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I
RELIGION AND CONSCIENCE
IN ANCIENT EGYPT
•
RELIGION
AND CONSCIENCE
IN ANCIENT EGYPT
LECTURES DELIVERED AT
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON
BY
W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE
D.C.L., LL.D., Ph.D.
METHUEN & CO.
36, ESSEX STREET, STRAND
LONDON
1898
i
PREFACE
These lectures, though based on the litera-
ture of the Egyptians, cover also some
general considerations which are equally
applicable to the Religion and Conscience
of other nations. They are intended as an
attempt to indicate lines of study, and to
observe what actually is the construction of
uman thought, as shown in some of the
oldest and most continuous records. It may
be said that the relation of these to certain
standard views in ethics and religion should
have been treated ; and that some more
logical and systematic ideas are needed to
start from. But my object was to see what
really is, and not to try to fit that in with
any theories, however highly supported, or
any views, however orthodox. Treating the
divagations of human thought as if they
must have been systematic and logical has
been the bane of all theories ; and many a
5
6 PREFACE
house of cards has been built to match one
single fact or principle which has been
grasped. I do not touch the larger ques-
tions here, but only deal with what we can
readily see and prove ; and in this place
no more attempt to enquire what lies behind
the growth of ideas here traced, than the
biologist enquires what lies behind the com-
parison and nature of the structures which
he unravels. We each try to see what
actually exists ; usually a safe and needful
course before attempting to account for its
results or its causes.
need hardly say that these are mere
sketches, intended to suggest a mode of
looking at the subject ; and any one who
might expect from the title to find a full
account of matters so vast and complex,
be disarmed when he sees what a mere
note-book this volume is.
The Religion lectures are arranged as first
used ; but the Conscience lectures seemed
better to be here re-arranged into three,
rather than two as originally delivered.
The final notes deal with matters too
lengthy for the scale of the lectures.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface
5
Lecture L
THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF RELIGIONS
1. The need of realizing other minds
2. What is religion ? .
3. The origin of intolerance
4. Intolerance adopted religion
5. Mixed religions of mixed races
6. Law of mixture of religions
7. Mixture in Egypt
II
16
20
23
26
Lecture II.
THE POPULAR RELIGION OF EGYPT
8. Magic in the tales
V 9. Nature of the soul, Ba and Ka
10. The tree spirit
11. The sacred animals
12. The Fates
13. The nature of the gods
14. Objects of piety
15. Isis and Horus worship of late times
28
33
36
38
39
43
45
Lecture III.
THE DISCORDANCES OF EGYPTIAN RELIGION
16. Earthly theory of the soul . ...
17. Elysian and Solar theories . ...
7
48
50
\
8
CONTENTS
PAGE
1 8. Mummifying theory
19. Varying beliefs about gods
20. Due to differences of race
21. The Set and Horus discordance
22. The superfluity of Hathor
23. The discordance of Sebek
24. Multiplicity of gods of one function
51
52
54
56
58
62
63
Lecture IV.
ANALYSIS OF THE EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
25. General review of the divinities
26. Spirits
27. Animals
28. Local and minor deities
29. Groups of the great gods
30. Animal gods .
31. Human gods .
32. Cosmic gods .
33. Abstract gods
34. Foreign gods
35. Fluctuations of popularity
68
70
71
73
74
76
76
79
81
83
84
Lecture V.
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
■
36. Material for Egyptian study
A 37- The inheritance of conscience
38. Intuitions weeded out by utility
^39. The value of inherited intuitions
40. Use of a scale of conscience
41. Curve of frequency of varieties
42. Conscience money illustrates the law of distribution
43. Curves of various types of conscience
44. Effect of standards on the conscience
86
87
90
93
95
97
101
104
106
CONTENTS 9
Lecture VI.
THE INNER DUTIES
45. Classification of duties
46. The early lists of duties
(i) PERSONAL CHARACTER
47. Character in action
48. Character in reserve
(2) MATERIAL INTERESTS
51. Material welfare
(3) FAMILY DUTIES
Lecture VII.
THE OUTER DUTIES
(4) RELATIONS TO EQUALS
55. Honesty and truth
56. Kindness
57. Public affairs
(5) RELATIONS TO SUPERIORS
58. Respect and submission
59. In business .
(6) RELATIONS TO INFERIORS
60. Morally
61. Materially
(7) DUTIES TO THE GODS
62. In respect
63. In propitiation
PAGE
no
III
. 112
Il6
49. Avoidance of asceticism . . 120
50. Summary of personal character . . . .121
123
52. Summary of material character . . . . 129
131
53. Duties to women . . ...
^54. Duties of parents and children . . 135
139
140
143
146
150
152
154
157
*59
64. Summary of Egyptian character . . 160
io CONTENTS
Note A
^ Inherited Intuitions
PAGE
. 167
Note B.
The Ideal of Truth, Lucian
. 169
Note C.
Statistics of Conscience Money
170
Note D.
Nature of the Ka
178
ABBREVIATIONS
M. E. E. Maspero, Etudes de Mythologie et d'A rcheologie Egyptienne, part ii.
M. H. A. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, torn, i., 1894.
M. Dend. Mariette, Denderah texte.
Rec. Recueil Egyptien (Maspero).
RELIGION AND CONSCIENCE
IN ANCIENT EGYPT
LECTURE
THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF
RELIGIONS
i. Before considering the Egyptian re-
ligion, it will be desirable to look briefly
at the general laws which belong to similar
cases of a mixture of religions and of races,
and to observe what is to be looked for in
examining this case in particular. It may
seem strange to say that we are greatly in
the dark about a religion which has left us
the most ample remains of any in the
ancient world ; but in this case we have
enough material to begin to estimate our
own ignorance and to realize how much is
required before we can understand the
mind of another race. That we have in
ii
12 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
Egypt to deal with a continuous record
of four thousand years before Christianity,
and an unknown age before that record,
makes our difficulties the greater, but
affords us an unparalleled spectacle of re-
ligious history and development. And that
we have in Egypt to deal with at least four
distinguishable races in the earliest history,
and a dozen subsequent mixtures of race
during recorded history, again makes our
difficulties the oreater, but oives a fuller
&*^*ww*, ~~~ ^
example of such a history of a religion than
can be found elsewhere.
Before we try to understand another
mind — and without such understanding we
can never realize another religion — wre must
quit our present point of view ; we must try
to see how very different the minds of most
other peoples have been from our own at
present. We must feel that the greater
part of mankind has had systems of lan-
guage which would be wholly incapable
expressing our ideas ; systems of religion
which would be a horror to us ; ideas of gods
which would be monstrous to us ; their ways
of life would make them flee into the fields
from our dwellings ; their systems of pro-
priety would bring them into the police
OF RELIGIONS 13
court ; and their systems of morality would
land them at once in the law court. We
must set aside all the framework of mind
and thought and habit in which we have
been formed, and try to leave our ideas free
to re-crystallize in a different system. Of
course we cannot do all this, we cannot do
a tenth of it ; but if we can do a very little
we shall at least feel how different the world
must look, how different the motives must
be, among people of another race, another
faith, another standard, and another order
of things. Close practical contact with a
very different race is the best guide to
seeing how far apart the organizations of
thought are on different bases. Learn to
respect, and love, and be intimate with,
a man of a far distant stage of life, and
you see then how very deep down is the
wide platform of elemental feeling and
thought which you have together in com-
mon ; and you begin to perceive how much
you have each built on that platform, which
isolates you from one another, and makes
the point of view of each incomprehensible
to the other.
2. In dealing with religion the first ques-
tion is, What is religion ? To say it is the
i4 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
ideas about a divinity is to limit it at once
to theology, which is only a branch of it.
And what is a divinity? If it be anything
that is worshipped, we are left at once with
every visible object included, as there is
perhaps no thing or no being that has not
been worshipped at some time. The only
view which will cover the extremely various
instances is that religion is belief concerning
any ideas which cannot be immediately
verified by the physical senses. The ideas
themselves do not constitute religion ; but
the act of belief in what is 7iot provable to
the senses is the very basis and limiting
boundary of all religions.
The idea of animism which constitutes
so large a part of most religions is expressly
an explanation of phenomena by bringing
in a belief in that which is unprovable.
The ideas of primitive medicine, which are
incorporated so strongly in savage religion,
again are based on beliefs about the un-
provable ; and as the limits of proof
expand by real knowledge, so the limits
of religion in medicine contract.
That the idea of personal morality is not
an integral part of most religions, is obvious
to anyone who has had a practical view o
OF RELIGIONS 15
them. Right and wrong do not enter into
the circle of religious ideas to most races.
The piety of the Carthaginian before
Moloch, of the Roman as he sent his
captives from the Capitol to be slaughtered
in the Colosseum, of Louis XI. as he con-
fided his duplicities to the Virgins in his
hat-band, or of Louis XV. as he prayed
in the Parc-aux-Cerfs, show what the
brigand who pays for his masses, or the
Arab who swindles in the intervals of his
prayers, prove in the present day — that the
firmest religious beliefs have no necessary
connection with the idea of moral action.
In these instances, be it observed, we are
not concerned with differences between
profession and practice, but with simu
taneous acts of the same mind ; deeply
religious on one side, but destitute of any
sense of incongruity between the religion
and the action which is recognizedly wrong
on the other side. Another principle
of many, perhaps most religions, is that
they are public and not private ; they are
collective and not individual. They are
concerned with ceremonies, with common
action, with the relation of man to man ; the
initiation, the witch doctor, the tabu, are
1
16 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
their prominent parts. The ideal of a
purely personal religion, irrespective of any
other human being, and inextricably inter-
woven with the highest sense of right and
wrong, is wholly different from what we have
to review in the great mass of mankind, and
is a growth of which the beginning may
be seen but very rarely in ancient times.
With that, therefore, we are not concerned
at present.
We may then begin to realize how hope-
less it is for us to understand the ideas or
feelings of those ancient people whose
religion we would consider, if we try to
interpret their views by our own ; or for
us to study them without emptying our
minds as completely as we can to begin
wi
ith.
3. One common feature of many religions
is intolerance ; and it is so essential to
realize what this means, that we should
look at it closely, the more so as we
especially profess in the present time that
we have rid ourselves of it, and look on it
as being outside of our present motives.
Intolerance is one of the strongest instincts
of man ; it will entirely override his
material interests, it can compete with his
-\
OF RELIGIONS 17
strongest passions, and it moulds his social
organization. And for what ? For merely
a question of whether two persons think
alike about what cannot be demonstrated
to the senses, and what cannot visibly
influence their condition in any way.
Assuredly no such potent instinct can ever
have arisen on such a shadowy ground.
The practical working of intolerance is
that it makes a sharp demarcation between
one group of men and another ; in short,
it defines the community, and prevents any
person drifting from one community into
another without taking a decisive step,
may be said that this only refers to religious
communities ; but when we look at almost
any country or any age but our own, we see
that the religious and political communities
are coterminous. There is perhaps not an
instance to be found of warfare between
those who hold exactly the same religious
opinions. The Civil War in England was
between Church and Nonconformitv, the
revolution in France was between a Church
and Atheism, just as the earlier civil wars
had been between Catholicism and Protes-
tantism. The civil and religious com-
munities are identical wherever intolerance
B
i8 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
has a hold ; religion defines the community,
and intolerance preserves the boundary.
When we come to consider how far back
this state of things has existed we reach an
absolute limit for the action of religion at
a point when man was incapable of express-
ing abstract thought ; before that religion
was impossible. But the community is far
older ; man is a communal animal, and
before man the system of community was
fully developed by most varieties of animals,
who find in it the best protection against
their foes. When we look at these animal
communities we see intolerance has the fullest
sway, as the essential feature in common
action. Every communal animal, from ants
up to elephants, has a violent intolerance
against those that do not belong to its
community. And this is the very safe-
guard of the system, as without it outsiders
would claim the benefits of protection and
help without any obligation to render the
same in return.
We then reach the position that Intoler-
ance is as old as communal action in the
animal world, giving the necessary cohesion
to that action ; and we notice that all animals
have tests for intolerance, they examine
OF RELIGIONS 19
1
others by smell, by appearance, by memory,
to decide whether they are of the same stock
or no. A test is needful for the action of
this great safeguard. Now, when men be-
came capable of religion, of abstract ideas,
and of inherited beliefs, such proved at once
to be far the most decisive test of the com-
munity. If a man thought as you did about
what he could not learn by his senses, he
must have acquired his ideas in your own
tribe, and belong to you. Hence Religion
became the conclusive test of community,
and animal Intolerance adopted the human
acquirement of Religion as its most effective
way to distinguish friends from enemies.
4. Thus Religion has nothing essentially
intolerant in it ; but the detestation of those
who hold different opinions is merely the
instinct of the herd transferred to those
matters of opinion which give it the most
effective definition.
In this point of view we see at once how
it can be that intolerance is so strong and
masterful an instinct. It has been necessary
to the welfare of the community — and hence
also of the individual — during the greater
part of the history of animal life on the
earth. And the desperate vigour of wars
20 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
of religion is because they are the descen-
dants of those struggles which each anim
has made to preserve its own species. The
prominence and sacredness of initiation to
people of all grades of religion is thus
explained : on reaching independence it is
needful for each individual to be put in
possession of all the inherited beliefs which
serve to prove his right to the protection of
his community, and to test the claims of
others upon his own assistance. This sub-
ject has necessarily only been sketched in
the shortest way here as a preliminary to
our next consideration.
. What the results are of a fusion of
races upon their beliefs have to be noticed
before we can deal with the construction of
the Egyptian religion. In considering this
the modern fusions of race are unfortunately
not examples to the point ; nearly all
modern fusions that we can examine being
between monotheism and polytheism, and
in such the exclusive claims of monotheism
leave but scanty ground for the previous
polytheism in any form.
But turning to the ancient world, there
are some good examples for study. The
Greek settlers in Egypt, we find, largely
OF RELIGIONS 21
adopted Egyptian gods ; for instance, Aris-
toneikos appears on his stele as a mummy
introduced by Anubis to the presence of
Osiris and I sis ; and the mummy-case of
Artemidoros is covered with figures of
Anubis, Osiris, Isis, Nebhat, &c. As a
whole, the Greek settlers in their day
appear to have readily adopted both
Egyptian customs and Egyptian gods. On
the other hand, Greek gods were freely
worshipped in Egypt wherever Greek popu-
lation was in force. There seems to have
been no obstacle to the free acceptance of
each other's mythology, after the initial
question of fusion of the races was settled.
The Greeks adopted as their great local god
for the new city of Alexandria the deified
Hapi, which had been worshipped as a bu
at Memphis ; and they recognized him as a
god that died and was renewed by calling
him the Osirian, Osir-hapi, or Serapis. The
uman form that was given him made him
practically a Greek Zeus, and so ensured his
acceptance by the Greek world.
Looking at earlier times in Egypt, we see
the same process. After the fusion of the
Egyptian and Syrian races in the XVII I th
Dynasty, Syrian gods, Baal, Ashteroth,
22 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
Anaitis, and others, were freely worshipped
in Egypt, probably by the mixed descen-
dants of the two races.
Again, in the West we can trace similar
results. In Gaul and Britain we find side
by side altars to Keltic and to Latin deities ;
neither of them excluded the other, and the
mixed descendants of legionaries and natives
worshipped the gods of either side.
When we turn to the fusions in which
monotheism takes one part, we find consider-
able signs of the same results, in spite of its
exclusiveness. In ancient Judaism so long
as any fusion of race was allowed the worship
of the gods of both sides was freely followed ;
and we find Manasseh building altars to all
the host of heaven in the temple of Yahveh
at Jerusalem. (2 Kings xxi. 5.) It is only
by the most rigid racial separation (Ezra x.
11, &c.) that a fusion of religion was pre-
vented in later times. The same thing is
obvious in the history of Christianity ; the
polytheism of the ancestors of the mixed
races has never been eradicated ; the Keltic
fairies were quite as real to the men of past
generations as any of the saints, and many a
man would sooner brave the terrors of the
church than insult the local spirits of the
OF RELIGIONS 23
moor or river. What we superciliously call
superstitions are the fossilized religion of our
ancestors ; and we see every day now around
us men who are far more annoyed by thirteen
at dinner than by breaking any precept of
the Sermon on the Mount, and who believe
in charms, luck, and other barbaric notions
quite as strongly as in any element of their
professed religion. The same is seen when
we look at races which have recently adopted
Christianity ; on all sides, from Africa, from
Siberia, from New Zealand, we hear that
the old beliefs are hardly impaired, and on
any great trouble or danger the venerated
customs and incantations and offerings have
their full sway. In Hayti, where the negro
has his own way, there appears to be a
complete equality of the old and new
beliefs.
6. From this review of examples of
mixture we may conclude that the usual
law is that one religion does not supplant
another, but is only superadded to it, the
old and the new being each impaired by
only receiving a partial support. Also that
in a fusion of race there is a complete
mixture of religion ; and in a change of
civilization an adoption of much of the new
24 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
beliefs. And that the question of which
shall be predominant depends on the general
predominance of the race or civilization at
any point in question. But Intolerance
assures us that a mixture of race and a
mixture of religion will always accompany
each other, excepting, perhaps, in a few
cases of an overwhelming influence of a
great civilization.
Closely connected with this is the differ-
ence between a popular and a priestly
religion. In every country we see two
editions of what professes to be the same
faith ; one used in the household or family
life, the other in public worship under the
direction of the state. This divergence is
generally due to the state religion belonging
to a later importation of a ruling race, while
the domestic religion retains more of the
aboriginal type. We may see this among
ourselves where many ideas of a future
state commonly accepted belong evidently
to Keltic or Saxon faiths, and have no root
whatever in the doctrines of the Church.
And we note the result of the same action
in the Teutonic ideas of equality which are
inherent in the Nonconformist rebellion
against that priestly character of the Church,
OF RELIGIONS 25
which is of Latin origin and of Norman
enforcement.
So we may reasonably expect to find
more of the native parts of a religion show-
ing in the popular and domestic worship ;
while the later elements will be stronger in
the official worship. Thus the divergence
between these two may serve as a test of
the relative ages of different articles of belief.
On another point we have little or no
data to positively guide us ; but it seems
not unlikely that older beliefs when partially
overgrown with newer will gradually force
their way into prominence again, while
the newer will fade in importance. This
may be surmised when we note that a
conquered race always subdues its con-
querors to its own type after a few
centuries of fusion. The Lombard- Italians,
the Norman - French, the Anglo-Irish,
illustrate this. And what is true of the
races is probably true of the religions.
Hence when a particular belief which be-
longs to the people steadily wins its way
against more ostentatious and dominant
worship, there is a fair presumption that
it belongs to the other stratum, which has
been temporarily overlaid.
26 THE HISTORICAL CONDITIONS
We have now endeavoured to reach some
ideas of the phenomena of mixture in re-
ligion ; and to gain some guide by which
we may interpret what we notice in con-
sidering the Egyptian religion in its historical
aspect.
. When we look to the evidences of the
various races which together formed the
population of Egypt at the earliest historical
age, we are able to glean some valuable
ts, mainly from the portraiture. Three
;inct types are met with on the sculptures
the IVth Dynasty. The ruling race is
akin to the type of the people of Punt, the
" divine land"; and it seems most probable
that the dynastic Egyptians entered the
ile valley at Koptos from the Red
Another type found in high position is akin
to the early Mesopotamian heads from Tell
o ; and it is generally recognized that there
are so many traces of influence from that
region that an immigration thence is a
probable factor. Thirdly, there is a coarse
type of a mulatto appearance ; and as it is
certain anatomically that there is much
negro blood in the oldest Egyptians, we
have one element of the mulatto in evidence.
The light element is doubtless Libyan, be-
OF RELIGIONS 27
cause throughout historic times invasions
from the West have occurred every few
centuries, and they are not likely to have
originated at the rise of Egyptian power :
also the negroes are most likely to have
mixed with the fair races which bounded
their region in the North. This has been
stated at length in the History (i. 12-15),
and need not, therefore, be more fully
entered on here.
We have thus to expect a first stratum
of negro and Libyan, then a Mesopotamian
influence, and lastly a Punite power, in the
religions as also in the races.
LECTURE II.
THE POPULAR RELIGION OF EGYPT
8. From the scarcity of objects of domestic
worship belonging to early times, it is difficult
to trace the popular religion on the material
side, as we can study the official religion
upon the monuments. It is nevertheless
the most important source that we can have
for understanding the early beliefs, as it
probably represents the religion of an earlier
type than that officially adopted. Happily
we have a tolerable outline of it embodied
in the priceless series of tales, which reveal
to us so much of Egyptian life.
The first thing that strikes us in the tales
is that the gods are by no means omniscient
nor omnipotent. There appear to be three
independent powers — the gods, fate, and
man ; and each of these can act irrespective
of the others.
The powers of man are expressed in
magic ; and in this we see what is probably
28
POPULAR RELIGION OF EGYPT 29
the very earliest form of belief. The lack
of realizing what the limits of natural
action are, the readiness to credit exceptional
persons with powers which we do not
possess, is one of the most frequent errors
of the uninstructed mind, and one which we
may see around us at present. In all the
earliest tales the magician is the mainspring
of the action. He can make magical animals
by modelling them, and make them live and
act, or return to their original material at his
will. He can resuscitate decapitated animals.
He can divide the river, and descend to its
bed. There is nothing that is impossible
to him in dealing either with inert or with
living matter. So far there is nothing
spiritual in question, but simply the limit of
man's control over matter and life, which
appears to be quite undefined, and to be
credited with any amount of extension.
Such was the belief in the Old Kingdom to
o
which the writing of these tales belongs.
When we look at later tales we do not
find magic predominant until the Ptolemaic
At that time the physical magic of
the early times reappears in full force. A
magic cabin with men and tackle is made
to work under water ; and a magical recita-
30 THE POPULAR RELIGION
tion can make the dead to speak, although
it cannot restore them to life. Magic is also
connected at this time with powers over that
which is out of reach, so that all that is
beyond our ken should be perceived by eye
and ear ; the birds of the air, and the fish
of the deep are to be understood, and the
dead shall hear and see all that the living
perceive and do, by means of these magic
spells. This bears the general character of
the later magic of the Gnostics.
9. Regarding the soul, we do not glean
any belief from the earlier tales. The
king's soul is referred to as a hawk, in the
Xllth Dynasty, and again in the XlXth ;
thus explaining the hawk which is figured
over the king's ka name, as being his soul
or ba. The combination of the human-
headed bird for the ba of ordinary men is
doubtless later than the belief in the royal
ba being a hawk ; later because it would be
the more noble to have a human head than
a bird's head, and the hawk must have been
firmly attached to the theory of the royal
soul before the half-human form was devised
for all men ; also later because the sup-
position of the soul flitting as a bird would
precede the invention of a monstrous form
OF EGYPT 31
to represent it. How early the ba-blrd was
invented is not known. The oldest repre-
sentations of it are not before the New King-
dom ; and as in that age we find another
belief about the soul, it seems as if the
ba-bird was not universally accepted at that
time.
This other belief is that the soul could
be taken out of the body at will, and placed
in any other position ; in this case of Bata
it was hidden on the top of a tree. While
the soul was thus deposited, the life of the
man was independent of what might occur
to his body ; but he fell down dead if the
seat of his soul was destroyed. This belief
J
is spread from the Celts to the Chinese, and
is, therefore, a standard piece of psychology.
But as we do not meet with it elsewhere
in Egypt, and it is antagonistic to the ba
theory, it is more likely not to belong to
Egypt, but to have been imported from
Asia Minor along with the rest of the
Atys myth in which it appears.
The ka is not alluded to in the tales until
Ptolemaic times, although we know from
monuments that the belief in it belongs to
the earliest religion. We gain, however, an
enlarged idea of it from its action in the tale
32 THE POPULAR RELIGION
of Setna. There a ka has the affections of
its former life, and it will wander hundreds
of miles from its own tomb to dwell in the
tomb of its mate. Yet it is uneasy at being
so separated from its own tomb, as the union
of the two burials is desired by it. The ka
is equally visible, and viable whether in its
own place or any other. It can talk and
describe the past ; it can argue, it can play
games with mortals, it can inflict super-
natural penalties. But its powers cease
where physical force is concerned ; Setna,
after stories, arguments, and gaming have
been tried on him in vain, takes by force
the roll which he covets, simply reaching
out his hand for the book and taking it.
Thus, while the senses, the memory, the
speech, discernment, and motion are all
credited to the ka, and we begin to wonder
in what it differs from the living person, the
touch of simple force undoes its powers at
once. It has then all the full properties of
mind, but not the abilities to act with force
upon matter. Though this is a very late
account of the ka, yet it accords well with
the partial light on its nature that we have
on the older monuments. The whole motive
of tomb decoration was to provide a home
OF EGYPT 33
for the ka, furnished with all good things.
The models and images of the food and
furniture, servants and estates, are the
equivalent of the realities to the mind ; and
as the ka cannot exercise force upon matter,
the provision of actual matter is not required.
No doubt this is a logical refinement on the
primitive offering of the cake of bread and
jar of water, such as we find in the earliest
tombs, and such as is still presented after
six thousand years in the tombs of the
fellahin now. There the actual material
without any theorizing is placed by the body
for its sustenance, and its sandals and staff
for its long journey lie by it. And as the
offering is still now made, so probably it
had been made for thousands of years before
the earliest burials that we know. The
dogma of the ka using these offerings with-
out any material diminution of them, and
its satisfaction with the images of the offer-
ings, is evidently a later conception ; while
yet we see the earlier idea in its most
primitive simplicity lasting until the present
day.
10. So far we have dealt with man and
his parts ; we now turn to the supernatural
forces around him. Closely linked with the
c
34 THE POPULAR RELIGION
belief in the ka and ba was the worship of
the tree spirit. In many representations we
have the tree goddess in various forms
9
human, cow-headed, or shown as a mere
arm emerging from the branches of the
sycomore, and pouring out blessings on the
kneeling ka and the bowing ba bird. The
sustenance of the parts of the dead was
attributed to the beneficent tree spirit, and
hence the widespread veneration of the
sycomore in every home, and more par-
ticularly about Memphis with its vast
cemetery of Sakkara, where the great
sycomore of the south was a noted feature,
t is alluded to in the Xllth Dynasty as
a well-known point in the country. This
group of ideas of the ka, ba, and sycomore
spirit, was associated with the domestic
worship, and perhaps formed the main part
of it. In the Ramesseum dwellings a niche
in the wall has this group painted in it ;
another such niche has a flight of steps
leading up to it as a sacred place, and similar
niches are found in the private houses of
Tell el Amarna. The focus of domestic
worship then appears to have been a niche
or false door in the wall of the principal
hall, usually in the west wall like the false
OF EGYPT 35
doors of tombs; this was dignified with
steps in some cases, and painted with the
objects of adoration, the ancestral double
and spirit, ka and 6a, and the tree-genius
who preserved them.
The tree is named as the residence of
a human spirit in the XlXth Dynasty, when
Bata places his soul on a tree to preserve
it, and drops dead himself when the tree is
cut down. Again, he is transformed into
two trees, and speaks from a tree to his
wicked wife. Hence it seems that a tree
with its thick hiding foliage and deep shade
was thought to be particularly a suitable
abode for both human and divine spirits ;
and " the sycomore of the south " is called
the living body of Hathor.
Offerings were made to trees, evidently
to propitiate the spirit which dwelt in
them ; the peasant is figured bowing to
the sycomore in his field, and surrounding
it with jars of drink offerings ; and when
Bata is transformed into two Persea trees,
"there were offerings made to them."
What divinities were associated with trees
is a very variable point. The Sycomore has
always a goddess, generically described as
Hathor, or specifically as Nut, Selk, or Neit.
\
36 THE POPULAR RELIGION
This variation shows that the tree does not
belong to any of these deities in particular,
but is only the residence of a beneficent
tree-goddess, who was identified with any
goddess that was prominent. In fact it
belongs to a different religion to that of
these human goddesses, and was combined
with them afterwards. In one case a god
is named, when a tall palm is identified with
Tahuti.
11. The part that animals hold in the
religion is important, yet we find very little
trace of it in the tales. In the earliest
time a crocodile is always the minister of
vengeance, but is not regarded as divine.
In the Xllth Dynasty the serpents of the
enchanted island talk, and in the XlXth
Dynasty the kine of Bata talk. The first
case is however a part of distant marvels ;
and the second probably means that Bata
was so observant and sympathetic with his
cattle, that their actions were like speech to
im. It does not then seem that talking
animals, which are so familiar in other
beliefs, had any real place in Egyptian
ideas. The worship of the sacred bu
appears in the tale of Bata ; and there a
great feast is made to the animal god just
OF EGYPT 37
before he is killed. That killing the god
was part of the religion we can well believe
when we see it in other countries ; and even
in Egypt a ram was killed yearly at Thebes,
and the statue of Amen covered with its
skin. The actual remains of the bulls found
in the Serapeum by Mariette show that in
the XlXth Dynasty they were consumed
by the worshippers, as is shown by Bata's
wife eating the bull's liver. That the
slaughter of venerated animals was not
discordant to Egyptian ideas, we also see
by the death of the cow which had been
specially selected and brought up as a mate
to the Apis bull, but which was killed im-
mediately after consorting with him. The
Egyptian regarded a continuity of life as
so assured through the ka and the ba, that
it did not make much break in the life for
it to be transferred from one state to the
other.
Other popular worships of animals are
seen in the treatment of the sacred serpent
or good genius of buildings and places ;
and the serpent goddess of agriculture
Renent, who was adored with offerings.
This is probably a very primitive worship,
as also that of the cynocephali baboons,
38 THE POPULAR RELIGION
with their solemn faces, which gave them
the credit of the embodiment of wisdom,
and their activity at sunrise, when they were
supposed to adore the sun-god.
1 2. Of the purely spiritual conceptions is
that of the fates, who predict an enigmatical
future for the man at his birth. In the early
time the goddess Meskhent — a birth-deity —
predicts the future of the infant ; but in
the New Kingdom we see that a group of
goddesses, generically termed Hathors, are
present and give an oracular utterance which
may have several interpretations. They
appear to see a part of the future, to be
able to assign the limits of its uncertainties,
but not to control or regulate it in the least.
Much of the choice of the future lies with
man himself; his own foresight and in-
genuity is to help him ; yet he cannot step
beyond certain limits where his fate meets
him, and bounds his freedom of action.
This is a very practical version of the
limited freedom of action which men possess;
reconciling the apparent ability of man to
determine his condition, with the ruthless
chapter of accidents which binds him. He
has a certain course and end broadly assigned
to him, within the limits of which he can
i
i
OF EGYPT 39
modify his life and rule his state. When he
has overcome one of the possibilities of evil
which beset him, he is thenceforth free of
that risk for the future, " Thy god has given
one of thy dooms into thy hand." This
conception would seem to have arisen from
a man overcoming some particular tempta-
tion which might be a doom to him, and so
being delivered from its overwhelming him
in future.
13. We lastly turn to what views the
people had of their gods. In the Old
Kingdom tales we find Ra supreme ; but
that is to be expected, as the Vth Dynasty,
which is in question, is described as being
descended from Ra, and called its kings
" Sons of Ra." Ra there orders the other
deities, I sis and Nebhat, the osiride god-
desses, Meskhent, the name goddess, Hekt,
the goddess of birth, and Khnumu, the
creative god, who gives strength to the
limbs of the new-born. All of these deities
are purely human in form, and they appear as
a party of travelling dancing girls with a
porter. It is evident, then, that the osiride
group were the prominent human divinities
as distinguished from the cosmic Ra — at
that time ; and that the domestic deities of
40 THE POPULAR RELIGION
creation and birth were familiar to the Egyp-
tian. But no marvels are attributed to them
beyond the control of the weather, and the
making of models of royal crowns which
gave out a sound of festivity afterwards
when hidden.
In a later time we find in the New King-
dom Ra is appealed to as a deliverer, who
can interpose obstacles to an unjust attack.
And swearing by Ra-Harakhti was the
regular form of a strong asseveration of the
truth, as it occurs in two tales.
Beside Ra, we find in the XlXth Dynasty
an Ennead, or group of nine gods, who are
popularly supposed to walk together on the
earth to view all that passes. Ra-Harakhti
is at the head of this group, and Khnumu is
of the company ; but the remainder are
unspecified, and as the well-known enneads
do not contain Khnumu we cannot be certain
who was implied in this, or, indeed, if any
gods were referred to in particular. Pro-
bably it only implies the principal gods in
general. But it is remarkable that they do
not rule immovable in heaven, but walk
together on the earth "to look upon the
whole land." Khnumu, the potter who
forms mankind on his wheel, here frames a
OF EGYPT 41
non-human woman, who is devoid of all
natural feeling or passions, and has but a
craving for power.
On reaching the Ptolemaic times we get
further light on the popular conceptions of
the gods. When Na-nefer-ka-ptah by magic
obtains the hidden book of Thoth, it takes
apparently a day or two for Thoth to dis-
cover the loss. He is therefore dependent
upon sources of information, and is not
omniscient. Next he goes to Ra to
complain ; Ra therefore is not omniscient.
And Ra gives Thoth permission to punish
Na-nefer-ka-ptah ; Thoth therefore cannot
avenge himself without permission. Next,
neither of the gods can act directly by his
will upon man or matter, as Ra "sent a
power from heaven with the command " to
injure Na-nefer-ka-ptah. This introduces
another conception, that of angels or
messengers, which became so important in
gnosticism and Christianity. The power
accordingly acts at once, and evil ensues,
the child is drowned. The drowned child
can be forced into speech by reading magic
spells over him ; and in this state he can
reveal what the gods had done. This
suggests the idea that the news of the
f
42 THE POPULAR RELIGION
spiritual world goes round from mouth to
mouth as in this world ; and when a spirit
once went there the acts of the gods became
known to it.
Thus we see that the belief in the gods
was entirely different from modern ideas.
They were neither self-informed nor self-
acting ; but they depended on information
received, and they acted through messengers.
This may be a later form of belief, as in
earlier times we see Bata calling on Ra, and
Ra directly listening to him and attending
to his needs.
Passing now from the tales we may glean
somewhat about the popular beliefs from the
lesser remains, such as private tablets and
little figures of gods, which are frequently
found, and yet which are some of them of
different type to anything pourtrayed in
the temples. The serpent-worship of the
goddess Renent Nebtka, the divinity of
cultivation, is shown at a harvest festival.
A great heap of the grain is piled up before
er ; the lon^-handled shovels and forks and
the winnowing scrapers are stuck upright
into the heap as being done with ; two men
are still piling on the grain from measures
which they carry ; while beyond, the
1
OF EGYPT 43
winnowers are finishing the winnowing over
another heap of grain. This is a scene of
the beginning of the XlXth Dynasty, and
shows a popular festival of that time.
14. The ivory wands covered with incised
figures belonging to the Middle Kingdom
show a large number of deities and genii,
which have more connection with the Book
of the Dead than with any state worship.
Among these the great cat, who is in the
j-> — ~~ ~ ~"~ &
Persea tree of Heliopolis, the Mehurt cow,
and the eye of Horus, all belong to the
XVI I th chapter, which is considered one
of the earliest. Beside these there are
shown Taurt devouring a captive ; Bes,
both in male and female form, holding
serpents ; Taurt and Sekhet devouring
serpents ; and Set. The tortoise, frog, and
scarab appear ; and several monsters, as
a serpent -headed leopard ; hawk -headed
leopard winged, with a human head between
the wings ; sphinx ; and winged uraeus.
These figures are akin to those monsters
represented at Beni Hasan. This group of
supernatural figures gives an outline of the
commonly received ideas, apparently con-
nected with the coming forth from Duat, or
the under-world, like the XVI Ith chapter,
44 THE POPULAR RELIGION
which has evidently a connection with these
carvings.
Coming to later times one of the most
usual objects of popular worship is a small
stele or tablet with Horus on the crocodiles.
In the earliest form, about the XVIIIth-
XlXth Dynasty (basalt tablet, F.P. coll.),
Horus is a hunter armed with bow and
quiver ; we see then that the animals must
be those which he has slain. As Maspero
has pointed out, all the animals figured were
supposed to fascinate man, the lion, oryx,
scorpion, serpent, and crocodile ; and Horus
conquered them to protect man. Next, in
the XXI I nd Dynasty, we have a similar
idea of Ptah-Sokar, the deformed pigmy
figure, who stands on crocodiles, and grasps
serpents in his hands. These serpents some-
times are figured as being half in his mouth,
^ — _^...&
with only the tails out. This is another view
of the protection against serpents by eating
them, which is the common practice of South
African people at present, and probably of all
serpent charmers. Experiments very com-
pletely performed with serpent poisons, and
just published, show that doses of poison
and also of serpent's blood taken internally
confer on the eater immunity from the effects
OF EGYPT 45
of injected poison, such as that infused by
bites. The Ptah-Sokar eating serpents is,
therefore, overcoming them in another way.
In the later Ptolemaic times, tablets o
Horus on the crocodiles are very common,
crowded on the back and sides with in-
scriptions which have neither accuracy nor
meaning. Such tablets abound just when
the use of other amulets came into common
fashion, and they lead on to the great belief
in amulets in gnostic times. We see then
here an important element of popular religion
in these tablets, which were to serve for the
protection of the owner from noxious animals.
15. The main worship of the people in the
later times of the Greek and Roman occupa-
tions seems to have been concentrated upon
Isis and Horus. The innumerable cheap
terra-cotta figures of Horus in all forms, are
the commonest objects of the Roman period.
With a hole in the back to hang on a peg in
the wall, they were placed in the huts of the
poorest of the people ; their cost must have
been so minute that none would be so poor
as not to own one. No other god seems to
have had such popularization, and even Isis
and Serapis come far behind Horus in their
general acceptance. Broadly speaking, the
46 THE POPULAR RELIGION
Egyptians were a Horus-worshipping people
in Roman times, honouring Isis also as his
mother ; and the influence that this had on
the development of Christianity was pro-
found. We may even say that but for the
presence of Egypt we should never have
seen a Madonna. Isis had obtained a sreat
hold on the Romans under the earlier
Emperors, her worship was fashionable and
wide-spread ; and when she found a place in
the other great movement, that of the
Galileans, when fashion and moral conviction
could shake hands, then her triumph was
assured, and, as the Mother Goddess, she has
ruled the devotion of Italy ever since. How
much Horus has entered into the popular
development of Christianity — how the figure
of the Divine Teacher, set in a sad, stern
frame of Semitic and Syrian influence, has
become changed into the rampant baby of
Correggio — is seen readily when we note the
general popular worship of the child Horus,
and see that passing over into the rising
influence of Christianity. In one small
particular there is much significance. The
well-known Christian monogram (kki-rko)
may be seen in course of gradual formation
in Egypt — or possibly in course of alteration ;
'
OF EGYPT 47
but the rho is usually figured as an upright
staff with the lock of Horus at the top, and
not the letter rho. Essentially it is the sign
of Horus, and only became Christian by
adoption.
We have now briefly gone over the
various elements of popular religion in
Egypt, as distinct from that of the temples ;
religion which was far less influenced by
political and other changes, and was really
the vital belief of the greater part of the
inhabitants. It is simpler than the official
and priestly worship, and has a much greater
vitality. Buried in the hearts of millions,
changes could not uproot it, and with
nominal modifications, and with new ideals
implanted in it, the old framework has
largely kept its hold down to the present
time, excepting where the violent mono-
theism of Islam has crushed it. The
conquests of Islam were not so much over
Christianity as over the elder paganism,
which had retained its hold and its position ;
and it was that alone which gave force and
point to the invectives of Muhammed
against the far older Tri theism, Mariolatry,
and Saint-worship which went by the name
of Christianity in his times.
LECTURE III.
THE DISCORDANCES OF EGYPTIAN
RELIGION
1 6. The discordances and contradictions
in any religion are one of the most important
evidences of its history. The ruling idea of
most religious beliefs is the need of account-
ing for something, and of explaining the
mysteries of life. Hence beliefs which
explain the unseen in a totally different
way and with different ideals will not be
needlessly produced at a single source.
Some new influence must be at work to
cause diversity ; and when two views live
on side by side with partial fusion, it is — like
instances of two mythologies — an evidence
of a mixture of peoples who had held
varying opinions.
This discrepancy in belief is most charac-
teristic of Egypt, and we need to disentangle
the elements before we can venture to classify
them.
48
DISCORDANCES OF RELIGION 49
Concerning the future state of man there
were at least three wholly contradictory
theories ; the Earthly, the Elysian, and the
Solar theories : and it is probable that the
mummy theory is a fourth.
The Earthly theory was that of the ka, or
double, which, as we have seen, had the feel-
ings and the activities of life, only limited
by the inability to act on matter. This ka
required a supply of food, in the form of
continually renewed offerings, for which a
place of offering was provided in front of the
doorway which led to the tomb-pit. Up that
pit from the sepulchre passed the ka, and
also the ba or soul, and coming out through
the imitation door that was provided it fed
on the offerings which were laid on the altar
in front of the door. Soon a recess was
made for the altar by added coatings to the
mastaba that developed into a chamber, and
then that chamber was elaborated into a
dwelling for the ka, its walls were covered
with figures of offerings and of servants, and
large granaries and store-rooms were pro-
vided in it. Being incapable of acting on
matter, the image of an offering was as good
as the object itself to the ka ; and so the
continually renewed offerings of the earliest
D
5o THE DISCORDANCES OF
times became changed for the permanent
pictures of the offerings. This view of the
ka and the ba was associated with the tree-
spirit worship, and these together formed a
domestic worship, which was associated with
niches or figures of doorways in dwellings
where the ancestors were adored. All of this
theory implies a continued after-life upon the
earth, dependent on earthly support.
17. The Elysian theory was entirely in-
dependent of any connection with the earth.
The dead became the subjects of the great
god of the dead, Osiris ; they lived in Aalu,
a mythic land beyond the ken of man, at first
supposed to be on earth or later on in heaven.
There they navigated on the canals, they
tilled the soil, they planted, they watered,
they reaped. And admission to this dupli-
cate of earthly life was obtained by a test
of weighing the heart to see if it were true
and right, and denying the commission of
all earthly sins before the judgment-seat of
Osiris. Here we have a totally different
theory, and one which left no time or oppor-
tunity for the ka to wander on this earth,
and no need for it to be provided with
earthly sustenance.
The Solar theory was equally independent
!
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 51
of both of the others. The deceased flew
up to the sun, and joined the solar bark : he
passed through all the perils of the night
under the protection of Ra, and emerged
into new day at sunrise. For ever he dwelt
with Ra, and shared his dangers by night
and his success by day.
18. Now, none of these theories, it will
be observed, requires the mummy. The
Elysian and Solar theories ignore the body
on earth ; and the figure of the deceased in
the Osirian judgment is always as a living
person, and not a mummy. It is only in the
age of greatest confusion and mixture, under
the Ptolemies and Emperors, that the mummy
is supported by Anubis into the presence of
Osiris. The ka and ba theory might involve
the preservation of the mummy ; and in the
comparatively late age of the New Kingdom
the ba flies down the tomb-pit to the mummy,
and the ba lingers longingly on the breast
of the mummy pleading to return to its
place. But the earlier evidence may make
us doubt whether mummification were an
original part of the ka and ba theory. Why,
for example, should the ka require sustenance
the mummified body remains unaltered
and imperishable? And at the beginning
52 THE DISCORDANCES OF
of the IVth Dynasty mummification was at
a point of elaborate resemblance to the living
body, by modelling in resin, a system which
rapidly deteriorated a few generations later ;
such a history indicates that it was a some-
what recent introduction, whereas the ka and
da theory is probably of the earliest race and
age, before the Elysian or Solar theories.
seems, then, probable that the mummi-
fying may belong to another theory — that
of revivification, with which it is always
associated by writers ; whereas there is
neither place nor purpose in any bodily re-
vivification in the ka theory or the Elysian
or Solar theories. There are then certainly
three, and perhaps four, views about the
soul which have no original unity, but rather
show a complete discordance, apparently due
to different origins and races.
19. Now, as there are diversities in the
beliefs about the soul, so there are like di-
versities in the beliefs about the divinities.
It is familiar how confused the mythology
is owing to parallel gods — alike, yet distinct ;
and fused gods — unalike, yet combined ; how
a god would be in power at one time and
rejected at another. All this change is
vaguely put down to local influences, which
;
I
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 53
is only the first step in tracing the causation.
Differences between neighbouring places in
their fundamental beliefs are not mere
senseless vagaries ; they imply a difference
between the people — that is, a difference in
race. According to most Egyptologists the
variety of gods was determined by the
different beliefs of every petty capital of
every province of Egypt. Yet these authori-
ties avoid the conclusion that these gods
belong to different ancestries. Let us just
see what this position requires of us. If the
gods arise without difference of ancestry in
their worshippers — and it is admitted that
all the principal gods are far prehistoric —
then we have the view that there existed in
Egypt a unified mass of population, which
had mingled without having any previous
mythologies ; and subsequently in Egypt
they evolved different gods at many different
centres. This is what is generally tacitly
assumed, even by Maspero, who sees the
perspective of the history of mythology far
more than any other authority. But such
a view requires us to believe that for long
ages, while these gods were being evolved
and brought into contact in Egypt, not a
single serious immigration of foreign races
54 THE DISCORDANCES OF
had taken place. In short, that though the
known history of Egypt shows a great influx
of neighbouring people every few centuries,
we are asked to suppose that such mixtures
were quite insignificant in all the far longer
prehistoric ages, while the gods were in
course of evolution. Such a view, thus
reduced to historic parallelism, is an insult
to our sense of probability.
20. That great mixtures of race had taken
place in the prehistoric ages, probably oftener
than once in a thousand years, is practically
certain, when we view the known history.
And as such mixtures always produce local
diversity, we should expect to see differences
and incongruities between the beliefs of all
the principal, and even the minor, centres of
population. In one town the A tribe would
be strongest ; in the next the B tribe still
remained in power ; on the opposite side the
tribe had later thrust themselves in. Such
1
is the view which is forced upon us by the
historic probabilities of the country. Hence,
local differences are only another name for
tribal differences and diversities of origin.
t may be said that we do not see such
new gods being introduced by the migrations
during historic times, and hence we should
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 55
not expect these changes to result from the
prehistoric migrations. This is a very partial
view. In the first place new gods were need-
less, because almost every race that could
burst into Egypt had already come in and
planted their gods, hence reconquests by the
same race a second time merely brought
forward their already-present god. To take
an acknowledged instance, the Libyan con-
quest by the XXI Ind and XXVIth Dynasties
forced Neith, the Libyan goddess, into pro-
minence, after she had almost disappeared in
Egypt. When a really fresh race came in
their gods then appear also as new gods
in Egypt, such as the Syrian gods and the
Greek gods. Then, moreover, when once
the religion had become fixed by written
formulae and types of worship on monu-
ments, the beliefs already figured on the
spot held their ground against the unwritten
faith of the moving immigrants.
While, therefore, fully recognizing that the
diversities of belief were local, and that the
prominence of a deity was largely due to the
political importance of his centre of worship,
yet we must logically see behind these local
differences the racial and tribal differences
by which they were caused ; and behind the
56 THE DISCORDANCES OF
political power of a place we must perceive
the political power of the race who dwelt
there, and whose beliefs were spread around
by their political predominance. Amen-wor-
ship spread from Thebes, or Neit-worship
from Sais, not merely because those places
were the seat of power, but because the
people of those places who worshipped Amen
and Neit extended their power and dwelt as
governors and officials in the rest of the
country. It is race and not place that is
the real cause of change.
21. One of the best known incongruities
is the position of Set. In the earliest times
Set and Horus appear as co-equal or twin-
gods (M.E.E., 329) closely associated. In
the Vlllth Chapter of the Book of the
Dead the deceased, who is usually identified
with Osiris, states that he is identical with
Set : while, evidently after the antagonistic
view of Set and Horus had come in, a
sentence was added deprecating the wrath
of Horus. Now the possibility of such a
view of Set is explained by the earliest
history of Horus. Maspero states that Isis
was originally the Virgin-mother, dwelling
alone as a separate sole goddess at Buto,
from whom H orus was self - produced
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 57
(M.H.A., 131). The union of Osiris to
Isis, and his adoption of Horus, was a
later modification. Hence there was no
incongruity in the earliest view of Horus
and Set being honoured side by side. But
when Horus became the step-son of Osiris,
later the full son of Osiris himself, he was
bound to be antagonistic to Set. That Set
belongs to the Libyans or Westerns is pro-
bable, because he is considered to have red
hair and a white skin ; in fact, the Tahennu,
or clear-race complexion. And it is probable
that the Osiris-Isis group is also of Libyan
origin, as we shall see later on.
Hence we may picture to ourselves the
gods Isis, Osiris, and Set, as the three divini-
ties of different tribes of Libyans. So long
as the Isis worshippers and Set worshippers
were in fraternity and tribal union, Horus
and Set were coequal gods. But when the
Osiris worshippers, with whom the Setites
were at feud, united with the Isiac tribe, and
Osiris was married to Isis, it became the
duty of Horus to fight Set. Accordingly
we see the war of Horus and Set throughout
Egypt, and garrisons of the followers of
Horus were established by the side of the
principal centres of Set worship to keep
58 THE DISCORDANCES OF
down the Setite tribe. (See Masp., Etudes
ii. 324.) This tribal view of the religious
discordances and changes seems to be the
only rational cause that can be assigned.
That tribal wars existed no one would
venture to dispute, and that religious changes
would ensue from political changes we
exemplified all through the history of Egypt.
The cause existed for such divergences, and
it was capable of producing these d
gences : while no other reasonable cause can
be assigned, and the gods are expressly
represented as fighting and vanquishing each
other's followers. We need hardly say that
the Syrian god Sutekh, which comes in
about the XlXth Dynasty, has n
with the primitive Egyptian god
22. Another puzzling and discordant
element in the mythology is the goddess
Hathor. She is the most ubiquitous deity
of all. Yet she is seldom worshipped alone
and unmodified, and she is usually identified
with some other goddess or with a female
form of some god. Sekhet, Neit, Iusaas, Best,
Uazit. Mut. Hekt. and Aset are all identi-
fied with her at different places, and she
ippears as female forms of Sopd, Behudt
1
I
\11pu, and Tanen. She has no perma
■
*
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 59
characteristics, no special attributes. The
uncouth human face with cow's ears and
modified cow's horns is the only typical form
of the goddess, and the cow and the sistrum
are her only emblems ; but these distinctions
are not constant. Worshipped in every
nome of Upper and Lower Egypt, she was
yet one of the most evasive deities, and most
easily modified and combined.
Let us reflect on what this indicates. That
the worship was thus general, equally diffused
over the country, points to the country having
been under a uniform condition of subjection
to her worshippers. While the fact that at
no centre is she solely worshipped, and at
very few places even prominently, points to
other deities having been already in posses-
sion of the country when her devotees spread
her adoration. Where then are we to look
for her native land ? It has been shown that
Hathor was lady of Punt, and was thence
introduced into Egypt. And we may see
further confirmation of this. The only places
outside of Egypt with which she is connected
are Punt, Mafekt (Sinai) — where the Punites
are very likely to have settled on the Red
Kapna. This last is usually
rendered as equal to the Gubla or Bybl
6o THE DISCORDANCES OF
but another Kapna was in the land of Punt,
and in the only place where Hathor is lady
of Kapna she is also lady of Wawat on the
Upper Nile. (Rec. II. 120.) Hence it is
more likely that the Kapna of Hathor is a
district of Punt. Further, of Isis, who is
identified at Dendera with Hathor, it is said,
" Isis was born in the Iseum of Dendera of
Apt, the great one of the temple of Apt,
under the form of a woman black and red."
(M. Dend. text 30.) This points to a southern
origin. The Punites are coloured dark red,
and the neighbouring peoples black, while
the Asiatics are yellow, and the Libyans fair.
When we come to look to the nature of the
goddess we see further connection. That
Min was a Punite god is most likely, as his
position at Koptos on the Red Sea road
indicates, as well as his three colossal statues
there, apparently carved by a Red Sea people
in prehistoric time. And Min was the great
father-Qfod. Hathor is the co-relative mother-
god, she in whom dwells the son Hor. Her
character as the universal mother is well
recognized, and is plainly on a par with the
idea of Min as the great father. Thus the
two gods whom we are led to connect with
the Punite race by their position, are similar
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 61
in nature and point to a worship of reproduc-
tion apparently belonging to that people.
Another connection is seen in the position of
Hathor in the country. The only supreme
centre for her was at Dendera, which is
opposite to Koptos, the seat of Min, and
on the line of any invaders from the Red
Sea into the Nile valley.
That Hathor was brought in by a people
after the establishment of the other deities
we have already observed. And this exactly
agrees to her belonging to the Punite race
which founded the dynastic history. Their
great female divinity they identified with
every other goddess that they met through-
out Egypt, and established her worship also
as a local Hathor in every nome, calling her
the " princess of the gods." The whole
phenomena of the diffusion of her worship
are thus accounted for by the historical
connection in which her origin leads us to
place her. Therefore, by her being stated
to come from Punt, by the foreign places to
which she is connected, by her colour, by
her being complementary to Min the other
Punite god, by the place of her main
sanctuary, and by the peculiar diffusion of
her worship, we are led to one conclusion
62 THE DISCORDANCES OF
throughout — that Hathor was the Punite
goddess introduced at the beginning of the
dynastic history.
23. Another prominent case of discordance
is in the worship of the crocodile god Sebek.
This was most prevalent in the Fayum,
" the lake of the crocodile"; and the marshy,
shallow margins of the wide lake as it then
was must have been very favourable to
such amphibia. Up the Nile other
were also devoted to crocodile worship, such
as Silsileh, Ombos, and Nubt, while at
neighbouring towns the animal was detested
and attacked, as at Dendera, Apollinopolis,
and Heracleopolis.
Here such discordant beliefs could not
be supposed to spring up side by side
amongst a homogeneous people living
together ; on the contrary, they show a
difference of thought and of belief which
must have been developed at different places
and under different conditions. Sebek was
a creative god ; being the largest and most
intelligent animal of the water, the crocodile
was the emblem of the ruler of the primordial
ocean. And in later times Osiris was
identified with the crocodile, and appears
as the reptile with a human head in the
<
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 63
Fayum. As it is impossible for the crocodile
worship to have originated outside of Egypt,
we may look on it as one of the oldest
worships in the country, as the people who
adopted such a belief cannot have had any
other very fixed or developed worship
already adopted. That it originated in the
Fayum is possible from its permanence
there, from that being a great haunt of
crocodiles in early times, and from a
western goddess, Neith, being figured as
suckling two crocodiles. The seats of
Sebek-worship elsewhere in Egypt might,
so, point to migrations of the tribe who
occupied the Fayum in the earliest times.
We have now seen enough of these
examples of discordant beliefs to credit the
view that they are an evidence of the differ-
ences of race, and of the various elements
of the religion having been introduced by
different tribes from various quarters, who
had successively forced their way into
Egypt.
24. Before going further it will be well
to note some of the instances of changes
in the religion, and of one belief altering
or superseding another, which are already
observed and acknowledged by the best
64 THE DISCORDANCES OF
students. The following illustrations are
all taken from the studies published by
Maspero, who well recognizes that "a
religion always has a history, at whatever
time after its origin we may view it," an
that a study of isolated gods must always
precede the treatment of their combined
forms.
Of the creative gods there are three —
Khnum, Sebek, and Ptah — which do not
correspond to the same view of creation,
and reigned over different worshippers, at
least at first. They were completely
strangers, and sometimes enemies, with no
more connection than had the princes of
the very different districts of Egypt to
which they belonged. And even Ptah had
a long history, for Tatnen is the oldest
form of Ptah ; or rather as we should say,
a previous god of Memphis, who was
absorbed in the later god Ptah, and whose
memory was kept up by the compound
god Ptah-Tatnen. Ptah was alone at first,
and subsequently Sekhet was brought in
to the Memphite worship as the wife of
Ptah, although her previous position was
with Atmu of Heliopolis. Imhotep was
at first an epithet of Ptah, before being
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 65
made into a separate god as the son of
Ptah.
Turning to the Heliopolitan gods the
changes and growth are frequent. Shu,
who was at first space or air, was made
into a son of Atmu ; then later he became
identified with Atmu. In the later growth
of the Ra worship some kept to only a
human figure of Ra, and a hawk-headed
Horakhti ; others brought in new names
for the new conceptions — Atmu for the past
sun, Khepra for the present sun, &c.
Then these again became compounded,
as A tmu-Harakhti- Khepra.
At Thebes alterations are also seen.
The whole Thebaid was originally subject
to Mentu ; Amen then came forward, and
Mentu was reduced to being a son of Amen.
The gods of the dead varied as much as
any. Sokar at Memphis and Mertseger
at Thebes were the earliest. The kingdom
of Sokar in the west was adopted into the
Book of Duat ; as also was the kingdom
of Osiris in the north, and in the stars.
And Sokar became identified with Osiris
of the Delta, they both being gods of the
dead. Then Osiris became also mingled
with Khentamenti of Abydos, another god
E
66 THE DISCORDANCES OF
of the dead. And Osiris was also married
to I sis, and established the popular Osirian
cycle. After that came the combination
of the Osiride and Sokar myths in the
various ritual books of the future life, where
the increasing solarization can be traced as
late as the XXth Dynasty. As Maspero
says, " The increasingly intimate connection
of Osiris and Ra, gradually mixed both
myths and dogmas which had been entirely
separate at first. The friends and enemies
of each became the friends and enemies
of the other, and lost their native character
in forming combined personages, in whom
the most contradictory elements were
mixed, often without succeeding in uniting
them.
?)
Later than all these changes, and attempted
unification of gods, whose nature or whose
territories overlapped, came the great sorting
movement of forming triads and enneads in
highly artificial orders and combinations,
which in their turn led up to the idea of
the unity of all the gods, that is so promi-
nent in the later pantheistic views. These
latest ideas put forward in the elaborate
and lengthy inscriptions of Ptolemaic times
are what have led many scholars to lose sight
EGYPTIAN RELIGION 67
of the several earlier stages which we have
here been noticing.
We have now seen how important the
discordances and alterations of the Egyp-
tian religion are for throwing some light on
the history of its many modifications — a
history which passed away before our
earliest records, and which can only be
recovered by the comparison of different
and contradictory views. In these we
have embalmed for study the only frag-
ments of the prehistoric age that we can
work on ; and it is this which gives such
study a value far beyond that belonging to
the religion alone. We gain a glimpse of
the perspective of the growth of mind.
LECTURE IV.
ANALYSIS OF THE EGYPTIAN
MYTHOLOGY
25. To anyone attempting to look at
first at the mythology of Egypt, the great
number of gods and their often complex
and ill-defined attributes, render the view-
most perplexing and repulsive. It appears
almost impossible to master the multitude
of details, and as if they had little reality
and significance when at last understood.
We have in the previous sections considered
how such a complex subject should be
approached, and what the laws are of a
mixture of religions ; we have then reviewed
the popular religion as being the simplest,
and showing the point of view of the Egyp-
tian mind ; then we have noted the discor-
dances, the contradictions and duplications,
and the most obvious changes in mythology,
as evidence of its complex origin. Lastly
68
«
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 69
we now turn to making a brief analysis of
the whole mass of supernatural existences
which were recognized in Egypt, so as to
gain a grasp of the whole material, and to
be able to realize its extent and its nature.
All of this study may be regarded as
prolegomena to the treatment of the
mythology in detail ; but without such a
consideration of principles, and system o
classification, we should grope helplessly in
the dark, and feel that our view was but
partial and imperfect. We may in such a
general review as this omit much that is
important and overlook many beliefs which
were prominent and familiar ; but at least we
shall see the plan of the whole field and
realize its extent and the relation of its
parts. It will then remain to explore eac
myth and trace each deity separately, with
the general clue in hand of its position and
relation to other beliefs around it.
For this general analysis we may take
Lanzone's Mythology as a standard list. No
doubt many obscure and derivative spirits
may yet be brought to light ; but they will
only swell the least important section of the
mythology. The total number of gods,
spirits, and sacred beings or animals in this
70
ANALYSIS OF THE
record is about 438. These may be classi-
fied in the following groups : —
Hades, spirits and genii
serpents
Animals, serpents .
mammalia, &c.
Monsters ....
Local and minor gods .
Abstractions ....
Elemental ....
Feminine forms and sons of gods
derived ....
Animal and human compound gods
Gods of dead
Human
Cosmic gods
Human gods of principles
varieties of Hathor
gods
Foreign gods
J53
35
188
7
24
31
7
7i
!3
4
21
14
2
1 1
I T
6
5i
8
438
26. The first of these groups is known
by the Book of the Dead, and other works
that deal with the future state, such as the
Book of Knowing Dual, with its twelve
hours of the solar passage ; the Book of
Gates or Book of Hades, with its twelve
names fenced off by separate portals ; the
Book of the opening of the Month, and other
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
7i
ritual works. These are mostly of a com-
paratively late date, the Book of the Dead
but in all of
being probably the oldest ;
them the various stages of the religion are
mixed and combined as best they might
be.
works are therefore of all
The genii that are met with in these
a^es.
Some like
the great serpent Apap, and the great cat of
the Persea tree, may belong to the earliest
beliefs ; others were added as the need of
explanation grew, and many were probably
invented for the sake of uniformity, when
the
atic
consciousness
guide-book to
of constructing a system-
the unseen was realized
by the Egyptian scribes and dogma-makers.
Doubtless many of the
• •
genu
and of the
as having been first
serpents are duplications and subdivisions of
the same idea.
27. Of sacred animals we find thirty-one, of
which seven are serpents. Four views of
this animal worship are now held. Some
regard the animals
worshipped for their powers and unexplained
actions, simply as fellow -beings with man.
Another view is that they were worshipped
exemplifying certain characteristics of
power, fertility, cunning, &c. A third view
is that they were only sacred to the gods,
as
r
72 ANALYSIS OF THE
and that they were not directly worshipped,
except as a corruption in late times. A
fourth view is that they were worshipped
because of their utility. This last view is
certainly not solid, as many of the animals
worshipped had no utility to man in any way.
The view that they were only emblems of
gods, and that the worship of the gods
preceded the animal worship is not satis-
factory. We see that the tree was sacred
before it was connected with a goddess,
because many different goddesses are united
to tree worship. In the same way different
gods are united to the worship of the same
animals ; the ram is adored for Khnum, for
Amen, for Osiris, or for Neit, according to
the locality ; the bull is connected with Ra,
with Osiris, with Set, or with Ptah, and four
sacred bulls are specified. Here the pre-
sumption certainly is that the trees and
animals were sacred already, before they
were attached to the worship of one god
or other. And, further, we see animals
worshipped, and tablets carved to their
honour, as animals alone, without any con-
nection with a god, such as the wagtail and
the cat ; and also adored in preference to the
god, as the goose of Amen, the cat of Neit,
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 73
and the rams of Amen. The view, there-
fore, that the animals were worshipped
independently of the gods, and united to the
divine worship subsequently, seems the more
reasonable. Whether the abstraction of
characteristics preceded animal worship, we
cannot say ; probably unconsciously it did so,
and they were reverenced for their being the
greatest exemplification of various qualities.
Mysterious intelligence was also attributed
to their actions, and the baboon, the ibis, the
cat, or the cobra, were each supposed to
reason like a man. Remembering the adora-
tion paid both to trees and to serpents at
present in Africa, it seems not improbable
that we may see the negro element in this
plant and animal worship.
Beside animals, various monsters were
invented and worshipped ; seven such are
specified.
28. Then there comes the great mass of
local and minor deities, who are only known
in a few instances, and who may have held
in Egypt much the same place that saints do
in Christianity or in Islam. There are
several abstractions, which were none of
importance ; such as the god of Fishers, of
Cultivation, of Corn, of Wine, of Earth, of
/
74 ANALYSIS OF THE
Fire, of Foreigners, of Writing, of Hearing,
of Speech, of Taste, and of Destiny. Most
these are probably of late invention, an
ve no part in the early systems. Thei
are also elemental gods, and those of Her-
mopolis, the eight associated with Tahuti.
Purely theoretical gods were invented to
complete the triads, and twenty-one are
feminine forms of a male god, or sons who
are otherwise of no importance.
29. We have now passed over more than
three-quarters of the spiritual beings : about
one hundred remain. Of these half are
local forms of Hathor, and ei^ht are foreign,
&"~ — ~ — ~-&
leaving forty-three as the number of impor-
tant divinities, the great gods as we may call
them. These can be divided into four great
groups : the partly-animal gods, the essen-
tially human gods (Osirian group), the
cosmogonic gods (Ra group), and the gods
of human principles. The relative order of
the introduction of these groups is as here
arranged, so far as we can glean it from their
relations to each other. As we have already
pointed out, the worship of animals probably
preceded that of abstract deities, and hence
the half-animal gods are probably older than
the others. Then Maspero has shown how
I
i
I
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 75
the Osirian doctrine was modified to agree to
the solar Ra ; and that the heaven created by
Horus, and sustained by his four sons, the
pillars, is older than the Heliopolitan cos-
mogony of Ra. The Osirian group of
human gods belongs, then, to an older order
of things than the cosmogonic gods. Lastly,
the fact that Ptah, one of the gods of prin-
ciples, had to borrow a partner, Sekhet, who
was originally the mate of Atmu, and who
had a son, Nefertum, points to his being
later than the Ra group. And the diffusion
of Hathor worship appears to belong to the
latest of the prehistoric layers.
Now, without entering on the details at
present, it is at least allowable to point
out that four successive races in Egypt
have been deduced from the examination
of the monuments, without looking to any
relation to the religion : the Negro, the
Libyan, the Mesopotamian, the Punite. And
these four races have direct links to the four
successive classes of gods which we have
just specified. For the present this is an
hypothesis ; some of these gods can be
identified with those of certain of the races
without much question, how far they all can
remains yet to be studied.
76 ANALYSIS OF THE
30. The first • group, the partly anim
gods, which we should expect to be linked
more or less with the negro element, are
fourteen in number. Selk, the scorpion ;
Uazit and Nekhebt, the serpents of north and
south ; Hekt, the frog of birth ; Horakhti,
the hawk ; Mentu, the hawk ; Tahuti, the
ibis; Sebek, the crocodile; Taurt, the hippo-
potamus ; Hapi, the bull ; Khnum, the ram ;
Un-nefer, the hare ; Anpu or Apuat, the
jackal ; Sekhet or Bast, the lion. Each
of these may appear in human form, with
the head or some attribute of the animal, or
at least standing and acting as a human
being. In this they are distinct from the
sacred animals. Apparently of this same
stratum are the gods of the dead, Mert-
seger, the serpent of Thebes, and Seker of
Sakkara, whose kingdom of the dead is
older than that of Osiris, and whose form
apart from other gods we do not know,
unless it be that of the mummied hawk
which broods over his sacred bark and
shrine. With this stratum we may probably
also link the ka and ba ; their purely earthly
existence and their dependence on the tree-
spirit pointing to their early position.
31. The second group is distinguished by
1
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 77
being linked together in the mythology, and
being in almost every case represented under
purely human forms. I sis and her son Horus
worshipped at Buto, and Osiris, afterwards
united to her, are the principal and typical gods
of this group. Set — the only animal-headed
god of the group — is closely related to the
great triad, first as the fellow-god of Horus,
and later as the enemy of Osiris and Horus.
The outline of the history of this change
we have already noticed, and its significance
as embodying a piece of tribal history.
There is also the great Horus, or elder
Horus, who appears to represent the heaven,
the her, or upper region, and whose two eyes
are the sun and moon. Very possibly he
was one with the younger Horus originally,
who became posed as a son of I sis in con-
sequence of some tribal union requiring a
fusion of the gods. Nebhat is the remaining
divinity of this family, whom some regard
as a mere interpolation to provide a wife
to Set.
Another family of this same character is
that of the Thebaid. Amen is a human
god, and Mut and Khonsu are purely human
in their figures. Anher is another god of
o o
the heaven, probably belonging to a different
78 ANALYSIS OF THE
tribe from the Horus worshippers. Net or
Neith, the great goddess of Sais, was like-
wise entirely human. All of these gods
are figured as men and women, they have
essentially human passions and action, and
there is nothing mystic about them. That
they form a different class to the first is seen
their duplication : worshippers of Tahuti
had no need to invent a fresh god of the moon
and of time, in Khonsu ; those who went to
Sokar had no need to invent Osiris as a god
the dead. The links of this class are all
to the western races. Osiris was identified
with the worship of the Dad emblem, lord
of Daddu ; and this appears connected with
the south Libyan god Dadun. The Diony-
siac character of Osiris is very strong, and
Dionysos was reared in Libya. Osiris
appears to be the god of vegetation, the
corn god, which was a main deity of the
white races. The oracular character of
Amen and Khonsu is a western idea, and
Amen was expressly the god of the great
Oasis, and was worshipped in Laconia, Elis,
and Bceotia. Neit has always been recog-
nized as a Libyan goddess ; and the very
close connection of her nature (as the
goddess of the lance or arrow, and also of
i
1
|
i
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 79
weaving) links her with Athena, who came
from Libya. The Elysian theory of the soul
is that belonging to this second group.
32. The next main group is that of the
cosmic gods, of whom Ra is the chief.
Beside the main figure of Ra there are the
parallel gods Atmu, the sun before the
world, ever-existing ; Khepra, the present
sun ; and Harakhti, the rising sun. Of
these Ra was the direct primitive god, and
Harakhti a popular variant combined with
the previous Horus worship ; while Atmu
and Khepra are more theological gods,
never worshipped by the people. Nefer-
atmu was a son of Atmu, who was hardly
more than of local importance. Nut and
Seb were the heaven and the earth, and Shu
the air or space which separates them. In
the earliest form it is Ra who separates
them ; but either form of the daily rising
of Nut from Seb is evidently the lifting of
the fog and mist of the Nile valley from off
the earth and raising it up into the clouds
of the sky. The sun does this by shining
on it, so Ra separates Seb and Nut ; while
later the more abstract idea of space —
Shu — was considered the separator. The
ostrich feather, the hieroglyph of Shu, is
8o ANALYSIS OF THE
the most imponderable object for its bulk
that could be selected, and hence the
emblem of space. Tefnut is merely com-
plementary to Shu. The moon-god Aah
probably belongs to this group ; and the
other form of the sun — Aten — being wor-
shipped in the centre of Ra influence,
belongs to the same ideas.
These gods, though human in form, differ
essentially from the previous group, as
having all of them a cosmic meaning, and
representing the elements of nature, — earth,
sky, air, and sun. Their connection with
the twelve hours is very marked ; the sun
was always passing through the hours of
day or night, and every hour had a different
nature and was the region of different spirits.
The great seat of this worship was at Heli-
opolis ; and that city — the abode of " the
spirits of Heliopolis" — was a centre of
literature and theology. In this we see a
strong kinship to Mesopotamia ; there the
twelve hours ruled all divisions of time or
space, the worship of spirits or demons was
frequent, and great libraries were associated
with the temples. Above all the cosmic
view of religion predominated ; the sun,
moon, and stars were adored, and the
t
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 81
watery chaos was parallel to the waters
of Nu, while the waters above the heavens
were parallel to the solar river of the
Egyptians on which the bark of the sun was
navigated. Of course, the solar theory of
the soul was that associated with this religion.
The Mesopotamian influence in Egypt has
long been recognized, and is seen to be later
than the Osirian. In this it agrees to the
position of the Mesopotamians invading the
Negro- Libyan population. And we should,
perhaps, see in Heliopolis the centre of
power of the Eastern invaders.
33. The fourth class of gods are those
which embody more abstract ideas. Ptah
the creator, who is neither Atmu the sun,
nor Khnumu the modeller, but rather the
architect of the universe, who puts it all
into order, with his companion Maat, who
is abstract truth and law. This is a very
different view to that of any of the other
gods. And similar in idealism is Min the
all-father, and Hathor the all-mother. Later
evelopments of these brought in Imhotep
with Ptah, as a son representing the peace
and learning which follows on law and order.
And Hathor became linked with Isis, the
previous mother goddess, though both are
F
82 ANALYSIS OF THE
still figured separately side by side in the
XlXth Dynasty; and Horus thus came to
be connected with the Min-worship. The
general diffusion of Hathor-worship over all
the country, without excluding any previous
divinity, led to special Hathors of each
nome, like the special Madonnas of different
towns ; and to Hathor being identified with
many of the goddesses. It is not im-
probable that the system of mummifying
belongs to this class of gods. We have
noticed that it is independent of all the
other theories of the soul, and was probably
a later system ; and the fact of the Hathor
cow being represented as galloping into the
unseen world bearing the mummy on her
back, points to the mummification being
part of the religion of Hathor. Historically
I
we should see in this class of gods those
of the latest prehistoric invaders, the Punite
race. Min and Hathor we have already
seen to belong to that quarter ; and Ptah is
the same as the Patekh of the Phoenicians,
another branch of the Punites. '
We must, however, carefully notice that
this view of some group of gods having
the same nature, and belonging to the same
race, does not at all imply that they were \
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY 83
originally worshipped together. They may
very probably have belonged to different
tribes ; and only have been put side by
side as tribal or political union spread. Min
and Ptah may never have been worshipped
together until their tribes entered Egypt.
Amen and Osiris may have been strangers
until their followers became unified in one
land. All that we can venture to do is to
outline a broad classification by general
direction, east, west, or south, and gain
some general idea of the sequence in
time, without any hope as yet of separating
between the various tribes of each quarter.
34. There now remain to be considered
the gods which appear to be foreign, that
is to say, which belong to invaders who
did not exercise an influence over the whole
country. One of the most important of
these is Bes, the god of dancing, music,
and luxury. The earliest of such figures
are clearly female, and down to the latest
age a female Bes appears as well as th
male form. The shaggy lion's head is seen
on a carving of the Xllth Dynasty to be
a skin worn on the head, with the tail
hanging down behind ; and such a mask
was imitated in cartonnage for the use of
84 ANALYSIS OF THE
dancers. How ancient professional dancers
were in Egypt is seen in the Westcar
papyrus, where the goddesses appear as
travelling dancing orirls. It seems then that
Bes originates in the type of a girl wearing
a lion's skin. It was considered Arabian in
origin, but has been connected with the
Denga or dwarf who is named as dancing
a sacred dance in the Vth and Vlth
Dynasties. It seems hard not to connect
this with the lion-headed goddess of the
Arabian nome, Best or Bast, especially as
dancing* festivals were held in her honour.
The distinctly Syrian deities are six :
Anaitis, Astarte, Baal, Kedesh, Reshpu,
and Sutekh ; and the worship of these be-
longs to the great age of Syrian mixture,
the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties.
35. It remains now to notice how much
the worship of many of these gods fluctuates,
how one god would sink, while others rose in
importance. We can best see this statisti-
cally by the number of references to gods
in various periods ; but we must first set
aside those which rose in one age without
any previous popularity, such as Amen.
Fixing our attention on the principal gods
worshipped throughout all ages, and reducing
I
EGYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY
the numbers so as to give them a percentage
in each period, we have the following results :
IVth
Vth
Vlth
Xllth
XVIII.-Am.IV.-
Hekt .
Tahuti
Khnumu
Dynasty. Dynasty. Dynasty. Dynasty. Am. III. XX.
Anpu
Sokar
Osiris
Isis
Horus
Neit
Ra
Seb
Ptah
Maat
Min
Hathor
23
i
i
21
2
17
5
10
17
10
3
T3
2
14
7
1
4
1
1
9
5
2
5
1
10
10
8
7
2
2
5
5
12
2
7
7
8
9
18
1
12
12
15
2
1
1
1
5
2
2
26
5
14
2
9
1
5
25
2
8
5
29
x3
5
2
5
21
12
24
1
3
1
r5
8
5
4
9
Here we can see how the
siride and
Cosmic
£ods
rose in importance as time
went on, while the Abstract gods continually
sank on the whole.
Thi
is
agrees
to the
general idea that the later imported gods
have to yield their position gradually to the
older and more deeply-rooted faiths.
LFXTURE V.
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
36. It has long been recognized that the
Egyptians had a much more highly organ-
ized conscience than that of most other
nations of early times. They are often
spoken of as a more moral people ; but that
phrase is ambiguous, as it may refer to the
complexity of the conscience, or the practical
conformity to the conscience. How far the
Egyptians conformed to their theoretic stan-
dards is quite a different question ; but their
standards were certainly more definite, and
apparently higher, than those of many other
peoples. In many respects they are far
higher than those of the Greeks, and ap-
proach most to the Roman standard after
Stoic philosophy and Christianity had suc-
cessively purged and improved it. This
organized conscience has left many detailed
expositions to us, in the Precepts of Kagemni
86
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 87
and Ptahhotep of the Vth Dynasty ; in the
two negative confessions or repudiations of
sins before the judgment of Osiris, which
are probably much older, but only exist in
later versions ; in the tablet of Antef of the
Xllth Dynasty (Brit. Mus., Sharpe, ii. 83);
Instructions of Amenemhat of the Xllth
Dynasty ; in the maxims of Any of the
XlXth Dynasty ; the precepts in a Ptolemaic
papyrus in the Louvre (x. 9), and isolated
sayings in the Xlth Dynasty Song of the
Harper, and some grave steles. We are,
therefore, able to study it in detail, and to
classify a mass of ideas which have definite
dates affixed to them as a minimum ; hence
we obtain a tolerably complete view of the
Conscience of the Egyptians. One great
value of such a study is that it is dealing
with a people so much more advanced than
their neighbours in such ideas, that we have
before us an internally developing system
rather than an accidental jumble of imposed
ideas from other sources, which constitutes
the morality of most later races.
37. It may not be out of place to consider
first, somewhat briefly, what we mean by
conscience : not by any means to construct
an artificial definition of the idea, nor to
88 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
argue as to its limits in relation to other
conceptions, for that would lead us into the
barren grounds of speculation. But rather let
us look practically at the acts of others around
us, and into own our minds. Conscience
is that mass of the intuitions of right and
wrong, which are born in the structure of
the thoughts, though they may often need
development before the latent structure
becomes active. A plant does not put out
its leaves and flowers all at once ; yet they
are latent, and are inevitable if any develop-
ment of growth takes place. And thus,
perhaps, some can look back to a time when
only one or two elements of conscience were
yet active in their minds, such as a sense
of justice and injustice, and they reflected
then that no act would seem wrong or
shocking if it was not unjust. Yet later
on, as the mind grew (and growth or death
is the choice to the mind, though the body
may continue an animal existence), the
various other elements of conscience un-
folded gradually from some central stem
(such as that of justice) which had first
sprung up.
t is needful to remember thus that con-
science is an inherited development, as much
'
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 89
an inheritance in the structure of the brain
as any other special modification is in the
body — needful because in the consideration
of the springs of action it has been generally
the habit to deal with the individual as i
he had a perfectly blank mind, and was only
impressed by the facts of life around him in
a perfectly calculating and unbiassed manner.
n the contrary the untrained mind teems
with prospects of every kind, possible an
impossible, at every change of surrounding,
acts far more by impulse and intuition
than by precise calculations of theoretical
right or utility. This is seen most plainly
in the waywardness of children and savages ;
the ideas of all kinds of possibilities are
present, and the growth of conscience
and of habit is not yet strong enough to
determine uniformly which opening shall be
followed. Thus we may look on each person
as only a fragment of the common life of
mankind, inheriting in his brain-structure a
tendency to certain lines of action and cer-
tain choices between opposing claims.
is the heir of all
d specially
of those nearest to him : for. as Galton
as shown by physical tests, inheritance of
pecial characters rapidly diminishes in each
90 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
each, all those which were least useful in
the Ion or run went to the wall, found diffi-
culties and hindrances to life prevail against
them, and died out. Those minds whose
impulses were the most useful and most
regular and consistent succeeded best, and
hence that type of brain descended to future
generations. In short, utility has been the
ereat selecting- agent in brain variation as
in bodily variation. And the result is that
the great mass of inherited habits of thought,
which we call intuitions or conscience, are
succeeding generation, and there is a constant
tendency thus to revert to an average type.
38. From this point of view we see at once
how it is that the utilitarian — such as Mill
or Herbert Spencer — can point triumphantly
to the fact that the moral ideas of right
conform to what is the greatest utility, though
often a far-fetched utility to the race, rather
than utility directly to the individual. It is
not, as he assumes, that the individual argues
carefully from utility to right ; but, rather,
that the stress of utility has throughout
uman history crushed out all those strains
of thought that were least helpful. Starting
with the wild mass of wayward minds with
infinitely varying choice of action before
I
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 91
those which in the long run are most useful
to the individual and to his community in
general ; those which will lead his descen-
dants most surely to success among their
fellows, and which will help his community
to hold its ground against others. Here we
have a complete explanation of the often
distant and intricate utility of some intuition
or moral principle, which may be directly
opposed to the comfort or even the well-
being of the individual. A mental type of
a community which produces on the average
a certain number of martyrs to conscience,
may thus ensure to itself that strength which
may lead it to success over the fallen bodies
of its saviours ; their conduct is strictly
utilitarian, though it would be impossible
to deduce it from any argument of utility
to themselves. I have dwelt on this because
it constrains us in the most decisive way to
place utility as the blind selecting agent
acting on the race, and not as the choice
of the individual, and so explains the utili-
tarian action of the person apart from
any argument in his own mind. (See
Note A.)
This clears out of the way the imperious,
yet sole, argument against the reality of the
92
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
rule of intuition ; and we are free to accept
what is to some — perhaps to all — the obvious
mode of working of the mind. We do not
act by elaborate calculation of consequences,
but by a certain sense of what seems the
inevitable course in the circumstances ; we
follow our inherited intuitions, and the more
we develop and unfold them, the more we
let them rule over the mere impulse of the
momentary feeling, the safer we are and
the more surely are we in the way of right
fulfilment. We are, then, trusting not to
momentary expediency, but to the great
growth of intuition, battered and lopped
and toughened into its most sturdy and
useful form by all the blasts of adversity
that countless ancestors have endured, and
by which they have been shaped. This is
Conscience.
In thus briefly glancing over the ground,
as a mere explanatory preface to our view of
Conscience among the Egyptians, we cannot
possibly deal with the various constructive
evidences by which we are led to this general
statement : such as the examples of heredi-
tary intuition and mental processes, apart
from education ; the parallels of physical in-
heritance; the manifest growth of a body
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 93
of moral intuition, even in the midst of
decaying societies where everything was
against each fresh generation ; the absence
of conscience in most races where early
marriage prevails ; and the well-known ad-
vantage of the later over the earlier members
of the same family in their mental ability,
tact, and intuition, due to their inheriting a
more developed brain. But we have
indicated that such a view of the conscience,
as a body of intuition gradually shaped by
the stress of hard utility, and pruned of all
its varieties that were not permanently suc-
cessful,— that such a view is the key which
fits the great puzzle of the strength of in-
tuition and the prevalence of utility, as no
other explanation can fit it.
39. This leads to the practical view of the
paramount value of the proper unfolding of
the inherited intuitions, and of the strengthen-
ing, selecting, and guarding of them by each
person who is thus the temporary trustee of
the great inheritance of the race. A duty to
this precious growth which is paramount over
all other duties of life to the person, to the
fellow-men to whom the individual's charac-
ter is the most valued part of him, and to
those who may come after. A rightly organ-
94 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
ized intuition of moral perception, of judg-
ment, and of feeling, is worth any amount of
temporizing calculations, which always have
to deal with unknown forces. And this is
indeed most closely parallel to our acquisi-
tion of knowledge in other matters. Pro-
bably few, if any, persons remember even a
small part of what they read ; and yet there
is all the difference possible between a well-
read and an ignorant man. In what does
this difference consist if the actual words
and facts are not remembered ? It consists
in the education of his intuitive knowledge,
in shaping and leading the mind, so that
without being able to quote a single exact
parallel, he can yet frame a correct judg-
ment on history or on present life, and say
at once if an assertion is likelv or a future
•
event is probable. Often a book is read —
perhaps most books are read — not to retain
a single detail in mind, but in order to
consciously modify or expand the general
mass of opinion and knowledge in the mind.
And this is one of the strongest revelations
to us of the vast mass of organized intuitions
which we unconsciously bear in our minds,
to which we apply on all occasions, and by
which we rule our lives.
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 95
40. To most people the ideas of varieties
of right and wrong are but vague ; some
things are judged to be always right, others
always wrong, and many between are said
to " depend upon circumstances." The
whole subject seems indefinable ; a sort of
mist, with some kind of a heaven at the top,
and some kind of a hell at the bottom of it.
And often there is a vague notion that many
things are right according to one code, and
wrong according to another ; a difference
formulated in the discrepancies between
custom, law, and canon law.
Yet amid all this there is a general agree-
ment as to the relative scale of riofht and
&
wrong actions in any one subject, and most
people will agree that one action is certainly
better or worse than another. The confusion
mainly comes in when we attempt to pit
a right of one kind against a wrong of
another kind, as when we attempt to weigh
kindness against injustice.
Now if we can bring in any system of
thought in order to arrange our ideas on
this it will be a great gain. Not an arbitrary
regulation, nor a code of abstract notions,
nor any a priori arguments ; of such there
have been far too many. What we need to
96 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
do is to ascertain what the actual ways of
human thoughts really are, and to what laws
they conform. The only way to begin is
to view one subject at a time, such as truth-
fulness, kindness, self-restraint, or justice.
Of these it will be most convenient to take
truthfulness as the example for discussion ;
and one particular branch of that, as ex-
hibited in honesty towards the government,
is what we can learn more about than any
other.
The first thing to arrange our ideas about
is the relative order in which most men
regard degrees of truthfulness. Let us lay
down certain stages of falsehood which may
be generally regarded as clearly each worse
than the previous.
Lying to save many
>>
to save one innocent life
j>
others
f property
j>
?)
>>
>>
))
»
to save great pain to others,
to avoid great pain,
to save family character,
to gain advantage for a family,
to save personal character,
to gain important personal advantage,
for moderate gain,
n
for pleasures,
i
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 97
Lying for sake of contradictions,
>'
»
>>
»
»
for trivial gain,
to annoy others,
to avoid slight pain or inconvenience,
for pleasure of deception,
from hatred of anything going aright.
Here we should have something like a
definite scale of one particular virtue, always
supposing that the directness of the lie was
equal, say a plain direct negative to a direct
question clearly expected. Of course many
people would descend to a far lower level
if a mere suggestion or innuendo would gain
00 o
their end. Now this is not a mere curiosity,
or piece of casuistry, to form such a scale ;
it is like the earliest thermometers, divided
into ''temperate," "summer heat," "blood
heat," and "fever heat," it is the first step
to definition. What point in the scale some
ancient Greeks would have occupied may be
seen in Note B.
41. The next step is to consider how
many people will descend to each of these
levels. Out of a hundred ordinary people
perhaps only one would refuse to tell a lie to
save a man's life ; perhaps twenty or thirty
might be truthful in face of great pain of
mind or body ; perhaps fifty would be
G
98
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
truthful where no great advantage was to
be gained ; perhaps eighty would resist the
temptation where only small gains or spite
was the reason ; and only one or two would
lie out of sheer perversity.
The common idea probably is that a large
part
of
our
race
are
to
e classed as
" truthful," all much alike, and below that
there are fewer and fewer truthful folks
found in
Perhaps
increasing
"depths of depravity.
those
who
would
be
reckoned
usually as truthful are people who would not
lie to save themselves
great
pain, or to
save the characters of their family,
then call attention to
If
truthfulness
they
higher
degrees
are
merely said to
we
of
be
" exceptional."
In
short,
we
were
to
represent each person who de-
scended to a particular level
by a stroke, I, we should have
so many strokes above one
level, so many more who de-
scended lower, so many more
who descended lower still, and
so forth, until we could define
the proportion of people who
Fig. 1.
are
incl
uae
in eac
successive stage of
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
99
truthfulness by an outline as here shown.
(Fig. i.
But we have no right to draw a line
anywhere as the abstract truthfulness ; the
higher grades are just as much
part of the whole series as the
single example ; on
great
lower ; and if it is true that very
few persons will limit themselves
by the highest grades, so it is also
true that very few descend to the
lowest. The extreme cases are
the exceptions, and we may mark
them by a
the other hand, there is a
mass of mankind about the middle
grades, and we must, therefore,
have a great many strokes there
(Fig. 2) ; the outline then that
defines the commonness of differ-
ent grades of lying will be widest
out in the middle, and run off tapering above
and below.
Now this approximates to the result which
is very well known as the law of distribution
of errors, or the "probability curve." That
is to say, that whenever a simple quality is
liable to variation, whether it be the height
Fig. 2.
or weight of a large number of
men or
ioo THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
animals, the variations of temperature, the
errors of measurement, or any other simple
variable, it is always found that the greater
part of the examples are in the middle, and
fewer toward the ends ; and that if, for in-
stance, a certain number of men vary one
inch from the average height, there will be
a fixed proportion that vary two inches,
and another fixed proportion that vary three
inches, and so forth. So that the distribution
of variation, or the number of examples that
agree to each different standard, always fol-
lows a certain law of distribution. So certain
is this that any distinct departure from this
distribution is always accepted as proof that
some disturbing cause is at work ; a different
kind of distribution would be found for
instance in the height of soldiers, because
all men below a certain standard are rejected.
Is it possible then that moral distribution
follows the same law as all other natural
variations ? To anyone accustomed to the
regularity of the distribution of all other
variations, this would hardly seem to need
proof. But to many persons moral law is
supposed to be something so spiritual, and
so outside of the realm of force and matter,
that it may be surprising to see it treated
I
!
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 101
like any other case of the variations found in
nature. It is difficult to obtain any sufficient
mass of accurate information on any subject
morals or conscience for us to test exactly
of
this general similarity that we have seen to
probably hold good between moral an
physical distribution.
42. One subject, however, promises to
srive a result. The well-known contribu
tions of "Conscience Money" to the
chequer afford a large mass of statistics
and I have dealt with nearly five thousand
amounts received during thirty years, the
details of which I was permitted to have
extracted from the Treasury records. It is
true that this onlv refers to a section of
the population, those who happen to escap
paying their legal assessment, and who yet
feel uneasy at not having done so. From
certain details that we can observe, it appears
that these payments are largely the sums of
continued accumulations of arrears, rather
than single lar^e items ; and this is all the
better for our purpose, as the amounts thus
represent what strains the conscience in
different individuals and makes them uneasy
enough to take the trouble, and make up
their minds, to give up the amount due to
102 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
the Exchequer. This is also an admirable
subject for study from the comparative sim-
plicity of the motives involved. There is
no influence of affection nor of shame, as
the payment is made to the impersonal
nation at large, and is very generally
anonymous, and never the subject of self-
advertisement or glorification. We cannot
say as much for any other form of payment
depending on the conscience. Moreover,
it covers all classes of society except the
very lowest, and varies as much as one to
a million in its effects.
When we come to treat the amounts thus
received we find that they follow very
closely indeed the general law of the distri-
bution of variations. The main exception
is the deficiency from about £i 10s. to ^5,
and the great excess at £5. This is
readily accounted for by the fact that so
many payments are anonymous, and a ^5
note is one of the handiest ways of making
anonymous payments. That this facility of
the £5 note abstracts from the proportion of
lower payments is interesting evidence that
the payments are cumulative amounts and
not mostly single dues. The man who owes
over 30/- or so is induced to hold back until
:
i
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 103
he can send the convenient £5 note. The
many other results we cannot treat of at
present, but will only say that the more
punctilious conscience belongs to rather
poorer people whose average is only £2
or £3 due, and not £5 16s., which is the
usual average due ; that conscience is twice
as keen in March as it is in September, the
economy of the winter enabling men to
afford a conscience better than when antici-
pating or enjoying the summer holiday ;
and the clearing of conscience is largely a
vague affair of a round lump sum, not half
the payments being at all exact amounts.
The most important result, however, is
that conscience is, like all other variables,
subject to the laws of averages and distri-
bution. That exactly as many people will
pay in a tenth of the average amount as pay
in ten times the average, as many payments
of 10/- as there are of £50; or further, as
many people will pay in 1/6 or eV of the
average as pay in ^320 or 64 times the
average. This distinctive point of the law
of probabilities, the equality of instances
at points equidistant from the average,
above and below it, is fully and remark-
ably carried out, though we here deal with
104 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
conscience concerning pence on the one hand
and hundreds of pounds on the other.
For
some further details see Note C.
43. Having thus obtained one of the best
Fig. 3.
Fig. 4.
and most unmixed confirmations that we can
hope to get of the application of the laws
of distribution to moral questions, let us
apply this system as a mode of visualizing
and giving consistency to our thoughts on
such subjects. We may say in looking at
•
THE NATURE OF CONSCIExNXE
105
uch a curve that it represents the variations
of
ood and
fl
in
th
e
dividual
or
which determine his good and bad acts;
the variations between individuals in a
whole class or nation.
■
We can contrast rigid
and
(Fig-
narrow
1
habits
with those
of wider feeling and
passion (Fig. 4). We
can represent
the
character of the mo-
rality of different men
or
different
races
o
(Fig-
very
some
variable
(A)
and
reachinggreat heights
as well as great depths
rather
some
(B)
high
Fig. 5.
some
as a whole, but
not varying so much
and never so good or so bad as a
(c) very uniform, but never worth much.
And further, this enables us to clearly
think of the effects which a standard of
conduct may have on the national conscience.
Many people will be affected by the existence
of a standard ; those who are naturally a
io6 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
little worse than the standard w
be
con-
siderably drawn to conform to it ; those who
are more distant from it will less often feel
it possible to pay attention to it ; and those
who are very far below it will not even try
Fig. 6.
Fig. 7.
to regard it
Al
th
who would oth
wise be a little better than the standard will
and say that it is good enoug
give way
for them, while those far above it will hold
to their own high level.
44. This brings before us very forcibly
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
107
high
the question of the benefit of a very
standard, or one nearer the common average.
In the case of a very high standard the
danger is that it will attract such a slender
portion of the whole area
of variation that it will
benefit very few people
(Fig. 6) ; and, in short, be
hypocritically concurred
in,
but
practically
regarded.
A
clis-
standard
nearer to the average will
have
useful
a
more
effect
generally
7);
(Fi
g-
while one even lower may
yet be more useful, as in
Fio-
8.
But too low a
standard may do no good
by not
being
far enough
s
Fig. 8.
from the average to raise
it. Of course, the stronger
the standard, or the
is of religion, shame, good feeling, or other
greater influence th
o
may
be
motive for obeying it, the further it
placed from the average, while yet
sufficient attractive power to be of value in
its results.
having-
There may be also two or three different
io8 THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE
standards all acting at once (Fig. 9) ; a very
high church -going standard, very seldom
effective ;
a
powerful lower standard
of
trade custom ; and a residuum much lower
than that, of the natural character.
B
A
Fig. 9.
Fig. 10.
And two or three standards may co-exist
in
one
character
owing
to
antagonistic
motives, which result in a course of action
which is often in extremes (Fi
g-
10).
For
instance, on a basis of general good nature
(A)
a
man
may
have
a
strong
family
THE NATURE OF CONSCIENCE 109
x
affection (b), but be extremely avaricious
(c). When he comes to dealing with his
children he may be therefore in money
matters readily in extremes, but not so often
in a middle course.
We have at least now seen enough to be
able to picture before us the variations of
motive and character ; and we can thus
consider the nature of conscience with a
mental analysis and a clearness of concep-
tion which would otherwise be impossible.
LECTURE VI.
THE INxNER DUTIES
45. In dealing" with nearly two hundred
maxims or expressions of conscience whic
we have gathered from Egyptian sources,
it is needful to have some system of classi-
ng them, so as to place together those
which are similar and which serve together
to build up a picture of the Egyptian mind
on one side or another. Seven classes are
here separately dealt with, namely, the rules
and maxims of ( 1 ) the personal character ;
(2), the material interests ; (3), the family
duties, all of which we may call the inner
duties; while the outer duties are (4) the
relations to equals ; (5), the relations to
superiors ; (6), the relations to inferiors ;
(7), the duties to the gods. And in each
class we shall deal with the general ideas
before noticing the more particular and
detailed. For most of the translations here
no
THE INNER DUTIES in
am indebted to* Mr. Griffith, who feels
considerable reserve about some of the
renderings. The tablet of Antef is from
a copy made by Mr. Alan Gardiner.
46. One of the most valuable sources
of our information is in the (5) great
" negative confession " as it is commonly
called, or rather " repudiation of sins " as
it might be better termed, before the judg-
ment of Osiris. It is probably one of the
oldest documents that remain to us on this
subject, and is specially valuable, as it pre-
sumably strings together every action that
was felt to be an infringement of moral law
at the time when it was composed. There
are two forms of this repudiation ; one of
about 37 declarations, and another, similar
in nature, often repeating the earlier list,
but of 42 declarations. The latter is more
artificial, as it calls on a separate spirit in
each declaration ; and the number 42 is
probably connected with the 42 judges who
sit with Osiris, and those, in turn, with the
division of Egypt into 42 nomes.
t is strange that there are no family
duties in either declaration ; and this sug-
gests that the bond of the family was not of
prominent importance at the time of the
112
THE INNER DUTIES
framing of these lists, but that such duties
were considered only as
general duties to
a
fellow-beings.
part of the
Of the
classes of duties then we find
List A. List B
Duties to character
Duties to material welfare
Duties to family .
Duties to equals .
Duties to inferiors
Duties to superiors
Duties to gods
7
o
o
10
o
9
18
o
o
16
I
o
6
The main difference between these two
lists is that in the earlier time the duties
to inferiors were put more forward than the
uties to the man's own character ; in the
later time the duty to the development of
character and of intuitions was felt to in-
clude in it all that was needful to recount
as duty to inferiors. The two lists are
simply referred to as A and B hereafter.
47. The Egyptian felt
very strongly
th
e
value of strength of character, and of self-
control.
a
have not been weak," he boldly
asserted to Osiris (A. 10) as one of the
repudiations of wrong-doing, which qualified
him for eternal blessing. And Any says
y
THE INNER DUTIES 113
£>
" Let not the heart despair before thyself,
turning upside down its favours (happiness)*
at once after an evil hour " (60) ; this lai
minded steadfastness is also enjoined by Any
thus, "If thou art good thou shalt be re-
garded ; and in company or in solitude thou
findest thy people (helpers) and they do all
thy commands." (34.) And similarly Any
enjoins firm resolutions, "If thou goest in
the straight road, thou shalt reach the
ntended place " (Any, 29) ; and also
n
thine eye (look well to thyself) ; thy exist
ence lowly or lofty is not well fixed
liable to change) ; go straight forward, a
thou wilt fill the way." (Any, 44.) There
will be no room for deviation and uncertainty
a resolute course is firmly adopted.
Of self-training and control we read, "If
thou art found good in the time of prosperity,
when adversity comes thou wilt find thyself
able to endure." (Any, 32.) And again, " Be
not greedy to fill thy stomach, for one knows
no reason why he should do so ; when thou
earnest into existence I gave thee a different
excellency." (Any, 42.) Or to put this in
* The words and phrases in parentheses are paraphrases,
additions, or alternative expressions to show the meaning
more clearly, while not modifying the actual idiom of the
original.
II
U4 THE INNER DUTIES
western words, " Yield not to mere desires
which rest not upon reason, for you were
made for better things than that."
Self-respect is also enjoined by Any : " If
a man is drunken, go not before him, even
when it would be an honour to be introduced"
(6) ; and also, " Go not among the multitude,
in order that thy name may not be fouled."
(9.) And in the later precepts it is said,
"Make not a companion of a wicked man." (3.)
Readiness and boldness appear in the
early time of Ptah-hotep : " If thou findest
a debater in his moment (speaking success-
fully) thine equal, who is within thy reach,
to whom thou canst cause thyself to become
superior, be not silent when he speaketh
evil ; a great thing is the approval of the
hearers, that thy name should be good in
the knowledge of the nobles." (3.) And
later Any says similarly, " He who is
embarrassed by a liar should make reply ;
then god judgeth truly, and his trespass
riseth against him." (38.)
Activity was also one of the great claims
for the future blessing : before Osiris the
soul declared, "I have not been lazy"
(B. 11), and "I have not been empty (of
good)." (A. 9.) And similarly, " I have
THE INNER DUTIES 115
not known vanity (meanness or unprofit-
ableness) " (A. 4) ; and " I have not made
bubbles." (B. 39.) Special importance to
straightforwardness was also given in the
declaration at the judgment. " I have not
acted perversely instead of straightforwardly."
(A. 3.) " I have not acted crookedly"
(B. 7); "I have not made confusion"
(B. 25) ; "I have not been deaf to the
words of truth." (B. 24.) Thus no less
than eight declarations in the most solemn
list of the great judgment turn on the
activity and directness of character, which
has in all ages been a quality worth even
more than the cleverness of subtlety.
A delightful picture is drawn by Ptah-
hotep of the disastrous lack of common
sense, that is as well known now as in his
early times. " Verily the ignorant man who
hearkeneth not, nothing can be done to him.
He seeth knowledge as ignorance ; profitable
things as hurtful ; he maketh every kind of
mistake so that he is reprimanded every
day. His life is as death therewith ; it is
his food. Absurdity of talk he marvelleth
at as the knowledge of nobles, dying while
he liveth every day. People avoid having
to do with him, on account of the multitude
n6 THE INNER DUTIES
of his continual misfortunes." (Ptah-hotep,
40.) And this avoidance of fools appears
again in the late precept " Go not out with a
foolish man, nor stop to listen to his words "
(Precepts, 21, 22), and " Do not according to
the advice of a fool." (Precept 4.)
48. But, perhaps, greater stress is laid
upon discretion and quietness than on any
other qualities of character. It is remark-
able that it does not occur at all in the
earlier repudiation of sins, but is very
prominent in the later ; in that we find,
" My mouth hath not run on" (B. 17) : " My
mouth hath not been hot" (B. 23) ; " I have
not quarrelled" (B. 29) ; " My voice has not
been voluble in my speech" (B. 33) '> anc^
" My voice is not loud." (B. 2>7-) Here five
out of the forty pleas of goodness turn on a
single quality, which would hardly appear at
all in a board-school code of morals. Yet such
are the virtues requisite for the blessed fields
of Aalu in the kingdom of Osiris. This
same discreetness is urged by old Ptah-
hotep, " Let thy heart be overflowing, but
let thy mouth be restrained : consider how
thou shalt behave among the nobles. Be
exact in practice with thy master ; act so
that he shall say, ' The son of that man shall
• (
r
f
THE INNER DUTIES 117
speak to those that shall hearken ; praise-
worthy also is he who formed him.' Apply
thine heart while thou art speaking, that
thou mayest speak things of distinction ;
then the nobles who shall hear will say,
' How good is that which proceedeth out of
his mouth.'" (Ptah-hotep, 42.) Later on
Antef says, " I am one who is cool, free
of hastiness of countenance, knowing results."
(2.) And Any also has several injunctions
to the same quietness. " Seek silence for
thee." (Any, 62.) " Go not into the crowd if
thou findest thyself excited in the presence
of violence." (Any, 49.) " Of what shouldest
thou talk dailv ? Let officials talk of their
affairs, a woman talk of her husband, and
every man talk of his business." (Any, 30.)
And in more detail he says, " If there is
enquiry, increase not thy words ; in keeping
quiet thou wilt do best ; do not be a talker"
(Any, 10); and again, "Guard thyself from
sinning in words, that they may not wound ;
a thing to be condemned in the breast of
man is malicious gossip, which is never still.
Discard the man who errs (thus) and let him
not be thy companion." (Any, 16.) And the
repudiation of sins also brings in the con-
demnation of gossip. " I have not been
u8 THE INNER DUTIES
a tale-bearer in business not mine own."
(B. 18.)
Extreme reserve is inculcated by some
writers. Kagemni says, u The cautious man
succeeds, the accurate man is praised, to the
man of silence (even) the sleeping chamber
is opened. Wide scope hath he who is
acquiescent in his speech ; knives are set
against him who forceth his way wrongfully."
(Kagemni i.) Amenemhat bitterly remarks
as a precept for the highest station, " Man-
kind turn their heart to him who inspireth
them with fear : fill not thy heart with a
brother" (Am. ii.) ; and again, "Keep to
thyself thy own heart, for friends exist not
for a man on the day of troubles." (Am. iii.)
uch cynical reserve was not, however, the
Egyptian ideal, but it was what they pre-
ferred at least to weak gossip.
Covetousness is named in the repudiation
of sins. "I have not been covetous" (B.
3.) ; and this is put in a more concrete form
by Any, " Fill not thy heart with the things
of another ; beware of this. For thy own
sake go not near the things of another,
unless he shows them himself in thy house.
(Any, 24.)
The evil of presumption and pride was
1
THE INNER DUTIES 119
met by remarks on the uncertainty of life.
Kagemni says : " Let not thy heart be
proud for valour in the midst of thy troops.
Beware of overbearingness, for one knoweth
not what shall happen, or what a god will
do when he striketh." (Kagemni, 5.) And
similarly Ptah-hotep begins : " Let not thy
heart be great because of thy knowledge,
but converse with the ignorant as with the
learned ; for the limit of skill is not attain-
able, and there is no expert who is completely
provided with what is profitable to him.
Good speech is more hidden than are the
precious stones sought for by female slaves
amid the pebbles." (Ptah-hotep, 1.) And
more picturesquely does Any remark on the
ever changing nature of things. " The
water- courses shifted in past years, and will
yet again the next year. The large pools
dry up, and their shores become deep cracks.
Nothing comes to man alike. This is the
reply of the Mistress of Life." (Any, 43.)
And the steadfast unwavering mind that
these reflections should enlarge is held up
as a heavenly requisite in the repudiation
of sins, where the soul asserts " I have not
given way to anxious care " (A. 8) ; and "
am not of inconstant mind" (B. 31); and
120 THE INNER DUTIES
again, similarly, " I have not been wretched."
(A.
I
49. But beside all these fortifying maxims
the Egyptians had a keen idea, sometimes
coming to the surface, that virtue was not
entirely its own reward, and not solely an
end in itself; but that the end of right con-
duct was right enjoyment. Ptah - hotep
inculcated this : "He who doth accounts
all day long hath not a pleasant moment ;
and yet he who enjoyeth himself all day
long doth not provide for his house. The
archer hitteth his mark, and so doth he who
steereth, by letting it alone at one time and
pulling at another. He that obeyeth his
heart shall command." (Ptah-hotep, 25a:.)
And again, " Follow thy heart the time that
thou hast ; do not more than is commanded.
Diminish not the time of following the heart,
for that is abomination to the ka* that its
moment (opportunity of action) should be
disregarded. Spend not the time of each
day beyond what is needful for providing
for thy house. When possessions are
obtained follow the heart, for possessions
* For the consideration of the nature of the ka, as shown
here, see Note D.
!
THE INNER DUTIES 121
are not made of full use if (thou art) weary."
(Ptah-hotep, 10.) And the song of the
harper more freely enjoins : " Follow thy
heart so long as thou existest . . . enjoy
thyself beyond measure, let not thy heart
faint, follow thy desire and thy happiness
while thou art on earth." Such doctrine
naturally led too far, as when a man in
Ptolemaic times ingeniously places in his
deceased wife's mouth on her tombstone
the commands : " Enjoy the love of women
and make holiday. . . . Thy desire to drink
and to eat hath not ceased, therefore be
drunken." But occasional intoxication does
not seem to have been looked on very
seriously, perhaps, just because it was so
very occasional ; in the tomb of Paheri
(XVIIIth Dynasty) one lady at the party
says : " Give me some wine for I am as dry
as a straw " ; and another, approving its
quality, adds, " I should like to drink to
intoxication."
50. We may then sum up the personal
character which the Egyptian strove for,
and even considered in many points to be
essential for those who would enter into the
kingdom of Osiris. He should be strong,
steadfast, and self-respecting ; active and
122 THE INNER DUTIES
straightforward ; quiet and discreet ; and
avoid covetousness and presumption. Yet
with all this, while striving for the highest
character, he was to keep the use of life
before him and to avoid miserliness or
asceticism. Other qualities which we value
we shall notice in the relations to other men
and to property ; but so far as the solely
personal qualities go this picture of the
Egyptian mind is as line a basis of the
principles of character as has been laid
down by any people. But yet we do not
find any trace in it of the idea of sin, which
was so familiar to the Hindus in early times ;
the Egyptian is the rather akin to the Greek
mind, which sought out a fair and noble life
without introspection or self-reproach. Yet
the more personal sense is seen in India
even as early as the Rig Veda, where in
the hymns to Varuna (Ouranos) contempo-
rary with the XVIIIth Egyptian Dynasty,
or earlier, the Hindu said: " O Varuna!
eliver us from the sins of our fathers.
Deliver us from the sins committed in our
persons ... all this sin is not wilfully com-
mitted by us. Error or wine, anger or dice,
or even thoughtlessness, has begotten sin.
^ .^~~, ~~t>
Even an elder brother leads his younger
THE INNER DUTIES 123
astray, sin is begotten even in our dreams."#
And soon after, between the XlXth and
XX 1st Egyptian Dynasties, we read the
Hindu saying: "When confessed the sin
becomes less, since it becomes truth." t
Such ideas, however familiar to us, to whom
they have descended by way of Palestine,
are, however, quite foreign to the Mediter-
ranean conscience met with in Egypt and
in Greece ; they belong essentially to the
ascetic mind that found no place in the
compact and practical frame of the ex-
cellencies of the early Egyptian, which so
closely resembles the character of the best
of the modern Egyptians.
MATERIAL WELFARE
51. Beside the maxims of entirely per-
sonal character there is a body of injunctions
relating to the more material welfare and
conduct which may be considered as a separ-
ate class. Self-help is enjoined by Ptah-
hotep : "If thou ploughest labour steadily
in the field, that god may make it great in
thy hand. Let not thy mouth be filled at
* Rig Veda vii. 89.
t Satapatha Brahmana ii. 5, 2, 20.
124 THE INNER DUTIES
thy neighbour's table. . . . Verily he who
possesseth prudence is as the possessor of
good, he holdeth like a crocodile from the
officials. (He does not get into trouble and
have to give bribes.) Beg not as a poor man
from him who is without children, and make
no boast to him ; the father is important
even when the mother that beareth is want-
ing, for another woman may be added to
er " (reckon not on inheriting from a child-
ess man, for he may take another wife).
(Ptah-hotep, 9.)
Prudence is enjoined by Any thus :
" Keep thine eye open for fear that thou
shalt go begging : there is no man, if he be
often lazy (that shall escape want) " (Any, 21),
and seizing opportunities also, — " If the hour
be past, one seeks to save another." (Any, 4.)
Reserve and not trusting to others appear
also in Any's sayings, " Give not over-much
freedom to a man in thy house. When thou
comest in and thou hearest of his presence,
thou art saluted by his mouth, thou art told
of his purpose and talking is done " (Any,
45) ; and in the bitter saying, u Thy entering
into a village begins with acclamations ; at
thy going out thou art saved by thy hand."
(Any, 64.)
!
I
THE INNER DUTIES 125
A curious piece of worldly wisdom lies in
the advice to imitate successful men. " If
thou failest, follow a successful man ; let all
thy conduct be good before god. When
thou knowest that a small man hath advanced,
let not thine heart be proud toward him by
reason of what thou knowest of him ; to a
man who hath advanced be respectful in
proportion to what hath arrived to him, for
behold things do not come of themselves, it
is their law for those whom they love. Verily
he who hath risen he hath been prudent for
himself; it is god that maketh his success,
and he would punish him if he were in-
dolent." (Ptah-hotep, 10.) ''Always do
business with lucky people," is a well-known
modern maxim.
Of the value of knowledge, above the
power of connections and influence, Any
speaks thus : "If thou art able in the
writings, having penetrated into the writings,
put them in thy heart, then all that thou
sayest will be perfected. If a scribe is
employed in any profession he speaks accord-
ing to the writings (Precedents !). There is
no son to the chief of the treasury, there is
no heir to the chief of the seal (such officer
must be fitted by ability and not by influ-
126 THE INNER DUTIES
The great appreciate the scribe, and
his hand is his profession and cannot be given
to children ; their misery (of the great) is
good, their greatness is his protect
}}
(35.) It is familiar to us how true this last
sentence is of our scribes, the lawyers. But
to feel the force of this let us turn to a com-
munity in which the scribe is in full sway.
Writing of Emin Pasha's officials, Mr.
Jephson says, " These soldiers were so
foolish ; again and again they found them-
selves tricked by the clerks. . . . The
Egyptian clerks held the whole of these
ignorant Sudani officers and men in their
hands ; they wrote all sorts of things, to
which the Sudanis, who could neither read
nor write, put their seals."
A conciliatory and peaceable manner was
much valued ; but all the injunctions come
from Any in the XlXth Dynasty, and none
from earlier times. "As the inside of man
is like a granary, full of all kinds of replies,
choose to thee the good, speak well, as
there is abomination within thee. To reply
violently is as lifting a stick. But speak with
the sweetness of a lover. ..." (2>7-) "One
doth not get good things when one saith evil
things." (28.) " Lift not up thy heart over
1
THE INNER DUTIES 127
the dissipated man so that he can find speech
(against thee). The statements of thy mouth
go round quickly if thou repeat them. Do
not make enemies ; the ruin of a man is in
his tongue ; guard thyself that thou make no
loss." (36.) " Do not talk folly to all who
come ; the word of the day of the gossiping
will turn thy house upside down." (31.)
" Hold thyself far from rebels. He whose
heart controls his mouth amongst the soldiers
will certainly not be taken to the courts, nor
be bound, nor know that which conciliates
(presents)." (51.)
Covetousness is the fault particularly
noted by Ptah-hotep, and he reminds one
painfully of the failing of the present Egyp-
tian. " If thou desirest thy going to be
good, take thyself from all evil, beware of
any covetous aim. That is as the painful
disease of colic. He who entereth on it
is not successful. It embroileth fathers and
mothers with the mother's brothers, it sepa-
rateth wife and husband. It is a thing that
taketh to itself all evils, a bundle of all
wickedness. A man liveth long whose rule
is justice, who goeth according to its move-
ments. He maketh a property thereby,
while a covetous man hath no house." (19.)
128 THE INNER DUTIES
Any remarks more on the need of not ex-
pecting to get the best of things. " Build
thyself a house if thou dislike to live in
common. Do not say ' This is a part of the
ouse which has come to me by inheritance
from my father and my mother who are in
the tomb ' : for if thou comest to divide it
with thy brother thy part will be the store-
rooms." (25.)
Commercial credit was much valued, more
than we should expect in such a community.
" Know thy tradesmen, for when thy affairs
are unsuccessful thy good reputation with
thy friends is a channel well filled, it is more
important than a man's wealth. The pro-
perty of one belongeth to another,
profitable thing is the good reputation of a
man's son to him. The nature is better
than the memory (acquirements)." (Ptah-
hotep, 35.)
The avoidance of drink and of luxury is
dwelt on at length by Any, and was, doubt-
, a needful warning in the XlXth
Dynasty. " Do not be engrossed in the
house where beer is drunk ; for it is evil that
words of another meaning come from thy
mouth without thy being aware of having
said them, — and that in falling thy limbs are
I
THE INNER DUTIES 129
broken without any person having laid hand
on thee, — and that thy boon companions get
up and say ' Turn out this drunkard,' — and
when one comes to blame thee they find
thee lying on the ground like a little child."
(13.) And of the more refined pleasures
he says, " There has been made for thee a
feasting-place ; the hedges have been put for
thee around that which has been cultivated
by the hoe for thee ; there have been planted
for thee in the inner parts sycomores, which
join all the lands belonging to thy house ;
thou fillest thy hand with all flowers whic
thine eye sees. And one becomes weakened
in the midst of all these, and happy is he
who shall not abandon them." (Any, 23.)
52. Lastly, the uncertainty of life is
strongly urged by Any. " Put this aim
before thee, to reach a worthy old age, so
that thou may be found to have completed
thy house which is in the funereal valley,
on the morning of burying thy body. Put
this before thee in all the business which
thine eye considers. When thou shalt be
thus an old man, thou shalt lie down in the
midst of them. There shall be no surprise
to him who does well, he is prepared ; thus
when the messenger shall come to take thee,
1
no THE INNER DUTIES
he shall find one who is ready. Verily, thou
shalt not have time to speak, for when he
comes it shall be suddenly. Do not say,
like a young man, ' Take thine ease, for thou
shalt not know death.' When death cometh
he will seize the infant who is in its mother's
arms as he does him who has made an old
a^e. Behold I have now told thee excellent
things to be considered in thy heart, do them
and thou shalt become a good man and all
evils shall be far from thee." (Any, 15.)
Thus the main points of character in ex-
ternal matters were self-help, prudence, and
respect for success ; the value of knowledge,
and of conciliation and fair speech for a hold
on other men ; avoiding the taint of covetous-
ness, and keeping good credit ; not being
tied by mere pleasures, and being always
ready to resign life. In all this the ancient
gyptian is much like the modern fellah ;
both accept their place in the world readily,
and enjoy it quietly without being over-
weighted by duty. Neither of these know
anything of the Western sense of the terrible
responsibilities of life, and the tyranny of the
conscience. They simply enjoy living with-
out being too particular, and lay great stress
on making it as pleasant as possible to other
i
I
THE INNER DUTIES 131
people. Their aim was to be easy, good-
natured, quiet gentlemen, who made life as
agreeable as they could all round. And
though the ideal was not a very high one,
it was not bad for a warm climate ; and it
may compare well with the actual practice
of our own land or any other.
FAMILY DUTIES
53. The position of women was always an
important one in Egypt, as the social system
was matriarchal in the early times, and con-
tinued to place property in the hands of
women throughout the history. Even the
strongly patriarchal Roman law and the
power of Islam did not root out this, as in
Makrisi's time a Copt always said, in selling
anything, ''with my wife's permission"; and
to the present time in Upper Egypt women
are the treasurers and misers of the house-
hold. Yet the relation was apparently much
on the same footing as other business, and
as little of the family character ; nor did
it produce any large number of precepts.
Throughout all the earlier history a woman
who had property was always mistress of the
132 THE INNER DUTIES
house, and her husband was a sort of boarder
or visitor, who had to keep up the establish-
ment. This is seen even in the XlXth
Dynasty, where Any writes, " Be not rude
to a woman in her house if thou know her
thoroughly. Do not say, ' Where is that ?
bring it to me,' when she hath put it in its
right place, and thine eye hath seen it; when
thou art silent thou knowest her qualities,
and it is a joy for thine hand to be with her.
There are many who understand not how a
man should act if he wish to bring misfortune
into her house, and who know not how to
find out her conduct in all ways. The man
who is strong or heart is soon master in
her house." (Any, 56.) And even in the
Ptolemaic times marriage contracts made
over all possible property of the man entirely
to the woman.
In most nations, however, there have been
several legal forms of marriage side by side ;
in ancient India and in Roman law this was
conspicuous. Probably the same diversity
existed in Egypt, depending on the question
of whether the woman had property of her
own to begin with. In Ptah-hotep we find:
"If thou art successful and hast furnished
thy house and lovest the wife of thy bosom,
!
THE INNER DUTIES 133
then fill her stomach and clothe her back.
The medicine for her body is oil. Make
glad her heart during the time that thou
hast. She is a field profitable to its owner."
(21.) In later times the Ptolemaic precepts
say, " May it not happen to thee to maltreat
thy wife, whose strength is less than thine ;
but may she find in thee a protector." (Pre-
cepts, 8.) Here the husband is presumed to
be independent, and to be master.
Irregularities are considered by Ptah-hotep
to demand at least compensatory kindness.
" If thou makest a woman ashamed, wanton
of heart, whom her fellow townspeople know
to be under two laws (in an ambiguous
position) ; be kind to her for a season, send
her not away, let her have food to eat.
The wantonness of her heart appreciateth
a straight path." (Ptah-hotep, 37.) But he
warns most strongly against a corrupt life.
"If thou wishest to prolong friendship in a
house into which thou enterest as master,
as brother, as friend, in any place that thou
enterest beware of approaching to women ;
no place in which that is done prospereth.
The face is not watchful in attaining it
(pleasures) ; a thousand men are injured in
order to be profited for a little moment, like
134 THE INNER DUTIES
a dream, by tasting which death is reached."
(Ptah-hotep, 1 8.) Any similarly says, " Follow
not after a woman, and allow not that she
occupy thy heart." (Any, 57.) And of the
wandering professional he says, " Keep thy-
self from the strange woman, who is not
known in her town. Look not on her when
she cometh, and know her not, and fill not
thy heart with her. She is a whirlpool in
deep water, the vortex of which is not
known. The woman whose husband is
afar writeth to thee daily ; when none is
there to see her she standeth and spreadeth
her snare ; sin unto death it is to hearken
thereto, even when she shall not have ac-
complished her plan in reality. Men do all
crimes for this alone." (Any, 8.)
In the qualifications for the kingdom of
siris the moral law was early laid down.
In the earlier repudiation it appears to be
only a trespass against the sacred property,
" I have not committed fornication nor
impurity, in what was sacred to the god
of my city." (A. 22.) But in the later
repudiation this is divided into th
general propositions. " I have not com-
mitted adultery with another man's wife "
(B. 19); "I have not been impure
V
I
I
THE INNER DUTIES 135
(B. 20) ; " I have not been given to un-
natural lust." (B. 27.)
54. Of the parental and filial duties there
is not much said, compared with the space
they fill in the systems of the further east.
There is not a single condition laid down
on these duties in the judgment before
Osiris ; and according to these earliest
codes a man had no stronger duties to his
parents than to any other persons. The
early moralists, however, treat of such
duties to some extent, but they again
almost disappear in the later writers. As
compared with the code of harsher climates
this may be due to the small amount of
cost and care of children ; and as compared
with other eastern lands, the provision of
offerings in semblance by the Egyptians in
the tomb left little place for the urgency
of filial duties in maintaining continual
supplies for the deceased. It is at least
a curious lack, contrary to what might be
expected in the Egyptian code. We read
in Kagemni of the " man devoid of
sociability," that he is "rude to his mother
and to his people" (Kagemni, 4); and the
late Precepts echo this, " Make it not in
the heart of a mother to enter into bitter-
136 THE INNER DUTIES
ness." (t.) And in Any we specially read
of the long cares of a mother, and the
consequent duty to do the same for the
next generation. (Any, 40.) He enjoins
the duty of funeral offerings : " Offer water
to thy father and thy mother who rest in
the valley (of tombs) ; see to the water,
and offer the divine things which are said
to be acceptable. Forget it not when thou
art far off; if thou dost this thy son shall
also do the same for thee." (Any, 12.)
The value of paternal precepts is also
welt on. "If the son of a man receive
what his father saith, no plan of his shall
fail. He whom thou teachest as thy son,
or the listener that is successful in the heart
of the nobles, he guideth his mouth accord-
ing to what he hath been told .... He
faileth that entereth without hearing. He
that knoweth, on the next day is estab-
lished ; he wrho is ignorant is crushed."
(Ptah-hotep, 39.) "The son that hearkeneth
is a follower of Horus ; there is good for
him when he hath hearkened ; he groweth
old, he reacheth amakh, he telleth the like
to his children, renewing the teaching of
his father. Everv man teacheth as he hath
performed ; he telleth the like to his
\
THE INNER DUTIES 137
sons that they may tell it again to their
children." (Ptah-hotep, 41,) " Do according
to that which thy master telleth thee. How
excellent to a man is the teaching of his
father, out of whom he hath come, out
of his very body, and who spoke unto him
while he was yet altogether in his loins.
Greater is what hath been done unto him,
than what hath been said unto him. Behold
a good son that god giveth doeth beyond
what he is told for his master ; he doeth
right, doing heartily, even as thou hast come
unto me . . . ." (Ptah-hotep, 43.) The
inheritance of qualities, and their importance
above education, is here well marked.
The duties to the children are also en-
forced. Any says, " Take to thyself a wife
when young, that she may give thee a son ;
being thine, a child to thee, when thou art
a young man, is a witness that this is a
good man's deed, of one whom many will
praise the more for his son." (1.) And
Ptah-hotep says, "If thou art a successful
man, and thou makest a son by god's
grace, if he is accurate, goeth again in thy
way, and attendeth to thy business on the
proper occasion, do unto him every good
thing, for he is thy own son, to whom it
/
138 THE INNER DUTIES
belongeth that thy ka begat ; estrange not
thy heart from him." (Ptah-hotep, 12.) And
in the late precepts the duties and care for
sons are also repeated, though the strong
notion of continuity of family occupation
and tradition seems to have gone. " May
it not happen to thee to cause thy infant
to suffer if he be weak, but assist him."
(Precepts, 14.) " Do not abandon one son
to another of thy sons, who is stronger
or more courageous." (Precepts, 15.) And
this control extended into maturity, for we
read, " Do not allow thy son to be familiar
with a married woman." (Precepts, 18.)
'1
1
LECTURE VII.
THE OUTER DUTIES
RELATIONS TO EQUALS
55. The more general duties to equals
occupy a large part of the repudiation of
sins. The earlier list says, " I have not
murdered" (A. 16), and "I have not com-
manded murder" (A. 17); and the second
list states, " I have not slain men." (B. 5.)
In the late precepts there appears the higher
command, " Do not save thy life at the cost
of that of another." (Precepts, 12.)
The general statement with which the
earlier repudiation opens, " I have not done
injury to men " (A. 1), is amplified into several
different declarations in the later list. "
have not done injustice" (B. 1) opens the
second list, and further it declares, " I have
not robbed" (B. 2), "I have not stolen"
(B. 14 and 15), " I have not been a pilferer."
(B. 16.) Special forms of dishonesty are
139
140 THE OUTER DUTIES
detailed : " I have not added to nor
diminished the measures of grain (A. 23),
and in the second list, " I have not diminished
the corn measure" (B. 6), " I have not
diminished the palm measure " (A. 24), "
have not falsified the cubit of land" (A. 25),
" I have not added to the weight of the
balance" (A. 26), "I have not nullified the
plummet of the scales." (A. 26a.) The sins
of Egyptian agriculture are named : " I have
not stopped water in its season" (A. 31), "
have not dammed running water." (A 32.)
A very strange repudiation next appears
which seems as if fire was looked on as
having a separate being. " I have not
quenched fire in its moment," i.e. when
burning up. (A. ^^.) Possibly fire was
looked on as a portion of the sun-god, who
would be offended at being thwarted.
The earlier repudiation does not name
falsehood, but the later says, " I have not
spoken falsehood " (B. 9), and " I have not
deceived nor done ill." (B. 34.)
56. Consideration for others is strongly
put forward. " Look not a second time on
what thine eye has seen in thine house ; and
being silent do not let it be openly spoken
of by another." (Any, 7.) In the second
THE OUTER DUTIES 141
repudiation of sins we find, " I have not
made (unjust) preferences" (B. 40), " I have
not played the rich man, except in my own
things" (B. 41), "I am not of an aggressive
hand." (B. 30.) Antef claims, " I am one that
smooths difficulties, respecting (?) a name,
divining (?) what is in the heart " (3). " I am
one prudent in preventing and easing, quiet-
ing the mourner with pleasant speech " (4).
Liberality was enjoined, as in the Song of
the Harper to Neferhotep, "Give bread to
him who is without a plot of land " ; and the
second repudiation has, " I have not been
niggardly in grain." (B. 14.) While Ptah-
hotep requires that liberality should be
genial — " Let thy face be shining the time
that thou hast for a feast ; verily that which
cometh out of the store-chamber doth not go
back again, but is bread for apportionment ;
and he that is niggardly is an accuser, empty
is his belly." (Ptah-hotep, 34.)
The general duties of goodwill and kind-
ness to men are often repeated. In the
earlier repudiation we find, " I have not
caused suffering to men" (A. 18), "I have
not done mischief" (A. 5) ; while in the later
list this is repeated as " I have not caused
weeping" (B. 26), " I have not made a dis-
142 THE OUTER DUTIES
turbance " (B. 21), " I have not borne a
grudge " (B. 28). Violent and harsh con-
duct is . specially condemned by the
moralists, " Make not terror amongst
men, god punisheth the like . . . never
did violence prosper." (Ptah-hotep, 6.) And
"If thy conciliatory speech is good, they
shall incline the heart to take it." (Any, 61.)
" I am good, not hasty of countenance, not
pulling a man headlong," (?) says Antef. (16.)
" Let no punishment be done when a noble
is busy ; do not depress the heart of him
that is already laden." (Ptah-hotep, 2
This last maxim gives a good view of the
Egyptian attitude of mind towards punish-
ments ; they were no vindictive pleasure to
the Egyptians, on the contrary they gave
a sympathetic pain to them, and the sight
was so unpleasant and depressing that it
should be postponed rather than annoy a
high official who was already worried with
business. It may be doubted if any ancient
people have had such an aversion to causing
pain or distress as is shown by the genial
and kindly upper classes of the Vth Dynasty,
t is the very antithesis of the Greek
slaughter of prisoners, the Roman games,
or the patristic hell.
THE OUTER DUTIES 143
The precepts of friendship are what might
be expected in such a society : kindly an
prudent, but without any passionate depth
feeling. " It befalleth that a quarrelsome
man is a spoiler of things : be not thus to
1m
who cometh to thee : the rememb
of a man is of his kindliness in the years
after the staff." (Ptah-hotep, 34.) " Useful
are the doings of a friend (if he) purify him-
self from evils, (then) thou shalt be safe from
his being lost ; (therefore) beware of any loss
(of friendship)." (Any, 52.) And in the late
precepts of a base society it was enjoined,
" Do not pervert the heart of thy acquaint-
ance if he be pure." (Precept, 23.) While
caution in friendship was noted very early.
1 .
If thou seekest the character of a friend,
mind thou do not ask (of others) ; go to
him, occupy thyself with him alone, so as
not to interfere with his business ; areue
with him after a season, test his heart with
an instance of speech." (Ptah-hotep, 33.
57. The position of a leading man is dwelt
on by Ptah-hotep. "If thou art strong,
inspiring awe by knowledge or by pleasing,
speak in first command ; that is to say, not
according to (another's) lead. The weak man
entereth into error. Raise not thine heart
144 THE OUTER DUTIES
lest it should be cast down. Be not silent.
Beware of interruption and of answering
words with heat. The flames of a fiery
heart sweep away the mild man when a
ghter treadeth on his path." (Ptah-hotep,
25.) Antef says, " I am a speaker in the
ouse of justice, of ready mouth in the
difficulties of heart." (20.) " If thou art
a guide, commanding the conduct of a com-
pany, seek for thyself every good aim, so
that thy policy may be without error. A
great thing is justice, enduring and surviv-
ing." (Ptah-hotep, 5.) "I am accurate like
the balance, weighing truth like Thoth,"
says Antef. (17.) "Do not take a haughty
attitude," is said in the Ptolemaic precepts.
24.)
The business of the council of the district
was an important part of the life of a well-
born Egyptian ; it was the main field for the
use of most of the social qualities, muc
what the modern meglis is among the shekhs
of an Egyptian town, or the bench of Justices
of the Peace in England. We have already
noticed allusions to qualities at the council,
and some injunctions relate entirely to such
affairs. "If thou art a successful man sitting
in the council of his lord, confine thine
THE OUTER DUTIES 145
heart to what promiseth success. That thou
shouldest be silent is better than that thy
speech should run wild. Thou knowest
what thou understandest. It is an expert
that speaketh in the council. Ill to bear
is speaking of every kind of work. It is
one that understandeth it that putteth it to
the stick." (Ptah-hotep, 24.) " If thou
actest as the son of a man upon the
council, a messenger to persuade the
people. ... do not tend to favour one
side. Beware lest it be said ' His method
is that of the nobles, he giveth speech
favouring one side therein.' Turn thine
aim unto an even balance." (Ptah-hotep,
28.) " If thou findest a debater in his
moment, a poor man, not thine equal, let
not thine heart leap out upon him when he
is feeble. Let him alone, let him refute
himself, question him not over -much."
(Ptah-hotep, 4) : a saying that reminds us
of George Herbert's :
" Fierceness makes
Error a fault, and truth discourtesy."
Lastly, convivial conduct has its duties
laid down by one of the earliest moralists,
Kagemni. "If thou sittest at meat with a
K
146 THE OUTER DUTIES
company, hate the bread that thou desirest,
for it is but a little moment. Restrain
appetite, for gluttony is base. It is a base
fellow who is mastered by his belly, who
passeth time without thought, free ranging
for his feeding in their houses. But be not
afraid of meat in company with the greedy,
take what he giveth thee, refuse it not,
thinking that it will honour him. If there
be a man devoid of making himself known,
on whom no word hath power .... every
one crieth, ' Let thy name come forth, thou
art silent with the mouth when spoken to.
(Kagemni, 2, 3, 4.)
? )>
RELATIONS TO SUPERIORS
58. Strange to say not a single duty to
superiors appears in the great repudiation
of sins. The total absence of family duties
and those to superiors in these primitive
categories may possibly lead us to the view
that neither family nor superiors existed in
the early period of society to which these
lists belong. It would be quite possible that
in the matriarchal society the permanent bond
of the family was not looked on as entailing
duties different in kind to those equally due
THE OUTER DUTIES 147
to relatives and neighbours in general.
And it would be also possible that in a
population of independent farmers without
any central organization, or need of com-
bining against foes, the upper class for
whom such formularies were prepared had
practically no superiors to whom they owed
duties. Very likely the eldest or most able
farmer of a district would be a sort of
leader ; but practically a council of the land-
owners of the neighbourhood might be the
only authority, and no obligations to any
superiors of these would exist. Certainly in
the historical ages of the Vth and XlXth
Dynasties the family duties are far more
lightly touched on than we should expect,
and there is none of that clannish sense
of solidarity which is the basis of society
to western peoples ; while the duties to
superiors are not so frequently named as the
duties to inferiors. The absence of certain
classes of feeling and ideas may often show
us more than the presence of particular
injunctions.
The duty of respect to old age is of
course one of the most obvious to many
different races. Yet we do not find this
enjoined in the earlier sayings, but only in
148 THE OUTER DUTIES
Ptolemaic times. " Mock not the venerable
man who is thy superior." (Precept 25.)
" May it happen to thee to respect the
venerable." (Precept 7.) And the master
is equally to be regarded. " Curse not thy
master before god." (Precept 9.) " Do not
speak against thy master." (Precept 10.)
And, earlier than that, age was to be re-
spected more than position. " Do not thou
sit when another is standing who is older
than thee, even if thou art greater than he
in his office." (Any, 27.)
Maxims for servants are also given by
Any. " He who hates laziness comes with-
out being called." (46.) "When none call
him the runner comes." (47.) " Reply not
to a superior who is annoyed, wait on one
side ; speak softly when he speaks in anger,
this remedy appeases his heart." (58.)
The relations of subordinates to nobles
occupy much notice. The semi-domestic
staff of business agents attached to the
household of the wealthy chief of a district,
is well known even under the civilized
government of the present day ; but when
the bonds of order in Egypt were far
slacker than now, when each petty chief,
or big shekh, was responsible for the
I
THE OUTER DUTIES 149
peace of his district and for its taxes to the
king, with unlimited powers for keeping
order in his hands, these staffs of servants
really included the police, taxgatherers, ac-
countants, and district surveyors of the petty
jurisdiction of their lord. Hence they were
a numerous and important class, in fact the
bureaucracy of the country. Ptah-hotep
enjoins, "If thou art a man of those who
sit at the place of a greater man than thyself
take what he giveth .... thou shalt look
at what is before thee : pierce him not with
many glances, it is abomination to the ka for
them to be directed at him. Speak not unto
him until he calleth, one knoweth not the
evil (or sorrow) at heart ; thou shalt speak
when he questioneth thee, and so what
thou sayest will be good to the heart." (7.)
" The noble who hath plenty of bread doeth
as his ka commandeth, he will give to whom
he praiseth, it is the manner of evening (the
common supper of the whole household),
befalleth that it is the ka that openeth his
hands. The noble giveth, it is not the sub-
ject who winneth. The eating of bread is
under the disposal of god, it is the ignorant
that rebelleth against it." (7.) This pic-
ture of conduct in the noble's household
150 THE OUTER DUTIES
is exactly what may be seen every evening
at the round supper of a wealthy man.
Antef says, " I am a regulator for the king's
house, knowing what is said in every diwan"
(12.) "I am a pleasure unto the house of
J
his master, bringing to remembrance his
successful exploits." (14.)
59. In business we read, " Bend thy back
to thy chief, the superior of the king's house
on whose property thy house dependeth, and
thy payments in their proper place. It is
to be at variance with the chief, one liveth
only while he is gracious. . . ." (Ptah-
hotep, 31.) "Teach a noble what is profit-
able to him ; make him acceptable amongst
people, let his satisfaction reach his master
on whose ka depend thy provisions. When
the stomach of a favourite is satisfied, thy
back will be clothed thereby." (Ptah-hotep,
27.) Here back-stairs influence and the
evils of toadying are plainly commended.
Antef boasts, " I am one exact in the house
of his master, knowing the return in trade."
(7.) "I am one that recognizes his
instructor, that recognizes a counsellor ; a
councillor that causes his counsel to be
taken." (19.)
To negotiators and envoys some very
THE OUTER DUTIES 151
judicious orders are given. " If thou art
a man that entereth, sent by a noble to a
noble, be exact in the manner of him who
sendeth thee, do the business for him as he
saith. Beware of making ill feeling by
words that would set noble against noble, in
destroying justice (or good order) ; do not
exaggerate. The washing of the heart shall
not be repeated in the speech of any man,
noble or commoner ; that is an abomination
to the ka" (8.) This ''washing of the heart "
is evidently the free unguarded expression of
feeling about a person, known to us as "let-
ting fly," "expressing the feelings," "using
language," &c, a process well known to wash
the heart by clearing away ill feeling, after
which the speaker " feels better." To repeat
any of this was a high breach of good faith ;
only the exact message which was sent should
be repeated. " I am firm of foot, excellent of
plan, forcing the way for him that establisheth
him," is the business-like boast of Antef's
capacity as envoy. (18.) Those who sought
justice were reminded that they must not
be touchy if they could not be attended to
at once. " When thou art in the council-
hall, standing and sitting until thy going (or
the movement of thy business) that hath
152 THE OUTER DUTIES
been commanded for thee on the earliest day,
go not away if thou art kept back, while the
face (of the chief) is attentive to him who
entereth and reporteth, and the place of him
who is called is broad. The council-hall is
according to rule, and all its method accord-
ing to measure. It is god who promoteth
position, it is not done for those who are
ready of elbows." (Ptah-hotep, 13).
And even in death presumption was not
to be tolerated : " Do not build up thy tomb
above those whocommand thee." (Precepts, 5.)
RELATIONS TO INFERIORS
60. On the duties and relations to inferiors
the repudiations of sins have much to say.
The claim that " I have not oppressed those
beneath me" (A. 2) is echoed down to the
Ptolemaic times, " May it not happen to
thee to maltreat an inferior" (Precept
and " Do not amuse thyself by playing
upon those who are dependent upon thee."
(Precept 17.)
The repudiation continues, " I have not
caused a slave to be ill-treated by his over-
seer " (A. 13) ; "I have not caused weeping "
(A. 16) ; " I am one silent to the violent
THE OUTER DUTIES 153
and ignorant, from a desire to abolish
greediness of oppression." (Antef, 1.
With the fine sense of reserve that we
have noticed before, even a favour to a
subordinate was not to be recalled to notice
he were ungrateful enough to forget it.
"If thou art gracious concerning a matter
that hath happened, and leanest to favour
a man in his right, avoid the subject, and
do not recall it after the first day that he
hath been silent to thee (about it)." (Ptah-
hotep, 29.)
Of the management of inferiors we read,
" The leader of a party going to the field
seems another being." (Any, 53.) " Let
there be a life of discipline in thy house ;
reprimand is healthy for thy finding out for
thyself." (Any, 20.) But the care and
attention was not to be confined to the
house. " My god having granted that thou
hast children, the heart of thy father knows
them (they are cared for) ; but whoever
is hungry is satisfied in his own house, and
am the wall which protects him. Do
nothing without thy heart (cordiality), for it
is my god who gives existence." (Any, 26.)
And long before in the repudiations of sins
the soul declared, " I have not caused
154 THE OUTER DUTIES
hunger" (A. 15), "I have not brought
any to hunger" (A. 14), "I have not
taken food away" (B. 10), "I have not
taken milk from the mouth of babes " (A.
27), referring to his not having harried the
women of the estate with farm work. And
overworking the serfs was specially for-
bidden : " I have not made a man do more
than his day's work " is in the earlier re-
pudiation. (A. 6.)
The avoidance of pride after prosperity
is enjoined : " Eat not bread while another
stands, without reaching out thy hand for
him. It is known eternally that the man
who is not, will become one rich, another
poor, but food will (always) remain for him
who acts charitably. A man may be rich
for years and yet become a servant next
year." (Any, 41.) "If thou growest great
after small things, and makest wealth after
poverty, so that thou art an example thereof
in thy city, thou art known in thy nome, and
thou art become prominent ; then do not
wrap up thy heart in thy riches that have
come to thee by the gift of god (for there
shall follow) another like unto thee to whom
the like hath befallen." (Ptah-hotep, 30.)
61. Grasping ways were specially in-
THE OUTER DUTIES 155
veighed against : "I am one open of face
to his mendicant, doing good to his equal."
(5.) " I am open of face, of bountiful hand,
master of hospitality, free of hiding the
face " (8), " I am the friend of the miser-
able, sweet and pleasant to him who hath
nothing" (9), "I am food for the hungry
who hath nothing, and of bountiful hand to
the miserable" (10) are the boasts of Antef.
" Let not thy heart be extortionate about
shares, in grasping at what is not thy portion.
Let not thy heart be extortionate towards
thy neighbours. Greater is prayer to a
kindly person than force. Poor is he that
carrieth off his neighbours without the per-
suasion of words. A little for which there
ath been extortion causeth remorse when
the stomach is cool." (Ptah-hotep, 20.)
The fair treatment and encouragement
of those who seek justice is commanded.
"If thou art an adviser be pleased to hear
the speech of a petitioner, let him not hesi-
tate to empty himself of what he hath
purposed to tell thee ; love beareth away
falsification (or concealment), let his heart
be washed until that is accomplished for
which he hath come. If a hesitating man
make complaints one (a bystander) saith,
m
156 THE OUTER DUTIES
' Why when a man hath trespassed are there
no complaints made to him (the judge)
about what hath happened?' It is good
breeding to hear graciously." (Ptah-hotep,
17.) Antef says, "I am a judge hearing
truth, advising (?) what is in the happy
mean" (13), " I am pleasant in the diwans,
attentive, without piggishness." (15.)
The steward or farm bailiff was always a
very important person, as he could make or
mar any man, and might readily play false.
" Take a steward of just repute, for thy
reputation is in his balance . . . spare thy
hand from him who is in thy dwellings, the
other things being in his care." (Any, 17.
This free dealing with a trusty steward is
commanded. " Degrade not the steward,
who acts as deputy in thy house. Let him
not run after thy ear. Give him audience
when he is in thy house, and turn not back
his requests. Speak to him honourably,
being honourable on earth without reproach
for what he does." (Any, 63.) But due
caution was needed before trusting a man
thus. " Do not open thy hand to an un-
known man, it will be a loss to thee. When
goods are put in their store-rooms he be-
comes to thee as a deputy, and will store
THE OUTER DUTIES 157
thy things for himself, and thy people will
find him in the way to thee." (Any, 18.)
The last touch is particularly true in Egypt,
where any man who is in a place of trust
is soon in the position of a go-between,
preventing his master from seeing too much
of those below him.
Of assistance to others Antef boasts thus :
" I am knowledge to him that knoweth not,
teaching a man what is advantageous to
him." (it.)
Coming down to animals we find a curious
code of fair play enjoined in the first re-
pudiation of sins. Animals might be caught
in open ways, but not by deceit. " I have
not caught animals by a bait of herbage ;
have not trapped birds by a bait of " gods'
bones " ; I have not caught fish by a bait
of fishes' bodies." (A. 28, 29, 30.)
DUTIES TO THE GODS
62. The duties enjoined toward the gods
are of interest as showing somewhat of the
lay Egyptian's attitude toward religion, and
giving somewhat of a different side to that
of the temple scenes. It is to be noticed
that there is not a single maxim on this
158 THE OUTER DUTIES
subject in those of Kagemni and Ptah-
hotep. Regarding the king — the great
high priest — the soul declared, "I have
not cursed the king." (B. 35.)
In the duties about the tomb, the earlier
repudiation has, " I have not taken the pro-
visions of the blessed dead." (A. 21.) And
in late times when ostentation abounded the
precepts enjoined, " Build not thy tomb in
thine own estate ; build not thy tomb at
the approaches to the temples." (19, 20.)
The offerings to the gods were specially
guarded in the earlier repudiation, " I have
not cut short the rations of the temples "
(A. 19), " I have not diminished the offer-
ings of the gods" (A. 20), " I have not
defrauded the cycle of the gods of their
choice meats." (A. 34.) The sacred property
was also guarded, " I have not stolen the
property of the gods " (B. 8), " I have not
driven off the cattle of the sacred lands "
(A. 35), " I have not slain a sacred animal."
(B. 13.)
A strange injunction is, " I have not
stopped a god in his comings forth."
(A. 36.) This almost looks as if it re-
ferred to checking idiots or insane persons,
who are generally supposed to be possessed.
THE OUTER DUTIES 159
>>
Offence to the gods was also guarded
against ; " I have not done that which is
an abomination to the gods " (A. 1 2), " I
have not offended the gods of any city
(B. 42), " I have not cursed god." (B. 38.)
63. Some form of augury seems to be
referred to by Any in the remark, "If one
comes to seek thy views, it is a reason to
consult the sacred books." (Any 3.) The
duty of making offerings is often repeated.
In the earlier repudiation it occurs,
approach the bark of offerings, I approach
the place of him who offers the prescribed
offerings." (A. 7.) Any says, " Make the
<<
feast of thy god, renew it in its season, it
irritates god to neglect it ; set up witnesses
after thou hast made thy offering the first
time of so doing." (Any, 2.) Again, "When
thou makest an offering to thy god, guard
against his abominations .... Do not
o
increase his orders ; guard thyself from ex-
panding his liturgies ; thine eye should
regard his plans. Apply thyself to make
adoration in his name, for it is he who gives
to spirits millions of forms, magnifying
those who magnify him. The god of this
earth being Shu, lord of the horizon, and his
emblems being on earth, as one gives him
i6o THE OUTER DUTIES
incense with bread every day, he will make
to flourish by his appearing that which is
planted. Increase therefore the bread for
the god." (Any, 39.) "Give thyself to the
god ; guard thyself each day for the god,
and do to-morrow as to-day. Sacrifice,
for god looks on the offerer, but he neglects
those who neglect him." (Any, 48.) " He
who exalts his spirit by praise, by adoration,
by incense in his works, so that devotion is
in his affairs — he who does thus god shall
magnify his name." (Any, 5.) A somewhat
higher line is touched by Any in one case,
" That which is detestable in the sanctuary of
god are noisy feasts ; if thou implore him
with a loving heart of which all the words
are mysterious, he will do thy matters, he
hears thy words, he accepts thine offerings."
(Any, 11.)
64. We have already noticed in dealing
with the inner character, how strength, quiet-
ness, and the avoiding of extremes was set
forth as the aim in cultivating the mind ; and
how, in external business, self-help, prudence,
conciliation, and honesty are enjoined. We
may now sum up the principles of dealing
with others. The family duties we have
seen are very little dwelt on ; and there
THE OUTER DUTIES 161
seems no sense of the wider range of duties
to relatives that carries so much with it to
our notions. In dealing with equals, beside
the obvious crimes of murder and theft,
cheating and falsehood are strongly repudi-
ated ; faults should be overlooked ; oppres-
sion and stinginess should be avoided ; and
no mere mischief or needless suffering should
be allowed, because it was unpleasant to see
as well as to feel. Friendship was looked on
as useful, but without any enthusiasm or
devotion. Haughtiness was to be eschewed,
and geniality cultivated in social intercourse.
To superiors, ready submission was com-
mended ; and the influences of back-stairs
and toadying were not to be omitted. But
mischief should not be made by repeating
strong expressions. To inferiors, fairness
and kindness was enjoined ; past favour
should not be harped upon. Pride, grasping,
and brow-beating are all condemned. Trusty
servants should be respected, and not humili-
ated, and animals should be hunted fairly and
without deception. But with the gods every-
thing was a matter of quid pro quo, and
making terms in the style of Jacob.
Now the whole of this is rather the
spirit of the eighteenth than of the nine-
L
1 62 THE OUTER DUTIES
teenth century. Their virtues are quiet
and discreet ; their vices are calculating.
They belong far more to the tone of
Chesterfield or Gibbon than to that of
Kingsley or Carlyle ; they accord with
Pope or Thomson rather than with
Swinburne or Tennyson. There is hardly
a single splendid feeling ; there is not one
burst of magnanimous sacrifice ; there is not
one heartfelt self-depreciation, in any point
of all this worldly-wisdom. They are as
canny as a Scot, without his sentiment ; as
prudent as a Frenchman, without his ideals ;
as self-conceited as an Englishman, without
his family.
On the other hand we must recognize that
the Egyptians show a wealth of good quali-
ties— good, but not lovable — of sterling
value for the constitution of society, which
gave them the high place which they filled
in the early history of man.
But all this is the standard and not the
practice. The standard is not so very high
that we should assume that the practice was
much lower ; it was a practicable standard,
and was probably effective in laying hold of
a large part of the people. Cold and hard
as much of it seems, we yet know from their
THE OUTER DUTIES 163
stories and their songs that they had much
fuller feelings than would be expected from
the maxims of the prudent. And we must
no more judge them entirely by the cautious
injunctions of their ancients, than we should
wish our own selves to be pictured in the
future as being all Benthams and Mills,
Pecksniffs or Pitt-Crawleys.
NOTES
A. Inherited Intuitions.
B. The Ideal of Truth, Lucian.
C. Statistics of Conscience Money
D. Nature of the ka.
NOTE A.
INHERITED INTUITIONS
As an analogy to the view of inherited intuitions of moral
sense and conscience selecting lines of action, there is a
similar inheritance in the sense of pain and pleasure. The
extraordinary theories of special nerves of pain, and the
difficulties of defining it from pleasure, are all needless
when we recognize the inherited character of such defini-
tions. Simple sensation is the common basis of both ; and
such sensations as ancestral and personal experience have
associated on the average with injury are recognized as pain,
those associated with well-being are recognized as pleasure.
The ideas of pain or pleasure are entirely an association
of causes and effects, and nothing abstractly different in
nature. The pains which cannot be inherited, as those of
decay and death, are not in the least a dread to animals,
nor to races of men, who are not reflective — pointing clearly
to the inherited and acquired idea of pain. During recovery
there may be far sharper and more lasting sensations than
during injury, and yet they are always pleasurable, showing
that not the intensity but the connection of the sensation
gives its character. This again is seen by the intense misery
of internal injury, without any keen sensations ; association
here is the cause of pain. Even a short experience of the
individual will decide between pain or pleasure of a sensa-
tion ; a medicine, such as quinine, which may be very
nauseous at first, will become a pleasure like a sweetmeat
when it has been associated with relief. And new flavours
unlike any yet known, as new fruits or chemical compounds,
167
1 68 INHERITED INTUITIONS
cannot be distinguished as nice or nasty at first. It is only
when their effects have been felt that a sense of pain or
pleasure becomes associated with them ; thus showing that
association alone produces the character of a sensation.
If, thus, pains and pleasures are purely associative ideas,
inherited, and developed in the individual, the mental ideas
of right and wrong are all the more likely to be an in-
heritance of trains of thought and ideas which have proved
to be successful or injurious.
n
NOTE B.
THE IDEAL OF TRUTH
As a good study of the sense of veracity in the later Greek
world, we may note a piece of one of Lucian's Dialogues
("The Liar," No. 52).
"Tychiades. Can you tell me, Philocles, what is the
attraction which makes most men love to tell lies ? They
even go to the point of saying things which have not
common sense, and listen to those who do likewise.
"Philocles. There are plenty of reasons, Tychiades,
enough to make such men lie as only think of their self-
interest.
"Tychiades. But the question is not there, as one
says, for I am not speaking of those who lie to be useful to
themselves. Some such are praiseworthy when they have
moment
means
Ulysses often acted to guide his life and those of his
companions. But I am speaking, my dear, of those folks
much
make
reason.
"Philocles. And have you known folks of this kind,
who have an innate love of lying?
"Tychiades. Certainly, plenty of them."
L 2 169
NOTE C.
CONSCIENCE MONEY
Some further details about Conscience Money that do not
concern the immediate argument of the lecture may be
given here, as this subject is one that has not yet been
studied. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Robert
Chalmers, of H.M. Treasury, for informing me what
materials were available on this matter, and for obtaining
the permission of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to
enable me to have the details of amounts copied for my
use by a clerk. These copies only concern the dates and
amounts received, as the information about source or
persons involved is, of course, essentially private to the
Department. The entries of the last thirty years comprise
4791 items received, ranging from id. to ^4070. All of
these have been tabulated and worked up in the present
enquiry.
The first question is how the material should be dealt
with so as to obtain the most intelligible result. The long
lists of varying sums have to be classified and arranged.
The first question is that of the scale. In the appendix
to the Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh I pointed out how
a scale of equal increments was not the true basis of the
equilateral probability curve. The difference between this
and a scale of equal multiples is not seen except where
the variation is a large part of the total amount. Hence
in most physical questions it is never thought of. But
when dealing with variations of many times the total
quantity — as here a variation of one to a million in the
170
CONSCIENCE MONEY 171
amount — then the scale is an essential question. When
we look at any physical variable of which the reciprocal
is likely to be treated, as for instance the distance or
angular parallax of stars, the density or volume of a given
mass, the fractions of an atmosphere of pressure, or the
pressure in height of mercury — in each case it would be
clearly wrong to get different curves from the results
because we read them on a different method. Such
difference of curves would simply prove an irrationality of
the scales. But no such difference of results can exist if
we use a scale of equal multiples, or a logarithmic scale.
Such was the reasoning then used.
Now Conscience Money is an excellent subject by which
to test the validity of this reasoning. It varies so enorm-
ously that any scale not true in theory could never yield a
consistent probability curve from such material. But we see
on plotting out the amounts on the scale of equal multiples
that we reach a consistent equilateral curve with no more
divergence than can easily be explained. Any scale that
was not true in theory could never deal so equably with
material varying so vastly in amount as from id. to ,£4,000.
This result is, then, one of the effective proofs of the a priori
reasoning given above, that the true scale is one of equal
multiples, and that probable error is really x or -5- x and
not + or - x.
Next comes the question of what divisions are most
rational for dealing with the material. The £5 note is one of
the main features, and it would be obviously wrong to divide
the scale so that such a main factor would come just at either
limit of a division. It should be central. And as £2 10s.
/io are the next most
£2 ios.,£s,£
each be the centre of a group. Hence the dividing points
fall at sj2 x these amounts, or £$ 10s. M., £7 is. $d. ; and
lim
^36
settlement
its rational divisions for dealing with this particular material.
172 CONSCIENCE MONEY
/
Beside the main total curve of the number of payments
made, the amounts of which lie between the successive
divisions of such a scale, there are also curves given of
lesser portions of the whole material.
The "curve of 1887-97" is of value to show the real
meaning of the sudden start up in the middle of the total
curve. This I referred to the facility of sending a £$ note
anonymously and through the post. This facility induced
men to postpone sending what conscience demanded when
over £ 1 until it amounted to £5 ; thus making the curve of
payments first fall below the probability curve and then start
above it at £5. Similarly the £$ facility forestalled the
action of conscience and made men send in payments which
would otherwise have been left to accumulate ; thus it
actually diminished the frequency of larger amounts. Now
this erratic variation has disappeared in the returns of the
last ten years, and there is hardly any of it to be seen in the
" curve of 1887-97." The reason of this change seems to be
very probably the introduction of postal orders, by which
anonymous payments of sums under ^5 can be as easily
made as by the old £1 note.
Then another enquiry is as to the different types of con-
science. The commonest type is but vague, and sends lump
sums without much caring if they exactly make up for
deficiencies. The Conscience Money becomes a sort of
free-will offering to atone for past deficiencies and keep an
easy mind on the subject. A small number of people are
more exact, however, and it is these higher classes of con-
science that are shown by the curves of "amounts exact to
\? that is to say any even number of pounds or of shillings,
such as 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, etc. ; "amounts exact
to -1(J,V or precise to the nearest shilling on £2 10s. or more ;
and "amounts exact to jfo" or the nearest penny on £2 or
shilling on ^25. It will be seen that the centres of these
curves are successively lower and lower along the scale,
showing that the more precise types of conscience belong to
those persons who deal with smaller amounts.
Another interesting question is the seasonal distribution.
O V
« -i
O V
0
<# • -*
a>
V
o
■d
>
04
o
E
c
3
O
4/
>
o
CO
I
CO
>
LJ
O
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LJ
Z
o
CONSCIENCE MONEY 175
The effect of Christmas or quarterly settlements is not
traceable at all. But a well-marked variation exists,
amounting to double (both in the curve of frequency, and
in the curve of the total amount) at one time of the year,
to what it is at another. The maximum is in March, the
minimum is in September. The meaning of this appears
to be that spare cash is most abundant in March and least
in September. And the cause probably is that as savings
accumulate during the more economical season of the
winter months, conscience can have freer sway. When
warm weather and excursions begin to be in view money
is kept back for them, and the end of the summer holidays
is the time when conscience has least chance, and has to
put up with promises of the future.
From all this we can see a little of the practical working
and nature of conscience in a certain class. It easily puts
up with postponement ; but has a permanent hold, and
exacts its claims when the most convenient opportunity
occurs ; whether that opportunity be the easy sending
of a ^5 note, or the paying up when money has fewest
claims upon it. It is more precise and exacting among
those persons who deal with rather smaller amounts than
with others. And it is as legitimately and honestly followed
in great things, great temptations and opportunities, as it is
in small matters. Such results, though rather vague, are of
unique interest in this part of ethics and psychology, as
somewhat confirming and somewhat enlarging our a priori
notions of what would be likely, and giving a definite and
real basis of observation.
To gain some comparative light upon the matter I en-
quired of two friends abroad what were the views in their
countries. A French Professor replies : " What you call i Con-
science Money , exists amongst us, but I do not remember
having seen any published details of such restitutions ; the
State accepts them, and places them in the receipts, so far
as I know. I do not know if this is a good criterion of
comparative conscience : our financial system, for instance,
is so close that fraud is difficult, and therefore occasions for
176 CONSCIENCE MONEY
restitution are rare. It seems to me that the number of
restitutions might be used to show the probable number
of frauds ; and so perhaps an ingenious statistician might
deduce from this that the country of most restitutions is
that of the most fraud, and where the honesty of private
persons is lowest, at least in their dealings with the State."
A German Professor replies : " I think that € Conscience
Money' is not paid in Germany, except in very rare cases.
It is always reckoned among us as a characteristically
English institution. On the whole there are certainly but
very few frauds practised upon the State here, excepting
small cases of frontier smuggling at the Customs. Such
minor frauds appear to our middle classes as very venial
sins, and do not trouble their conscience. And a man who
practises large frauds is either a rogue, or acts from
necessity ; in neither case will he make restitution.
" To this it must be added that among you the preachers
play a great part, and influence the mass of the people ;
this has not been the case with us now for a long time.
Our Protestant Church is a Government Institution which
has lost touch with the great mass of the people. When
with you a preacher attacks unrighteous gains, the whole
of the community which goes customarily to church every
Sunday hears it. With us his sermon is heard by some
old women and a couple of young girls confirmed the year
before— certainly not people who have embezzled money."
As to these remarks we must note that there are far
greater openings for getting an advantage over the State
in England than there are on the Continent. The large
amount raised as Income Tax — much of it on the unchecked
voluntary declaration of the payer — is the main source
of under-taxation ; and the unfairness of the department has
produced a state of public feeling which leads persons to
avoid payments, who would not withhold them from other
departments. Probate valuations are another source of
under-payments — often honestly misstated at first, and
corrected afterwards. And the general lack of official in-
spection of private life in England, and the liberty of the
CONSCIENCE MONEY 177
individual prevents the espionage which would readily inter-
some
On the other hand, if opportunities of fraud are greater
the inducements to restitution are also greater. The religious
moral influence, noted by my German friend, undoubtedly
me
:ially as such an influence may
ely transitory. But still more,
perhaps, the sense of fair play leads to honesty ; this fair-
ness is, perhaps, mainly due to the youthful training in
competitive games, in which unfairness or oppression is
reprobated ; and it is seen perhaps most plainly in after
life in the conduct of the English policeman, who is the
servant of the public, and not the State regulator like the
Continental official. Another reason for restitutions is
strongly pointed to by the character of the payments. The
postponing of sums under £5 until they amount to a £$
note shows that much of the payments are due from chronic
under-taxation which accumulates. This points to this resti-
tution not being made for intentional fraud, but by perfectly
honest people ; such may know that they are undertaxed
but they prefer to pay up voluntarily rather than give in-
formation to the official taxgatherer ; for that would lead
him to worry and bully them in later years about the same
sources, and require them to prove a diminutive of the
income. It is far less inconvenient to pay up excess on
an under-estimate than to have to pull down too high an
estimate afterwards. More fair play on the part of the
taxers would lead to more openness and honesty of the
taxed.
NOTE D.
THE NATURE OF THE KA
Among the various attempts to understand what the
Egyptians described as the Ka, little notice seems to have
been taken of the examples afforded us in the Precepts of
Ptah-hotep. They are the more valuable as being all of
one age, and by one writer, so that they must represent and
delimit a single conception, and their date is so early — in
the Vth Dynasty — that they probably show the original idea.
In precept 7 the guest is enjoined not to pierce his host at
table with many glances ; "it is an abomination to the ka
for them to be directed at him." Here the ka is the con-
sciousness or self-consciousness of the man, annoyed by
staring.
Then in precept 10, " Diminish not the time of following
the heart (enjoying pleasures), for that is an abomination to
the ka that its moment should be disregarded." The ka%
therefore, is the seat of the intention and desire of enjoy-
ment.
In precept 8, "The washing of the heart shall not be
repeated (words said in passionate relief of the feelings),
it is an abomination to the ka" Here the ka suffers the
annoyance of another person's ill-temper.
In precept 12 a son who is mentally like his father is said
to be " thy own son to whom it belongeth that thy ka begat."
Here the ka comprises the mental qualities which were
inherited, beyond the merely bodily form.
And the ka is the seat of generosity and kindness, for in
precept 7 " it is the ka that openeth the hands " of the host ;
178
THE NATURE OF THE KA 179
and in
depend
master
delimit
mental
as apart from the influence of the senses and the communi-
cation with the body. The Egyptian argued, "If I burn
m
m
body. But there is something else inside which can have
the analogous sensations to burning or to washing without
anything being done to the body. This must be then an
from
must be like the bodv." Hence a
mi
in immaterial kind was postulated as the
id or inner consciousness. This will per-
fectly agree to the theory of the ka wandering about the
cemetery after death and needing sustenance. And this
accords with the powers and nature of the ka as shown in
the tale of Setna, here discussed in the second lecture,
where we concluded that " It has then all the full properties
of mind, but not the abilities to act with force upon matter."
There is little, if any, difference between this and what we
define as the soul, except that it has a bodily — though
immaterial — form .
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WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON
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Part II.
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•
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I
I
Selection of Series
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Ancient Cities
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