion therein, then and there offered to 
laye one pynte of wyne w*^^ the said Nudigate Poyntz and this 
Reptt, or w*^ one of them for the proofe of her said opinion and 
Resolucon as aforesaid ; and the said dft was the more absolute 
and confyrmed in her said opinion for that as shee said shee had 
the coppie of the condicon of her said late husbands bond in her 
hands and posson three dales before or there abouts and that it 
did appeare thereby as shee then affirmed that shee might pay the 
said some of Fiftie pounds to w'^^ of the said fower Children of the 
said John Poyntz shee pleased ; and the said defend*^ then and there 
appointed this Reptt and his brother Nudigate to come to the 
defend'* house on or vpon mundaye then next followinge, shee the 
said defendt then sayinge that shee would then pay and doe for 
the said Comptt what shee was able to doe for the discharge and 
satisfaction of the said debt and bond aforesaid, and the said dft 
did then and there further desire of this Reptt and of the said 
Nudigate Pointz that they would bee favorable to her in regarde 
as shee then pretended that her said late deceased husband had 
lefte her but poore, and that nevertheles shee would pay to this 
Reptt as much as shee was able and doe any thinge which was 
fittinge concerninge the said debt or words to such or the like 
effecte. Without that that the said Sidenham Poyntz did committ 
diverse misdemeanors in pilfringe wastinge and parloyninge from 
the said William Golder either his goods or money, or that hee 
did filtch or purloyne any of the goods or money of the said 
Briscoe or Weyer in the answer named (as by the said defend*^* 
answer it is slanderously and malisyuslie suggested and imagined) 
For this Reptt directly saith that his said Father did deliu' as his 
acte and deede one obligacon of the penal some of twoe hundred 
pounds of lawfull money of England to the said William Golder 
his executors administrators and assignes to saue and keepe 
harmles him and them from all misimploym* or purloyninge of 
any of his or theyr goods ; and therefore this Reptt conceaueth 
that if there had beene any such iuste cause of damage by the said 
Sidenham to the said Golder, Briscoe and Weyer, or any of them, 
that he or they would haue taken the benefitt of the forfeyture of 
the said bond, and would have commenced sute therevpon : 
And this Reptt saith that the said Briscoe and Weyer in the 
defend'"* answere named were poore, meane, and men of greate 


wante and necessities, and did all most starve the said Sidenham 
for want of necessarie foode, the w*^^ was the onelie cause that the 
said Sidenham Poyntz (hee beeinge a gentt of an ancient stocke 
and famyhe and tenderly brought vpp) did goe beyonde the seas 
and bee to ake [^sic'] himselfe to bee a souldier with the consent of 
the said Weyer the Frenchman his last master without that that 
the said Sidenham Poyntz did demeane himselfe falsly or vniustlie 
with the said William Golder, or that the said Golder or the dft 
his wife sustayned greate damage or losse thereby or that the said 
William was at greate charges of five pounds and six pounds by 
placinge the said Sidenham with twoe other masters in the dfts 
answere named. And this Reptt saith that hee hath not lived 
about the Cittie of London a longe tyme whilst the said William 
Golder was alive, and when the said some of Fiftie pounds grue 
due by the condicon of the said bond and sithence For that this 
Reptt when the said some of Fiftie pounds grue due was then in 
the West Indies Commander of a Shipp of the right ho'''* Lord 
Robert Earl of Warwicke, and a little before in his Ma'"^ service in 
the He of Ree in France, and before that in his Ma'* service at 
Cales in the Kingdome of Spayne, and before that in the service 
of the Lorde the States in the Netherlands on the behalfe of o' 
late deceased sou' aigne Lord Kinge James of famous memorie 
with the right ho'''* Lord Robert, Earle of Essex, and longe before 
that in the Pallatinate at the battle of Prage in the Kingdome of 
Bohemya in the service of the Queene of Bohemya and therefore 
this Reptt saith that hee had neither tyme occasion or opportunitie 
to make any legall demande of the said some of Fiftie pounds of 
the said William Golder. And this Reptt saith that the bond of 
One hundred pounds aforesaid made as aforesaid by the said 
William Golder is come to the hands or possession of the said 
William Golder, and of the dft his wife, or one of them, soe that 
yo"" said Orator cannot take any course at the coiiion lawe for the 
recoverie of the said debt of Fiftie pounds in the condicon of the 
said bond menconed. And therefore this Reptt saith that the said 
some of Fiftie pounds and the vse thereof is most properlie deter- 
mynable in this ho'''* Court in equitie and that his proper remedie 
for the recoverie thereof is onelie in equitie against the said dft 
whoe in all conscience is chargeable to pay to this Reptt the said 
some of Fiftie pounds and the vse thereof by reason of the 
fraudulent conveyance of the houses of the said Golder in the Bill 
and answere menconed to the vse of the said dft and that shee the 
said dft doeth receave and take to her owne vse and behoofe the 
yearlie Rents and profitte thereof and therefore this Reptt avereth 


and hopeth to proue to this ho^^^ Court that shee the said dft hath 
Assets sufficient both in lawe and equitie to pay this Reptt the said 
Fiftie pounds for the reasones and causes aforesaid. And this 
Reptt traverseth without that that any other matter or thinge in 
the said defend*^ answere contayned or effectuall or matteriall for 
this Reptt to RepHe vnto, and which herein and hereby is not well 
and sufficientlie answered vnto confessed or avoyded, traversed or 
denyed, is true, all which matters this Reptt is readie to aver and 
proue as this ho'''^ Court shall awarde, and humblie prayeth as by 
his said Bill hee hath allreadie prayed &c. 

Ra : Rookeby. 


Extract from " The Vindication of Colonel General Poyntz 
against the false and malicious Slanders secretly cast forth against 
him : As in a letter to a Friend of his and a Servant to the State 
doth appear. " London : printed for Edward Husband, Printer to 
the Honourable House of Commons February 3, 1645. 
{not paged : last page but one) 

There is yet one great mystery more concerning me revealed, 
virhich is that I am a Papist. Of all the rest I am least troubled at 
this Rumor, it being in the power of so many thousands to Vindicate 
me, who have been witnesses of my constant Profession which 
from my first years, according to the Instructions of this my native 
Countrey have been in the Reformed Protestant Religion, and 
accordingly have for many years been an Elder of the Dutch 
church as is very well known. Neither indeed could I devise the 
reason of this suspition, till of late I find it to be, because I served 
the Emperour against the Duke of Saxony, and for my Service 
was Knighted in the Field ; wherein I must say. That Duke 
carried Himself so distastful in that Quarrel to divers Protestant 
Princes : that were I again a meer Souldier of Fortune and to 
chuse sides, I should fight against so much falshood as the Duke 
shew'd in the prosecution of that Quarrel ; and of what Religion 
the Duke of Saxony was or whether of any is to me yet unrevealed, 
however the world might stile him ; for indeed his fighting was 
point of Interest, not Religion. In all Wars there are and will be 
Factions, and even in this, mine ears have heard several Contests 
managed with more height and ferver than became the merits of 
the Argument : For mine own part, I came with an intent to light 
not to dispute for the State, and so the Profession of Religion be 
rectified, and the Means of Salvation clear and open for the forms 
of externall Discipline I am prepared to observe the Directions and 
Commands of the Parliament, without interessing myself unneces- 
sarily in such Contestations etc. 



Note on Introduction^ p. i. 

The " German soldier's diary " alluded to deserves fuller con- 
sideration, if only by way of comparison with Poyntz's Relation. 
It is contained in the fourth volume (pp. 105-191) of a curious 
miscellany published by the Bavarian antiquary Westenrieder 
under the title of Beytrdge zur vaterlandischen Geschichte^ (Miinchen 
1792 &c.) in which transcripts of mediaeval registers appear side 
by side with dissertations on the editor's toothache and the like. 
It represents the autobiography of Augustin Fritzsch, a soldier of 
the League who served through nearly the whole war, and rose 
from the ranks to independent command. In length the work is 
about the same as Poyntz's narrative, but there the resemblance 
ceases. Fritzsch is no doubt as accurate as the Englishman is 
careless, but the value of his work is diminished by several circum- 
stances. He covers too much ground, and his entries are often 
little more than mere notices of change of quarters. Again, he 
was almost throughout the war quartered in Westphalia, where 
the attitude of the opposing parties was mainly that of observation, ' 
or at the utmost, as we learn from the famous contemporary story 
of " Simplicissimus, " of guerilla warfare, and when he is actually 
engaged in the most stirring events of the war he becomes disap- 
pointingly jejune and brief. That he had considerable powers of 
graphic narration is evident from his lively description of sundry 
small skirmishes of no great interest : but when he comes to 
important engagements he has little to say. He was not at Breiten- 
feld at all. His remarks on the end of the battle of Liitzen 
(pp. 134-135) have been considered worth notice by historians ; 
but though he was at the capture of Regensburg by the Imperialists 

* In Simplicissimus, book ii, chap. 24, the ladies of a Westphalian convent are 
granted protection in the shape of two troopers, one from each army, who pass 
their time in friendly fencing-bouts ; and the Hessian governor of Lippstadt 
secures the most prominent " partisan " on the other side not by force of arms, 
but by marrying him off, through a trick, to a Pfotestant lady. 


he has only a word to say of it ; and of Nordlingen (p. 149) where 
he fought, and as to which Poyntz gives us his most vivid piece of 
description, he has but a general summary. His whole narrative 
indeed is striking testimony to the sporadic character of the great 
war. A man of intelligence (and Fritzsch is certainly that, though, 
to judge by his spelling, of no great education) might serve all 
through it and yet know nothing of its general features or its 


Aegra, Aegre, Aegria v. Egra. 
Aldringer, General, 65, 88 note, 

93, 94, 99, killed 103. 
AUbuch, the, hill ; 1 10 note. 
Alsatia ; 117, 121. 
Altenburg (Aldenburg) ; 71, 74. 
Amsterdam ; 46, 47. 
Andernach ; 114 note. 
Antwerp ; 45. 
Arnim (Arnem) General ; 58, 59, 

60, 79, 80, 83, 84. 
Arnsberg ; 108 note. 
Augsburg (Ausburg) ; 68, 129 (?) 

Augustin, S., cloister, 53. 
Austria; 54, loi, 125, 127. 


Baily, Colonel ; 46 and note. 
Baltazar, Don v. Marradas. 
Baner (Banier) Swedish general ; 

81, 82-85,116. 
Barlamont, Duke of ; 124 and note. 
Baudissin or Baudis (Powdize) 

Colonel ; 84. 
Bavaria; 59, 63, 66, 70, 81, 106, 

(Bavier) 93 ; Duke of, 68, 78, 

79, 88, loi, 105- 107, 114 
Beckar, Colonel ; 69, 70 (Becker) 

Belgrade (Belgrada) ; 50, 52, Pasha 

of ; 50. 
Berghen upon Zome ; 45. 
BerHn (Barlin) 56. 
Binder, Colonel de ; no, 120. 
Blone V Plauen. 
Bohemia ; 60, 75, 79, 83, loi, 117, 

131, 134. Frederick, king of; 

69, 77, 78, loi, 105. 
Bosna; 51. 
Brandenburg (Brandeburg) ; 56, 

86. (old) 47. 'Marquis' of ; 57, 

86, 88. 
Breda, siege of ; 46. Introd. 12. 
(Breitenfeld) battle of ; 57, 58. 
Bremen, Stift (Stifbreames) ; 47, 

123. Introd. 12. 
Breslau (Brusloe) ; 48. 
Breuner (Brinar) Colonel ; 104 

and note. 
Bruges (Brudges) ; 45. 
Buda 51 ; New Buda ibid. Pasha 

of 50. 
Budin, in Hungary ; 51. 
Budin, in Bohemia ; 86. 
Bully Basha ; 51. 
Burgundy; 85. 
Burke, Captain Edmond; 95, 97, 

100, 109. Introd. 32. 



Butler, Colonel or Count ; 56, 75, 
94-98, 100, 109, no, 113, 125, 
126, 128, 131, 133, 134. 

Calais (Calice); 45. 

Camets v. Chemnitz. 

Cardinal Infant of Spain, the ; 81, 

109- 1 13; at Cologne, 114. 
Cardinal de la Valette q. v. 
Cassel; 123. 
Chemnitz (Camets) 71. 
Christen, Captain; in. 
Critznocke v. Kreuznach. 
Chiko, Chycho; v. Zwickau. 
CoUoredo (Colredor, Corredor) the 

elder; 81, 117 ; the younger 102; 

defeated, 119, 120 note. 
Cologne (Colen) 60, 114. 
Constantinople ; 53. 
Cratz, Count; 66, 68, 112. Introd. 

Croats (Crebats) 71 ; (Crabats) 87, 

Crossen (Crassen) 48, 
Ciistrin (Castrin) 56. 


Dam, river; 55, 56. 
Danubius,river; 51, 64, 66, 99, loi, 

Darmstadt; 117. 
Darnise, v. Tarnowitz. 
Davisha Basha; 53. 
Denis or Denys, Captain ; 95, 97, 

Denmark, (Ulrich) prince of ; 

assassinated 87, 88. 
Dermont v. Termonde. 
Dervise Basha; 51. 
Despania, Colonel; 114. 
Dessau (Treaso); 47 (Tesso) 84. 
Devereux (Deureux, Deudreux) 

Walter; 95, 98, 99, 100, 134. 

Dieren (Trehan);46. 
DinkelslDuhl (Dinkellspeel); 63. 
Donauwerth (Donwart) ; 64, 66, 

105, 109. 
Dongen (Dongron);46 and note. 
Doorestetle v. Starschedel. 
Dover; 45. 

Dresden (Drayson); 55, 59, 80, 82. 
Dubartle v. Taupadel. 
Dunkirk (Dunkerke) 45. 
Dutch, conduct of the ; at Breda, 

46 ; to assist WiUiam of Hesse- 

Cassel, 123. 
Duvalt V, Taupadel. 

Ederheim ; 108 note. 

Egra (Aegra, Aegre, Aegria) ; 69, 

79. 83- 88, 91, 94, 96, 131-134- 
Egre (Erlau);5i, 53. 
Eilenburg (Ilmburg) ; 57 (Iling- 

burg) 58. 
Elbe (Elve) river; 85. 
Elbogen (Elboying); 69. 
Elsass Zabern (ElsesChabur, Eles- 

chambar); 117, 121. 
Elsenes v. Oelsnitz. 
Essex, Earl of; 46. 


Falkenau (Falkeno); 69. 

Ferdinand II, Emperor : 48, 55, 
57, 62, 67, 74, 81, 86, 92, 105, 
124, 131, 134; relations with 
Saxony 77-78, 80, 83 ; Edict of 
Restitution 79 ; treatment of 
Marradas 89-91 ; rejoiced at the 
death of Wallenstein 100. 

Ferdinand, king of Hungary, after- 
wards Emperor 81, loi, 116, 
117, 118, 121, 131, 134. At 
Nordlingen ; 108- 113. 

Fiscots Captain (?Pitscottie); in 
and note. 



Foitland v. Voigtland. 

Franconia ; 60, 109, 113. 

Frankenthal (Frankendall) ; 116, 

Frankfort on the Main ; 117, 118. 

Frankfort on the Oder ; 47, 56. 

Freiberg (Friburg) in Saxony 71. 

French troops at Breda, 46 ; in 
the Palatinate, 114, 117, 119, at 
Metz, 120; plunderers 28. Duke 
of Saxony on France, 83. 


Gabor, Bethlen ; 47, 48, 124. 
Gallas, General ; 85, 87, 88, 89-93, 

94, 95, 97, 100, lol, 112, 114, 

116-120; 127. 
Garz (Goarch) 56. 
Geraldine (Garaldine) 100 ; (Gir- 

aldine) 131. 
Germany, condition of ; 124, 128- 

Gertruydenberg (Gitterenberg) 46. 
Ghent (Gaunt) ; 45. 
Goarch v. Garz. 

Gonzaga, Don Hannibal de ; 116. 
Goppingen (Keeping) 113. 
Gordon, Lieutenant, governor of 

Egra ; 95, 97, 99, 100, 131, 132, 


Gotz (Gots) Hans, Marshal ; 123. 

Gotz (Gets) Peter, Colonel ; 120. 

Grande, Marquesse de ; 118 and 

Gravelines (Graveling) ; 45. 

Gravesende ; 123. 

Greiffenhagen (Griffinhang) 56. 

Greifswald (Gripswald) 56. 

Grinoway (?Greenway) English 
Colonel ; 113. 

Gustavus Adolphus, king of Swed- 
en ; lands in Germany, 55 ; his 
first successes, 56 ; at Breiten- 
feld, 57-58 ; at Wiirzburg, 60- 
62; besieges Rothenburg, 62-63; 
Donauwerth, 64 ; Ingolstadt, 

66 ; at the passage of the Lech, 
65 ; occupies Augsburg and 
Munich, 68 ; intends to 'goe to 
Rome', 68 ; at Nuremberg, 70; 
at Liitzen, 71 ; slain by Pappen- 
heim, 72, 86, 126. His char- 
acter : cruelty, 60 ; avarice, 61, 
68 ; crafty speeches, 62 ; his 
loitering at Munich, 68 ; pride, 
70 ; drunkenness, 71 ; given to 
'Wisards' 74 ; proved the ruin 
of Germany, 129. 
Gustavus-burg, fortress ; 117, iiS, 


Haguenau (Haganaw) ; 117. 
Halberstadt ; 58. 
Halle (Holl) ; 72, 84. 
Hanau (Hannow) ; 122, 123. 
Haselberg (the) ; no note. 
Hatzfeld, Count ; 84, 85, 122. 
Havelberg(Haygleberg) ; 47. 
Heidelberg (Heydleburg) ; 114, 

Heilbronn (Holbrum) ; 113, 114, 

117, 118. 
Hesse, William, Landgrave of ; 

84, 122, 123. 
Hew,Colonel,aScot ; iiiandnote. 
Hof (Hove); 71. 
Holbrum v. Heilbronn. 
Hoik, General ; 80 note. 
Holl V. Halle. 

Holland; 117, 121, 122, 123. 
Holstein (Holsten) 56 ; duke of, 

Horn, Gustavus, 56, 74, 81, 82, 103, 

106, 108, 112. 
Home count (Thurn so called) 89. 
Hove V. Hof. 
Hume, Colonel, v. Hew. 
Huncks, EngUsh Colonel, 116. 
Hungary, queen of (Infanta Mary) 


Hungary, king of ; v. Ferdinand. 



Huskirk (? Hofkirch) colonel, exe- 
cuted 74. 

I. AND J. 

Illo (Felo) colonel, 89, 94 (Illaw) 

131. 133- 
Ingolstadt 66, 105, 112, (Engol- 

stad) 107. 
Inyon* (? Enghien) colonel ; 104. 
Irish, behaviour of, at Vienna, 100. 
Jagerndorf (Jeadendorf) 49. 


Keeping, v. Goppingen. 
Keller (Kelder) Colonel, 61. 
Kinsky, count, (Kinkskey, Kinks- 

ky), 89, 94, 98, 131, 133. 
Kirchheim unter Teck (Kirken 

undre) 113. 
Knyphausen (Kniphousen), 47, 1 1 8. 
Kreuznach (Chritznocke), 1 17,1 19. 

Lamboy, General ; 118 note. 
Landau (Landoe) 121. 
Landsberg (Lanspurg) on the 

Warthe, 56. 
Landshut (Lansfort) 103. 
Lasly, V. Leslie. 
Lauenburg, Francis Albert, Duke 

of ; 96 ; 'Duke of Saxe,' 95 ; 

misnamed 'Robert,' 100 ; and 

'Duke of Luneburg' 132, 134. 
'Laymerman' father, 131, 132. 
Lech (Lake) river, 64. 
Leslie (Lasly) Sir James, 47 and 

Leslie (Lasly) captain, 95, 97, 100, 


Leipzig (Lypswicke) 57, 58, 60, 

Levencz (Levens) 49, 53. 
Liege, 121, 122. 
Lintz (? Leitmeritz) 79. 
Long, Colonel, 120. 
Longron, v. Dongen. 
Lorraine (Lorayne) 117, 119, 121, 

127, Duke of, 114. 
Lowsnets v. Lusatia. 
Liibeck, 56. 

George, (misnamed William) 

Duke of, 71, 73, 74. Error for 

' Lauenburg' 132, 134. 
Lusatia, Lausitz, (Lowsnets) 82, 

83, 132. 
Liitzen (LyT;zen) 71. 
Luxemburg (Lutzinburg) 121. 
Lypswicke v. Leipzig. 


Maastricht (Mastrick) 122. 

Magdeburg, 57, 83. 

Main (Mayne, Mume) river, 117, 

Mainz (Mentz) 66, 117, 119. 
Malander or Melander, General, 

123 and note. 
Mannheim (Mannum) 116, 117. 
Mansf eld ( Mansfield ) Ernest 

Count, 45, 47-49, 124; his death, 

Mansfeld, town of, 58. 
Mantua, 69. 
Marazin (Marachin) Count, 84, 

Mark, S. cloister, 53. 
Marradas, Don Baltazar, 69, 80, 

88, 89-92, 94. 
Mecklenburg, (Michelburg, Mech- 

elburg) 56, 128, Duke of, 56. 
Mentz V. Mainz. 

* The name is certainly French, and Khevenhiiller (XII, 1185) recounting the 
episode, says the officer in question was ' der De la Fossische Obrist-Lieutenant ' : 
but he does not give his name. 



Merseburg, 57, 84. 

Metz, 117, 119, 120, 121. 

Michelburg v. Mecklenburg. 

Miniken, v. Munich. 

Moravia, 78, 79, 134. 

More, A. Franciscan friar, 54, 

Moselle, river, 119. 
Munich (Miniken) 68, 103, 106, 

Mustapha Basha, 53. 
Musten, Colonel, m. 


Neckar, river, 113. 

Nerling, v. Nordlingen. 

Neuenburg (Nowingburg) 84. 

Neumann (Nyman) Colonel ; exe- 
cuted, 74. 

Neumann (Nyman) captain ; 
('count Niman' 89) 94, 131, 

Neustadt (Newstadt) 133, 134. 
Newmarke, 56. 
Nicola, Colonel, no. 
Nieuwpoort (Newport) 45. 
Nordlingen (NerHng) 63, (Nor- 

ling) 81, 82, 105, 107, 108-113, 

115, 121, 124. 
Novigrad, 49, 53. 
Nuremberg (Norinberg) 70, 104, 



Oelsnitz (Elsenes) 71. 
Ogga, Joseph, 52. 
Olmiitz (Solmits) 48. 
Oppeln(? Podulo) 48 and note. 
Ostende, 45. 

Osterburg (Oyster bank) 47. 
Oxenstierna (Oxenstall) 68, 129. 
Oxford, earl of, 46. 
Oysterbank v. Osterburg. 

Pacaloco (? Malaczka) 48. 
Palatinate, 59, 109 (Upper) 66. 
Pappenheim, (Papenham) count, 

72, 73. 74. 86. 

The younger, his nephew, 

Passau (Passo) 99, 100. 

Peenemiinde, 55 note. 

Pesth (Pesta) 51. 

Piccolomini, Ottavio, 72, 87-89, 
93-95. 97. loi. m. 122, 127. 

Pilsen (Piltzon) 79, 91, 92, 93, 94. 

Plauen (Blone) 71. 

Podulo V. Oppeln. 

Polamia or Polava, 49 and note, 53. 

Poland (Polonia) 55 Polish troops, 

Pomerania 56, 131, duke of, Bo- 
gislas, 55, 56. 

Poyntz (Poynes) Sydenham or 
Sidnam ; birthplace and estate, 
125, 129, Introd. 10 note ; ap- 
prenticeships, Introd. 9. Append. 
I.; leaves England, 45 ; at siege 
of Breda, 46; joins Mansfeld's 
army, 47 ; at the bridge of Des- 
sau, 47 ; in Silesia and Hungary, 
48 ; taken captive, 50, 124 ; first 
escape, 51 ; second escape, 53 ; 
rescued by a friar 54, 125 ; 
turns Romanist, 54, Introd. 17 ; 
enlists in Saxon army, 55 ; at 
Breitenfeld, 58, 59 ; taken pris- 
oner by Butler, 75, 125 ; takes 
service with the Imperialists, 76, 
Append. II ; in Wallenstein's 
army, 69, 71 ; at Liitzen, 72-74, 
126-127 'y i" Hesse (?), 84 ; with 
the Saxons against Baner, 85 ; 
joins Gallas in Burgundy, 85 ; 
at siege of Regensburg, loi- 
102 ; at Landshut, 103 ; at 
Nordlingen, 108- 115 ; at Frank- 
fort, 119; with Gallas in Lor- 
raine, 120 ; leaves the army, 121 ; 
in Rotterdam (Oct. 1636), 123; 



his marriage, 125, Introd. 37- 
38 ; ruin of his estates, 128 ; 
visit to Butler, 128 ; guest of Sir 
Lewis Tresliam, 130 ; his ' dead- 
land ' left in Germany, 130. 

Prague, 68, 69, 74, 75, 79-82, 86, 
89, 92, 116. 

Pressburg, 53. 

Prussia, Preussen (Prizon) 56. 


Rain (Rawne) river and town, 64. 

Ramsey, Sir James, 56, 122, 123. 

Ramsey, Captain, iii. 

Recant Castle v. Rogaz. 

Redburg v. Riedberg. 

Regensburg(Reigensburg, Reyns- 
burg, Reynesburg, Ratisbone, 
Reinsberg, Reinsburg, Reins- 
purb) 65-67, loi, 106, 107 ; 
taken by Bernhard, 99 ; recap- 
tured, 102-104 ; diet at, 116, 
121, 122, 128. 

Reysby (? Rysby) Captain, 45. 

Rheingrave (Ringrave) the, 113. 

Rhine (Rhene) river, 113, 114, 

Riedberg (Redburg) Count, 113. 

Rogaz (Recant) 47, Introd. 13. 

Rome, 68. 

Rostock (Rustock) 56. 

Rothenburg on the Tauber (Ro- 
deuburg on the Dover) imagin- 
ary siege of, 62-68, Introd. 23. 

Rotterdam, 123. 

Saarbriick (Sorbruck) 119 ; Duke 
of, 119. 

Salzwedel (Saltz-weedle) 47. 

Saxony, Duchy of, 84. 

Saxony, Duke of, John George ; 
55. 69, 70, 86, 125, 127, joins 
the Swedes, 57 ; at Breitenfeld, 

58-60 ; his character, 75-85 ; 
his views of the Emperor, 77- 
78; at Prague, 79-82, 116; 
makes peace, 83, 116, 122 ; 
tricked by Baner, 85. 

Schaffenberg (Shaffingberg) Col- 
onel, 92-93. 

Schafgotsch (Showtcoats) 88, 89 
and note, Introd. 30. 

Schlan (Slawne) 82. 

Schmidtberg (Smithburg) Colon- 
el, 116. 

Schorndorf, 114 note. 

Schwarzwald (Swartzwald) 113. 

Schweidnitz (Swinets) 86. 

Schweinfurt (Swinford) 62. 

Servist v. Zerbst. 

Severine, S. cloister, 53. 

Showtcoats V. Schafgotsch. 

Silesia, 48, 69, 78, 80, 88, 134. 

Solmitz V. Olmiitz. 

Spanish troops at Nordlingen, 109- 


Sparre (Sparke) Colonel, 56. 
Speerreuter (Sprighter) Colonel, 

Spinola, Marquis, 45, 46. 
Stargard, 56. 
Starschedel orStorschedel(Doore- 

stetle) 70. 
Stendal (Sendle) 47. 
Stettin, 55. 

Stifbreames v. Bremen. 
Strassburg (Straseburg) 113. 
Straubing (Stroubin, Stroobing) 

99, 100, loi, 106 note, 107. 
Strozzi (Struts) Colonel of Croats. 
Sussex, 125. 
Swabia (Swaven) 109. 
Sweden (Sweveland) 54 ; (Sweth- 

land) 55, 106 ; (Swede) 55 ; 

(Swedeland) 57 ; (Sweve) 79, 

118 ; (Swevia) loi. 
Sweybruck v. Zweibriicken. 
Switzerland (Swisherland) 109. 
Sydenham (Sidnam) Captain, 45, 

Introd. II, 12. 



Tangermiinde (Tangerinde) 47. 
Tarbychan (? Torphichen) 48. 

Introd. 14. 
Tarnowitz (Darnise) 48. 
Taupadel (Duvalt, Dubartle) 86, 

88, 89, 114. 
Termonde (Dermont) 45. 
Teschen (Tessona) 48. 
Thuringia (Tiring), 59. 
Thurn, count, the elder (Home 

89) 88. 
Tilly, count, 47, 57, 58, 63, 64, 75, 

79, 106, 124 ; killed, 65. 
Tiring v. Thuringia. 
Tornetta, de la (Turnet) Baron, 

Transylvania, 48. 
Trczka, (Tirskie, Terksa, Terska, 

Tersky) Count, 89, 94, 95, 131. 
Trczka ('young Grave Coronell 

Tirskie ') 74. 
Treaso v. Dessau. 
Trehan v. Dieren. 
Tresham, Sir Lewis, 130. Introd. 

Troppau (Troppo) 48, 49, 134 (?) 

Troup (Trup) Scottish colonel, 

Tupania (?) 134. 


Uhlefeld (WuUifield) count, 84. 
(Ulrich) prince of Denmark, q. v. 


Valette, Cardinal de la, 120. 

Vaux, Lord, 45. 

Venice, 50. 

Vessure v. Weser. 

Vicegrade v. Wisgrad. 

Vienna, 54, 67, 79, 99, 100, 1 16, 
131, 133 : Schaffenberg's at- 
tempt on, 92-93. 

Vitzthum, Colonel, 118 note. In- 
trod. 35. 
Voigtland (Foitland) 75, 78. 


Walleston v. Wallenstein. 

Walleston, young, 56. 

Wallenstein, Albrecht, Duke of 
Friedland, 49, 106, 124; gene- 
ralissimo, 68-75 ; at Liitzen, 
72-74, 126 ; his executions at 
Prague, 74 ; relations with the 
Princes, 78 ; and the Swedes, 
86-89 ; intrigue with Marradas, 
89-91 ; story of his assasination, 
92-101, I3i-i34;his wealth, loo; 
and magnificence, 135 ; char- 
acter, 135-137. 

Wangeler, colonel, 60. 

Weimar, John Ernest the younger 
of, 47, 48, 49, death, 50, 124. 

Weimar, Bernhard of, 81, 82, 95, 
99, 101-106, 108-113, 114, 115, 

Weisskirchen (Whitsecar) 48. 

Wert, John de, cavalry general, 
112, 113, 121, 122. 

Weser (Vessure) river, 123. 

Westphalia, 59, 79, 81, 105, 

Windsheim (Winshen) 63. 

Wisgrad (Vicegrade) 55. 

Wolgast (Walgost) 55. 

Worms, 116, 117. 

WuUifield V. Uhlefeld. 

Wurzburg(Wertzburg) 60 ; bishop 
of, 60, 115 ; Introd. 22. 

Wiirtemberg (Wertingburg, Wer- 
tinberg) 108, 109, 113. Duke of , 
63, 113- 

Zerbst (Servist) 84. 
Zweibriicken (Sweybruch) 119. 
Zwickau (Chycho, Chiko) 71, 75. 


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