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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


BLACKWEL 
Oxford.  Enel 


THE    RELIGION    OF    PLUTARCH 


THE    RELIGION    OF 
PLUTARCH 

A  PAGAN  CREED    OF  APOSTOLIC   TIMES 
AN    ESSAY 


BY 

JOHN   OAKESMITH,  D.LiTT.,  M.A. 


Ato  KCU  <£tAo//,u$os  6  <£<Aocro</>os  Trios  com'. 

ARIST.,  Mela.,  i.  2. 


LONGMANS,    GREEN,     AND     CO. 

39    PATERNOSTER    ROW,   LONDON 
NEW  YORK   AND   BOMBAY 

1902 
All  rights  reserved 


•p/t 

¥383. 


INTRODUCTORY    NOTE 

following  pages  are  practically  a  reprint  of  a 
volume  which  was  issued  for  private  circulation 
some  twelve  months  ago,  under  the  title  "  The  Religion 
of  Plutarch  as  expounded  in  his  '  Ethics.' "  The  main 
difference  between  the  present  volume  and  its  prede- 
cessor consists  in  the  translation  or  removal  of  various 
quotations  from  Greek  and  Latin  sources  which  were 
given  in  full  in  the  first  edition  of  the  book.  The 
references  to  these  sources  have,  of  course,  been  re- 
tained. Verbal  corrections  have  been  made  here  and 
there,  and  a  few  pages  of  new  matter  have  been  intro- 
duced into  the  "Preface."  In  other  respects  the  two 
impressions  are  substantially  the  same. 

I  cannot  allow  this  opportunity  to  pass  without 
'  expressing  my  gratitude  to  J.  E.  Sandys,  Esq.,  Litt.D., 
Public  Orator  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  and 
Examiner  in  Greek  at  the  University  of  London,  who 
kindly  placed  at  my  disposal  his  own  copy  of  the 
original  essay,  in  which  he  had  made  numerous 
suggestions  on  points  of  style,  and  on  questions  of 

vx 

«3 

817407 


vi  INTRODUCTORY  NOTE. 

scholarship  in  general.  These  suggestions  have,  for 
the  most  part,  been  adopted  in  the  preparation  of  the 
present  edition.  My  thanks  axe  also  owing  to  my 
colleagues  in  the  Civil  Service,  especially  to  those  in 
the  General  Post  Office,  London,  to  whose  .encourage- 
ment it  is  largely  due  that  this  essay,  in  its  present 
form,  is  able  to  see  the  light. 

As  the  Athenaeum,  in  reviewing  the  original  edition 
(Athenaeum,  2nd  of  August,  1902),  suggested  that  "  the 
present  essay  is  probably  the  forerunner  of  a  larger  and 
more  elaborate  book,"  it  may  be  desirable  to  explain 
that  the  following  pages  do  not  constitute  "  the  larger 
and  more  elaborate  book"  which  the  Atlienseum  is 
right  in  forecasting. 

JOHN   OAKESMITH. 


PREFACE 

YX7HEN  the  student  of  Plutarch  leaves  the  familiar 
ground  of  the  "  Parallel  Lives,"  and  turns,  for 
the  first  time,  to  the  less  thoroughly  explored  region 
of  the  "  Ethics,"  he  is  struck  with  wonder  at  the 
rnany-sided  excellence  of  the  writer  whose  special  gift 
he  has  been  accustomed  to  regard  as  consisting  in  the 
composition  of  biographies  more  remarkable  for  the 
presentation  of  moral  truths  than  for  the  accurate 
narration  of  historical  lacts.  He  learns  with  surprise 
that  Plutarch  has  bequeathed  to  posterity  a  mine  of 
information  respecting  the  period  in  which  he  him- 
self lived,  as  valuable  and  as  interesting  as  the  view 
presented  in  his  "lives"  of  that  higher  antiquity  in 
which  his  classic  heroes  moved  and  worked.  Even 
the  actual  bulk  of  Plutarch's  contribution  to  what 
may  be  called  "  general  literature "  is  noteworthy. 
Apart  from  the  "  Lives."  the  so-oalled  "  Catalogue  of 
Lamprias  "  contains  the  titles  of  nearly  two  hundred 
works  attributed,  ostensibly  by  his  son,  to  Plutarch,1 
and  some  fourscore  of  these  have  been  handed  down 

1  See  the  Heading  of  the  Laruprian  Catalogue:    BERNARDAKIS, 
vol.  vii.  p.  473. 


viii  PREFACE. 

to  our  time  under  the  general,  but  somewhat  mis- 
leading, title  of  "  Ethica  "  or  "  Moralia." 

Among  these  surviving  essays  are  to  be  found 
contributions,  of  a  surprising  vitality  and  freshness,  to 
the  discussion  of  Education,  Politics,  Art,  Literature, 
Music,  Hygiene ;  serious  and  studied  criticisms  and 
appreciations  of  the  great  philosophic  schools  of  Greece 
and  their  founders ;  short  sermons  on  minor  morals, 
illustrated  by  vivid  sketches  of  character  both  typical 
and  individual;  conversations  on  Love  and  Marriage, 
and  on  other  topics  perpetually  interesting  to  civilized 
societies.  The  longest  work  of  all,  the  "  Symposiacs," 
or  "  Table  Talk,"  besides  containing  a  wealth  of 
material  used  by  Plutarch  and  his  friends  in  the 
discussion  of  current  problems  of  scientific,  literary, 
and  social  interest,  gives  a  picture  of  GrgecQ^Koman 
Society  in  the  first  Christian  century,  which,  both 
froin  its  general  character  and  from  the  multitude  of 
details  it  contains  on  matters  of  fact,  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  for  the  accurate  study  of  the  period  and 
its  complicated  problems.  All  these  various  works 
are  interpenetrated  with  the  character  of  the  writer 
to  such  a  vivid  degree  of  personality  that  their  study, 
from  this  point  of  view  alone,  would  probably  cast 
more  light  upon  Plutarch's  methods  as  a  writer  of 
history  than  innumerable  minute  and  difficult  inquiries 
into  his  "  sources,"  and  the  manner  in  which  he  used 
them  in  writing  his  "  Lives." 

Fascinating,  however,  as  is  the  study  of  the  "  Ethics  " 
in  these  various  aspects,  it  soon  becomes  evident  that 
the  point  of  paramount  importance  for  a  proper 


PREFACE.  ix 

appreciation  of  Plutarch's  attitude  towards  life  and 
its  problems  in  general,  is  to  be  found  in  the  position 
which  he  assumed  in  face  of  the  religious  questions 
which  perplexed  the  thinking  men  of  his  time  and 
country.  What  was  Plutarch's  view  of  that  ancient 
and  hereditary  faith  which  was  not  only  the  official 
creed  of  the  Empire,  but  which  was  still  accepted  as 
a  sufficient  spiritual  satisfaction  by  many  millions  of 
the  Empire's  subjects  ?  Was  it  possible  that  a  man 
so  steeped  in  the  best  literature,  so  keen  a  student  of 
the  greatest  philosophies,  could  be  a  believer,  to  any 
serious  extent,  in  those  traditions  which  appear  so 
crude  and  impossible  in  the  light  of  our  higher  modern 
ideals  ?  And  if  he  could  think  them  worthy  of  credit, 
by  what  method  of  interpretation  was  this  consumma- 
tion facilitated  ?  How  could  he  persuade  himself  and 
others  to  find  in  them  at  once  the  sanction  and  the 
inspiration  of  virtuous  conduct  ?  These  are  some  of 
the  questions  which  are  constantly  before  the  mind 
of  the  reader  as  he  turns  the  pages  of  the  "  Ethics," 
and  they  are  constantly  before  the  mind  of  the  reader 
because  the  author  is  constantly  supplying  materials 
for  answering  them.  The  most  important  of  Plutarch's 
general  writings  are  devoted  to  the  full  discussion, 
from  a  variety  of  standpoints,  of  religious  questions, 
not  only  those  handed  down  by  tie  popular  tradition, 
or  embodied  in  ceremonial  observances  and  legalized 
worships,  but  also  those  more  purely  theological 
conceptions  presented  in  the  various  systems  of  Greek 
Philosophy.  Around  Plutarch's  Eeligion  revolves  his 
Conception  of  life  ;  his  numerous  contributions  to  the 


x  PREFACE. 

discussion  of  other  subjects  of  human  interest  unfold 
their  full  significance  only  when  regarded  in  the  light 
supplied  by  a  knowledge  of  his  religious  beliefs. 

Such,  at  any  rate,  is  the  experience  of  the  present 
writer  after  a  close  study  of  the  "  Ethics "  during 
several  years ;  and  it  is  with  the  hope  of  contributing 
in  some  degree  to  the  clearer  appreciation  of  Plutarch's 
manifold  activities  in  other  directions,  that  an  investiga- 
tion into  his  religious  views  has  been  made  the  special 
object  of  the  following  pages. 

The  text  which  has  been  used  for  the  purposes  of 
this  essay  is  that  issued  at  intervals  between  the  years 
1888  and  1896  by  Mr.  G.  N.  Bernardakis,  the  director 
of  the  Gymnasium  at  Mytilene.1  The  editor  has 
postponed,  for  discussion  in  a  subsequent  work,  many 
questions  bearing  upon  the  authority  of  his  MSS.,  and 
the  principles  which  he  has  applied  to  them  in  the 
choice  of  his  readings ;  his  efforts  in  the  editio  minor 
having  been  almost  wholly  confined  to  presenting  the 
results  of  his  labours  in  the  shape  of  a  complete  and 
coherent  text.  Although,  as  Dr.  Holden  has  said, 
"  until  the  appearance  of  the  promised  editio  major  it 
is  premature  to  pronounce  an  opinion  on  the  editor's 
qualifications  as  a  textual  critic," 2  yet  Mr.  Bernardakis 
has  exhibited  so  much  combined  accuracy  and  acumen 
in  the  preliminary  discussion  of  various  questions 
connected  with  his  collation  of  MSS.,  and  has  disposed 
so  completely,  as  Dr.  Holden  admits,  of  the  charges 

1  PLUTARCHI  CH^ERONENSIS    Moralist    rccognovit    GKEGUUIUS    N. 
BKKNAKDAKIS  (Leipzig.     Tcubncr.    7  vols.  and  Appendix). 

2  Cliwicul  Itericw,  vol.  iv.  (1890),  p.  30G. 


PREFACE.  xi 

of  inaccuracy  brought  against  him  by  Professor  von 
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff  of  Berlin,1  that  the  more 
general  student  of  Classical  Literature  may,  perhaps, 
feel  some  amount  of  confidence  that  in  this  edition  he 
sees  the  actual  work  of  Plutarch  himself,  and  not  the 
ingenious  and  daring  conjectures  of  some  too  brilliant 
critic.  This  feeling  of  confidence  will  not  be  diminished 
by  the  evident  anxiety  displayed  by  Mr.  W.  E.  Paton, 
an  English  scholar  working  in  the  same  field,  "to 
induce  Mr.  Bernardakis  to  assist  and  correct "  him 
in  editing  a  text  of  the  "  De  Cupiditate  Divitiarum,"  2 
and  it  will  be  increased  by  the  discovery  that,  greatly 
different  as  the  text  of  Bernardakis  is  from  that  of 
any  other  previous  edition,  the  difference  frequently 
consists  in  the  substitution  of  plain  sense  for  undiluted 
absurdity,  or  total  want  of  meaning. 

Indebtedness  to  other  sources  of  criticism  and 
information  is,  the  writer  hopes,  fully  acknowledged 
in  the  footnotes  as  occasion  arises.  There  has  yet  been 
published  no  work  in  English  dealing  with  Plutarch's 
"Ethics"  at  all  similar  in  scope  and  character  either 
to  Volkmann's  "  Leben,  Schriften  und  Philosophic  des 
Plutarch  von  Choeronea,"  3  or  to  Greard's  "  La  Morale 
de  Plutarque."4  Archbishop  Trench,  who  speaks 

1  (Then  of  Goettingcn.)  See  the  ±>-%futio  to  BERNARDAKIS' 
Second  Volume. 

*  The  Treatise  of  PLUTARCH,  De  CupiiJitate  Dicitiarum,  edited  by 
W.  II.  PATON.  (David  Nutt.  1896.)  We  have  also  consulted  Mr. 
Paton's  Plntarchi  Pythiri  Dialogi  tres  (Berlin,  1893).  (An  emendation 
of  Mr.  Paton's  is  noted  infra,  p.  90.) 

3  Leben,  Schriften  imd  PTiilosophie  <le*  Plntarcli  von  Clixrcmea,  von 
R.  VOLKMANN  (Berlin,  18(!9). 

4  De  la  Morale  cle  Plutarqite,  par  OCTAVE  GREARD  (Paris,  I860). 


xii  PREFACE. 

slightingly  of  Greard's  interesting  study,  has  himself 
contributed  one  or  two  "  Lectures  "  to  some  general 
observations  on  this  sphere  of  Plutarch's  activity,1 
while  the  Rev.  J.  P.  Mahaffy  has  given  two  chapters 
to  the  subject  in  his  "  Greek  World  under  Roman 
Sway." 2  Chap,  xiii.,  which  is  headed  "  Plutarch 
and  His  Times — Public  Life,"  is  devoted  partly  to 
Apuleius,  and  partly  to  Plutarch  himself,  and  exhibits, 
in  continuous  form,  a  number  of  that  author's  best- 
known  and  most  frequently  quoted  statements  and 
opinions  on  the  subjects  of  Politics  and  Religion, 
some  ten  pages  being  set  apart  for  the  presentation 
and  criticism  of  his  views  on  the  latter  topic.  Chap, 
xiv.  is  entitled  "Plutarch  and  His  Times — Private 
Life,"  and  intersperses  with  comments  a  number  of 
extracts  from  the  evidence  furnished  by  Plutarch  on 
various  matters  appertaining  to  the  social  and  domestic 
life  of  his  epoch,  giving  the  gist  of  passages  selected 
from  the  "  Table  Talk,"  from  various  essays  on 
Education,  and  from  several  tracts  on  Minor  Morals 
and  other  themes  of  general  interest. 

Although  Professor  Mahaffy 's  prolonged  and  extensive 
researches  into  every  available  sphere  of  Greek  life  and 
thought  occasionally  enable  him  to  help  out  his  author's 
descriptions  by  aptly  chosen  illustrations  from  other 
sources,  yet,  in  dealing  with  a  writer  at  once  so 
voluminous  and  so  full  of  interest  as  Plutarch,  the 

1  Plutarch,  his  Life,  hit  Parallel  Lives,  and  his  Morals.  Five 
Lectures  by  RICHARD  CHENEVIX  TRENCH,  D.D.,  Ac.  (London,  1873). 

•  The  Greek  World  under  Roman  Sway,  from  Polybius  to  Plutarch, 
by  J.  P.  MAHAFFY,  D.D.,  &o.  (London,  1890). 


PREFACE.  xiii 

historian  is  hampered  by  the  necessary  limits  of  his 
appointed  task,  no  less  than  by  his  own  diffusive 
und  gossiping  style.  Mr.  Mahaffy's  Clio  has  always 
appeared  to  us  in  the  light  of  an  amiable  and  cultured 
hostess  presiding  at  Afternoon  Tea,  gliding  graciously 
hither  and  thither  among  her  guests,  and  introducing 
topics  of  conversation  which  have  only  a  superficial 
interest,  or  which  she  presents  only  in  their  superficial 
aspects ;  while,  perhaps  unconsciously,  conveying  the 
impression  that  she  reserves  for  discussion  among  a 
few  chosen  intimates  the  more  profound  and  sacred 
issues  of  human  life.  These  two  chapters  on  Plutarch 
furnish  an  excellent  example  of  Professor  Mahaffy's 
method.  They  are  entertaining  in  the  sense  that  all 
well-conducted  gossip  is  entertaining.  A  trait  of 
character  is  chosen  here ;  a  smart  saying,  or  a  foolish 
one,  is  selected  there;  a  piquant  anecdote  is  retold 
elsewhere :  but  the  searchlight  is  never  stationary, 
and  the  earnest  student  who  trusts  solely  to  its 
assistance  will  vainly  attempt  to  see  Plutarch  steadily 
and  see  him  whole. 

It  is,  of  course,  the  fact,  as  already  suggested,  that, 
in  these  chapters,  Professor  Mahaffy  is  dealing  with 
Plutarch  only  so  far  as  he  furnishes  material  illustrative 
of  the  conception  which  the  historian  has  formed  as 
to  the  character  of  the  age  in  which  Lis  subject  lived. 
This  fact  is  conspicuously  evident  in  the  brief  account 
of  Plutarch's  lieligion  given  in  the  ten  pages  from 
page  311  onwards,  where  Professor  Mahaffy  accepts 
the  belief  of  so  many  of  his  predecessors,  that  the  age 
was  an  age  of  religious  decadence,  and  not  an  age  of 

b 


xiv  PREFACE. 

religious  revival ;  and  that,  moreover,  it  was  blame- 
worthy in  Plutarch  that  "  he  never  took  pains  to 
understand  "  Christianity.1  Further,  it  must  be  added, 
that  the  historian's  natural  desire  to  illustrate  Plutarch's 
times,  rather  than  to  display  Plutarch  himself,  has 
led  him  to  commit  serious  injustice  by  his  uncritical 
acceptance  of  certain  spurious  tracts  as  the  genuine 
workmanship  of  Plutarch. 

The  conclusion  at  which  Professor  Mahaffy  arrives, 
that  Plutarch  was  "  a  narrow  and  bigoted  Hellene,"  a 
is  intelligible  enough  to  those  who  accept  the  view 
which  we  have  endeavoured  to  combat  in  Chapter  III. 
of  the  following  essay,  a  view  which  is  simply  a 
belated  survival  of  the  ancient  prejudice  which  consigns 
to  eternal  perdition  the  followers  of  other  Religions, 
because  they  are  wilfully  blind  to  the  light  with  which 
our  own  special  Belief  has  been  blessed  in  such  splen- 
dour. But  the  man  who,  after  even  the  most  casual 
study  of  Plutarch's  utterances  on  Religion,  can  seriously 
describe  him  as  "narrow  and  bigoted"  will  maintain, 
with  equal  serenity,  that  it  is  the  practice  of  the  sun 
to  shine  at  midnight.  Professor  Mahaffy,  indeed,  in 
using  such  expressions,  is  at  variance  with  his  own 
better  judgment,  inasmuch  as  he  elsewhere  concedes 
that,  "  had  Plutarch  been  at  Athens  when  St.  Paul 
came  there,  he  would  have  been  the  first  to  give  the 
Apostle  a  respectful  hearing."  3 

1  MAHAFFY,  p.  321.  How  Plutarch  could  possibly  have  "tatitn 
jxiiii*  to  niKlerftntul "  Christiauity  when,  in  Professor  Mahaffy's  own 
words  (]>.  349),  he  "teem*  never  to  have  heard  of  it"  we  must  leave  it 
to  Professor  Mahaffy  to  explain. 

-  Ibid.  p.  321.  3  Ibid.  p.  349. 


PREFACE.  xv 

The  subject  of  Plutarch's  "  Moralia  "  has  also  been 
touched  in  a  few  contributions  to  the  current  Literature 
of  the  Reviews.  The  article  on  "  Plutarch  "  appearing 
over  Paley's  initials  in  the  "  Encyclopaedia  Britannica," 
and  giving  a  brief  statement  of  the  subjects  dealt 
with  in  the  different  tracts  in  the  "Moralia,"  almost 
entirely  exhausts  the  short  list  of  English  literary  con- 
tributions to  the  treatment  of  this  portion  of  Plutarch's 
work.  Paley  declared  in  the  article  in  question  that 
the  "Moralia"  were  "practically  almost  unknown  to 
most  persons  in  Britain,  even  to  those  who  call  them- 
selves scholars."  This  sweeping  assertion  is  not  by 
any  means  true  to-day,  although  it  is  still  the  case 
that,  so  far  as  the  literary  presentment  of  results  is 
concerned,  the  "Ethics"  of  Plutarch  are  a  neglected 
field  of  research. 

Volkmann,  in  the  "  Leben  und  Schriften "  part  of 
his  work,  carefully  discusses  the  authenticity  of  each 
tract  in  the  generally  recognized  list  of  Plutarch's 
writings,  while  in  the  volume  dealing  with  the 
"  Philosophic "  lie  gives  an  exhaustive  analysis  of 
the  greater  portion  of  them.  Eecognizing  that  Plutarch 
had  no  special  philosophical  system  of  his  own, 
Volkmann  endeavours  to  remedy  this  deficiency  by 
the  application  of  a  systematic  meti.od  of  treatment 
with  regular  branches  of  "  synthetic  "  and  "  analytic  " 
investigation.  The  "  synthetic  "  branch  of  Volkmann's 
method  is  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  Plutarch's 
philosophic  standpoint ;  to  an  examination  of  his 
polemic  against  the  Stoics  and  Epicureans ;  and  to  the 
consideration  of  his  relation  to  Plato,  which  Volkmann 


xvi  PREFACE. 

regards  as  the  foundation  of  Plutarch's  Philosophy. 
The  function  of  Volkmann's  "analytic"  method  is  to 
discover  how,  on  the  philosophic  basis  thus  laid  down 
by  the  "  synthetic "  method,  Plutarch  arranges  his 
positive  conclusions  in  a  coherent  relationship  with 
his  negative  polemic.  It  is,  according  to  Volkmann, 
a  natural  result  of  the  successful  operation  of  this 
twofold  system,  that  the  circumstances  of  Plutarch's 
life  lose  their  external  character,  and  attain  to  an 
essential  connexion  with  his  philosophical  conceptions. 
This  last  assertion  is  made  by  way  of  criticism  directed 
against  Greard's  "  natural  and  simple "  method  of 
arranging  Plutarch's  philosophical  utterances  under 
headings  descriptive  of  the  various  spheres  of  life  to 
which  they  seem  appropriate — "la  vie  domcstiquc," 
"la  cite,"  " le  temple,"  &c.  Volkmann  thinks  that 
under  this  arrangement  the  sense  of  internal  unity  is 
lost;  that  Plutarch's  views  are  presented  in  it  as 
goodnatured  and  benevolent,  but  somewhat  rambling, 
reflections  on  the  separate  aspects  of  human  life, 
instead  of  being  treated  as  the  outcome  of  a  consistent 
philosophy  taking  ethical  phenomena  into  systematic 
consideration.1  This  criticism  has  considerable  force, 
though  it  does  not  detract  from  the  truth  and  charm 
of  M.  Greard's  book.  Volkmann  himself  undoubtedly 
errs  in  the  opposite  direction.  Greard  was  quite 
justified  in  retorting  on  his  critic,  "II  arrive  memc  qu'en 
voulant  etaUir  trap  rationellement  la  pldlosopliie  dc 
Plutarquc,  M.  Volkmann  sc  tronve  conduit  a  lui  preter 
unc  sorte  de  systemc,  Men  quil  saclic  cominc  pcrsonnc  quc 

1  VOLKMANN,  vol.  ii.  cap.  1. 


PREFACE.  xvii 

nul  moins  que  le  sage  de  ChSronee  n'a  portS  dans  sen 
ec.rits  une  pensSe  systeniatique."  l  Volkmann,  in  our 
opinion,  attaches  far  too  much  importance  both  to 
Plutarch's  discipular  relation  to  Plato,  and  to  his 
polemic  against  the  Stoics  and  Epicureans.  Plutarch's 
opposition  to  Plato  is  frequently  as  strongly  marked 
as  his  opposition  to  Stoics  and  Epicureans ;  and  his 
indebtedness  to  Stoics  and  Epicureans  is  frequently  as 
strongly  marked  as  his  indebtedness  to  Plato. 

Volkmann's  work  had  been  preceded  in  1854  by 
an  interesting  and  well-written  Thesis,  entitled  "  De 
Apologetica  Plutarchi  Chteronensis  Theologia."2  The 
author,  C.  G.  Seibert,  gives  a  brief  review  of  Greek 
Philosophy,  with  the  object  of  showing  the  attitude 
assumed  by  each  of  the  great  schools  to  the  gods  of 
the  national  tradition.  He  demonstrates  conclusively, 
and  Volkmann  follows  in  his  steps,  that  Plutarch  owed 
something  to  all  the  Schools,  to  Stoics,  to  Peripatetics, 
and  to  Epicureans.  Yet  he,  too,  insists  that  Plutarch's 
attitude  towards  the  popular  religion  was  identical 
with  that  assumed  by  Plato — eadcm  ratione  (qua  Plato} 

1  GREARD,  Preface  to  Third  Edition,  p.  iii. 

*  De  Apologetica  Plutarchi  Chseronensis  Theologia  (Marburg,  18f>4). 
Seibert  refers  to  two  other  authors  who  had  d--alt  with  some  aspects 
of  his  own  subject — Absolute  demum  opuscule  ^chreiteri  commenta- 
tionem  de  doctrina  Plutarchi  theologica  tt  moruli  scriptam  .  .  . 
necnon  Nitzi'hii  Kilienns  de  Plutarcho  thcologo  et  philoifopho  popular! 
disquisitionem  1849  editam  conferre  licuit. — We  have  been  unable  to 
see  a  copy  of  either  of  these  dissertations,  although  Trench  also 
alludes  to  Pchreiter's  work.  They  did  not,  in  Seibert's  opinion, 
render  his  work  unnecessary ;  but  he  enjoyed  the  inestimable 
advantage  of  the  friendship  of  Zeller,  who  helped  him  "  libris 
consilioque." 


xviii  PREFACE. 

Platonis  discipuli  theologian,  tractarunt,  c  quibus  prte 
cceteris  Plutarchus  magistri  divini  vestigia  secutus  est. 
This,  indeed,  is  the  orthodox  tendency  in  the  apprecia- 
tion of  Plutarch,  and  it  has  been  carried  to  the  extent 
of  claiming  Plutarch  as  the  founder  of  that  special 
kind  of  Platonism  distinguished  by  the  epithet  "  New." 
"  Plutarch,"  says  Archbishop  Trench,  "  was  a  Platonist 
with  an  oriental  tinge,  and  thus  a  forerunner  of  the 
New  Platonists." — "  He  might  be  described  with  greater 
truth  than  Ammonius  as  the  Founder  of  Neo-Platonism," 
wrote  Dr.  H.  W.  J.  Thiersch,  who,  however,  had  not 
freed  himself  from  the  idea  (the  truth  of  which  even 
so  early  a  writer  as  Dacier  had  doubted,  and  the 
legendary  character  of  which  M.  Greard  has  proved 
beyond  a  doubt)  that  Plutarch  received  consular 
honours  at  the  hands  of  Trajan.1 — "  In  this  essay " 
(the  DC  Oraculorum  Defectu),  thinks  Mr.  W.  J.  Brodribb, 
"  Plutarch  largely  uses  the  Neo-Platonic  Philosophy." 2 
Even  those  who  do  not  insist  that  Plutarch  is  a  Neo- 
Platonist,  or  a  "  forerunner "  of  Neo-Platonism,  are 
so  anxious  to  label  him  with  some  designation,  that 
they  will  hardly  allow  him  to  speak  for  himself.  It 
may,  perhaps,  argue  presumption  on  the  part  of  an 
homo  incognitas  nulliusquc  auctoritatis  to  suggest  that 
Plutarch  faces  the  teaching  of  his  predecessors  with  an 

1  Politik  und  Philosophic  in  ihrem  Verhaltniss,  &c.,  by  H.  W.  J. 
THIERSCH  (Marburg,  1853). — Damals  stand  Plutarch,  dem  bereits 
Trajan  cousularische  Ehren  bewilligt  hatte,  auf  der  hOchsten  Stufe 
des  Ansehens.  (For  M.  Gre'ard's  destruction  of  this  Legend  sec  hia 
tirst  chapter. — Lfgende  de  Pluiarque.") 

-  The  Essay"  of  Plutarch,  by  \\.  J.  BKODRIBB.  Fmtuighthj  Renew. 
vol.  20,  p.  629. 


PREFACE.  xix 

independent  mind ;  that  he  is  nulliiis  addictus  jurare 
in  verba  magistri;  that  he  tries  Plato's  teachings,  not 
from  Plato's  point  of  view,  but  from  his  own.1 

Such,  however,  is  the  view  maintained  in  the  pages 
of  the  following  essay.  It  seems  to  us  that,  in  order 
to  discover  the  principle  which  gives  coherence  and 
internal  unity  to  Plutarch's  innumerable  philosophic 
utterances,  it  is  not  necessary  to  start  with  the 
assumption  that  he  belongs  to  any  particular  school. 
Philosophy  is  to  him  one  of  the  recognized  sources  ot 
Religion  and  Morality.  Tradition  is  another  source, 
and  Law  or  recognized  custom  another.  Plutarch 
assumes  that  these  three  sources  conjointly  supply 
solid  sanctions  for  belief  and  conduct.  They  are  the 
three  great  records  of  human  experience,  and  Plutarch 
will  examine  all  their  contributions  to  the  criticism 
of  life  with  a  view  to  selecting  those  parts  from  each 
which  will  best  aid  him  and  his  fellow  citizens  to  lead 
lives  of  virtue  and  happiness.  The  great  philosophical 
schools  of  Greece  are  regarded  from  this  point  of  view — 
from  the  point  of  view  of  a  moralist  and  a  philosopher, 
not  from  the  point  of  view  of  a  Platonist,  an  anti-Stoic, 
or  an  anti-Epicurean.  Plutarch  is  indebted,  as  even/ 
Volkmann  himself  shows,  to  all  the  Schools  alike] 
Then  why  call  him  a  Platonist,  or  >•»,  Neo-Pythagorizing 
Platonist,  as  Zeller  has  done  ?  Plu  jarch's  teaching  T| 
too  full  of  logical  inconsistencies  to  be  formalized  into} 

1  "  He  cared  not  for  the  name  of  any  sect  or  leader,  but  pleaded  the 
cause  of  moral  beauty  in  the  interests  of  truth  only." — Merivale's 
"  Romans  under  the  Empire,"  cap.  60,  where  there  is  an  excellent, 
but  unfortunately  too  brief,  account  of  our  author. 


xx  PREFACE. 

a  system  of  Philosophy.     But  the  dominating  principli 
of  his  teaching,  the  paramount  necessity  of  finding  ; 
sanction  and  an  inspiration  for  conduct  in  what  th 
wisdom   of   the   past    had    already   discovered,   is   s 
strikingly   conspicuous   in   all   his   writings   that   hi 
logical  inconsistencies  appear,  and  are,  unimportant 
It  is  this  desire  of  making  the  wisdom  and  tradition 
of  the   past   available   for  ethical    usefulness    whicl 
actuates  his  attempt  to  reconcile  the  contradictions,  an 
remove  the  crudities  and  inconsistencies,  in  the  thre 
sources  of  religious  knowledge.     This  is  the  principl 
which  gives  his  teaching  unity,  and  not  any  externa 
circumstances  of  his  life,  or  his  attitude  in  favour 
or  in  opposition  to  the  tenets  of  any  particular  schooL 
There    is    no    English    translation    of    Plutarch's 
"  Ethics "  which  can  claim  anything  approaching  the 
character  of  an   authorized    version.      Almost    every 
editor  of  Plutarch  has  felt  it  necessary  to  find  fault 
with  his  predecessors'  attempts  to  express  Plutarch's 
meaning   through   the   medium   of  another   language. 
Amyot's  translation  is,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Comte 
Joseph  de  Maistre,  repellent  to  "  ladies  and  foreigners." 
Wyttenbach,     who    makes    numerous    alterations    of 
Xylander's  Latin  version,  also  says  of  Eicard's  French 
translation,  that   "  it   skips   over  the   difficulties   and 
corruptions  in  such  a  manner  as  to  suggest  that  the 
translator  was  content  merely  to   produce   a   version 
which   should   be    intelligible    to    French    readers." l 

1  (Em-re*  Morales  de  Plutarqiir,  trnduitos  <lu  grec  par  DOMINIC 
RICAKU  (1783-1705). — "  Rapprocliet;  <ln  toxto,  la  version  de  Rirnrd 
eat,  duiia  sa  teneur  g^nerale,  d'une  elegance-  Hiiperiicicllo  et  d'une 


PREFACE.  xxi 

Wyttenbach  himself  is  reprehended  in  the  following 
terms  by  the  editor  of  the  Didot  text  of  the  "  Moralia" — 
"  Of  the  Latin  version,  in  which  we  have  made  numerous 
corrections,  it  must  be  admitted  that  Xylander  and 
Wyttenbach,  in  dealing  with  corrupt  passages,  not 
infrequently  translated  conjectures  of  their  own,  or 
suggested  by  other  scholars,  which  we  have  been 
unable  to  adopt  into  the  Greek  Text."  In  the  preface 
to  his  English  translation  of  the  "  De  Iside  et  Osiride," 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Squire,  Archdeacon  of  Bath  in  1744, 
has  some  excellent  critical  remarks  on  the  style  of 
previous  translators  of  Plutarch,  and  he  somewhat 
pathetically  describes  the  difficulties  awaiting  the 
author  who  endeavours  to  translate  that  writer — "  To 
enter  into  another  man's  Soul  as  it  were,  who  lived 
several  hundred  years  since,  to  go  along  with  his  thoughts, 
to  trace,  pursue,  and  connect  his  several  ideas,  to  compress 
them  with  propriety  in  a  language  different  from  that 
they  were  conceived  in,  and  lastly  to  give  the  copy  the 
air  and  spirit  of  an  original,  is  not  so  easy  a  task  as  it 
may  le  perhaps  deemed  by  those  who  have  never  made 
the  attempt.  The  very  few  good  translations  of  the 
learned  authors  into  our  own  language,  will  sufficiently 
justify  the  truth  of  the  observation — "but  if  any  one  still 
doubts  it,  let  him  take  the  first  section  f>f  the  book  before 
him,  and  make  the  experiment  himself"  M.  Greard  is 
briefer  but  equally  emphatic — "  Toute  traductimi  est 
une  ceuvre  delicate,  celle  de  Plutarquc  plus  que  toute 
autre  peut-etrc." 

fidelite  peu  approfondie."—  GR£ARD.     TRENCH  also  severely  condemns 
some  of  the  translations  in  the  edition  issued  in  Drvden's  mime. 


xxii  PREFA  CE. 

Whatever  may  be  the  cause  of  the  perpetuation  of 
this  ungracious  tradition  of  fault-finding,  whether  the 
general  difficulty  specified  by  Archdeacon  Squire,  or  the 
more  particular  obstacle  of  a  corrupt  text  described  by 
other  commentators,  we  do  not  feel  that  we  are  called 
upon  to  make  any  departure  from  so  long-established  a 
custom.  The  quaint  charm  of  most  of  the  translations 
forming  the  basis  of  Dr.  Goodwin's  revision  no  one 
will  be  inclined  to  deny,  although  the  reviser's  own 
remarks  make  it  clear  that  little  dependence  is  to  be 
placed  upon  their  accuracy  in  any  instance  of  difficulty.1 
The  two  volumes  contained  in  the  well-known  "  Bohn  " 
series  of  translations  are  utterly  misleading,  not  only 
as  regards  the  colour  which  they  infuse  into  Plutarch's 
style,  but  also  as  regards  their  conspicuous  incorrectness 
in  many  particular  instances.2  To  other  translations 
of  individual  tracts  reference  has  been  occasionally 
made  in  the  notes. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  no  dependence  was  to 
be  placed  upon  the  accuracy  of  any  translation  yet 
furnished  of  that  portion  of  our  author's  work  with 
which  we  were  dealing,  it  was  necessary,  before 

1  Plutarch's  Morals,  translated  from  the  Greek  by  several  hands, 
corrected  and  revised  by  \V.  W.  GOODWIN,  Ph.D.  (London,  1870). — 
"  It  may  have  been  a  fortunate  thing  for  some  of  our  translators  that 
Bentley  was  too  much  occupied  with  the  wise  heads  of  Christ  Church 
to  notice  the  blunders  of  men  who  could  write  notes  saying  that  the 
Parthenon  is  a  '  Promontory  shooting  into  the  Black  Sea,  where 
Htood  a  chappel  dedicated  to  some  virgin  godhead,  and  famous  for 
some  Victory  thereabout  obtain'd.' " — Editor's  Preface. 

*  Plutarch's  Morals.  Theowphical  £"«say*.  Translated  by  the 
late  C.  W.  KINO,  M.A.  (London,  1889).  Ethi-al  AVcii/.s  translated 
by  A.  R.  SHILLETO,  M.A.  (London,  1888). 


PREFACE.  xxiii 

undertaking  this  essay,  to  make  full  translations  of 
considerable  portions  of  the  "  Ethics  "  from  the  text 
of  Bernardakis  ;  and  these  translations,  or  paraphrases 
based  upon  them,  are  largely  employed  in  the  following 
pages.  Mere  references  to  the  text  in  support  of 
positions  assumed,  or  statements  made,  would  have 
been  useless  and  misleading  in  the  absence  of  clear 
indications  as  to  the  exact  interpretation  placed  upon 
the  words  of  the  text.  The  writer  cannot  hope  to  have 
succeeded  where,  in  the  opinion  of  competent  judges, 
there  have  been  so  many  failures.  But  he  has,  at  any 
rate,  made  a  conscientious  attempt  to  understand  his 
author,  and  to  give  expression  to  his  view  of  his 
author's  meaning,  without  any  prejudice  born  of  the 
assumption  that  Plutarch  belonged  to  a  particular 
school,  or  devoted  his  great  powers  of  criticism  and 
research  to  the  exposition  and  illustration  of  the 
doctrines  of  any  single  philosopher. 


JOHN   OAKESMITH. 


BATTERSEA, 

September,  1902. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   I. 

PAGE 

General  character  of  Modern  European  Religions :  their  cardinal 
appeal  to  Emotion — Roman  Religion :  its  sanctions  chiefly 
rational :  the  cause*  of  it*  failure :  Us  place  as  a  factor  iu 
Morality  taken  by  Greek  Philosophy — Early  Greek  Morality 
bawl  partly  on  Religion,  partly  on  Reason,  which,  in  the  form 
of  Philosophy,  eventually  supplier  the  main  ititpiration  to 
Goodness — Gradual  limitation  of  Philosophy  to  Ethics 

CHAPTER  II. 

Importance  of  the  ethical  tendency  in  pre-Socmtic,  Philosophy 
generally  under-estimated — Development  of  this  tendency  from 
Thales  to  the  Sophists,  and  from  the  Sophist*  to  the  Stoics  and 
Epicureans — Special  influence  of  these  tico  Schools,  aided  by 
the  failure  of  political  interest,  in  establishing  a  practicable 
ideal  of  PERSONAL  virttie — This  ideal,  conspicuous  in  Pint- 
arch's  "Ethics,"  and  inculcated,  by  tht  philosophers  of  the 
early  Grxco-Roman  Empire  generally  .  20 

CHAPTER  III. 

Ethical  aspect  of  Grazco-Roman  Society  in  the  period  of  Plutarch  : 
difficulty  of  obtaining  an  impartial  view  of  it — Revival  of 
moral  earne*tne*s  concurrent  with  the  establishment  of  the 
Empire:  the  reforms  of  Augustus  a  formal  expression  of 
actual  tendencies — Evidences  of  this  in  philosophical  and 


xxvi  CONTENTS. 

PAOR 

general  literature — The  differences  beticeen  various  Schools 
modified  by  the  importance  of  the  ethical  end  to  which  all  their 
efforts  were  directed — Endeavour  made  to  base  morality  on 
sanctions  already  consecrated  by  the  philosophies  and  religious 
traditions  of  the  Past — Plutarch's  "  Ethics  "  the  result  of  such 
an  endeavour _j.  43 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Plutarch's  attitude  towards  Pagan  beliefs  marked  by  a  spirit  of 
reverent  rationalism — The  three  recognized  sources  of  Eeligion : 
Poetry,  Philosophy,  and  Law  or  Custom — The  contribution  of 
each  to  be  examined  by  Reason  with  the  object  of  a  voiding  both 
Superstition  and  Atheism:  Season  the  " Mystagogue "  of 
Religion — Provisional  examples  of  Plutarch's  methoil  in  the 
three  spheres — -Hi's  reluctance  to  press  rationalism  toofar-+His 
piety  partly  explained  by  his  recognition  of  the  divine  mission 
of  Pome — Absence  of  dogmatism  in  his  teaching  ....  (!2 

CHAPTER    V. 

Plutarch's  Theology — His  conception  of  God  not  a  pure  meta- 
physical abstraction,  his  presentment  of  it  not  dogmatic — 
General  acceptance  of  the  attributes  recognized  by  Greek 
philosophy  as  essential  to  the  idea  of  God — God  as  UNITY, 
ABSOLUTE  BEING,  ETERNITY — God  as  INTELLIGENCE:  PER- 
SONALITY of  Plutarch's  God  intimately  associated  with  his 
Intelligence — God's  Intelligence  brings  him  into  contact  with 
humanity:  by  it  lie  knows  the  events  of  the  Future  and  the 
secrets  of  the  human  lieart — From  his  knowledge  springs  his 
Providence — God  as  Father  and  Judge — the  DE  SERA  NUMINIS 
VINDICTA — Immortality  of  the  Soul 87 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Plutarch's  Dxmonology — Dtemoiiology  as  a  means  of  reconciliation 
between  the  traditional  Polytheism  and  Philosophic  Monotheism 
— Dsemonlore  in  Greek  philosophers  and  in  the  popular  faith 
—  Growth  of  a  natural  tendency  to  identify  the  gods  of  the 


CONTENTS. 


polytJieMic  tradition  with  the  Damons — Emphasis  thus  given 
to  the  philosophic  conception  of  the  Deity — Dr.mons  responsible 
for  all  the  crude  and  cruel  superstitions  attaching  to  the 
popular  gods — Function  of  the  Daemons  as  mediators  betioeen 
God  and  man 120 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Necessity  for  a  Mediator  between  God  and  Man  partly  met  by 
Oracular  Inspiration — General  failure  of  Oracles  in  the  age 
of  Plutarch  —  Plutarch's  "Delphian  Essays" —  The  DE 
PYTHIJB  ORACULIS  :  nature  of  Inspiration :  oracles  not 
verbally  inspired— The  DE  DEFECTU  OKACULORUM — Various 
explanations  of  Inspiration — Plutarch  inclines  to  accept  that 
which  assume*  an  original  Divine  afflatus  placed  under  the 
superintendence  of  Daemons,  whose  activities  are  subject  to  the 
operation  of  natural  causes 138 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

Sincerity  of  Plutarch's  belief  in  Dxmons — Function  of  the  Daemons 
us  Mediators  not  confined  to  oracular  inspiration — Daemons 
in  their  personal  relationship  with  the  human  soul — The  DE 
D.EMONIO  SOCRATIS — TJiis  tract  not  a  formal  treatise  on 
Dasmonology — Various  explanations  of  the  Socratic  "Daemon" 
— Ethical  value  of  the  conception  of  Daemons  as  spiritual 
guardians  of  individual  men — "  Men  may  rise  on  stepping- 
stones  of  their  dead  selves  to  higher  thing*  " — Dangers  of  the 
conception — Superstition  :  PlutarcKs  general  attitude  towards 
that  Vice 163 

CHAPTER    IX. 

lielation between  Superstition  and  Atheism:  Atheism  an  intellectual 
error :  Superstition  an  error  involving  the  passions :  the  DE 
SUPERSTITIONS — Moral  fervour  of  Plutarch's  attack  on  Super- 
stition— His  comparative  tolerance  of  Atheism — The  greatest 
safeguard  against  both  alike  consists  in  an  intellectual  appre- 
ciation of  the  Truth— The  DE  ISIDE  ET  OSIRIDE — The  Unity 
underlying  national  differences  of  religious  belief  ,  .  .  .  179 


xxviii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   X. 

PAGE 

Conclusion*  respecting  tlie  general  character  of  Plutarch's  Religion 
— Monotheism  and  Daemonology  both  essential  parts  of  his 
Theodicy —  His  ft  rong  belief  in  ilui  personality  of  Go<l — 
Metaphysical  weakness  but  Moral  strength  of  his  Teaching  ^ 
Close  connexion  between  hi*  Religion  and  his  Ethic* — 1'luQ 
arch  not  an  "  Eclectic"  nor  a  Neo-Platonitt  —  Contract 
between  Plutarch's  Religion  and  Philosophy  and  the  Religion 
and  Philosophy  of  the  Neo-Platoniste — Christianity  and  Neo- 
Platonism — The  struggle  between  them  and  its  probable  effect 
on  later  religious  history— Conclusion 201 


THE 

RELIGION    OF    PLUTARCH 

CHAPTER  I. 

General  character  of  Modern  European  Religions  :  their  cardinal 
appeal  to  Emotion  —  Roman  Religion  :  its  sanctions  chiefly 
rational  :  the  causes  of  its  failure  :  its  place  as  a  factor  in 
Morality  taken  by  Greek  Philosophy  —  Early  Greek  Morality 
based  partly  on  Religion,  partly  on  Reason,  which,  in  the  form 
of  Philosophy,  eventually  supplies  the  main  inspiration  to 
Goodness  —  Gradual  limitation  of  Philosophy  to  Ethics. 


various  religious  revivals  which  the  European 
-  world  has  witnessed  during  the  prolonged  course 
of  the  Christian  era;  the  great  attempts  which  the 
modern  conscience  has  made  from  time  to  time  to  bring 
itself  into  a  more  intimate  and  fruitful  relation  with 
the  principles  that  make  for  goodness  of  character 
and  righteousness  of  life  :  have,  in  general,  taken  the 
form  less  of  reasoned  invocations  to  the  cultivated 
intelligence  than  of  emotional  appeals  to  the  natural 
passions  and  prepossessions  of  humanity.  The  hope 
of  reward,  the  fear  of  punishment,  a  spontaneous  love 
of  certain  moral  qualities,  and  of  certain  personalities 
imagined  as  embodying  these  qualities;  a  heartfelt 

B 


2  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

hatred  of  certain  moral  defects,  and  of  certain  person- 
alities imagined  as  embodying  these  defects  : — such  are 
the  feelings  that  have  formed  the  strength  of  every 
movement  which  has  in  turn  agitated  the  religious 
life  of  the  Western  world  from  St.  Paul  to  Wesley, 
from  St.  Augustine  to  Cardinal  Newman.  What  is 
felt  to  be  goodness  is  loved  with  a  personal  adoration 
which  is  convinced  that  nothing  in  the  world  is  of 
import  compared  with  the  hope  of  one  day  touching 
the  mere  hem  of  that  garment  of  holiness,  the  mystic 
effluence  of  which  has  already  power  to  irradiate  life 
with  a  strange  beauty  and  meaning.  Any  sanction 
which  imaginative  piety  or  legendary  authority  can 
lend  to  Virtue  is  credited,  not  because  it  makes  Virtue 
natural,  intelligible,  and  human,  but  because  it  places 
her  on  a  pedestal  beyond  the  reach  of  unaided  mortal 
effort,  and  thus  compels  a  still  more  determined 
recourse  to  emotional  and  supernatural  sanctions  in 
order  to  ensure  her  fruitful  cultivation.  Hence 
Tertullian  will  glory  in  the  Crucifixion  of  Christ, 
because  in  the  eyes  of  reason  it  is  shameful ;  and  he 
will  proclaim  the  Eesurrection  as  certain,  because 
reason  condemns  it  as  impossible.1  Hence  Augustine 
will  believe  first,  postponing  the  grave  question  whether 
belief  is  likely  to  be  supported  by  proof.2  Hence  that 

1  TERTULLIAN:  De  Carne  Christi,  5. — "Crucifixus  est  Dei  fill  IKS; 
non  pudet,  quia  pudendum  est.  Et  mortuus  est  Dei  filius ;  prorsus 
credibile  est,  quia  ineptum  est.  Et  sepultus  resurrexit ;  certum  est, 
quia  impossibile  est." 

*  ST.  AUGUSTINE  :  Con/emones,  vi.  5. — "  Ex  hoc  tatnen  quoque  jam 
prseponens  doctrinam  Catholicam,  modestius  ibi  minimeque  fallaciter 
aentiebam  juberi  ut  orederetur  quod  non  demonstrabatur  (sive  esset 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  3 

conception  of  saintliness  which  the  world  owes  to 
Catholic  Christianity,  a  type  of  character  which,  while 
maintaining  a  marvellous  purity  of  life,  is  devoid  of 
that  robust  intelligence  without  which  purity  runs  into 
asceticism ;  which  carries  virtue  to  such  an  extravagant 
pitch  that  its  results  may  be  more  disastrous  than  those 
of  extravagant  vice,  inasmuch  as  the  latter  may  serve 
morality  by  demonstrating  the  repulsiveness  of  iniquity, 
while  the  former  tends  to  evil  by  exhibiting  the  im- 
possibility of  goodness.1 

quid  demonstrandum,  sed  cui  forte  non  esset,  sive  nee  quid  esset), 
quam  illic  temeraria  pollicitatione  scientise  credulitatem  irrideri ;  et 
postea  tarn  multa  fabulosissima  et  absurdissima,  quia  demonstrari  nou 
poterant,  credenda  imperari." — The  principle  inherent  in  the  five 
italicized  words  is  identical  with  that  which  the  writer  exposes  as  an 
example  of  the  absurd  credulity  of  the  Manichaeans.  The  difference 
is  merely  one  of  degree. 

1  Attempts  have,  of  course,  been  made  at  various  times  to  ration- 
alize a  Religion  whose  cardinal  principle  is  Faith.  Paley  and  Butler 
are  conspicuous  examples  in  the  history  of  Anglican  Christianity 
but  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  supplied  any  widespread  inspiration 
to  the  religious  life  of  the  day.  Butler,  "  who  had  made  it  his  busi- 
ness, ever  since  he  thought  himself  capable  of  such  sort  of  reasoning, 
to  -prove  to  himself  the  being  and  attributes  of  God,"  who  "  found  it 
impossible  to  dissociate  philosophy  from  religion  in  his  own  mind,1' 
and  "  would  have  agreed  with  South  that  what  is  nonsense  upon  a 
principle  of  Eeason  will  never  be  sense  upon  a  principle  of  Religion," 
was  yet  compelled  to  admit  that  "  it  was  too  late  for  him  to  try  to 
support  a  falling  Church ;  "  and  it  is  a  matter  of  national  history  that 
Wesley,  with  his  direct  appeal  to  the  principle  of  "justification  by 
faith"  did  more  to  reinvigorate  the  religious  life  of  England  than  all 
the  cultured  rationalists  who  adorned  the  English  Church  in  those 
days.  And  in  these  later  days  Butler  has  not  escaped  the  charge  of 
"  having  furnished,  with  a  design  directly  contrary,  one  of  the  most 
terrible  of  the  persuasives  to  Atheism  that  has  ever  been  produced." 
(Butler,  by  the  Rev.  W.  Lucas  Collins,  M.A.)  Paley  likewise 


4  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

This  "  extravagance  du  christianisme  " l  is,  of  course, 
utterly  at  variance  with  the  general  character  of  the 
efforts  by  which  either  a  Greek  or  a  Koman  directed 
his  steps  in  the  ways  of  goodness.  Neither  Aristotle 
nor  Horace,  neither  Plato  nor  Seneca,  would  have 
admitted  many  of  the  most  lauded  virtues  of  modern 
ethical  systems  to  be  virtues  at  all  Least  of  all  would 
they  have  hailed  as  a  virtue  that  passionate  excess  of 
enthusiasm  which  makes  Virtue  independent  of  Eeason, 
and  greets  intellectual  impossibilities  as  the  trials  and 
tests  of  the  "  virtue  "  of  Belief.2  Speaking  in  a  general 
sense,  and  with  a  tacit  recognition  of  certain  exceptions 
to  be  noticed  in  their  proper  place,  it  may  be  premised 
that  Pagan  goodness  of  character  found  its  inspiration, 
not  in  any  kind  of  emotional  enthusiasm,  but  in 
methods  of  thought  and  action  selected  and  controlled 


thought  it  a  just  opinion  "that  whatever  renders  religion  more 
rational  renders  it  more  credible,"  and  devoted  his  genius  to  the  task 
of  making  religion  more  rational,  but  has  done  little  more  than  furnish 
a  school  text-book  for  theological  students.  Further,  what  Christian, 
in  his  heart  of  hearts,  and  at  those  moments  which  he  would  regard 
as  his  best,  does  not  respond  more  readily  to  the  sublime  sentiment 
of  Tertullian  than  to  the  ratiocinations  of  the  Analogy  or  the 
Evidences  ? 

1  M.  CONSTANT  MARTHA'S  jZtudes  morales  sur  VAntiquitt,  from 
which  we  have  taken  this  just  and  striking  phrase  of  Bossuet,  gives 
an  interesting  account  of  the  passionate  and  anguished  manner  in 
which  the  calm  precepts  of  the  famous  "  Golden  Verses  of  Pythagoras  " 
were  applied  by  Christianity : — "  Le  philosophe,  si  severe  qu'il  fat,  so 
traitait  toujours  en  ami ;  .  .  .  le  chrdtien  an  contraire,  .  .  .  passe  sou- 
vent  par  des  inquietudes  inconnues  a  la  sereine  antiquite'."  (JjExamen 
de  Conscience  chez  lea  Ancient.) 

"  Belief  is  a  virtue,  Doubt  is  a  sin." — Quoted  by  J.  A.  Froude, 
Short  Studies,  vol.  i.  p.  243. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  5 

by  the  operation  of  reason  and  intelligence.1    Horace's 
opinion  respecting   the  viciousness  of   the   man  who 
indulges  in  a  too  excessive  love  of  virtue  is  the  opinion, 
if  not  of  a  Greek,  at  any  rate  of  a  Roman  who  is  satu- 
rated with  Greek  philosophy ; 2  but  the  early  character 
of  the  poet's  countrymen,  as  evinced  not  less  in  their 
Religion  than  in  their  general  outlook  on  life,  is  as 
little  disposed  to  extravagance  as  the  strongest  advocate 
of  aurea  mediocritas  could  well  desire.    Roman  Religion, 
influenced   to   some  extent  as  it  was  by  the  gloomy 
terrors  of  Etruscan   superstition,  found  its  value  and 
its  meaning,  from  the  gods  of  the  Indigitamenta  down- 
wards, in  the  fact  that  it  was  an  appeal  to  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  citizen.     That  this  appeal  operated  in  a 
narrow  sphere  of  duties  and  was  not  unaffected  by  mean 
and   sordid  considerations   does    not   militate   against 
its    general    character   as   an   address   to    the  reason 
rather  than  an  invocation  to  the  passions.     Ancient 
critics  found  for  the  word  "  Religio  "  a  derivation  which 
pointed    to    carefulness    and    regularity   as    qualities 
inherent  in  its  essential  meaning ; 3  and  that  avoidance 
of  disordered  excess,  which  tends  to  compromise,  was  as 
conspicuous  in  early  Roman  religious  practice  as  it  was 
in  the   sternest  of    Greek  philosophies    when   trans- 
planted to  Roman  soil,  and  interpenetrated  with  the 
Roman  character.4     This   spirit    of    compromise   was 

1  Certain  emotional  aspects  of  Greek  Religion  are  dealt  with  in 
the  subsequent  analysis  of  Plutarch's  teaching. 

-  HORACE  :  Epist.  i.  6,  15, 16. 

s  GASTON  BOISSIER:  De  la  Religion  Romaine,  vol.  i.  p.  21.  Cf. 
CICERO  :  De  Natura  Deorum,  ii.  28. 

4  Cf.  the  remark  of  SENECA  :  Epistote  ad  LuciUum,  i.  21. — "Quod 


6  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

based  upon  a  recognition  that  the  actual  demands  of 
practical  life  were  of  greater  importance  than  the 
maintenance  of  a  rigid  conformity  to  the  letter  of 
religious  precepts.  Virgil,  who  was  a  participant  in 
the  work  of  religious  reform  inaugurated  by  Augustus, 
and  who  everywhere  breathes  a  spirit  of  the  most 
careful  reverence  towards  the  ancient  traditions  of  the 
national  faith,  gives  emphatic  expression  to  this  view 
of  the  dominant  claims  of  practical  life,  and  of  the 
tolerant  attitude  which  Eeligion  assumes  with  regard  to 
them : — 

"  Quippe  etiam  festis  quaadarn  exercere  dicbus 
Fas  et  jura  sinunt ;  rivos  deducere  mil  la 
Belligio  vetuit,  segeti  prsetendere  saepem, 
Insidias  avibus  moliri,  incendere  vepres, 
Balantumque  gregem  fluvio  mersare  salubri."  > 

This  recognition  of  the  principle  that  Duty  has  claims 
which  even  Religion  must  concede  is  prominently 
written  on  every  page  of  Roman  History.  It  indicates 
the  operation,  in  one  direction,  of  that  influence  of 
Reason  on  Religion  which,  in  another  direction,  leads 

fieri  in  senatu  solet,  faciendum  ego  in  philosopbia  quoque  existimo. 
Quum  censttit  aliquis,  quod  ex  parte  mibi  placeat,  jubeo  ilium  dividere 
sententiam,  et  sequor." — For  a  summary  of  interesting  examples  of 
the  manner  in  which  this  spirit  of  compromise  worked  out  in  practical 
religious  questions,  see  Boissier,  pp.  22,  sqq. 

1  VIRGIL:  Georgia^,  I.  268-272.— Cf.  the  note  of  Servius  on  this 
passage :  "  Scimus  necessitati  religionem  cedere."  On  the  general 
character  of  Roman  Religion,  cf.  CONSTANT  DE  REBECQUE  :  Du  Foly- 
ikeisme  Romain. — "  On  dirait  que  les  dieux  ont  abjure  les  erreurs  d'une 
jeunease  fougueuse  pour  se  livrer  aux  occupations  de  1'age  mur.  La 
religion  de  Rome  eat  1'age  mur  dcs  dieux,  comme  1'histoire  de  Rome 
eat  la  matnrite  de  Teepece  humaine." 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  7 

to  the  admission  of  a  real  divinity  in  the  gods  adored 
by  foreign  peoples.  The  famous  formula  of  Roman 
Religion,  which  appealed  to  the  protecting  gods  of 
Carthage  and  its  people  to  leave  that  city  to  its  fate, 
is  an  early  anticipation  of  that  hospitable  tolerance,  so 
strange  to  modern  sects,  which  welcomed  Greek  and 
barbarian  deities  to  the  Roman  Pantheon,  and  never 
persecuted  from  religious  motives.1  This  spirit  had 
its  apotheosis  in  the  endeavours  of  the  reformers  of  the 
age  of  Plutarch  to  establish  the  triumph  of  Reason  in  a 
general  recognition  of  the  Unity  of  God  beneath  the 
different  names  which  expressed  Him  to  different 
peoples.2 

Although  we  cannot  accept  as  actual  history  the  par- 
ticulars given  by  Dionysius  Halicarnassensis  respecting 
the  manner  in  which  Romulus  established  the  principles 
of  Roman  religious  and  political  administration,  con- 
siderable value  may  be  conceded  to  such  an  account, 
because  it  is  calculated  to  explain,  from  the  writer's 
point  of  view,  the  existence  of  certain  actual  character- 
istics of  Roman  civic  and  sacred  polity.3  Romulus  is 

1  MACROBIUS  :  Saturnalia,  iii.  9. — "  Si  deus,  si  dea  est,  cui  populus 
civitasque  Carthaginiensis  est  in  tutela,  teque  maxime  ille,"  etc. 

7  PLUTARCH  :  De  Iside  et  Osiride.  (Passages  subsequently  quoted.) 
Cf.  DION  CHBYSOSTOM  :  De  Cognitions  Dei.  (Vol.  i.  p.  225,  Dindorf s 
Text.) 

3  DIONYSIUS  OF  HALICARNASSUS  :  De  Antiquitatibus  Romanorum, 
ii.  18. — Though  Livy's  account  of  the  administrative  measures  of 
Numa  is  written  in  a  totally  different  spirit  from  that  of  Dionysius, 
it  may  be  noted  that  Numa  is  depicted  as  introducing  religion  as  an 
aid  to  political  stability. — "  Ne  luxuriarentur  otio  animi,  quos  metus 
hostium  disciplinaque  militaris  continuerat,  omnium  primum,  rem 
ad  multitudinem  imperitaru  et  illis  saaculis  rudem  efficacissimain 


8  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

recorded  as  subjecting  Eeligion  to  the  selective  power 
of  reason  and  good  taste.  Eeason  decides  what  it  is 
becoming  for  the  Divine  Nature  to  be,  and  everything 
inconsistent  with  this  salutary  notion  is  rigidly  ex- 
cluded from  the  State  Eeligion.  Eomulus  teaches  the 
Eomans  that  the  gods  are  good,  and  that  their  goodness 
is  the  cause  of  man's  happiness  and  progress;  he 
instructs  them  in  Temperance  and  Justice,  as  the  bases 
of  civic  concord,  and  of  the  advantages  resulting  there- 
from ;  he  inculcates  military  Fortitude  as  the  best 
means  of  securing  the  undisturbed  practice  of  the  other 
virtues,  and  the  social  blessings  springing  from  such 
practice ;  and  he  concludes  that  Virtue  is  not  a  matter 
of  chance,  or  the  result  of  supernatural  inspirations, 
but  the  product  of  reasonable  laws  when  zealously  and 
faithfully  carried  into  practice  by  the  citizens.  Eeason 
is  here  clearly  represented  as  the  lawgiver  of  Eeligion, 
and  the  cause  and  origin  of  the  practical  virtues. 
Dionysius  may,  as  we  have  suggested,  be  endeavouring 
to  explain,  by  an  ex  post  facto  piece  of  history,  the 
existence  of  certain  characteristics  of  the  Eoman  con- 
stitution as  exhibited  in  its  later  developments,  but 
these  features  are  not  the  less  evident  and  essential 
parts  of  the  system  because  we  cannot  accept  any 
particular  account  of  the  time  and  manner  in  which 
they  were  incorporated  with  it. 

Further,  the  Eoman  administrative  authority  deli- 
berately repressed  the  exhibition  of  religious  enthusiasm 

Deorum  metum  injiciendum  ratus  est."  (Livr,  i.  19.)  Cicero  con- 
fesses that  the  auspices  had  been  retained  for  the  same  reason.  (De 
Div.,  ii.  33.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  9 

as  dangerous  to  the  stability  of  the  Eepublic ;  the  State 
could  brook  no  rival  in  her  affections :  the  devotion  of 
Eegulus l  and  the  suppression  of  the  Bacchanalia  bear 
equal  witness  to  a  firm  insistence  on  the  control  of 
personal  emotion  as  a  cardinal  principle  of  Koman 
administration.2  The  apparently  paradoxical  and  casu- 
istical position  assigned  in  the  "  De  Natura  Deorum  " 
to  Cotta,  who  believes  in  the  national  religion  as  a 
Eoman  while  denying  it  as  a  philosopher,  is  suffi- 
ciently lucid  and  rational  when  regarded  in  the  light 

1  The  indignant  phrases  with  which  Horace  scathes  the  degeneracy 
of  his  own  times  in  this  respect  clearly  indicate  the  religious  aspect 
of  the  patriotic  self-immolation  of  Kegulus : — 

"  Milesne  Crassi  conjuge  barbara 
Turpis  maritus  vixit  et  hostium 
(Proh  curia  inversique  mores !) 
Consenuit  socerorum  in  amis 
Sub  rege  Medo  Marsus  et  Apulus 
Anciliorum  et  nominis  et  togas 
Oblitus  astermeque  Vestse 
Incolumi  Jove  et  urbe  .Roma?"    (0<Z.,  iii.  5.) 

*  Of.  BOISSIEB  :  De  la  Eeligion  Romaine,  vol.  i.  p.  17. — "  Non- 
seulement  la  religion  romaine  n'encourage  pas  la  devotion,  mais  on 
peut  dire  qu'elle  s'en  mefie.  C'est  un  peuple  fait  pour  agir;  la 
reverie,  la  contemplation  mystique  lui  sont  etrangeres  et  suspectes. 
II  est  avant  tout  ami  du  calme,  de  1'ordre,  de  la  regularite ;  tout  ce 
qui  excite  et  trouble  les  ames  lui  deplait."  Boissier  quotes  as  the 
remark  of  Servius  on  Georgics,  3.  45G,  the  words,  "  Majores  religionem 
totamin  experientia  collocabant;"  but  what  Servius  really  wrote  was, 
"Majores  enim  expugnantes  religionem,  totum  in  experientia  colloca- 
bant," and  he  gives  an  apt  reference  to  Cato's  speech  on  the  Catili- 
narian  conspiracy  as  reported  by  Sallust : — "  Non  votis  neque  suppliciis 
muliebribus  auxilia  deorum  parantur:  vigilando,  agendo,  bene  con- 
sulendo,  prospere  omnia  cedunt."  Propertius  (iii.  22)  boasts  that 
Rome  is  free  from  the  more  extravagantly  emotional  legends  of  Greek 
mythology. 


io  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  the  religious  administration  of  Rome,  which  had 
never  claimed  to  enslave  the  intelligences  of  men,  so 
long  as  that  elaborate  ritual,  with  which  the  safety  of 
the  State  was  involved,  received  due  and  reverential 
attention.1 

The  ancient  Eoman  Religion,  revolving  round  the 
State  in  this  way,  and  moulding  the  life  of  every 
individual  citizen  into  rigid  external  conformity  with 
the  official  ideal,  showed  its  strength  in  the  production 
of  a  type  of  moral  character  which  was  perfect  within 
the  iron  limits  fixed  by  the  civic  authority.2  It  was 
dignified,  austere,  self-controlled,  self-reverent.  In  the 
absence  of  great  temptations,  such  as  assail  the  secret 
strongholds  of  the  human  heart  and  lie  beyond  the 
influence  of  any  external  power,  the  ancient  Virtus 
Romano,  was  equal  to  all  the  demands  which  a  some- 
what restricted  code  of  ethics  made  upon  it.  But, 
when  a  wider  knowledge  of  the  world  brought  with 
it  a  weakening  of  the  chain  which  bound  the  citizen 
to  the  central  power;  when,  at  the  same  time,  a  wider 
possession  of  the  world  and  a  richer  enjoyment  of  its 


1  CICERO:  De  Nat.  Deor.   lib.  iii.— Cf.  the  "theory  of  Twofold 
Truth,"  which  was  "  accepted  without  hesitation  by  all  the  foremost 
teachers  in  Italy  during  the  sixteenth  century,"  who  "  were  careful 
to  point  out,  they   were   philosophers,  and  not  theologians."—  Tta 
Skeptics  of  the  Italian  Renaissance,  by  John  Owen  (p.  180,  second 
edition). 

2  CICERO  :  Tusc.  Disp.  i.  1. — "  lam  ilia  quse  natura,  non  literis, 
adsecuti  sunt,  neque  cum  Grrecia  neque  ulla  cum  gente  sunt  con- 
fcrenda ;  qua?  cnim  tanta  gravitas,  quae  tanta  constantia,  magnitude 
animi,  probitas,  fides,  quso  tarn  excellens  in  omni  genere  virtus  in 
ullis  fuit,  ut  sit  cum  majoribus  nostris  comparanda  ?  " 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  11 

pleasures  increased  to  an  enormous  extent  the  tempta- 
tions directed  against  the  purity  and  completeness  of 
the  moral  character : l  then  it  became  alarmingly  clear 
to  thoughtful  men  that,  unless  the  moral  life  was  to 
run  to  seed  in  vicious  weeds  of  self-indulgence,  it  was 
necessary  to  invoke  the  aid  of  a  subtler  and  stronger 
influence  than  that  of  the  State,  an  influence  capable  of 
varying  its  appeal  in  accordance  with  the  infinitely 
varying  moral  needs  of  individual  men.2  It  was  with 
the  hope  of  finding  inspiration  of  this  character  that 
Lucretius  and  Cicero  turned  the  attention  of  their 
countrymen  to  Greek  Philosophy;  it  was  there  that 
they  wished  to  find  an  ampler  and  more  direct  sanction 
in  reason  for  cultivating  a  life  of  virtue.  Eeason,  which 
had  not  been  devoid  of  effect  in  the  narrow  sphere 
of  Eoman  Eeligion,  was  now  to  be  made  the  basis 


1  A  situation  forecast  in  the  well-known  passage  of  Plato's 
Republic,'  619  C,  in  reference  to  the  soul  who  has  chosen  for  his 
lot  in  life  "  the  most  absolute  despotism  he  could  find." — "  He  was  one 
of  those  who  had  lived  during  his  former  life  under  a  well-ordered 
constitution,  and  hence  a  measure  of  virtue  had  fallen  to  his  share, 
through  the  influence  of  habit,  unaided  by  philosophy."  (Davis  and 
Vaughan's  translation.)  What  could  more  accurately  describe  the 
character  of  early  Koman  morality  than  these  words  ? 

-  It  was  inability  to  grasp  this  truth  that  explained  the  "  patriotic  " 
opposition  of  the  Elder  Cato  to  the  lectures  of  Carneades,  Critolausj 
and  Diogenes.  He  was  "  unwilling  that  the  public  policy  of  Borne, 
which  for  the  Koman  youth  was  the  supreme  norm  of  judgment  and 
action,  and  was  possessed  of  unconditional  authority,  should,  through 
the  influence  of  foreign  philosophers,  become  subordinated,  in  the 
consciousness  of  these  youths,  to  a  more  universal  ethical  norm." 
UEBERWEG  :  Grundriss  der  Gesrhichte  der  Philosophie  (Morris  and 
Porter's  translation,  p.  189,  vol.  i.).  (Cf.  M.  MARTHA  :  Le  Philosophe 
Carne'ade  a  Rome.) 


12  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  morality  in  general;  but  it  was  reason  directed  to 
the  purification  and  enlargement  of  the  springs  of 
personal  conduct,  and  calling  into  play  qualities  which 
had  lain  dormant,  or  had  been  restricted,  during  the 
long  dominance  of  the  State  over  the  individual  citizen. 
To  Eegulus,  his  religion  was  the  State ;  to  Cicero,  the 
State  and  its  demands  form  but  a  small  fraction  of  the 
moral  life.  A  revival  of  Eeligion  was  to  Cicero  a 
revival  of  Philosophy;  Eeason,  the  parent  of  Philosophy, 
was  also  to  be  the  parent  of  Conduct ;  the  first  of  all 
virtues  is  the  virtue  of  Knowledge,  of  intelligent  dis- 
crimination between  the  things  that  make  for  morality 
and  happiness  and  the  things  that  make  for  immorality 
and  misery.1  Starting  from  this  standpoint,  Cicero, 
though  approaching  Greek  Philosophy  more  in  the 
spirit  of  the  student  than  in  that  of  the  religious 
reformer,  though  participating,  as  his  Letters  show, 
in  that  general  carelessness  on  religious  matters 
which  marked  Eoman  Society  during  the  later  years 
of  the  Eepublic,  was,  nevertheless,  the  means  of 
giving  a  powerful  stimulus  to  that  movement  in  the 
direction  of  deliberate  personal  morality,  which  became 
conspicuous  in  the  Grseco-Eoman  world  of  the  Early 

1  CICERO  :  De  Officiis,  i.  43. — "  Princepsque  omnium  virtutum  ilia 
sapientia  quam  aotyiav  Grxci  vacant — prudentiam  enim,  quam  Graeci 
<f>p6vr)ffii>,  aliam'quandam  intellegimus,  quaa  est  rerum  expetendarum 
fugiendarumque  scientia ;  ilia  autem  sapientia  quam  priucipem  dixi 
rerum  est  dmnarum  et  humanarum  scientia,  in  qua  contineturdeorum 
et  hominum  communitas  et  societas  inter  ipsos — ea  si  maxima  eat,  ut 
est  certe,  necesse  est  quod  a  communitate  ducatur  offlcium  id  ease 
maximum." — He  is  here  emphasizing  the  social  duties  of  the  individual 
man. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  13 

Empire,  and  culminated  under  the  fostering  care  of 
Trajan  and  the  Antonines.  It  then  became  clear  that 
Cicero  had  not  looked  in  vain  to  Greek  Philosophy  to 
save  his  countrymen  from  that  moral  degradation  and 
disorder  which,  in  his  own  words,  it  demanded  the 
most  earnest  endeavours  of  every  individual  citizen  to 
check  and  restrain.1 

In  Greece,  Eeligion  and  Philosophy  had  early 
enjoyed  mutual  relations  of  an  intimate  character. 
The  force  of  the  weighty  invocations  which  the  poet 
of  the  "  Works  and  Days  "  2  addresses  to  his  dishonour- 
able brother  Perses  lies  less  in  the  conventional  theology 
which  alludes  to  the  wrath  of  " broad- sighted  Zeus" 
as  tracking  the  footsteps  of  the  wicked,  than  in  the 
reasoned  choice  which  the  sinner  is  invited  to  make 
between  Injustice  as  leading  inevitably  to  ruin,  and 
Virtue  leading  as  inevitably  to  prosperity;3  and  the 
claims  of  individual  judgment,  the  right  of  every  man 

1  De  Divinatione,  ii.  2. — "  Quod  enim  munus  reipublicse  afferre  ma- 
jus  meliusve  possumus,  quam  si  docemus  atque  erudimus  juventutem  ? 
his  proesertim  moribus  [atque  temporibus,  quibus  ita  prolapsa  est,  ut 
omnium  opibus  refrsenenda  ac  coercenda  sit." — We  shall  venture  to 
believe  that  personally  Cicero  was  not  a  religious  man,  in  spite  of 
the  religious  usefulness  of  his  philosophic  work,  and  also  notwithstand- 
ing Trollope's  contention  that  "  had  Cicero  lived  a  hundred  years  later 
I  should  have  suspected  him  of  some  hidden  knowledge  of  Christian 
teaching."       (TKOLLOPE'S    Life   of    Cicero,    chapter    on    "  Cicero's 
Keligion.")     Cicero's   Letters  have  as  much  religion  in  them  as 
Lord  Chesterfield's — and  no  more. 

2  HEEOD.  ii.  53. 

3  HESIOD  :  Works  and  Days,  280  sqq.  (cf.  293-326).     Here  also  is 
to  be  found  that  famous  description  of  the  hard  and  easy  roads  of 
Virtue  and  of  Vice.    The  reward  held  out  to  progress  in  Virtue  is  that 
this  road,  too,  becomes  pleasant  and  easy  at  last. 


14  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

to  subject  everything  to  the  test  of  his  own  intelligence, 
never  found  finer  expression  than  in  the  verse  which 
assigns  the  palm  of  moral  perfection  to  him  who  has 
the  courage  to  think  for  himself.1  Pindar,  the  most 
religious  poet  of  antiquity,  applies  the  test  of  reason 
to  the  established  myths  of  Hellas  when  he  refuses  to 
credit  such  legends  as  depict  the  gods  in  unseemly 
situations,  or  under  the  influence  of  degrading  passions.2 
Xenophanes  thought  that  the  claims  of  Eeligion  and 
Morality  could  be  best  advanced  by  cleansing  the 
moral  atmosphere  of  the  gods  whose  recorded  lives 
were  so  flagrantly  in  opposition  to  the  dictates  of 
purity,  reason,  and  honour ;  a  strain  of  criticism  which 
found  its  most  striking  and  notorious  expression  in  the 
famous  Second  and  Third  Books  of  Plato's  "  Eepublic," 
but  which  had  not  been  without  its  exponents  among 
more  whole-hearted  adherents  of  the  national  Eeligion. 
But,  meanwhile,  the  national  Eeligion,  as  embodied, 
at  least,  in  the  national  liturgy,  had  been  coming  to 
terms  with  the  growing  strength  of  Philosophy,  and 
the  vestibules  of  the  Temple  at  Delphi  were  inscribed 
with  those  famous  philosophical  apophthegms,  whose 
presence  there  subsequently  enabled  Plutarch  to  claim 
that  Apollo  was  not  only  a  God  and  a  Seer,  but  a 
Philosopher.8  The  popular  morality  of  the  days  of 
Socrates,  which  supplied  his  cross-examinees  with 

1  Our os  fj.fv  iravdpiffros  tts  avrf  iraina  vo-fiffrj.     (HESIOD  :   Works  and 
Days,  293.) — It  is  not  surprising  that  Aristotle  quotes  this  verse  with 
approval,  or  that  it  commended  itself  to  the  genius  of  Roman  writers. 
(Cf.  LIVY,  xxii.  29  ;  CIOEBO  :  Pro  Cluentio,  c.  31.) 

2  PINDAR  :  Olymp.,  1,  v.  28,  sqq.  (Christ's  Teubner  Edition). 

3  PLUTARCH  :  De  E  apud  Delplos,  385  B.D. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  15 

ready-made    answers   to  questions   on   the  nature  of 
Vice  and  Virtue,  and  of  the  vices  and  the  virtues, 
was  composed  as  much  of  Philosophy  as  of  Eeligion 
in  the  narrower  sense  of  the  term.1    The  Theogonies 
of  Homer  and  Hesiod  furnished  the  external  machinery 
of  the  supernatural  world,  but  the  moral  utterances  of 
these  two  poets,  and  not  of  these  only,  but  of  Simonides 
and  Solon,  of  Theognis  and  the  "Seven  Sages,"  con- 
tained   many    striking    lessons,   and   many   emphatic 
warnings,  touching  the   necessity  and  advantages   of 
a  life   of  virtue.     It  became,  in  fact,  quite  evident, 
though  not,  of  course,  explicitly  asserted,  or  perhaps 
even  consciously  admitted,  that  the  gods,  as  represented 
in  the  Homeric  poems  and  as  existing  in  the  popular 
imagination,  were  quite  impossible  as  a  foundation  for 
Morality,  though  surpassingly  splendid  as  the  material 
of  Art.     It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that,  after  the 
establishment  of  the  great  philosophic  schools  in  the 
fourth  century,  all  the  conscious  inspiration  to  a  life 
of  Virtue,  and  all  the  consolations  which  it  is  the  more 
usual  function  of  Eeligion  to  administer,  were  supplied 
by    Philosophy.      Sudden    conversions    from   Vice   to 
Philosophy  mark  the  history  of  the  philosophic  move- 
ment in   Greece   as  religious   movements   have   been 
marked   among   other  peoples   and  in   other  periods. 
An  edifying  discourse  under  a  Stoic  Portico,  or  in  an 
Academic  School,  has  been  as  effective  in  its  practical 
results  as  a  religious  oration  by  Bossuet,  or  a  village 
preaching  by  Whitfield.2     Religion  and  Philosophy  are 

1  See  The  Ethics  of  Aristotle,  by  Sir  ALEXANDER  GRANT,  Essay  II. 

2  Horace's  "  Mutatus  Polemon "  is  well  known.     The  details  of 


1 6  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

identified,  because  both  are  identical  with  Morality; 
the  lives  of  some  Greek  Philosophers  furnish  the 
nearest  parallel  attained  in  antiquity  to  the  modern 
ideal  of  saintliness. 

This  application  of  Philosophy  to  the  spiritual 
requirements  of  the  individual  man,  this  independence 
of  supernatural  sanctions  for  goodness,  was  aided  by 
the  almost  purely  liturgical  character  of  the  Greek 
Religion.  Greek  Religion  made  no  special  appeal  to 
the  individual  conscience  with  a  view  to  awakening 
that  sense  of  personal  responsibility  for  every  part 
of  one's  life  and  conduct  which  is  the  very  soul  and 
centre  of  Religion  as  understood  in  modern  days.  To 
attend  the  traditional  religious  festivals;  to  fulfil  the 
rites  prescribed  for  certain  occasions  by  the  sacerdotal 
laymen  who  represented  the  State  on  its  religious  side; 
to  hold  a  vague  conventional  notion  respecting  the 
existence  of  the  gods  and  of  their  separate  personalities; 
to  listen  quietly,  and  respond  reverently,  while  the 
purple-robed,  myrtle-crowned,  altar-ministrant  intoned 
with  solemn  resonance  the  ancient  formulae  embalming 
the  sacred  legends  of  some  deity  whose  "Mysteries" 
were  specially  fostered  and  honoured  by  the  State ;  to 
aid  in  giving  effect  to  the  dreadful  imprecations  pro- 
nounced against  those  guilty  of  sacrilege  or  parricide ; 
to  respond,  in  a  word,  to  all  the  external  demands  of 

the  story  are  given  in  practically  the  same  form  by  Diogenes  Laertius, 
Valerius  Maximus  (vi.  6.  15),  and  by  Lucian  in  his  dramatic  version 
in  the  Bis  Accusatus  (16,  17).  Philostratus— Lives  of  the  Sophists, 
i.  20 — gives  an  intensely  modern  account  of  the  conversion  of  the 
sophist  Isseus.  (See  also  Note  on  p.  28.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  17 

the  national  faith  as  a  political  institution :  represented 
the  religious  duty  of  a  good  and  patriotic  citizen.  A 
beautiful  and  impressive  liturgy  is,  indeed,  not  without 
effect  in  surrounding  with  a  quiet  atmosphere  of  good- 
ness a  class  of  minds  whose  temptations  are  mercifully 
proportioned  to  their  weakness ;  but  real  moral  worth 
must  spring  from  internal  sources,  and  these  internal 
sources  were  not  to  be  found  in  the  Greek  national 
Eeligion.  Hence  a  wider  field  for  Philosophy  in  the 
lives  of  a  people  whose  eagerness  in  the  pursuit  of 
virtue  was  as  marked,  if  not  so  successful,  as  their 
aspirations  after  perfection  of  art  and  profundity  of 
knowledge. 

We  do  not  ignore,  in  attributing  this  importance  to 
Philosophy  as  the  inspiration  of  goodness,  either  that 
fortunate  class  of  people  who,  in  Plato's  beautiful 
expression,  are  "good  by  the  divine  inspiration  of 
their  own  nature," l  or  that  more  numerous  section 
of  society  who  were  directed  into  a  certain  common 
conventional  goodness  by  the  moral  influence  of  the 
purer  myths,  and  who  were  taught,  like  the  youth  in 
Browning's  poem,  "whose  Father  was  a  scholar  and 
knew  Greek,"  that 

"  Their  aim  should  be  to  loathe,  like  Peleus'  son, 
A  lie  as  Hell's  Gate,  love  their  wedded  wife, 
Like  Hector,  and  so  on  with  all  the  rest."  - 

But  there  was  another  side  to  the  myths,  a  side  less 
favourable  to  the  development  of  morals,  and  one 
which  had  been  brought  forward  so  conspicuously  in 

1  PLATO:  Laicz,  642  C.    (Jowett's  translation.) 
-  BROWNING'S  Asolando,  "Development."    (P.  129,  first  edition.) 

C 


r8  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

the  adverse  criticisms  of  the  philosophers  that  no  one 
could  pretend  to  ignore  its  existence.1  The  prevailing 
tendency  of  Greek  myth  was  not  moral,  and  it  was 
only  after  the  most  careful  pruning,  such,  for  example, 
as  that  which  Plutarch  applies  to  it  in  his  educational 
essays,  that  myth  became  safely  available  as  a  factor 
in  ethical  progress.  The  mainsprings  of  Conduct,  of 
personal  and  private  Morality,  are  to  be  found  in 
Philosophy,  and  so  great  an  importance  did  Philosophy 
acquire  as  the  instrument  of  goodness,  that  that 
particular  branch  of  Philosophy  which  exercised 
surveillance  over  the  realm  of  Conduct  became  event- 
ually recognized  as  Philosophy  par  excellence;  the 
overwhelming  significance  attached  by  Greek  philo- 
sophers, from  the  Sophists  onwards,  to  the  practical 
element  in  their  teaching,  led  to  a  restriction  of  the 
terms  "  Philosophy  "  and  "  Philosopher  "  to  an  almost 
purely  ethical  connotation.  The  argument  in  the 

1  For  the  influence  of  the  Greek  Myths  in  this  direction,  cf. 
PBOPEBTIUS,  Book  iii.  32. 

"  Ipsa  Venus,  quamvis  corrupta  libidine  Martis, 

Nee  minus  in  caelo  semper  honesta  fuit, 
Quamvis  Ida  palam  pastorem  dicat  amasse 
Atque  inter  pecudes  accubuisse  deam. 

Die  mini,  quis  potuit  lectum  servare  pudicum, 
Qua  dea  cum  solo  vivere  sola  deo  ?  " 

St.  Augustine's  criticism  of  the  famous  passage  in  the  Eunwhus 
of  Terence  (Act  iii.  sc.  5),  where  Chaerea  is  encouraged  in  his 
clandestine  amour  by  a  picture  of  Jupiter  and  Danae,  is,  of  course, 
painfully  justified  by  the  facts  as  reported  by  the  dramatist. 
(Confessiones,  lib.  i.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  19 

"  Phsedo "  that,  without  Philosophy,  Virtue  is  nothing 
more  than  a  mere  rough  sketch,  is  so  strongly  em- 
phasized in  other  quarters  that  there  is  formed  a  general 
conviction  that  the  sole  sphere  of  Philosophy  is  the 
sphere  of  human  conduct.1 

1  PLATO  :  Pliado,  69  B. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Importance  of  the  ethical  tendency  in  pre-Socratic  Philosophy 
generally  under-estimated — Development  of  this  tendency  from 
Tholes  to  the  Sophists,  and  from  the  Sophists  to  the  Stoics  and 
Epicureans — Special  influence  of  these  two  Schools,  aided  by 
the  failure  of  political  interest,  in  establishing  a  practicable 
ideal  of  PERSONAL  virtue — This  ideal,  conspicuous  in  Plutarch's 
"  Ethics,"  and  inculcated  by  the  philosophers  of  the  early 
Qrceco-Roman  Empire  generally. 

TT  will  be  interesting  and  useful  briefly  to  trace  the 
-*•  growth  of  the  ethical  tendency  in  Greek  Philosophy, 
not  only  as  a  preparation  for  the  study  of  Plutarch's 
position  as  an  ethical  and  religious  teacher,  but  also 
because  the  prominence  of  this  tendency  in  the  pre- 
Socratic  systems  appears  to  have  been  greatly  under- 
estimated.1 It  has  been  found  so  easy,  for  purposes  of 
historical  narrative,  to  describe  a  certain  philosophical 

1  "  Before  the  fifth  century,  philosophy  had  been  entirely  physical 
or  metaphysical." — Sir  A.  GRANT  :  Aristotle.  (Essay  already  quoted.) 
The  word  italicized  is  surely  too  sweeping.  (The  thought  is  repeated 
with  some  qualification  on  page  67.)  Cf.  DIOGENES  LAEBTIUS  :  i.  18, 
and  i.  13.  CICERO:  Tutc.  Quxst.,  v.  4;  Acad.,  i.  4,  15.  ARISTOTLE 
speaks  with  greater  truth  and  moderation. — Metaph.,  i.  6.  The  dis- 
tinction between  Socrates  and  previous  philosophers  lies  not  BO  much 
in  the  fact  that  they  were  cot  ethical  philosophers  as  that  he  was 
not  a  physical  philosopher. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  21 

tendency  as  "  physical,"  and  a  certain  other  as  "  meta- 
physical," that  the  purely  general  character  of  these 
descriptions  has  been  overlooked.  Thales  was  a  natural 
philosopher,  an  astronomer,  and,  if  we  may  trust  the 
"general  belief  of  the  Greeks"  to  which  Herodotus 
alludes  in  his  account  of  the  crossing  of  the  river  Halys 
by  Croesus,  a  great  mechanical  engineer  as  well.1  But 
he  was  something  more  than  this.  He  was  dis- 
tinguished for  great  political  insight,  and  was  acknow- 
ledged to  be  the  greatest  of  the  group  of  practical 
philosophers  who  were  known  as  the  Seven  Sages.2 
To  this  group  are  assigned  those  famous  dicta  which, 
whether  inscribed  by  priests  on  the  walls  of  temples, 
or  embodied  by  philosophers  in  their  ethical  systems, 
conveyed  a  profound  moral  significance  to  every 
member  of  a  Hellenic  community.  Although  no 
special  one  of  these  sayings  is  ascribed  to  Thales  by 
name,  it  would  surely  be  absurd  to  suppose  him 
deficient  in  those  very  qualities  which  brought  fame 
to  the  men  at  whose  head  he  was  universally  placed. 
A  man  who  was  confessedly  a  trusted  counsellor  in 
Politics  would  assuredly,  in  those  days,  have  had 
something  to  say  on  that  branch  of  Politics  which  was 
destined  eventually  to  be  separated  from  its  parent 


1  HEROD,  i.  75.     Cf.  the  amusing  story  told  by  Plutarch  (De 
Sollertia  Animalium,  971  B,  C),  in  which  a  mule  laden  with  salt 
lightens  its  load  in  crossing  a  river  by  soaking  its  packages  well 
under  the  water.    Thales  enters  the  ranks  against  the  clever  mule, 
and  comes  off  easy  winner  by  giving  him  a  load  of  sponges  and  wool. 

2  HEROD,  i.  170.   Cf.  PLUTARCH  :  Cum  Prindpibus  Viris  Philosopho 
esse  disserendum,  779  A. 


22  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

stem,  and  to  become  a  distinct  branch  of  philosophical 
investigation.  Anaximander  cannot,  at  this  distance  of 
time,  be  directly  associated  with  the  practical  problems 
of  human  life,  but  must  ever  remain  wrapped  up  in  his 
"infinity,"  which  is  neither  Air  nor  Water,  nor  any 
other  element,  but  "  something  that  is  different  from  all 
of  them." l  It  is  not,  however,  without  significance  in 
this  connexion,  that  the  most  striking  fragment  of  his 
Philosophy  that  has  reached  our  times  is  couched  in 
ethical  phraseology :  "  That  out  of  which  existing 
things  have  their  birth  must  also,  of  right,  be  their 
grave  when  they  are  destroyed.  For  they  must,  by  the 
dispensation  of  time,  give  a  just  compensation  for  their 
injustice."  2  We  are  in  equal  ignorance  of  any  special 
ethical  teaching  of  Anaximenes.  Heraclitus,  however, 
has  a  distinctly  ethical  aspect,  in  spite  of  the  physical 
nature  of  most  of  his  philosophical  speculations.  Self- 
knowledge,  which  is  alien  to  the  multitude,  who  are 
under  the  sway  of  the  poets,3  is  already,  in  Heraclitus, 
the  basis  of  self-control,  as  it  is  in  Socrates  the  basis 
of  all  moral  excellence.4  An  ordered  self-control  is  the 
highest  of  all  virtues ;  even  the  Sun  must  not  trans- 
gress the  limits  of  his  sphere,  or  the  Erinnyes,  the 
Ministers  of  Justice,  will  find  him  out.5  Anaxagoras, 
whom  Sextus  Empiricus  will  one  day  describe  as  "  the 

1  HITTER  and  PRELLEB,  p.  10.   (Quoting  SIMPLICIUS  :  Physica,  6,  a.) 

2  SIMPLICIUS:  Physica.    (Quoted  by  BITTER  and  PRELLEB,  p.  10.) 

3  "  Heraclitus  used  to  say  that  Homer,  and  Archilochus  as  well, 
ought  to  be  expelled  from  the  Contests  and  cudgelled." — D.  L.,  ix.  1. 

4  See  PLUTARCH  :  Adversus  Coloten,  118  C ;  and  STOB-ZEUS  :  Antholo- 
gion,  v.  119,  and  iii.  84.     (Vol.  i.  pp.  94  and  104.— Tauchnitz  Edition.) 

s  PLUTARCH  :  De  Exilio,  604  A. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  23 

most  physical "  of  all  the  philosophers,  began  his  book 
on  Nature  with  the  words  "All  things  were  in  con- 
fusion together ;  then  came  Intelligence,  and  gave  them 
order  and  arrangement ;  "  thus  laying  the  foundation 
of  his  Natural  Philosophy  in  a  principle  which  could 
not  fail  of  early  application  to  the  sphere  of  Conduct.1 
The  denial  of  blind  Chance,  or  of  immutable  Fate,  in 
the  realm  of  physical  phenomena  easily  leads  to  its 
repudiation  in  the  sphere  of  Ethics,  and  to  a  recognition 
of  the  personal  responsibility  of  the  individual  mind 
for  the  consequences  of  its  own  decisions.2  It  was 
probably  a  conviction  of  the  ethical  fruitfulness  of  the 
principle  thus  laid  down  by  Anaxagoras  in  the  sphere 
of  Physics  which  induced  Aristotle,  the  greatest  of  all 
ethical  philosophers,  to  assert  that  its  author,  as  com- 
pared with  his  predecessors,  was  a  sober  thinker  by 
the  side  of  random  babblers.3  The  physical  investiga- 
tions of  Democritus  were  utilized  by  the  Epicureans  to 
free  man  from  superstitious  fears  of  another  world,  in 
order  that  he  might  direct  all  his  powers  to  making  the 
best  of  this  world,  in  a  moral,  infinitely  more  than  in  a 
physical,  sense.  He  specifically  discussed  Virtue,  and 
concluded  that  happiness  consisted  in  Temperance  and 
Self-Control.4  In  a  book  which  he  wrote  under  the 
significant  title  of  "  Tritogeneia,"  or  "  Minerva,"  he 

1  DIOGENES  LAERTIUS,  ii.  6. 

2  ALEX.  APHROD  :  De  Fato,  ii.,  quoted  by  HITTER  and  PRELLEB, 
p.  28.     Cf.  PSEXJDO-PLUTARCH  :  De  Placitis  Philosopliorum,  885  C,  D. 

3  ARISTOTLE  :  Metaphysics,  i.  3. 

4  RITTEB  and  PRELLER,  p.  52. — Cf.  UEBEBWEQ  on  Leucippus  and 
Democritus,  "  The  ethical  end  of  man  is  happiness,  which  is  attained 
through  justice  and  culture." 


24  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

appears  to  have  applied  the  principle  of  Intelligence  to 
the  domain  of  Ethics,  as  Anaxagoras  had  applied  it  to 
the  realm  of  Physics,  pointing  out  that  there  wanted 
three  things  to  the  perfection  of  human  society — "  to 
reason  well,  to  speak  well,  and  to  do  one's  duty ; "  and 
that  these  three  powers  all  spring  from  the  directing 
influence  of  Intelligence.  The  author  of  the  "  Magna 
Moralia  "  says  that  Pythagoras  was  the  first  to  discuss 
Virtue,  and  indicates  in  what  manner  the  Pythagoreans 
attempted  to  apply  their  theory  of  Number  to  the 
sphere  of  Ethics.  Their  method  was  wrong,  according 
to  the  "  Magna  Moralia,"  since  there  is  a  special  and 
appropriate  method  for  the  analysis  and  discussion  of 
the  virtues,  and  "Justice  is  not  a  number  evenly 
even."  l  Such  a  definition,  thus  crushed  by  way  of  a 
point-blank  negative,  has,  of  course,  nothing  but  a 
metaphorical  significance  as  applied  to  Ethics  ;  but  the 
metaphorical  conception  of  Justice  as  a  perfect  number 
will  not  be  totally  devoid  of  inspiration  to  justice  of 
conduct  in  the  mind  of  one  who  loves  perfection  even 
when  represented  by  an  arithmetical  abstraction  ;  and 
if  by  this  definition  "  it  was  designed  to  express  the 
correspondence  between  action  and  suffering," 2  a  fruit- 
ful, though  incomplete,  ethical  principle  is  embodied  in 


1  Magna  Moralia,  i.  1,  andi.  34.  Cf.  ARISTOTLE  :  Eih.  Nich.,v.  5. — 
"  The  Pythagoreans  defined  the  just  to  be  simply  retaliation — and 
Rhadamanthus  (in  ^Eschylus)  appears  to  assert  that  justice  is  this : 
'  that  the  punishment  will  be  equitable  when  a  man  suffers  the  same 
thing  as  he  has  done.'  "  (Thomas  Taylor's  translation  of  The  Works 
of  Aristotle.) 

•  UEBERWEG,  p.  47.    See  also  citations  in  last  note. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  25 

their  mathematical  phrasing.1  In  a  more  general  sense, 
Epicharmus  has  sung  how  the  Pythagorean  Doctrine  of 
Number  may  be  applied  to  the  domain  of  practice  : — 

"  Man's  life  needs  greatly  Number's  ordered  sway : 
His  path  is  safe  who  follows  Number's  way." 2 

But  the  Pythagorean  doctrine  of  Transmigration 
probably  had  a  greater  ethical  value  than  the  meta- 
physical conceptions  of  Number  which  constituted  the 
Pythagorean  oi»ata  ;  although  it  is  not  impossible  that 
the  dogma,  when  carelessly  held  or  unphilosophically 
interpreted,  might  have  a  vicious  rather  than  a  virtuous 
effect.3  The  "  Golden  Verses  of  Pythagoras,"  whether 
composed  by  any  individual  member  of  the  school,  or 
officially  embodying  the  teaching  of  the  sect,  or  repre- 
senting the  actual  work  of  some  philosopher  not 
formally  a  Pythagorean,  have  been  universally  recog- 
nised to  express  a  Pythagorean  ideal ; 4  and  thus 

1  How  fruitful,  the  whole  Attic  Tragedy  demonstrates. 

-  KITTER  and  PRELLER,  p.  79  (from  CLEMENS  ALEXANDRINUS). 

3  Cf.  MARLOWE'S  Dr.  Faustus : — 

"  Why  wert  thou  not  a  creature  wanting  soul  ? 
Or  why  is  this  immortal  that  thou  hast  ? 
Ah,  Pythagoras'  metempsychosis,  were  that  true 
This  soul  should  fly  from  me,  and  I  be  changed 
Unto  some  brutish  beast !    All  beasts  are  happy, 
For  when  they  die, 

Their  souls  are  soon  dissolved  in  elements  ; 
But  mine  must  live  still  to  be  plagued  in  hell." 

4  MARTHA:   L'Examen  de  Conscience   chez  les  Anciens  ("etudes 
morales  sur  1'Antiquite  "). — "  Ce  poeme,attribue  par  les  uns  a  Pythagore 
lui-meme,  par  d'autres  a  Lysis,  son  disciple,  par  d'autres  encore  ou  a 
Philolaiis  ou  a  Empedocle,  ne  remonte  pas  sans  doute  a  une  si  haute 


26  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

exhibit  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Italian  School  a  far  more 
vigorous  and  fruitful  ethical  tendency  than  any  study 
of  its  official  doctrines — so  far  as  they  are  available  for 
study — would  lead  us  to  suppose.  And,  indeed,  the 
followers  of  this  Philosophy  were  conspicuous,  even  in 
Plato's  time,  for  a  special  manner  of  life,  the  prepara- 
tion for  which  involved  a  strenuous  devotion  to  a  strict 
and  lofty  ethical  ideal,  an  ideal  which  subsequently 
formed  no  small  part  of  the  strength  of  that  last  school 
of  Greek  Philosophy  which  nominally  sheltered  under 
the  aegis  of  Plato.1 

Among  the  philosophers  of  the  Eleatic  School  we 
find  an  equally  marked  tendency  in  the  direction  of 


antiquite,  mais  il  eat  certainement  anterieur  aulchristianisme,  puisque 
des  ecrivains  qui  ont  vecu  avant  notre  ere,  entre  autres  le  Sto'icien 
Chrysippe,  y  ont  fait  quelquefois  allusion  .  .  .  Hierocles  dit  formelle- 
ment  que  les  Vers  d'or  ne  sont  pas  1'ceavre  d'un  homme,  mais  celle  de 
tout  le  sacre  college  pythagoricien." — The  author  of  the  verses  is, 
doubtless,  unknown,  but  their  general  attribution  in  antiquity  to  a 
Pythagorean  source  is  in  harmony  with  the  universal  recognition 
that  they  cohere  with  the  ethical  doctrine  of  the  school.  M.  Martha 
subjects  ancient  philosophers  and  critics  to  a  severe  reprehension  on 
the  ground  that  they  saw  in  these  verses  a  mere  inculcation  of  the 
practice  of  the  memory — "  Un  certain  nombre  d'anciens  sont  tombes 
dans  la  plus  e'trange  meprise.  Us  ont  cru  qu'il  s'agissait  ici  d'un 
exercice  de  memoire."  But,  giving  all  the  force  which  M.  Martha 
assigns  to  the  passages  he  quotes  in  support  of  this  view,  we  must 
not  leave  out  of  consideration  the  important  part  which  a  good 
memory  was  believed  to  subserve  in  practical  ethics.  See  the  pseudo- 
Plutarchic  tract  De  Educatione  Lilerorum,  9  F.  Cf.  EPICTETUS,  lib. 
iii.  cap  x. 

SENECA  (De  Ira,  3,  cap.  36)  learned  the  practice  inculcated  by  the 
golden  verses  from  Sextus,  who  was  claimed  as  a  Pythagorean 
(RITTEB  and  PRELLER,  437). 

1  PLATO  :  Republic,  600  B. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  27 

Ethics.  The  very  basis  of  the  anti-theistic  propaganda 
of  Xenophanes  is  that  the  gods  in  their  traditional 
character  do  not  display  those  virtues  which  are 
incumbent  on  even  ordinarily  decent  men.  To  his 
strenuous  sincerity  the  removal  of  the  gods  from  the 
sphere  of  human  conduct  meant  the  introduction  of  a 
stricter  and  better  reasoned  sanction  for  morality. 
Even  Parmenides  and  Melissus  and  Zeno  were  not  so 
absorbed  in  the  creation  of  abstract  metaphysical 
conceptions  but  that  Plutarch  is  able  to  mention  them 
together,  not  only  as  distinguished  for  their  contribu- 
tions to  the  practical  wisdom  of  their  time,  but  as 
evincing  by  the  manner  of  their  death  their  constancy 
to  a  lofty  ethical  conception  of  the  duties  of  life.1 
Empedocles  is  included  in  the  same  category  as  having 
conferred  great  material  and  political  benefits  upon  his 
fellow-citizens,  to  whom  he  also  addressed  a  poem 
inculcating  a  pure  and  noble  manner  of  life  based  on 
the  doctrine  of  Transmigration. 

This  brief  review  of  the  pre-Socratic  and  pre- 
Sophistic  Philosophers  appears  to  indicate  that,  if  their 
ethical  doctrines  were  not  formulated  with  the  scientific 
detail  and  precision  of  later  schools,  their  speculations 
had  a  strongly  ethical  cast,  and  tended  to  work  out 
into  practical  morality  in  the  sphere  of  daily  conduct. 
In  spite  of  the  numerous  systems  of  Ethics  which  have 
been  propounded  in  ancient  and  modern  days,  a 
scientific  basis  of  Morality  has  not  yet  been  truly  laid, 


1  PLUTARCH:  Adversus  Coloten,  1126;  cf.  D.  L.,  is.  23.     See  also 
PLATO'S  Parmenides,  and  cf.  UEBEKWEQ  on  Parmenides. 


28  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

and  it  was,  perhaps,  a  recognition  of  the  difficulties 
menacing  attempts  in  this  direction,  aided  by  a  feeling 
that  "  moral  progress  has  not  to  wait  till  an  unimpeach- 
able system  of  Ethics  has  been  elaborated,"  l  which  led 
the  early  Greek  Schools  to  confine  their  utterances  on 
Morals  to  "rugged  maxims  hewn  from  life,"  which 
compensated  for  their  lack  of  scientific  precision  by  the 
inspiration  they  applied  to  the  work  of  actual  life. 

It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  with  the 
Sophists  the  concerns  of  practical  life  began  to  assume 
that  predominant  place  in  philosophical  speculations 
which  they  afterwards  wholly  usurped  ;  and  the  claim 
of  the  Sophists  (whether  or  not  Socrates  is  to  be 
reckoned  among  them)  to  be  regarded  as  the  founders 
of  Ethical  Philosophy  is  not  weakened  by  the  fact  that, 
when  Philosophy  and  Ethics  were  identified,2  the  term 
Sophist  was  assigned  to  men  whose  lives  were  in 
diametrical  opposition  to  everything  connoted  by  the 
designation  philosopher.3  The  Sophists  of  the  Socratic 


1  LESLIE  STEPHEN  :  The  Science  of  Ethics  (concluding  sentence). 

-  For  a  brief  expression  of  this  identity,  see  DION.  CH.  De  Exilio, 
xiii.  p.  249.—"  To  seek  and  strive  earnestly  after  Virtue— that  is 
Philosophy."  Cf .  SENECA  :  Epist.,  i.  37  ;  et  passim. 

3  See  MABTHA  :  La  predication  morale  populaire  ("  Les  moralistes 
sous  1'empire  romain,"  pp.  240,  241). — "  A  cette  e'poque  la  philosophie 
etait  une  espece  de  religion  qui  imposait  a  ses  adeptes  au  moms 
1'exterieur  de  JL&  vertu.  Les  sophistes  se  reconnaissent  a  leur  moeurs 
licencieuses  et  a  leurs  manieres  arrogantes,  les  philosophes  a  la 
dignite  de  leur  conduite  et  de  leur  maintien.  On  entrait  dans  la 
philosophie  par  une  sorte  de  conversion  edefiante :  on  ne  pouvait  en 
sortir  que  par  une  apostasie  scandaleuse."  See  the  passages  referred 
to  by  M.  MARTHA,  and,  in  addition,  DION'S  account  of  his  "  conver- 
sion "  in  Oratio  xiii.  (De  Exilio),  and  his  comparisons  between  the 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  29 

age,  whose  varied  teachings  were  lacking  in  any 
philosophical  principle  to  give  them  unity  and  dignity, 
brought  the  business  of  common  life  into  so  marked  a 
prominence,  and  recognized  Conduct  as  so  much  larger 
a  fraction  of  life  than  it  had  hitherto  been  consciously 
recognized,  that  the  necessity  of  finding  a  scientific 
basis  for  Conduct  became  apparent,  and  a  sphere 
was  thus  opened  to  the  genius  of  Socrates,  Plato  and 
Aristotle. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  linger  in  demonstrating  the 
important  part  played  by  Ethics  from  this  point  onward 
in  the  development  of  Greek  Philosophy.  "  I  hold  that 
Socrates,  as  all  are  agreed,  was  the  first  whose  voice 
charmed  away  philosophy  from  the  mysterious  pheno- 
mena over  which  Nature  herself  has  cast  a  veil,  and 
with  which  all  philosophers  before  his  time  busied 
themselves,  and  brought  it  face  to  face  with  social  life, 
so  as  to  investigate  virtue  and  vice,  and  the  general 
distinction  between  Good  and  Evil,  and  led  it  to  pro- 
nounce its  sentence  that  the  heavenly  bodies  were 
either  far  removed  from  the  sphere  of  our  knowledge, 
or  contributed  nothing  to  right  living,  however  much 
the  knowledge  of  them  might  be  attained." l  Although 


sophist  and  the  peacock,  and  the  philosopher  and  the  owl,  in  Oratio 
xii.  (De  Dei  Cognitions). 

1  CICERO  :  Acad.  Poster.,  i.  4.  (Eeid's  translation.)  Cf.  HITTER  and 
PRELLEB  :  sec.  204,  note  "  a "  on  XENOPHON  :  Memorabilia,  iv.  3.  1, 
and  i.  4.  4. — "  Socratem  quodam  modo  naturae  studuisse  vel  ex  nostro 
loco  luculenter  cernitur,  ubi  deprehendis  eum  teleologicam  quaa 
dicitur  viam  ingressum,  quse  ratio  transiit  ad  Socraticos.  Inde  cor- 
rigendus  Cicero  Acad.  Poster.,  i.  4."  Cf.  BENWELL'S  Preface  to  his 
edition  of  the  Memorabilia :  "  Quam  graviter  de  Dei  providentia  et  de 


30  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

this  well-known  passage  from  Cicero's  "  Academics  " 
has  been  criticized  for  the  too  great  emphasis  which  it 
lays  on  the  alienation  of  Socrates  from  Natural  Philo- 
sophy, and,  moreover,  as  an  attempt  has  been  made  to 
show  above,  it  lays  in  like  manner  too  much  stress 
on  the  alienation  of  previous  thinkers  from  Moral 
Philosophy,  or,  at  any  rate,  from  empirical  Ethics,  it 
expresses  with  great  clearness  the  surpassing  import- 
ance which  the  common  life  of  humanity,  as  illumined 
by  the  light  of  virtuous  ideals,  was  henceforward  to 
assume  as  the  end  and  aim  of  philosophical  investiga- 
tions and  discussions.  The  overwhelming  importance 
of  Ethics  in  the  philosophical  system  of  Plato  is 
directly  or  indirectly  apparent  in  all  his  teaching ; 
and  where  he,  too,  indulges  in  physical  speculations,  it 
is  with  the  warning  that  probability  is  all  that  can  be 
expected  from  such  investigations,  and  that  they  con- 
stitute a  wise  and  moderate  recreation  in  the  course  of 
severer  and  more  legitimate  studies.1  But  it  must  be 
conceded  that,  while  no  writer  has  composed  more 
beautiful  panegyrics  in  praise  of  Virtue;  while  no 
teacher  has  depicted  its  surpassing  importance  to 
humanity  with  greater  devotion  of  spirit  or  subtler 
charm  of  language  ;  yet  the  severity  of  the  intellectual 
processes  which  alone  lead  to  a  comprehension  of  what, 
in  the  Platonic  system,  Virtue  is,  has  had  the  effect  of 

admirabili  corporis  human!  structura  Socratera  disserentem  inducit  I  " 
— It  must  be  conceded,  however,  that  in  Xenophon's  account  Socrates 
is  described  as  discussing  natural  phenomena  still  with  a  view  to 
ethical  edification.    (Memorab.,  iv.  3.) 
1  PLATO  :  Timseus,  59  C. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  31 

making  Virtue  herself  appear  almost  "  too  bright  and 
good  for  human  nature's  daily  food ; "  too  lofty  and 
afar  for  the  common  man  to  attain ;  a  mere  abstraction 
to  be  preserved  as  a  field  appropriate  to  the  gymnastics 
of  metaphysicians,  and  to  be  shielded  from  the  harsh 
contact  of  the  common  world  and  common  men  by  the 
ch&vaux  de  frisc  of  dialectical  subtlety.  Excess  of 
Eeason  in  Plato  has  produced  a  similar  result  to  that 
produced  by  excess  of  Emotion  in  modern  Religion,  and 
it  is  not  without  Justice  that  a  great  writer  of  the 
nineteenth  century  has  described  Plato  as  "putting 
men  off  with  stars  instead  of  sense,"  and  as  teaching 
them  to  be  anything  but  "  practical  men,  honest  men, 
continent  men,  unambitious  men,  fearful  to  solicit  a 
trust,  slow  to  accept,  and  resolute  never  to  betray 
one."1  The  accessibility  of  Virtue  to  the  common 
heart  is  conditioned  in  Plato's  system  by  its  intelli- 
gibility to  the  common  reason.  The  dialectic  processes 
by  which  the  Ideas  of  the  Good,  the  True,  the  Beautiful 
are  pursued  are  merely  repellent  to  the  average  man, 
who  does  not  care  for  Metaphysics,  but  wishes  to  be 
good  and  pure  and  just  in  his  dealings  with  his  fellow- 
men.2  "  Plato  acknowledges  that  the  morality  of  the 

1  W.  S.  LANDOK:  Diogenes  and  Plato  (Imaginary  Conversations'). 
— "  Draw  thy  robe  around  thee  ;  let  the  folds  fall  gracefully,  and  look 
majestic.    That  sentence  is  an  admirable  one,  but  not  for  me.    I  want 
sense,  not  stars."      Cf.    Dr.  MARTINEAU  :   Plato  (Types  of  Ethical 
TJieory). — "The   perfection  which  consists  in  contemplation  of  the 
absolute,  or  the  attempt  to  copy  it,  may  be  the  consummation  of 
Eeason,  but  not  of  character." 

2  Cf.  LANDOB  :  loc.  tit. — "  The  bird  of  wisdom  flies  low,  and  seeks 
her  food  under  hedges ;  the  eagle  himself  would  be  starved  if  he 


32  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

multitude  must  be  utilitarian,  since  none  other  is 
attainable  save  by  the  highly  trained  metaphysician." l 
Even  when  the  multitude  accept  the  teachings  of  the 
philosopher,  it  is  not  because  they  are  capable  of  the 
knowledge  of  ideal  truth,  but  because  the  philosopher 
has  compelled  them  to  recognize,  from  utilitarian 
reasons,  that  it  is  better  to  be  virtuous  than  to  be 
vicious.  But  this  acknowledgment  of  the  inability  of 
the  multitude  to  be  virtuous  in  the  highest  sense,  and 
the  assertion  that  they  must  submit  themselves  as  clay 
to  be  moulded  by  the  philosopher,  who  alone  has  a 
knowledge  of  ideal  goodness,  do  not  help  in  a  world 
where  the  philosophers  are  not  autocrats,  but  where 
every  teacher  must  submit  his  claims  to  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  multitude.  It  may  accordingly  be 
questioned  whether  Plato's  Ethics  have  furnished 
inspiration  for  goodness  except  to  those  who  have 
already  had  a  predilection  for  virtue  as  an  appanage  of 
the  highest  intellect,  or  to  those  more  general  lovers  of 
the  Beautiful  whose  taste  is  gratified  by  fascinating 
descriptions  of  a  quality  which,  in  itself,  has  no  special 
charm  for  them,  but  which,  when  depicted  by  this 
"  master  of  .the  starry  spheres  "  in  its  atmosphere  of 
cold  but  radiant  splendour,  has  transfigured  their  moral 
life  with  beams  that  do  not  "fade  into  the  common 
light  of  day."  Plato's  teaching,  indeed,  has  something 
monastic,  exclusive,  aristocratic  in  its  import,  and  the 

always  soared  aloft  and  against  the  sun.  The  sweetest  fruit  grows 
near  the  ground,  and  the  plants  that  bear  it  require  ventilation  and 
lopping." 

1  ABCHEB-HIND  :  TJte  Phasdo  of  Plato,  Appendix  I. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  33 

"  esoteric  "  doctrines  which  were  taught  iii  the  grove 
of  Academus  to  students  already  prepared  by  a  special 
course  of  instruction  to  receive  them  stand  at  the  very 
opposite  pole  of  Philosophy  to  those  homely  conversa- 
tions which  Socrates  would  hold  with  the  first  chance 
passer-by  in  the  streets  of  a  busy  city.  "  Let  no  one 
enter  here  who  has  not  studied  Mathematics"  was  a 
phrase  which  summed  up  in  a  dogmatic  canon  of  the 
school  the  views  of  the  master  touching  the  exclusion 
of  the  multitude  from  direct  participation  in  Virtue 
and  Philosophy.1 

Aristotle  brings  us  into  a  world  where  there  is  less 
of  poetry  and  beautiful  imagery,  but  in  which  the 
common  man  can  see  more  clearly.  If  the  landscapes 
are  not  so  lovely,  the  roadways  are  better  laid  and  the 
milestones  are  more  legible.  The  contrast  has  been 
often  enough  already  elaborated.  Its  essence  seems  to 
lie  in  the  recognition  by  Aristotle  that  men  are  men, 
and  not  ideal  philosophers.  It  hardly  needed  those 
famous  passages  in  the  "Ethics,"  in  which  Aristotle 
subjects  the  Theory  of  Ideas  to  a  most  searching 

1  Cf.  MARTINEAU  :  "  Types  of  Ethical  Theory  "  :  Plato,  p.  97,  vol. 
i. — "  For  the  soul  in  its  own  essence,  and  for  great  and  good  souls 
among  mankind.  Plato  certainly  had  the  deepest  reverence ;  but  he 
had  no  share  in  the  religious  sentiment  of  democracy  which  dignifies 
man  as  man,  and  regards  with  indifference  the  highest  personal 
qualities  in  comparison  with  the  essential  attributes  of  common 
humanity. — He  rated  so  high  the  difficulty  of  attaining  genuine 
insight  and  goodness  that  he  thought  it  much  if  they  could  be 
realized  even  in  a  few ;  and  had  no  hope  that  the  mass  of  men,  over- 
borne by  the  pressure  of  material  necessity  and  unchastened  desires, 
could  be  brought,  under  the  actual  conditions  of  this  world,  to  more 
than  the  mere  beginnings  of  wisdom." 

D 


34  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

criticism,  to  emphasize  that  predilection  for  the 
practical  concerns  of  daily  life,  as  not  only  the  proper 
sphere  of  Ethics,  but  their  foundation  and  material, 
which  is  conspicuous  in  the  general  character  of  his 
work.  Over  and  over  again  he  insists  that  happiness 
depends  upon  action,  not  contemplation ; l  and  so  con- 
vinced is  he  that  Ethics,  like  every  other  science,  must 
start  from  knowledge  of  actual  facts,  that  he  denies  the 
claim  of  those  to  be  students  of  Moral  Philosophy  who 
are  inexperienced  in  the  actions  of  life.3  And  it  is, 
surely,  in  allusion  to  the  demand  of  the  Platonic 
Philosophy  that  the  multitude  shall  permit  themselves 
to  be  moulded  by  the  Platonist  potter  even  into  that 
inferior  form  of  virtue  of  which  alone  they  are  capable, 
that  Aristotle  reverts  to  the  famous  saying  of  Hesiod 
that  he  is  second  best  only  who  "  obeys  one  who  speaks 
well,"  while  assigning  the  moral  supremacy  to  the  man 
who  makes  his  own  practical  experience  of  life  the 
basis  of  his  ethical  theories  and  the  mainspring  of  his 
moral  progress. 

Thus  it  seems  that  Aristotle  is  the  true  successor 
of  Socrates,  inasmuch  as  Philosophy,  which  under 
the  spells  of  Platonism  had  withdrawn  again  to  the 
empyrean,  is  charmed  down  once  more  by  the  Stageirite 
to  the  business  and  bosoms  of  mankind.  To  iise  the 
expressive  metaphor  of  Aristotle  himself,  though  not, 
of  course,  in  this  connexion,  if  the  creator  of  the  "Be- 
public  "  shines  as  one  of  "  the  most  beautiful  and  the 

1  AKISTOTLE  :  Ethics,  i.  cap.  3.     Cf.  i.  6  and  i.  8. 
-  Ethics,  i.  3,  4,  where  also  the  verse  from  the  Work*  and  Days 
is  quoted  ;  cf.  sec.  6. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  35 

strongest  "  present  at  the  Olympian  Games,  the  author 
of  the  "  Ethics  "  is  one  of  the  "  Combatants  "  who  have 
been  crowned,  because  they  have  descended  into  the 
arena,  and  by  right  action  have  secured  what  is  noble 
and  good  in  life.1  After  Aristotle,  it  was  improbable 
that  Philosophy  would  ever  again  render  itself  ob- 
noxious to  the  reproach  levelled  against  Plato  by  some 
of  his  contemporaries  that  "  they  went  to  him  expecting 
to  hear  about  the  chief  good,  but  he  put  them  off  with 
a  quantity  of  remarks  about  numbers  and  things  they 
could  not  understand." 2 

Contemporary  with  the  work  of  Aristotle  and  his 
insistence  upon  the  necessity  that  each  individual  man 
should  seek  for  the  chief  good  in  the  sphere  of  his  own 
actual  experience,  occurred  the  relaxation  of  the  dom- 
inant claims  of  the  State  to  the  best  part  of  the  energies 
and  activities  of  the  citizen.  The  change  in  the  polit- 
ical condition  of  Greece  consequent  upon  the  Maced- 
onian conquest  had  turned  the  Greek  citizen  back 
upon  his  own  soul  for  inspiration  to  guide  his  steps 
aright.  The  philosophical  tendency  was  thus  aided  by 
external  conditions,  and  the  joint  operation  of  both 
these  influences  established  in  Stoicism  and  Epicu- 
reanism the  satisfaction  of  the  moral  requirements  of 
the  individual  man  as  the  aim  and  end  of  Philosophy. 

Whatever  importance  the  leaders  of  the  Stoics 
attached  to  Logic  and  Physics — and  different  philo- 
sophers formed  different  estimates  of  their  value 3 — all 

1  Ethics,  i.  8. 

-  GRANT'S  Aristotle,  vol.  i.  p.  155. 

3  Sec  HITTER  and  PRKLLER,  sec.  392,  for  the  authorities  on  this  head. 


36  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

were  agreed  that  these  parts  of  Philosophy  were  only 
useful  in  so  far  as  they  enabled  mankind  to  lead  a 
virtuous  life;  a  life  in  harmony  with  nature  and  its 
laws ;  a  life  which  placed  them  above  the  domination 
of  "  Fear  and  hope  and  phantasy  and  awe,  And  wistful 
yearning  and  unsated  loves,  That  strain  beyond  the 
limits  of  this  life."  l  The  Epicureans  repudiated  Dia- 
lectic,2 and,  as  already  stated,  studied  Physics  with  a 
view  only  to  freeing  the  mind  of  man  from  those  super- 
natural fears  which  hampered  him  in  his  attainment  of 
terrestrial  virtue  and  happiness  :— 

"  Nam  veluti  pueri  trepidaut  atque  omnia  csecis 
In  tenebris  metuunt,  sic  nos  in  luce  timemus 
Interdum  nilo  qmc  aunt  metuenda  magis  quam 
Quse  pueri  in  tenebris  pavitant  finguntque  futura. 
Huuc  igitur  terrorem  animi  tenebrasque  necesse  cst 
Non  radii  solis  neque  lucida  tela  diei 
Discutiant,  sed  naturae  species  ratioquc." 

Lucretius,  whose  great  poem  is  devoted  to  an  exposition 
of  the  physical  side  of  Epicureanism,  i.e.  of  the  Atomic 
Philosophy  of  Democritus,8  is  only  on  the  same  ground 
with  Epicurus  himself  when  he  makes  it  clear,  not 
^merely  by  the  general  complexion  of  his  argument,  but 
by  a  large  number  of  particular  passages,  and  those, 
too,  the  most  strikingly  beautiful  in  the  poem,  that  the 

1  A   Voice  from    the   Nile,  by  JAMES  THOMSON.      An  Epicurean 
would  have  heartily  responded  to  the  verse  following  those  quoted  in 
the  text  from  this  fine  poem — "  And  therefore  Gods  and  Demons, 
Heaven  and  Hell." 

2  DIOGENES  LAERTIUS  (RITTKR  and  PRELLER,  380.    Cf.  Cio. :    J)e 
Finibus,  i.  7). 

3  Cf.  rsEVUO-PujTAUtH  :  De  1'lacitis  Philosopher u»t.  877  D. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  37 

investigation  of  natural  phenomena  is  to  serve  only  as 
a  means  of  freeing  the  life  of  humanity  from  those  cares 
and  vices  which  are  hostile  to  its  peace  : — 

"  Denique  avarities  et  honorum  cseca  cupido 
Qu»  miseros  homines  cogtmt  transcendere  fines 
Juris  et  interdum  socios  scclerum  atque  ministros 
Noctes  atque  dies  niti  prsestante  labore 
Ad  sumraas  emorgere  opes,  hsoc  vulnera  vitse 
Non  minimam  partcm  mortis  formidine  aluntur." 

The  investigation  of  nature  with  a  view  to  eliminating 
the  fear  of  death  as  a  factor  in  human  conduct,  clearly 
enounced  as  it  is  in  the  poem  of  the  Roman  Epicurean, 
is  still  more  emphatically  expressed  in  a  "  fundamental 
maxim"  of  Epicurus  himself:  "If  we  did  not  allow 
ourselves  to  be  disturbed  by  suspicious  fears  of  celestial 
phenomena;  if  the  terrors  of  death  were  never  in  our 
minds;  and  if  we  would  but  courageously  discuss  the 
limits  of  our  nature  as  regards  pain  and  desire  :  we  should 
then  have  no  need  to  study  Natural  Philosophy."  l 

The  exclusion  of  Dialectics,2  and  the  subordination 
of  Physics  to  Ethics,  restricted — if,  indeed,  it  were  a 
restriction — the  scope  of  character  and  intelligence  to 
the  sphere  of  conduct,  and  it  is  in  the  light  of  this 
limitation  that  the  full  significance  of  the  Epicurean 
definition  of  Philosophy  lies — "  Philosophy  is  an  active 
principle  which  aims  at  securing  Happiness  by  Reason 

1  DIOGENES  LAERTIUS,  x.  142.    Cf.  Cic. :  De  Finibus,  i.  19. — "  Deni- 
que  etiam    morati   melius   erimus   quum    didicerirnus    quid    natura 
desideret."    (RiTTER  and  PRKLLEK,  p.  34o). 

2  Cf.  the  statement  of  SENECA  (Epitt.,  89.  9).—"  Epicure!  duas 
partes    philosophise    pntaverunt    esse,   naturalem   atque    moralem  : 
rationalem  removerunt." 


38  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

and  Discussion."  Here  we  have  in  practical  completion 
that  identification  of  Philosophy  with  Ethics  towards 
which  the  whole  tendency  of  Greek  speculation  had 
been  consciously  or  unconsciously  working,  and  which 
was  fully  consummated  in  the  later  development  of 
the  Stoic  and  Epicurean  systems.  The  combined  effect 
of  this  principle  of  Epicureanism,  and  of  the  contem- 
poraneous failure  of  political  interest,  was  to  direct 
attention  to  those  less  ostentatious,  but,  for  happiness, 
more  effective  virtues,  which  flourish  in  private  society 
and  in  the  daily  intercourse  of  mankind.  Because  it 
excluded  Dialectics,  and  because  it  was  excluded  from 
Politics,  the  gospel  of  the  Garden  established  an  ideal 
of  homely  virtue  which  lay  within  the  reach  of  the 
average  man,  who,  like  Epicurus  himself,  was  repelled 
by  Plato's  distance  from  life,  and  did  not  feel  called 
upon  to  cherish  impracticable  schemes  of  ameliorating 
society  under  the  dominion  of  a  Demetrius  the  Liberator, 
but  was  willing  to  content  himself  with  a  humbler 
range  of  duty,  with  being  temperate  and  chaste  in  his 
habits,  simple  and  healthy  in  his  tastes,  cheerful  and 
serene  in  his  personal  bearing,  amiable  and  sympathetic 
with  his  friends,  and  cultivating  courteous  relations  in 
those  slightly  more  extended  social  circles  where  comity 
and  tact  take  the  place  of  the  more  intimate  and 
familiar  virtues  of  household  life.1 

1  "  Through  the  great  weight  which,  both  in  theory  and  in  their 
actual  life  with  each  other,  was  laid  by  the  Epicureans  on  Friendship 
(a  social  development  which  only  became  possible  after  the  dissolution 
of  the  bond  which  had  BO  closely  united  each  individual  citizen  to  the 
Civil  Community),  Epicureanism  aided  in  softening  down  the  asperity 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  39 

By  the  method  of  placing  in  continuous  order 
certain  common  and  well-known  indications,  we  have 
endeavoured  to  illustrate  the  view  that  the  natural 
development  of  Greek  Philosophy  led  in  the  direction 
of  Ethics,  and  that  the  natural  development  of  Ethics 
led  in  the  direction  of  a  popular  scheme  of  conduct, 
which,  fragmentary  and  incomplete  as  it  might  be  in 
a  scientific  sense,  had  yet  the  advantage  that  it  was 
founded  upon  the  common  daily  life  of  the  ordinary 
man,  and  placed  before  the  ordinary  man  in  his  common 
daily  life  an  ideal  of  virtue  which,  by  efforts  not  beyond 
his  strength,  he  might  realize  and  maintain.  This  type 
of  character,  partly  the  growth  of  the  circumstances  of 
the  time,  but  strengthened  and  expanded  by  the  manner 
in  which  Epicureanism  adapted  itself  to  those  circum- 
stances, reacted  upon  the  sterner  conception  of  the 
Stoic  ideal  of  private  virtue,  and  when  we  reach  the 
revival  of  Eeligion  and  Philosophy  in  the  Grseco- 
Eoman  world  of  the  Empire,  it  is  this  ideal  which  is 
the  aim  and  end  of  every  philosopher  from  Seneca  to 
Marcus  Aurelius,  from  Plutarch  to  Apuleius,  no  matter 
what  the  particular  label  they  may  attach  to  their  doc- 
trines to  indicate  their  formal  adhesion  to  one  of  the 
great  classical  schools.1  To  take  an  extreme  example 

and  exclusiveness  of  ancient  manners,  and  in  cultivating  the  social 
virtues  of  companionableness,  compatibility,  friendliness,  gentleness, 
beneficence,  and  gratitude,  and  so  performed  a  work  whose  merit  we 
should  be  careful  not  to  under-estimate." — UEBERWEQ  :  Orundriss.  Cf. 
HORACE  :  Sat.,  I.  iv.  135 — "  dulcis  amicis."  The  other  elements  of 
the  Epicurean  ideal  are  also  realized  in  Horace's  character,  as  his 
writings  have  left  it  to  us. 

1  This  breaking  away  of  the  barriers  between  the  teaching  of 


40  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  a  truth  which  will  subsequently  be  illustrated 
from  Plutarch,  Seneca,  who  is  a  Stoic  of  the  Stoics,  is 
full  of  praise  for  the  noble  and  humane  simplicity  of 
the  Epicurean  ideal  of  life,  and  in  those  inspiring 
letters  through  which  he  directs  the  conscience  of  his 
friend  Lucilius  into  the  pure  and  pleasant  ways  of 
truth  and  virtue,  it  is  an  exceptional  occurrence  for 
him  to  conclude  one  of  his  moral  lessons  without 
quoting  in  its  support  the  authority  of  the  Master  of 
the  Garden.  The  absorbing  interest  of  Plutarch  as  a 
moral  philosopher  lies  mainly  in  the  fact  that  though, 
as  a  polemical  writer,  he  is  an  opponent,  and  not  always 
a  fair  or  judicious  opponent,  both  of  the  Porch  and  the 
Garden,1  he  collects  from  any  quarter  any  kind  of 

various  schools  was,  doubtless,  largely  due  to  the  increasing  import- 
ance which  they  universally  attached  to  Ethics.  The  fact,  at  any 
rate,  is  indisputable.  Every  history  of  Greek  philosophy,  from  the 
Third  Century  onward,  is  freely  scattered  with  such  phrases  as  these 
from  Ueberweg : — "  The  new  Academy  returned  to  Dogmatism.  It 
commenced  with  Philo  of  Larissa,  founder  of  the  Fourth  School.  .  .  . 
His  pupil,  Antiochus  of  Ascalon,  founded  a  Fifth  School,  by  combining 
the  doctrines  of  Plato  with  certain  Aristotelian,  and  more  particularly 
with  certain  Stoic  theses,  thus  preparing  the  way  for  the  transition  to 
Neo-Platonism." — "  In  many  of  the  Peripatetics  of  this  late  period  we 
find  an  approximation  to  Stoicism." 

1  As  regards  Epicureanism,  see  the  Adrersns  Coloten,  the  De 
latenter  vicendo,  and  the  Non  posse  suariter  rii'i  xecimdum  Epicnrum. 
Plutarch's  polemic  against  Stoicism  is  specially  developed  in  the  three 
tracts,  Stoicos  absurdiara  Poetis  dicere,  De  Stoicorum  llepugnantiis, 
and  De  communibug  Notitiis.  Plutarch's  attitude  is  purely  critical : 
lie  is  by  no  means  constructive.  His  criticism  has  been  severely 
dealt  with  by  H.  Bazin  in  his  dissertation,  De  Plutarcho  Stoicorum 
Adversaria.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Plutarch  deals  entirely  with 
the  founders  of  the  two  schools,  not  with  the  later  developments  of 
their  teachings. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  41 

teaching  which  he  hopes  to  find  useful  in  inculcating 
that  ideal  of  conduct  which  he  believes  most  likely  to 
work  out  into  virtue  and  happiness;  and  though  his 
most  revered  teacher  is  Plato,  the  ideal  of  conduct 
which  he  inculcates  is  one  which  Epicurus  would  have 
wished  his  friend  Metrodorus  to  appropriate  and  ex- 
emplify.1 This  ideal  Plutarch  thought  worth  preserva- 
tion ;  it  is  the  last  intelligible  and  practicable  ideal 
presented  to  us  by  Paganism ;  and  the  attempts  which 
Plutarch  made  to  preserve  it  are  interesting  as  those 
of  a  man  who  stood  at  a  crisis  in  the  world's  history, 
and  endeavoured  to  find,  in  the  wisdom  and  strength 
and  splendour  of  the  Past,  a  sanction  for  purity  and 
goodness,  when  a  sanction  for  purity  and  goodness  was 
being  mysteriously  formed,  in  comparison  with  which 
the  wisdom  and  strength  and  splendour  of  the  Past 
were  to  be  regarded  but  as  weakness  and  darkness  and 
folly.  The  experiment  was  not  without  success  for  a 
considerable  time ;  and  had  Paganism  been  defended 

1  Thiersch,  who  regards  Plutarch  as  the  inaugurates  of  that  moral 
reformation  which,  as  we  attempt  to  show  in  the  next  chapter,  was 
operating  before  he  was  born,  asserts  that  at  the  time  when  Plutarch 
began  his  work,  the  prevailing  manner  of  life  was  based  upon  an 
Epicurean  ideal.  (Der  Epikureismus  war  die  Popularphilosophie  des 
Tages,  denn  in  ihrfand  die  herrschende  Lebensweise  ihren  begrifflichen 
Amdruck. — THIERSCH  :  Politik  und  Philosophic  in  ihrem  Verhdltnisa, 
etc.,  Marburg,  1853.)  If  this  be  so,  and  we  willingly  make  the 
admission,  there  was  little  need  for  reform  here,  although,  as  Seneca 
found  (Ad  Luoilium,  xxi.  9),  it  may  have  been  necessary  to  explain 
to  a  misunderstanding  world  what  Epicureanism  really  was.  What- 
ever Plutarch,  as  nominal  Platouist,  may  polemically  advance  against 
Epicureanism,  the  ideal  of  Epicurus  and  Metrodorus  is  realized  in  the 
conduct  of  the  group  of  people  whose  manner  of  life  is  represented  in 
the  Symposiacs. 


42  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

by  Julian  in  the  pliant  form  which  Plutarch  gave  it, 
and  in  the  spirit  of  tolerance  which  he  infused  into 
his  defence  of  it,  it  is  probable  that  the  harmonious 
co-operation,  and  perhaps  the  complete  union,  of  the 
classical  tradition  and  the  Christian  faith  would  have 
been  the  early  and  beneficial  result.1  With  a  view  to 
observing  some  of  the  factors  which  contributed  to  the 
success  of  Plutarch's  work,  we  propose  to  give  a  brief 
glance  at  the  ethical  condition  of  the  epoch  in  which  it 
was  carried  on. 

1  For  some  considerations  on  this  subject  see   the  concluding 
chapter. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Ethical  aspect  of  Qrceco-Roman  Society  in  the  period  of  Plutarch  : 
difficulty  of  obtaining  an  impartial  view  of  it — Revival  of 
moral  earnestness  concurrent  with  the  establishment  of  the 
Empire:  the  reforms  of  Augustus  a  formal  expression  of 
actual  tendencies — Evidences  of  this  in  philosophical  and 
general  literature — Tlie  differences  between  various  Schools 
modified  by  the  importance  of  the  ethical  end  to  which  all  their 
efforts  were  directed — Endeavour  made  to  base  morality  on 
sanctions  already  consecrated  by  the  philosophies  and  religious 
traditions  of  the  Past — PhitarcK's  "  Ethics  "  the  result  of  such 
an  endeavour. 

TTEW  ages  have  left  to  posterity  a  character  less  easy 
to  define,  or  more  subjected  to  the  ravages  of 
mutually  destructive  schools  of  criticism,  than  that 
which  gave  the  Eeligion  of  Christ  to  the  Western 
world,  and  witnessed  the  moulding  of  Pagan  Eeligion 
and  Philosophy — or  rather  of  Pagan  religions  and 
philosophies — into  that  systematized  shape  which  they 
afterwards  presented  against  the  progress  of  Christianity. 
Many  ancient  and  some  modern  apologists  of  Christianity 
have  appeared  to  think  it  essential  to  the  honour  and 
glory  of  their  Creed  that  the  world,  before  its  rise, 
should  be  regarded  as  sunk  in  iniquity  to  such  a  depth 
that  nothing  but  a  Divine  Eevelation  could  serve  to 


44  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

elevate  and  purify  it.1  It  has  been  maintained,  on  the 
other  hand,  and  that  too  by  Christian  writers,  that  no 
epoch  of  Western  civilization  has  been  so  marked,  not 
only  by  the  material  well-being  of  the  mass  of  man- 
kind, but  "by  virtue  in  the  highest  places  and  by 
moderation  and  sobriety  in  the  ranks  beneath,"  as  that 
during  which  the  new  Creed  was  generally  regarded  as 
a  base  and  superstitious  sort  of  Atheism.2  It  may  be 
conceded  that  the  original  authors  of  this  period  who 
have  been  most  read  in  modern  times  have  easily  been 
construed  into  vigorous  and  effective  testimony  in  sup- 
port of  the  former  position.  The  poets  and  rhetoricians 
of  the  Empire  have  had  their  most  exaggerated  phrases 
turned  into  evidence  against  the  morals  of  their  own 
days,  and  their  less  emphatic  expressions  have  been 
regarded  as  hinting  at  the  perpetration  of  vices  too 

1  E.g.,  Dr.  August  Tholuck. — At  the  termination  of  an  article, 
"  Ueber  den  Einfluss  des  Heidenihums  aufs  Leben"  in  which  he  ransacks 
classical  authors  and  Christian  fathers  for  anything  which  may  serve 
to  exhibit  the  degradation  of  Pagan  society,  he  quotes  the  words  of 
Athanasius  to  give  expression  to  the  conclusion  referred  to  in  the 
text.  The  whole  of  Champagny's  brilliant  and  fascinating  work  on 
the  Caesars  is  dominated  by  the  same  spirit,  a  spirit  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  that  attitude  of  philosophical  detachment  in  which 
history  should  be  written.  (Etudes  sur  I' Empire  Romain,  tome  iii., 
"  Leg  C&arg.")  Archbishop  Trench,  too,  says  of  our  period  that  it 
"  was  the  hour  and  power  of  darkness ;  of  a  darkness  which  then, 
immediately  before  the  dawn  of  a  new  day,  was  the  thickest." 
(Miracles,  p.  162.)  Prof.  Mahaffy,  in  the  same  uncritical  spirit,  refers 
to  the  "  singular  "  and  "  melancholy  "  spectacle  presented  by  Plutarch 
in  bis  religious  work,  "clinging  to  the  sinking  ship,  or  rather,  trying 
to  stop  the  leak  and  declare  her  seaicorthy."  (Greeks  under  Komun 
Sway,  p.  821.) 

*  See  Dean  Merivnle,  Romans  under  the  Empire,  vol.  vii. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  45 

monstrous  to  be  more  clearly  indicated.  If,  by  chance 
an  author  has  left  writings  marked  by  a  lofty  concep- 
tion of  morality,  and  breathing  the  purest  and  most 
disinterested  love  of  virtue,  this  very  fact  has  been 
sufficient  to  justify  a  denial  of  their  Pagan  origin,  and 
the  assertion  that  the  true  source  of  their  inspiration 
must  have  been  Judiiea.  Hence  the  curious  struggles 
of  many  intelligent  men  to  establish  a  personal  con- 
nexion between  Paul  and  Seneca,  and  to  demonstrate 
that  the  Ethics  of  Plutarch  are  coloured  by  Christian 
modes  of  thought.1  Other  authors  of  the  period  who 

1  See  "St.  Paul  and  Seneca"  (Dissertation  ii.  in  J-ightfoot  on 
"  Philippians  ")  for  a' full  account  of  the  question  from  the  historical 
nml  critical  standpoints.  The  learned  and  impartial  Bishop  has  no 
difficulty  in  proving  that  the  resemblances  between  Stoicism  and 
Christianity  were  due  to  St.  Paul's  acquaintance  with  Stoic  teaching, 
and  not  to  Seneca's  knowledge  of  the  Christian  faith. 

Theodoret,  bishop  of  Cyrus,  in  Syria  (consecrated  A.D.  420),  appears 
to  have  been  the  first  to  assert  the  operation  of  Christian  influences 
on  Plutarch : — "  Plotinu*,  Plutarch,  and  Numenius,  and  the  rest  of 
heir  tribe,  who  lived  after  the  Manifestation  of  our  Saviour  to  the 
Gentiles,  inserted  into  their  oicn  writing*  many  point*  of  Christian 
Tfteology."  (Theodoretus,  Grxcarum  affectionum  curatio — Oratio  ii., 
De  Prinoipio.)  In  another  place  he  makes  a  still  more  definite 
assertion:  ''Plutarch  and  Plotinus  undoubtedly  heard  the  Divine 
Gospel."  (Oratio  x.,  De  Oraculis.)  Rualdus,  in  the  ninth  chapter 
of  his  Vita  Plutarchi,  given  towards  the  end  of  the  first  volume  of  the 
Paris  edition  of  1624,  dare  not  be  so  emphatic  as  Theodoret : — "  There 
are,  in  the  writing*  of  Plutarch,  numerous  thoughts,  drawn  from  I  cannot 
say  what  hidden  source,  which,  from,  their  truth  and  importance,  could 
be  talcen  for  the  utterances  of  a  Christian  oracle.  I  do  not  hesitate, 
therefore,  to  say  of  him,  as  Tertuliian  said  of  Seneca,  that  he  is  l  of  ten 
our  men  man.' "  And  he  even  goes  so  far  as  to  admit  that,  though 
Plutarch  never  attacked  the  Christian  faith,  and  might  have  read  the 
Xew  Testament  as  well  as  the  Old,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  claim  him 
as  a  believer. — Brucker,  in  a  slight  account  of  Plutarch  in  his  Historia 
Critica  Philosophic,  takes  a  more  critical  view. — "  The  fact  that 


46  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

furnish  material  for  correcting  this  one-sided  impression 
have  been  less  known  to  the  multitude  and  less  con- 
sulted by  the  learned.  Even  were  the  worst  true  that 
Juvenal,  and  Tacitus,  and  Martial,  and  Suetonius,  and 
Petronius  have  said  about  Eoman  courts  and  Roman 
society ;  even  were  it  not  possible  to  supply  a  correc- 
tive colouring  to  the  picture  from  the  pages  of  Seneca, 
and  Lucan,  and  Pliny,  and  Persius,  and  even  Juvenal 
himself:  yet  it  should  be  easy  to  remember  that,  just 
as  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars  was  not  the  City,  so  the 
City  was  not  the  Empire.  Exeat  aula  qui  volet  csse  pii^s 
is  a  maxim  that  could  with  advantage  be  applied  to 
the  sphere  of  historical  criticism  as  well  as  to  that 
of  practical  Ethics;  and  if  we  leave  the  factions  and 
scandals  of  the  Court  and  the  City  under  the  worst  of 
the  Emperors,  and  follow  Dion  into  the  huts  of  lonely 

Plutarch,  in  his  numerous  writings,  nowhere  alludes  to  the  Christians, 
I  do  not  know  whether  to  attribute  to  his  sense  of  fairness,  or  even 
to  actual  favour,  or  whether  to  regard  it  as  au  indication  of  mere 
neglect  and  contempt."  That  Brucker  is  inclined  to  the  alternative 
of  contempt  is  shown  by  a  comment  in  a  footnote  on  Tillemont's  asser- 
tion (Hi*toire  des  Empereuni),  that  Plutarch  ignored  tlie  Christians, 
"not  daring  to  speak  well,  not  wishing  to  speak  ill."  "It  appears 
to  me,"  says  Brucker,  "that  the  real  reason  was  contempt  for  the 
Christians,  who  were  looked  upon  as  illiterate." 

Of  modern  examples  of  this  tendency  one  may  be  sufficient.  In 
the  introduction  to  an  American  translation  of  the  De  Sera  Numinis 
Vindicbi,  the  editor,  after  enumerating  the  arguments  against  any 
connexion  between  Plutarch  and  Christianity,  concludes : — "  Yet 
I  cannot  doubt  that  an  infusion  of  Christianity  had  somehow  infil- 
trated itself  into  Plutarch's  ethical  opinions  and  sentiment,  a<  into 
those  of  Seneca."  ("  Plutarch  on  the  Delay  of  the  Divine  Justice," 
translated,  with  an  introduction  and  notes,  by  ANDKEW  P.  PEABODY, 
Boston,  1885.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  47 

herdsmen  on  the  deserted  hills  of  Euboaa,  or  linger  with 
Plutarch  at  some  modest  gathering  of  family  friends  in 
Athens  or  the  villages  of  Boeotia,  we  shall  find  innum- 
erable examples  of  that  virtue  which  the  Kepublican 
poet  sarcastically  denies  to  the  highest  rulers.  Even 
after  the  long  reign  of  Christianity,  vice  has  been 
centralized  in  the  great  capitals  of  civilization;  and 
Rome  and  Alexandria  and  Antioch  are  not  without 
their  parallels  among  the  cities  of  Modern  Europe. 
In  Alexandria  itself,  the  populace  who  could  listen  to 
discourses  like  those  of  Dion  must  have  been  endowed 
with  a  considerable  capacity  for  virtue ;  the  tone  of  the 
orator,  indeed,  frequently  reminds  us  of  those  modern 
preachers  who  provoke  an  agreeable  sensation  of  excite- 
ment in  the  minds  of  their  highly  respectable  audiences, 
by  depicting  them  as  involved  in  such  wickedness  as 
only  the  most  daring  of  mankind  would  find  courage 
to  perpetrate.1  We  propose  to  deal  elsewhere  with  the 
testimony  of  Plutarch  as  to  the  moral  character  of  the 
age  in  which  he  lived,  and  at  present  confine  our  obser- 
vations to  the  assertion  that  his  "Ethical"  writings 
are  crowded  with  examples  of  the  purest  and  most 
genuine  virtue;  not  such  virtue  as  shows  itself  on 
striking  and  public  occasions  only,  but  such  also  as 
irradiates  the  daily  life  of  the  common  people  in  their 
homes  and  occupations.  And  although  lie  is,  perhaps, 
in  some  of  his  precepts,  a  little  in  advance  of  the  general 
trend  of  his  times,  inculcating,  in  these  instances, 


1  See  DION  :  Ad  Alexandrinos,  p.  410  (Dindorf).     Son  also  p.  402. 
C.'f.  PHILOSTKATCS  :   Vitx  Sophistnrum,  i.  (>. 


48  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

virtues  which,  though  not  unpractised  and  unknown, 
are  still  so  far  limited  in  their  application  that  he 
wishes  to  draw  them  from  their  shy  seclusion  in  some 
few  better  homes,  and  to  establish  them  in  the  broad 
and  popular  light  of  recognized  customs;1  yet  it  is 
clear  to  every  one  of  the  few  students  of  his  pages  that 
the  virtues  he  depicts  are  the  common  aim  of  the 
people  he  meets  in  the  streets  and  houses  of  Chaeronea, 
and  that  the  failings  he  corrects  are  the  failings  of  the 
good  people  who  are  not  too  good  to  have  to  struggle 
against  the  temptations  incident  to  humanity.  The 
indications  conveyed  by  Plutarch  and  Dion  respecting 
the  moral  progress  of  obscure  families  and  unknown 
villagers  point  to  the  widespread  existence  through  the 
Empire  of  that  same  strenuous  longing  after  goodness, 
which  had  already  received  emphatic  expression  in  the 
writings  of  philosophers  and  poets  whose  activities  had 
been  confined  to  Eome. 

For  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  establishment 
of  the  Empire  had  been  accompanied  by  a  strenuous 
moral  earnestness  which  is  in  marked  contrast  to  the 
flippant  carelessness  of  the  last  days  of  the  Eepublican 
Era.  The  note  of  despair — despair  none  the  less 
because  its  external  aspect  was  gay  and  debonnaire — so 
frequently  raised  by  Ovid  and  Propertius  and  Tibullus ; 
the  reckless  cry,  Intcrca,  dum  fata  sinunt,  jungamus 
amores  ;  lam  veniet  tencbris  Mors  adoperta  caput,  is  the 

1  Kg.,  Cmjugalia  Prsecepta,  140  A. — "  Tho*e  who  do  itot  asxodate 
cheerfully  toith  their  wires,  nor  share  their  recreation*  with  Uiem, 
teach  them  to  seek  their  own  pieaxures  apart  from  thoxe  of  their 
husbande." 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  49 

last  word  of  a  dying  epoch.1  These  three  great  poets 
utter  the  swan  song  of  the  moribund  Republic.  Their 
beliefs  are  sceptical,  or  frankly  materialistic ;  they  shut 
their  eyes  at  the  prospect  of  death  to  open  them  on 
the  nearer  charms  of  the  sensual  life :  devoting  their 
days  and  their  genius  to  the  pleasures  of  a  passionately 
voluptuous  love  of  women.  In  their  higher  moods 
they  turn  to  the  Past,  but  with  an  antiquarian  interest 
only,  like  Ovid  and  Propertius,  or,  like  Tibullus,  to 
delight  in  the  religious  customs  that  still  linger  in  the 
rural  parts  of  Italy,  the  relics  of  a  simpler  and  devouter 
time.  If  they  turn  their  thoughts  to  the  Afterworld  at 
all,  it  is  to  depict  in  glowing  verses  the  conventional 
charms  of  the  classic  Elysium,  or  to  find  occasion 
for  striking  description  in  the  fabled  woes  of  Ixion 
and  Tantalus.2  Even  these  descriptions  change  by  a 
natural  gradation  into  an  appeal  for  more  passionate 
devotion  on  the  part  of  Corinna,  or  Delia,  or  Cynthia.3 
If  Propertius  thinks  of  death,  it  is  but  to  hope  that 
Cynthia  will  show  her  regard  for  his  memory  by  visit- 
ing his  tomb  in  her  old  age  ;  to  regret,  with  infinite 
pathos,  the  thousands  of  "  dear  dead  women  "  who  have 
become  the  prey  of  the  Infernal  Deities — sunt  apud 
infernos  tot  milia  formosarum ;  to  lament  that  his 
deserted  mistress  will  call  in  vain  upon  his  scattered 

1  TIBULLVS:  Eleg.,  i.  1.  Cf.  PROPER-TICS  :  Eltg.,  iii.  15.  "Dum 
nos  fata  sinunt,  oculos  satiemus  amore :  Xox  tibi  longa  venit,  nee 
reditura  dies." 

•  TIBULLUS  :  Eleg.,  i.  3.  "  Quod  si  fatalcs  iam  nunc  explevimus 
annos,"  to  the  end  of  the  Elegy. 

3  TIB.,  i.  3  (sub  finem). 

E 


50  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

dust ;  or  to  postpone  all  consideration  of  such  matters 
until  age  shall  have  exhausted  his  capacity  for  more 
passionate  enjoyment.  If  he  mentions  the  mighty 
political  events  of  his  time,  it  is  with  the  air  of  one 
who  watches  a  triumphal  procession  while  resting  his 
head  on  his  mistress's  shoulder.1  But  these  poets, 
wrapped  in  all  the  physical  pleasures  which  their  age 
had  to  supply,  are  not  ignorant  of  the  malady  from 
which  it  suffers ;  they  know  that  their  despair  and  their 
materialism  are  born  of  the  misery  of  long  years  of 
sanguinary  strife  ;  and  Tibullus,  in  one  of  the  sweetest 
of  his  Elegies,  utters  a  wish  which  is  the  Ave  of  the 
storm-tossed  Republic  to  the  approaching  peace  of  the 
Empire : — At  nobis,  Pax  alma,  veni? 

Cum,  domino  Pax  ista  venit.3  Virgil  and  Horace  are 
poets  of  the  Empire,  and  strike  the  dominant  note  of 
the  new  epoch.  It  was  not  the  mere  courtly  com- 
plaisance of  genius  for  its  patrons  that  led  Virgil  and 
Horace  to  identify  their  muse  with  the  religious  and 
moral  reforms  of  Augustus.  It  was  rather  a  couscious 
recognition  of  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  new  age  which 
led  poets  and  statesmen  alike  to  further  this  joint 
work.  It  is  the  custom  to  regard  the  labours  of 
Augustus  as  resulting  in  the  superimposition  on  the 
social  fabric  of  mere  forms  and  rituals  which  would 
have  been  appropriate  were  society  only  a  fabric,  but 
which  were  utterly  inadequate  to  serve  as  anything 
better  than  a  superficial  ornament  to  an  expanding  and 

1  PROPKRTIUS  :  Eleg.,  ii.  13,28;  iv.  5,  "2',}  sqq. ;  iv.  4. 

2  TIB.,  i.  10. 

3  LUCAN  :  1'harsalia,  \.  G70. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  51 

developing  organism.1  But,  taken  in  conjunction  with 
the  poems  of  Virgil  and  Horace,  they  show  their  real 
character  as  outward  and  visible  signs  of  an  inward 
and  spiritual  grace.  It  is  true  that  Horace  at  times 
attributes  the  disasters  from  which  his  countrymen 
have  suffered  to  their  disregard  of  the  ancient  religious 
ceremonies ;  to  their  neglect  of  the  templa  tedesquc 
labentes  deorum  et  fceda,  niyro  simulacra  furno ; 2  but 
in  the  six  famous  Odes  which  stand  at  the  head  of 
Book  III  he  emphasizes  the  national  necessity  of 
chastity,  fidelity,  mercy,  loyalty  to  duty ;  and  he  utters 
not  less  emphatic  warnings  against  the  general  danger 
from  avarice,  ambition,  luxury.  The  essentially  re- 
ligious character  of  the  ^Eneid  is  evident  to  every 
reader.  That  is  no  mere  formalism  which  inspires  with 
moral  vigour  the  splendid  melodies  of  the  Sixth  Book.3 
Although  the  Poet  uses  the  conventional  machinery 
of  Elysium  and  Tartarus  to  emphasize  the  contrast 
between  Virtue  and  Vice  by  contrasting  the  fates  that 

1  The  basis  of  the  work  of  Augustus,  and  of  the  religious  reforms 
inaugurated  or  developed  by  him,  is  laid  in  the  recognition  of  a  fact 
noted  by  Balbus  in  Cic.,  De  Nat.  Deorum,  lib.  ii.  3.  "  Eoruni 
imperils  rempublicarn  amplificatam  qui  religionibus  partussent.  Et 
si  conferre  volumus  nostra  cum  externis,  cetcris  rebus  aut  pares  aut 
etiam  inferiorea  reperiemur ;  religione,  id  est,  cultu  deorum,  multo 
superiores."  Of.  HORACE  :  Od.,  iii.  6,  w.  1-4  ;  LIVY,  xlv.  39. 

-  HOB  :  Od.,  iii.  6. 

3  See  BOISSIER:  Religion  Romaine,  vol.  i.  cap.  5. — Le  Sixieme 
Livre  de  VEnfide.  St.  Augustine  must  surely  have  felt  the  religious 
influence  of  the  ^Eneid  when  he  experienced  the  emotion  which  he 
describes  in  the  well-known  passage  in  the  First  Book  of  the  Con- 
fessions— plorare  Didonem  mortuam  (cogeba  »•),  q uia  se  occidit  ob  amorem : 
cum  interea  meipsum  tnorientem,  Deits  Vita  mea,  siccif  occnlis  ferrtm 
miterrimits.  (Lib.  i.  cap.  xiii.) 


52  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

await  them  hereafter;  yet  justice,  piety,  patriotism, 
chastity,  self-devotion ;  fidelity  to  friend  and  wife  and 
client ;  filial  and  fraternal  love :  never  received 
advocacy  more  strenuous  and  sincere,  never  were 
sanctioned  by  praise  more  eloquent,  or  reprehension 
more  terrible,  than  in  those  immortal  verses  which  it  is 
an  impertinence  to  praise.  The  question  which  pre- 
sented itself  to  Augustus,  to  his  ministers  and  to  his 
poets,  was  how  to  re-invigorate  and  preserve  those 
qualities  by  her  practice  of  which  Eome  had  become 
pulcherrima  rerum.  And  we  cannot  wonder  that  an 
important  part  of  their  answer  to  this  question  lay  in 
the  direction  of  restoring  those  ancient  religious  cere- 
monies and  moral  practices  which  had  been  most  con- 
spicuously displayed  when  Rome  was  making  her 
noblest  efforts  to  accomplish  her  great  destiny.  The 
sanction  of  antiquity  is  the  most  permanent  of  all 
appeals  that  are  ever  made  to  humanity  ;  and,  even  in 
times  of  revolution,  its  authority  has  been  invoked  by 
those  most  eager  to  sweep  away  existing  institutions. 
Pro  magno  teste  vetustas  creditur.1  But  if  Augustus  and 
his  friends  appealed  to  antiquity,  it  was  not  merely  to 
recall  the  shadows  of  the  ancient  forms  and  customs, 
but  to  revivify  them  with  the  new  life  of  virtue  that 
was  welling  up  in  their  time,  and  which,  in  its  turn, 
received  external  grace  and  strength  by  its  embodiment 
in  the  ancestral  forms. 

The  strong  chord  of  moral  earnestness  struck  by 
Horace  and  Virgil  grows  more  resonant  as  the  new  era 

1  Ovip:  Faiti,  4,  203;  cf.  Meta.,  i.  sec.  8. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  53 

advances,  until,  in  literature  at  least,  it  attains  the 
persistence  of  a  dominant.  Juvenal  is  so  passionately 
moral  that  he  frequently  renders  himself  liable  to 
Horace's  censure  of  those  who  worship  virtue  too 
much ;  but,  in  his  best  moods,  as  in  the  famous  lines 
which  close  the  Tenth  Satire,  he  depicts  the  virtuous 
man  in  a  style  which  is  not  the  less  earnest  and  sincere 
because  it  is  also  dignified  and  calm.  Fersius,  whose 
disposition  was  marked  by  maidenly  modesty  and 
gentleness,  and  who  is  also  described  as  fnigi  et 
pudicus,  shows,  even  when  hampered  by  a  disjointed 
style  which  only  allows  him  to  utter  his  thought  in 
fragments,  that  devotion  to  the  highest  moral  aims 
which  we  should  expect  from  a  writer  brought  up  under 
the  influences  which  he  enjoyed ; 1  and  though  he,  too, 
exhibits  some  of  the  savage  ferocity  of  Juvenal  in  his 
strictures  of  vice,  he  yet  pays,  in  his  Fifth  Satire,  that 
tribute  to  virtue  in  the  person  of  Cornutus  which 
"  proves  the  goodness  of  the  writer  and  the  gracefulness 
with  which  he  could  write."  2  Lucan,  too,  whose  youth, 
like  that  of  Persius,  had  the  inestimable  advantage  of 
receiving  a  share  of  the  wisdom  which  Cornutus  had 
gained  by  nights  devoted  to  philosophic  studies,  exhibits 
a  spirit  of  the  loftiest  morality  under  the  rhetorical 
phrasing  of  his  great  Eepublican  Epic.3  Looking  back, 
with  something  of  regret,  to  the  days  of  a  dominant 

1  See  the  Life  of  Persius,  included,  with  the  Lives  of  Terence, 
Horace,  Juvenal,  Lucan,  and  Pliny  the  Elder,  in  the  writings  of 
Suetonius. 

-  MACLEANE'S  Persius. — Introduction. 

3  PERSIUS  :  Sat.,  v.  62-64. — At  tenocturnis  jurat  impattescere  chartis, 
Cnltor  enim  juvenuiA  purgatas  inserts  aures  Frug>'  Cleuntliea. 


54  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

oligarchy,  he  does  not  conceal  the  licentiousness  which 
society  harboured  beneath  the  sway  of  the  later 
Optimates,  and  he  turns  mostly  to  Cato  as  the  type 
which  he  would  fain  accept  as  representative  of  the 
true  Koman  patrician : — 

"  Nam  cui  crediderim  Superos  arcana  daturos 
Dicturosque  magis  quam  sancto  vera  Catoni  ?  "  ' 

The  noble  lines  in  which  Cato  refuses  to  consult  the 
Libyan  oracle — Non  exploratum  populis  Ammona  rc- 
linquens — are  well  known,  and  express  a  highly  ethical 
view  of  the  divine  administration  of  the  world : — 

"  1  Lcrcinus  cuncti  superis,  temploque  tacente 
Nil  facimus  non  sponte  Dei :  nee  vocibus  ullis 
Numen  agit :  dixitque  semel  nascentibus  auctor 
Quicquid  scire  licet :  steriles  nee  legit  arenas 
Ut  caneret  paucis,  mersitque  hoc  pulvere  verum. 
Estne  Dei  aedes  nisi  terra  et  pontus  et  aer 
Et  caelum  et  virtus  ?    Superos  quid  quaerimus  ultra  ? 
Juppiter  eat  quodcunque  vides  quocunque  moveris."  - 

His  biting  sarcasms  on  those  who  exercise  the  art  of 
Magic  are  conceived  in  the  same  spirit  of  lofty  rever- 
ence for  the  Divine  Nature,3  and  he  would  fain  believe 

1  Pharsalia,  is.  554-555. 

2  Pharsalia,  ix.  570.  We  have  not  been  able  to  refrain  from  quoting 
these — as  other — well-known   verses    in   the   text.      They   are   the 
highest    expression  of  the    Stoic    Pantheism.      "  Virtus "   has  the 
appearance  of  a  rhetorical  climax ;  but  has  it  been  noticed  that  the 
great  modern  poet  of  Pantheism — for  what  else  was  Wordsworth  ? — 
also  makes  humanity  the  highest  embodiment  of  that  "  presence  .  .  . 
Whose  dwelling  is  the  light  of  setting  suns,  And  the  round  ocean  and 
the  living  air,  And  the  blue  sky,  and  in  ttie  mind  of  man  ?  " 

3  Quit  labor  hie  superi*.  &c.,  vi.  -190,  ct  pawim. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  55 

in  the  immortality  of  the  soul  as  a  stimulus  to  virtue 
and  self-abegnation  in  the  present  life.1 

The  philosophers  are  marked  by  the  same  strenuous 
seriousness  as  the  poets.  The  letters  of  Seneca  to 
Lucilius  are  still  an  Enchiridion  for  those  that  love 
virtue,  and  though  there  were,  doubtless,  in  the  ranks 
of  the  philosophers  some  who  deserved  the  ferocity 
of  Juvenal ;  some  who  laid  themselves  open  to  the 
sarcasms  of  Seneca's  friend,  Marcellinus ; 2  some  like 
Euxenus,  an  early  teacher  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana, 
"  who  did  not  care  much  to  conform  the  actions  of  his 
life "  to  the  tenets  of  the  philosophy  he  professed ; 3 
some  who  resembled  the  Cynics  who  haunted  the  streets 
and  temple  gates  of  Alexandria,  and  did  nothing,  as 
Dion  said,  "  but  teach  fools  to  laugh  at  Philosophy ; " 4 
yet  it  is  beyond  controversy  that  philosophers  at  this 
time  were  generally  recognized  as  the  moral  teachers 
of  society,  and  contributed  largely,  both  as  domestic 
chaplains  like  Fronto,  and  evangelistic  preachers  like 
Apollonius  of  Tyana,  to  the  spread  of  that  virtue  whose 
praise  and  admiration  are  so  conspicuous  and  sincere 
in  the  Greek  and  Koman  writers  of  the  period.  The 
contrast  presented  by  the  Sophists,  with  their  artificial 
graces  and  their  luxurious  lives,  only  served  to  em- 
phasize the  worth  of  the  true  philosopher,  and  when  a 

1  Felices  errore  suo,  &c.,  i.  459. 

2  Scrutabitur  scholas  nostras,  et  obiiciet    pbilosophis    congiaria, 
ainicas,  gulam :  ostendet  mihi  alium  in  adulterio,  aliuin  in  popina, 
alium  in  aula. — SENECA  :  Epist.,  i.  29. 

3  PHILOSTRATUS,  i.  7.      The  quaint  turn  of  the  version  in  the 
text  is  from  BLOUNT'S  1681  translation  of  the  Life  of  Apolloniuf. 

1  DION  :  Oratio  32,  pp.  402-3  (Dindorf). 


56  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Sophist  turned  round  upon  his  career,  and  determined 
to  lead  a  virtuous  life,  he  joined  the  ranks  of  those  who 
professed  philosophy.1 

One  of  the  most  frequently  recurrent  signs  of  the 
essential  love  of  virtue  exhibited  by  this  age  is  the 
constant  and  strenuous  insistence  that  practice  must 
conform  to  profession  ;  and  that  hypocrisy  is  almost  in 
the  condition  of  a  cardinal  vice.  It  may,  of  course,  be 
asserted  that  the  passionate  eagerness  displayed  touch- 
ing the  importance  of  being  true  in  act  to  the  explicit 
utterances  of  Philosophy  is  but  a  sign  of  conscious 
weakness  in  well-doing  ;  and  that  a  truer  virtue  would 
have  given  effect  to  itself  without  all  this  noisy  preach- 
ing. But  a  recognition  of  one's  own  feebleness  has 
subsequently  become  one  of  the  most  lauded  elements 
of  the  saintly  character,  and  it  is  given  to  very  few  to 
blossom  gently  and  naturally  into  that  goodness  which 
does  neither  strive  nor  cry.  Juvenal's  diatribes  against 
the  Egnatii  of  Home  are  not  very  different  in  language, 
and  hardly  different  at  all  in  spirit,  from  the  attacks  of 
New  Testament  writers  on  hypocritical  members  of  the 
Churches.  So  far  as  Greece  was  concerned,  this  love 
of  sincerity  was  but  a  return  —  from  a  somewhat  distant 
lapse  —  to  the  ideal  of  personal  openness  presented  in 
the  famous  words  of  Achilles  :— 


1  See  DION  :  De  Cognitione,  Dei  (pp.  213-4)  for  an  interesting 
comparison  between  the  owl  and  the  philosopher  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  sophist  and  the  peacock  on  the  other.  (Cf.  Ad  Alexan- 
drinos,  p.  406,  where  the  sufferings  of  the  faithful  philosopher 
are  in  implied  contrast  to  the  rewards  that  await  the  brilliant 
sophist.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  57 

••  For  like  boll  mouth  I  loath 
Who  liolil.s  not  hi  his  words  and  thoughts  one  indistinguished  troth."  ' 

And  not  only  is  practice  regarded  as  the  culmination 
of  theory,  the  habit  formed  upon  the  active  principle, 
Philosophy,  but  the  question  of  personal  honour  is 
involved  in  the  harmony  between  creed  and  deed ;  and 
one  mark  of  distinction  between  sophist  and  philosopher 
is  that  the  external  apparatus  of  the  former — "  his 
contracted  brows  and  studied  gravity  of  aspect " — do 
not  indicate  the  possession  of  the  virtues  which  are  the 
pride  of  the  latter.2 

Plutarch  frequently  lays  strenuous  weight  on  this 
point;3  Seneca,  Dion,  Aurelius,  Epictetus,  Apuleius, 
are  crowded  with  sermons  on  its  importance.4  And  if 
pure  professions  are  to  be  carried  out  into  pure  actions, 

1  Iliad,  ix.  312-3  (Chapman's  translation).    This  actual  text  is 
quoted  in  PHILOSTKATUS'  Lives  of  the  Sophists  (i.  25)  as  a  criticism 
on  some  of  the  false  and  fantastic  exercises  of  the  Sophists.     The 
"  distant  lapse"  referred  to  in  the  text  is  constantly  evident  in  the 
dramas  of  the  best  Athenian  period.     And  history  shows  that  there 
was  a  strong  tendency  in  the  Hellenic  character  agreeing  with  that 
indicated  by  the  evidence  of  the  dramatists,    notwithstanding  the 
outcry  raised  when  Euripides  summed  up  the  whole  matter  in  his 
famous  line  in  the  Hippolytus  (Hipp.  612). 

2  PHILOSTRATUS  :  Vitas  Sophistarum,  lib.  i.  sec.  24. 

3  E.g.,  De  Stoic.  Eepug.,  1033  A,  B  ;  De  Audiendo,  43  F. 

4  See  frequent  passages  in  Seneca's  letters  to  Lucilius,  e.g.  Ep. 
i.  16,  20.     Cf.  De  Vita  Beata,  cap.  18,  where  Sener-a  defends  himself 
and  other  philosophers  against    the  charge   "aliter  loqueris:  aliter 
vivis."     He  will  not  be  deterred   from  the  pursuit  of  virtue  by  any 
truth  human  weakness  may  have  to  admit  in  the  charge. 

This  note  is  well  marked  in  both  Aurelius  and  Epictetus  (ii.  19. 
Cf.  AULUS  GELLIUS,  xvii.  19).  The  praise  of  Ulysses  at  the  end  of 
the  De  Deo  Socratis  of  Apuleius  is  couched  in  the  same  strain. 


58  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

there  is  a  growing  sense  that  neither  may  impure 
words  be  indulged  in,  even  by  those  whose  lives  are 
pure.  Even  so  far  as  the  composition  of  light  verse 
was  concerned,  a  new  sensitiveness  was  making  itself 
evident.  Catullus  had  said  in  the  old  days  that  a 
chaste  and  pious  man  might  legitimately  write  verses 
of  a  licentious  character,  and  the  catchword  had  been 
repeated  by  all  the  society  poets  down  to  Martial.1 
But,  even  when  addressing  Domitian,  Martial,  who 
asserts  that  his  life  is  pure,  begs  the  Emperor  to  regard 
his  lightest  epigrams  with  the  toleration  due  to  the 
licence  of  a  court  jester.  Pliny,  the  excellent  and 
respectable  Pliny,  could  not  read  his  naughty  hendeca- 
syllables  "merely  to  a  few  friends  in  my  private 
chamber  "  without  subjecting  his  compositions  to  serious 
criticisms  in  the  homes  of  these  friends,  criticisms  which 
he  strives  to  meet  by  a  long  display  of  great  names 
who  have  sinned  in  the  same  direction;  but  beneath 
this  display  his  uneasiness  peeps  forth  at  every 
word.2 

The  moral  reformation  officially  inaugurated  by 
Augustus  appears,  in  the  light  of  these  indications, 
as  corresponding  to  an  increased  tendency  to  virtue 

1  CATULLUS,    xvi.    4,  5 ;    OVID  :    Tristia,    ii.    353-4 ;    MARTIAL, 
i.  5. 

2  PLINY  :  Ep.  v.  3.     Plutarch,  also,  is  legitimately  offended  at  the 
loose  language  of  the  founders  of  Stoicism  (see  De  Stoic.  Repug.,  104-1 
B),  and  his  expressions,  as  are  those  of  Pliny's  friends,  are  quite  in 
harmony  with  the  modern  attitude  on  the  question.    Apuleius  defends 
himself  against  a  similar  charge  to  that  brought  against  Pliny  by  a 
similar  display  of  great  names. — "  Kecero  tamen  et  nlii  talia"  (De 
Deo  Socratis). 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  59 

actually  leavening  Gneco-Romau  society.  The  formal 
acts  of  the  Caesar,  the  policy  of  his  ministers,  the 
religious  sentiment  of  Horace  and  Virgil,  the  Stoic 
fervour  of  Seneca  and  Lucan,  the  martyr  spirit  of  the 
Thraseas  and  the  Arrias,  the  tyrannizing  morality  of 
Juvenal,  the  kindly  humanity  of  Pliny  the  Younger, 
the  missionary  enthusiasm  of  Dion,  the  gentle  per- 
suasiveness of  Plutarch,  are  all  common  indications  of 
the  good  that  still  interfused  the  Roman  world;  all 
point,  as  indeed,  many  other  signs  also  point,  to  the 
existence  of  a  widespread  belief  that  virtuous  ideals 
and  virtuous  actions  were  an  inheritance  of  which 
mankind  ought  not  to  allow  itself  to  be  easily  deprived. 
Philosophers  and  politicians,  as  they  were  at  one  in 
recognizing  the  value  of  this  heritage,  so  they  were 
also  at  one  touching  the  general  means  by  which  its 
precious  elements  were  to  be  invigorated  and  maintained. 
As  we  have  already  suggested,  it  is  a  remarkable 
characteristic  of  the  philosophic  writers  of  this  period — 
of  Seneca  and  Dion,  of  Plutarch,  and  even  of  Epictetus 
— that  there  is  in  them  no  pedantic  adhesion  to  the 
fixed  tenets  of  a  particular  school.  The  half-playful 
boast  of  Horace  at  one  end  of  the  period — nullius 
addictus  jurare  in  vcrba  magistri 1 — is  reiterated  with 
something  of  sarcastic  emphasis  in  Epictetus  at  the 
other:  "Virtue  does  not  consist  in  having  understood 
Chrysippus." 2  Seneca  gives  expression  to  this  preva- 
lent spirit  of  compromise  with  great  courage  and 


1  HORACE:  Ep.,  i.  1,  14. 

2  KPICTETUS  :  Enclieir.,  49  :  Dwourte*,  iii.  2  ;  i.  17. 


6o  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

clearness.  After  quoting  suo  more  a  certain  nobilis  sen- 
tentia  of  Epicurus,  he  says :  "  You  must  not  regard  these 
expressions  as  peculiar  to  Epicurus ;  they  are  common 
property.  The  practice  which  obtains  in  the  Senate 
should,  I  think,  be  adopted  in  Philosophy.  When  a 
speaker  says  something  with  which  I  partly  agree,  I 
ask  him  to  compromise,  and  then  I  go  with  him."  1 
Anything  in  the  whole  gathered  wealth  of  the  Past 
which  promised  support  to  a  man  in  his  efforts  to 
regulate  his  life  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of 
reason  and  virtue  was  welcomed  and  made  available 
for  the  uses  of  morality  by  the  selective  power  of 
Philosophy.  Hence  Plutarch  levies  contributions  on 
philosophers,  poets,  legislators;  on  Hellenic  and  Bar- 
barian Eeligions ;  on  Mysteries,  Oracles,  private  utter- 
ances ;  on  the  whole  complex  civilization  of  the  Grseco- 
lloman  world,  and  the  civilizations  which  it  had  absorbed 
or  dominated;  on  everything,  in  fact,  which,  from  its 
antiquity,  or  its  possession  of  national  or  individual 
authority,  could  be  made  available  for  establishing  the 
practice  of  virtue  on  the  sanction  of  an  ancient  and 


1  SENECA:  Epitt.  ad  Lucilium,  i.  21.  Here  arc  a  few  of  the 
egregia  dicta  which  Seneca  takes  from  the  teachings  of  Epicurus, 
or  Metrodorus,  or  alicujus  ex  ilia  officina. — ''  Honesta  res  est  Iseta 
paupertus,"'  " Satis  magnum  alter  alteri  theatrum  «?im?ts,"  "Philo- 
sophise servias  oportet  ut  tibi  contingat  vera  liltertas"  "Si  ciii  gua  non 
videntur  amplissima,  licet  totius  mundi  dominus  sit,  tamen  miser  e»t," 
"  Quid  est  turpius,  quam  senex  vivere  incipieng  ?  "  "  Is  maxime  divitiis 
fnritur,  quiminime  divitiis  indiget,"  "  Immodicaira  gignit  imariiam" 
"  Sic  fac  omnia,  tanquam  tpectet  Epicuru*"  "  Initium  eft  salutit, 
notitia  peccati"  &c.  Yet  Seneca  was  the  acerrimuK  Xtoicu*  of 
Lactantiua  (Div.  Intf.,  i.  5). 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  61 

inalienable  foundation.  The  object  of  the  following 
pages  is  to  scrutinize  the  results  of  this  appeal  to  the 
Past,  as  they  are  presented  in  the  "  Ethics  "  of  Plutarch, 
and  to  arrange  in  some  kind  of  order  the  various 
elements  of  which  they  are  composed. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Plutarch's  attitude  towards  Pagan  beliefs  marked  by  a  spirit  of 
reverent  rationalism — The  three  recognized  sources  of  Religion  : 
Poetry,  Philosophy,  and  Law  or  Custom — The,  contribution  of 
each  to  be  examined  by  Season  tvith  the  object  of  avoiding  loth 
Superstition  and  Atheism:  Reason  the  "  Mystagoguv"  of 
Religion — Provisional  examples  of  Plutarch's  method  in  the 
three  splieres — His  reluctance  to  press  rationalism  too  far — His 
piety  partly  explained  by  his  recognition  of  the  divine  mission 
of  Some — Absence  of  dogmatism  in  his  teaching. 

THE  question  which  meets  us  on  the  very  threshold 
of  an  inquiry  into  the  religious  views  and  moral 
teachings  of  Plutarch  is  that  involved  in  a  definition  of 
his  attitude  towards  the  popular  faith.  His  desire  to 
form  a  consistent  body  of  doctrine  out  of  its  hetero- 
geneous and  chaotic  elements  is  not  so  intense  as  to 
blind  him  to  the  difficulties  of  the  task.  Poets,  legis- 
lators, and  philosophers  have  jointly  contributed  to  the 
formation  of  the  "  ancient  and  hereditary  Faith,"  and 
Philosophy,  Law,  and  Poetry,  avoid  reconciliation  to  as 
great  a  degree  as,  in  the  days  of  Solon,  the  famous 
Attic  factions  of  the  Paraloi,  the  Epakrioi,  and  the 
Pedieis,  to  the  pacification  of  whose  internecine  ani- 
mosities the  policy  of  that  statesman  was  directed. 
The  gods  of  the  philosophers  are  like  the  Immortals  of 
Pindar : — 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  63 

••  Xot  death  they  know,  nor  age,  nor  toil  and  pain, 
And  hear  not  Acheron's  deep  and  solemn  strain."  ' 

Philosophy,  too,  rejects  the  Strifes,  the  Prayers,  the 
Terrors,  and  the  Fears,  which  Homeric  poesy  elevates 
to  the  divine  rank.2  Its  teachings,  moreover,  are  often 
at  variance  with  religious  practices  established  or 
recognized  by  Law  and  Prescription,  as  when  Xeno- 
phanes  chid  the  Egyptians  for  lamenting  Osiris  as  a 
mortal,  while  yet  worshipping  him  as  a  god.  Poets 
and  legislators,  in  their  turn,  refuse  to  recognize  the 
metaphysical  conceptions — "  Ideas,  Numbers,  Unities, 
Spirits  " — which  philosophers  —  Platonists,  Pythago- 
reans, and  Stoics — have  put  in  the  place  of  Deity.3 

1  Fragment  120  in  Bergk's  third  edition,  144  in  his  fourth  edition, 
and  107  in  Bb'ckh's  edition.     W.  Christ  includes  it  in  his  selections 
— ^|  aSfauv  eiSu-v  (No.  4). 

2  Iliad,  ix.  498  ;  xi.  3,  73 ;  iv.  440. 

3  Amatorius,  763  C,  sqq. ;   cf.  De  Placitis  Philoxoph.,  lib.  i.  879- 
880  A.    This  tract  cannot  be  quoted  as  authority  for  Plutarch's  views  ; 
it  is  in  several  places  distinctly,  even  grossly,  anti-Platonic,  and  in 
other  places  even  more  distinctly  Epicurean.     As  an  example  of  the 
reverence  with  which  Plutarch  constantly  alludes  to  Plato,  the  first 
conversation  in  the  Eighth  Book  of  the  Sympotiacs  may  be  quoted. 
The  conversation  arises  out  of  a  celebration  of  Plato's  birthday,  and 
Plutarch   gives  a  sympathetic   report  of  the    remarks  of   Mestrius 
Florus,  who  is  of  opinion  that  those  who  impute  the  philosopher's 
paternity  to  Apollo  do  not  dishonour  the  God.    Cf.  this  and  hundreds 
of  other  similar  examples  with  the  bitterly  contemptuous  expressions 
in  the  De  Placiiis,  881  A,  a  section  which  concludes  with  an  emphatic 
exposition  of  ,that  Epicurean  view  which  Plutarch  exerts  himself  so 
strenuously  to  confute  in  the  De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta.    Bernardakis 
"  stars  "  the  De  Placiiis,  though  Zimmerman  quotes  it  as  evidence 
against  the   sincerity  of  Plutarch's    piety   (Epittola    ad    Nicolaum 
Nonnen,  cap.  7:  "  aperte  negat  proviclentiam").      Wyttenbach  says 
the  De  1'lacitis  was  "  e  perditis  quibusdam  gerrnanis  libris  compilatum." 
Christopher  Meiners  (Historia  Doctrinist  de  Vero  Deo,  p.  246)  attacks 


64  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

This  clashing  of  discordant  elements  in  the  mass  of  the 
popular  tradition  is  audible  in  Plutarch's  exposition  of 
his  own  views  ;  a  fact  which  is  less  to  be  wondered  at 
when  we  accept  the  hint  furnished  in  the  allusion  to 
Osiris  just  quoted,  and  note  that  Plutarch  will  not 
confine  his  efforts,  as  "arbitrator  between  the  three 
Factions  which  dispute  about  the  nature  of  the  Gods," 
to  the  sphere  of  Graeco-Boman  Mythology.1  But 
although  he  will  sit  in  turn  at  the  feet  of  poets, 
philosophers,  and  legislators,  borrowing,  from  Science, 
Custom,  Tradition  alike,  any  teaching  which  promises 
ethical  usefulness,  he  frequently  insists,  both  in  general 
terms  and  in  particular  discussions  on  points  of  practical 
morals,  that  Reason  must  be  the  final  judge  of  what  is 
worthy  of  selection  as  the  basis  of  moral  action. 
Philosophy,  in  his  beautiful  metaphor,  so  full  of  solemn 
meaning  to  a  Greek  ear,  must  be  our  Mystagogue  to 

the  boldness  of  the  writer,  "  qua  deorum  numen  et  providentiam 
impugnavit,  quseque  a  Plutarchi  pictate  et  moribus  longe  abhorret." 
Corsini  seems  to  think  that  the  incredible  labour  involved  in  the 
compilation  makes  it  worthy  of  Plutarch.  His  edition,  with  notes, 
translation,  and  dissertations,  makes  a  very  handsome  quarto,  which 
is  a  monument  of  combined  industry  and  simplicity.  He  makes  no 
comment  on  the  anti-Platonic  expressions  alluded  to  above  (CoRSiNus  : 
Plutarchi  De  Pkicitis  1'hilowphornm,  libri  v.,  Florence,  1759),  nor 
does  Mahaffy  either,  who  regards  the  De  Placiti*  as  genuine,  though 
he  calls  it  jejune.  I  have  been  unable  to  sec  a  copy  of  Beck's  1787 
edition,  which  Volkmann  highly  praises.  It  may  be  observed  with 
regard  to  the  passage  referred  to  at  the  head  of  this  note  that 
Plutarch  would  never  have  limited  the  contribution  of  philosophy  to 
the  knowledge  of  God  to  rb  <pvaiKt>v.  Dion  Chrysostom  (De  Dei 
Cognitione,  393,  sqq.)  mentions  the  same  three  sources  of  the  knowledge 
of  the  Divine  nature  as  Plutarch,  but  also  postulates  a  primeval  and 
innate  cognition  of  God. 

1  Cf.  the  Pseudo-Plutarchic  De  Plant.  Phil,  880  A. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  65 

Theology :  we  must  borrow  Reason  from  Philosophy, 
and  take  her  as  our  guide  to  the  mysteries  of  Religion, 
reverently  submitting  every  detail  of  creed  or  practice 
to  her  authority.1  We  shall  then  avoid  the  charge  that 
we  take  with  our  left  hand  what  our  teachers — our 
legislative,  mythological,  philosophic  instructors — have 
offered  with  their  right.  The  selecting  and  controlling 
power  of  Reason,  applied  to  philosophical  discussions, 
will  enable  us  to  attain  to  a  becoming  conception  of 
the  nature  of  the  Deity;  applied  to  the  matter  of 
Mythology,  it  will  enable  us  to  reject  the  narratives,  at 
once  discreditable  and  impossible,  which  have  become 
current  respecting  the  traditional  gods ;  and,  in  the 
sphere  of  Law  and  Custom,  it  will  enable  us  correctly 
to  interpret  the  legal  ordinances  and  established  rules 
connected  with  sacrifices  and  other  religious  celebra- 
tions. The  assumption  which  inspires  all  Plutarch's 
arguments  on  matters  of  Religion  is  that  these  three 
sources  supply  a  rational  basis  for  belief  and  conduct : 
but  that  superstition  on  the  one  hand,  and  atheistic 
misrepresentation  on  the  other,  have  done  so  much  to 
obscure  the  true  principles  of  belief  that  Philosophy 
must  analyse  the  whole  material  over  again,  and 
dissociate  the  rational  and  the  pure  from  crude  ex- 
aggerations and  unintelligent  accretions.2  It  must 


00*- 


1  A6yov  £K  <t>i\offo<f>ias  fj.vffraya>ybv  ava.\a/36vTfs.  De  Iside  et  Osiride, 
378  A,  B.  "  Un  lien  pieux  seformait  entre  le  mytte  et  sou  myttagogne, 
lien  qui  ne  pouoait  plus  ae  rompre  sam  crime." — Maury,  vol.  ii.  cap.  si. 
For  the  saying  of  Theodorus  about  "  taking  with  the  left  hand  what 
is  offered  with  the  right,"  see  De  Tranquillitate  Animi,  467  B. 

-  De  Ifide  et  Osiride,  and  De  Superstitions,  passim. 

F 


66  THE  RELIGION   OF  PLUTARCH. 

be  admitted  that  he  applies  no  definite  rules  of 
criticism,  constructs  no  scientifically  exact  system  of 
analysis,  propounds  no  infallible  dogmas.  His  canon 
is  the  general  taste  and  good  sense  of  the  educated 
man  ;  a  canon  which,  vague  as  it  may  seem,  is  based 
upon  an  intelligent  knowledge  of  the  practical  needs 
of  life,  and  produces  results  which  are  applicable  in  a 
remarkable  degree  to  the  satisfaction  of  such  needs. 
As  provisional  illustrations  of  Plutarch's  method  in  the 
three  spheres  of  Philosophy,  Mythology,  and  National 
Custom,  we  may  note  the  discussion  on  the  nature  of 
God  in  the  "  De  E  apud  Delphos,"  the  criticism  of  the 
great  national  poets  of  Greece  in  the  "  Quomodo  adole- 
scens  poetas  audire  debeat,"  and  the  remarks  in  the 
"  De  Iside  et  Osiride "  concerning  certain  religious 
practices  in  the  worship  of  these  two  Egyptian  deities. 
In  the  first-named  tract  the  ostensible  subjects  of 
discussion  are  the  nature  and  attributes  of  Apollo ;  but 
it  soon  becomes  quite  clear  that  the  argument  is  con- 
cerned with  the  nature  of  Deity  itself  rather  than  with 
the  functions  of  the  traditional  god.  "  We  constantly 
hear  theologians  asserting  and  repeating  in  verse  and 
in  prose  that  the  nature  of  God  is  eternal  and  in- 
corruptible, but  that  this  nature,  by  the  operation  of  an 
intelligent  and  inevitable  law,  effects  certain  changes 
in  its  own  form.  At  one  time  God  reduces  all  nature 
to  uniformity  by  changing  His  substance  to  fire  ;  and, 
again,  in  a  great  variety  of  ways,  under  many  forms, 
enters  into  the  phenomenal  world.1  .  .  .  Philosophers, 

1  Cf.  DIOG.  LAEBT.  vii.   134  (HITTER  and  PUEI.LER,  sect.  404). 
— "  God,  by  transformation  of  His  own  essence,  makes  the  world." — 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  67 

in  their  desire  to  conceal  these  high  matters  from  the 
common  herd,  call  God's  transmutation  into  fire  by 
two  names — Apollo,  to  express  His  unity ;  Phoebus,  to 
describe  His  clear-shining  purity.  To  denote  God's 
suffering  the  change  of  His  nature  into  air  and 
water  and  earth  and  stars,  and  the  various  species  of 
plants  and  animals,  they  figuratively  tell  of  '  tearings 
asunder '  and  '  dismemberings/  and  in  these  aspects  He 
is  variously  called  Dionysus,  Zagraeus,  Nyktelius,  and 
Isodaites,  and  His  '  destructions  '  and  '  disappearances,' 
His  '  death '  and  His  '  resurrection,'  are  inventions, 
enigmas,  and  myths,  fittingly  expressing,  for  the  general 
ear,  the  true  nature  of  the  changes  in  God's  essence  in 
the  formation  of  the  world."  l  Plutarch  here  represents 
himself  as  the  speaker ;  and  while  Ammonius,  who  was 
Plutarch's  master,2  and  is  always  spoken  of  by  him 
with  the  greatest  reverence,  is  subsequently  introduced 
as  taking  a  different  view  of  the  processes  by  which 
God  produced  the  world  of  phenomena,  yet  neither 
does  he  depart  from  the  rational  standpoint  in  his  view 
of  the  terms  under  discussion.3  In  allusion  to  these 

Grant's  Aristotle,  Essay  vi.,  "  TJie  Ancient  Stoics."  Cf.  PLUT  :  De 
Stoic.  Repugn.  105I5. 

1  DeEapud  Ddpho*,388  F. 

2  Quomodo  Adulatoi;78  E.  Cf. EuNAPiuson  Historian*  of  Fhilotopliy. 
"  No  one  has  written  any  careful  account  of  the  lives  of  philosophers, 
among  whom  we  count   not   only  Ammonius,  teacher   of   diviuest 
Tlutarch,  but  also  Plutarch  himself,  the  darling  and  delight  of  all 
Philosophy."   Eunapius  thinks  that  the  Parallel  Live*  were  Plutarch's 
finest  work,  but  adds  that  "  all  his  writings  are  thickly  sown  with 
original  thoughts  of  his  own,  as  well  as  with  the  teachings  of  his 
Master." 

3  3D3  E. 


68  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

terms,  as  explained  by  Plutarch  from  the  Stoical  view 
of  the  Divine  Nature,1  he  says,  "  Surely  God  would  be 
a  less  dignified  figure  than  the  child  in  the  poem,2 
since  the  pastime  which  the  child  plays  with  mere 
sand,  building  castles  to  throw  them  down  again,  God 
would  thus  be  ever  playing  with  the  universe.  On  the 
contrary,  God  has  mysteriously  cemented  the  universe 
together,  overcoming  that  natural  weakness  in  it  which 
tends  perpetually  to  annihilation.  It  is  the  function  of 
some  other  god,  or,  rather,  of  some  daemon,  appointed 
to  direct  nature  in  the  processes  of  generation  and 
destruction,  to  do  and  suffer  these  changes."  In  both 
these  views  the  literal  acceptation  of  the  mythological 
names  is  repudiated,  and  the  two  differ  only  in  that 
the  Stoics  quoted  in  Plutarch's  speech  make  the 
Supreme  Ruler  modify  His  essence  to  the  production 
of  phenomena,  while  Ammonius  relegates  that  function 
to  a  subordinate  power ;  keeping  his  Platonic  Demiurgus 
pure  from  these  undignified  metamorphoses.  It  will 
subsequently  appear,  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the 
Daemonology  of  Plutarch,  that  the  latter  view  is  the 


1  Plutarch  elsewhere  comments  upon  the  tvprjffiXoy'ia.  of  the  Stoics 
in  finding  explanations  of  the  various  nnmes  of  the  popular  Deities 
(Quomodo  Adolescent,  151   E;.     CICERO  (De  Natura  Dcorum,  iii.  24) 
represents  Cotta  as  charging  the  Stoics  with  supporting  the  crudest 
superstitions  of  the  popular  faith  by  the  skill  which  they  displayed 
in    finding   a   mysterious   significance   in   the    current    names    and 
legends: — "  Atque  hsec  quidera  et  ejusiuodi  ex  vetere  Gracia  fama 
collecta  aunt ;   quibus   intelligis  resistendum  rssc,  ne  perturbentur 
religiones.     Vestri  autem  non  modo  haec  non  repelltint,  verum  etiam 
confirmant,  interpretando  quorsum  quidquc  pertincat.'' 

2  Iliad,  xv.  362-4. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  69 

one  he  also  actually  accepted.  The  discussion,  at  any 
rate,  furnishes  a  capital  instance  of  what  Plutarch 
means  by  his  assertion  that  Reason  must  be  Mysta- 
gogue  to  Theology.  Mythological  terms  must  be  ex- 
amined by  Reason  before  their  meaning  can  be  accepted 
as  an  element  in  religious  teaching.  The  particular 
view  taken  of  the  expressions  is  left  to  the  taste  or 
philosophic  bent  of  the  individual  critic :  to  Academic 
or  Stoic  reasonings ;  the  only  essential  is  that  the  crude 
literal  meaning  of  the  terms  shall  be  repudiated  as  dis- 
cordant with  a  rational  estimate  of  the  Divine  Nature.1 
In  the  critical  essay,  "  Quomodo  adolescens  poetas 
audire  debeat,"  the  same  method  is  applied  to  the 
whole  religious  and  moral  teaching  of  the  national 
poets.  However  great  Plutarch's  admiration  for  Plato 
as  man  and  philosopher  may  be,  his  sound  sense  of 
what  is  practicable  in  common  life  prevents  him  from 
subjecting  the  ancient  poetry  of  Greece,  as  an  element 
in  ethical  culture,  to  the  impossible  standard  of  the 
"  Republic,"  and  he  therefore,  on  this  question,  opposes 
Stoic  and  Peripatetic  wisdom  to  the  teaching  of  a 
Master  with  whose  sublime  views  he  often  finds  him- 
self in  agreement.2  Throughout  the  whole  work  he 

1  In  another  place  Plutarch  expresses  the  view  that  the  original 
Creator  of  the  world  bestowed  upon  the  stuff  of  the  phenomenal 
world  a  principle  of  change  and  movement  by  which  that  stuff  often 
dissolves  and  reshapes  itself  under  the  operation  of  natural  causes 
without  the  intervention  of  the  original  Creator  (De  Defectu  Orac., 
435-6). 

•  Plutarch,  in  this  Essay,  distinctly  places  himself  in  opposition 
to  Plato,  whose  views,  for  the  purposes  of  contrast,  may  be  summarized 
from  two  well-known  passages  of  the  HtpuUic.  In  3o7  B,  C,  the 


70  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

applies  the  touchstone  of  common   sense   to   all   the 
beauties   and   all   the    barbarities    of    the    traditional 


greater  part  of  the  myths  current  in  the  popular  poets  are  repudiated. 
Then,  after  that  famous  scries  of  criticisms  applied  to  particular 
passages  taken  from  Homer  and  Hesiod  and  other  poets,  after  his 
analysis  of  the  various  kinds  of  "narration,"  and  his  implicit  in- 
clusion of  the  great  poets  of  Greece  among  the  masters  of  that  kind 
of  imitative  narration  which  a  man  will  the  more  indulge  in,  the 
more  contemptible  he  is,  Plato  concludes  with  that  ironical  descrip- 
tion of  the  reception  which  a  Homer  or  a  Hesiod  would  have  to  meet 
in  a  state  founded  on  the  Platonic  ideal.  "  We  shall  pay  him  reverence 
us  a  facred,  admirable,  and  charming  personage ;  ice  fhall  pour  per- 
fumed oil  upon  his  heatl  and  crown  him  with  woollen  fillets ;  but  we 
ehall  tell  him  that  our  laws  exclude  such  characters  as  he,  and  shall 
send  him  away  to  some  other  city  than  ours." — 3'J8  A.  B  (Duvies  and 
Vaughan's  translation).  Plutarch,  however,  takes  the  world  as  it  is. 
He  admits  that  poetry  is  a  siren,  but  refuses  to  stop  the  ears  of  the 
young  people  who  listen  to  her  fascinating  strains.  Lycurgus  was 
mad  in  thinking  he  could  cure  drunkenness  by  cutting  down  the 
vineyards ;  he  should  rather  have  brought  the  water-springs  nearer 
to  the  vines.  It  is  better  to  utilize  the  vine  of  poetry  by  checking 
and  pruning  its  "  fanciful  and  theatrical  exuberance  "  than  to  uproot 
it  altogether.  We  must  mingle  the  wine  with  the  pure  water  of 
philosophy,  or,  to  use  another  image,  poetry  and  philosophy  must  be 
planted  in  the  same  soil,  just  as  the  mandragora,  which  moderates  the 
native  strength  of  the  wine,  is  planted  in  vineyards  (Quvmotlo 
Adolescens,  If)  E). 

August  Schlemm,  in  his  De  fontilu*  Fliitarchi  Commentationum  De 
Aud.  Poelis  et  de  Fortuna  (Gottingen,  1893),  subjects  the  structure 
of  the  De  Audiendie  to  a  very  close  and  careful  analysis,  and  comes 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  main  sources  of  Plutarch's  material  are 
to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Stoic  and  Peripatetic  philosophers. 
He  notes  that  Plutarch's  examples  are  taken  from  the  same  Homeric 
verses  as  Plato's,  and  adds,  "  QUOB  cum  ita  sint,  quomodo  hse 
Plutarchum  inter  et  Platonem  similitudiues  ortsa  sint  dubiutn  jam 
ease  non  potest.  Plutarchus,  ut  in  eis  quse  antecedunt,  ita  etiam 
hie,  usus  est  libro  Peripatetic!  cujusdam,  qui,  ut  criminaiionet  a 
1'latone  poetis  facias  repelleret,  hujus  modi  fictions  in  natura  artis 
poeticae  positaa  esse  demonstravit  ct  commentationi  sua>  inseruit 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  71 

legends  as  embodied  in  Epic  and  Tragic  poetry. 
Reason  and  common  sense  admit  the  high  value  of 
imaginative  literature  in  ethical  education,  and  reason 
and  common  sense  decide  what  practical  advice  shall 
be  given  to  youthful  students  of  fiction,  in  order  that 
moral  lessons  may  be  driven  home,  immoral  incidents, 
descriptions,  and  characters  made  harmless,  or  even 
beneficial,  while,  at  the  same  time,  even  purely  aesthetic 
considerations  are  not  neglected. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  "De  Iside  et  Osiride" 
Plutarch  deals  fully  with  numerous  examples  of 
religious  practices  coming  under  his  third  description 
of  the  sources  of  religious  belief,  that,  namely,  of  Law 
or  established  Custom.  He  discusses  their  meaning  in 
the  light  of  a  principle  which  he  states  as  follows : — 
"  In  the  religious  institutions  (connected  with  the 
worship  of  Isis  and  Osiris)  nothing  has  become  es- 
tablished which,  however  it  may  appear  irrational, 
mythical,  superstitious,  has  not  some  moral  or  salutary 
reason,  or  some  ingenious  historical  or  physical  ex- 
planation." l  He  is  not  always  successful  in  his 
search  after  a  moral  meaning,  or  even  an  ingenious 


poetaruin  versus  a  Platone  vituperates."  Chrysippus  had  composed 
a  work  on  How  to  study  Poetry,  Zeno  one  entitled  On  Poetical  Study, 
and  Cleanthea  another,  called  On  the  Poet. 

The  opinion  of  so  conscientious  a  scholar  on  Plutarch's  "  appro- 
priations "  is  worth  quoting : — "  tenendum  est  .  .  .  Plutarchum  nou 
eum  fuisse  qui  more  compilatorum  libros  aliorum  ad  verbum  ex- 
scriberet  sed  id  egisse  ut  ea  quro  legisset  atque  collegisset  refcrret, 
sed  ita  ut  modo  sua  iutermisceret,  modo  nonnulla  omitteret  vel 
mutaret." 

1  De  Istde  et  Osiride,  353  E. 


72  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

historical  or  physical  explanation,  in  the  customs 
which  he  subjects  to  analysis.  The  rational  attitude, 
however,  is  unmistakable,  and  these  introductory 
remarks,  personal  as  they  may  be  to  the  priestess 
Clea,  and  detached  from  the  main  body  of  the  work, 
yet  stand  in  a  true  harmony  with  what  we  shall  here- 
after see  to  be  its  essential  purpose,  to  show,  namely, 
that  while  Philosophy  can  grasp  the  Highest  without 
the  intervention  of  myth  or  institution,  it  can  also  aid 
a  pure  conception  of  the  Highest  by  studying  the 
myths  and  institutions  which  foreign  peoples  have 
discovered  and  created  as  intermediaries  betwixt  them- 
selves and  the  Highest. 

But  in  spite  of  the  important  part  thus  assigned 
to  Eeason  in  settling  disputed  matters  of  faith,  and 
arbitrating  on  points  of  national  and  individual  ethics, 
Plutarch  makes  it  clear  that  Piety  and  Patriotism  have 
claims  in  this  matter  which  are  actually  enforced  by 
Pieason  in  her  selecting  and  purifying  role.  If  he  had 
seen,  as  his  age  could  not  see,  and  as  we  can  see,  that 
Pteason  can  only  be  the  Mystagogue  to  Religion  in  a 
very  limited  degree,  he  would  probably  have  been 
patriot  first  and  philosopher  afterwards,  or  would, 
perhaps,  have  accepted  the  compromise  of  Cotta, 
and  played  each  part  in  turn  as  public  or  private 
necessities  dictated.  But  the  crux  does  not  arise,  and 
Plutarch's  position  never  really  has  the  inconsistency 
which,  carelessly  considered,  it  appears  to  have,  be- 
cause he  is  honestly  convinced  that  what  lieason  rejects 
in  the  national  faith,  it  is  good  for  the  national  faith 
that  it  should  be  deprived  of.  Hence  it  is  possible  to 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH,  73 

give  examples  of  Plutarch's  views  in  this  direction 
without  assuming  that  he  forgot  what  prospect  lay  in 
exactly  the  opposite  direction.  Hence  he  can  quote 
Ammonius  as  beautifully  tender  in  his  expressions 
towards  those  who  are  bound  up  in  the  literal  realisms 
of  the  Hellenic  faith.  "  Yet  must  we  extend  gratitude 
and  love  to  those  who  believe  that  Apollo  and  the  Sun 
are  the  same,  because  they  attach  their  idea  of  God  to 
that  which  they  most  honour  and  desire  of  anything 
they  know.  They  now  see  the  God  as  in  a  most 
beautiful  dream :  let  us  awaken  them  and  summon 
them  to  take  an  upward  flight,  so  that  they  may 
behold  his  real  vision  and  his  essence,  though  still 
they  may  revere  his  type,  the  Sun,  and  worship  the 
life-giving  principle  in  that  type;  which,  so  far  as 
can  be  done  by  a  perceptible  object  on  behalf  of  an 
invisible  essence,  by  a  transient  image  on  behalf  of 
an  eternal  original,  scatters  with  mysterious  splendour 
through  the  universe  some  radiance  of  the  grace  and 
glory  that  abide  in  His  presence."  l  Not  only  through 

1  De  Eapud  Delpko*,  393  D.  Cf.  De  Defectu,  433  E.  Ammonius 
is  here  evidently  referring  to  a  remark  made  (386  B)  by  "one  of 
those  present"  to  tho  effect  that  "practically  all  the  Greeks  identify 
Apollo  with  the  Sun."  The  words  of  Ammonius  quoted  in  the  text 
are  strikingly  similar  in  spirit  to  the  famous  verses  in  the  "  In 
Memoriam : " — 

''  0  thou  that  after  toil  and  storm 

May'st  seem  to  have  reached  a  purer  air, 
Whose  faith  has  centre  everywhere, 
Nor  cares  to  fix  itself  to  form, 

"  Leave  thou  thy  sister  when  she  prays, 
Her  early  Heaven,  her  happy  views  ; 
Nor  thou  with  shadowed  hint  confuse 
A  life  that  leads  melodious  days. 


74  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

the  dramatic  medium  of  another  personality,  but  also 
when  speaking  his  own  thought  directly,  Plutarch 
alludes  with  a  sincere  and  touching  sympathy  to  the 
duties  and  practices  of  the  ancient  faith.  The  first 
hint  of  consolation  conveyed  to  his  friend  Apollonius 
on  the  death  of  his  son  is  given  in  words  which 
feelingly  depict  the  youth  as  embodying  the  ancient 
Hellenic  ideals  in  his  attitude  towards  the  gods,  and 
his  conduct  towards  his  parents  and  friends.1  The 
converse  of  this  attitude  is  indicated  in  many  passages 
where  he  deprecates  a  too  inquisitive  bearing  in  the 
face  of  questions  naturally  involved  in  the  doubt  cloud- 
ing many  ancient  traditions  of  a  religious  character. 
The  great  discussion  on  "The  Cessation  of  the  Oracles" 
commences  with  a  reproof  directed  at  those  "\\  iiu  "  would 
test  an  ancient  religious  tradition  like  a  painting,  by 
the  touch,"  and  in  the  "  Amatorius  "  full  play  is  allowed 
to  the  exposition  of  a  similar  view,  a  view,  indeed, 
which  dominates  the  whole  of  this  fascinating  dialogue. 
Pemptides,  one  of  the  speakers,  who  rails  lightly  at 

"  Her  faith  through  form  is  pure  as  thine, 
Her  hands  are  quicker  unto  good  : 
Oh,  sacred  be  the  flesh  and  blood 
To  which  she  links  a  truth  divine !  " 

1  Consolatio  a<l  ApoUonium,  102  A. — "He  was  a  very  sage  and 
virtuous  youth,  conspicuous  for  the  reverence  which  he  paid  to  the 
gods,  to  his  parents,  and  to  his  friends."  This  is  nearly  the  old 
Hellenic  ideal  as  expressed,  e.g.,  in  the  lines  from  the  "  Antiope  "  of 
Euripides,  preserved  by  Stobseus,  "  On  Virtue  "- 

"  There  be  three  virtues  for  thy  practice,  child  : 
Honour  the  gods,  revere  thy  loving  parents, 
Respect  the  laws  of  Greece." 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  75 

love  as  a  disease,  is  willing  to  learn  what  was  in  the 
minds  of  those  who  first  proclaimed  that  passion  as  a 
god.  He  is  answered  by  the  most  important  speaker 
in  the  conversation,  a  speaker  whose  name  is  not  given 
in  the  report,  which  is  represented  as  furnished  by 
one  of  this  speaker's  sons  from  their  father's  account. 
"  Our  father,  addressing  Pemptides  by  name,  said,  '  You 
are,  in  my  opinion,  commencing  with  great  rashness  to 
discuss  matters  which  ought  not  to  be  discussed  at  all, 
when  you  ask  a  reason  for  every  detail  of  our  belief  in 
the  gods.  Our  ancient  hereditary  faith  is  sufficient,  and 
a  better  argument  than  this  could  not  be  discovered  or 
described.  But  if  this  foundation  and  support  of  all 
piety  be  shaken,  and  its  stability  and  the  honoured 
beliefs  that  cling  to  it  be  disturbed,  it  will  be  under- 
mined and  no  one  will  regard  it  as  secure.  And  if  you 
demand  proofs  about  every  one  of  the  gods,  laying  a 
profane  hand  on  every  temple,  and  bringing  sophistical 
smartness  to  bear  on  every  shrine,  nothing  will  be  safe 
from  your  peering  eyes  and  prying  fingers.  What  an 
abyss  of  Atheism  opens  beneath  us,  if  we  resolve  every 
deity  into  a  passion,  a  power,  or  a  virtuous  activity ! '"  1 
This  is,  of  course,  an  extreme  conventional  view,  but 
the  fact,  that  it  is  put  so  fully,  at  least  argues  Plutarch's 
sympathy  with  it,  though  he  would  not,  in  his  own 
person,  have  pinned  himself  down  to  so  unqualified  an 
expression  of  it.  It  will  be  noted  that  in  this  part  of 
the  dialogue  the  gods  only  are  under  discussion,  whereas 
in  regard  to  tradition  on  other  elements  in  the  ancient 

1  Amatorius,  756  B. 


76  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

faith  the  same  speaker  subsequently  represents  himself 
as  neither  altogether  a  believer  nor  a  disbeliever,  and 
he  proceeds  to  search,  in  Plutarch's  own  special  way, 
for  "  faint  and  dim  emanations  of  truth  dispersed  about 
among  the  mythologies  of  the  Egyptians."  x  Plutarch's 
lofty  idea  of  the  passion  of  Love  may  have  induced 
him  in  this,  as  his  strenuous  moral  aim  did  in  so  many 
other  instances,  to  emphasize  for  the  moment  any 
particular  aspect  of  the  ancient  faith  which  appeared 
likely  to  furnish  inspiration  to  the  realization  of  noble 
ethical  ideals.  He  is  anxious,  at  all  events,  that  his 
purely  rational  arguments  shall  not  carry  him  too  far, 
as,  on  one  occasion,  after  a  long  disquisition,  the  un- 
doubted purport  of  which  is  to  refer  oracular  inspiration 
to  subterraneous  fumes  and  exhalations,  or,  as  one  of 
the  speakers  says,  "  to  accident  and  natural  means," 
Plutarch  ("Lamprias"  here  is  clearly  a  thin  disguise 
of  Plutarch  himself)  is  disturbed  and  confused  that  he 
should  be  thought  desirous  of  refuting  any  "  true  and 
religious "  opinions  recognized  with  respect  to  the 
Deity;  and  he  forthwith  proceeds  to  prove  that  it  is 
quite  possible  to  investigate  natural  phenomena  for 
secondary  causes,  while  recognizing  a  final  cause  in 
the  creative  Deity.2  Not  only  does  Plutarch  sympathize 
with  those  who  accept  with  pious  simplicity  the  tenets 
of  the  "ancient  and  hereditary  Faith ;  "  not  only  does  he 
deprecate  too  severe  a  handling  of  religious  questions ; 
but  he  is  also  eager  to  support  his  view  of  a  subject 
by  showing  that  it  is  not  out  of  harmony  with  the 

1  Arnatoriue,  7G2  A. 

2  De  Defcctu  Orac.,  435  E. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  77 

traditions  or  prescriptions  of  the  national  belief.  Con- 
cluding that  consolatory  letter  to  his  wife  upon  the 
death  of  their  little  daughter,  which  is  the  most 
humane  and  natural  expression  of  sympathy  left  us 
by  antiquity,  he  tries  to  show  that  those  who  die 
young  will  earlier  feel  at  home  in  the  other  world 
than  those  whose  long  life  on  earth  has  habituated 
their  souls  to  a  condition  so  different  from  that  which 
exists  "  beyond  the  gates  of  Hades,"  and  he  says  that 
this  is  a  truth  which  becomes  clearer  in  the  light  of 
the  ancient  and  hereditary  customs.1  No  libations  are 
poured  for  the  young  that  are  dead.  They  have  no 
share  in  earth,  nor  in  the  things  of  earth.  The  laws 
do  not  allow  mourning  for  children  of  such  tender 
years,  "  because  they  have  gone  to  dwell  in  a  better  land, 
and  to  share  a  diviner  lot."  And  he  adds,  "  I  know 
that  these  questions  are  involved  in  great  uncertainty ; 
but  since  to  disbelieve  is  more  difficult  than  to  believe, 
in  external  matters  let  us  act  as  the  laws  enjoin, 
while  within  we  become  more  chaste,  and  holy,  and 
undefiled."  2  It  must  not  be  overlooked  that  Plutarch 
was  long  a  priest  of  the  Delphian  Apollo,  and  that  the 
duties  of  this  position  responded  to  some  internal  need 
of  his  soul,  and  were  not  regarded  by  him  as  a  merely 
official  dignity,  is  proved  by  the  manner  in  which  he 
alludes  to  the  subject.  He  is  speaking  on  one  occasion 
of  the  many  indications  which  the  shrine  gives  of 
resuming  its  former  "  wealth,  and  splendour,  and 

1  Consolatio  ad  Uxorem,  612.     Cf.  De  Defectu  Orac.,  437  A. 

2  Supplying,  aa  Bernardakis  does  after  Wyttenbach,  xal  OVK 
&TI  ravTa  TroAAas  e^ei  airopias. 


78  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

honour,"  and  he  congratulates  himself  on  the  zealous 
and  useful  part  he  has  taken  in  aiding  the  work  of 
this  revival.1  He  mentions  two  friends  as  co-workers 
in  the  sacred  task,  and  appears  also  to  felicitate  a 
certain  Roman  Governor  of  Achaia  on  similar  grounds. 
But  he  reverently  proceeds  to  make  it  quite  clear  that 
it  is  the  god  himself  who  is  the  ultimate  cause  of  these 
returning  blessings.  "  But  it  is  not  possible  that  so 
great  a  transformation  should  have  taken  place  in  so 
short  a  time  through  human  activity,  unless  the  god 
were  present  and  continuing  to  inspire  his  oracle,"  and 
he  concludes  by  censuring  those  who,  in  their  inability 
to  discern  the  motive  actuating  the  divine  methods 
with  mankind,  "  depart  condemning  the  god,  instead  of 
blaming  us  or  themselves,  that  they  cannot,  by  reason, 
discover  the  intention  of  the  god."  2 

Plutarch's  attitude  of  more  than  tolerance  to  the 
"  ancient  and  hereditary  Faith,"  an  attitude  which  is, 
of  course,  not  inconsistent  with  his  desire  to  place  that 
Faith  on  a  rational  basis,  is  partly  explicable  in  the  light 
of  his  emphatic  gratitude  to  the  existing  political  con- 
stitution of  the  Graeco-Roman  world.  He  would  have 
been  an  admirable  co-worker  with  Maecenas — TrpoOv/uos 
KOI  \pi\aifjios  8 — in  carrying  out  the  religious  reforms  of 

1  De  Pythias  Orac.t  409  C.     Cf.  De  Rep.  Ger.,  792  F. 

2  Plutarch  puts  these  words  into  the  mouth  of  Theon,  a  literary 
man,  and  a  most  intimate  friend  of  his  own.     But  Theon  is  here  a 
mere  modest  disguise  of  Plutarch,  just  as  "  Lamprias"  is  in  the  De 
Defectu  Oraculorum.     The  argument  is,  in  any  case,  not  affected — the 
statement  is  clearly  Plutarch's  own.     (See  the  note  on  that  dialogue 
in  a  subsequent  chapter.) 

3  De  Pythix  Orac.,  409  B. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  79 

Augustus.  He  regarded  the  welfare  of  Society  and 
the  State,  of  the  family  and  the  individual  citizen,  as 
bound  up  with  a  belief  in  the  gods  whose  agency  was 
so  clearly  visible  in  bringing  the  world  to  that  state  of 
perfection  which  it  now  enjoyed,  and  which  promised 
to  be  eternal.  No  one  now  even  dreamed  of  doubting 
the  identity  of  the  gods  of  Rome  with  those  of  Greece, 
and  Plutarch  carries  the  identification  to  the  extent  of 
including  the  gods  of  almost  every  people  constituting 
the  Roman  Empire.1  These  universal  powers  had  the 
world  in  their  providential  care,  and  Rome  was  the 
divinely  chosen  instrument  of  their  beneficent  pur- 
poses. The  Emperor  is  the  depository  of  the  sacred 
governing  power  of  the  world.2  When  Tiberius  shut 
himself  up  in  Capreae,  this  divine  potency  never  left 
him.  And  though  expressions  of  this  kind  may  be 
interpreted  as  a  merely  formal  recognition  of  the  official 
dignity  of  the  Head  of  the  World,  Plutarch's  many 
eloquent  descriptions  of  the  blessings  of  the  Pax 
Eoinana  leave  us  in  no  doubt  respecting  the  character 
of  his  views  on  this  subject.  "  I  welcome  and  approve," 
says  Theon,  "the  present  position  of  affairs,  and  the 
subjects  about  which  we  now  consult  the  oracle.  For 
there  now  reigns  among  us  a  great  peace  and  calm. 

1  The  antiquarian  regret  of  Propertius  for  the  old  simple  worships 
of  Rome — "  Nulli  cura  fuit  externos  quserere  divos  Cum  tremeret 
patrio  pendula  turba  sacro"  (Eleg.,v.  1) — touched  a  chord  which  very 
few  Romans  would  have  responded  to  in  Plutarch's  time. 

•  De  ExiUo,  602  E.  This  recognition  of  the  sacred  character  of 
the  Emperor  does  not  preclude  criticisms  of  individual  rulers,  e.g., 
Nero:  De  Sera  Num.  V indicia,  567  F;  and  Vespasian:  Amatorius, 
111  C. 


8o  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

"War  has  ceased.  Expulsions,  seditions,  tyrannies,  are 
no  more,  and  many  other  diseases  and  disasters  which 
tormented  Greece,  and  demanded  powerful  remedies, 
are  now  healed.  Hence  the  oracle  is  no  longer  con- 
sulted on  matters  difficult,  secret,  and  mysterious,  but 
on  common  questions  of  everyday  life.  Even  the  most 
important  oracles  addressed  to  cities  are  concerned 
with  crops  and  herds,  and  matters  affecting  the  public 
health.1  In  the  "  Praecepta  Gerendaa  Keipublica? "  he 
is  still  more  outspoken  in  his  praise  of  the  Eoman 
administration,  and  in  his  recognition  of  the  opportun- 
ities which  it  gives  for  the  culture  of  the  individual 
character  within  the  limits  of  a  greatly  generous  sway. 
Plutarch,  as  is  well  known,  was  gifted  with  a  patriotic 
regard  for  the  old  achievements  of  the  Hellenic  name, 
but  he  recognizes  with  so  keen  an  insight  the  great 
work  being  accomplished  by  Eome  in  the  fostering  of 
municipal  institutions,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
peace  which  meant  the  undisturbed  happiness  of 
millions  of  obscure  families,2  that,  in  the  sphere  of 
practical  politics,  he  deliberately  turns  away  from  the 
group  of  inspiring  ideas  connected  with  ancient  Hellenic 
patriotism.  He  alludes  coldly,  perhaps  even  sneer - 
ingly,  to  such  of  his  contemporaries  as  fancied  they 
could  apply  the  ancient  traditions  of  glory  to  those  late 
and  unseasonable  times,  like  little  children  who  would 
try  to  wear  their  father's  sandals  ; 3  counsels  a  complete 

De  Pyiliix  Orac.,  408  B. 

2  Cf.  the  fate  of  Chsoroneia  under  Antony,  aa  told  by  Plutarch's 
grandfather  (see  Life  of  Antony,  948  A,  15). 

3  814  A. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  81 

submission  to  the  duly  appointed  lloman  autho- 
rities ;  fully  persuaded  that  within  the  limits  of  their 
supremacy  there  is  as  much  freedom  as  a  reasonable 
man  could  desire  to  enjoy ;  and  honestly  claims  to  find 
scope,  in  a  little  Boeotian  township,  for  such  political 
ambition  as  could  be  safely  and  wisely  indulged.1  It 
is  not  difficult  to  sneer  at  the  prudential  limitation 
of  patriotism  to  such  petty,  insignificant,  and  meagre 
efforts  as  the  superintendence  of  bricks  and  mortar  and 
the  carting  of  municipal  rubbish ;  but  the  wiser  thing 
is  to  note  that  Plutarch's  opposition  to  vain  fancies  of 
the  revival  of  the  ancient  Hellenic  splendour,  except 
perhaps  in  such  a  form  as  a  Hadrian  might  be  inclined 
to  revive  it  in  an  artificial  Panhellenium,  is  based  on 
the  conviction  that  happiness  depends  upon  the  free 
development  of  individual  character,  the  unrestricted 
enjoyment  of  domestic  peace,  the  undisturbed  inter- 
course of  social  life  ;  and  he  knew  that  the  Roman 
sway  made  it  possible,  for  Greeks  at  any  rate,  to  enjoy 
these  blessings  to  a  degree  never  previously  known  in 
their  chequered  history.2  With  a  clear  recognition  of 
the  historical  causes  of  the  political  decadence  of  Hel- 
lenism, he  regards  civic  discord  as  the  evil  which  most 
demands  the  attention  of  those  who  still  seek  opportun- 
ities for  public  action,  and  he  is  particularly  grateful 

1  Prxcepta  Eeip.  Ger.,  813,  et  passim  : — He  insists,  however  (814 
E,  F),  that  subservience  must  not  go  too  far,  and  he  is  also  careful  to 
point  out  sucli  brilliant  openings  for  political  ambition  as  are  left  by 
the  peculiar  conditions  of  the  time  (805  A,  B). 

-  Plutarch  states  that  the  aim  of  his  political  advice  is  to  enable 
a  man  not  only  to  become  "  a  useful  citizen,"  but  also  '•  to  order  his 
domestic  affairs  with  safety,  honour,  and  justice "  (_De  Unim  in 
Repul).,  &c.,  826  C). 

G 


82  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

to  the  strong  hand  of  Borne  for  controlling  the  inter- 
necine animosities  of  Greek  cities.     "  Consider,"  says 
he,  "  our  position  with  regard  to  those  blessings  which 
are   counted   as   the   greatest   that  a  city  can  enjoy : 
Peace,  Freedom,  Fertility  of  Soil,  Increase  of  Popula- 
tion, Domestic  Concord.     As  regards  Peace,  our  peoples 
have  no  present  need  of  politicians.     Every  Greek  war, 
every  Barbarian  war,  has  vanished  from  among  us.    For 
Freedom,  our  peoples  enjoy  as  much  as  their  rulers 
allow  them,  and  a  greater  share  would  ftcrhaps   not  be 
any  better  for  them.     For  fine   seasons   and  plentiful 
harvests,  for  families  of  '  children  like  their  sires,'  and 
for  gracious  aid  to  the  new-born  child,  the  good  man  in 
his  prayers  will  invoke  the  gods  on  behalf  of  his  fellow- 
citizens."  l     As  for  civic  concord,  that,  he  says,  is  in 
our  own  power,  and  those  who  desire  a  life  of  political 
activity  could  not  do  better  than  devote  themselves  to 
the  task  of  spreading  harmony  and  friendship  among 
their  fellow-citizens.     The  peace  which   the   Eomans 
have   established  in   the  world   makes  it  possible  to 
develop  character  on  these  social  lines,  and  he  recog- 
nizes, in  a  pregnant  comparison,  that  the  freedom  which 
the  Greeks  enjoy  is  sufficient  to  allow  the  fullest  play 
to  the  development  of  their  own  moral  character.     The 
drama  is  composed   and  staged  :  the  prompter  stands 
behind  the  scene  ready  with  the  cue  :  but  the  player 
can  give  his  own  interpretation  of  the    character  he 
represents,  though  remembering  that  a  slip  may  meet 
with  a  worse  fate  than  mere  hissing  in  the  audience.2 

J  Pi-Kcepta  lieip.,  824  C. 
•  Prxcepta  Ptip,,  813  F. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  83 

Plutarch  is  clearly  of  opinion  that  this  state  of 
things  is  best  for  his  fellow-countrymen.  He  is  as 
firmly  convinced  of  the  divine  mission  of  Rome  as  ever 
was  Virgil  or  any  other  patriotic  Roman.1  "  In  his  tract 
"  De  Fortuna  Romanorum,"  he  discusses  the  question 
whether  the  greatness  of  Rome  was  due  to  Tuxi  or 
'Apm;,  or,  as  he  expresses  the  antithesis  in  another 
place,  to  Tux*}  or  Upovoia — to  Chance  or  to  Providence, 
we  may  translate,  if  we  recognize  that  here  Chance  is 
the  divine  element,  and  Providence  the  human.2  In 
other  words,  is  the  grandeur  of  Rome  the  result  of 
human  virtue  and  forethought,  or  is  it  a  direct  gift  of 
the  Deity  to  mankind  ?  He  decides  in  the  latter  sense, 
though  conceding  much  to  the  valour  of  individual 
Romans ;  and  his  incidental  expressions  of  opinion 
bear  as  much  evidence  to  the  divinely  inspired  and 
divinely  guided  character  of  Roman  administration  as 
is  borne  by  his  definite  conclusion.  He  says  that, 
whichever  way  the  question  is  decided,  it  can  only 
redound  to  the  glory  of  Rome  to  be  the  subject  of  a 
discussion  which  has  hitherto  been  confined  to  the  great 

1  PROPERTIUS,  iv.  11.  "  Haec  Di  coudiderant,  haec  Di  quoque 
moenia  servant."  Plutarch's  essay  reads  like  an  exposition  of  this 
text  of  the  Roman  poet. 

•  "  Et  hoc  verbo  monere  satis  est,  Ti/x^s  nomine  contineri  omnem 
rerum  actionumque  efficientiam,  quaa  a  Virtute  disjuncta,  nee  in 
hominis  potestate  posita  est ;  sivc  ilia  ut  casus  et  temeritas,  sive  ut 
divina  providentia  informetur." — WYTTENBACH.  Schlemm  says  that 
this  tract  and  the  De  Alexandra  sice  virtute  sire  fortuna  are  "  merse 
exercitationes  rhetoricae  in  quibus  certain  quandam  philosophiam 
pcrsequi  in  animo  non  habebat."  Yet  the  rhetoric  of  the  De  Fortuna 
Romanorum  is  in  wonderful  harmony  with  Plutarch's  mature  opinion 
as  deliberately  expressed  in  the  De  Eepublica  Uerenda. 


84  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

natural  phenomena  of  the  universe — the  earth,  the  sea, 
the  heavens,  and  the  stars.  His  very  words  are  curi- 
ously reminiscent  of  Virgil's  rerum  pulcherrima,  Roma 
(TWV  avOpwirivwv  tpywv  TO  KaXXtorov),1  as  he  tells  how 
Time,  in  concert  with  the  Deity,  laid  the  foundations  of 
Eome,  harmonizing  to  that  end  the  influence  of  Fortune 
and  Virtue  alike,  thus  establishing  for  all  the  nations 
of  mankind  a  sacred  hearth,  a  harbour  and  a  resting- 
place,  "an  anchorage  from  the  wandering  seas"  of 
human  stress  and  turmoil,  a  principle  of  eternity  amid 
the  evanescence  and  mutability  of  other  things.  He 
describes  with  great  vigour  of  language  the  instability 
of  the  world  under  the  domination  of  other  Empires, 
until  Eome  acquired  her  full  strength  and  splendour, 
and  brought  peace  and  security  and  permanence  among 
these  warring  elements.3 

Being  so  satisfied  with  the  constitution  of  the  world, 
it  is  natural  that  Plutarch  should  have  nothing  but 
reverent  words  for  the  eternal  powers  whose  guidance 
had  led  to  so  happy  a  disposition  of  human  affairs. 
However  much  Philosophy  should  endeavour  to  free 

1  VIEGIL  :  Georgia,  ii.  534 ;  PLUT  :  De  Forluna  Romunorum, 
316  E.  This  may  be  a  conscious  reminiscence  of  Virgil's  line.  If 
Plutarch  had  not  read  Virgil,  he  may  have  heard  so  famous  a  verse 
quoted  by  his  friends  at  Home.  He  himself  translates  a  passage 
from  "the  poet  Flaccus  "  in  his  Life  of  Lucnllus  (518  C — HOBACK  : 
Ep.y  i.  6,  45).  The  question  of  Plutarch's  acquaintance  with  Latin 
is  very  important  for  investigations  into  the  historical  sources  of  his 
"  Livus;  "  but  it  lies  beyond  our  present  limits.  It  is  fully  dealt  with 
by  WKISSENBEKGER  in  his  Die  Sprache  Plntarchs  (1895).  He  excul- 
pates Plutarch  from  some  of  the  grosser  mistakes  in  Latinity  imputed 
to  him  by  Volkmann. 

1  317  13,  C. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  85 

the  mind  from  the  crude  and  vulgar  elements  in  the 
"  ancient  and  hereditary  Faith,"  she  must  never  be 
tempted  to  profess  other  than  the  most  pious  belief  in 
its  fundamental  truth  and  right ;  and  the  ultimate  aim 
of  Philosophy  must  be  to  strengthen  and  revive  the 
ancient  Eeligion  by  freeing  it  from  inconsistencies  and 
crudities  which,  so  long  as  they  appeared  to  be  an 
essential  part  of  the  system,  only  existed  to  shock  the 
pious  and  to  encourage  atheism. 

Plutarch's  attitude  towards  the  ancient  Faith  may 
thus  be  defined  as  one  of  patriotic  acceptance  modified 
by  philosophic  criticism ;  not  that  criticism  which  tries 
everything  from  the  fixed  standpoint  of  a  set  of  rules 
logically  irrefutable  :  but  that  which  is  really  the  spirit 
of  rationalism  pervading  all  philosophies  alike.  If 
Plutarch's  attitude  is  that  of  a  Platonist,  it  is  that  of 
a  Platonist  whose  experience  of  ordinary  human  affairs, 
and  whose  recognition  of  their  importance  in  Philosophy, 
have  compelled  him  to  modify  the  genuine  teaching  of 
the  Master  into  something  like  the  spirit  of  compromise 
characterizing  the  later  Academics.  His  teaching  is 
not  the  philosophic  despotism  of  Plato  ;  it  might  easily 
be  characterized  as  "  plebeian,"  l  as  Epicureanism  was 
by  Cicero,  or  "  commonplace,"  as  Aristotle  has  been 
described  by  Platonists.  It  breathes  that  free  spirit  of 
truth  which  bids  every  man,  whether  he  is  a  practised 
philosopher  or  not,  or  even  if  he  has  not  studied 
mathematics,  to  give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that  is  in 
him :  to  apply  the  touchstone  of  his  own  practical 

1  CICERO  :  Quxst.  Time.,  i.  23. 


86  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

experience  and  native  intelligence  to  the  domain  of 
Ethics  and  Religion  as  to  the  domain  of  every-day  life, 
because,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  domain  of  every-day 
life  is  the  domain  of  Religion  and  Ethics.  The  dictum 
of  Hesiod,  enforced  by  Aristotle  and  applied  in  practice 
by  the  Epicureans,  and  by  the  Stoics,  is  the  keynote  of 
the  teaching  of  Plutarch : — "  He  is  most  excellent  of 
all,  who  judges  of  all  things  for  himself." 


CHAPTER   V. 

Plutarch's  Theology — His  conception  of  God  not  a  pure  meta- 
physical abstraction,  his  presentment  of  it  not  dogmatic — 
General  acceptance  of  the  attributes  recognized  by  Greek 
philosophy  an  essential  to  the  idea  of  God — God  as  UNITY, 
ABSOLUTE  BKING,  ETERNITY — God  as  INTELLIGENCE:  PER- 
SONALITY of  Plutarch's  God  intimately  associated  with  his 
Intelligence — God's  Intelligence  brings  him  into  contact  with 
humanity:  by  it  he  knows  the,  events  of  the  Future  and  the 
secrets  of  the  human  heart — From  his  knowledge  springs  his 
Providence — God  as  Father  and  Judge — theDR  SKRA  NUMINIS 
YINDICTA — Immortality  of  the  Soul. 

IT  will  readily  be  understood  that  on  no  question 
of  Keligion  is  Plutarch  more  willing  to  act  as 
"  Arbitrator  "  than  on  that  concerned  with  the  Nature 
and  Attributes  of  the  Deity.  He  knows  and,  as  we 
have  seen,  recognizes  to  the  full  the  discordant  nature 
of  the  elements  which,  by  force  of  circumstances,  have 
been  driven  into  some  kind  of  cohesion  in  the  formation 
of  the  popular  belief,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  his 
efforts  to  harmonize  them  into  a  rational  consistency 
are  not  completely  successful.  His  own  conception  of 
the  Divine  nature  resembles  the  popular  notion  in 
being  a  compound  of  philosophy,  myth,  and  legalized 
tradition.  From  Philosophy  he  accepts  the  Unity  of 


88  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

God ;  from  popular  Mythology  he  accepts  certain  names 
of  deities,  and  certain  traditional  expressions,  which  he 
understands,  however,  in  a  sense  quite  different  from 
any  interpretation  current  in  the  popular  views,  while, 
at  the  same  time,  he  never  uses  these  names  and  ex- 
pressions without  an  air  and  attitude  of  the  most  pious 
regard.  The  philosophical  part  of  his  teaching  on  the 
nature  of  God  is  largely  Greek,  but  by  no  means 
entirely  so,  and  neither  is  it  the  teaching  of  any  par- 
ticular school  of  Greek  philosophy.  The  Demiurgus  of 
the  Timseus :  the  One  and  Absolute  of  the  Pythagoreans : 
the  TIp&Tov  KIVOVV,  the  vmjo-tc,  vorjerewc  vor\aiQ  of 
Aristotle;  the  material  immanent  World-Soul — the 
Xoyoc  o  ev  ry  CXy — of  the  Stoics : — one  and  all  con- 
tribute qualities  to  the  Plutarchic  Deity,  and  show  how 
irresistible  the  necessity  for  unity  had  become  in  the 
spiritual,  as  in  the  political,  world.  The  metaphysical 
Deity  thus  created  from  these  diverse  elements  is  made 
personal  by  the  direct  ethical  relation  into  which  He  is 
brought  with  mankind  (as  in  the  punishment  of  sin), 
while  the  suggestion  of  personality  is  aided  by  the  use 
of  the  Greek  popular  names  of  the  deities  to  describe 
the  attributes  of  the  One  Supreme  God.  Thus  it  has 
already  been  noted  that  while  Plutarch  is  ostensibly 
discussing  the  attributes  of  Apollo  he  is  actually 
defining  his  position  with  reference  to  abstract  Deity. 
This  ill-harmonizing  combination  of  metaphysics  and 
popular  belief  is  further  placed  in  contact  with  views 
originated  by  Oriental  creeds,  with  Zoroastrianism, 
with  Manichaeism,  with  "certain  slight  and  obscure 
hints  of  the  truth,  which  are  to  be  found  scattered  here 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  89 

and  there  in  Egyptian  Mythology,"  *  the  whole  present- 
ing a  strange  conglomeration,  which  appears  to  defy 
any  attempt  to  make  a  consistent  theology  of  it,  until 
we  see  Plutarch's  method  conspicuously  emerging  with 
its  twofold  aim,  of  proving  that  all  these  different  views 
of  God  are  merely  different  ways  of  striving  after  belief 
in  the  same  Supreme  Power,  and  of  inculcating  a 
sympathetic  and  liberal  attitude  of  mind,  which  is  far 
more  conducive  to  unity  than  a  detailed  agreement  on 
points  of  minor  importance.2  This  endeavour  after 
unity  is  supported  by  a  strenuous  and  sincere  belief  in 
what  at  first  sight  appears  to  be  a  principle  of  diversity 
— the  belief,  namely,  in  Daemons — but  which  Plutarch 
uses  to  great  effect  in  his  attempts  after  unity,  by 
assigning,  with  Pythagoras,3  every  recognized  tradition 
unworthy  of  the  Highest  to  these  subordinate  beings 

1  Amatoriit*,  762  A. 

2  One  need  scarcely  go  so  far  as  Professor  Lewis  Campbell,  who 
says  that  the  main  result  of  the  "  Ethics  "  of  Plutarch  is  to  show 
"  how  difficult  it  was  for  a  common-sense  man  of  the  world  to  form 
distinct  and  reasonable  opinions  on  matters  of  religion  in  that  strangely 
complicated  time"  {Religion  in  Greek  Literature,  1898).      But  Pro- 
fessor Campbell  is  also  of  opinion  that  "  the  convenient  distinction 
between  gods  and  demons,  which  he  (i.e.  Plutarch)  and  others  pro- 
bably owed  to  their  reading  of  Plato,  is  worth  dwelling  on  because  it 
wns  taken  up  for  apologetic  purposes  by  the  early  Christian  fathers" 
Surely  its  religious  value  to  an  age  which  did  not  anticipate  the 
coming  of  "the  early  Christian  fathers"  makes  the  distinction  worth 
study  from  a  point  of  view  quite  different  from  that  represented  in 
Christian  apologetics. 

3  See   MAUBY,  vol.   i.  p.  352. — "  Pythagore  admet  1'existence  de 
demons  bous   et  mauvais  conime   les   homines,  et   tout  ce   qui   lui 
paruissait  iudigne  de  1'idee  qu'on  devait  se   faire  des   dicux,  il  en 
faisait  1'ceuvre  des  demons  et  des  heros."     (For  a  fuller  discussion  of 
this  question  see  the  chapters  on  Doemonology.) 


90  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

whose  influence  is  everywhere  felt  in  nature  and  in 
human  life,  and  whose  presence,  at  any  rate,  inter- 
penetrates and  overruns  the  whole  of  Plutarch's  views 
on  religion.1 

It  is  no  unfitting  circumstance  in  a  priest  of  Apollo 
that  his  noblest  utterances  respecting   the   nature  of 

1  Plutarch  devotes  BO  much  of  his  work  to  an  exposition  of  his 
views  of  the  Divine  character,  that  one  feels  inclined  to  regard  him 
less  as  a  philosopher  in  the  general  sense  than  as  a  theologian.  A 
kindly  piece  of  description  of  his  own  (see  I)e  Defectn  Orac.,  410  A), 
in  which  he  mentions  Cleombrotos  of  Lacedemon  as  "  a  man  who  made 
many  journeys,  not  for  the  sake  of  traffic,  but  because  he  wished  to 
see  and  to  learn,"  and  says  that  as  a  result  of  his  travels  and  researches 
he  was  compiling  a  practically  complete  corpus  of  philosophical 
material,  the  end  and  aim  of  philosophy  being,  as  he  used  to  put  it, 
"  Theology  " — may  be  spoken  with  equal  truth  of  Plutarch  himself.  We 
cannot,  perhaps,  do  better  than  apply  the  term  ®i6ao<pos  to  him,  and 
support  the  appellation  with  an  interesting  passage  from  M.  Maury, 
in  which  he  deals  with  the  distinction  between  theosophs  and  philo- 
sophers in  the  early  stages  of  Greek  philosophy  and  religion : — "  Les 
uns  soumettant  tous  les  fails  a  1'appreciation  rationelle,  et  partant  de 
1'observation  individuelle,  pour  expliquer  l;i  formation  de  1'univers 
substituaient  aux  croyances  populaires  un  sysleme  cree  par  eux,  et 
plus  ou  moins  en  contradiction  avec  les  opinions  du  vulgaire:  c'etaieut 
les  pliilosophes  proprement  dits.  Les  autres  acoeptaient  la  religion 
de  luurs  contemporains,  .  .  ils  entreprenaiuut  au  nom  de  la 
sagesse  divine,  dont  ila  se  donnaient  pour  les  interprets,  non  de 
rencerser  maix  de  reformer  les  notions  thtfologiques  et  les  formes 
reh'gieuses,  de  fa9on  a  les  mettrc  d'uccord  avec  leurs  priricipcs  philo- 
sophiques "  (MAURY,  vol.  i.  p.  339).  C'f.  C.  G.  SKIBERT,  De  Apolo- 
getica  Plutarchi  Theoloyia  (lbf>4)  :— "  Finis  autem  ad  quern  tendebat 
ipsa  erat  religio  a  majoribus  accepta,  qua  philosophise  ope  purgata 
sequalium  anitnos  denuo  implcre  studebat."  He  thinks  Plutarch  was  a 
theologian  first  and  a  philosopher  after.  (In  the  passage  quoted  above 
from  the  De  Defectu  it  is  difficult  not  to  regard  Mr.  Paton's  emenda- 
tion of  <f>i\60(os  p.(v  ovv  KO.\  <pi\6/j.avrts  as  more  in  accordance  with  the 
character  of  Cleombrotos  than  the  <pi\oQfa.fj.<av  xa\  <f>i\ofj.a0-f)s  of  Bernard- 
akis'  text,  although,  of  course,  he  was  a  great  traveller  and  an 
ardent  student.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  91 

God  should  be  contained  in  discourses  connected  more 
or  less  with  the  temples  and  traditions  of  the  god.  In 
the  discussion,  for  instance,  on  the  syllable  "E" 
written  over  the  narrow  entrance  of  the  Amphictyonic 
Temple  at  Delphi,  Ammonius  is  represented  as  express- 
ing views  of  the  Divine  Nature  which  are  unsurpassed 
for  sublimity  in  any  other  part  of  Plutarch's  writings, 
or  even  in  Greek  literature  generally.  We  quote  them 
here  as  embodying  Plutarch's  beliefs  on  the  Unity, 
Eternity,  and  Absoluteness  of  the  Divine  Nature. 
"  Not  then  a  number,  nor  an  arrangement,  nor  a  con- 
junction or  any  other  part  of  speech,  do  I  think  the 
inscription  signifies.  It  is  rather  a  complete  and 
concise  form  of  address,  an  invocation  of  the  God, 
bringing  the  speaker  with  the  very  word,  into  a  con- 
scious recognition  of  His  power.  The  God  salutes  each 
of  us,  as  we  approach  His  shrine,  with  the  great  text, 
'  Know  thyself,'  which  is  His  way  of  saying  \afpe  to 
us ;  and  we  in  our  turn,  replying  to  the  God,  say  a — 
'  Thou  art,'  thus  expressing  our  belief  in  His  true  and 
pure  and  incommunicable  virtue  of  absolute  being.1  .  .  . 
Now  we  must  admit  that  God  absolutely  is;  not  that 
he  is  with  reference  to  any  period  of  time,  but  with 
reference  to  an  immovable,  immutable,  timeless  eternity, 
before  which  there  was  nothing,  after  which  there  is 
nothing,  in  respect  to  which  there  is  neither  future  nor 
past,  than  which  there  is  nothing  older  or  younger. 
But  being  Unity,  the  Unity  that  he  is  nmc  is  the  same 
Unity  with  which  he  occupies  eternity;  and  nothing 

1  De  E,  392  A.     Cf.  PLATO  :  Laches,  240  C. 


92  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

really  exists  but  that  which  is  endowed  with  the  same 
absolute  existence  as  he — neither  anything  that  has 
come  into  existence,  nor  shall  come  into  existence,  nor 
anything  which  had  a  beginning,  or  shall  have  an  end. 
In  worshipping  him,  therefore,  we  ought  assuredly  to 
salute  and  address  him  in  a  manner  corresponding  to 
this  view  of  him ;  as,  e.g.,  in  the  phrase  already  used 
by  some  ancient  philosophers,  the  phrase,  'Thou  art 
one.'  For  the  Divine  principle  is  not  many,  as  we  are, 
each  of  us  compacted  of  countless  different  passions,  a 
mingled  and  varying  conglomerate  of  assembled  atoms. 
But  Being  must  necessarily  be  Unity,  and  Unity  must 
be  Being.  It  is  Diversity — that  is,  the  principle  of 
discrepancy  from  Unity — which  issues  to  the  produc- 
tion of  non-Being,  whence  the  three  names  of  the  God 
are  one  and  all  appropriate.  He  is  Apollo  (d  TroXu'c), 
because  he  repudiates  and  excludes  the  many  (TO. 
iroXXa) ;  leius  (toe  = « ?e)  because  he  is  Unity  and 
Solitude ;  and  Phoebus,  of  course,  was  the  name  given 
by  the  ancients  to  anything  that  was  pure  and  un- 
sullied. .  .  .  Now  Unity  is  pure  and  unsullied ;  defile- 
ment comes  by  being  mixed  with  other  elements,  as 
Homer  says  that  ivory  dipped  in  purple  dye  '  is  defiled,' 
and  dyers  say  that  colours  mixed  are  colours  '  corrupted,' 
the  process  being  called  '  corruption.'  A  pure  and  in- 
corruptible substance  must  therefore  be  one  and  whole."1 
— "  The  Inscription  cT  seems  to  me  to  be,  as  it  were,  at 
once  the  antithesis  and  the  completion  of  the  inscrip- 
tion, '  Know  thyself.'  The  one  is  addressed  in  reverence 

1  393  A-D. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  93 

and  wonder  to  the  God  as  eternally  existent,  the  other 
is  a  reminder  to  mortality  of  the  frail  nature  that 
encompasseth  it." l 

Nowhere  is  the  necessity  which  Plutarch  feels  for 
believing  in  one  supreme  ruler  of  all  the  imaginable 
universe  more  apparent  than  in  a  passage  in  which  he 
is  seeking  a  regulating  Intelligence  for  an  admitted 
plurality  of  worlds,  to  account  for  whose  administration 
a  Greek  of  almost  any  period  would  have  been  con- 
strained to  resort  to  the  hypothesis  of  a  plurality  of 
gods,  supreme  as  each  individual  god  might  be  in  his 
own  individual  world.  The  passage  in  question  initiates 
a  discussion  on  this  subject  somewhat  episodical  to 
the  main  argument  of  the  "  De  Defectu  Oraculorum." 
Plutarch  himself  is  the  speaker,  though  he  represents 
his  interlocutors  as  addressing  him  by  the  name  of 
Lamprias.2  He  is  inclined  to  agree  that  there  may  be 
more  worlds  than  one,  though  repudiating  an  infinity 
of  worlds.  "  It  is  more  consonant  with  reason  to  assert 
that  God  has  made  more  than  one  world.  For  He 
is  perfectly  good,  and  deficient  in  no  virtue  whatsoever, 
least  of  all  in  those  virtues  that  are  associated  with 
Justice  and  Friendship,  which  are  the  fairest  of  all 
virtues,  and  those  most  appropriate  to  the  divine 
nature.  And  as  God  is  not  wanting  in  any  respect, 
so  also  He  possesses  no  redundant  or  superfluous 
characteristics.  There  must  exist,  therefore,  other 
gods  and  other  worlds  than  ours,  whose  companion- 
ship furnishes  a  sphere  for  the  exercise  of  these 

1  304  C.  *  De  Defectu.,  413  D. 


94  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

social  virtues.  For  it  is  not  upon  Himself,  nor  upon 
a  part  of  Himself,  but  upon  others,  that  He  discharges 
the  claims  of  justice,  kindliness,  goodness.  Hence  it 
is  not  probable  that  He  is  unneighboured  and  un- 
friended, or  that  this  world  of  ours  floats  alone  in 
the  emptiness  of  infinite  space."  l  Plutarch,  however, 
is  merely  on  tentative  ground  here;  the  plurality  of 
worlds  was  an  abstract  academic  question  no  less  in 
those  days  than  in  these.  Admitting  a  plurality  of 
worlds,  it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  each  should 
be  under  the  dominion  of  a  separate  Deity.  "  What 
objection,"  he  asks,  in  answer  to  the  Stoics,  "what 
objection  is  there  to  our  asserting  that  all  the  worlds 
are  beneath  the  sway  of  the  Fate  and  Providence  of 
Zeus,  and  that  He  bestows  His  superintendence  and 
direction  among  them  all,  implanting  in  them  the 
principles  and  seeds  and  ideas  of  all  things  that  are 
brought  about  therein  ?  Surely  it  is  no  more  im- 
possible that  ten,  or  fifty,  or  a  hundred  worlds  should 
be  animated  by  the  same  rule  of  Eeason,  or  should  be 
administered  in  accordance  with  one  and  the  same 
principle  of  action,  than  that  a  public  assembly,  an 
army,  or  a  chorus,  should  obey  the  same  co-ordinating 
power.  Nay,  an  arrangement  of  this  kind  is  in  special 
harmony  with  the  Divine  Character."  2  Plutarch  can- 
not get  away  from  his  fixed  belief  in  the  absolute 
Unity  of  God,  and  with  God's  Unity,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  his  Eternity  and  Immutability  are  in- 
volved. But  Plutarch  re-asserts  this  truth  in  various 

1  433  D,  E.  2  42G  B. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  95 

places  and  forms.  In  the  tract  "  De  Stoicorum  Repug- 
nantiis,"  though  chiefly  dealing  polemically  with  the 
inconsistencies  and  self-contradictions  of  Chrysippus 
and  other  early  Stoics,  he  clearly  exhibits  his  own 
views  in  several  passages.  In  one  place  l  he  asserts 
that  even  those  who  deny  the  benevolence  of  God,  as 
the  Jews  and  the  Syrians,  do  not  imagine  him  as 
other  than  eternally  and  immutably  existent,  and 
quotes  with  approval  a  sentence  from  Antipater  of 
Tarsus,  to  the  effect  that  God  is  universally  regarded 
as  uncreate  and  eternal.  A  little  later  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  argument 2  he  adopts  the  Stoic  position — 
which  Chrysippus  is  represented  as  contradicting — 
that  the  idea  of  God  includes  the  ideas  of  happiness, 
blessedness,  self-sufficiency,  which  qualities  are  else- 
where shown  to  exist  absolutely  and  independently 
of  all  conceivable  causes  of  opposition.3  "They  are 
wrong  who  assert  that  the  Divine  Nature  is  eternal 
because  it  avoids  and  repels  anything  that  might  tend 
to  its  destruction.  Immutability  and  Eternity  must 
necessarily  exist  in  the  very  nature  of  the  Blessed 
One,  requiring  no  exertion  on  his  part  to  preserve  and 
defend  them." 

The  intermingling  of  the  doctrines  of  various 
philosophic  sects  is  interestingly  conspicuous  through- 
out these  discussions  on  the  nature  of  God ;  and  not 
less  than  elsewhere  in  the  noble  observations  of  the 
Platonist  Ammonius,  which  have  been  quoted  from 
the  "  De  E  apud  Delphos."  It  is  equally  interesting  to 

1  1051  E.  :  1052  E. 

3  De  Defedu  Orac.,  420  E. 


96  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

note  that  all  the  speakers  in  that  dialogue,  while 
looking  with  their  mind's  eye  far  beyond  any  individual 
member  of  the  Olympian  Pantheon  to  that  divine 
power  whose  functions  correspond  with  the  essential 
requirements  of  the  loftiest  monotheism,  yet  use  the 
name  of  Apollo  as  the  professed  nucleus  of  their 
religious  beliefs,  and  thus  bring  themselves  into  formal 
harmony  with  the  demands  of  the  "  ancient  and 
hereditary  Faith."  The  same  tendency,  at  once  ortho- 
dox and  unifying,  is  visible  in  the  philosophic  import 
attached,  in  accordance  with  the  Stoic  practice,  to  the 
popular  names  for  the  god  in  his  various  functions. 
In  other  tracts  and  essays  the  same  aim  is  conspicuous, 
the  same  method  of  treatment  is  applied.  In  his 
fascinating  account  of  the  Egyptian  myth  of  Isis 
and  Osiris  —  which  will  be  dealt  with  later  from  the 
material  which  it  furnishes  for  investigating  Plutarch's 
attempts  to  identify  foreign  gods  with  the  gods  of 
Greece  —  he  uses  both  these  divine  names  as  a  means 
of  approach  to  the  Divine  Nature,  that  One  Eternal, 
Absolute  Being,  which  is  the  real  object  of  the 
philosopher's  clarified  insight  —  TroXXwv  ovopdrwv  /uo/x^j) 
/uia.1  The  true  object  of  the  service  of  Isis,  for 
example,  is  "  the  knowledge  of  that  First  and  Supreme 
Power  which  is  compact  of  Intelligence;  that  Power 
whom  the  goddess  (Isis)  bids  her  servants  seek,  since 
He  abides  by  her  side  and  is  united  with  her.  The 
very  name  of  her  temple  expressly  promises  the  know- 
ledge and  the  understanding  of  Being,  inasmuch  as  it 


:  Pfomdhcus  Vinctus,  210. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  97 

is  called  the  Ision  (tic — «wi/),  indicating  that  we  shall 
know  Being  if  we  enter  with  piety  and  intelligence  into 
the  sacred  rites  of  the  goddess."  1 

The  passage  just  quoted  shows  the  intimate  con- 
nexion between  Being  and  Intelligence — the  "  Supreme 
Power  is  compact  of  Intelligence ; "  and  we  are  left  in 
little  doubt  respecting  Plutarch's  views  on  this  second 
aspect  of  the  Divine  Nature.  The  conception  of  the 
Deity  as  VOVQ,  an  ancient  abstraction  in  Greek  philo- 
sophy, is  at  once  strengthened  and  brought  nearer  to 
the  intelligence  of  humanity  by  Plutarch's  simple  treat- 
ment of  it,  and  by  his  connecting  it,  wherever  possible, 
with  the  traditions  of  the  popular  creed.  God  is 
not  only  Intelligence,  but  intelligent.  "The  Divine 
Nature,"  says  he,  "is  not  blessed  in  the  possession 
of  silver  and  gold,  nor  mighty  through  the  wielding 
of  thunders  and  thunderbolts,  but  in  the  enjoyment  of 
knowledge  and  understanding;  and  of  all  the  things 
that  Homer  has  said  concerning  the  gods,  this  is  his 
finest  pronouncement : — 

'  Yet  both  one  goddess  formed 

And  one  soil  bred,  but  Jupiter  precedence  took  in  birth 
And  had  more  knowledge  '  - 

— a  pronouncement  in  which  he  gives  the  palm  for 

1  De  Iside  et  Osiride,  352  A.  We  need  not  here  trouble  with 
Plutarch's  fanciful  philology,  almost  as  fanciful  as  that  of  some 
modern  Arynnists.  His  meaning  is  clear — Absolute  Being  is  the 
object  of  the  worship  of  Isis — cf.  MAX  MULLEH  :  Selected  Easays, 
vol.  i.  p.  467 :  "  Comparative  philologists  have  not  yet  succeeded  in 
finding  the  true  etymology  of  Apollo."  (Plato's  derivations  are  given 
in  the  Cratylus,  266  C.) 

•  Iliad,  xiii.  354.    (Chapman's  translation.) 

II 


98  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

dignity  and  honour  to  the  sovereignty  of  Jove,  inasmuch 
as  he  is  older  in  knowledge  and  wisdom.  And  I  am 
of  opinion  that  the  blessedness  of  that  eternal  life 
which  belongs  to  God  consists  in  the  knowledge  which 
gives  Him  cognizance  of  all  events;  for  take  away 
knowledge  of  things,  and  the  understanding  of  them, 
and  immortality  is  no  longer  life,  but  mere  duration"  1 
The  free,  unfettered  exercise  of  intelligence  is  therefore 
a  function  of  the  Divine  Nature ;  but  although  Plutarch 
is  clearly  thinking  of  the  vouc  of  Anaxagoras  as  em- 
bodied by  Plato  in  his  conception  of  the  Chief  Good, 
yet  he  succeeds  in  bringing  the  Divine  Nature,  by  the 
exercise  of  intelligence,  into  an  intimate  relation  with 
humanity  which  the  Platonic  Demiurgus  never  attains. 
The  true  successors  of  Plato  in  the  realm  of  Idealism 
were  the  neo-Platonists,  who  maintained  that  "  the  sum 
total  of  the  Ideas  exists  in  the  Divine  nous,  not  outside 
of  it,  '  like  golden  statues,'  which  God  must  search  and 
look  up  to  before  He  can  think.  It  is  not  to  be  sup- 
posed that  He  must  needs  run  about  in  search  of 
notions,  perhaps  not  finding  them  at  all,  perhaps  not 
recognizing  them  when  found.  This  is  the  lot  of  man, 
whose  life  is  spent  often  in  the  search,  sometimes  in  the 
vain  search,  after  truth.  But  to  the  Deity  all  know- 
ledge is  always  equally  present." 2  The  vicious  weak- 
ness of  Platonism,  whether  Old  or  New,  lies  in  the  fact 
that  no  real  reason  exists  why  God  should  ever  leave 
the  contemplation  of  "worlds  not  realized"  to  create 

1  De  Inide  et  Osiride,  351  E. 

-  Neoplatonism,  by  C.  BIGG,  D.D.  ("Chief  Ancient  Philosophies  "), 
p.  216. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  99 

this  world  after  an  eternally  existing  pattern,  in  the 
intellectual  contemplation  of  which  he  was  already 
happy.1  The  "  absence  of  envy  "  is  not  a  philosophic 
reason:  it  is  a  Platonic  leap  over  an  unbridged  chasm. 
The  aloofness  of  the  Epicurean  gods  in  their  sedcs  quietce 
is  the  logical  outcome  of  this  aspect  of  Platonism. 
Plutarch  gives  the  Divine  Intelligence  an  interest  in 
the  beings  He  has  created.  Apollo  (here  again  the 
popular  name  is  used  for  the  Divine  Being)  knows  all 
the  difficulties  that  trouble  the  public  and  private  lives 
of  humanity,  and  he  knows  their  solutions  also.  "  In 
private  matters  we  inquire  of  Apollo  as  a  seer,  in 
public  matters  we  pray  to  him  as  a  god.  In  the 
philosophic  nature  of  the  soul  he  is  the  author  and 
inspirer  of  intellectual  difficulties  and  problems,  thus 
creating  therein  that  craving  which  has  its  satisfaction 
in  the  discovery  of  Truth ; " 2  e.g.,  "  when  the  oracle 
was  given  out  that  the  altar  of  Dclos  should  be  doubled, 
the  god,  as  Plato  says,  not  only  conveyed  a  particular 
command,  but  also  indicated  his  desire  that  the  Greeks 
should  study  geometry  ;  the  task  assigned  involving  an 
operation  of  the  most  advanced  geometrical  character."  3 
In  another  place  this  paternal  interest  in  the  doings  of 
mankind  is  attributed  to  the  Deity  direct  without  the 
intrusion  of  any  traditional  name  for  a  particular  god. 
"  It  is  not,  as  Hesiod  supposes,4  the  work  of  human 
wisdom,  but  of  God's,  to  discriminate  and  distinguish 

1  Cf.  the  De  Placitis  Philo*ophorum,  881  B. 

2  De  E  apud  Delphos,  384  F. 

3  386  E. 

4  Alluding  to  HESIOD — Works  and  Day*,  735  sq. 


ioo  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

predilections  and  antipathies  in  character  before  they 
become  conspicuous  to  the  world  by  breaking  out  into 
gross  evil-doing  under  the  influence  of  the  passions. 
Fen'  God  is  assuredly  cognizant  of  the  natural  disposition 
of  every  individual  man,  being,  by  His  nature,  more 
fitted  to  perceive  soul  than  body :  nor  does  He  await 
the  outbreak  of  actual  sin  before  He  punishes  violence, 
profanity,  obscenity."  x  Thus,  although  Plutarch  accepts 
the  philosophic  phrasing  current  respecting  the  nature 
of  the  Deity,  his  ardent,  sympathetic  temperament 
brings  down  the  philosophers'  Deity  from  its  majestic 
isolation,  and  makes  it  "  meet  halfway "  the  gods  of 
the  popular  faith,  so  that  both  may  be  of  service  to 
humanity,  the  latter  being  purified  and  elevated,  the 
other  actualized  and  humanized.  We  discern  with 
sympathy  Plutarch's  attempt  to  satisfy  the  eternal 
craving  of  men  for  a  mediator  between  themselves  and 
the  unapproachableness  of  the  Highest;  and  we  are 
prepared  for  his  exposition  of  the  doctrines  of  Daemon- 
ology.  This  tendency  to  give  warmth  and  life  to 
philosophic  abstractions  is  occasionally  visible  in  an 
unconscious  attempt  to  assimilate  the  qualities  possessed 
by  the  Deity  to  those  displayed  in  a  less  degree  by 
mankind.  Thus,  he  implicitly  accepts  the  Platonic 
position  that  Eternity  is  all  present  to  God,2  a  position 
which  is  also  accepted  by  modern  European  Theology  : 
but  he  elsewhere  regards  the  Deity  (formally  using 
the  name  of  Apollo)  as  a  scientific  observer,  with  infal- 
libly acute  reasoning  powers  directed  upon  phenomena 

1  De  Sera  Numinis  V indicia,  562  B. 
-  De  E,  393  A. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  101 

retained  in  an  unshakable  memory.     His  predictions  of 
events  are,  therefore,  really  predictions,  not  statements 
of    present  facts ;    and   the   "  rigorous   certainty   and 
universality  "  which  they  possess  are  the  certainty  and 
universality  attaching  to  the  human  discoveries  of  the 
laws  of  geometry  and  the  law  of  causation,  and  not  to 
a  divine  insight  which   is  omniscience  because  it  is 
always  regarding  events  as  present,  whether  they  are 
actually   past,   present,   or   to   come.      "  Apollo   is   a 
prophet,  and  prophecy  is  the  art  of  ascertaining  the 
future   from   the  present  or  the  past.     Now  nothing 
exists    without    a    cause,    and    prediction,   therefore, 
depends  upon  reason.     The  present  springs  inevitably 
from  the  past,  the  future  from  the  present.     The  one 
follows  naturally  upon  the  other  by  a  succession  which 
is  unbroken  from  beginning  to  end,  and,  accordingly, 
he  who  knows  the  natural  causes  of  past,  present,  and 
future  events,  and  can  connect  their  mutual  relation- 
ships, can  predict  the  future,  knowing,  in  the  words  of 
Homer,  '  things  that  are  now,  things  that  shall  be,  and 
things  that  are  over.'     The  whole  art  of  Dialectics  con- 
sists in  the  knowledge  of  the  Consequent."  1 

Already  in  these  passages,  which  represent  philo- 
sophers as  discussing  God  in  the  terms  familiar  in 
Greek  philosophy,  we  can  discern  a  gradual  breaking 
down  of  that  metaphysical  exclusiveness  which  had 
hitherto  marked  the  philosophic  conception  of  the 
Deity.  We  see  God  again  becoming  personal,  and 
reverting  to  that  interest  in  the  affairs  of  mankind 

1  De  E,  387  B,  C. 


102  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

from  which  the  philosophers,  starting  with  Xenophanes, 
had,   in   their  revulsion    from    the    anthropomorphic 
realisms  of  the  Epic   traditions,  excluded  him.     We 
can  already  note  that  Plutarch  believes  in  the  "  good- 
ness "  of  God  in  a  sense  quite  distinct  from  the  "  absence 
of  envy  "  distinguishing  the  Platonic  Creator,  or  even 
from  the  sense  involved  in  Plato's  admission  that  the 
gods  love  the  just,  since  one  always  loves  that  which 
is  made  in  one's  own  image.1     We  can  see  him  going 
further,  indeed,  than  Aristotle,  who  compares  the  love 
of  men  for  the  gods  to  the  love  of  children  for  their 
parents,  a  love  which  is  based  upon  a  recognition  of 
their  goodness  and  superiority,  and  of  their  having  been 
the  authors  of  the  greatest  benefits  to  humanity.3     But 
we  are  not  left  without  many  explicit  texts  asserting 
the  goodness  of  God  to  mankind  in  emphatic  phrases. 
Plutarch  agrees  with  those  statesmen  and  philosophers 
who  assert  that  the  majesty  of  the  Divine  Nature  is 
accompanied  by  goodness,  magnanimity,  graciousness 
and  benignity  in  its  attitude  towards  mankind.3     We 
have  already  seen  that  Justice  and  Love  are  regarded 
by  Plutarch  as  the  most  beautiful  of  all  virtues,  and 
those  most  in  harmony  with  the  Divine  Nature,4  and 
many  isolated  sentences  could  be  quoted  to  demonstrate 
how  firmly  the  belief  in  God's  goodness  to  man  was 
fixed  in  Plutarch's  mind.     We  are  fortunate,  however, 
in   possessing   a   special  tract  in  which  the  personal 
character  of  the  Divine  Goodness  is  so  clearly  exhibited 
that  a  modern  translator  of  the  tract,  writing  from  a 

1  PLATO:  Philebus,  39  E.  *  ARISTOTLE:  Ethics,  viii.  12. 

3  DC  Superttitione,  167  E.  4  De  Dcfectu  Orac.,  423  E. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  103 

"  Theological  Institution,"  is  able  to  say,  "  I  am  not 
aware,  indeed,  that  even  Christian  writers  who  have 
attempted  to  defend  the  same  truth  within  the  same 
limits  of  natural  theology,  have  been  able  to  do  any- 
thing better  than  to  reaffirm  his  position,  and  perhaps 
amplify  and  illustrate  his  argument."  l  The  tract  re- 
ferred to  is,  of  course,  the  famous  production  known  as 
the  "De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta."  It  is  a  bold  and 
beautiful  attempt  to  reconcile  the  existence  of  an 
actively  benevolent  Deity  with  the  long-continued, 
often  permanent,  impunity  of  wickedness  in  this  world  ; 
an  endeavour  to  solve  the  question  raised,  especially 
by  Epicureans,  but  not  unfraught  with  solicitude  for 
philosophers  of  other  schools,  respecting  the  patent 
fact  that  human  virtue  and  human  vice  have  no  natural 
and  necessary  connexion  with  human  happiness  on 
the  one  hand  and  human  misery  on^the  other.  Christ- 
ian translators  of  the  piece,  from  Amyot  down  to  the 
writers  just  quoted,  have  hailed  it  as  an  effective 
vindication  of  the  ways  of  God  to  man,  and  Comte 
Joseph  de  Maistre,  -whose  paraphrase  is  designed,  as  he 
says,  to  please  "  ladies  and  foreigners,"  is  quite  con- 
vinced that  such  a  justification  could  not  possibly  have 
been  written  by  one  who  was  not  a  Christian.2  Even 

1  PLUTARCH  on  The  Delay  of  tic  Deity  in  Punishing  the  Wicked : 
revised  edition,  with  notes,  by  Professors  H.  B.  Hackett  and  W.  S. 
Tyler.  (New  York,  1867.) 

-  Sur  les  D&lais  de  la  Justice  Divine  dans  la  punition  des  coupables, 
par  le  Comte  JOSEPH  DE  MAISTRE.  (Lyons  et  Paris,  1856.) — "./'at 
pris,"  says  de  Maistre,  "./'at  pris  quelques  liberty's  dont  j'etpere  que 
Plutarque  n'aura  point  se  plaindre;"  and,  speaking  of  the  jeunesse 
surannfe  of  Amyot's  style,  he  adds :  "  Son  orthograplie  fgare  Vc&il, 


104  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Wyttenbach,  whom  de  Maistre  attacks  for  repudiating 
this  view,  is  willing,  with  all  his  scholarly  caution,  to 
admit  that  Plutarch,  in  this  tract,  touches  the  ex- 
cellences of  the  Christian  faith.1 

The  position  which  Plutarch  sets  himself  to  over- 
throw is  that  which  is  expressed  most  concisely  in  the 
famous  verses  of  Ennius : — 

"  Ego  deum  genus  ease  semper  dixi  et  dicam  ccelitum, 
Sed  eos  non  curare  opinor  quid  agat  humanum  genus ; 
Nam  si  curent,  bene  bonis  sit,  male  mails,  quod  nunc  abest " 

— a  sentiment  in  exact  harmony  with  the  Epicurean 
view  of  the  matter.2  While,  however,  establishing  the 
providence  and  goodness  of  God  as  against  the  practical 

Voreille  ne  supporte  pas  ses  vert :  les  dames  surtout  et  let  Strangers  le 
goutent  pen"  Another  French  critic  justly  remarks  on  these 
"  liberties  "  of  de  Maistre :  "C*est  trop  de  licence.  Plutarque  n'est  pas 
un  de  ces  ecrivains  qui  Jaissent  leurs  pense"es  en  bouton  "  (Greard,  p. 
274).  Yet  it  is  upon  de  Maistre's  "  paraphrase  "  that  Greard  bases 
his  own  analysis ! 

1  WYTTENBACH  :   De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta  (Prsefatio),     It  is 
pleasant  to  repeat  the  praise  which  Christian  writers  have  poured 
on  this  tract.     "  Diese  Schrift,"  says  Volkmann,  "  gehb'rt  meines  Brack- 
lungs  unbedingt  mit  zu  dem  schonsten,  was  aus  der  gesammten  nach- 
classischen  Litteratur  der  Griechen  iiberhaupt  auf  uns  gekommen  ist." 
(VOLKMANN,  vol.  ii.  p.  265.)     One  may  wonder  a  little,  perhaps,  at 
the  limitation  conveyed  in  the  nach  of  nachcJassischen. — Trench  says 
that  some  of  Plutarch's  arguments  "  would  have  gone  far  to  satisfy 
St.  Augustine,  and  to  meet  the  demands  of  his  theology." 

2  The  Epicurean  author  of  theDe  Placitis,  still  inveighing  against 
"  that  tall  talker,  Plato,"  is  bitterly  emphatic  on  this  point. — "  If  there 
is  a  God,  and  human  affairs  are  administered  by  His  Providence,  hmo 
comes  it  that  baseness  prospers,  while  the  refined  and  good  fall  into 
adversity?"    And  he  instances  the  murder  of  Agamemnon  "at  the 
hands  of  an  adulterer  and  an  adultress,"  and  the  death  of  Hercules, 
that  benefactor  of  humanity,  "done  to  death  by  Dejaniras  drug*." 
(881  D.) 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  105 

Atheism  of  the  Epicureans,  it  will  be  seen  that  he  is 
equally  temperate,  and  equally  consistent  with  himself, 
in  avoiding  the  exaggerated  zeal  of  those  Stoics  who,  in 
their  eager  desire  to  do  something  for  the  honour  of 
Providence,  had  subjected  the  minutest  and  commonest 
actions  of  life  to  the  jealous  watching  of  an  arbitrary 
omniscience,  so  that,  as  Wytteubach  puts  it,  "that 
most  gracious  name  of  Providence  was  exposed  to 
ridicule  and  contempt,  being  alternately  regarded  as 
a  fortune-telling  old  crone,  and  as  a  dreadful  spectre  to 
alarm  and  terrify  mankind" 

Let  us  see  in  what  way  Plutarch  establishes  the 
providential  benevolence  of  God  without  detracting 
from  his  majesty. 

A  company  of  philosophic  students,  Plutarch  him- 
self ;  Patrocleas,  his  son-in-law ;  x  Timon,  his  brother ; 
and  Olympichos,  a  friend ; 2  are  found,  at  the  opening  of 
the  dialogue,  regarding  each  other  in  silence  beneath 
a  Portico  of  the  Delphic  Temple,  in  wonder  at  the 
discourtesy  of  an  Epicurean  who  has  suddenly  dis- 
appeared from  the  party,  after  expounding  the  doctrines 
of  his  school  in  the  manner,  doubtless,  of  Velleius  in 
the  "  De  Natura  Deorum,"  though  with  a  more  limited 
scope  as  expressed  by  the  famous  line  of  Ennius  already 
quoted.  According  to  Plutarch,  he  had  "gathered 
together,  from  various  sources,  an  undigested  mass  of 
confused  observations,  and  had  then  scattered  them  in 
one  contemptuous  stream  of  spleen  and  anger  upon 
Providence."  The  company,  deprived  of  their  legitimate 

1  Symposiacs,  642  C,  700  E. 
•  Symposiacs,  654  C. 


io6  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

opportunity  for  reply,  determined  to  discuss  the  ques- 
tion of  Providence  as  if  the  departed  opponent  were 
still  present,  although  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  his 
absence,  and  the  consequent  want  of  direct  necessity 
to  "  score  off "  him,  lead  to  a  more  thorough  and 
impartial  discussion  of  the  topic.  Patrocleas,  at  any 
rate,  states  the  difficulty  with  almost  Epicurean  bold- 
ness. "  The  delay  of  the  Deity  in  punishing  the  wicked 
seems  to  me  to  be  a  strange  and  mysterious  thing. 
The  wicked  are  so  eager  and  active  in  their  wickedness, 
that  they,  least  of  all,  ought  to  be  the  object  of  inactivity 
on  the  part  of  God.  Thucydides  rightly  said  that  the 
advantage  of  delay  was  on  the  side  of  evil-doers.1 
Present  immunity  from  the  punishment  due  to  crime 
encourages  the  criminal,  and  depresses  the  innocent 
sufferer.  Bias  knew  that  a  certain  reprobate  of  his 
days  would  be  punished,  but  feared  that  he  would  not 
live  to  see  it.  Those  whom  Aristocrates  betrayed  at 
the  Battle  of  Taphrus  were  all  dead  when  his  treachery 
was  punished  twenty  years  after.  So  with  Lyciscus  and 
the  Orchomenians.2  This  delay  encourages  the  wicked. 
The  fruit  of  injustice  ripens  early  and  is  easily  plucked, 
but  punishment  matures  long  after  the  fruit  of  evil  has 
been  enjoyed."  This  demand  of  the  natural  man  to 
see  their  deserts  meted  out  to  the  wicked  is  reinforced 
in  a  more  philosophical  manner  by  Olympichos,  who 
maintains  that  delay  in  the  punishment  of  sin  deprives 

1  TIIUCYD.,   iii.  38.     Clcon's  famous  speech  on  tlie  Mytilenean 
question. 

2  "  Htijus  rei  aut  omuino  Lycisci  ne  vestigium  quidem  uspiam 
reperi." — WYTTENBACH. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  107 

it  of  that  salutary  effect  which  its  immediate  inflic- 
tion would  have  upon  the  sinner,  who  regards  it  as 
accidental,  and  not  necessarily  connected  with  his 
crimes.  The  fault  of  a  horse  is  corrected  if  bit  and 
lash  be  applied  at  once ;  but  all  the  beating  and 
backing  and  shouting  in  the  world  at  a  later  time 
will  only  injure  his  physique  without  improving  his 
character.  "  So  that  I  am  quite  unable  to  see  what 
good  is  done  by  those  Mills  of  God 1  which  are  said  to 
grind  so  late,  since  their  delay  brings  justice  to  naught, 
and  thus  deprives  vice  of  its  restraining  fear." 2 

Plutarch,  before  replying  to  these  weighty  argu- 
ments, preaches  a  short  and  eloquent  sermon  on  the 
text,  "  God  moves  in  a  mysterious  way."  His  thoughts 
are  not  as  our  thoughts,  nor  His  ways  our  ways.  We 
must  imitate  the  philosophic  caution  of  the  Academy. 
Men  who  never  saw  a  battle  may  talk  of  military 
affairs,  or  discuss  music  who  never  played  a  note ; 
"  but  it  is  a  different  thing  for  mere  men  like  ourselves 
to  peer  too  closely  into  matters  that  concern  Divine 
Natures;  just  as  if  unskilled  laymen  were  to  try  to 
penetrate  the  intention  of  an  artist,  the  meaning  of  a 
physician's  treatment,  the  inner  significance  of  a  legal 
enactment,  by  fanciful  guesses  and  surmises.  ...  It  is 
easier  3  for  a  mortal  to  make  no  definite  assertion  about 
the  gods,  but  just  this — that  He*  knows  best  the  proper 

1  In  allusion,  of  course,  to  the  famous  verse  of  an  unknown 
poet : — 

'Chj/e  QfSiv  a\eovffi  fj.v\oi,  a\fovffi  5e  \tirra. 

•  54!)  E. 

3  Deleting  ?)  after  frdStov  with  BERNARDAKIS.     5-iO  F. 

4  Note  the  change  of  number :  Qtuv — ei'Siy. 


io8  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

time  to  apply  His  treatment  to  wickedness.  He  can 
truly  discriminate  in  the  character  of  the  punishment 
required  by  each  offence."  These  preliminary  observa- 
tions are  in  the  proper  Academic  style ;  they  are 
designed  to  indicate  that  the  end  of  a  discourse  on 
such  intricate  matters  can  only  be  the  modification  of 
doubt  by  probability,  not  its  settlement  by  absolute 
logical  certainty.1  The  assumption  of  the  Platonic 
attitude  is  appropriately  followed  by  a  Plutarchic 
reading  of  the  teaching  of  Plato,  who  is  understood 
as  asserting  that  God,  when  he  made  Himself  the 
universal  pattern  for  all  beautiful  and  noble  things, 
granted  human  virtue  to  those  who  are  able  to  follow 
Him,  in  order  that  they  might  thus  in  somewise  grow 
like  unto  Him.2  Further,  as  Plato  says,3  the  universal 
nature  took  on  order  and  arrangement  by  assimilation 
to  and  participation  in  the  Idea  and  in  the  Virtue  of 
the  Divine  Nature.  Again,  according  to  Plato,  Nature 
gave  us  eyes  that  our  soul  might  behold  the  order  and 
harmony  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  become  harmo- 
nious and  ordered  herself,  free  from  flighty  passions 
and  roving  propensities.4  Becoming  like  God  in  this 
way,  we  shall  emulate  the  mildness  and  forbearance 

1  Cf.  the  well-known  passage  in  the  Timssus  (Timseus,  29  C,  D). 

*  550  D.  "  Etsi  hsec  sententia  disertis  verbis  in  Platone,  quod 
sciam,  non  exstet,  ejus  tamen  ubique  sparsa  aunt  vestigia."  WYTTEN- 
BACH  adds :  "  Summam  autem  hominum  virtutem  et  beatitudinem  in 
eo  consistcre,  ut  imitatione  Deorum  eis  similes  cvadant,  communis  fere 
omnium  Fhilosophorum  fuit  sententia." 

3  Plutarch  has  another  well-known  passage  of  the  Timxns  in  his 
memory  here. — Timaeus,  29  D. 

4  "  Neque  hoc  disertis  verbis  in  Platone  legere  me  memini ;  sed 
cum  variis  locis  .     .  confer." — WYTT. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  109 

with  which  He  treats  the  wicked ;  shall  eradicate  from 
our  minds  the  brutish  passion  for  revenge ;  and  shall 
wait  to  inflict  our  punishments  until  long  consideration 
has  excluded  every  possibility  that  we  may  repent  after 
the  deed  is  done.  The  purport  of  this  argument,  and 
of  the  examples  which  Plutarch,  always  rich  in  illustra- 
tion, furnishes  in  support  of  it,  is  clearer  than  the  need 
of  attaching  it  to  the  Platonic  scheme  of  creation. 
Plutarch  believes  that  "  God  is  slow  to  anger" ;  because 
gentleness  and  patience  are  part  of  His  nature,  and 
because  by  speedy  punishment,  He  would  save  a  few, 
but  by  delaying  His  justice  He  gives  help  and  admoni- 
tion to  many.  God,  moreover,  knows  how  much  virtue 
He  originally  implanted  in  the  heart  of  every  man. 
He  knows  the  character  and  inclination  of  every  guilty 
soul ;  and  His  punishments  are,  therefore,  different 
from  human  penalties,  in  that  the  latter  regard  the 
law  of  retaliation  only,  while  the  former  are  based  on 
a  knowledge  of  character  which  does  not  quench  the 
smoking  flax,  but  gives  time  and  opportunity  for  a 
repentant  return  to  the  path  of  virtue.1  The  world,  too, 
would  have  been  deprived  of  many  a  virtuous  character, 
lost  the  advantage  of  many  a  noble  deed,  had  prompt 
punishment  for  early  sins  been  inflicted.  There  is, 
moreover,  a  soul  of  good  in  things  evil ;  the  careers  of 
great  tyrants  have  been  prolonged,  and  the  world  has 
been  the  better  for  the  movements  which  their  tyranny 
compelled.  Evil  is  a  "  dispensation  of  Providence  "  in 
Plutarch's  eyes,  as  in  those  of  many  modern  Christians. 

1  551  D. 


i  io  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

"  As  the  gall  of  the  hyaena,  and  the  rennet  of  the  seal, 
both  disgusting  animals  in  other  respects,  possess 
qualities  useful  for  medicinal  purposes,  so  upon  certain 
peoples  who  need  severe  correction  God  inflicts  the 
implacable  harshness  of  a  tyrant  or  the  intolerable 
severity  of  a  magistrate,  and  does  not  take  away  their 
trouble  and  distress  until  they  are  purified  of  their 
sins."  Sometimes,  too,  the  Deity  delays  His  vengeance 
in  order  that  it  may  take  effect  in  a  more  strikingly 
appropriate  manner.1 

But  these  external  punishments  are  not  the  most 
terrible  that  can  be  inflicted  on  the  sinner.  It  would 
be  difficult,  even  in  Christian  literature,  to  find  so 
striking  a  tribute  to  the  power  of  conscience  in  inflict- 
ing its  immaterial  tortures  on  the  criminal  who  has 
escaped  material  recompense.  Plutarch  bases  his  obser- 
vations on  this  head  on  a  repudiation  of  Plato's  state- 
ment 2  "  that  punishment  is  a  state  that  follows  upon 
injustice,"  asserting,  as  he  finds  in  Hesiod,  that  the  two 
are  contemporaneous  and  spring  up  from  the  same  soil 
and  root;  a  view  which  he  supports  by  many  con- 
spicuous and  terrible  examples  from  history,  the  force 
of  which  may  be  summarized  in  the  fine  and  truthful 
phrase — the  antithetical  effect  of  which  would  be  de- 
stroyed by  translation — ou£>!  y>j/ja(ravrec  tK 


1  553  A,  553  F. 

*  Lawt,  728  C.  The  reference  is  to  HESIOD:  Works  and  Days, 
265,  266,  though  Plutarch  quotes  verse  265  in  a  form  different  from 
the  vulgate.  GOETTLING  (Ap.  Paley)  thinks  Plutarch's  version 
'•  savours  more  of  antiquity."  ARISTOTLE  :  Rhetoric,  iii.  9,  quotes  the 
vulgate. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  HI 


a  A  A'  tyhpaaav  KoXaZoptvoi.1  The  conclusion  which 
Plutarch  arrives  at  by  considering  this  aspect  of  the 
case  is  that  "  there  is  no  necessity  for  any  god,  or  any 
man,  to  inflict  punishment  on  evildoers,  but  it  is  suf- 
ficient that  their  whole  life  is  tormented  and  destroyed 
by  their  sense  of  their  impiety  ;  "  and  that  the  time 
cannot  but  come  when  the  glamour  and  the  tinselled 
glory  of  successful  crime  will  be  torn  away,  and  nothing 
shall  remain  but  the  base  and  dreadful  memory  to 
torture  awakening  conscience  with  the  pangs  of  an 
unquenchable  remorse.2 

A  fresh  perplexity  as  to  the  goodness  and  justice  of 
God  is  here  raised  by  Timon,  who  cannot  see  that  it  is 
in  harmony  with  these  divine  qualities  that  the  sins  of 
the  fathers  should,  as  Euripides  complained,  be  visited 
upon  the  children.3  The  punishment  of  the  innocent 
is  no  compensation  for  the  escape  of  the  guilty.  God, 
in  this  case,  would  be  like  Agathocles,  the  tyrant  of 
Syracuse,  who  ravaged  Corcyra  because  the  Homeric 
Corcyreans  had  given  a  welcome  to  Odysseus,  and 
retorted  the  blinding  of  the  mythical  Cyclops  upon  the 
Ithacensians  when  they  complained  that  his  soldiers 
had  looted  their  sheepfolds.  "Where,  indeed,"  asks 
Timon,  "  is  the  reason  and  justice  of  this  ?  "  4  Plutarch 

1  554  D.  Literally,  "  they  were  not  punished  when  they  grew  old, 
but  grew  old  in  punishment." 

-  555  E,  F. 

*  STOB^ins:  Anthologion,  Tit.  79,  15. 

4  557  D.  Cf.  the  sarcasm  of  the  Academic  COTTA  in  the  De 
Natura  Deorum,  iii.  38  :  "  Dicitis  earn  vim  Deorum  esse  ut,  etiam  si 
quis  morte  poenas  sceleris  effugerit,  expetantur  ese  pcense  a  liberis,  a 
nepotibus,  a  posteris.  0  miram  sequitatem  Deorum  !  " 


H2  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

can  only  reply  that,  if  the  descendants  of  Hercules  and 
Pindar  are  held  in  honour  on  account  of  the  deeds  of 
their  progenitors,  there  is  nothing  illogical  in  the 
descendants  of  a  wicked  stock  being  punished.  But 
he  knows  that  he  is  on  difficult  ground,  and  repeats 
the  Academic  caution  against  too  much  dogmatism  in 
these  intricate  matters.  He  falls  back  upon  natural 
causes  here,  as  if  seeking  to  exonerate  the  Deity  from 
direct  responsibility  for  a  striking  injustice.  An 
hereditary  tendency  to  physical  disease  is  possible,  and 
may  be  transmitted  from  ancestors  who  lived  far  back 
in  antiquity.  Why  should  we  marvel  more  at  a  cause 
operating  through  a  long  interval  of  time,  than  through 
a  long  interval  of  space  ?  If  Pericles  died,  and  Thucy- 
dides  fell  sick,  of  a  plague  that  originated  in  Arabia, 
why  is  it  strange  that  the  Delphians  and  Sybarites 
should  be  punished  for  the  offences  of  their  ancestors  ? 1 
Moreover,  a  city  is  a  continuous  entity  with  an  abiding 
personality ;  just  as  child,  and  boy,  and  man  are  not 
different  persons,  but  are  unified  by  the  consciousness 
of  identity ; — nay,  less  marked  changes  take  place  in  a 
city  than  in  an  individual.  A  man  would  know  Athens 
again  after  thirty  years  of  absence,  but  a  far  shorter 
period  serves  to  obliterate  the  likenesses  of  our  personal 
acquaintance.  A  city  rejoices  in  the  glory  and  splendour 
of  its  ancient  days ;  it  must  also  bear  the  burden  of  its 
ancient  ignominies.  And  if  a  city  has  this  enduring 
personality  which  makes  it  a  responsible  agent  through- 
out its  existence,  the  members  of  the  same  family  are 

1  558  F. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  113 

much  more  intimately  connected.  There  would,  there- 
fore, have  been  less  injustice  inflicted  had  the  posterity 
of  Dionysius  been  punished  by  the  Syracusans  than 
was  perpetrated  by  their  ejection  of  his  dead  body 
from  their  territories.  For  the  soul  of  Dionysius  had 
left  his  body,  but  the  sons  of  wicked  fathers  are 
often  dominated  by  a  good  deal  of  their  parents' 
spirit.1 

We  are  conscious  of  some  artificial  straining  of  the 
argument  in  this  place,  and  shortly  perceive  that  the 
mention  of  the  soul  of  Dionysius  is  intended  to  prepare 
the  way  for  a  discussion  on  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 
Plutarch  cannot  believe  that  the  gods  would  show  so 
much  protective  care  for  man — would  give  so  many 
oracles,  enjoin  so  many  sacrifices  and  honours  for  the 
dead — if  they  knew  that  the  souls  of  the  dead  perished 
straightway,  leaving  the  body  like  a  wreath  of  mist  or 
smoke,  as  the  Epicureans  believed.2  He  shrinks  from 
the  thought  that  the  Deity  would  take  so  much  account 
of  us,  if  our  souls  were  as  brief  in  their  bloom  as  the 

1  559  E. 

*  500  C.  WYTTENBACH  quotes  LUCRETIUS,  iii.  437  and  -150 :  "  Ergo 
dissolvi  quoque  convenit  omnern  animal  Naturam  ceu  fumus  in  alias 
aeria  auras."  He  might  have  added,  iii.  579,  sqq. :  "  Denique,  cum 
corpus  nequcat  perferre  aiiimai  Diacidium,  quin  id  tetro  tabescat 
odore,  Quid  dubitus  quin  ex  imo  penitusqtie  coorta,  Emanarit  uti 
fuuius  diffusa  aniirue  vis  ?  "  Plutarch  is  probably  thinking  of  Plato's 
"  intelligent  gardener  "  (Pn^Ditus,  "27(>  B),  although,  as  Wyttenbach 
says,  "  Horti  Adonidis  prorerbii  rim  habent."  The  English  reader  will 
think  of  Shakespeare's  beautiful  lines — 

"  Thy  promises  are  like  Adonis'  gardens. 
That  one  day  blooin'd,  and  fruitful  icere  the  next.'" 

Henry  VI.,  Pt.  1,  act  i.  BC.  (j. 
I 


114  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

forced  and  delicate  plants  that  women  grow  in  their 
fragile  flower-pots,  their  short-lived  Gardens  of  Adonis. 
He  is  convinced  that  the  belief  in  the  after-existence  of 
the  soul  stands  or  falls  with  the  belief  in  the  Providence 
of  God.1  If  there  is  a  Providence,  there  is  existence 
after  death ;  and  if  there  is  existence  after  death,  then 
there  is  stronger  reason  for  supposing  that  every  soul 
receives  its  due  reward  or  punishment  for  its  life  on 
Earth.  But  here  Plutarch,  after  just  touching  one  of 
the  cardinal  principles  of  Christian  teaching,  the  dogma 
of  Heaven  and  Hell,  starts  away  from  the  consequence 
which  almost  seems  inevitable,  and  which  Christianity 
accepted  to  the  full — the  belief  that  our  life  here  should 
be  modelled  in  relation  to  the  joys  and  penalties  that 
await  us  in  the  other  world.  He  clearly  believed  that 
their  ethical  effect  upon  life  is  small.2  The  rewards 
and  punishments  of  the  soul  hereafter  are  nothing  to 
us  here.  Perhaps  we  do  not  believe  them,  and  in  any 
case  we  cannot  be  certain  that  they  will  come.  This 
is  the  position  at  which  Plutarch  arrives  in  the  course 
of  rational  argument,  and  he  at  once  returns  to  the 
sphere  of  our  present  life  to  find  surer  sanctions  for 
goodness.  Such  punishments  as  are  inflicted  in  this 
world  on  the  descendants  of  an  evil  race  are  conspicuous 
to  all  that  come  hereafter,  and  deter  many  from  wicked- 
ness. Besides,  God  does  not  punish  indiscriminately. 
He  has  a  watchful  care  even  over  the  children  of  those 
who  have  been  notorious  for  evildoiug,  and  instead  of 
delaying  the  punishment  in  their  case,  early  checks 

1  ;H;O  F.  -  MI  A. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  115 

their  hereditary  disposition  to  vice  by  appropriate 
restraints  born  of  His  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
character  and  inclination  of  the  human  heart.  But 
if,  in  spite  of  this,  a  man  persists  in  the  sinful 
courses  of  his  ancestors,  it  is  right  that  he  should 
inherit  their  punishment  as  he  has  inherited  their 
crimes. 

The  dialogue  concludes  with  a  myth  of  the  type  of 
Er  the  Armenian,  in  which,  after  the  manner  of  Plato, 
Plutarch  embodies  views  on  the  state  of  the  soul  after 
death,  for  which  no  place  could  be  found  in  the  rational 
argumentation  of  mere  prose.  Thespesius  of  Soli,  an 
abandoned  profligate,  has  an  accident  which  plunges 
him  into  unconsciousness  for  three  days.  In  this 
period  his  soul  visits  the  interstellar  spaces,  where  the 
souls  of  the  dead  are  borne  along  in  various  motion ; 
some  wailing  and  terror-struck;  others  joyous  and 
delighted ;  some  like  the  full  moon  for  brightness ; 
others  with  faint  blemishes  or  black  spots  like  snakes. 
Here,  in  the  highest  place,  was  Adrastea,  the  daughter 
01  Zeus  and  Ananke,  from  whom  no  criminal  could 
hope  ever  to  escape.  Three  kinds  of  justice  are  her 
instruments.  Poena  is  swift  to  punish,  chastising  those 
whose  sin  can  be  expiated  while  they  are  still  on  earth. 
Those  whose  wickedness  demands  severer  penalties  are 
reserved  for  Justice  in  the  afterworld.  The  third  class 
of  sinners,  the  irretrievably  bad,  are  cast  by  Justice 
into  the  hands  of  Erinnys,  "  the  third  and  most  terrible 
of  the  servants  of  Adrastea,"  who  pursues  them  as  they 
wander  hither  and  thither  in  reckless  flight,  and  finally 
thrusts  them  all  with  pitiless  severity  into  a  place  of 


n6  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

unspeakable   darkness.1     In   these    acts    of    immortal 
justice  the  soul  is  bared  utterly,  and  her  sins  and  crimes 
are   relentlessly   exposed.      All   this   is   explained   to 
Thespesius  by  a  kinsman  who  recognizes  him.     He  is 
then  shown  various  wonders  of  the  afterworld :   the 
place  of  Oblivion,  a  deep  chasm  by  which  Dionysus 
and  Semele  had  ascended  into  heaven,  above  which 
the  souls  hovered  in  rapture  and  mirth,  caused  by  the 
fragrance  of  the  odours  which  were  breathed  by  a  soft 
and  gentle  air  that  issued  from  the  "  pleasing  verdure 
of  various  herbs  and  plants  "  which  adorned  the  sides 
of  this  wonderful  chasm.     He   sees  the  light  of  the 
Tripod  of  the  Delphic  oracle,  or  would  have  seen  it 
had  he  not  been  dazzled  with  the  excess  of  its  bright- 
ness ;  and  hears  the  voice  of  the  Pythia  uttering  various 
oracles.     Then  follow  Dantesque  scenes  of  the  punish- 
ments allotted  to  various  kinds  of  wickedness,  among 
which  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  hypocrisy  is  tortured 
with  greater  severity  than  open  vice.    A  lake  of  boiling 
gold,  a  lake  of  frozen  lead,  a  lake  of  iron,  with  atten- 
dant  Daemons    to    perform   the   usual  functions,   are 
allotted  to  the  punishment  of  avarice.2     But  the  most 
terrible  fate  is  that  of  those  whose  punishment  never 
ends,  who  are  constantly  retaken  into  the  hands  of 
Justice ;  and  these,  it  is  important  to  note,  in  the  light 
of  the  argument  which  preceded  the  story,  are  those 
whose  posterity  have  been  punished  for  their  trans- 
gressions.    We  can  see  how  little  Plutarch  is  satisfied 

1  ."i04  C. 

-  Cf.  Tinvin   of  Athene,  act  iii.  sc.  1  :   "  Let  molten  coin  be   thy 
damnation." 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  117 

with  his  own  reasonings  on  this  point;  they  are,  as 
Wyttenbach  says,  acutiiut  quam  verius  dicta :  the  punish- 
ment of  the  children  for  the  sins  of  the  fathers  clearly 
leaves  the  advantage,  so  far  as  concerns  this  world,  on 
the  side  of  the  transgressors.     Plutarch,  with  his  firmly 
pious  belief  in  the  justice  and  goodness  of  God,  feels 
driven  to  assert  that  the  balance  must  be  redressed 
somewhere,  and  he  invokes  the  aid  of  Myth  to  carry 
him,  in  this  case,  whither  Eeason  refuses  to  go ;  and 
taking  the  myth  as  a  whole,  and  in  relation  to  the 
tract  in  which  it  is  embodied,  we  cannot  doubt  that 
its  object  is  to  enforce  that  doctrine  of  rewards  and 
punishments  in  the  Hereafter,  from  which  Plutarch, 
as  we  have  seen,  shrinks  when  an  occasion  arises  for 
pressing  it  from  the  standpoint  of  Eeason.    The  punish- 
ments which  Thespesius  has  witnessed  in  his  visit  to 
the  Afterworld  have  the  effect  of  turning  him  into  a 
righteous  man  in  this  world,  and  Plutarch  clearly  hopes 
that  the  story  will  likewise  convince  those  who  are  not 
convinced  by  his  reasons.     We  may  gather,  however, 
that  inclined  as  he  was  to  believe  that  the  providence 
of  God  extended  into  the  Afterworld,  his  attitude,  as 
fixed  by  reason  and  probability,  is  summed  up  in  the 
words  already  referred  to — "Such  rewards  or  punish- 
ments as  the  soul  receives  for  the  actions  of  its  previous 
career  are  nothing  to  us  who  are  yet  alive,  being  dis- 
regarded or  disbelieved."  l     But  whatever  may  be  the 

1  561  A. — In  the  long  extract,  preserved  by  Stobams,  from 
Plutarch's  De  Anima  (Anthologion :  Tit.  120,  28.— The  Tauchnitz 
edition  of  1S38,  however,  ascribes  this  passage  to  Tbemistitis,  perhaps 
by  confusion  with  extract  No.  25),  Plutarch  allows  his  imagination 


JiS  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

condition  of  the  soul  after  death,  and  its  relation  to  the 
Deity  in  that  condition,  Plutarch  has  made  it  quite 
certain  that  he  believes  in  the  goodness  of  God  as  safe- 
guarding the  interests  of  humanity  in  this  world.  It 
is  clear  in  every  part  of  this  interesting  dialogue  that 
the  God  whom  Plutarch  believes  in  is  a  personal  deity, 
a  deity  full  of  tender  care  for  mankind,  supreme,  indeed, 


to  play  freely  with  the  fortunes  of  the  soul  in  the  afterworld.  In  a 
beautiful  passage,  Timon  compares  death  to  initiation  into  the  Great 
Mysteries — an  initiation  in  which  gloom  and  weariness  and  perplexity 
and  terror  are  followed  by  the  shining  of  a  wondrous  light,  which 
beams  on  lovely  meadows,  whose  atmosphere  resounds  with  sacred 
voices  that  tell  us  all  the  secret  of  the  mystery,  and  whose  paths  are 
trod  by  pure  and  holy  men.  Timon  concludes  with  Hcraclitus  that, 
if  the  soul  became  assuredly  convinced  of  the  fate  awaiting  it  here- 
after, no  power  would  be  able  to  retain  it  on  earth.  But  Plutarch 
himself  is  not  convinced :  he  is  charmed  and  seduced,  but  Reason 
holds  him  back  from  accepting  as  certainties  the  "  airy  subtleties  and 
wingy  mysteries "  of  Imagination.  Under  the  stress  of  a  desire  to 
console  his  wife  for  the  loss  of  her  little  daughter,  he  reminds  her  that 
the  "  hereditary  account "  and  the  Mysteries  of  Dionysus — in  which, 
he  says,  both  of  them  were  initiated — equally  repudiate  the  notion 
that  the  soul  is  without  sensation  after  death  (Contolatio  ad  Uxorem, 
611  D).  In  his  polemic  against  the  Epicureans  he  chiefly  emphasizes 
the  emotional  aspect  of  the  desire  for  immortality ;— the  Epicurean 
denial  of  immortality  destroys  "  the  sweetest  and  greatest  hopes  of 
the  majority  of  mankind " — one  of  these  "  sweetest  and  greatest 
hopes"  being  that  of  seeing  retribution  meted  out  to  those  whose 
wealth  and  power  have  enabled  them  to  flout  and  insult  better  men 
that  themselves;  it  robs  of  its  satisfaction  that  yearning  of  the 
thoughtful  mind  for  unstinted  communion  with  the  great  masters 
of  contemplation ;  and  deprives  the  bereaved  heart  of  the  pleasant 
dream  of  meeting  its  loved  and  lost  ones  in  another  world  (A7on  posse 
?uav.,  110.3  E).  There  is  no  doubt  that  Plutarch  wished  to  believe 
iu  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  but  the  evidence  is  not  conclusive  that 
he  did;  at  the  most  it  is  with  lain  a  "counsel  of  perfection,"  not  an 
'•  article  of  faith." 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  119 

by  virtue  of  his  omnipotence  and  justice,  but  supreme 
also  by  virtue  of  his  infinite  patience  and  mercy.1 

1  "/<  is  not  clear  from  the  writings  of  Plutarch  to  what  extent  he 
was  a  motiotheist."  This  is  tho  opinion  of  Charles  W.  Super,  Ph.D., 
LL.U.,  and  it  is  supported  by  tho  irrefragable  proof  that  Plutarch 
"  u»et  Otbs  both  with  and  without  the  article."  This  judgment  is  given, 
of  all  places  in  the  world,  at  tho  conclusion  of  a  translation  (a  very 
indifferent  one,  by  tho  way)  of  tho  l)e  Sera  Numinis  Vindiota. 
("  Between  Heathenism  and  Christianity : — Being  a  Translation  of 
Seneca's  De  Providentia  and  Plutarch's  De  Sera  Nnminig  Vindicta" 
by  Charles  W.  Super,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Chicago,  1809.) 


CHAPTER   VI. 

Plutarch's  Dcemonology — Dcemonology  as  a  means  of  reconciliation 
between  the  traditional  Polytheism  and  philosophic  Monotheism 
— Dtemonlore  in  Greek  philosophers  and  in  the  popular  faith 
— Grmvth  of  a  natural  tendency  to  identify  the  gods  of  the 
polytheistic  tradition  with  the  Dcemons — Emphasis  thus  given 
to  the  philosophic  conception  of  the  Deity — Dcemons  responsible 
for  all  the  crude  and  cruel  superstitions  attaching  to  the 
popular  gods — Function  of  the  Daemons  as  mediators  betu'eeii 
God  and  man. 

TTOW,  then,  does  Plutarch  reconcile  this  lofty  con- 
-*-J-  ception  of  a  Deity  who  is  Unity,  Eternity,  and 
Supreme  Intelligence,  with  the  multitude  of  individual 
deities  which  form  so  essential  a  part  of  the  "  hereditary 
Faith"  of  Grseco-Roman  civilization,  and  which  are 
universally  admitted  as  displaying  qualities  discrepant 
from  even  a  far  lower  notion  of  God  than  that  which 
Plutarch  actually  maintained  ?  Further,  since  the 
Empire  includes  other  nationalities  than  the  Greeks, 
and  the  Eoman  Pantheon  is  not  the  exclusive  habita- 
tion of  native-born  deities,  how  shall  he  find  a  place  in 
his  theological  scheme  for  the  gods  of  other  peoples, 
so  that  there  may  be  that  Catholic  Unity  in  faith 
which  shall  correspond  to  the  one  political  dominion 
under  which  the  world  dwells  in  so  great  a  peace  and 
concord  ? 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  121 

The  difficulty  of  reconciling  Polytheism  with  philo- 
sophic Monotheism  was,  of  course,  not  new.  In  earlier 
days  it  had  been  necessary  for  philosophers  to  secure 
their  monotheistic  speculations  from  the  charge  of 
Atheism  by  finding  in  their  systems  a  dignified  posi- 
tion for  the  popular  gods.  And  even  those  philosophers 
who  sincerely  believed  in  the  existence  of  beings  corre- 
sponding to  the  popular  conceptions  felt  the  need  of 
accounting,  in  some  more  or  less  specious  way,  for  the 
ill  deeds  that  were  traditionally  attributed  to  so  many 
of  them.  The  ancient  doctrine  of  Daemons,  emanating 
from  some  obscure  source  in  Antiquity,1  had  been 

1  Plutarch  himself  is  ignorant  of  its  origin,  and  does  not  know 
whether  it  was  Magian,  Orphic,  Egyptian,  or  Phrygian.  (De  Dffectu 
Orac.,  4  lf>  A.  Of.  Isis  and  Osiris,  300  E,  "  following  the  Theologians 
of  old.")  Those  who  believed,  like  Rualdus,  that  Plato  had  read  the 
Old  Testament  (see  note,  page  45),  had  no  difficulty  in  assigning  the 
doctrine  of  Dromons  to  a  Jewish  source.  Wolff,  speaking  of  the  syste- 
matic dtemonology  constructed  by  the  neo-Platouists,  alludes  to  this 
passage  in  Plutarch,  and  says :— "  Hrec  omnia  artificiosa  interpreta- 
tione  ex  Platonis  fluxerunt  fabulis ;  ex  oriente  fere  nihil  assumebatur. 
Namque  Judsei  ab  aliis  principal,  uc  reliqui,  profecti  decem  dsemonum 
genera  constituerant ;  Chaldsei  vetustiores  non  dsemonum  genera,  sed 
septem  archangelos  planetis  prsofectos  colebant ;  nee  credendum  Plut., 
De  Defertu  Orac.,  415  A.  Studebat  eniin  Plutarchus,  prsesertim  in 
Comm :  de  hide  et  de  Socratis  daemonic,  Grxcorum  placita  ad  ffi.gypii 
Asiwque  revocare  tapientiam,  et  quum  ab  Orpheo  et  Atti  sancta 
qujedam  mysteria  dicerentur  profecta  esse,  arcanis  hisritibus  summarn 
de  diis  dootriuam  significari  suspicabatur "  (Wolff,  op.  tit.). — Volk- 
mann,  who  had  carefully  studied  Plutarch's  relationship  both  to  his 
philosophical  predecessors  and  to  foreign  forms  of  religious  faith,  had 
previously  arrived  at  a  different  conclusion  from  that  embodied  in  the 
words  italicized  above. — "  Er  wardarum  kein  Eklektiker  oder  Synkre- 
tist,  and  was  man  nun  gar  von  seiner  Yorliebe  fur  Orientalischc 
Philosophic  und  Theologie  gesagt  hat  geho'rt  ledeglich  in  das  Gebiet 
der  Fabel.  Plutarchs  philosophisch-allegorische  Auslegung  aber 


122  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

adopted  by  the  Pythagoreans  in  the  latter  sense,1  while 
Plato,  who  believed  in  none  of  these  things,  had,  on 
one  or  two  occasions,  by  the  use  of  philosophic  "  myth  " 
replete  with  more  than  Socratic  irony,  described  these 
beings  as  playing  a  part  between  God  and  -man  which 
might  be  tolerantly  regarded  as  not  greatly  dissimilar 
from  that  popularly  assigned  to  the  lesser  deities  of 
the  Hellenic  Olympus.2  In  the  "  Statesman,"  the 
creation-myth,  to  which  the  Stranger  invites  the 

der  .iEgyptischen  Mythen  von  Isis  und  Osiris  geht  von  der  ausdriick- 
lichen  Voraussetzung  aus  dass  diese  Gottheiten  wetentlich  Helhnische 
Kind"  (Volkmann,  vol.  ii.  p.  28).  But  these  varying  views  are  simply 
two  different  ways  of  regarding  the  real  fact,  which  is  that  Plutarch 
regards  foreign  myths  and  Greek  alike  as  different  expressions  of  the 
conception  of  Divine  Unity — such  Unity  not  being  either  Hellenic  or 
Egyptian,  but  simply  absolute  (see  subsequent  analysis  of  the  De  Iside 
et  Osiride). 

1  DIOGENES  LAERTIUS,  viii.  32.    HITTER  and  PRELLEB  also  refer  to 
APULEIUS'   De  Deo  Socratis :  "  Atenim   Pythagoricos  inirari  oppido 
solitos,  si  quis  se  negaret  unquam  vidisse  Dsemonem,  satis,  ut  reor, 
idoneus  auctor  est  Aristoteles."     (Below  this  passage  in  my  edition  of 
Apuleius  (the   Delphin,  of  1G88)  appears  the  note  "Idem  scribit 
Plutarch,   in    libello   irtpl   6av/j.affi(ai>   aicovffiJ.d.Tuiv.'"      This   libeling   I 
cannot  identify  with  any  enumerated  in  the  catalogue  of  Lamprias.) 

2  "  Plato,  ne  Anaxagorse  aut  Socratis  modo  impietatis  reus  succum- 
beret,  prseterea  ne  sanctam  animis  hebetioribus  religionem  turbaret, 
intactos  reliquit  ritus  publicos  et  communem  de  diis  daemonibusque 
opiuionem  ;  qua  ipse  seutiat,  significat  quidem,  sed,  ut  solet  in  rebus 
minus  certis  et  a  mera  dialectica  alienig,  obvoluta  fabulis  "  (WoLFF,  !)<• 
Dxmonibus,  loc.  cit.).     Is  it  permissible  to  suppose  that  the  third  con- 
sideration— that  expressed  in  the  italicized   words — operated   more 
strongly  on  Plato  than  either  or  both  of  the  first  two  ?    Aristotle,  at 
any  rate,  takes  up  a  much  firmer  attitude  in  face  of  the   popular 
mythology,  which  he  regards  as  fabulously  introduced  for  the  purpose 
of  persuading  the  multitude,  enforcing  the  laws,  and  bem-fiting  human 
life  (Metaphysics,  xi.  (xii.)  8,  T.  Taylor's  transition).     This  famous 
passage  is  as  outspoken  as  Epicureanism. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  123 

younger  Socrates  to  give  his  entire  attention,  "  like  a 
child  to  a  story,"  describes  how  the  Deity  himself 
tended  men  and  was  their  protector,  while  Daemons 
had  a  share,  after  the  manner  of  shepherds,  in  the 
superintendence  of  animals  according  to  genera  and 
herds.1  Another  story  which  Socrates,  in  the  "  Ban- 
quet," says  that  he  heard  from  Diotima,  that  wonderful 
person  who  postponed  the  Athenian  plague  for  ten 
years,  tells  how  Eros  is  a  great  Daemon ;  how  Daemons 
are  intermediate  between  gods  and  mortals;  how  the 
race  of  Daemons  interpret  and  transmit  to  the  gods 
the  prayers  and  sacrifices  of  men,  and  interpret  and 
transmit  to  men  the  answers  and  commands  of  the 
gods.2  For  God,  we  are  told,  is  not  directly  associated 
with  man ;  but  it  is  through  the  mediation  of  the 
Daemons,  who  are  many  and  various,  that  all  com- 
munion and  converse  take  place  between  the  human 
and  the  Divine. 

But  apart  altogether  from  the  philosophic  use  of 
Daemonology,  there  are  evidences  that  the  belief  in 
Daemons  was  held  in  some  sort  of  loose  combination 
with  the  popular  polytheistic  faith.  The  Hesiodic 
poems  were  a  compendium  of  early  Hellenic  theology,3 
and  Hesiod,  according  to  Plutarch  himself,  was  the 
first  to  indicate  with  clearness  and  distinctness  the 
existence  of  four  species  of  rational  beings — gods, 
dcemons,  heroes,  and  men.4  In  the  passage  of  Hesiod 

1  PLATO  :  Politicus,  271  D.    A  similar  ';  dispensation  "  is  provided 
in  the  Laws,  717  A. 

"  PLATO  :  Symposium,  202  E. 

3  HERODOTUS  :  ii.  53. 

4  De  Defect u  Orac.,415  B. 


124  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

referred  to  (Works  and  Days,  109  sqq.)  two  kinds  of 
Damons  are  described.  The  dwellers  in  the  Golden 
Age  are  transformed,  after  their  sleep-like  death  on 
earth,  into  Terrestrial  Daemons  : — 

"  When  earth's  dark  breast  had  closed  this  race  around, 
Great  Jove  as  demons  raised  them  from  the  ground ; 
Earth-hovering  spirits,  they  their  charge  began, 
The  ministers  of  good,  and  guards  of  man. 
Mantled  with  mist  of  darkling  air  they  glide, 
And  compass  earth  and  pass  on  every  side ; 
And  mark,  with  earnest  vigilance  of  eyes, 
Where  just  deeds  live,  or  crooked  wrongs  arise."  l 

They  are  virtuous,  holy  beings,  endowed  with  immor- 
tality— "  Jove's  immortal  guardians  over  mortal  men."  2 
The  races  of  the  Silver  Age  become  Subterranean 
powers,  blessed  beings,  but  inferior  in  honour  to  the 
former  class,  and  distinctly  described  as  mortal.3 
Hesiod  says  nothing  about  Evil  Daemons,  although  the 
disappearance  of  the  Brazen  Eace  furnished  an  oppor- 
tunity for  their  introduction  into  his  scheme  of  super- 
natural beings.  But  once  the  existence  of  beings 
inferior  to  the  gods  in  the  celestial  hierarchy  obtained 
a  recognition  in  popular  tradition,  however  vague  the 
recognition  might  be,  the  conception  would  tend  to 
gather  strength  and  definiteness  from  the  necessity, 

1  HESIOD  :  Works  and  Days,  122-125  (Elton's  translation). 

•  Works    and    Days,    25,'J.       Cf.   the    beautiful    fragment    from 
Menander  preserved  by  Plutarch,  De  Tranquillitate  Animi,  474  15  :— 

"  By  every  man,  the  moment  he  is  born, 
There  stands  a  guardian  Daemon,  who  shall  be 
His  my*tagogue  through  life." 

*  Worl;*  and  Day*,  141-2. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  125 

first  expressed  by  the  philosophers,  but  doubtless  widely 
spread  among  the  people,  of  safeguarding  the  sanctity 
of  the  gods,  while  at  the  same  time  recognizing  the 
substantial  validity  of  tradition.     This  tendency  would 
bo  also   probably  aided   by  the  fact   that  in  Homer, 
as    Plutarch   points   out,  and   in   the   dramatists   and 
prose  writers  generally,  as  is  well  known,  the  design- 
ations   of    "  gods "    and    "  daemons "    were    mutually 
interchanged.1     Plutarch,    at    all    events,   who   boldly 
uses  the  Daemons  to  perform  such  functions,  and  to  bear 
the  blame  for  such  actions,  as  were  inappropriate  to 
the  divine  character,   is  enabled  to  make   one  of  his 
dramatis  ycrsonm — Cleombrotus,  the  traveller,  who  was 
specially   devoted   to    the    study   of    such    matters — 
assert  that  "it  can  be  demonstrated  by  unexception- 
able testimony  from  antiquity  that  there  do  exist  beings 
of  a  nature  intermediate  between  that  of  God  and  man, 
beings  subject  to   mortal  passions  and  liable  to    in- 
evitable  changes,  but  whom  we  must,  in  accordance 
with  the  established  custom  of  our  fathers,  regard  and 
invoke  as  Daemons,  giving  them  all  due  reverence."2 
It  is  natural,  therefore,  in  the  light  of  these  indications, 
to   believe  that,  side  by  side  with  the  popular  gods, 
there  existed,  in  the  popular  imagination,  subordinate 
beings  of  two  kinds,  both  described  as  Daemons :  the 
first  class  comprising  the  good  and  benevolent  Daemons 


1  De  Defect  u  Orunilorum,  41f>  1).— Plato,  too,  though  perhaps  not 
quite  with  the  innocent  purpose  of  Homer,  gives  "chernons"  as  an 
alternative  to  •'  gods  "— Tinweus,  Sec.  1G.  (A  passage  charged  with 
the  most  mordant  irony  against  the  national  religious  tradition.) 

-  De  Dffectn  Orar.,  410  C. 


126  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  Hesiod,  the  second  including  Daemons  of  an  evil 
character  and  disposition,  the  belief  in  which  had 
developed  naturally  out  of  the  Hesiodic  conception, 
from  the  necessity  of  fixing  the  responsibility  of  evil 
deeds  on  supernatural  beings  different  in  nature  from 
the  purity  and  goodness  of  Deity.1  Such  a  classifica- 
tion of  supernatural  beings — gods,  Daemons,  and  evil 
Daemons — could  not,  of  course,  be  rigidly  maintained  ; 
the  more  the  good  Daemons  were  discriminated  from 
their  evil  brethren,  the  more  they  would  tend  to 
become  identified  with  the  gods  of  the  popular  tradition, 
and  the  line  of  demarcation  between  the  divine  and  the 
daemonic  nature  would  be  broken  down,2  Dsemons  and 
gods  would  be  identified,  and  the  splendour  and  purity 
of  the  Supreme  God  of  all  would  shine  out  more  fully 
when  contrasted  with  those  other  gods,  who,  after  all, 
were  only  Daemons.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  process 

1  Cf.  WOLFF  :  "  Neque  discrepat  hac  in  re  communis  rcligio : 
multi  cnim  daemones  mali  Grsecorum  animos  terrebant,  velut  Acco, 
Alphito,  Empusa,  Lamia,  Monno,  sive  Mormulyce,"  &c. — Considering 
the  numerous  references  made  to  the  subject  of  Dsemonology  by  Greek 
poets  and  philosophers  from  Hesiod  and  Empedocles  downwards,  with 
all  of  which,  as  is  clear  from  the  citations  made  in  our  text,  Plutarch 
is  perfectly  familiar,  Prof.  Mahaffy's  note  on  this  point  is  a  little 
mysterious. — "  Mr.  Purser  points  out  to  me  that  Plutarch  rather 
popularized  than  originated  this  doctrine,  and  himself  refers  it  to 
various  older  philosophers."  (Mahaffy,  p.  313.) — It  needs  no  very  close 
study  of  Plutarch  to  see  for  one's  self  that  he  does  not  claim  to  have 
originated  the  doctrine,  and  that  he  knows  himself  to  be  dealing  with 
a  long-standing  and  widespread  tradition. 

'-  For  a  similar  process,  cf.  the  quotation  from  Dr.  JACKSON'S 
Treatise  on  Unbelief,  given  by  Sir  WALTER  SCUTT  in  Demonology  and 
Witchcraft,  p.  175,  note :  "Thus  are  the  Fayries,  from  difference  of 
events  ascribed  to  them,  divided  into  good  and  bnd,  when  it  is  but  one 
and  the  same  malignant  fiend  that  meddles  in  both.'' 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  127 

which  appeal's  to  be  taking  place  in  the  numerous 
contributions  which  il'lutarch  makes  to  the  subject  of 
Dicmonology.  He  is  evidently  a  sincere  believer  in 
the  existence  of  Diomons,  not  a  believer  in  the 
Platonic  sense,  and  not  a  believer  merely  because  he 
wishes  to  come  to  terms  with  popular  ideas.  But  the 
final  result,  so  it  appears  to  us,  is  that  the  popular  gods 
become  identified  with  Daemons,  and  are  prepared, 
even  in  Pagan  times,  to  take  that  position  which  was 
assigned  to  them  with  such  whole-hearted  sincerity  by 
the  early  Christian  Fathers  ; l  to  become  the  fiends  and 
devils  and  sprites  of  another  dispensation ;  to  aid 
Saladin  in  excluding  the  Crusaders  from  the  Holy 
Land ;  to  "  drink  beer  instead  of  nectar "  as  day 
labourers  in  German  forests  ;  or  to  shine  with  a  sinister 
splendour  on  the  lives  of  monks  and  peasants  in  the 
rural  districts  of  France.2 

Plutarch  gives  emphatic  indications  of  his  own 
attitude  on  the  subject  by  drawing  attention  to  such 
expressions  of  the  earlier  pliilosophers  as  pointed  to  the 
recognition  of  two  opposite  descriptions  of  Demons — 

1  Cf.  GOTTE:  Da*  JJelpltucke  OraJcel :  "InZeiten,  wo  dasselbe  keine 
Bedeutung  mehr  hatte,  too  eg  nur  dazu  dienen  konnte,  den  finstersten 
Aberglauben  fortzupflanzen  mid  zu  erhalten,  und  die  Menschen  iiber  die 
wahre  Leitung  der  Dinge  in  der   Welt,  iiber  die  wahren  Mittel,  durck 
icelche  tick  Jeder  tein  Gliicl;  bereitet,  zn  tau8chen,wurde  da?  Orakehcesen 
von  den  frommen  Viitern  uneerer  Kirclie  fiir  die  Awgeburt  des  Tenfels 
angesehen,"  &<•. — I'f.  also,  1  Corinthiaiis  x.  'JO-22. 

2  See,  for  these  illustrations,  SCOTT'S  Demonology  and  Witchf-raft, 
I'ATER'S  Apollo  in  I'icardy,  and  HEINE'S  Gods  in  Exile.     ("  Unter  solchen 
Umtt&nden  musgte  Mam-her,  dexten  heilige  Haine  konfaciert  waren,  be! 
iins  in  DenUehland  als  Holzltiicker  taglohnern  und  Bier  trinken  stalt 


128  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

the  virtuous  and  the  vicious.  In  one  place,  as  we  have 
seen,  he  admits  that  Homer  does  not  distinguish 
between  the  terms  "  Gods  "  and  "  Daemons,"  and  in  his 
historical  resume  of  Daeinonology  in  the  "  Isis  and 
Osiris,"  *  he  is  compelled  to  make  a  parallel  admission 
that  the  Homeric  epithet  derived  from  Daemons  is 
indiscriminately  applied  to  good  and  bad  actions.  He 
makes  this  admission,  however,  the  basis  of  a  subtle 
conclusion  to  the  effect  that  Homer  wished  to  imply 
that  the  Daemons  had  a  confused  and  ill-defined 
character,  involving  the  existence  of  both  good  and  bad 
specimens  of  the  race.  Nothing  definitely  distinguish- 
ing between  the  two  sorts  of  Daemons  is  to  be  obtained 
from  Plato,2  and  Plutarch  accordingly  dwells  with 
special  emphasis  upon  the  views  of  Empedocles  and 
Xenocrates,  who  maintained,  the  one,  that  Daemons 
who  had  been  guilty  of  sins  of  commission  or  omission 
were  driven  about  between  earth  and  sky  and  sea  and 
sun,  until  this  purifying  chastisement  restored  them  to 
their  natural  position  in  the  daemonic  hierarchy ;  3  the 

1  361  A.  sqq. 

-  The  author  of  the  De  Plant  is  (882  B.)  gives  a  very  vague  and 
slight  account  of  the  history  of  Dsemonology,  probably  from  motives 
of  Epicurean  contempt,  if  one  may  judge  from  the  curt  sentence 
which  concludes  his  brief  note : — "  Epicurus  admits  none  of  these 
things." — He  merely  says  that  Thales,  Pythagoras,  Plato,  and  the 
Stoics  asserted  the  existence  of  spirits  called  "  Daemons,"  and  adds 
that  the  same  philosophers  also  maintained  the  existence  of  Heroes 
some  good,  some  bad.  The  distinction  between  good  and  bad  does 
not  apply  to  the  Daemons.  The  identical  words  of  this  passage  in  the 
De  Placilis  are  used  by  Athenagoras  {Legal :  pro  Christ.,  cap.  21)  to 
express  a  definite  statement  about  Thales,  who  is  asserted  to  have 
been  the  first  who  made  the  division  into  God,  daemons,  heroes. 

3  Plutarch  has  here    preserved    some  very  beautiful   verses  of 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  129 

other,  that  certain  disgraceful  and  ill-omened  sacrificial 
observances  "are  not  properly  connected  with  the 
worship  of  the  gods  or  of  good  Dcemonti,1  but  that  there 
are  surrounding  us  certain  beings,  great  and  potent, 
but  malignant  too,  and  hateful,  who  rejoice  in  such 
repulsive  ceremonies,  and  are  thereby  restrained  from 
the  perpetration  of  greater  evils."  Democritus  and 
Chrysippus  are  elsewhere  quoted  as  supporters  of  the 
same  view.3 

Plutarch,  accordingly,  faithful  to  his  principle  of 
making  Philosophy  Mystagogue  to  Eeligion,  has 
obtained  from  the  philosophers  a  conviction  that  there 
are  two  kinds  of  daemonic  beings,  two  sets  of  super- 
natural characters  with  attributes  inferior  to  those  of 
the  Divine  Nature,  and  yet  superior  to  those  displayed 
by  the  human  family.  It  has  already  been  shown 
how  naturally  the  good  Dseinons  would  tend  to 
become  identified  with  the  gods :  a  passage  has  just 
been  quoted  in  which  we  can  see  this  process  of  identi- 
fication taking  place.  But  Plutarch  furnishes  still 
more  emphatic  testimony  to  the  necessity  of  such  a 
consummation. 

The  group  of  philosophers  gathered  together  at 
Delphi  to  discuss  the  cessation  of  the  oracles  have  fallen 

Empedocles,  in  which  this  punishment  is  described.  Another  fragment 
of  verse  from  Empedocles  (De  Exilio,  607  C)  depicts  with  equal  force 
and  beauty  the  punishment  by  the  Daemons  of  one  who  has  been 
handed  over  to  them  to  atone  for  his  crimes. 

1  Here  should  be  noted  the  tendency  to  assimilate  the  good 
Daemons  to  the  gods — a  tendency  to  which  reference  has  already 
been  made. 

-  De  Defectu  Orac.,  419  A. 

K 


130  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

into  an  argument  on  the  nature  of  Daemons,  and  certain 
considerations  have  been  introduced  which  indicate  a 
liability  to  vice  and  death  as  inherent  in  their  nature. 
This  conclusion  shocks  one  of  the  speakers,  but  the 
pious  Cleornbrotus  wants  to  know  in  what  respect 
Daemons  will  differ  from  gods  if  they  are  endowed  with 
immortality  and  immunity  from  sin.1  It  is  most  sig- 
nificant, however,  that  the  famous  and  beautiful  story 
which  Cleombrotus  tells  in  support  of  bis  belief  in  the 
mortality  of  Daemons,  the  story  of  the  death  of  "  the 
great  Pan,"  is  actually  concerned  with  an  announce- 
ment of  the  death  of  one  whom  the  popular  faith 
accepted  as  a  deity.2  Demetrius,  who  had  just  come 
from  Britain,  near  which  were  many  scattered  desert 
islands,  some  of  them  named  after  Daemons  and  heroes, 
gives  an  authentic  account  of  the  death  of  a  Daemon  in 
the  island  of  Anglesea.3  Cleombrotus  then  shows  how 

1  De  Defectu  Orac.,  419  A. 

2  419. — Mrs.   Browning  could  hardly  have  read  the  De  Defectu 
when  she  stated  that  her  fine  poem  "  The  Dead  Pan  "  was  "  partly 
founded  on  a  well-known  tradition  mentioned  in  a  treatise  of  Plutarch 
('  De  Oraculorum  Defectu '),  according  to  ichich,  at  the  hour  of  the 
Saviour's  agony,  a  cry  of  '  Great  Pan  is  dead ! '  swept  across  the  waves 
in  tlie  hearing  of  certain  mariners, — and  the  oracles  ceased."     (It  was 
one  of  the  mariners  who  uttered  the  cry,  "  The  great  Pan  is  dead  !  " 
having  been  thrice  requested  by  a  supernatural  voice  to  do  so.     But 
such  errors  of  detail  are  unimportant  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  story  is  misunderstood  by  the  poetess.) 

3  So  one  may  conjecture  from  the  description  given  by  Demetrius, 
who  "  sailed  to  the  least  distant  of  these  lonely  islands,  which  had  few 
inhabitants,  and  these  all  held  sacred  and  inviolable  by  the  Britons." 
Plutarch's    Demetrius    has   been    identified   with   "Demetrius  the 
Clerk  "  who  dedicated,  "  to  the  gods  of  the  Imperial  Palace,"  a  bronze 
tablet  now  in  the  Museum  at  York. — See  King's  translation  of  the 
Theosophical  Enaayx  in  the  "  Bolin  "  scries,  p.  'J'J. 


THE  RELIGION  OP    PLUTARCH.  131 

a  belief  in  the  nativity  and  mortality  of  the  Daemons  is 
not  unknown  in  Greek  philosophy,  "for  the  Stoics," 
says  he,  "  maintain  this  view,  not  only  with  regard  to 
the  Dcemons  but  also  with  regard  to  the  gods — holding 
one  for  the  Eternal  and  Immutable,  while  regarding 
the  remainder  to  have  been  born,  and  to  be  subject  to 
death."  *  The  whole  course  of  the  argument,  even 
though  the  speakers  are  represented  as  unconscious  of 
the  fact,  leads  to  the  identification  of  the  popular  deities 
with  the  Daemons.  This  strain  of  thought  elsewhere 
loses  the  unconscious  quality,  and  becomes  as  definitely 
dogmatic  as  Plutarch's  Academic  bent  of  mind  would 
allow.  In  the  "  Isis  and  Osiris,"  for  example,  he  argues 
for  the  probability  of  the  view  which  assigns  the 
legends  of  these  two  deities  not  to  gods  or  men,  but  to 
Dromons ; 2  and  proceeds  still  further  to  breach  the 
partition  wall  between  the  two  natures  by  introducing 
into  his  Daemonology  such  legends  as  have  raised  Osiris 
and  Isis,  on  account  of  their  virtue,  from  the  rank  of 
good  Daemons  to  that  of  the  gods,3  and  describes  them 
as  receiving  everywhere  the  combined  honours  of  gods 
and  Daemons ;  and  he  appropriates  the  argument  to 
Greek  religion  by  comparing  this  promotion  to  those 
of  Herakles  and  Dionysus ;  by  identifying  Isis  with 
Proserpine,  and  subsequently  Osiris  with  Dionysus.4 

1  420  B. 
•  360  D. 

3  361  E.    We  shall  see  elsewhere  that,  just  as  a  good  Daemon  may 
be  promoted  to  the  rank  of  a  god,  so  a  good  man  may  be  lifted  to  the 
status  of  a  Daemon,  like  Hesiod's  people  of  the  Golden  Age.    (De 
Dsentonio  Socrati*,  f>93  D.     Cf.  De  Defect  u  Orac.,  415  B.) 

4  361  F.     :5G4  E. 


133  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  the  views  explicitly 
maintained  by  Plutarch  in  this  connexion,  it  is  his 
constant  practice  to  shift  on  to  the  shoulders  of  the 
Daemons  the  responsibility  for  all  those  legends, 
ceremonies,  and  practices,  which,  however  appropriate 
and  necessary  parts  of  the  national  faith  they  may  be, 
are  yet  inconsistent  with  the  qualities  rightly  attribu- 
table to  Deity.1  We  have  already  noticed  his  un- 
willingness to  impugn  the  immutability  of  the  Creator 
by  regarding  His  essence  as  capable  of  metamorphosis 
into  the  phenomena  of  the  created  world.2  "  It  is," 
says  Ammonius,  "  the  function  of  some  other  god  to  do 
and  suffer  these  changes — or,  rather,  of  some  Daemon 
appointed  to  direct  Nature  in  the  processes  of  generation 
and  destruction."  This  relationship  of  the  Daemons  to 
the  supreme  power  as  conceived  by  philosophy  is  more 
completely  stated  in  the  short  tract,  "  De  Fato,"  3  where 
we  are  told  that  (1)  there  is  a  first  and  supreme  Provi- 
dence which  is  the  intelligence  of  the  First  Deity,  or, 

1  Cf.  APULEIDS,  De  Deo  Socratig. — "  Neque  enim  pro  majestate 
Deum  csBlestium  fuerit,  ut  eorum  quisquam  vel  Annibali  somniuin 
pingat,  vel  Flaminio  hostiam  conroget,  vel  Accio  Nsevio  avem  velificet, 
vel  sibyllae  fatiloquia  versificet,  etc.  Non  cst  operse  Diis  superis  ad 
hsec  descendere.  Quao  cuncta"  (he  says  elsewhere)  "cselestium 
voluntate  et  numine  et  auctoritate,  sed  Dsemonum  obsequio  et  opera 
et  ministerio  fieri  arbitrandum  est." 

1  De  E  apud  Delphos,  394  A. 

3  De  Fato,  572  F,  sqq. — Bernardakia  "  stars  "  this  tract  as  doubt- 
fully Plutarch's.  But  the  passage  quoted,  at  any  rate,  is  not  discre- 
pant from  Plutarch's  views  elsewhere,  though  expressing  them  more 
concisely,  and  with  more  appearance  of  system  than  usual  with  him. 
The  similarity  to  Plato's  tripartite  division  of  the  heavenly  powers  in 
the  Timsens  is,  of  course,  evident,  but  the  text  has  a  note  of  sincerity 
which  is  lacking  in  the  Platonic  passage. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  133 

as  one  may  regard  it,  His  benevolent  will  towards  all 
creatures,  in  accordance  with  which*  all  divine  things 
universally  received  the  most  admirable  and  perfect 
order ;  (2)  the  second  Providence  is  that  of  the  second 
gods,  who  move  through  the  sky,  by  which  human 
affairs  are  duly  ordered,  including  those  relating  to  the 
permanence  and  preservation  of  the  various  species; 
(3)  the  third  Providence  may  properly  be  regarded  as 
the  superintendence  of  the  Daemons  who  are  situated 
near  the  earth,  observing  and  directing  the  actions  of 
men.  But,  as  we  have  already  noted,  this  formal 
distinction  between  (2)  and  (3)  is  not  maintained  in 
practice.  Cleombrotus,  who  knows  more  about  these 
things  than  most  people,  insists  that  it  is  not  possible 
that  the  gods  could  have  been  pleased  with  festivals 
and  sacrifices,  "  at  which  there  are  banquets  of  raw  flesh 
and  victims  torn  in  pieces,  as  well  as  fastings  and  loud 
lamentations,  and  often  '  foul  language,  mad  shrieks, 
and  tossing  of  dishevelled  hair,'  "  but  that  all  such 
dread  observances  must  have  had  the  object  of  pacify- 
ing the  anger  of  the  mischievous  Daemons.1  It  was 
not  to  the  gods  that  human  sacrifices  were  welcome  ;  it 
was  not  Artemis  who  demanded  the  slaughter  of  Iphi- 
genia ; 2  these  were  the  deeds  of  "  fierce  and  violent 
Daemons,"  who  also  perpetrated  those  many  rapes,  and 
inflicted  those  pestilences  and  famines  which  are 
anciently  attributed  to  the  gods.  "  All  the  rapes  here, 
and  the  wanderings  there,  that  are  celebrated  in  legends 

1  De  Defectu,  417  C.    (For  the  verse  quoted  in  the  original,  cf.  W. 
CHRIST'S  Pindar,  p.  232.) 
1  417  D. 


134  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

and  sacred  hymns,  all  the  hidings  and  flights  and 
servitudes,  do  not  belong  to  the  gods,  but  represent  the 
chances  and  changes  incident  to  the  careers  of  Daemons." 
It  was  not  "  holy  Apollo  "  who  was  banished  from 
Heaven  to  serve  Admetus ;  — but  here  the  speech 
comes  to  an  end  with  a  rapid  change  of  subject,  as  if 
Cleombrotus  shrinks  from  the  assertion  that  a  Daemon 
was  the  real  hero  of  an  episode  with  which  so  many 
beautiful  and  famous  legends  of  the  "  hereditary  Faith  " 
were  connected.  When  some  of  the  most  celebrated 
national  myths  concerning  the  gods  are  assigned  to 
Daemons,  we  are  not  far  away  from  the  identification 
of  the  former  with  the  latter,  and  the  consequent 
degradation  of  the  gods  to  the  lower  rank.  It  is  true 
that  the  various  speakers  on  the  subject  do  not,  in  so 
many  words,  identify  the  Daemons  with  the  gods  of  the 
Mythology.1  They  deprive  the  gods  of  many  of  their 
attributes,  and  give  them  to  the  Daemons ;  they  deprive 
them  of  others,  and  give  them  to  the  One  Eternal  Deity. 

1  The  nearest  approach  to  this  identification  is  made  by  the 
mysterious  stranger  whom  Cleombrotus  finds  near  the  Red  Sea,  who 
appeared  once  every  year  among  the  people  living  in  that  neighbour- 
hood, and  who  gave  the  pious  traveller  much  information  concerning 
Daemons  and  their  ways;  which  he  was  well  fitted  to  do,  as  he  spent 
most  of  his  time  in  their  company  and  that  of  the  pastoral  nymphs. 
He  said  that  Python  (whom  Apollo  slew)  was  a  daemon;  that  the 
Titans  were  daemons ;  that  Saturn  may  have  been  a  daemon.  He  then 
adds  the  significant  words,  "  There  is  nothing  to  wonder  at  if  we 
apply  to  certain  Daemons  the  traditional  titles  of  the  gods,  since  a 
Daemon  who  is  assigned  to  a  particular  god,  deriving  from  him  his 
authority  and  prerogatives,  is  usually  called  by  the  name  of  that  same 
god  "  (421  E).  But  this  somewhat  daring  testimony  is,  we  are  not 
surprised  to  find,  preceded  by  a  hint  that  in  these  matters  we  are  to 
drink  from  a  goblet  of  mingled  fact  and  fancy. — (121  A.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  135 

It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  Gods  could  maintain  their 
existence  under  this  twofold  tendency  of  deprivation, 
supported  as  they  might  be  by  formal  classifications 
which  assigned  them  a  superior  place.  Even  the 
Father  of  Gods  and  Men — the  Zeus  of  Homer — turns 
his  eyes  "  no  very  great  way  ahead  from  Troy  to  Thrace 
and  the  nomads  of  the  Danube,  but  the  true  Zeus  gazes 
upon  beauteous  and  becoming  transformations  in  many 
worlds."  1  To  contrast  the  Zeus  "  of  Homer "  with 
the  "  true  "  Zeus  is  to  do  little  else  than  to  place  the 
former  in  that  subordinate  rank  proper  not  to  the 
Divine,  but  to  the  Daemonic  character.  Plutarch  is 
perfectly  consistent  in  applying  this  method  of  inter- 
pretation to  the  gods  of  other  nations  no  less  than  to 
the  gods  of  Greece.  In  the  "Isis  and  Osiris,"  he 
inclines  to  the  belief  that  these  great  Egyptian  Deities 
are  themselves  only  Daemons,  although  he  refuses  to 
dogmatize  on  the  point,  and  gives  a  series  of  more  or 
less  recognized  explanations  of  the  Egyptian  myth. 
He  cannot  refrain,  however,  from  using  so  appropriate 
an  occasion  of  denouncing  the  absurdity  of  the  Greeks 
in  imputing  so  many  terrible  actions  and  qualities  to 
their  gods — "  For  the  legends  of  Giants  and  Titans, 
handed  down  among  the  Greeks,  the  monstrous  deeds 
of  Cronus,  the  battle  between  Pytho  and  Apollo,  the 
flight  of  Dionysus,  the  wanderings  of  Demeter,  fall  not 
behind  the  stories  told  of  Osiris  and  Typhon,  and  other 
legends  that  one  may  hear  recounted  by  mythologists 
without  restraint."  '2 

1  De  Defectu  Orac.,  426  D. 
-  Isis  and  Osiris.  300  E. 


136  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Such,  then,  is  the  relation  in  which  the  Daemons 
stand  to  the  Divine  nature  :  they  are  made  the  scape- 
goat for  everything  obscene,  cruel,  selfish,  traditionally 
imputed  to  the  gods;  and  the  Supreme  Deity  rises 
more  conspicuously  lofty  for  its  freedom  from  every- 
thing that  can  tend  to  drag  it  down  to  the  baseness  of 
human  passions.  For  Plutarch  makes  it  very  clear 
that  it  is  the  human  element  in  these  mixed  natures 
that  originates  their  disorderly  appetites.  Although 
the  Daemons  "  exceed  mankind  in  strength  and  capacity, 
yet  the  divine  element  in  their  composition  is  not  pure 
and  unalloyed,  inasmuch  as  it  participates  in  the  facul- 
ties of  the  soul  and  the  sensations  of  the  body,  is  liable 
to  pleasure  and  pain,  and  to  such  other  conditions  as 
are  involved  in  these  vicissitudes  of  feeling,  and  bring 
disturbance  upon  all  in  a  greater  or  less  degree."  l  It 
is  by  virtue  of  this  participation  in  the  "  disturbing " 
elements  of  human  nature  that  they  are  fitted  to  play 
that  part  between  God  and  man  which  Plutarch,  after 
Plato,  calls  the  "  interpretative  "  and  the  "  communi- 
cative." a  This  enables  the  Daemons  to  play  a  loftier 
part  than  that  hitherto  assigned  them  ;  to  respond,  in 
fact,  to  that  universal  craving  of  humanity  for  some 
mediator  between  their  weakness  and  the  eternal 
splendour  and  perfection  of  the  Highest.  The  whole 
question  of  inspiration  and  revelation,  both  oracular 
and  personal,  is  bound  up  with  the  Daemonic  function, 
and  to  both  these  spheres  of  its  operation,  the  public 

1  Isis  and  Osiris,  360  F. 

2  Isis  and  Osiris,  361  C.    The  passage  in  the  "  Banquet"  referred 
to  has  been  already  quoted  (see  p.  123). 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  137 

and  the  private,  Plutarch  gives  the  fullest  and  most 
earnest  consideration.  Previous,  therefore,  to  discussing 
this  aspect  of  the  Daemonic  character  and  influence,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  ascertain  what  were  Plutarch's 
views  on  the  subject  of  inspiration  and  prophecy,  and 
what  was  his  attitude  to  that  question  of  Divination 
which  exercised  so  great  a  fascination  on  the  mind  of 
antiquity. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Necessity  for  a  Mediator  let  ween  God  and  Man  partly  met  by 
Oracular  Inspiration — General  failure  of  Oracles  in  the  age 
of  Plutarch — Plutarch's  "Delphian  Essays  " — The  DE  PYTHIJE 
ORACULIS  :  nature  of  Inspiration :  oracles  not  verbally  in- 
spired— TheDK  DEFECTU  OUACULORUM — Various  explanations 
of  Inspiration — Plutarch  inclines  to  accept  that  which  assumes 
an  original  Divine  afflatus  placed  under  the  superintendence 
of  Diemons,  whose  activities  are  subject  to  the  operation  of 
natural  causes. 

A  N  age  which  attempts  to  reinvigorate  its  own 
•*•*•  ethical  life  by  draughts  of  inspiration  from  springs 
hallowed  by  their  duration  from  an  immemorial  an- 
tiquity, will  naturally  regret  that  currents,  which  once 
ran  full,  now  flow  no  longer  in  their  early  strength,  but 
have  dwindled  to  insignificant  rills,  or  are  dried  up 
altogether  in  their  courses.  And  there  is  no  source  of 
religious  inspiration  so  greatly  held  in  honour  as  that 
which  comes  from  the  communication  of  mankind  with 
the  Divine  Being.1  Visions,  dreams,  incantations, 

1  It  would  bo  otiose  to  illustrate  by  examples  the  universal  and 
splendid  fame  of  the  Delphic  oracle.  One  may  perhaps  be  given 
which  is  not  commonly  quoted.  Pliny  the  elder,  who  in  one  passage 
snceringly  includes  the  nracuJonim  prxscita  among  the  fulgurnm 
monitux,  auruxpicnm  prxdicfa,  ntque  etiam  porva  dictu,  in  awguriit 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  139 

inspired  writings,  omens,  and  prophecies  have  been 
valued  as  means  of  bringing  man  into  communication 
with  God,  and  as  furnishing  an  unerring  way  of 
indicating  the  Divine  will  to  humanity.  But  it  would 
be  difficult  to  mention  any  institution  or  practice 
having  this  ostensible  aim  which  has  had  such  absolute 
sway  over  the  minds  of  those  who  came  within  reach 
of  its  influence,  as  the  group  of  oracles  which  were 
celebrated  in  the  ancient  Hellenic  world.  It  is  no 
wonder,  therefore,  that  in  the  age  of  Plutarch  the 
present  silence  of  the  oracles  was  a  common  topic  of 
speculation,  of  anxious  alarm  to  the  pious,  of  ribald 
sarcasm  to  the  profane.  Juvenal l  satirically  describes 
the  meaner  methods  which  the  cessation  of  the  Oracle 
at  Delphi  has  imposed  upon  those  who  yet  wish  to 
peer  through  the  gloom  that  hides  the  future.  Lucan 
laments  the  loss  which  his  degenerate  time  suffers 
from  this  cause :  "  non  ullo  secula  dono  Nostra,  carent 
majorc  Dcum,  quam  Delpliica  sedcs  Quod  siluit ;  "  2  and 
speculates  as  to  the  probable  reason  for  the  failure  of 

sternutamrnta  ft  offensianes  pedum,  by  means  of  which  men  have 
endeavoured  to  discover  hints  of  divine  guidance,  nevertheless,  in 
another  passage,  quotes  two  wise  oracles  as  having  been  "  velut  ad 
cnstigandam  hominum  vanitatem  a  Deo  emissa."  (Lib.  ii.  cap.  5,  and 
vii.  cap.  47.) — The  political,  religious,  and  moral  influence  of  the 
Delphic  oracle  has  been  exhaustively  dealt  with  by  Wilhelm  Gotte 
in  the  work  already  cited  (see  p.  127,  note),  and  by  Bouche-Leclerq 
in  the  third  volume  of  his  "  Histoirc  de  la  Divination  dans  I'Antiquite." 
On  the  general  question  of  divination  it  would,  perhaps,  be  superfluous 
to  consult  anything  beyond  this  monumental  work,  with  its  exhaustive 
references  and  its  philosophic  style  of  criticism. 

1  JUVENAL  :  Sat.  vi.  555. 

"  LUCAN,  v.  Ill,  sq. 


HO  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

the  ancient  inspiration.1  That  Plutarch  should  have 
shown  solicitude  on  this  aspect  of  the  ancient  faith  is 
natural,  and  one  cannot  but  be  grateful  that  the 
chances  of  time  have  preserved  the  exhaustive  tracts 
in  which  he  and  his  friends  are  represented  as  dis- 
cussing various  questions  connected  with  the  inspiration 
of  the  Delphic  Oracle,  and  the  manner  in  which  this 
inspiration  was  conveyed  to  humanity.  No  extant 
work  gives  us  so  intelligible  and  natural  an  explanation 
of  the  significance  which  oracular  institutions  possessed 
for  the  ancient  world,  nor  so  close  an  insight  into  the 
workings  of  the  minds  of  educated  men  at  one  of  the 
most  important  periods  of  human  history,  in  face  of 
one  of  the  most  interesting  and,  perhaps,  most  appalling 
of  human  problems.  We  have  already  made  copious 
quotations  from  the  two  tracts  in  question;  we  now 
propose  to  use  them  mainly  for  the  light  which  they 
cast  on  the  question  of  oracular  inspiration.  We  refer 
to  the  tracts  known  as  the  "  De  Pythise  Oraculis  "  and 
the  "De  Defectu  Oraculorum."  These  two  tracts 
(together  with  the  one  entitled  the  "De  E  apud 
Delphos  ")  2  purport  to  be  reports  of  conversations  held 

1  — "  Muto  Parnassus  hiatu 
Conticuit,  pressitque  Deum  :  seu  spiritus  istas 
Destituit  fauces,  mundique  in  devia  versum 
Duxit  iter :  seu  barbarica  cum  lampade  Pytho 
Arsit,  in  immensas  cineres  abiere  cavernas, 
Et  Phcebi  tenuere  viam  :  seu  sponte  Deorum 
Cirrha  silet  fatique  sat  est  arcana  futuri 
Carmine  longsevae  vobis  commissa  Sibyllas  : 
Seu  Psean  solitus  templis  arcere  noceutes, 
Ora  quibus  solvat  nostro  non  invenit  sevo." 

2  The  main  argument  of  the  third  and  shortest  of  the  Delphic 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  141 

by  philosophical  friends  and  acquaintances  of  Plutarch 
at  the  shrine  of  Apollo  at  Delphi. 

tracts  has  been  already  given.  A  brief  description  of  its  contents  is 
added  by  way  of  note,  to  show  its  connexion  with  the  two  larger 
tracts.  The  tract  takes  the  form  of  a  letter  from  Plutarch  to  Serapion, 
who  acts  as  a  moans  of  communication  between  Plutarch  and  other 
common  friends.  Its  object  is  to  ascertain  why  the  letter  E  was  held 
in  such  reverence  at  the  Delphic  shrine.  A  series  of  explanations 
is  propounded,  probably  representing  views  current  on  the  subject, 
varying,  as  they  do,  from  those  proper  to  the  common  people  to  those 
which  could  only  have  been  the  views  of  logicians  or  mathematicians. 
Theon,  a  close  friend  of  Plutarch's,  maintains  that  the  syllabic  is  the 
symbol  of  the  logical  attributes  of  the  God,  Logic,  whoso  basis  is  KI 
("if"),  being  the  process  by  which  philosophical  truth  is  arrived  at. 
4<  If,  then,  Philosophy  is  concerned  with  Truth,  and  the  light  of  Truth 
is  Demonstration,  and  the  principle  of  Demonstration  is  Connexion, 
it  is  with  good  reason  that  the  faculty  which  includes  and  gives  effect 
to  this  process  has  been  consecrated  by  philosophers  to  the  god  whose 
special  charge  is  Truth."  .  .  .  "Whence,  I  will  not  be  dissuaded 
from  the  assertion  that  this  is  the  Tripod  of  Truth,  namely,  Reason, 
which  recognizing  that  the  consequent  follows  from  the  antecedent, 
and  then  taking  into  consideration  the  original  basis  of  fact,  thus 
arrives  at  the  conclusion  of  the  demonstration.  How  can  we  be 
surprised  if  the  Pythian  God,  in  his  predilection  for  Logic,  is 
specially  attentive  to  this  aspect  of  Reason,  to  which  he  sees  philo- 
sophers are  devoted  in  the  highest  degree?"  This  connexion  of 
Reason  with  Religion,  a  familiar  process  in  Plutarch,  is  followed  by 
a  "  list  of  the  arithmetical  and  mathematical  praises  of  the  letter  E  " 
involving  Pythagorean  speculations,  and  the  culmination  of  the  whole 
piece  lies  in  the  splendid  vindication  by  Ammonius  of  the  Unity 
and  Self-Existence  and  Eternity  of  the  Deity.  Perhaps  the  most 
interesting  aspect  of  his  argument  is  the  assignation  to  Apollo  of  the 
functions  of  the  Supreme  Deity :  an  easy  method  of  bringing  Philo- 
sophy and  Mythology  to  terms:  a  mode  of  operation  perhaps  not 
unaffected  by  that  Mithraic  worship  which,  on  its  classical  side,  was 
to  culminate  in  Julian's  famous  prayer  to  Helios.  The  tract  also 
furnishes,  as  already  stated,  a  clear  example  of  the  method  by  which 
the  literal  terms  known  in  the  worship  of  Dionysus  and  Apollo  are 
refined  from  their  grosser  elements  and  idealized  by  the  subtleties 
of  the  philosophic  intellect,  which  then  accepts  them  as  appropriate 


142  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

The  dialogue,  briefly  called  "  On  the  Pythian 
Responses,"  deals,  as  the  Greek  title  indicates,  -with  the 
fact  that  the  Pythia  at  Delphi  no  longer  uses  verse  as 
the  instrument  of  her  inspired  utterances.  It  takes 
the  form  of  a  conversation  in  the  Delphic  temple, 
between  Philinus,  Diogenianus,  Theon,  Serapion,  and 
Boethus — the  first  of  whom  reports  the  conversation  to 
his  friend  Basilocles,  who  has  grown  quite  weary  of 
waiting  while  the  rest  of  the  party  conduct  Diogenianus, 
a  visitor,  on  a  tour  of  inspection  among  the  sacred 
offerings  in  the  Temple.1  Philinus 2  tells  how  "  after 

designations  for  the  various  functions  of  the  God.  The  pleasant 
seriousness,  too,  of  all  the  interlocutors  is  worthy  of  note,  as  pre- 
senting a  type  of  religious  discussion  of  whose  calmness  and  dignity 
the  modern  world  knows  little.  It  would  be  interesting,  for  example, 
to  hear  a  group  of  classical  philosophers  discuss  the  excommuni- 
cation of  Professor  Mivart  by  Cardinal  Vaughan,  or  of  Tolstoi  by 
Pobedonostzeff. 

1  This  Diogenianus  does  not  appear  to  be  identical  with  the  Dio- 
genianus of  Fergamos,  twice  mentioned  in  the  Symposiacs,  although 
Bernardakis  does  not  distinguish  them  in  his  Index. 

•  Philinus  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Plutarch's  (Symposiacs,  727 
B ;  De  Sollertia  Animalium,  976  B) ;  and,  except  in  this  Dialogue  and 
in  the  De  Soil.  Anim.,  appears  only  as  taking  his  part  in  the  social 
intercourse  of  the  Symposiacs,  and  as  contributing  his  share  to  the 
discussion  of  the  various  quaint  and  curious  problems  forming  so 
large  a  portion  of  the  "  Table  Talk"  of  Plutarch  and  his  friends.  He 
has  Pythagorean  tendencies ;  eats  no  flesh  (727  B)  ;  objects  to  a  rich 
and  varied  diet,  beitig  of  opinion  that  simple  food  is  more  easily 
digestible  (660  F) ;  explains  somewhat  crudely  why  Homer  calls  salt 
6f~ios  (G85  D) ;  proves  that  Alexander  the  Great  was  a  hard  drinker 
(623  E) ;  explains  why  Pythagoras  advised  his  followers  to  throw 
their  bedclothes  into  confusion  on  getting  up  (728  B,  C);  and  tells  a 
story  of  a  wonderful  tame  crocodile  which  lay  in  bed  like  a  human 
being  (De  Soil.  Anim.,  !)76  B).  A  very  charming  account  of  Plutarch's 
friends  has  been  given  by  M.  A.  Chenevicre,  in  his  "  DC  Plutarchi 
familiaribuK,"  written  as  a  Litt-D.  thesis  for  a  French  University 
in  1886. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  143 

the  Ciceroni  (otp  Trtpir\yi}Ta\)  had  gone  through  their 
wonted  programme,  disregarding  our  requests  that  they 
would  cut  short  their  formal  narratives  and  their 
explanations  of  most  of  the  inscriptions,"  the  conversa- 
tion had  turned  by  a  series  of  natural  gradations  from 
the  interesting  objects,  that  so  strongly  attracted  the 
attention  of  visitors,  to  the  medium  through  which  the 
oracles  of  the  God  had  been  conveyed  to  humanity.1 
Diogenianus  had  noted  that  "the  majority  of  the 
oracular  utterances  were  crowded  with  faults  of  in- 
elegance and  incorrectness,  both  of  composition  and 
metre."  Serapion,  to  whom  previous  reference  has 
been  made,  and  who  is  here  described  as  "the  poet 
from  Athens,"  will  not  admit  the  correctness  of  this 
impious  indictment.2  "  You  are  of  opinion,  then,"  said 
he,  "  that,  believing  these  verses  to  be  the  work  of  the 
god,  we  may  assert  that  they  are  inferior  to  those  of 
Homer  and  Hesiod  ?  Shall  we  not  rather  regard  them 
as  being  the  best  and  most  beautiful  of  all  compositions, 
and  reconstitute,  by  the  standard  which  they  supply, 
our  own  taste  and  judgment,  so  long  corrupted  by  an 
evil  tradition  ?  "  Boethus,  "  the  geometrician,"  who 
has  lately  joined  the  Epicureans,  uses  a  neat  form  of 
the  argumentum  ad  hominem  in  refutation  of  Serapion, 
paying  him  a  polished  compliment  at  the  same  time.3 

1  395  A. 

-  39G  D.    Cf.  Symposiacg,  628  A. 

3  39G  E.  Boethus,  a  genial  and  witty  man,  with  whom,  notwith- 
standing his  Epicureanism,  Plutarch  lives  on  terms  of  intimate  social 
intercourse.  In  Symposiacs,  (573  C,  Boethus,  now  described  as  an 
Epicurean  sans  phrase,  entertains,  iu  Athens,  Plutarch,  Sossius 
Senecio.  and  a  number  of  men  of  his  own  sect.  After  dinner 


144  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

"Your  own  poems,"  says  he,  "grave,  indeed,  and 
philosophic  in  matter,  are,  in  power  and  grace  and 
finish,  much  more  after  the  model  of  Homer  and  Hesiod 
than  of  the  Pythia ; "  and  he  gives  concise  expression 
to  the  two  opposing  mental  attitudes  in  which  questions 
of  this  kind  are  universally  approached.  "  Some  will 
maintain  that  the  oracles  are  fine  poems  because  they 
are  the  god's,  others  that  they  cannot  be  the  god's  because 
they  are  not  fine  poems."  Serapion  emphatically  re- 
asserts the  former  of  these  two  views,  maintaining 
that  "our  eyes  and  our  ears  are  diseased.  We  have 
become  accustomed,  by  long  indulgence  in  luxury  and 
effeminacy,  to  regard  sweetness  as  identical  with 
beauty."1  Theon2  is  the  exponent  of  a  compromise 
not  unknown  in  modern  discussions  on  the  "  Inspiration 
of  the  Scriptures  " — "  Since  these  verses  are  inferior  to 
those  of  Homer,  it  cannot  be  maintained  that  the  god  is 
their  author.  He  supplies  the  primary  inspiration  to 
the  prophetess,  who  gives  expression  thereto  in  accord- 
ance with  her  natural  aptitude  and  capacity.  He  only 
suggests  the  images,  and  makes  the  light  of  the  future 
shine  in  her  soul."  The  conversation  then  turns  upon 
certain  events  which  had  accompanied,  or  been  preceded 
by,  portents  and  wonders  happening  to  statues  and 

the  company  discuss  the  interesting  question  why  we  take  pleasure 
in  a  dramatic  representation  of  passions  whose  exhibition  in  real  life 
would  shock  and  distress  us.  At  another  time  he  appears,  together 
with  Plutarch  and  a  few  other  friends,  at  a  dinner  given  by  Ammonius, 
then  Strategos  at  Athens  for  the  third  time,  and  explains,  upon  prin- 
ciples of  Epicurean  Science  (Symposiact,  720  F),  why  sounds  are  more 
audible  at  night  than  by  day. 

1  396  F. 

•  See  note,  p.  119. 


THE  RELIGION   OF  PLUTARCH.  145 

other  gifts  cousocrated  in  the  Temple.  On  this  subject 
PMlinus  asserts  his  firm  belief  that  "  all  the  sacred 
offerings  at  Delphi  are  specially  moved  by  divine 
forethought  to  the  indication  of  futurity,  and  that  no 
fragment  of  them  is  dead  and  irresponsive,  but  all 
are  filled  with  divine  power."  Boethus,  as  a  newly 
converted  Epicurean,  makes  a  mock  of  this  view,  this 
"  identification  of  Apollo  with  brass  and  stone,  as  if 
chance  were  not  quite  competent  to  account  for  such 
coincidences,"  and  he  subsequently  enlarges  his  view 
as  follows : — "  What  possible  condition  of  temporal 
affairs,  my  friend,  cannot  be  assigned  to  natural  causes  ? 
What  strange  and  unexpected  event,  occurring  by  sea 
or  by  land,  to  cities  or  to  individual  men,  could  one 
predict  without  some  chance  of  hitting  the  mark  ? l 
Yet  you  would  hardly  call  this  prediction;  it  would 
be  merely  assertion,  or,  rather,  the  dissemination  at 
random,  into  the  abyss  of  infinity,  of  bare  words  with- 
out any  guiding  principle  leading  them  to  a  particular 
end,  words  which,  as  they  wander  about,  are  sometimes 
met  by  chance  events  which  correspond  with  them." 
And  Boethus  continues  to  insist  that,  though  some 
predictions  may  have  by  accident  come  true,  the 
original  assertions  were  not  the  less  false  on  that 

1  Cf.  CICERO  :  De  Divinatione,  ii.  59. — "  Quit  est  enim,  qui  totum 
d'iem  jaoulans,  non  aliquando  collineet  ?  Totas  nodes  dormimus ;  neque 
ulla  fere  est,  qua  non  somniemus :  et  miramur,  aliquando  id,  quod 
somniarimus,  evadere  ?  Quid  est  tarn  incertum  quam  talorum  jactus  ? 
tamen  nemo  est  quin,  sxpe  jactans,  venereum  jaciat  aliquando,  nonnum- 
quam  etiam  iterum,  ac  tertium"  &c.  Also  ii.  971. — "  Casus  autem 
innumerdbilibus  pxne  seculis  in  onibuxm  plura  mirdbilia  quam  in 
somniorum  visis  effecerit." 

L 


146  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

account.  Serapion  admits  that  this  may  be  true  about 
vague  predictions,  but  maintains  that  such  detailed 
prophecies  as  those  he  proceeds  to  quote  from  history 
do  not  owe  their  accomplishment  to  chance.1 

The  attention  of  the  disputants — if  these  calm  and 
dignified  colloquies  can  be  called  disputes — is  here 
again  attracted  to  the  objects  of  artistic  and  historical 
interest  surrounding  them,  among  which  the  guide 
takes  occasion  to  point  out  the  place  where  formerly 
had  reposed  the  iron  spits  dedicated  by  the  courtezan 
Ehodopis  under  the  circumstances  detailed  by  Hero- 
dotus.2 Diogenianus  warmly  protests  against  such 
offerings  having  ever  been  admitted  into  the  Temple, 
but  Serapion  draws  his  attention  to  the  golden  statue 
of  the  more  notorious  Phryne,  "  that  trophy  of  Greek 
incontinence," — as  Crates  had  called  it — and  condemns 
the  inconsistency  of  these  objections  in  people  who 
see,  without  a  protest,  the  temple  crowded  with  offer- 
ings made  by  the  Greek  cities  for  victories  in  their 
internecine  warfare.  "It  were  fitting,"  exclaims  he, 
"  that  kings  and  magistrates  should  consecrate  to  the 
god  offerings  of  justice,  temperance,  and  magnanimity, 
and  not  tributes  of  a  golden  and  luxurious  wealth, 
which  the  most  evil  livers  often  abound  in."  3 

The  concluding  portion  of  this  somewhat  discursive 
tract  is  devoted  to  a  speech  by  Theon  on  the  question 
with  which  the  title  only  has  so  far  dealt,  the  cessation 
of  the  oracle  to  use  verse.  Theon,  as  we  have  seen, 
believes  that  the  god  inspires  the  thought,  and  not  the 

1  390.  -  Cf.  HERODOTUS:  ii.  135. 

3  401  E. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  147 

expression,  of  the  Pythia,  and  his  explanation  of  the 
change  of  medium  is  purely  natural,  being  based  upon 
the  general  tendency  towards  prose  which  early  be- 
came evident  in  Greek  Literature  and  Philosophy. 
Besides,  the  matters  on  which  the  oracle  is  now 
consulted  are  not  such  as  to  require  the  mystery  and 
magnificence  of  verse.1  "  In  these  cases  it  would  be 
absurd  to  employ  the  diction,  metre,  and  imagery  of 
poetry,  when  what  is  required  is  a  simple  and  concise 
reply.  It  would  be  like  a  vain  Sophist  to  turn  an 
oracle  finely  for  the  sake  of  show.  The  Pythian 
priestess,  moreover,  is  noble  and  virtuous  in  her 
own  character,  and  when  she  mounts  the  tripod  and 
approaches  the  god,  she  is  more  intent  on  truth  than 
appearance,  more  regardful  of  the  god's  message  than 
of  the  praise  or  blame  of  men." 2  "  In  old  days," 
continues  Theon,  "were  not  wanting  those  who  accused 
the  oracles  of  uncertainty  and  ambiguity,  and  there 
are  now  those  who  accuse  them  of  excessive  simplicity. 
But  the  ways  of  such  persons  are  childish  and  silly : 
for  just  as  children  take  more  delight  in  looking  at 
rainbows  and  aureoles  and  comets  than  at  the  sun 
and  moon,  so  do  these  desire  enigmas  and  allegories 
and  metaphors  to  fill  the  heart  of  man  with  wonder 
and  mystery.  In  their  ignorance  of  the  true  reason 
of  the  change  (in  the  oracle's  mode  of  expression),  they 


temporibus   iam  Apollo    versus     facere    desierat."— 
CICERO  :  De  Div.,  ii.  5G.     Plutarch,  however,  is  able  to  say,  "  Even 
nowadays  some  oracles  are  published  in  verse,"  and  to  cite  a  very 
interesting  instance  (I)e  Pyth.  Orac.,  404  A). 
•  408  C,  D. 


148  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

depart,  blaming  the  god  instead  of  charging  the  defect 
to  the  weakness  of  our  human  intellect,  which  cannot 
comprehend  the  purposes  of  the  Deity."  l 

In  this  defence  of  the  Deity  Theon  has  apparently 
committed  himself  to  a  view  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  process  of  inspiration  takes  place.  "The  body 
employs  many  organs,  while  the  soul  employs  the 
body  and  its  parts.  The  soul,  in  like  manner,  is 
God's  instrument.  Now  the  virtue  of  an  instrument 
consists  in  imitating,  subject  to  its  natural  limitations, 
the  power  that  makes  use  of  it,  and  in  exhibiting  the 
thought  of  that  power  in  operation.  This  it  cannot  do 
to  the  extent  of  reproducing  the  purity  and  perfection 
of  the  Divine  Creator,  but  its  work  is  mixed  with  alien 
matter.  The  Moon  reproduces  the  splendour  of  the 
Sun,  but  in  a  dim  and  weak  form.  These  images  are 
representations  of  the  way  in  which  the  Pythia  re- 
produces for  the  service  of  mankind  the  thoughts  of 
God."  2  We  may  be  tempted,  while  reading  this 
explanation,  to  assert  that  Plutarch  wishes  to  maintain 
that  the  inspiration  of  the  Pythia  by  the  Deity  is 
direct.  But  these  illustrations  are  intended  only  to 
explain  why  the  Pythian  verses  are  not  divinely 
perfect.  They  come  through  a  human  soul,  which 
has  the  weakness  of  an  instrument,  and  is  prevented 
by  its  limitations  from  expressing  the  purity  and 
beauty  of  the  divine  thought.  The  manner  of  this 
inspiration  is  more  fully  discussed  in  the  following 
dialogue,  the  "  De  Defectu  Oraculorum." 

1  409  D.  *  40-i  C. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  149 

This  tract  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter  addressed  to 
Terentius  Prisons,  and  although  the  person  speaking 
as  "  I "  in  the  dialogue  is  alluded  to  as  "  Lamprias  "  l 

1  Lampriai.  The  writer  of  this  letter  to  "  Terentius  Priscus  "  Is 
addressed  by  the  name  of  "  Lamprias  "  in  the  course  of  the  dialogue 
(4115  E).  This  Terentius  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  by  Plutarch, 
but  one  may  venture  the  guess  that  he  was  one  of  the  friends  whom, 
as  in  the  case  of  Lucius  the  Etrurian,  and  Sylla  the  Carthaginian, 
Plutarch  had  met  at  Rome  (Sympoiiacs,  727  13).  Sylla  and  Lucius, 
whom  we  know  to  have  been  on  intimate  terms  with  Plutarch,  are 
interlocutors  in  the  dialogue  De  Fane  in  Orbe  Lunx,  and  one  of 
them  uses  the  same  form  of  address  to  the  writer  of  that  dialogue  as 
is  employed  by  Ammonius  in  this  passage  (940  F).  There  is  not  the 
faintest  doubt  as  to  the  genuineness  of  either  of  these  two  dialogues, 
and  it  is,  therefore,  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Plutarch,  desiring 
perhaps  to  pay  a  compliment  to  a  relative,  veils  his  own  personality 
in  this  way :  "  Omnium  familiarium  et  propinquorum  ante  ceteros 
omnes  Lampriam  fratrein,  et  ejusdem  nominis  avum  Lampriam,  eos 
imprimis  fuisse  qni  Plutarchi  amicitiam  memoriamque  obtinuerint, 
nobis  apparet  "  (De  Phitarchi  Famiiiaribus — CHENEVI^RE).  He  pays 
u  similar  compliment  to  his  friend  Theon,  who  sums  up  and  concludes 
the  argument  of  the  De  I'ythite  Oruculis.  (For  the  closeness  of 
Theon's  intimacy  with  Plutarch,  see  especially  Consolatio  ad  Uxorem, 
610  B,  and  Symposiacs,  725  F.)  Cf.  GREARD'S  La  Morale  de  Plutarque, 
p.  303  :  "  Plutarque  a  ses  proce'de's,  qu'on  arrive  a  connaitre.  D'ordi- 
naire  ils  consistent  a  accorder  successivement  la  parole  aux  de'fenseurs 
des  systemes  extremes  et  a  re'server  la  conclusion  au  principal  person  - 
nage  du  dialogue.  Or  ce  personnage  est  presque  toujours  celui  qui  a 
pose'  la  these ;  et  le  plus  souvent  il  se  trouve  avoir  avec  Plutarque  lui- 
memeun  lien  de  parente'."— Plutarch  delights  tosuch  an  extent  to  bring 
his  friends  into  his  works,  that  it  has  even  been  suggested  that  no  work 
is  authentic  without  this  distinguishing  mark.  Readers  of  Plutarch 
know  that  one  characteristic  of  his  style  is  the  avoidance  of  hiatus, 
and  that  he  puts  himself  to  all  kinds  of  trouble  to  secure  this  object. 
In  this  connexion,  Cheneviere  remarks  :  "  Mirum  nobis  visum  est 
quod,  ne  in  uno  quidem  librorurn  quos  hiatus  causa  G.  Benseler 
Plutarcho  abjudieavit,  nullius  amici  nornen  offenditur.  Scripta 
autem  qu*e  nullo  hiatu  fcedata  demonstrat,  vel  amico  cuidam  dicata. 
vel  nominibus  amicorum  sunt  distincta."  (The  work  by  Benseler 


ISO  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

by  the  other  speakers,  it  is  clearly  Plutarch  himself 
who  is  modestly  represented  under  this  guise.  After 
a  warning,  characteristic  of  Plutarch  both  as  regards 
its  purport  and  the  manner  in  which  it  is  conveyed 
(by  means  of  a  historical  reminiscence),  that  these 
questions  are  not  to  be  tested  "like  a  painting  by 
the  touch,"  the  writer  brings  a  party  of  philosophers 
together  at  Delphi  "  shortly  before  the  Pythian  games 
held  under  Callistratus."  Two  of  these  philosophers 
are  already  known  to  us.  Like  the  eagles  or  swans  of 
the  ancient  legend  they  had  met  at  Delphi  coming 
from  opposite  quarters  of  the  globe;1  Demetrius,  of 
Tarsus,  returning  home  from  Britain,  and  Cleombrotus, 
of  Lacedaemon,  from  prolonged  journey  ings  by  land 
and  sea,  in  Egypt  and  the  East.  Cleombrotus,  being 
possessed  of  a  competence,  employed  his  means  and 
his  leisure  in  travel,  for  the  purpose  of  accumulating 
evidence  to  form  the  basis  of  that  branch  of  philosophy 
whose  end  and  aim,  as  he  expressed  it,  was  Theology.2 
A  preliminary  discussion  takes  place  respecting  the 
"everlasting  lamp"  which  Cleombrotus  had  been  shown 

referred  to  is,  of  course,  his  De  Hialu  in  Oratoribus  Atticis  et  Ilittoricit 
Grxcis.') 

1  Plutarch  does  not,  of  course,  wish  to  convey  the  suggestion  tliat 
Apollo's  shrine  is  still  the  centre  of  the  earth,  and  that  Britain  is  as 
far  away  in  one  direction  as  the  "Red  8ea  is  in  another.  The  oracle's 
repulse  of  Epimenides,  who  wished  to  be  certain  on  the  point, 
indicates  that  the  question  is  one  surrounded  with  difficulty,  and  that 
the  wise  man  will  do  best  to  leave  it  alone.  Buuche-Leclerq  has  a 
startling  comment :  "  Plutarque  ajoute  que,  de  son  temps,  la  nit-sure  avail 
&€  verifitfe  par  deux  voyageurs  partit  l'un  tie  la  Grande  Bretagne  et 
I'autre  du  fond  de  la  mer  Itontji:"  (La  Divination,  iii.  p.  HO). 

•  410  A,  B.     Cf.  note,  p.  90. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  151 

in  the  Temple  of  Ammon,  a  discussion  involving  abstract 
consideration  of  Mathematics  and  Astronomy.  In 
this  conversation,  Plutarch's  three  favourite  characters, 
doubtlessly  representing  three  common  types  of  the 
day,  are  again  depicted  in  the  pious  belief  of  Cleom- 
brotus,  the  scepticism  of  Demetrius,  and  the  judicial 
pose  of  the  Academic  Ammonius.  The  mention  of 
the  Temple  of  Ammon  naturally  leads  Plutarch  to 
raise  the  question  of  the  present  silence  of  that  famous 
oracle.1  Demetrius  diverts  this  particular  topic  into  a 
general  inquiry  respecting  the  comparative  failure  of 
oracles  all  the  world  over.2  Bceotia,  for  example,  once 
so  renowned  in  this  respect,  suffers  from  an  almost 
total  drought  of  oracular  inspiration.  While  Demetrius 
is  speaking,  the  party — Demetrius,  Cleombrotus,  Am- 
monius, and  Plutarch — had  walked  from  the  shrine 

1  411  E. 

2  The  cessation  of  the  oracles  was  only  comparative.    WOLFF,  in  his 
De  Novissima  Oraculorum  ^SEtate,  examines  the  history  of  each  oracle 
separately,  and  comes  to  a  conclusion  that  the  oracles  were  not  silent 
even  in  the  age  of  Porphyry  (born  A.D.  232) :  "  Nondum  obmutuisse 
numina  fatidica  Porphyrii  tempore.     Vera  enim  ille  deorum  responsa 
censuit ;  quie  Christianis  opposuit,  ne  soli  doctrinam  divinitus  accepi^e 
viderentur."     Strabo  alludes  to  the  failure  of  the  oracle  at  Dodona, 
and  adds  that  the  rest  were   silent  too  (STRABO  :  vii.  6,  !)).     Cicero 
alludes  with  great  contempt  to  the  silence  of  the  Delphic  oracles  in 
his  own   times :    "  Sed,  quod  caput  ett,  cur  isto  modo  jam  oraculti 
Delphis  non  eduntur,  non   modo  nostrd   astute,  sed  jamdiu ;  ut   modo 
nihil  possit  esse  contemtius  ?    Hoc  loco  quum  urgentur  evanuisse  aiunt 
vetustate   vim   loci  ejus,  wide  anhelitus  ille  terrne,  fieret,  quo  Pythia, 
mente  inritata,  oracula  ederet.  .  .  .  Quando  autem  ista  vis  evanuit  1 
An  postquam  homines  minus  creduli  e$*e  cceperunt  "  (De  Div.,  ii.  57). 
When  Cicero  wrote    this  passage   he   had  probably  forgotten   the 
excellent  advice  which  the  oracle  had  once  given  him  when  he  went 
to  Delphi  to  consult  it  (PLUT.  :  Cicero,  cap.  5). 


152  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

towards  the  "  doors  of  the  Hall  of  the  Cnidians,1  and," 
proceeds  Plutarch,  "  entering  therein  we  came  upon  our 
friends  sitting  down  and  waiting  for  us."  Demetrius 
playfully  suggests  that  their  listless  attitude  and  idle 
expression  do  not  indicate  attention  to  any  important 
subject  of  discussion ;  but  Heracleon  of  Megara  retorts 
sharply  upon  the  grammarian  that  people  who  try 
to  solve  trifling  questions  of  grammar  and  philology 
naturally  contract  their  brows  and  contort  their 
features ; 2  but  there  are  subjects  of  importance  which 
people  discuss  with  their  eyebrows  composed  in  their 
natural  way.  "Such,"  amiably  replies  Cleombrotus, 
"  such  is  the  subject  we  now  propose  to  discuss ; "  and, 
the  two  groups  having  joined  company,  he  proceeds  to 
explain  the  topic  to  his  hearers.  His  observations 
excite  the  cynic  Didymus,  surnamed  Planetiades,  in  a 


1  412  D. 

2  Some  of  these  points  of  grammar  which  attracted  the  scorn 
of  Heracleon  were  whether  pd\\w  loses  a  A.  iii  the  future;    and 
what  were  the  positives  from  which  the  comparatives  x€'P<"'  and 
f}f\nov,  and   the  superlatives  ^tlpta-rov  and  &f\-riffTov  were  formed 
(412  E). — "  Quelques  ann&s  apres  les  guerres  me'diquei,  le  pinceau  de 
Polygnote  couvrit  la  Le*che~  dcs  Onidiens  a  Delphes  de  scenes  emprunt&s 
au  monde  infernal."  (Bouche'-Leclerq  :  iii.  158.) — It  would  have  been 
more  interesting  to  a  modern  student  if  Heracleon  had  replied  that 
the  pictures  of  Polygnotus  were  quite  sufficient  to  keep  one  mentally 
alert,  and  had  seized  the  opportunity  to  give  us  an  exact  description 
of  the  scenes  depicted  and  the  meaning  they  conveyed  to  the  men  of 
his  time.     "  '  Not  all  the  treasures,'  as  Homer  has   it,  '  which  the 
stone  threshold  of  the  Far-darter  holds  safe  within,  would  now,'  BS 
Mr.  Myers  says,  '  be  so  precious  to  us  as  the  power  of  looking  for  one 
hour  on  the  greatest  work  by  the  greatest  painter  of  antiquity,  the 
picture  by  Polygnotus  in  the  Hall  of  the  Cnidiane  at  Delphi,  of  the 
descent  of  Odysseus  among  the  dead.'  " 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  153 

remarkable  manner.1  Striking  his  cynic's  staff  upon 
the  ground,  he  inveighs  against  the  wickedness  of  the 
times,  and  wonders  that  the  Divine  Providence  has 
not  gathered  up  its  oracles  on  every  side  and  taken  its 
departure  long  ago,  like  the  Aidos  and  Nemesis  of 
Hesiod.  "I  would  suggest  for  your  discussion  the 
question  why  some  god  'has  not  repeated  the  feat  of 
Hercules  and  shattered  the  tripod,  filled  to  overflowing, 
as  it  has  been,  with  disgraceful  and  atheistical  requests. 
Some  of  us  have  questioned  the  god  as  if  he  were  a 
sophist,  anxious  to  show  off  his  rhetorical  skill.  Some 
of  us  have  appealed  to  him  about  riches  and  treasures ; 
some  about  legacies;  some  about  unlawful  marriages. 
Surely  Pythagoras  .was  utterly  wrong  when  he  said 
that  men  were  at  their  best  when  approaching  the 
gods.  Do  we  not  expose,  naked  and  unashamed, 
to  the  eyes  of  the  god  such  vices  and  diseases  of 
the  soul  as  we  should  shun  mentioning  even  in  the 
presence  of  an  old  and  experienced  man  ? "  2  He  was 

1  Didymus,  "  surnamed  Planetiades,"  is  a  picturesque  figure,  evi- 
dently drawn  from  life.  It  is  interesting  to  compare  his  attitude  with 
that  imposed  upon  the  ideal  cynic  of  Epictetus  :  "  It  is  his  duty  then 
to  be  able  with  a  loud  voice,  if  the  occasion  should  arise,  and  appear- 
ing on  the  tragic  stage  to  say,  like  Socrates,  '  Men,  whither  are  you 
hurrying  ?  what  are  you  doing,  wretches  ?  Like  blind  people  you  are 
wandering  up  and  down  :  you  are  going  by  another  road,  and  have 
left  the  itrue  road :  you  seek  for  prosperity  and  happiness  where  they 
are  not,  and  if  another  shows  you  where  they  are  you  do  not  believe 
him '"  (LONG'S  Epictetus,  p.  251).  Plauetiades  certainly  endeavours 
to  play  this  role  on  the  occasion  in  question,  though  he  is  doubtless  as 
far  below  the  stoic  ideal  as  he  is  above  the  soi-disant  cynics  whom 
Dion  met  at  Alexandria. 

•  Cf.  BLOUNT:  Apollonius  of  Tyami.  p.  37.  Blount  collects  a 
number  of  ancient  and  modern  parallels  to  the  thought  of  Plutarch 


154  THE  RELIGION   OF  PLUTARCH. 

going  to  add  more,  when  Heracleon  twitched  his  cloak, 
"but  I,"  writes  Plutarch,  "being  on  more  familiar 
terms  with  him  than  were  the  others,  said  to  him,  '  My 
dear  Planetiades,  cease  your  efforts  to  provoke  a  god 
who  is  really  amiable  and  gentle,  and  who  has  been, 
as  Pindar  says, 

"  Adjudged  exceeding  mild  to  mortal  men." 

And  whether  he  is  the  sun,  or  lord  and  father  of  the 
sun  and  of  the  whole  perceptible  world,  it  is  not  right 
to  believe  that  he  would  deprive  the  men  of  to-day  of 
the  help  of  his  utterances,  for  he  is  the  author  and 
supporter  of  our  life,  and  the  master  of  our  intelli- 
gence. Nor  is  it  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Providence, 
which,  like  a  kind  and  tender  mother,  has  given  us  all 
that  we  possess,  should  wish  to  punish  us  in  one  single 
point  alone — by  taking  away  from  us  that  prophetic 
aid  which  was  once  given  to  us.  Just  as  if  the  wicked 
were  not  as  numerous  when  the  oracles  were  firmly 
established  in  many  parts  of  the  earth !  Sit  down 
again,  and,  in  honour  of  the  Pythian  games,  make  a 
truce  for  once  with  vice,  which  you  are  always  eager  to 
chastise,  and  help  us  to  find  out  the  cause  of  the  failure 
of  the  oracles.'  The  only  result  of  my  remarks  was 
that  Planetiades  went  out-of-doors  in  silence.1  After 
a  brief  silence,  Ammonius  turned  to  me  and  said, 
'  Come,  Lamprias,  we  must  be  careful  not  to  deprive 
the  god  of  all  agency  in  this  matter.  For  if  we 

here.    HORACE,  Ejn*t.  i.  16.  59,  readily  occurs  to  the  memory.    (For 
the  Tindaric  fragment,  see  W.  Christ,  p.  '22.").) 
1  418  D. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  155 

maintain  that  the  cessation  of  the  oracles  is  due  to  any 
other  cause  than  the  will  of  God,  we  can  hardly  escape 
the  conclusion  that  their  foundation  also  was  not  His 
work.  If  the  prophetic  power  of  the  oracles  is,  indeed, 
the  work  of  God,  we  can  imagine  no  greater  or  stronger 
power  than  that  required  to  destroy  it.  Planetiades' 
remarks  were  displeasing  to  me,  particularly  on  account 
of  the  inconstancy  which  he  attributes  to  God  in  His 
attitude  towards  men's  wickedness,  now  punishing  and 
now  protecting  it,  as  if  God  were  some  king  or  tyrant 
excluding  vicious  men  at  one  door  while  welcoming 
and  rewarding  them  at  another.  We  ought  to  start 
with  the  principle  that  God's  action  is  always  marked 
by  an  adaptation  of  means  to  ends,  that  He  does  not 
furnish  an  excess  of  what  is  not  required,  and  should 
then  observe  that  Greece  has  shared  in  a  particular 
degree  that  general  depopulation  which  wars  and  revo- 
lutions have  effected  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  to  such 
an  extent,  indeed,  that  the  whole  of  Greece  could  now 
barely  furnish  the  3000  hoplites  which  were  Megara's 
contingent  to  Platiea.1  If  we  were  to  do  this  we  should 
accurately  display  our  own  judgment;  for  how  could 
the  god  leave  his  oracles  with  us  for  the  mere  purpose 
of  marking  the  desolation  of  our  land  ?  For  who  would 
be  the  better  if  its  ancient  oracle  were  still  left  to 
Tegyra,  or  at  Ptoum,  where  after  searching  whole  days 
you  can  hardly  find  a  single  herdsman  tending  his 

1  "  Plutarch  docs  not  mean  to  say  that  Greece  was  not  able  at  all 
to  furnish  3000  men  capable  of  arms,  but  that  if  burgess  armies  of 
the  old  sort  were  to  be  formed  they  would  not  be  in  a  position  to  set 
on  foot  :3000  •  hoplites.' " — MOMMSEX. 


i $6  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

cattle  ?  Even  this  most  ancient  and  famous  oracle  at 
Delphi  is  related  to  have  been  for  a  long  period  reduced 
to  a  state  of  desolation  and  inaccessibility  by  a  terrible 
monster  in  the  shape  of  a  serpent.  But  this  desolation 
is  not  rightly  explained.  The  solitude  brought  the 
serpent,  not  the  serpent  the  solitude.  But  when,  in 
the  great  purpose  of  God,  Greece  again  grew  strong  in 
its  cities,  and  the  land  was  replenished  with  mankind, 
the  temple  was  served  by  two  priestesses,  who  took 
alternate  duties  on  the  tripod,  and  a  third  was  appointed 
to  be  available  in  case  of  emergency.  But  now  there 
is  but  one  Pythia ;  and  her  we  find  enough  for  all  our 
needs.  For  the  prophetic  inspiration  that  yet  remains 
is  sufficient  to  send  all  comers  away  with  their  require- 
ments satisfied.  Agamemnon  employed  nine  heralds  ; 
and  even  so  he  was  hard  put  to  it  to  control  the 
assembly  of  the  Greeks,  so  numerous  it  was.  But 
within  a  few  days  you  will  have  an  opportunity  of 
observing  that  one  voice  will  easily  reach  the  ears  of 
everybody  in  the  Theatre  here.  In  a  similar  manner 
the  prophetic  influence  of  the  god  issued  by  a  greater 
number  of  voices  when  the  population  was  greater. 
But  as  things  at  present  are,  the  real  cause  for  astonish- 
ment would  be  that  the  god  should  allow  the  prophetic 
agency  to  waste  like  water,  or  his  voice  to  sound  in 
vain  like  the  cries  of  shepherds  and  sheep  re-echoing 
among  the  rocky  solitudes.' *  Ammonius  ceased,  and  I 
remained  silent.  But  Cleombrotus,  turning  to  me, 
said :  '  Was  it  not  you  who,  just  now,  maintained  that 

1  414  c. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  157 

it  is  the  god  himself  who  not  only  gives,  but  also  takes 
away  the  oracles  ? '  '  No,  indeed/  replied  I,  '  on  the 
contrary,  I  assert  that  the  god  has  taken  away  neither 
oracle  nor  sacred  shrine.  But  just  as  the  god  bestows 
upon  us  many  other  things  which  are  subject  to  decay 
and  destruction  by  natural  processes — or,  rather,  the 
original  substance,  containing  a  principle  of  change  and 
movement  in  its  own  nature,  often  dissolves  itself  and 
reshapes  itself  without  the  intervention  of  the  original 
creator — so  in  like  manner,  I  think,  the  oracles  undergo 
darkenings  and  declines,  being  included  in  the  truth  of 
the  statement  that  the  god  bestows  many  fair  gifts  on 
men,  but  not  one  of  them  to  last  for  ever;  or,  as 
Sophocles  has  it,  "  the  gods  immortal  are,  but  not  their 
works."  ' " — "  The  foundation  of  oracles  is  rightly 
assigned  to  God,"  continues  Plutarch,  "but  the  law 
of  their  existence  and  its  operation  we  must  seek  for  in 
nature  and  in  matter.  For  it  is  nothing  but  the  most 
childish  folly  to  look  upon  God  as  a  sort  of  ventrilo- 
quist: like  the  fellows  once  called  Euryuleis  and 
nowadays  Pythons,  inserting  Himself  into  the  bodies 
of  the  prophets,  using  their  mouths  and  vocal  chords 
as  instruments  of  His  messages.  For  he  who  puts  God 
into  this  personal  contact  with  human  weaknesses  and 
necessities,  sins  against  His  glory,  and  deprives  Him 
of,  the  excellence  and  grandeur  of  His  Virtue."  This 
strong  insistence  upon  the  splendour  of  the  Divine 
Nature  is,  as  we  know,  one  of  the  most  characteristic 
elements  of  Plutarch's  philosophy,  and,  so  long  as  he 
can  preserve  this  intact,  he  is  not  careful  of  consistency 
in  his  arguments  on  less  important  points  of  doctrine. 


158  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

We  have  seen  him  shrinking  in  conversation  from  too 
close  an  identification  with  Rationalism;  and  we  are 
also  prepared  to  find  him  giving  importance  to  a  view 
which  introduces  a  supernatural  element  even  into  the 
operation  of  secondary  causes.  Hence  Cleombrotus  is 
represented  as  saying  how  difficult  it  is  to  draw  the 
line  exactly  at  the  direct  interposition  of  Providence  in 
human  affairs;  since  those  who  exclude  G-od  from 
second  causes,  and  those  who  see  Him  everywhere,  are 
equally  in  error.  Hence  the  pious  student  of  Theology 
is  permitted  to  give  a  full  exposition  of  the  doctrines 
of  Daemonology  as  applied  to  the  question  of  Oracles 
and  Inspiration.  "  Plato  delivered  Philosophy  from 
many  difficulties  when  he  discovered  Matter  as  the 
substratum  of  phenomenal  qualities  ;  but  those  who 
invented  the  science  of  Dsemonology  have  solved 
greater  difficulties  still."  We  are  already  familiar  with 
the  nature  and  activities  of  the  Daemons  ;  it  remains  to 
see  how  their  existence  is  applied  to  the  question  under 
discussion.  "  Let  us  not  listen,"  says  Cleombrotus,  "  to 
those  who  say  that  oracles  are  not  divinely  inspired, 
or  that  religious  rites  and  ceremonies  are  disregarded 
by  the  gods  :  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  let  us  approve  of 
the  view  that  God  is  actively,  personally,  and  directly 
concerned  in  these  matters  ;  but  let  us  believe  that  the 
Daemons  are  superintendents  of,  and  participators  in, 
the  sacred  sacrifices  and  mysteries,  justly  assigning 
these  functions  to  Lieutenants  of  the  gods,  as  it  were  to 
Servants  and  Secretaries,  while  others  go  about  and 
punish  great  and  notorious  acts  of  injustice."1  This 

1  417  A,  B.     Cf.  De  Facie  in  Orbe  Luna,  944  C,  D. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  159 

belief,  in  the  opinion  of  Cleombrotus,  furnishes  an  ex- 
planation of  the  silent  periods  of  the  oracles.     "  I  am 
not  afraid  to  say,  as  many  others  have  said  before  me, 
that  when  the  Demons  who  have  been  appointed  to 
administer  prophetic  shrines  and  oracles  leave  them 
finally,  then  the  shrines  and  oracles  finally  decline.     If 
these  guardians   flee   and  go    elsewhither,   and   then 
return  after  a  long  interval,  the  oracles,  silent  during 
their  absence,  become  again,  as  of  old,  the  means  of 
conveying  responses   to   those  who    come  to    consult 
them."     "  But,"  says  Demetrius,  "  it  is  impossible  to 
assert  that  the  oracles  are  silent  owing  to  their  desertion 
by  the  Daemons,  unless  we  are  first  reassured  respect- 
ing the  method  by  which  the  Daemons,  when  in  actual 
superintendence  of  the    oracles,   make  them  actively 
inspired."1     Plutarch  here  introduces   a  rationalistic 
argument    imputing    prophetic    inspiration     to    sub- 
terrestrial  exhalations,  and  draws  down  upon  himself 
the  reproof  from  Ammonius  that  he  has  followed  up 
the  abstraction  of  Divination  from  the  gods  by  now 
depriving  the  Daemons  of  that  power  and  referring  it  to 
"  exhalations,  winds,  and  vapours."    Plutarch,  however, 
though  adhering  to  Rationalism  to  the  extent  of  insisting 
on  the  operation  of  secondary  causes,  saves  his  piety  by 
explicitly  placing  them  under  the  superintendence  of 
the  Daemons.     "  There  are  two  causes  of  generation  : 
the  Zeus  of  the  ancient  poets  and  theologians,  and  the 
physical    causes    of    the    natural    philosophers.     The 
study  of  either  of  these  sets  of  causes,  to  the  exclusion 

1  431  B. 


160  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  the  other,  leads  to  defective  philosophy.  But  he 
who  first  made  use  of  both  these  principles,  combining 
creative  Eeason  with  created  Matter,  freed  us  from  fear 
of  criticism  either  on  the  ground  of  impiety  or  unreason. 
For  we  deprive  prophetic  inspiration  neither  of  God 
nor  of  Eeason  when  we  allow  as  its  material  the  human 
soul,  and  assign  as  its  instrument  the  inspiring  exhala- 
tion.1 The  Earth,  indeed,  breeds  these  exhalations,  but 
he  that  implants  in  the  earth  its  tempering  and  trans- 
forming power — I  mean  the  Sun — is  regarded  as  a  god  in 
our  ancestral  religion.  Then,  if  we  leave  the  Daemons 
as  presidents  and  attendants  and  guardians,  to  secure 
the  due  harmonizing  of  the  various  elements  of  the 
inspiring  exhalation,  now  slackening  and  now  tighten- 
ing it,  now  restraining  its  excessive  power  of  phrensy 
and  confusion,  and  gently  tempering  its  stimulating 
force  so  that  it  becomes  harmless  and  painless  to 
those  under  its  influence — if  we  adopt  these  views, 
we  shall  be  in  perfect  harmony  with  reason  and 
possibility."  2 

The  one  thing  that  is  conspicuously  evident  through- 
out these  discussions  on  important  questions  of  Eeligion 
is  the  earnest  sincerity  with  which  they  are  universally 
approached.  We  notice  everywhere  that  combination 
of  piety  with  philosophy,  which  is  characteristic  of 
Plutarch's  own  genius,  and  which  appears  to  be  no  less 
characteristic  of  the  society  in  which  he  constantly 
moves.  Even  the  Epicurean  Boethus,  an  excellent  man 
with  his  witty  stories  and  courtly  compliments,  finds  it 

1  436  F.  *  437  F. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  161 

somehow  in  his  power  to  defend  the  dignity  of  the 
prophetic  God  against  those  who  would  "  mix  Him  up 
with  every  piece  of  stone  or  brass,"  while  those  who  are 
most  solicitously  inclined  to  a  pious  reverence  of  the 
ancient  faith — Serapion  for  a  prominent  example — 
never  for  long  forget  that  spirit  of  critical  detachment 
proper  to  the  inquiring  philosopher.1  "  There  is  no  one 
here  present,"  says  Heracleon,  "  who  is  profane  and 
uninitiated,  and  holds  views  of  the  gods  inconsistent 
with  our  own  ;  but  we  must  take  care  that  we  ourselves 
do  not  unconsciously  admit  absurd  and  far-reaching 
hypotheses  in  support  of  our  arguments."  2  But  it  is 
Plutarch  himself  who,  shunning  the  "  falsehood  of 
extremes,"  most  conspicuously  represents  this  spirit  of 
compromise.  It  is  Theon-Plutarch  who  finds  a  middle 
way  between  the  views  of  Boethus  and  those  of  Serapion 
on  the  subject  of  prophecy,  and  it  is  Lamprias-Plutarch 
who,  knowing  that  these  things  involve  many  conten- 
tions and  are  open  to  numerous  contradictions,  combines 
the  belief  in  an  original  divine  inspiration,  with  a 
recognition  of  the  scientific  importance  of  subsidiary 
causes,  moving  unchecked  in  the  sphere  of  Nature. 
"  The  power  of  the  exhalation  which  inspires  the 
Pythia  is  in  truth  divine  and  dzemonic,  but  it  is  not 
exempt  from  the  operation  of  causes  that  bring  silence, 
age,  decay  and  destruction  on  all  that  lives  between 
the  earth  and  moon." 3  Plutarch  here  strikes  with 
clear  emphasis  a  note  not  out  of  harmony  with  the 

1  De  Pythias  Orac.,  398  15. 
-  De  Dcfi-ctu  Orac.,  418  E. 
3  Do  Defedu  Orac.,  438  D. 

M 


1 62  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

spirit  of  modern  Theology  ;  and  had  he  pushed  this 
view  to  its  logical  conclusion,  as  the  Epicurean  Boethus l 
did,  the  Daemons  would  have  disappeared,  and  their 
places  would  have  been  wholly  occupied  by  natural 
causes  operating  under  the  Divine  impetus  inspired  by 
the  great  First  Cause.  But  the  necessity  for  a  per- 
sonality, human  on  one  aspect,  Divine  on  the  other,  to 
stand  between  God  and  man,  was  too  strongly  felt  by 
Plutarch  to  enable  him  to  accept  without  qualification 
the  conclusions  of  pure  rationalism.  The  blank  between 
the  Creator  and  His  creatures  is  occupied,  therefore, 
partly  by  natural  causes,  partly  by  the  Daemons,  whose 
existence  and  mode  of  operation  are  now  involved  in 
the  working  of  natural  causes  regarded  as  under  their 
superintendence,  and  now  appear  as  supernatural 
agencies  vaguely  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the 
Supreme  Power. 

1  Plutarch,  in  reply  to  Boethus  the  Epicurean,  uses  an  interesting 
example  to  illustrate  the  two  opposite  views  maintained  on  this  point. 
"  Even  you  yourself  here  are  beneficially  influenced,  it  would  seem, 
by  what  Epicurus  wrote  and  spoke  three  centuries  ago ;  and  yet  you 
are  of  opinion  that  God  could  not  supply  a  Principle  of  Motion  or  a 
Cause  of  Feeling,  unless  He  took  and  shut  Himself  up  in  each  indi- 
vidual thing  and  became  an  intermingled  portion  of  its  essence" 
(398  B,  C). 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Sincerity  of  Plutarch's  belief  in  Daemons — Function  of  the  Daemons 
as  Mediators  not  confined  to  oracular  inspiration — Daemons  in 
their  personal  relationship  with  the  human  soul — The  DE 
DAEMONIC  SOCRATIS — TJiis  tract  not  a  formal  treatise  on 
Dxmonology —  Various  explanations  of  the  Socratic  "  Dxmon  " 
— Ethical  value  of  the  conception  of  Dsemons  as  spiritual 
guardians  of  individual  men — "  Men  may  rise  on  stepping- 
stones  of  their  dead  selves  to  higher  things  " — Dangers  of  the 
conception — Superstition  :  Plutarch's  general  attitude  towards 
that  Vice. 

THE  evident  sincerity  of  Plutarch's  piety  —  his 
attitude  of  more  than  toleration  towards  every- 
thing consecrated  by  the  religious  tradition  of  his  age 
and  country — render  it  impossible  for  us  to  regard  his 
system  of  Daemonology  as  a  mere  concession  made  by 
Eationalism  to  Superstition.1  But  it  is  not  the  less  clear 

1  "As  to  Plutarch's  theology,  he  was  certainly  a  monotheist.  He 
probably  had  some  vague  belief  in  inferior  deities  (demons  he  would 
have  called  them)  as  holding  a  place  like  tliat  filled  by  angels  and 
evil  spirits  in  the  creed  of  most  Christians ;  yet  it  is  entirely  conceivable 
tfiat  his  occasional  references  to  these  deities  are  due  merely  to  the  con- 
ventional rhetoric  of  his  age  "  (ANDKEW  P.  PEABODY  :  Introduction  to 
a  translation — already  referred  to — of  the  De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta). 
It  is  a  little  difficult  to  be  patient  with  the  ignorance  displayed  in  the 
italicized  part  of  this  citation.  That  Plutarch's  "  references  to  these 
deities"  are  not  "occasional"  is  a  matter  of  fact;  that  they  are  not 
"  due  merely  to  conventional  rhetoric  "  it  in  hoped  that  the  analysis  in 


1 64  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

that  Plutarch  thinks  he  has  found  in  the  existence  of 
Daemons  not  only  a  means  of  communication  between 
God  and  man,  but  a  means  of  reconciliation  between 
Philosophy  and  Piety,  between  Boethus  and  Serapion. 
It  is  a  very  happy  circumstance  for  a  man's  moral 
progress  when  he  finds  Eeligion  and  Keason  in  an 
agreement  so  plausible ;  and  when  Reason  has  in  some 
way  furnished  the  very  means  of  agreement — for  was 
it  not  Plato  himself  to  whom  most  people  had  gone  for 
their  Dsemonology  ? — the  resulting  tendency  will  have 
the  strength  of  two  harmonizing  influences,  instead  of 
the  halting  weakness  of  a  compromise  between  two 
mutually  conflicting  elements.1  Plato's  Dsemonology 
is  a  trick  of  fence  :  an  ironical  pose  of  sympathetic 

the  text — incomplete  as  it  may  be  in  other  respects — has  at|  least 
made  sufficiently  clear.  It  is,  however,  gratifying  to  find  that  this 
American  translator,  unlike  Dr.  Super,  of  Chicago,  recognizes  that 
I'lutitrch  "  was  certainly  a  monotheist." 

1  Plutarch  found  the  existence  of  the  Dnemons  recognized  in  each 
of  the  three  spheres  which  contributed  to  the  formation  of  religious 
beliefs — in  philosophy,  in  popular  tradition,  and  in  law.  STOB.SUS  : 
Tit.  44, 20  ("  On  Laws  and  Custom*  " — Tauchnitz  edition  of  18:58,  vol.  ii. 
p.  164)  has  an  interesting  quotation,  headed  "Preamble  of  tie  Law*  of 
Zaleucu*"  in  which  the  following  passage  occurs : — "  If  an  Evil  Dremon 
come  to  any  man,  tempting  him  to  Vice,  let  him  spend  his  time  near 
temples,  and  altars,  and  sacred  shrines,  fleeing  from  Vice  as  from  an 
impious  and  cruel  mistress,  and  let  him  pray  the  gods  to  deliver  him 
from  her  power."  Zaleucus  may,  of  course,  have  been  embodying  the 
teaching  of  his  Pythagorean  colleagues,  but  the  fact  remains  that  the 
belief  in  the  influence  of  Daemons  on  human  life  received  the  authority 
of  a  celebrated  system  of  law,  unless  we  are  to  be  more  incredulous 
than  Cicero  himself—  Qui*  Zalcncvm  leges  xcripsitsse  non  dixitf  (Ad 
Atticum,  vi.  1). — ("His  code  is  stated  to  have  been  the  first  collec- 
tion of  written  laws  that  the  (J  reeks  possessed." — Smaller  Classical 
Dictionary,  Smith  and  Marindin,  1898.) 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  165 

agreement  with  popular  ideas :  but  Plutarch  does  not 
see  this,  and  can  honestly  think  himself  a  Flatonist, 
a  philosopher,  even  on  a  question   whose  settlement 
demands  philosophical  concessions  all  along  the  line. 
It  is  true  that  there  was  one  gain  for  Philosophy  which, 
in  Plutarch's  mind,  would  compensate  for  even  greater 
sacrifices  than  it  was  actually  called  upon  to  make: 
the  gain,  namely,  that  each  concession  to  the  belief  in 
Dsemons  would  bring  into  greater  prominence  the  pure 
splendour  and  naked  simplicity  of  the  idea  of  God.     As 
God  was  withdrawn  not  only  from  participation  in  the 
ignoble  adventures  of  the  Homeric  legends,  but  also 
from  the  direct  inspiration  of  oracular  and  prophetic 
phrensy,  His  character  would  become  more  worthy  of 
the  adoration  of  the  Best,  while  His  omnipotence  would 
be    maintained   by  virtue   of    the   controlling   power 
exercised  by  Him  over  all  subordinate  powers.     The 
gain  for  a  philosophic  conception  of  the  Deity  was  so 
great  in  this  direction,  that  wre  are  without  surprise  in 
seeing  Plutarch  proceed  still  further  on  the  same  path. 
The   Daemons  by  their  divine  alloy  come  into   close 
contact  with  the  nature  of  God :  they  perform  many 
functions  as  interpreters  of  the  Divine  Will  to  humanity. 
But  by  virtue  of  the  human  element  in  their  character, 
they  are  fitted  for  assuming  a  personal  relationship 
with  individual  men,  and  for  becoming  the  instruments 
by  means  of  which  God  enters  into  those  ethical  rela- 
tions with  humanity  which  we  have  seen  described  in 
the  "  De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta."     The  hint  for  this 
aspect  of  their  work  and  influence  Plutarch  has  found 
in  the  Hesiodic  people  of  the  golden  age,  whose  death 


166  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

promoted  them  to  the  duty  of  keeping  watch  over  the 
actions  of  men.  We  have  seen  him  already  develop 
this  hint  in  an  assertion  that  the  Daemons,  in  addition 
to  attending  on  shrines  and  religious  ceremonies,  are 
endowed  with  punitive  authority  over  great  sinners  ; 
and  the  ethical  value  of  the  doctrine  is  enforced  in  a 
passage  in  which  the  love  of  justice,  the  fear  of  dis- 
honour, the  adoration  of  virtue,  the  amenities  and  graces 
of  civilized  life,  are  intimately  associated  with  the 
belief  that  good  deities  and  Daemons  keep  a  watch  upon 
our  career.1  This  belief  in  an  intimate  personal  relation 
between  men  and  Daemons  received  its  most  notorious 
expression  in  the  famous  philosophic  tradition  of  the 
Daemon  of  Socrates,  and  it  is  naturally  in  a  tract  with 
this  title  that  we  have  the  fullest  information  respecting 
Plutarch's  view  of  the  personal  connexion  between 
Daemons  and  men.  The  essay,  "  On  the  Daemon  of 
Socrates,"  does  not,  however,  contain  an  exhaustive 
and  scientific  discussion  of  this  interesting  aspect  of 
Theology  similar  to  that  given  by  Apuleius  in  his  tract 
with  the  same  designation.  At  first  we  find  ourselves 
plunged  into  the  midst  of  a  most  dramatically  told  piece 
of  history — the  famous  Eeturn  of  the  Theban  Exiles 
under  Pelopidas  after  the  treacherous  seizure  of  the 
Cadmea  by  the  Spartans.  In  the  pauses  of  the  plot  the 
Thebans — averse  from  such  studies  as  their  character 

1  Adverm*  Coloten,  1124  D.  The  religious  value  of  the  belief  in 
Dsernonology  is  indicated  in  an  interesting  passage  in  the  "De  I*ide  et 
Outride,"  in  which  Isis,  by  her  sufferings,  is  described  as  "  having 
given  a  sacred  lesson  of  consolation  to  men  and  women  involved  in 
similar  sorrows."  361  E.  (In  the  next  sentence  she  and  Osiris  are 
raised  from  the  daemonic  rank  to  the  divine.) 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  167 

is  supposed  to  have  been — discourse  on  these  high 
questions  of  religious  philosophy,  and  one  would  almost 
guess  that  Plutarch's  subsidiary  intention  was  to  in- 
dicate, by  the  broken  character  of  the  discussion,  the 
difficulty  of  attaining  to  a  complete  and  final  view  of 
the  subject.  Various  rational  and  supernatural  ex- 
planations of  the  well-known  Socratic  expression  are 
suggested,  explanations  which  vary  in  harmony  with 
the  different  types  of  character,  or  mental  attitude, 
already  familiar  in  Plutarch.  Galaxidorus  takes  the 
extreme  rationalistic  view.  He  rebukes  Philosophy  for 
promising  to  pursue  scientific  methods  in  the  investiga- 
tion of  "  the  Good  and  the  Expedient,"  and  then,  in 
contempt  of  Eeason,  falling  back  upon  the  gods  as 
principles  of  action,  thus  relying  on  dreams  instead  of 
demonstrations.1  He  thinks  the  Dnemon  of  Socrates 
was  nothing  but  the  "  last  straw  "  which  inclines,  in 
one  direction  or  the  other,  a  man  whose  close  and  ex- 
perienced study  of  every  aspect  of  the  case  has  not 
enabled  him  to  come  to  a  practical  decision.  A  sneeze 
might  be  the  grain  which  turned  the  balance.  Phidolaus 
will  not  allow  so  "great  a  phenomenon  of  prophetic 
inspiration"  to  be  explained  by  a  sneeze,  a  method 
of  divination  which  "  is  only  jestingly  used  by  common 
people  in  small  matters."  2  A  statement  of  Simmias  to 
the  effect  that  he  had  heard  Socrates  often  inveighing 
against  those  who  asserted  they  had  seen  a  divine  vision, 

1  Accepting  Bernardakis'  first  emendation — els  dtovs   firavatytpfi 
Tas  rlav  icpd^euiv  apx&s.      580  A. 

2  581  F. — Phidolaus  would  not  have  been  at  home  among  Xeno- 
phou's  troops  (Anabasis,  iii.  2,  9). 


1 68  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

while  he  always  listened  sympathetically  to  those  who 
said  they  had  heard  a  voice,  leads  to  a  general  surmise 
that  the  Daemon  may  have  been  "  not  an  apparition, 
but  the  perception  of  a  voice  or  the  interpretation  of  a 
word,  which  had  occurred  to  him  under  extraordinary 
circumstances,  just  as  in  a  dream  there  is  no  actual 
voice,  but  we  have  fancies  and  notions  of  words,  and 
imagine  that  we  can  hear  people  speaking."  l  Archi- 
damas,  who  is  narrating  the  dialogue  and  its  events  to 
Caphisias,  here  expounds  his  own  views  on  the  subject 
in  the  light  of  the  foregoing  explanation.  He  thinks 
that  the  voice,  or  the  perception  of  a  voice,  which 
influenced  Socrates,  was  the  speech  of  a  Daemon,  who, 
without  the  intermediation  of  audible  sound,  made  this 
direct  appeal  to  the  mind  of  the  pure  and  passionless 
sage ; 2  it  was  the  influence  of  a  superior  intelligence 
and  of  a  diviner  soul,  operating  upon  the  soul  of  Socrates, 
whose  calm  and  holy  temper  fitted  him  "  to  hear  this 
spiritual  speech  which,  though  filling  all  the  air  around, 
is  only  heard  by  those  whose  souls  are  freed  from 
passion,  and  its  perturbing  influence."  3  Here  we  have 
the  extreme  religious  view  placed,  as  usual,  in  contrast 
with  the  sceptical  rationalism  of  Galaxidorus,  which 
has  also  been  indirectly  opposed  by  a  narrative  of  the 
events,  involving  the  hearing  of  a  Daemonic  voice,  con- 
nected with  the  death  and  burial  of  a  Pythagorean 
philosopher,  Lysis,  from  which  it  appears  that  the 
Pythagoreans  believed  that  a  few  men  only  were  under 


588  C,  D.  -  588  E. 

3  589  D. 


THE  RELIGION   OF  PLUTARCH.  169 

the  guardian  care  of  the  Daemons.1  These  two  opposing 
views  having  been  fully  expounded  by  their  respective 
defenders,  we  should  now  expect  the  dialogue  to  be 
concluded,  in  the  usual  manner  of  Plutarch,  with  a 
compromise  between  the  rationalistic  and  the  religious 
attitudes.  But  on  this  occasion  we  are  disappointed. 
Plutarch  abandons  the  role,  of  rationalist  and  gives  him- 
self up  entirely  to  the  view  of  Daemonic  influence 
expounded  by  Archidamas,  taking  Myth  for  his  guide 
again  whither  Philosophy  refuses  to  go.  He  is  careful, 
howrever,  as  in  the  parallel  case  in  the  "  De  Sera  Numinis 
Vindicta,"  at  once  to  still  the  suspicion  of  the  philosopher 
and  to  put  the  pious  reader  on  his  guard,  by  suggesting 
a  contrast  between  Myth  and  Reason  before  entering  on 
the  narrative,  a  warning  which  is  strongly  emphasized 
by  the  fact  that  even  Theocritus,  "  the  Soothsayer,"  can 
only  claim  for  Myth,  that  it  is  not  to  be  depended  upon 
for  scientific  accuracy,  but  only  sometimes  comes  in 
contact  with  Truth.2  The  Myth  in  this  case  describes 
the  experiences  in  the  Cave  of  Troplionius  of  the  young 
philosopher  Timarchus,  a  friend  of  Socrates,  who  desired 
to  ascertain  the  true  nature  of  the  "  Daemon  "  of  that 
great  man.  The  story  is  told  with  considerable  beauty 
of  imagery,  an  example  of  Plutarch's  skill  in  which 
we  have  already  seen  in  the  similar  story  of  Thespesius 
of  Soli.  The  soul  of  the  philosopher  leaves  his  body 
through  the  sutures  of  the  cranium.  In  the  subterranean 
regions  he  stays  two  nights  and  a  day,  receiving  from 
an  invisible  spirit  much  information  concerning  the 

1  r.SG  A.  -  r.89  F. 


1 70  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

afterworld  and  the  beings  who  inhabit  it.  The  main 
object  of  the  story  seems  to  be  to  establish  and  elucidate 
the  ethical  value  of  the  doctrine  of  Daemonology,  while 
at  the  same  time  we  note  that  a  mystical  significance 
now  begins  to  be  attached  to  certain  principles  long 
the  topic  of  discussion  in  the  schools.  Timarchus  is 
informed  by  the  invisible  spirit  that  there  are  four 
principles  which  operate  throughout  the  universe :  the 
first  of  Life,  the  second  of  Motion,  the  third  of  Genera- 
tion, the  fourth  of  Corruption.  The  sphere  of  Life  is 
united  to  the  sphere  of  Motion  by  the  Monad  in  the 
world  of  invisibility ;  the  sphere  of  Motion  is  united  to 
the  sphere  of  Generation  by  Nom  in  the  Sun;  the 
sphere  of  Generation  is  united  to  the  sphere  of  Cor- 
ruption by  Nature  in  the  Moon.  Over  each  of  these 
unions  a  Fate  presides.  The  other  "islands"  are 
peopled  by  gods :  but  the  Moon  is  inhabited  by 
Epichthonian  Daemons,  being  raised  only  a  little  above 
Styx,  which  is  "  the  way  to  Hell."  l  Styx  periodically 
seizes  upon  many  of  these  souls  in  the  Moon,  and  they 
are  swallowed  up  in  Hell.  Other  souls,  at  the  end  of 
their  participation  in  the  life  of  generation,  are  received 
into  the  Moon  from  below,  except  such  as  are  "  polluted 
and  unpurified,"  these  being  driven  away  from  her  by 
thunder  and  lightning  to  undergo  another  period  of 
generation.  As  in  the  myth  of  Thespesius,  there  is  a 
chasm  through  which  the  souls  pass  and  repass  to  and 
from  the  life  of  earth.  "  What,"  asks  Timarchus,  "  are 
these  stars  that  dart  about  the  chasm,  some  descending 

1  591  A. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  171 

into  its  depths,  others  arising  from  it  ?  "  "  These  are 
Daemons,"  he  is  told ;  and  we  can  only  conclude  that 
they  are  identical  with  the  souls  already  described  as 
inhabiting  the  Moon.  These  Diemons  are  incarnated 
in  mankind.  Some  are  altogether  dominated  by  the 
passions  and  appetites  of  the  body,  others  enter  into  it 
only  partly,  retaining  the  purest  portion  of  their 
substance  unmingled  with  the  human  frame,  "It  is 
not  dragged  down,  but  floats  above  the  top  of  the  head 
of  a  man,  who  is,  as  it  were,  sinking  in  the  depths,  but 
whose  soul  is  supported  by  the  connexion  so  long  as  it 
is  submissive  to  this  influence,  and  is  not  controlled  by 
its  bodily  passions.  The  part  beneath  the  waves  in  the 
body  is  called  the  soul ;  but  the  eternal,  uncorrupted 
part  is  called  the  mind,  by  those  who  think  it  is  within 
the  body. — Those  who  rightly  judge,  know  it  to  be  out- 
side, and  describe  it  as  a  Daemon."  The  point  of  this 
narrative  is  emphasized  by  Theanor,  who  expresses  his 
belief  that  "  there  are  very  few  men  whom  God  honours 
by  addressing  his  commands  directly  to  them.  The 
souls  of  such  men,  freed  from  the  domination  of  passion 
and  earthly  desires,  become  Daemons,  who  act  as 
guardian  angels  to  certain  men,  whose  long-continued 
struggles  after  the  good  excite  their  attention,  and  at 
last  obtain  their  assistance."  Each  of  these  Daemons 
loves  to  help  the  soul  confided  to  its  care,  and  to  save 
it  by  its  inspirations.  The  soul  who  adheres  to  the 
Daemon,  and  listens  to  its  warnings,  attains  a  happy 
ending ;  those  who  refuse  to  obey  are  abandoned  by  it, 
and  may  expect  no  happiness.1  "  The  connexion  which 

1  594. 


172  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

attaches  the  Dasmon  to  the  soul  is,  as  it  were,  a  restraint 
upon  the  irrational  part  thereof.  When  Reason  pulls 
the  chain  it  gives  rise  to  repentance  for  the  sins  which 
the  soul  has  committed  under  the  influence  of  passion, 
shame  for  illicit  and  immoderate  indulgences,  and  finally 
produces  a  tendency  to  submit  in  quiet  patience  to  the 
better  influence  of  the  Daemon.  The  condition  of 
absolute  submission  does  not  come  all  at  once,  but  those 
who  have  been  obedient  to  their  Daemon  from  the  very 
beginning  constitute  the  class  of  prophets  and  god- 
inspired  men."  The  Deemons  have  here  assigned  to 
them  a  protective  care  of  humanity ;  they  assist  the 
souls  who  struggle  after  goodness,  and  desert  those 
who  refuse  to  obey  their  injunctions.  A  few  good  men, 
specially  honoured  by  the  deity,  may  themselves  be- 
come Daemons,  and  act  as  guardian  angels  to  others. 
Plutarch  repeats  this  view  more  systematically  else- 
where, giving  it  a  more  general  application.  "  It  is 
maintained  by  some  that  .  .  .  just  as  water  is  perceived 
to  be  produced  from  earth,  from  water,  air,  and  from 
air,  fire,  in  a  constantly  ascending  process,  so  also  the 
better  souls  undergo  a  transformation  from  men  to 
heroes,  from  heroes  to  demons,  and  from  daemons, 
some  few  souls,  being  purified  through  prolonged 
practice  of  virtue,  are  brought  to  a  participation  in  the 
divine  nature  itself."  l 

1  De  Defectu,  415  B,  C.  In  the  J)e  Facie  quas  apparel  the  con- 
nexion between  mankind  and  the  daemons  is  described  in  similar  terms 
to  those  employed  in  the  De  Dxmonio  Soar  at  is.  The  Daemons  do  not 
spend  all  their  time  on  the  moon ;  they  take  diarge  of  oracles,  assist 
at  initiatory  rites,  punish  evildoers,  help  men  in  battle  and  at  sea, 
and  for  any  want  of  fairness  or  competence  in  the  discharge  of  these 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  173 

This  examination  of  the  story  of  Timarchus  lends  a 
strong  support  to  the  statement  already  made  respecting 
Plutarch's  use  of  myth.  In  the  "De  Sera  Numinis 
Vindicta  "  we  saw  that  he  could  not  accept  as  a  subject 
of  rational  demonstration  the  theory  of  rewards  and 
punishments  in  a  future  life;  but  so  convinced  is  he 
of  the  ethical  value  of  that  belief  that  he  has  recourse 
to  a  most  solemn  myth,  which  he  clearly  hopes  will 
operate  for  goodness  through  the  imagination  if  not 
through  the  intellect.  The  myth  embodied  in  the  "  De 
Daemonic  Socratis  "  has  a  similar  origin  and  an  identical 
aim.  How  important  to  a  man  in  his  efforts  after 
goodness  to  know  that  he  is  under  the  observation  of 
a  Being  whose  half-human,  half-divine  nature,  fits  him 
equally  to  feel  sympathy  and  administer  aid!  That 
is  an  aspect  of  Plutarch's  teaching  which  requires  no 
emphasis  to-day.  .  .  .  With  the  Plutarchean  doctrine 
of  Daemons  is  also  involved  the  sublimely  moral  notion 
of  eternal  endeavour  after  a  higher  and  more  perfect 
goodness.  The  human  being  who  earnestly  strives  to 
be  good  within  the  limits  of  his  present  opportunities 
will  have  a  larger  sphere  of  activity  thrown  open  to 
him  as  a  Daemon  in  the  Afterworld.  The  human  soul 
transfigured  into  the  strength  and  splendour  of  this 
higher  nature  has  work  to  perform  which  may  develop 
such  qualities  as  will  bring  their  owner  into  closer 
proximity  with  the  Highest  Divine.  The  doctrine  of 
Daemons,  as  expounded  by  Plutarch,  involves  the 


duties  they  are  punished  by  being  driven  again  to  earth  to  enter 
human  bodies  once  more  (014  I) ;  cf.  911  C). 


174  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

profound  moral  truth  that  there  is  no  limit  to  the  per- 
fectibility of  human  nature ;  and  we  can  surely  forgive 
much  that  is  irrational  and  fantastic  in  a  scheme  which 
embodies  so  effective  an  inspiration  to  goodness.1 

But  the  value  and  moral  dignity  of  any  principle 
depend  upon  the  method  of  its  interpretation  and 
application.  That  sense  of  personal  dependence  upon  a 
benevolent  supernatural  power  which  Plutarch  associates 
with  the  teachings  of  Daemonology  may  be  identical 
with  the  purest  and  loftiest  religion,  or  may  degenerate 
into  the  meanest  and  most  degrading  superstition, 
according  to  its  development  in  the  mind  of  the  in- 
dividual believer.  If  this  intercourse  is  regarded  as 
spiritual  only,  the  communion  of  soul  with  soul  in  the 
"  sessions  of  sweet,  silent  thought,"  high  religious 
possibilities  issue  which  no  form  of  faith  can  dispense 
with.  Any  attempt  to  degrade  this  intercourse  to 
material  ends,  or  to  appeal  to  it  through  material 
channels,  involves  recourse  to  magical  rites,  and  super- 
stitious practices  of  the  grossest  description.  It  is 
necessary,  too,  that  even  where  there  is  no  recourse 
to  materialistic  avenues  of  access  to  the  spiritual  world, 
the  mind  should  cultivate  a  belief  in  the  benevolence 
of  the  Higher  Powers  so  that  it  may  maintain  a  rational 
dignity  and  fearlessness  in  its  communion  with  them. 

1  That  this  truth  is  one  which  appeals  to  the  Imagination  more 
cogently  than  to  the  Reason,  resembling  in  that  respect  the  belief  in 
the  soul's  immortality,  is  evident  to  Plutarch.  It  is  on  this  account 
that  he  illustrates  it  by  Myth  instead  of  arguing  it  by  Reason, 
and  takes  every  precaution  to  prevent  his  readers  from  regarding 
it  as  a  complete  and  final  presentation  of  a  logically  irrefutable 
belief. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  175 

Plutarch  is  aware  of  these  clangers.  He  knows  that 
Dcemonology,  and  even  Theology,  may  involve  Super- 
stition, and  he  takes  pains  to  close  those  avenues  to  its 
approach,  which  a  misunderstanding  of  the  subject,  a 
mistaken  mental  attitude  towards  it,  may  easily  throw 
widely  open.  He  seldom  misses  an  opportunity  of 
inculcating  the  proper  attitude  of  mind  to  assume  in 
face  of  questions  of  Religion,  or  of  placing  such  questions 
in  an  atmosphere  of  clear  and  rational  daylight,  which 
is  equally  unlike  the  dim  gloom  of  Superstition,  and 
the  blinding  glare  of  Atheism.  In  a  word,  he  continues 
to  make  Reason  his  Mystagogue  to  Religion.  Polem- 
ically, as  against  the  Epicureans,  he  is  inclined  to 
argue  that  Atheism  is  an  unmixed  evil,  since  it  deprives 
mankind  of  Hope,  Courage,  and  Pleasure,  and  leaves 
us  no  refuge  in  God  from  the  sorrows  and  troubles  of 
life.1  He  adds  that  Superstition  should  be  removed  as 
a  dimming  rheum  from  before  our  eyes ;  but,  if  that  is 
impossible,  we  must  not  knock  the  eye  out  for  the  sake 
of  removing  the  rheum,  or  turn  the  sight  of  Faith  to 
the  blindness  of  Atheism  in  order  to  destroy  false  ideas 
of  the  Deity.  Although  he  admits  that  there  are  some 
men  for  whom  it  is  best  to  be  in  fear  of  God ;  although 
he  knows  that  a  much  greater  number  combine  with 
their  honour  and  worship  of  the  Deity  a  certain  super- 
stitious fear  and  dread  of  Him;  yet  he  insists  most 
strongly  that  these  feelings  are  totally  eclipsed  by  the 
hope  and  joy  that  attend  their  communion  with  God.2 


1  Non  posse  auaviter,  &c.,  1101  B,  C. 
•  1101  D. 


i;6  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

He  draws  a  beautiful  picture  of  the  happiness  accom- 
panying participation  in  divine  services,  asserting,  in  a 
lofty  strain  of  religious  feeling,  that  it  is  from  a  recogni- 
tion of  the  presence  of  God  in  these  services  that  the 
sense  of  happiness  proceeds.  "  He  that  denies  the 
Providence  of  God  has  no  share  in  this  exceeding  joy. 
For  it  is  not  abundance  of  wine  and  well-cooked  meats 
that  gladden  our  hearts  in  a  religious  festival ;  it  is  our 
good  hope  and  belief  that  God  Himself  is  graciously 
present  and  approving  our  acts."  Without  this  convic- 
tion, he  insists,  the  religious  value  of  the  ceremony  is 
utterly  lost.1  To  approach  the  gods  with  cheerfulness 
and  courage  and  openness  is  the  soul  of  Plutarch's 
religion,  and  he  is  faithful  to  this  principle  on  the  most 
diverse  occasions.  Fond  of  Literature  as  he  is,  there 
are  many  famous  passages  of  classical  verse  which  he  will 
not  permit  youthful  students  to  carry  away  into  their 
lives  as  factors  in  ethical  progress  until  they  have  been 
harmonized  with  the  claims  of  a  rational  criticism.  Thus 
he  quotes  a  verse  of  Sophocles — "  God  is  a  cause  of 
fear  to  prudent  men  " — and  insists  that  "  fear  "  should 
be  changed  to  "  hope,"  lest  those  should  be  justified  who 
regard  "  with  suspicion  and  dread  as  the  cause  of  injury 
the  power  that  is  the  principle  and  origin  of  all  good."  2 
And  when  dealing  with  the  sanctities  of  domestic  life 
he  insists  that  one  important  element  of  conjugal 
happiness  lies  in  the  avoidance  of  separate  worship  on 
the  part  of  the  wife,  and  in  a  closing  of  the  door  on 
superfluous  ministrations  and  the  practices  of  foreign 

1   110HB.  -  De  Audiendig  I'oetis  34  B. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  177 

superstition.  "  For,"  says  he, "  there  is  no  god  who  takes 
delight  in  stolen  and  secret  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  a 
wife." 1  These  passages,  selected  from  various  portions 

1  Conjugalia  Prxcepta,  140  D.  Champagny  sees  a  reference  here 
to  Christianity.  But  why  not  also  iu  PLATO'S  Laws,  (574  F,  and  (jfJt 
C? — It  is  quite  in  harmony  with  Plutarch's  love  of  openness  in 
Heligion  that  to  the  general  reticence  displayed  by  the  Greeks  on 
the  subject  of  their  religious  Mysteries,  ho  seems  to  add  a  personal 
reticence  peculiarly  his  own.  Considering  how  anxiously  he  hovers 
about  the  question  of  the  soul's  immortality  (see  above,  p.  118,  and  cf. 
Consolatio  ad  Apollonium,  120  B,  C :  "  If,  as  is  probable,  there  is  any 
truth  in  the  sayings  of  ancient  poets  and  philosophers  .  .  .  then  must 
you  cherish  fair  hopes  of  your  dear  departed  son " — a  passage 
curiously  similar  in  form  and  thought  to  TACITUS,  Agric.  46 :  "  Si 
quis  piorum  manibus  locus,  si,  ut  sapu:ntibus  placet,"  &c.),  it  is  remark- 
able that  only  once — and  then  under  the  stress  of  a  bitter  domestic 
bereavement — does  he  specifically  quote  the  Mysteries  (those  of 
Dionysus)  as  inculcating  that  doctrine  (Ad  Uxorem,  Gil  D).  His 
adoption  of  an  unknown  writer's  beautiful  comparison  of  Sleep  to  the 
Lesser  Mysteries  of  Death  (Consol.  ad  Apoll.,  107  E),  and  his  repe- 
tition of  the  same  idea  elsewhere  (see  above,  p.  118),  may  also  be 
indications  how  naturally  the  teaching  of  the  Mysteries  suggested 
the  idea  of  immortality.  But  he  most  frequently  alludes  to  the 
Mysteries  as  secret  sources  of  information  for  the  identification  of 
nominally  different  deities  (De  Iside  et  Osiride,  304  E),  or  for  the 
assignation  of  their  proper  functions  to  the  Daemons  (De  Defectit, 
417  C),  who  are  regarded  as  responsible  for  what  Mr.  Andrew  Lang 
("  Myth,  Ritual,  and  Religion,"  passim)  calls  "  the  barbaric  and 
licentious  part  of  the  performances  "  (De  Iside  et  Osiride,  3(iO  E,  F). 
We  should  perhaps  conclude,  from  the  few  indications  which  Plutarch 
gives  of  his  views  on  this  subject,  that  he  regarded  the  Mysteries  in 
a  twofold  light ;  they  were  a  source  of  religious  instruction,  or  con- 
solation, respecting  the  future  state  of  the  soul,  and  they  were  also 
a  means  of  explaining  and  justifying  the  crude  legends  which  eo 
largely  intermingled  with  the  purer  elements  of  Greek  religion. 
Though,  as  Plutarch  hints,  many  of  these  barbaric  legends  were  not 
suited  to  discussion  by  the  profane,  yet  the  mind,  when  purified  by 
sacred  rites,  and  educated  to  the  apprehension  of  sacred  meanings, 
could  grasp  the  high  and  pure  significance  of  things  which  were  a 

N 


1 78  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  Plutarch's  ethical  teachings,  show  how  strongly  it  is 
his  practice  to  emphasize  a  note  of  cheerful  and  open 
courage  in  worship  as  an  essential  part  of  religious 
belief.  But  it  is  in  the  well-known  essay  "  on  Super- 
stition "  that  he  most  thoroughly  expounds  this  aspect 
of  his  philosophy,  and  no  endeavour  to  understand 
Plutarch's  mental  attitude  in  face  of  a  problem  which 
always  affects  humanity  would  be  successful  without 
a  careful  analysis  of  that  treatise.  The  "De  Iside  et 
Osiride"  attempts  to  safeguard  the  mind  from  the 
attacks  of  Superstition  on  the  side  of  the  Intellect,  as 
the  "  De  Superstitione  "  does  on  the  side  of  the  Imagina- 
tion, and  the  two  tracts  have  therefore  an  organic  con- 
nexion which  renders  it  necessary  to  treat  them  together 
as  expounding  different  aspects  of  the  same  question. 

stumbling-block  to  the  uninitiated,  and  could  make  them  an  aid  to 
a  loftier  moral  life. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Relation  between  Superstition  and  Atheism :  Atheism  an  intellectua 
error :  Superstition  an  error  involving  the  passions :  the  DE 
SUPERSTITIONS — Moral  fervour  of  Plutarch's  attack  on  Super- 
stition— His  comparative  tolerance  of  Atheism — 7%e  greatest 
safeguard  against  both  alike  consists  in  an  intellectual  appre- 
ciation of  the  Truth — The  DE  ISIDE  ET  OSIRIDE — The  Unity 
underlying  national  differences  of  religious  belief. 

"  fTHHE  profoundest,  the  most  essential  and  paramount 
-•-  theme  of  human  interest,"  says  Goethe,  "  is  the 
eternal  conflict  between  Atheism  and  Superstition."  1 
Plutarch's  tract,  "  De  Superstitione,"  is  a  classical 
sermon  on  this  text,  although  in  his  presentment  of 
the  subject  the  mutual  antagonism  of  the  two  principles 
receives  less  emphasis  than  the  hostility  which  both 
alike  direct  against  the  interests  of  true  Eeligion.  He 
has  no  sympathy  with  any  notion  similar  to  that 
current  since  his  days,  in  many  religious  minds,  that 
Superstition  is  but  a  mistaken  form  of  Piety,  deserving 
tenderness  rather  than  reprehension,  and  he  maintains 
that  absolute  disbelief  in  God  is  less  mischievous  in  its 
effects  upon  human  conduct  and  character  than  its 

1  "  Das  eigentlirih  einzige  und  tiefste  Thema  der  Welt-  und  Menschen- 
geschichte,  dem  alle  ubrigen  untergeordnet  sind,  bleibt  der  Conflict  des 
Unglaubens  und  dee  Aberglaubens."  —  GOETHE,  WestSstlicher  Divan 
(quoted  by  THOLUCK). 


i8o  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

opposite  extreme  of  superstitious  devotion.  With  this 
hint  of  Plutarch's  point  of  view  we  proceed  to  a  brief 
analysis  of  the  tract  in  which  his  view  is  mainly 
expounded. 

At  the  very  commencement  he  describes  the  two 
evils  as  springing  from  an  identical  source.  Ignorance 
of  the  Divine  Nature  has  a  twofold  aspect :  in  people  of 
stern  dispositions  it  appears  as  Atheism ;  in  minds  of 
more  yielding  and  submissive  mould  it  shows  itself  as 
Superstition.  Merely  intellectual  errors,  such  as  the 
Epicurean  Theory  of  Atoms  and  the  Void,  or  the  Stoic 
notion  that  virtue  and  vice  are  corporeal  substances, 
are  unaccompanied  by  any  passionate  mental  disturb- 
ance :  they  are  silly  blunders,  but  not  worth  tears. 
But  is  a  man  convinced  that  wealth  is  the  highest 
good  ?  or  does  he  regard  virtue  as  a  mere  empty 
name  ? — these  are  errors  that  cannot  be  distinguished 
from  moral  disorders.  Atheism  is  an  intellectual 
error :  Superstition  a  moral  disorder — an  intellectual 
error  "  touched  with  emotion."  l  The  moral  disorder  of 
Superstition  is  depicted  in  a  few  paragraphs  of  striking 
power,  opulent  with  historical  and  literary  allusion. 
The  effect  of  the  description  is  to  leave  a  conviction  of 
the  utter  inability  of  the  superstitious  man  to  free  any 
portion  of  his  life  from  the  influence  of  his  awful  fear 
of  the  gods.  "  He  does  not  dread  the  sea  who  never 
sails ;  nor  he  a  war  who  never  goes  to  camp ;  nor  he  a 
robber  who  keeps  his  home ;  nor  he  an  informer  who 
has  no  wealth ;  nor  he  envy  who  lives  retired ;  nor  he 

1  165  C. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  181 

an  earthquake  who  dwells  in  Gaul ;  nor  he  a  thunder- 
bolt who  inhabits  /Ethiopia.  But  they  who  fear  the 
gods  fear  all  things — land,  sea,  air,  sky,  darkness,  light, 
sound,  silence,  dream.1  By  day  as  well  as  night  they 
live  in  prey  to  dreadful  dreams,  and  fall  a  ready  victim 
to  the  first  fortune-telling  cheat  they  come  upon.  They 
dip  themselves  in  the  sea :  they  pass  all  day  in  a 
sitting  posture :  they  roll  themselves  on  dunghills : 
cover  themselves  with  mud :  keep  Sabbaths : 2  cast 
themselves  on  their  faces :  stand  in  strange  attitudes, 
and  adopt  strange  methods  of  adoration. — Those  who 
thought  it  important  to  maintain  the  recognized  laws 
of  Music,  used  to  instruct  their  pupils  to  '  sing  with  a 
just  mouth ' ;  and  we  maintain  that  those  who  approach 
the  gods  should  address  them  with  a  just  mouth  and  a 
righteous,  lest,  in  our  anxiety  to  have  the  tongue  of  the 
victim  pure  and  free  from  fault,  we  twist  and  defile  our 
own  with  strange  barbarian  names  and  expressions, 
and  thus  disgrace  the  dignified  piety  of  our  national 
Faith." 3  Not  only  is  this  life  full  of  torture  to  the 
Superstitious,  but  their  terrified  imagination  leaps  the 
limits  of  the  Afterworld,  and  adds  to  death  the  con- 
ception of  deathless  woes.  Hell-gate  yawns  for  them  ; 

1  165  P. 

•  BERNARDAKIS  adopts  Bentley's  emendation  $a7rTio-/xow,  which 
mirjht  be  an  allusion  to  Christianity,  but  would  more  probably  refer 
to  such  a  process  as  that  already  described  in  the  words  $a.Tmaov 
asa.vr'bv  ds  BaKaffffav.  We  have  previously  discussed  the  general 
question  involved  (see  p.  45),  but  may  here  add  the  opinion  of  so 
unprejudiced  a  Christian  writer  as  Archbishop  Trench,  "  strange  to 
say,  Christianity  is  to  him  (Plutarch)  utterly  unknown." — (See  also 
note,  p.  202). 

3  lOfi  B. 


1 82  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

streams  of  flame  and  Stygian  cataracts  threaten  them ; 
the  gloom  is  horrid  with  spectral  shapes,  and  piteous 
sights  and  sounds,  with  judges  and  executioners,  and 
chasms  crowded  with  a  myriad  woes. 

The  condition  of  the  Atheist  is  far  to  be  preferred. 
It  was  better  for  Tiresias  to  be  blind  than  it  was  for 
Athamas  and  Agave  to  see  their  children  in  the  shape 
of  lions  and  stags.  The  Atheist  does  not  see  God  at 
all :  the  superstitious  man  sees  Him  terrible  instead  of 
benign,  a  tyrant  instead  of  a  father,  harsh  instead  of 
tender.  The  troubles  of  actual  life  are  assigned  by  the 
Atheist  to  natural  causes,  to  defects  in  himself  or  his 
circumstances ;  and  he  endeavours  to  mitigate  or  remove 
them  by  greater  care.  But  to  the  victim  of  Superstition 
his  bodily  ailments,  his  pecuniary  misfortunes,  his 
children's  deaths,  his  public  failures,  are  the  strokes  of 
a  god  or  the  attacks  of  a  dsemon,  and  cannot  therefore 
be  remedied  by  natural  means,  which  would  have  the 
appearance  of  opposition  to  the  will  of  God.1  Hence 
light  misfortunes  are  often  allowed  to  become  fatal 
disasters.2  Thus,  Midas  was  frightened  to  death  by  his 
dreams;  Aristodemus  of  Messene  committed  suicide 
because  the  soothsayers  had  alarmed  him  about  a 
trifling  omen ; 3  Nicias  lost  his  life  and  his  great  army 
because  he  was  afraid  when  a  shadow  crept  over  the 
moon.  Let  us  pray  to  the  gods,  but  let  us  not  neglect 
reasonable  human  endeavour.  "While  the  Greeks  were 

1  1G6B. 

2  1G8  F. 

3  Bello   primo,   Aristodemum    Measenioram  regem  per  supcrsti- 
tionem  animum  ac  apes  oinnes  deapondiase,  seque  ipsum  interfeciaae, 
narrat  etiam  Pauaaiiias,  iv.  3. — WYTTENBACH. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  183 

praying  for  Ajax,  Ajax  was  putting  on  his  armour ;  for 
God  is  the  hope  of  bravery,  not  the  pretext  for 
cowardice." l  Participation  in  religious  ceremonies, 
which  should  be  the  most  cheerful  and  happy  act  of 
life,  is  an  additional  cause  of  dread  to  the  Superstitious, 
whose  case  is  worse  than  that  of  the  Atheist  who  smiles 
sarcastically  at  the  whole  business.  The  Atheist,  true, 
is  guilty  of  impiety :  but  is  not  Superstition  more  open 
to  this  charge  ?  "  I,  for  my  part,  would  greatly  prefer 
that  men  should  say  about  me  that  there  was  not,  and 
never  had  been,  such  a  man  as  Plutarch,  than  that  they 
should  say  that  Plutarch  is  a  fickle,  irascible,  vindictive 
fellow,  who  will  pay  you  out  for  not  inviting  him  to 
supper,  or  for  omitting  to  call  upon  him,  or  for  passing 
him  in  the  street  without  speaking  to  him,  by  commit- 
ting a  violent  assault  upon  you,  giving  one  of  your 
children  a  thorough  caning,  or  turning  a  beast  into 
your  cornfield."  2  The  fact  of  the  matter  is,  that  the 
Atheist  believes  there  are  no  gods,  while  the  super- 
stitious man  wishes  there  were  none ; 3  the  former  is 
an  Atheist  pure  and  simple,  while  the  latter  is  an 
Atheist  who  professes  to  believe  because  he  has  not 
the  moral  courage  to  utter  his  secret  desires.  And,  as 
in  the  individual  mind  Superstition  involves  Atheism, 
so  historically  the  latter  has  developed  out  of  the 
former.  The  Epicureans  were  Atheists,  not  because 
they  did  not  perceive  the  splendour  and  perfection 

1  169  C.     Iliail,  vii.  193,  194. 

2  170  A.    Trench  quotes  Seneca  Epist.,  123—"  Quid  enim  interest 
utrum  deos  neges,  an  infames  ?  " 

3  170  F. 


1 84  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  the  universe,  but  because  they  desired  to  deliver 
humanity  from  the  thraldom  which  Superstition  had 
cast  about  it — from  its  ridiculous  passions  and  actions, 
its  spells  of  speech  and  motion,  its  magic  and  witch- 
craft, its  charmed  circles  and  dram-beating,  its  impure 
purifications  and  its  filthy  cleansings,  its  barbaric  and 
unlawful  penances  and  its  self-torturings  at  holy 
shrines.  If  these  practices  are  pleasant  to  the  gods, 
mankind  is  no  better  off  than  if  the  administration  of 
the  world  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Typhons  or  the 
Giants. 

But  no  disease  is  so  difficult  to  cope  with  as  Super- 
stition. We  must  fly  from  it,  but  we  must  so  fly  from 
it  that  we  do  not  run  into  the  other  extreme.  "  Aussi 
y  en  a  il  qui  fuyans  la  Superstition,  se  vont  ruer  et  prc- 
cipiter  en  la  rude  et  pierreuse  impicte  de  I'athcisme,  en 
sautant  par  dcssus  la  vraye  Religion,  qui  est  assise  au 
milieu  entre  les  deux." 

Such  is  a  brief  account  of  the  contents  of  this 
famous  tract.  One  thing  becomes  clear  from  its 
perusal,  the  fact  that  the  advantage  is  altogether 
regarded  as  on  the  side  of  Atheism.  Amyot,  from 
whose  translation  we  have  taken  its  concluding  sen- 
tence, sounds  a  note  of  serious  alarm  in  a  prefatory 
note  to  his  version  :  "  Ce  traicte  est  danycreux  a  lire, 
et  contient  une  doctrine  fausse :  Car  il  est  certain  que 
la  Superstition  est  moins  mauvaisc,  et  approchc  plus  pres 
du  milieu  de  la  vraye  Religion,  que  ne  fait  I'lmpiete  et 
Athcismc."  Others  have  followed  Amyot  in  his  view 
of  this  "  dangerous  "  treatise ;  while  Plutarch  has  not 
been  without  his  champions  against  those  who  have 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  185 

thus  accused  him  of  irreligion.1  So  far  as  concerns  the 
views  expounded  in  the  treatise,  it  appears  to  us  that 
the  alarm  of  Amyot  is  justified.  But  Amyot,  who 
knew  his  Plutarch  well,  should  have  observed  that 
there  is  a  note  of  rhetoric  in  this  work  which  is  totally 
different  from  the  teacher's  usually  quiet  and  unim- 
passioned  method  of  argument.  There  is  an  emphasis, 
an  exaggeration,  of  everything  that  tells  against  the 
victim  of  Superstition,  a  restraint,  a  gentleness  in 
minimizing  the  faults  which  could  have  been  made  into 
a  serious  indictment  against  Atheism.  This,  as  we 
know,  is  not  Plutarch's  favourite  method  of  discussion. 
In  ordinary  circumstances  an  Epicurean  would  have 
attacked  Superstition,  a  Stoic  would  have  inveighed 
against  Atheism,  and  an  Academic  friend  of  Plutarch's 
would  have  taken  the  judicial  mean.  Asa  matter  of 
fact,  however,  Plutarch — and  he  connects  his  own 
name  with  the  argument  in  the  most  emphatic  manner 
— assumes  a  position  in  this  tract  scarcely  discrepant 
from  the  peculiarly  Epicurean  attitude.  Erom  this 
point  of  view,  Wyttenbach's  epithet  of  vere  Plutarcheus 
applied  to  the  tract  is  incorrect,  and  even  Wyttenbach 
admits  the  possibility  that  Plutarch  may  have  written 

1  To  the  numerous  citations  made  by  Gre'ard  (p.  209),  we  may  add 
an  expression  of  opinion  by  Dr.  Tholuck,  given  with  special  reference 
to  Plutarch's  views  on  Superstition  : — "  Wir  haben  in  Alterthum  einen 
hohen  Geist,  Plutarch,  welcher  dem,  was  das  Alterthum  Aberglaube 
nannte,  vide  Betrachtungen  gewidmet  hat,  dem  Gegcnstande  zwar 
nicht  auf  den  Grund  gekommen,  aber  in  dcr  Setrachlung  dcsselben 
dock  so  tufe  religiose  Wahrheiten  aufgcsprochen,  dass  wir  nicht  umhin 
kb'nnen,  ilm  hier  ausfuhrlicher  dem  Loser  vorzufiihreu"  (Vvber  Abur- 
glaubcit  und  Ui/glaube/i'). 


1 86  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

another  tract,  "  in  which  the  cause  of  Superstition  was 
defended  against  Epicurus." l  How  Plutarch  could 
have  accomplished  a  successful  defence  without  going 
back  on  all  the  arguments  in  the  treatise  "  on  Supersti- 
tion "  will  not  be  clear  to  a  modern  reader.  It  appears 
to  us  that  Plutarch,  having  an  acute  perception  of  the 
gross  evils  inherent  in  the  many  superstitious  practices 
of  the  day,  has  been  disturbed  from  his  usual  philosophic 
pose,  and  has  been  carried,  by  a  feeling  of  almost 
personal  resentment,  to  draw  a  picture  which  was 
intended  to  be  one-sided,  because  it  was  intended  to  be 
alarming.  Plutarch's  Philosophy,  his  Eeligion,  here 
touch  the  vital  interests  of  life,  and  come  to  close 
combat  with  a  gigantic  moral  evil.  What  is  lost  in 
philosophic  detachment  is  gained  in  moral  fervour,  a 
change  of  balance  which  gives  quite  other  than  a 
theoretical  interest  to  those  many  short  sermons  in 
which  Plutarch  is  aux  prises  with  the  sins  and  vices 
and  follies  of  his  day.  The  main  importance  of  the 
"  De  Superstitione  "  is  its  contact  with  practical  affairs, 
and  its  translation  of  philosophic  and  religious  con- 
ceptions into  terms  of  everyday  life.  Philosophy  and 
Religion  have  displayed  to  Plutarch  the  Purity,  the 
Unity,  the  Benevolence  of  God;  it  is  a  question  of 
Ethics  to  expose  and  destroy  practices  which  are  repel- 
lent to  this  conception  of  the  Divine  Nature.  Plutarch's 

i  WYTTENBACH  bases  this  possibility  on  the  150th  entry  in  the 
Lamprian  catalogue,  "  On  Superstition,  against  Epicurus."  (Entry 
No.  155  in  the  catalogue  as  given  in  BKHNARDAKIS,  vol.  vii.  pp.  473-7.) 
But  the  discussion  on  this  point  in  the  Non  posse  snaviter  forms  so 
important  a  part  of  that  truct  that  the  title  "  On  Superstition,  againut 
Epicurus"  would  be  no  inapt  title  for  the  whole  treatise. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  187 

way  of  solving  that  question  in  one  direction  is  ex- 
pounded in  the  tract  "  De  Superstitione." l 

While  Plutarch,  in  his  anxiety  to  safeguard  the 
emotional  aspects  of  Religion  from  the  incursions  of 
Superstition,  departs  in  this  tract  from  his  ordinary 
attitude  of  intellectual  moderation,  he  reverts  very 
markedly  to  his  usual  manner  in  his  treatise  on  the 
two  Egyptian  divinities,  Isis  and  Osiris.  Knowledge 
of  the  Truth  is  here  depicted  as  the  very  heart  of 
devotion,  and  the  pursuit  of  this  is  regarded  as  the 
only  means  of  holding  a  middle  path  between  the  bog 
of  Superstition  and  the  precipice  of  Atheism.  The  main 
object  of  this  treatise  is  to  show  how  principles  of 
rational  inquiry  may  be  applied  to  religious  myths,  so 
that  Reason  and  Piety  may  both  be  satisfied  with  the 
result.  Wyttenbach  explains  this  purpose  in  a  few  words 
of  terse  Latinity  which  might  safely  be  quoted  as  descrip- 
tive of  Plutarch's  attitude  towards  Religion  in  general. 
"  Consilium  scriptoris  videtur  fuissc,  ut  amicam  de  horum 
sEgyptiorum  numinum  ortu  et  cultu  saniora,  quam  qucc 
mdgo  ferrentur,  doccret,  religionemquefabularum  deliriis 
cccrimoniarumque  incptiis  mirifice  deformatam  et  apud 
prudcntiores  homines  in  contemtum  adductam,  istis  quoad 
ejus  fieri  posset  sordibus  purgaret,  omnique  litcrarum 
et  philosophic^  instrumento  ad  histories  fidem,  naturae 

1  The  view  taken  in  the  text  as  to  the  character  of  this  strenuous 
and  noble  sermon  on  Superstition  is,  of  course,  quite  at  variance  with 
the  opinion  of  Prof.  Mahaffy,  who  regards  it  as  "one  of  those 
sophistical  exercises  practised  by  every  one  in  that  age — I  mean,  the 
defence  of  a  paradox  with  subtlety  and  ingenuity,  tailing  little  account 
of  sober  truth  in  comparison  with  dialectical  plausibility." — Greeks  under 
Roman  Sicay,  p.  318. 


1 88  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

rationcm  dignamquc  divinitatc  spcciem  reformaret"  But 
while  serving  as  an  example  of  Plutarch's  general 
method  of  inquiry,  a  particular  motive  for  the  choice 
of  this  special  myth  as  subject  would  doubtless  be 
furnished  by  the  great  prevalence  and  popularity  of  the 
worship  of  Isis  during  the  Gneco-Roman  Empire  of 
this  period.  Its  passionate  excitements  were  hostile 
to  the  calm  cultivated  by  the  Koman  in  matters  of 
Religion,  and  Isis  had  undergone  a  prolonged  struggle 
before  her  temples  were  allowed  to  stand  erect  in  Rome. 
The  patrician  indignation  of  Lucan — nos  in  templet  tuam 
Romano,  acccpimus  Isin  ! l — expressed,  however,  rather 
the  sentiment  of  the  Republic  than  the  conviction  of 
the  Empire.  Juvenal  alludes  to  the  Isiacce  sacraria 
lencc — the  fanum  Isidis — the  temple  of  the  goddess  in 
the  Campus  Martius,  in  terms  which,  however  severe 
from  the  moral  standpoint,  leave  no  historical  doubt  as 
to  the  established  character  of  the  cult  and  its  institu- 
tions. In  the  later  romance  of  Apuleius,  the  hero 
Lucius  owes  his  re-transformation  into  human  shape  to 
the  power  of  Isis,  and  makes  a  pilgrimage  of  gratitude 
to  the  very  temple  to  which  Juvenal  makes  so  scathing 
an  allusion. 

The  detailed  description  given  by  Apuleius  of  the 
ceremonies  connected  with  the  worship  of  the  goddess 
in  so  important  a  place  as  Cenchrese,  the  port  of 
Corinth,  bears  emphatic  witness  to  the  established 
popularity  of  her  rites.2  Even  in  Plutarch's  tract  the 

1  Phar folia,  viii.  831. 

2  APCLEIUS,  Mela  :  Lib.  xi.     Lucius  (a  descendant  of  Plutarch, 
by  the  way),  in  bis  pious  gratitude,  enters  tbe  service  of  the  goddess 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  189 

fact  is  everywhere  indirectly  evident.  Clea,  to  whom 
it  is  addressed,  was  officially  and  intimately  associated 
with  the  worship  of  Dionysus  at  Delphi,  but  she  had 
also  been  instructed  from  her  childhood  in  the  rites 
appertaining  to  the  worship  of  Isis  and  Osiris.1  It  is 
only  in  accordance  with  Plutarch's  well-known  cha- 
racter that  he  should  be  anxious  to  explain  anything 
in  the  Isiac  ceremonies  and  traditions,  the  misunder- 
standing of  which  was  likely  to  generate  superstitious 
and  licentious  practices  and  lead  indirectly  to  Atheism. 
And  if,  by  explaining  absurdities,  excising  crudities, 
refuting  false  interpretations,  he  could  at  the  same 
time  demonstrate  the  unity  of  God,  the  identity  of 
religious  basis  lying  beneath  these  various  beliefs  of 
other  peoples,  we  can  recognize  in  the  task  one  emin- 
ently suited  to  the  character  and  aims  of  Plutarch. 
In  the  "  Isis  and  Osiris  "  Plutarch  has,  therefore,  a  two- 
fold object.  He  endeavours  to  explain,  from  a  rational- 
istic point  of  view,  the  meaning  of  Isiac  and  Osirian 
ceremonies  and  legends ;  and  he  develops  his  theories 
on  these  matters  into  an  exposition  of  his  attitude 
towards  Myth  in  general,  showing  that  the  various 
beliefs  of  other  nations  are  not,  when  rightly  under- 
stood, mutually  destructive  and  opposite,  but  simply 
different  ways  of  envisaging  the  same  essential  and 
eternal  truth.  We  proceed  to  explain  these  assertions 
by  an  examination  of  the  treatise. 

who    Lad   uncharmed   him. — Rurstis    denique,    quam    raso    capillo, 
collegii  vetustisximi  et  sub  illi*  Sulla;  temporibits  condi/i  nmnia,  uon 
obumbrato  vel  obtecto   ealvitio,  sed  quoquoversus    obvio,  gaudens 
obibam. 
1  364  E. 


190  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Plutarch  gives  early  indication  of  his  point  of  view. 
"  The  philosophy  of  the  Egyptian  priests  was  generally 
concealed  in  myths  and  narratives  containing  dim  hints 
and  suggestions  of  truth."  It  was  to  indicate  this 
"  enigmatic  "  character  of  their  theological  wisdom  that 
they  erected  Sphinxes  before  their  temples ;  that,  too, 
is  the  meaning  of  their  inscription  on  the  shrine  of 
Athene-Isis  at  Sais,  "  /  am  all  that  was,  and  all  that 
is,  and  all  that  shall  be,  and  my  veil  hath  yet  no  mortal 
raised"1  It  follows  from  this  that  we  must  on  no 
account  attach  a  literal  significance  to  their  narratives.2 
Thus  they  represent  the  sun  as  a  newborn  child  sitting 
on  a  lotus  flower,  but  this  is  an  enigma  teaching  the 
derivation  of  the  solar  heat  from  moisture.3  "  It  is  in 
this  way,"  says  he,  clearly  indicating  the  twofold  object 
he  has  in  view  throughout  this  work,  "  it  is  in  this  way 
that  you  are  to  hear  and  accept  traditions  of  the  gods, 
taking  their  meaning  from  such  as  interpret  them  in 
a  spirit  at  once  pious  and  philosophic.  This  spirit  of 
reverent  inquiry  must  be  accompanied  by  a  constant 
observance  of  the  recognized  forms  of  worship,  and 
by  a  conviction  that  no  religious  or  other  action  is 
more  grateful  to  the  gods  than  the  acceptance  of 
true  opinions  concerning  them.  This  harmonious  co- 
operation of  Piety  and  Philosophy  saves  equally 
from  Atheism  and  its  cognate  evil,  Superstition.4 

It  is  in  this  spirit — the  spirit  in  which  every 
Eeligion  justly  claims  that  it  should  be  approached— 
that  Plutarch  gives  an  account  of  the  Egyptian  myth 

1  354  C.  2  355  B. 

3  Cf.  De  Pyth.  Orac.,  400  A.  «  355  D. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  191 

"in  the  briefest  possible  terms,  denuded  of  such 
particulars  as  are  quite  useless  and  superfluous " ; 
deuuded  also,  as  we  are  told  later,  "  of  its  most 
blasphemous  features," l  "  such  as  the  dismember- 
ment of  Horus  and  the  decapitation  of  Isis."  Piety 
absolutely  rejects  these  tales  concerning  beings  who 
participate  "  in  that  blessed  and  eternal  nature  which 
marks  our  conception  of  the  Divine " ;  although 
Philosophy  will  not  be  equally  severe  on  these 
legends,  regarding  them  not  solely  as  unsubstantial 
tales  and  empty  fictions  spun,  like  spiders'  webs,  by 
poets  and  romancers  out  of  their  own  imagination,  but 
also  as  indirectly  reflecting  the  pure  light  of  some 
ancient  narrative  whose  meaning  has  now  been  utterly 
broken  up  as  are  the  sun's  rays  when  reproduced  in  the 
multitudinous  hues  of  the  rainbow.2  Plutarch  clearly 

1  358  E.     Mr.  Andrew  Lang  justly  remarks,  "  Why  these  myths 
should  be  considered  '  more  blasphemous '   than   the  rest  does    not 
appear"  (Myth,  Ritual,  and  Religion,  vol.  ii.  pp.  116,  117). 

2  358  F.     This  is  a  difficult  passage.     It  seems  necessary  to  read 
ava.K\dfffi  for  avox^p^o'f'  (cf.  dfcucAatris  8^  irou  irepl  T}\V  Ipiv,  Amatorius, 
765  E),  but  even  then  the  meaning  is  difficult  to  elicit,  and  it  is  not 
confidently  claimed  that  the  rendering  in  the  text  has  elicited  it. 
Three  translations  are  appended  :  "  For  as  mathematicians  assure  us 
that  the  rainbow   is  nothing  else   but  a  variegated  image  of  the  sun, 
thrown  upon  the  sight  by  the  reflexion  of  his  beam*  from  the  clouds,  so 
ought  we  to  look  upon  the  present  story  as  the  representation,  or  reflexion 
rather,  of  something  real  as  its   true  cause"   (Plutarchi  De  Iside  et 
Osiride  Liber :  Gneco  et  Anglice,  by  SAMUEL  SQUIRE,  A.M.,  Cam- 
bridge, 1744). — "  Und  so  wie  die  Naturforscher  den  Eegenbogen  fur  ein 
Gegenbild  der  Sonne  erkldren,  das  durch  das  Zurilcktreten  der  Erschei- 
nung  an  die  Wolke   bunt  wird,  so  ist  hier  die  Sage  das  Gegenbild  einer 
Wahrheit,   welche  Hire   Bedeutung   auf  etwas  anderes  hin  abspiegelt" 
(Plutarch    vber  Isis  und   Osiris    herausgegeben   von   G.   FARTHEY, 
Berlin,   1850).—  Legendum  dcaxpwtrei  vel  dw/fAoVei,  ut  Keisk.      "  Et 


192  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

regards  it  as  a  pious  duty  to  accept  the  Osirian  legend 
as  containing  a  substratum  of  truth,  embodying  the 
religious  lore  of  the  Egyptian  priesthood,  but  he 
reserves  to  himself  the  right  of  interpreting  the 
expression  of  this  truth  in  the  light  of  his  own 
philosophy.  His  attitude  is  identical  with  that  as- 
sunied  by  the  authors  of  the  various  explanations  of 
the  myth  which  he  reports  as  current  in  antiquity. 
"  These  interpretations,"  in  the  lively  expression  of 
Mr.  Andrew  Lang,  "  are  the  interpretations  of  civilized 
men,  whose  method  is  to  ask  themselves :  '  Now,  if  / 
had  told  such  a  tale  as  this,  or  invented  such  a  mystery 
play  of  divine  misadventures,  what  meaning  could 
/  have  intended  to  convey  in  what  is  apparently 
blasphemous  nonsense  ? ' " 1  It  will  be  seen  that 
Plutarch  does  not  himself  finally  adopt  any  special 
interpretation,  although  he  emphatically  rejects  those 
which  are  not  pious  as  well  as  philosophic.  He  is 
desirous  rather  of  showing  in  what  way  the  investiga- 
tion of  such  questions  should  be  approached,  than  of 
imposing  any  definite  conclusion  on  the  understanding ; 
of  cultivating  an  aptitude  for  rational  and  reverent  in- 
quiry, than  of  establishing  a  final  and  inflexible  dogma. 
He  deals  first  with  the  Euhemerists,  or  "  Exanthro- 
pizers."  Euhemerus  of  Tegea,  or,  as  Plutarch  here 
calls  him,  Euhemerus2  of  Messene,  first  treated  with 

quemadmodum  mathemntici  arcum  cxleftem  8oli»  tradnnt  este  imaginem 
variatam  vitua  ad  inibem  reflex u :  Sic  fabula  hoc  loco  indicium  eat 
oratioitis  olio  reftectentis  intellectum. — Wi'TTENBACH. 

1  Myth,  Ritual,  and  Religion,  \ol.  ii.  p.  120. 

2  In  our  spelling  of  this  name  we  use  the  freedom  of  choice  so 
graciously  accorded  by  Xylander — Si  Euhemerus  mavis,  non  repngno. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  193 

scientific  precision  that  tendency  to  regard  the  gods  as 

kings  and  rulers  whose  surpassing  greatness  and  merit 

had  been  rewarded  by  an  imaginary  apotheosis.     He 

had  embodied   the  result  of  his  researches,  which  he 

claims    to    have    made    during    an    expedition     sent 

by    Cassander    to    the   lied   Sea,   in    a   work    called 

the    "Sacred    Record."      He    asserted,    according    to 

Lactantius,    that    he     had    seen     in    the    Island    of 

Panchaia   (Plutarch    calls   it   Panckon)    a   column   of 

gold   with  an  inscription   indicating    its   erection   by 

Zeus   himself,    in   qua   columna  gcsta    sua   pcrscripsit 

ut    monimentum    cssct   postcris  rcrum   suarum.     This 

"humanizing"  of  Zeus  was  extended  to  other  deities; 

and    Plutarch,   who    sarcastically    denies    that    these 

inscriptions    had    ever  been   seen    by   anybody   else, 

whether  Greek  or  Barbarian,  asserts  that  the  principles 

of  Euhemerus  had  been  applied  to  the  explanation  of 

the   tombs   and  other  monuments  commemorating  in 

Egypt    the   events   embodied    in    the   Osirian   myth. 

Although  it  has  been  asserted  that  Euhemerus  admitted 

the  existence  of  the  elemental  deities,  such  as  the  sun 

and  the  heavens,  the  atheistical  tendency  of  his  theory 

is  evident,  and  the  author  of  the  tract  "  De  Placitis 

Philosophorum,"   whose   bias   is   distinctly   Epicurean 

and  atheistic,  says  that  Euhemerus  absolutely  denied 

the   existence   of    the   gods,    associating   him    in   this 

connexion  with  Diagoras  the  Melian,  and  Theodoras 

of  Gyrene.1     Plutarch  himself  has  no  doubts  as  to  the 

1  De  Placitis  Philosophorum,  880  D.  Cf.  CICERO,  De  Naiura 
Deorum,  i.  42.  "  Ab  Eukemero  autem  et  mortes  et  sepulturae  demon- 
strnntur  deorum.  Utrum  igitur  bic  contirmasse  videtur  religioncm, 

0 


194  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

tendency  of  Euhernerism.  Those  who  have  recourse  to 
these  theories,  "  transferring  great  names  from  heaven 
to  earth,  almost  entirely  uproot  and  destroy  the 
reverence  and  faith  implanted  in  all  of  us  at  our 
birth,  and  open  wide  the  temple  doors  to  the  profane 
and  atheistical  mob."  l — "  They  bring  divinity  to  the 
level  of  humanity,  and  fair  occasion  of  unfettered 
speech  to  the  impostures  of  Euhemerus,  who  scattered 
Atheism  the  wide  world  over,  degrading  all  the 
recognized  deities  alike  to  the  names  of  generals, 
admirals,  kings  of  a  pretended  eld."  Good  and  great 
kings  are  rewarded  with  the  gratitude  of  posterity, 
while  disgrace  and  obloquy  have  been  the  portion  of 
those  whose  insolence  has  led  them  to  assume  the 
titles  and  temples  of  gods.2 

The  hypothesis  of  Daemonic  natures,  next  applied 
by  Plutarch  to  the  explanation  of  the  legend,  we  have 
already  examined.  Naturally  he  expresses  a  preference 
for  this  theory  over  that  of  the  Euhemerists,  but  will 
still  proceed  to  discuss  with  philosophic  detachment 
the  hypotheses  of  other  schools,  taking,  as  he  says,  the 

an  penitus  totam  sustulisse  ?  "  See  MAYOR'S  note  on  this  passage. 
The  references  to  Lactantius  and  Eusebius  and  many  others  bearing 
on  the  question  are  collected  by  Corsini  in  his  first  dissertation  on 
the  De  Placitis.  Zimmerman  is  very  indignant  with  Plutarch  on 
account  of  the  charge  here  brought  against  Euhemerus  and  Diagoras, 
and  has  defended  them  against  our  author  with  great  energy  and 
spirit.  (JEpietola  ad  Nicolaum  Nonnen  qua  Euemerus  Messenius  el 
Diagoras  Meliue  ab  Atlieismo  contra  1'lutarchum  aliotque  defen- 
duntur.') 

1  360  A. 

2  The  language  here  seems  curiously  outspoken  in  view  of  the 
now  established  apotheosis  of  the  Emperors. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  195 

simplest  first.1  These  are  the  Physical  Allegorists. 
"  Just  as  the  Greeks  assert  that  Cronus  is  an  allegorical 
symbol  for  Time,  Hera  for  Air,  the  birth  of  Hephaistos 
for  the  transformation  of  Air  into  Fire,  so  also  among 
the  Egyptians  there  are  those  who  maintain  that  Osiris 
symbolizes  the  Nile,  Isis  the  Earth,  fecundated  in  his 
embrace,  Typhon  the  Sea,  into  which  the  Nile  falls  to 
disappear  and  be  scattered,  except  such  part  of  him  as 
has  been  abstracted  by  the  Earth  to  make  her  fruitful."  2 
He  shows  how  this  identification  of  Typhon  with  the 
sea  explains  certain  sayings,  beliefs,  and  practices  of 
the  Egyptians,  but  he  regards  it  as  rather  crude  and 
superficial,3  and  passes  on  to  an  explanation  given  by 
the  more  learned  priests,  who,  with  a  more  philosophic 
application  of  the  principles  of  allegorical  interpretation, 
identify  Osiris  with  the  Moist  Principle  of  the  Universe, 
and  Typhon  with  the  Dry  Principle,  the  former  being 
the  cause  of  Generation,  the  latter  being  hostile  to  it.4 
The  similarity  of  these  views  to  early  Greek  speculation 
is  pointed  out  by  a  statement  that  the  Egyptians  held 
that  Homer,  like  Thales,  had  learnt  from  them  that 
Water  is  the  generative  principle  of  all  things,  Homer's 
Ocean  being  Osiris,  and  his  Tethys,  Isis.  This  ancient 
theory  is  fully  discussed  by  Plutarch,  showing  how  the 
Egyptians  applied  it  to  the  myth,  but  also  indicating 
similarities  of  detail  and  identities  of  principle  between 
the  Egyptian  and  Greek  mythologies.5  "  Those  who 
combine  with  these  physical  explanations  certain  points 
borrowed  from  astronomical  speculation,"  are  next  dealt 

1  360  D.  ;  35G,  357.     Cf.  De  Dasdali*  Platxemibu*. 

3  364  A.  «  366  C.  3  364  D. 


ig6  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

with.  These  Astronomical  Allegorists  maintained  that 
Osiris  is  the  Lunar  World  and  Typhon  the  Solar :  the 
Moon's  light  being  regarded  as  favourable  to  the 
reproductiveness  of  plants  and  animals,  from  its  greater 
moistening  tendency,  while  the  light  of  the  Sun  is 
parching,  and  so  hostile  to  life  and  vegetation  that  "  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  earth  is  rendered  by  his 
heat  totally  uninhabitable."  l  After  a  brief  description 
of  another  class  of  astronomical  Allegorists  who  regard 
the  myth  as  an  enigmatical  description  of  Eclipses,2  he 
puts  the  whole  of  these  particular  explanations  of  the 
Physical  and  Astronomical  Allegorists  in  their  proper 
place  as  merely  partial  and  distorted  expressions  of  the 
ancient  and  universal  belief  in  the  existence  of  two 
opposing  principles,  two  mutually  hostile  influences 
which  operate  throughout  the  universe,  giving  Nature 
its  mixed  and  uncertain  and  fluctuating  character.3 
One  of  the  most  conspicuous  features  in  Plutarch's 
Theology,  as  already  examined  in  these  pages,  is  his 
anxiety  to  avoid  any  kind  of  Dualism  in  his  conception 
of  Deity ;  and  it  is  a  necessary  corollary  of  his  religious 
and  philosophical  conviction  on  this  point  that  there 
should  be  no  place  in  the  constitution  of  the  world 
for  a  Being  regarded  as  a  coequal  rival  to  the  One 
Supreme  Omnipotence.  As  Plutarch,  however,  himself 
points  out,  if  nothing  can  be  conceived  as  originating 
without  a  cause,  and  Good  cannot  be  regarded  as 

1  3G7  D.  -  ;;o8  D. 

3  309  C.  It  is  clear  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  text  that 
Plutarch  gives  only  a  critical  examination  of  this  theory :  he  does 
not  adopt  it  as  his  own,  as  has  frequently  been  asserted. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  197 

furnishing  the  cause  of  Evil,  it  follows  that  Evil  as 
well  as  Good  must  have  an  originating  principle  of  its 
own.1  But  neither  on  the  religious  nor  on  the  purely 
philosophic  side  does  he  carry  this  admission  to  the 
extent  of  accepting  an  Evil  personality  or  principle 
equivalent  in  power  to  the  Deity.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  accepts  the  doctrine  of  subordinate  Daemons,  whose 
evil  propensities  are  ultimately  under  the  control  of 
the  Omnipotent  Author  of  Good,  inasmuch  as  they  are 
liable  to  pains  and  penances  for  their  infraction  of  the 
laws  He  has  imposed  upon  them ;  and  on  the  other,  he 
has  learned  from  Greek  philosophy  the  conception  of 
TO  airupov,  that  infinite,  formless  "Matter,"  out  of 
which  the  Demiurgus,  making  it  the  nurse  and 
receptacle  of  the  ideas,  had  created  the  Universe. 
He  insists,  indeed,  that  the  two  conceptions  are 
familiar  to  Greek  philosophers :  Empedocles  opposed 
4>(AoTr/Ta  Koi  ^tXi'av  to  vaxoe  ovXofitvov ;  the  Pytha- 
goreans had  two  well-known  lists  of  contrary  expres- 
sions.2 Anaxagoras  expressed  the  antithesis  by  vouc 
and  aTTtipov ;  Aristotle  by  tlSor  and  orf/ojjerte.  In  all 
these  philosophical  distinctions  the  inferiority  of  the 
second  term  is  implied,  and  Plutarch  asserts  this 
inferiority  in  unmistakable  terms.  "  The  creation  and 
formation  of  this  world  arose  out  of  opposing,  but  not 

1  3G9  D.  "  It  is  impossible,"  argued  these  ancient  thinkers,  "  that 
moral  life  and  death,  that  good  and  evil,  can  flow  from  a  single  source. 
It  is  impossible  that  a  Holy  God  can  have  been  the  author  of  evil. 
Evil,  then,  must  be  referred  to  some  other  origin :  it  must  have  had 
an  author  of  its  own." — "  Some  Elements  of  Religion,"  by  Canon  Linnox 
(Lecture  iv.  sect.  i.). 

=  370  E. 


198  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

equal,  Principles,  the  supreme  sway  being  the  portion 
of  the  Better." l 

It  is  clear  from  these  considerations  that  Plutarch's 
own  mind  is  made  up  on  the  subject ;  but  he  cannot 
refrain  from  giving  sympathetic  consideration  to  so 
ancient,  widespread,  and  respectable  a  belief  as  that 
involved  in  the  myth  of  Osiris  and  Typhon,  of  Ormuzd 
and  Ahriman ;  and  he  devotes  considerable  space,  and 
displays  considerable  ingenuity,  in  connecting  the 
Egyptian  and  Zoroastrian  beliefs  with  the  legends 
of  Greek  Mythology  and  the  principles  of  Greek 
Philosophy.2  But  his  object,  even  when  he  makes 

1  371  A. 

-  See  especially  the  quotations  from  Plato  in  370  F,  and  the 
application  of  Platonic  terms  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Isiac  and 
Osirian  myth  in  372  E,  F,  373  and  374.  Hesiod,  too,  is  made  to 
agree  with  this  Platonic  explanation  of  the  Egyptian  legend  (374  C), 
and  the  Platonic  notion  of  matter  is  strained  to  allow  of  its  being 
identified  with  Isis  (372  E,  374  F).  In  3G7  C,  a  parallelism  is 
pointed  out  between  Stoic  theology  and  an  interpretation  of  the  myth  ; 
and  in  3G7  E  the  death  of  Osiris  on  the  17th  of  the  month  is  used 
to  illustrate,  if  not  to  explain,  the  Pythagorean  d<j>o<nW«s  of  that 
number. 

As  regards  the  identification  of  particular  deities  in  this  tract, 
reference  may  be  made  to  3G4  E,  F  and  3(55  A,  B,  where  Dionysus 
is  identified  with  Osiris ;  and  to  3(J5  F,  where  Mnaseas  of  Patara  is 
mentioned  with  approval  as  associating  with  Epaphus,  not  only 
Dionysus,  but  Serapis  and  Osiris  also.  Anticleides  is  also  referred 
to  as  asserting  that  Isis  was  the  daughter  of  Prometheus  and  the  wife 
of  Dionysus.  In  372  D,  Osiris  is  identified  with  the  Sun  under  the 
name  of  Sirius,  and  Isis  with  the  Moon.  In  375,  a  fanciful  philology 
is  called  in  to  aid  a  further  identification  of  Greek  and  Egyptian 
deities ;  but  not  much  importance  is  attached  to  similarities  derived 
in  this  way.  In  the  next  sentence  Isis  is  stated  to  have  been  identified 
with  Athene  by  the  Egyptians ;  and  the  general  principle  of  identity 
is  boldly  stated  in  377  C : — "  It  is  quite  legitimate  to  regard  these  gods 
as  common  possessions  and  not  the  exclusive  property  of  the  Egyptians 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  199 

indulgent  concessions  to  an  opposite  view,  is  never 
lost  sight  of,  and  towards  the  conclusion  of  his  search 
for  parallelisms  and  similarities,  he  expresses  his  aim 
in  unmistakable  and  peculiarly  Plutarchean  language. 
After  passing  severe  criticism  on  the  impiety  of  those 
who  give  the  names  of  gods  to  the  productions  of  Nature, 
asserting  that  Dionysus  is  Wine,  and  Hephaistos  Flame 
(which,  says  he,  is  like  identifying  sail  and  cable  and 
anchor  with  the  pilot,  the  thread  with  the  weaver,  or 
the  draught  with  the  physician),  he  adds,  "  God  is  not 
lifeless,  unintelligent,  subject  to  man,  as  these  things 
are.  But  it  is  from  these  blessings  that  we  conclude 
that  those  who  bestow  them  upon  us  for  our  use,  and 
give  us  a  constant  and  never-failing  supply  thereof,  are 
gods,  not  different  gods  among  different  peoples,  not 
Barbarian  gods,  nor  Greek  gods,  not  gods  of  the  south 
nor  gods  of  the  north;  but  just  as  the  sun,  the  moon, 
the  earth,  the  sky,  and  the  sea  are  common  to  all, 
but  receive  different  names  among  different  peo%>les,  so 
likewise  are  different  honours  assigned  and  different 
invocations  addressed  to  the  gods  in  different  places 
according  to  the  customs  there  established.  Yet  is  it 
one  Reason  which  admonishes,  and  one  Providence 
which  directs,  while  subordinate  powers  have  been 
appointed  over  all  things.  Certain  peoples  make  use 
of  sacred  symbols  which,  with  greater  or  less  clearness, 
direct  the  understanding  to  divine  knowledge,  and  yet 

— lets  and  ihe  deities  that  go  in  her  train  are  universally  knoivn  and 
icorshipped.  The  names,  indeed,  of  certain  of  them  have  been  borroiced 
from  the  Egyptians,  not  so  long  ago ;  but  tlieir  divinity  has  been  knmen 
and  recognized  for  ayes." 


200  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

not  without  danger,  since  some  in  their  desire  to  shun 
the  swamp  of  Superstition  have  unconsciously  slipped 
over  the  precipice  of  Atheism" 1  Here  we  have,  com- 
bined in  one  sentence,  Plutarch's  belief  in  the  Unity 
of  God,  his  acceptance  of  the  theory  of  Daemons,  his 
recognition  of  the  truth  of  foreign  creeds,  his  desire,  so 
frequently  expressed,  and  so  consistently  acted  upon, 
to  follow  the  guidance  of  a  reverent  yet  inquiring 
philosophy  on  a  path  which  is  equally  distant  from 
the  two  great  moral  evils  which  loom  so  large  in  his 
mental  vision.  Hence  this  tract  is  organically  con- 
nected with  the  treatise  on  Superstition;  the  former 
aims  at  securing  by  purely  intellectual  and  rational 
processes  what  the  latter  attempts  by  appealing  to  the 
Intellect  through  the  medium  of  the  Imagination.2 

1  378  A. 

•  There  is  a  strain  of  mysticism  in  the  De  Osiride  which  is  alien 
from  the  cheerful  common  sense  which  usually  marks  Plutarch;  a 
remark  which  also  applies  to  the  De  Facie  qux  apparet  in  Orbe  Lunae. 
But  the  same  strain  appears  in  others  of  his  authentic  tracts,  though 
mostly  operating  through  the  medium  of  Platonic  dreams  and  myths, 
e.g.  the  story  of  Thespesius  in  the  Sera  Num.  Vindic.,  and  that  of 
Timarchus  in  the  De  Dasmonio  Soorotis,     Besides,  one  would  not 
ceferis  paribus  deny  the  authenticity  of  Browning's  "  Childe  Roland  " 
because  he  had   written  "  The  Guardian  Angel"  or  that  of  "  The 
Antiquary "  because  Scott  was  also  the  author  of  "  Tlie  Monastery." 
The  tract  was  probably  composed  after  that  return  from  Alexandria 
to  which  Plutarch  so  charmingly  alludes  in  Sympos.,  078  C.    More- 
over, the  very  nature  of  the  subject,  and  the  priestly  character  of  the 
lady  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  as  well  as  the  mysterious  nature  of  the 
goddess  whose  ministrant  she  was,  are  all  parts  of  a  natural  induce- 
ment to  mysticism.    We  must  admit  that  Plutarch  here  participates  in 
that  spirit  of  mysticism  which,  always  inherent  in  Platonism,  was  kept 
in  check  by  his  acutely  practical  bent,  to  be  revived  and  exaggerated 
to  the  destruction  of  practical  ethics  in  the  dreams  and  abstractions 
of  the  Neo-1'latonists. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Conclusions  respecting  the  general  character  of  Plutarch's  Religion — 
Monotheism  and  Dcemonology  both  essential  parts  of  his 
Theodicy — His  strong  belief  in  the  personality  of  God — 
Metaphysical  weakness  but  Moral  strength  of  his  Teaching — 
Close  connexion  between  his  Religion  and  his  Ethics — Plut- 
arch not  an  "  Eclectic,"  nor  a  Neo-Platonist — Contrast 
between  Plutarch's  Religion  and  Philosophy  and  the  Religion 
and  Philosophy  of  the  Neo-Platonists — Christianity  and  Neo- 
Platonism — Tlie  struggle  betiveen  them  and  its  probable  effect 
on  later  religious  history — Conclusion. 

have  endeavoured  in  the  preceding  pages  to 
ascertain,  from  Plutarch's  own  account  of  his 
views,  the  principles,  the  method  and  the  character  of 
his  Religion ;  to  learn  in  what  manner  he  conceives  the 
supernatural  world  and  its  relation  to  the  human  mind 
and  to  human  interests ;  to  discover  and  illustrate  the 
processes  by  which  these  results  are  attained ;  to  note 
their  philosophic  bearing  and  tendency;  and  to  ex- 
emplify their  application  in  the  sphere  of  practical 
ethics.  We  have  seen  how  clearly  he  recognizes  the 
existence,  and  demonstrates  the  attributes,  of  a  Supreme 
Being,  and  have  observed  how  he  raises  the  humility 
of  mankind  nearer  to  the  Majesty  of  the  Highest  by 
admitting  the  activities  of  an  intermediate  and  mediatory 
race  of  supernatural  beings,  whose  mingled  nature  allies 


202  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

them  equally  to  God  and  Man,  and  forms  a  channel 
of  communication  between  human  wants  and  divine 
benevolence.  These  are  the  two  fundamental  truths 
of  the  religion  of  Plutarch.  The  whole  of  his  exegesis, 
in  whatsoever  direction  operating,  whether  examining 
the  doctrines  of  Philosophy,  the  legends  of  popular 
Myth,  or  the  traditions  embodied  in  ceremonial  observ- 
ances, is  involved  with  a  recognition  of  this  twofold 
conception  as  the  essential  characteristic  of  a  religious 
attitude  of  mind.  Those,  indeed,  who  have  emphasized 
too  exclusively  that  element  in  Plutarch's  Eeligion 
which  he  owes  to  Philosophy,  have  concluded  that  his 
religious  beliefs  were  purely  Monotheistic :  just  as 
a  misunderstanding  of  his  Dsemonology  has  resulted  in 
the  assertion  that  he  was  trammelled  in  the  meshes  of 
a  superstitious  Polytheism.1  It  could,  if  necessary,  be 

1  A  very  slight  acquaintance  with  Plutarch's  writings  will  serve 
to  dispose  of  the  charge  of  Atheism  brought  against  him  by  Zim- 
merman, the  professor  of  Theology  in  the  Gymnasium  of  Zurich  : — 
Credo  equidem  Plutarchum  inter  eos  fuisse  qui  cum  Cicerone  credi- 
derint  eos  qui  dant  philosophise  operam  non  arbitrari  Deos  esse. — It 
is  true  that  Zimmerman  supports  his  case  by  quoting  the  pseudo- 
Plutarchean  De  Placitis  (Idem  de  providentia  non  minus  male  loquitur 
quam  ipsi  Epicurei),  and  seems  himself  afraid  to  accept  the  conclusion 
of  his  own  demonstrations  : — Atheum  eum  fuisse  non  credo,  sed  quo- 
inodo  asserere  potuerit  Superstitione  Atheismum  tolerabiliorem  esse, 
simul  tamen  eos,  quos  atheos  fuisse  minime  probare  potuit,  Supersti- 
tion! autem  inimicissimos,  omnem  malorum  mundum  intulisse,  con- 
sociare  nequeo. — But  the  learned  author  is  too  intent  on  exculpating 
Noster  Euhemerus  from  Plutarch's  "  injustice  "  to  have  justice  to  spare 
for  Plutarch  himself. — (J.  J.  ZIMMERMAN,  Epistola  ad  Nonnen).  Greard 
quotes  other  authors  of  this  charge  against  Plutarch  (p.  269). — We 
cannot  allow  this  opportunity  to  pass  of  protesting  against  the  attitude 
of  those  who  assumed,  even  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  that  it  was  a 
sign  either  of  moral  depravity,  or  mental  incapacity,  in  Plutarch  not 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  203 

plausibly  argued,  against  those  who  have  maintained 
this  latter  view,  that  the  elaboration  of  the  belief  in 
Daemons,  and  the  multiplication  of  the  functions  of 
these  lesser  divine  beings,  are  factors  which  tend  to 
emphasize  the  unity  and  purity  of  the  Supreme  God ; 
and  that  Plutarch's  Monotheism  is  no  more  destroyed 
by  the  recognition  of  a  Daemonic  Kace  than  is  the 
Catholic  Trinity  overthrown  by  the  Church's  acceptance 

to  have  been  a  believer  in  the  Christian"  faith.  Even  Archbishop 
Trench,  who  admits,  concerning  such  writers  as  our  author,  that 
"  many  were  by  them  enabled  to  live  their  lives  after  a  far  higher  and 
nobler  fashion  than  else  they  would  have  attained,"  cannot  rid  himself 
of  the  notion  that  had  Plutarch  actively  opposed  Christianity  he 
would  have  committed  an  offence  which  our  generosity  might  have 
pardoned,  though  our  justice  'must  recognize  that  it  needed  pardon. 
"  Plutarch  himself  may  be  entirely  acquitted  of  any  conscious  attempt 
to  fight  against  that  truth  which  was  higher  than  any  which  he  had  " 
(p.  13). — "I  have  already  mentioned  that,  through  no  fault  of  his  own, 
he  stood  removed  from  all  the  immediate  influences  of  the  Christian 
Church  "  (p.  89).  But  suppose  the  facts  to  have  been  just  the  opposite 
of  those  indicated  in  the  words  we  have  italicized,  it  would  involve 
the  loss  of  all  sense  of  historical  perspective  to  draw  the  conclusion 
which  would  clearly  have  been  drawn  by  Trench  himself.  The  use 
of  similar  language  by  Prof.  Mahaffy  has  already  been  noted.  (Pref. 
p.  xii.)  The  position  assumed  by  writers  who  maintain  this  view,  is 
one  quite  inappropriate  for  historical  discussion,  and  its  natural  ex- 
pression, if  it  must  be  expressed  at  all,  is  through  the  medium  of  such 
poetical  aspirations  as  that  breathed!  in  the  epigram  of  John,  the 
Metropolitan  of  Euchaita  : — 

"  If  any  Pagans,  Lord,  Thy  grace  shall  save 
From  wrath  divine,  this  boon  I  humbly  crave, 
Plato  and  Plutarch  save :  Thine  was  the  cause 
Their  speech  supported  :  Thine,  too,  were  the  laws 
Their  hearts  obeyed ;  and  if  their  eyes  were  blind 
To  recognize  Thee  Lord  of  human  kind, 
Needs  only  that  Thy  gift  of  grace  be  shown 
To  bring  them,  and  bring  all  men,  to  the  Throne." 


204  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

of  the  Celestial  Hierarchy  of  Dionysius  "  the  Areopa- 
gite,"  with  its  thrice-repeated  triplets  of  Thrones, 
Cherubim,  Seraphim ;  Powers,  Dominions,  Mights ; 
Angels,  Archangels,  Principalities.  But,  in  the  first 
place,  Plutarch  does  not  keep  his  Eeligion  and  his 
Philosophy  in  separate  mental  compartments  :  they  are 
fused  into  one  operation  in  his  thought ;  and  we  should 
adopt  a  false  method  of  interpretation  were  we  to 
separate  the  result  as  expounded  in  his  writings. 
Further,  we  should  obtain  a  totally  misleading  view  of 
Plutarch's  teaching  were  we  to  insist  that  he  was  fully 

conscious  of  all  the  conclusions  that  by  a  strict  use  of 

J 

logic  could  conceivably  be  deduced  from  his  tenets. 
An  examination  of  the  opinions  and  beliefs  which  he 
states  that  he  actually  maintained  leads  inevitably  to 
the  conviction  that  his  Dsemonology  was  as  sincere  as 
his  Theology.  There  can,  we  think,  be  no  doubt  that 
his  reverence  for  the  national  tradition  gave  him  as  real 
a  belief  in  the  polytheistic  activities  of  the  Daemons  as 
his  love  of  Philosophy  gave  him  in  the  Unity,  Perfec- 
tion and  Eternity  of  the  Deity.  The  strength  of  this 
belief  was  increased  by  his  recognition  of  the  important 
part  it  might  play,  in  one  direction  by  solving  perplexities 
and  removing  stumbling-blocks  from  the  national  tradi- 
tion, in  another  by  responding  to  that  eternal  craving  of 
humanity  for  a  god-man,  a  mediator,  which  had  already 
begun  to  receive  a  purer,  a  simpler,  and  a  more  perfect 
satisfaction.  The  conscious  expression,  therefore,  which 
Plutarch  gives  in  his  writings  to  the  belief  in  Daemons, 
we  are  bound  to  accept  as  corresponding  with  a  convic- 
tion actually  existing  in  his  mind,  quite  as  much  as 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  205 

we  admit  the  sincerity  of  his  reiterated   belief  in  a 
Supreme  and  Universal  Deity. 

But  it  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  aspects  of 
Plutarch's  Theology — not  the  less  interesting,  perhaps, 
because  it  has  a  certain  inconsistency  with  other  parts 
of  his  lleligion — that,  even  were  we  to  confine  our 
investigations  to  the  philosophic  elements  of  his  idea 
of  the  Divine  Nature :  even  if  we  could  totally  exclude 
from  consideration  all  the  functions  which  he  ascribes 
to  the  Daemonic  character:  we  should  still  find  our- 
selves face  to  face  with  a  God  different,  in  one  of  the 
qualities  now  regarded  as  essential  to  a  complete  con- 
ception of  Deity,  from  any  of  the  theological  repre- 
sentations current  in  the  schools  of  Greek  Philosophy. 
The  essential  basis  of  all  these  representations  is  the  God 
of  Plato,  partly  regarded  as  the  creative  Demiurgus  of 
the  "  Timaeus ; "  partly  as  the  World-Soul,  that  "blessed 
god  "  produced  by  the  operation  of  the  Creator's  "  In- 
telligence " ;  and  partly  as  that  ultimate  ideal  Unity, 
the  final  abstraction  reached  by  a  supreme  effort  of 
dialectic  subtlety.  The  last  of  these  three  conceptions 
is  essentially  and  truly  that  of  Plato ;  it  is  the  native 
and  unalloyed  product  of  Dialectic,  owing  naught  of  its 
existence  to  the  illustrative  or  ironical  use  of  Myth, 
out  of  which  the  other  two  conceptions  spring.  The 
element  of  personality  is  totally  absent  from  this  con- 
ception, l  nor  did  the  Stoics  introduce  this  element  into 

1  Dr.  Martineau  (Types  of  Ethical  Tlieory,  vol.  i.  p.  91)  thinks 
that  "  we  must  go  a  little  further  than  Zeller,  who  decides  that  Plato 
usually  conceived  of  God  as  if  personal,  yet  was  restrained  by  a 
doctrine  inconsistent  with  such  conception  from  approaching  it  closely 
or  setting  it  deliberately  on  any  scientific  ground,"  and  devotes  several 


206  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

their  adoption  of  the  Soul  of  the  Universe  as  Deity.1 
But  Plutarch's  God  is  a  personal  God.  The  God  of 
the  "De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta"  approaches  nearer 
to  the  Christian  conception  of  God  as  a  Father  than 
the  Deity  as  conceived  by  any  Faith  which  has  not  been 
permeated  by  Christian  feeling,  and  the  God  of  the  "  De 
Superstitione  "  presents  the  same  characteristics  as  the 
God  of  the  "De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta."  Plutarch's 

closely-reasoned  pages  to  show  that,  although  there  was  no  room  for 
a  personal  god  in  Plato's  philosophy,  Plato  himself  was  in  distinct 
opposition  to  his  own  views  as  systematically  expounded  in  his 
writings.  "  We  may  regard  him  as  fully  aware  of  the  conditions  of 
the  problem,  and,  though  unable  to  solve  it  without  lesion  of  his 
dialectic,  yet  deliberately  pronouncing  judgment  on  the  side  of  his 
religious  feeling."  But  pace  tantorum  virorum  it  will  be  admitted  that 
the  personality  of  God  is  not  very  evident  in  Plato  when  those  who 
understand  him  best  can  only  maintain  that  it  is  not  essentially  inter- 
woven with  his  philosophy,  having  only  an  indirect  and  accidental 
existence  which  is  not  possible  "without  lesion  of  his  dialectic." 

1  "  Abstractedly,  the  theology  of  the  Stoics  appears  as  a  material- 
istic pantheism  ;  God  is  represented  as  a  fire,  and  the  world  as  a  mode 
of  God."  (GBANT,  The  Ethics  of  Aristotle,' vol.  i.  p.  265.)  In  the 
famous  "  hymn  of  Cleanthes,"  preserved,  like  so  many  other  of  the 
great  wonders  of  classical  literature,  by  Stobaeus,  Grant  sees  an 
emphatic  recognition  of  the  personality  of  God,  but  it  is  equally 
natural  to  regard  the  hymn  as  a  more  detailed  expression  of  that 
necessity  of  submitting  to  Destiny — of  living  in  accordance  with 
nature — which  Cleanthes  enounces  in  that  other  famous  fragment 
which  Epictetus  would  have  us  hold  ready  to  hand  in  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  life : — 

"  Lead  me,  O  Zeus,  and  thou  O  Destiny, 
The  way  that  I  am  bid  by  you  to  go  : 
To  follow  I  am  ready.     If  I  choose  not, 
I  make  myself  a  wretch,  and  still  must  follow." 

— EPICTETUS,  Encheir.  lii.  (Long's  translation.)  Epictetue,  indeed, 
and  Seneca,  late  comers  in  the  history  of  Stoicism,  have  undoubtedly 
attained  to  a  clear  recognition  of  the  personality  of  God. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  207 

feeling  of  the  intimate  relation  existing  between  the 
Divine  Knowledge  and  the  secret  weaknesses  and  sins, 
and  the  feeble   strivings   after  virtue   in   the   human 
heart,  does  not  require  an  elaborate  and  contentious 
process    of   ratiocination    before   we   can    discern    its 
presence.     It  is  the  basis  of  his  finest  arguments,  and 
the  inspiration  of  his  most  earnest  and  fruitful  teach- 
ings.      This   weakness   of  Plutarch   on    the   side   of 
Metaphysics,   this    revolt  of   his   nature    against   the 
coldness   and   distance   of  the  Deity  of  the  Platonic 
Dialectic,  constitutes  his  strength  as  a  religious  and 
moral   teacher.      This   inconsistency   makes   him   the 
type  of  certain  modern  theologians  who  will  expound 
to  a  formal  Congregation  the  Eternity,  Self-Existence, 
Necessity,  and  Unity  of  God  the  First  Cause,  while 
in  their  private  devotions  their  hearts  and  their  lips 
turn  naturally  to  the  simple  and  touching  petitions  of 
"  Our  Father,  which  art  in  Heaven ;  "  or,  while  com- 
posing a  sermon  in  which  the  particular  attributes  of 
the  Persons  of  the  Trinity  and  their  mutual  relation- 
ships  are   defined   and  enumerated   with    more   than 
scholastic  precision,  will  turn  and  teach  their  children  to 
pray  to  God  as  the  "  gentle  Jesus."    In  a  similar  manner, 
there  is  the  Plutarch  of  the  "De  E  apud  Delphos," 
the  Plutarch  of  the  "  De  Sera  Numinis  Vindicta,"  and 
the  Plutarch  of  the  Dsemonology.     He  contributes  his 
share  to  the  discussions  of  philosophic  theologians  ;  he 
depicts  God  in  direct  spiritual  relationship  with  his 
human  children;    and  he   describes   the   Daemons   as 
aiding  mankind   in   their   internal   struggles   towards 
perfection  of  moral  character.     He  will  allow  neither 


208  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Eeason  nor  Emotion  to  run  away  with  him ;  he  is  as 
far  removed  from  the  dialectic  severities  of  Plato,  as  he 
is  from  the  superstitious  beliefs  and  practices  of  the 
later  Platonists.  He  has  no  special  and  peculiar 
message  either  to  the  theologian  in  the  pulpit,  or  to 
the  child  at  its  mother's  knee.  He  appeals  to  humanity 
at  large ;  to  the  people  who  have  work  to  do,  and  who 
want  to  get  it  done  with  honesty  and  dignity ;  to 
students,  teachers,  politicians,  members  of  a  busy 
society  ;  to  people  who  are  liable  to  all  the  temptations, 
and  capable  of  all  the  virtues,  which  naturally  arise  in 
the  ordinary  life  of  highly  civilized  communities.  He 
analyses  and  illustrates  such  common  vices  as  anger, 
avarice,  envy,  hate,  flattery ; x  he  penetrates  and  exposes 
such  ordinary  failings  as  garrulity,  gauchcrie,  personal 
extravagance,  and  interfering  curiosity.2  His  sym- 
pathetic pen,  as  of  one  who  knows  the  value  of  such 
things,  depicts  with  rare  charm  the  loveliness  of  friend- 
ship, and  of  affection  for  brother,  child,  and  wife ;  while 
he  applies  a  more  religious  consolation  to  those  who 
are  suffering  under  the  bitterness  of  exile,  the  sadness 
of  bereavement  by  death.3  To  connect  Plutarch's 
Eeligion  with  his  Ethics  at  all  these  points  of  contact 

1  See  the  "  De  cohibenda  ira"  "  de  cupiditate  divitiarum"  "  de 
invidia  et  odio"  "  de  adulatore  et  amico." 

2  "  De  garrulitate"  "  de  vitioso  pudore"  "  de  vitando  aere  alieno," 
"  de  curiositate." 

3  " De  amicorum  multitudine"  and  " de  adulatore  et  amico " ;  " de 
fraterno  amore,"  "  de  amore  prolig" ;   "conjugalia  prsecepta,"   "de 
exilio,"  "  contolatio  ad  uxorem,"  "consolatio  ud  Apollonium"     ("I 
can  easily  believe,"  says  Emerson,  "  that  an  anxious  soul  may  find  in 
Plutarch's  '  Letter  to  his  Wife  Timoxena,'  a  more  sweet  and  reassuring 
argument  on  the  immortality  than  in  the  Phocdo  of  Plato.") 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  209 

would  carry  us  beyond  the  natural  limits  of  our  present 
aim.1  As  an  illustration  of  his  method  as  operating  in 
this  direction,  we  may  recall  how  intimately  Plutarch's 
conception  of  the  Divine  Nature  is  interwoven  with 
his  ethical  aim  in  face  of  so  serious  a  moral  evil  as 
Superstition.  We  may  also  add  that  he  is  consistent 
with  himself  in  constructing  no  scientifically  accurate 
system  of  Ethics  any  more  than  he  maintains  a  dialec- 
tically  impeccable  scheme  of  Theology.  lie  criticizes 
the  ethical  results  attained  by  various  Schools  of 
Philosophy,  and  selects  from  this  one  and  that  one 
such  elements  as  promise  to  give  greater  clearness  and 
strength  to  his  own  convictions.2  He  quotes  Plato 
and  Aristotle  to  show  that  Reason  and  Passion  are  both 
necessary  elements  in  the  production  of  practical  virtue. 
Superior  power  as  Reason  is  in  the  constitution  of  man, 
she  cannot  act  by  herself  towards  the  accomplishment 
of  her  own  virtuous  aims.  Although  he  refuses  to 
agree  with  Aristotle  that  all  Virtue  is  a  mean  between 
two  extremes,  since  the  virtue  of  Intelligence  as 
employed,  for  example,  in  the  contemplation  of  a 
mathematical  problem,  being  an  activity  of  the  pure 
and  dispassionate  part  of  the  soul,  needs  no  admixture 
of  the  unreasoning  element  to  make  it  effective ;  he 
yet  insists  that  the  virtues  of  practical  life  demand  for 
their  realization  the  instrumental  agency  of  the  passions, 
and  are  thus,  in  effect,  a  mean,  correcting  excess  or 

1  Zeller  says  that  "  the  most  characteristic  mark  of  the  Plutareh- 
ian  Ethics  is  their  connexion  with  religion." — (Greel;  Philosophy, 
translated  by  Alleyne  and  Abbott.) 

•  De  Vii-tute  Morali,  440  E. 

P 


210  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

defect  of  either  of  the  co-operating  agencies.1  Re- 
f erring  to  a  favourite  illustration,  he  maintains  that 
the  passions  are  not  to  be  uprooted  and  destroyed  as 
Lycurgus  uprooted  and  destroyed  the  vineyards  of 
Thracia,  but  are  to  be  treated  with  the  fostering  gentle- 
ness of  a  god  who  would  prune  the  wild,  trim  the  rank, 
and  carefully  cultivate  the  healthy  and  productive 
portions  of  the  plant.2  If  we  wish  to  avoid  drunken- 
ness we  need  not  throw  our  wine  away ;  we  must 
temper  it  with  water.  In  like  manner,  Reason  will 
not  act  "  by  harsh  and  obstinate  methods,  but  by 
gentle  means,  which  convey  persuasion  and  secure 
submission  more  effectively  than  any  sort  of  com- 
pulsion." 3  It  is  quite  in  harmony  with  this  essen- 
tially practical  view  of  life  that  he  holds  that  Virtue 
can  be  taught,  and  that  it  is  through  the  persuasion, 
and  by  the  guidance,  of  Reason  and  Philosophy  that 
a  happy  life  can  be  secured,  inasmuch  as  their  efforts 
are  directed  at  counterbalancing  the  exaggerated  picture 
which  passion  draws  of  all  the  circumstances  of  life, 
whether  they  are  fortunate  or  the  reverse.4  It  is  this 
principle  which  he  applies  to  the  discussion  of  topics  of 
practical  morality,  as  he  applies  it  to  the  discussion  of 
questions  of  Religion.  The  practice  of  the  virtues 
based  upon  this  principle  is  most  vividly  exhibited  in 
his  "  Symposiacs,"  a  work  which  is  of  considerable  value 
for  the  light  it  throws  upon  the  family  and  private 

>  444  C,  D.    (Cf.  451.) 

2  444  D.     Cf.  Quomodo  adolescent  poetas  audire  debeat,  15  K. 

3  445  C. 

4  "An  rirlus  doceri  p  ossit"  -'de  cirlute  et  vitio,"  101,  C,  D. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  211 

habits  of  the  Graeco-Roman  empire  of  that  age,  but 
which  is  chiefly  interesting  because  it  shows  to  what 
an  extent  the  simple  and  humane  moralities  of  Epicur- 
eanism had  permeated  Society,  and  brought  a  calm  and 
gentle  happiness  in  their  train. 

It  may  be  admitted  that  the  positive  additions  made 
by  Plutarch  to  the  intellectual  and  moral  wealth  of  his 
age  were  small  and  unimportant.  He  made  no  great 
discoveries  in  any  of  the  great  branches  of  philosophical 
activity  which  had  so  loog  been  the  special  pride  and 
prerogative  of  the  Hellenic  Eace.  There  was  not  a 
tendency  of  Greek  Philosophy  with  whose  history  and 
results  he  was  not  familiarly  acquainted ;  there  was  not 
a  School  from  which  he  did  not  borrow  something  for 
introduction  into  the  texture  of  his  own  thought.  It 
is  in  this  sense  that  he  is,  as  he  has  been  called,  an 
Eclectic ;  but  his  teaching  surrounds  his  appropriated 
thoughts  with  none  of  the  weakness  so  often  attaching 
to  great  and  original  utterances  when  torn  out  of  the 
systems  in  which  they  were  originally  embodied.  Nor 
was  his  Eclecticism  that  spurious  Eclecticism  of  the  later 
Platonists,  which  imagined  it  had  harmonized  discordant 
systems  when  it  had  tied  them  together  with  the  withes 
of  an  artificial  classification.  Plutarch's  Eclecticism 
was  unified  by  the  Ethical  aim  which  constantly  inspired 
his  choice,  and  gave  to  old  sayings  of  philosophers,  old 
lines  of  verse,  old  notions  of  the  people,  a  new  and  richer 
significance  in  his  application  of  them  to  the  uses  of 
practical  life.  Thus,  if  Plutarch  did  not  add  to  the 
gathered  wealth  of  Hellas,  he  taught  his  countrymen 
new  ways  of  passing  their  ancient  acquisitions  into  the 


212  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

currency.     There  are  periods   in  the  intellectual  and 
moral  progress  of  humanity  when  the  world  is  exhausted 
with  the  accumulation  of  its  riches ;  when  its  appetite 
for  acquisition  is  satiated ;  when  it  needs  to  find  what 
its  possessions  are,  and  how  best  they  can  be  put  to  their 
legitimate  uses.     At  these  periods  the  cultivation  of  a 
mental  attitude  is  of  greater  service  to  humanity  than 
the  accumulation  of  mental  stores.     Plutarch  came  at 
such  a  period  in  the  history  of  the  Hellenic  race ;  and 
we,  who  are  once  again  beginning  to  recognize  that  the 
end  of  education  should  not  be  the  mere  accumulation 
of  facts,  but  rather  the  strengthening  of  the  intellect  and 
the  formation  of  the  character,  can  properly  estimate  the 
value  of  the  work  accomplished  by  one  who,  on  the  side 
of  intellect,  inculcated  the  necessity  of  sympathetically 
watching  for  signs  of  a  rational  basis  in  beliefs  however 
prima  facie  strange  and  abhorrent,  and  on  the  side  of 
character,  that  a  man  could  become  virtuous  by  learning 
what  his  faults  were,  and  endeavouring  to  check  them 
by  practice  and  habit.     In  him  Eeligion  and  Philosophy 
went  hand  in  hand,  operating  on  the  same  body  of  truth, 
and  directing  their  energies  to  the  realization  of  the  same 
end.      That  rational  influence  which  we  saw  working 
in   the   sphere  of  early  Eoman  Eeligion:   which  sub- 
sequently gave  Eoman  Morality  a  source  of  inspiration 
in  Greek  Philosophy :  which  associated  Greek  Eeligion 
and  Greek  Philosophy  as  factors  in  Ethics,  until  the 
latter  became  the  predominating  power  :  this  influence 
had  its  final  classical  expression  in  Plutarch  and  in  the 
other  thinkers  and  workers  of  his  epoch  and  that  im- 
mediately succeeding,  in  Seneca,  in  Dion,  in  Marcus 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH,  213 

Aurelius.  These  men  avoided  extravagance  in  Iteligiou, 
as  they  avoided  it  in  their  philosophical  studies  and  in 
the  practical  affairs  of  life.  They  are  the  last  legitimate 
outcome  of  the  Greek  spirit  in  Pagan  times.  Plutarch 
collected  the  wisdom,  and  fixed  the  emotions,  of 
Antiquity,  in  a  manner  which  the  best  men  of  many 
Christian  ages  have  found  efficacious  for  goodness.  In 
his  own  more  immediate  age  his  spirit  predominated 
for  a  century,  and  was  then  absorbed  to  form  a  thin 
vein  of  common  sense  in  that  mingled  mass  of  Oriental 
mystery  and  Hellenic  metaphysics  which  was  known  as 
Neo-Platonism.1 

Neo-Platonism,  which  claimed  to  represent  the 
perfect  harmony  of  Religion  and  Philosophy,  substan- 
tiated its  claim  by  annihilating  the  historic  foundations 
of  both,  and  by  thus  compelling  Christianity  to  dis- 
pense with  the  accumulated  wisdom  of  ages  in  its 

1  Trench  follows  Zeller  in  regarding  Plutarch  as  a  forerunner  of 
the  Neo-Platonists : — "  Plutarch  was  a  Platonist,  with  an  oriental 
tinge,  and  thus  a  forerunner  of  the  new  Platonists,  who  ever  regarded 
him  with  the  highest  honour.  Their  proper  founder,  indeed,  he,  more 
than  any  other  man,  deserves  to  be  called,  though  clear  of  many  of 
the  unhealthy  excesses  into  which,  at  a  later  date,  many  of  them  ran  " 
(Trench,  p.  90).  We  hope  our  pages  have  done  something  towards 
putting  Plutarch  in  a  different  light  from  that  which  surrounds  him 
here.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  did  the  "new  Platonists  regard  him  ever 
with  the  highest  honour  ? "  The  testimony  of  Eunapius  we  have 
already  quoted  (p.  (J7,  note).  Himerius  is  equally  laudatory.  "  Plu- 
tarch, who  is  the  source  of  all  the  instruction  you  convey." — Eclogie, 
vii.  4.  "  I  weep  for  one  who,  I  fondly  hoped,  would  be  gifted 
•with  speech  excelling  Minucianus  in  force,  Xicagoras  in  statelineas, 
Plutarch  in  sweetness  "  (Oral,  xliii.  21 — Monody  on  his  son's  death). 
But  this  is  rather  late  in  the  history  of  Neo-Platonism.  WLat  about 
Plotinus,  and  Porphyry,  and  Proclus  ?  Trench  gives  no  references  in 
proof  of  his  statement,  and  we  have  been  unable  to  find  any. 


214  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

reorganization  of  human  relationships  with  the  eternal. 
In  Plutarch's  teaching,  each  element  of  the  combination 
was  at  once  assisted  and  restrained  by  the  other,  and 
the  fusion  was  natural  and  effective.  In  Neo-Platonism , 
Eeason,  the  principle  of  Philosophy,  and  Emotion,  the 
inspiration  of  Eeligion,  were  each  carried  to  an  im- 
possible extent  of  extravagance ;  and  it  was  only  the 
existence  of  the  two  elements  in  the  minds  of  a  few 
strenuous  and  original  characters,  who  were  assisted  in 
their  attempts  at  unity  by  the  refinements  of  an  ultra- 
Platonic  Dialectic,  which  secured  even  the  appearance 
of  harmony  between  the  discrepant  conceptions  which 
they  borrowed  from  various  differing  and  even  mutually 
hostile  schools.  Even  in  Plato  the  conspicuousness  of 
the  Ethical  element  compensates  to  some  extent  for 
the  abstractness  of  his  conception  of  the  Deity.  But 
Neo-Platonism  forced  the  idealism  of  Plato  to  a  more 
extravagant  metaphysic ;  and,  although  upon  Dialectics 
the  rational  part  of  their  doctrine  was  nominally  based, 
the  abstractness  of  its  processes  lent  itself  to  mysticism 
as  effectively  as  the  purely  religious  element  which 
lost  itself  in  the  vagaries  of  Oriental  rapture,  and 
debased  itself  by  its  miraculous  methods  of  intercourse 
with  the  spiritual  world.  Eeason,  in  the  pursuit  of 
the  One,  was  attenuated  to  Mathematics.  Mathematics, 
having  arrived  at  the  conception  of  the  One,  and  find- 
ing it  without  any  qualities,  gave  way  to  the  raptures 
of  the  "  perfect  vision." 

How  far  this  twofold  extravagance  was  due  to  the 
personality  of  the  founders  of  the  new  System,  and  how 
far  to  its  express  object  of  rivalling  Christianity,  is  a 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  215 

doubtful  problem.  Maximus  was  a  Tyrian ;  Numeiiius 
came  from  Apamea  in  Syria ;  Ammonius  Saccas,  the 
first  great  Neo-Flatonist,  was  of  Alexandria.  Plotinus 
came  from  Lycopolis  in  Egypt,  and  was  perhaps  a 
Copt ;  Porphyry  and  lamblichus  were  Syrians.  Plutarch, 
as  Bishop  Theodoret  said,  was  a  Hellene  of  the  Hellenes.1 
But  the  necessity  of  competing  with  the  rising  Faith 
doubtless  operated  very  strongly  in  developing  the 
mystical  tendencies  always  tacitly  inherent  in  Platonism, 
and  proclaimed  by  the  Neo-Platonists  at  the  very 
commencement.  This  rivalry  emphasized  that  out- 
Platonizing  of  Plato  which  culminated  in  the  Alexan- 
drian Trinity,  and  that  competition  with  the  Christian 
miracles  which  issued  in  the  triple  folly  of  Magic, 
Theurgy,  and  Theosophy.  Plutarch,  knowing  that  the 
necessity  of  confuting  an  adversary  is  liable  to  cause 
exaggeration  and  distortion,  removed  his  Epicurean 
from  the  scene  when  he  wished  to  discuss  the  provi- 
dential dispensation  of  human  affairs.  The  circum- 
stances of  his  time,  and  the  bent  of  his  own  character, 
which  inclined  him  to  seek  points  of  agreement  rather 
than  to  emphasize  points  of  difference,  saved  him  from 

1  Theodoretus :  De  Oraculis,  951.— "Plutarch  of  Clixronea,  a  man 
who  was  not  Hebrew,  but  Greek — Greek  by  birth  and  in  language,  and 
enslaved  to  Greek  ideas."  Cf.  MOMMSEN  :  TJie  Provinces,  from  Cxsar 
to  Diocletian,  Lib.  viii.  cap.  vii. — "  In  this  Chaeronean  the  contrast 
between  the  Hellenes  and  the  Hellcnized  found  expression ;  such  a 
type  of  Greek  life  was  not  possible  in  Smyrna  or  in  Antioch ;  it 
belonged  to  the  soil  like  the  honey  of  Hymettus.  There  were  men 
enough  of  more  powerful  talents  and  of  deeper  natures,  but  hardly 
any  second  author  has  known  how,  in  so  happy  a  measure,  to  reconcile 
himself  serenely  to  necessity,  and  how  to  impress  upon  his  writings 
the  stamp  of  his  tranquillity  of  spirit,  and  of  his  blessedness  of  life." 


2i6  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

the  prejudices  of  the  odium  theologicum.  But  in  the 
third  century  Christianity  could  not  be  disposed  of  by 
contemptuous  phrases,  or  equally  contemptuous  silence. 
The  Neo-Platonists  came  into  direct  contact  with  the 
new  Religion,  both  in  its  literature  and  in  its  practice. 
Ammonius  Saccas,  the  teacher  who  satisfied  all  the 
yearning  aspirations  of  Plotinus,  had  been  a  Christian 
in  the  days  when  he  was  young  and  carried  a  porter's 
knot  on  the  quays.1  Porphyry  informs  us  that  he  had 
met  Origen,  and  Socrates,  the  Church  historian,  asserts 
that  Porphyry  had  himself  been  a  Christian.  The 
evidence  of  Bishop  Theodoret,  which  cannot  be  accepted 
as  regards  Plutarch,  may  easily  be  admitted  as  regards 
Plotinus.2  Porphyry  wrote  fifteen  books  against  the 
Christians,  which  were  publicly  burned  by  Theodosius 
200  years  later.  He  demonstrated  that  the  prophecies 
of  Daniel  were  composed  after  the  event,  and  in  the 
Third  Book  of  his  Collection  of  Oracles,  he  devotes  a 
chapter  to  "  the  foolishness  of  the  Christians,"  and  finds 
a  place  for  Christ  in  his  lowest  rank  of  supernatural 
beings.  Plutarch's  thoughts  were  not  disturbed  either 
by  anti- Christian  polemic,  or  by  the  necessity  of  find- 
ing a  place  for  Christ  in  his  spiritual  world. 

The  modifications  which  these  influences  wrought 

1  Dr.  Bigg  calls  him  a  renegade,  as  the  Church  has  called  Julian 
an  apostate.  A  comment  of  M.  Martha's  on  this  uncharitable  practice 
is  worthy  of  frequent  repetition: — "Ainsi  done,  que  Ton  donne  a 
Julien  tous  les  noms  qu'il  plaira,  qu'on  1'appelle  insense,  fanatique, 
maifl  qu'on  cesse  de  lui  infliger  durement  ce  nom  d'apostat,  de  peur 
qu'un  historien,  trop  touche'  de  ses  malheurs,  ne  s'avise  un  jour  de 
prouver  que  I'apostasie  etait  excusable."  (  "  Un  chrtfien  derenu 
paten" — Etudes  Morales.) 

•  See  note,  p.  45. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  217 

in  that  body  of  Hellenic  wisdom  which  had  been  the 
material  of  Plutarch's  work  were  most  conspicuous  in 
the  Theology  and  Dsemonology  of  the  Neo-Platonists. 
Plutarch  had  been  content  to  state  the  Unity,  Eternity, 
Absoluteness  of  God.  He  needed  such  a  conception  to 
make  the  world  intelligible;  but  he  defined  his  con- 
ception with  a  rare  simplicity  which  satisfies  the 
practical  mind  as  well  as  meets  the  essential  require- 
ments of  Philosophy.  But  the  Neo-Platonist  theology 
refines  and  subdivides  and  abstracts  to  an  extent  which 
puzzles  and  bewilders  its  most  earnest  students,  and 
removes  God  infinitely  further  from  mankind  than  even 
the  Ideas  of  Plato  are  removed.  "  According  to  Plotinus, 
God  is  Goodness  without  Love.  Man  may  love  God,  but 
God  cannot  love  man."  Even  the  "  Divine  Soul,"  the 
third  Hypostasis  of  the  Neo-Platonist  Trinity,  that  which 
lies  nearest  the  comprehension  of  the  common  intellect, 
"is  of  little  intellectual  or  religious  significance  in  the 
mind  of  Plotinus."  Dogmatism  would  be  unbecoming 
on  a  subject  where  Kirchner  and  Zeller  are  at  variance, 
and  where  the  French  lucidity  of  Vacherot  and  Saisset 
casts  little  more  light  than  the  close  and  careful 
analysis  of  Dr.  Bigg.1  But  it  is  necessary  to  a  full 

1  Though  having  also  carefully  studied  both  Zeller  and  Vacherot 
(ZELLEK  :  Die  Philosophie  der  Griechen,  vol.  iii. ;  VACHEROT  :  Hisloire 
critique  de  VEcole  d' Alexandrie),  we  have  specially  used  for  the 
purposes  of  the  text  the  close  analysis  of  the  various  aspects  of  Neo- 
riatonism  presented  by  Dr.  Bigg  in  his  "  Xeo-Platonism,"  and  the 
interesting  account  given  by  M.  Saisset  in  his  article  "  De  1'Ecole 
d'Alexandrie,"  written  for  the  "  Kevue  des  Deux  Mondes,"  of  Sep- 
tember, 1844,  as  a  review  of  Jules  Simon's  work  on  the  Alexandrian 
School. — For  the  Neo-Platonist  Dicmonology  we  have  largely  con- 
sulted Wolff. 


2i8  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

understanding  of  Plutarch's  position  to  consider  his 
relation  to  his  successors  as  well  as  to  his  predecessors, 
and  we  are  therefore  compelled  to  a  brief  analysis  of 
the  Neo-Platonic  Theology  and  Dsemonology,  putting 
ourselves  under  more  competent  guidance  than  we  can 
ourselves  hope  to  supply.  "  The  Supreme  Cause," 
says  Dr.  Bigg,  "  God,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word, 
.  .  .  embraces  in  Himself  a  unity  of  Three  Hypostases. 
.  .  .  Hypostasis  signifies  the  underlying  cause  of  the 
phenomenal  manifestation.  Hence  it  can  be  applied  to 
all  three  Persons  of  the  Platonic  Trinity,  while  Being 
could  only  be  used  of  the  second  and  third. — Each 
Hypostasis  is  a  person,  but  a  purely  intellectual  person. 
All  three  are  one,  like  three  mutually  enfolding  thoughts, 
and  where  one  is  there  is  the  All  in  the  fullness  of  its 
power.  All  are  eternal,  but  the  second  is  inferior  to  the 
first,  because  '  begotten,'  and  the  third  to  the  second,  for 
the  same  reason."  "  God,"  says  M.  Saisset,  "  is  three- 
fold, and  yet  a  whole.  The  divine  nature,  conceived  as 
absolutely  simple,  admits  of  division ;  at  the  pinnacle 
of  the  scale  soars  Unity  ;  beneath  it  Intelligence,  iden- 
tical with  Being,  or  the  Logos ;  in  the  third  rank,  the 
Universal  Soul,  or  the  Spirit.  We  have  not  here  three 
gods,  but  three  hypostases  of  the  same  God.  An 
Hypostasis  is  not  a  substance,  it  is  not  an  attribute,  it 
is  not  a  mode,  it  is  not  a  relation.  Unity  is  above 
Intelligence  and  Being,  it  is  above  Reason ;  it  is  incom- 
prehensible and  ineffable ;  without  Intelligence  itself, 
it  generates  Intelligence ;  it  gives  birth  to  Being,  and 
is  not  itself  Being.  Intelligence,  in  its  turn,  without 
motion  or  activity  as  it  is,  produces  the  Soul,  which  is 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  219 

the  principle  of  activity  and  motion.  God  conceived 
as  a  perfect  type  of  which  the  human  soul  is  a  copy, 
the  infinite  and  universal  Soul,  is  the  third  hypostasis. 
God  conceived  as  absolute,  eternal,  simple,  motionless 
Thought,  superior  to  space  and  time,  is  the  second 
hypostasis."  But  soul  and  thought  and  being  are  terms 
relative  to  the  human  mind.  "  God  is  above  thought, 
above  Being:  He  is,  therefore,  indivisible  and  incon- 
ceivable. He  is  the  One,  the  Good,  grasped  by  Ecstasy. 
This  is  the  third  hypostasis."  M.  Saisset  continues : 
"  Such  are  the  three  terms  which  compose  this  obscure 
and  profound  Trinity.  Human  reason,  reason  still 
imperfectly  free  from  the  meshes  of  sense/ stops  with 
the  conception  of  the  Universal  Soul,  the  active  principle 
of  motion  ;  the  reason  of  the  Philosophers  rises  higher, 
to  the  Motionless  Intelligence,  the  depository  of  the 
essences  and  types  of  all  things  ;  it  is  love  and  ecstasy 
alone  that  can  carry  us  to  the  conception  of  Absolute 
Unity." 

Almost  the  only  thing  that  is  easy  to  understand  in 
the  Neo-Platonic  theology  is  its  adoption  of  the  concep- 
tions of  various  schools  of  Greek  Philosophy.  This 
Eclecticism  has  a  superficial  resemblance  to  that  of 
Plutarch :  but  it  is  Eclecticism  formally  enumerating 
and  classifying  its  results,  not  harmonizing  and  uni- 
fying them.  The  third  hypostasis  is  the  Aoyoc  6  tv  rr} 
vXy  of  the  Stoics ;  the  second  hypostasis  is  the  Intelli- 
gence, the  eternal,  absolute,  and  motionless  Noue  of 
Aristotle,  while  the  first  has  striking  affinities  with  the 
Pythagorean  One.  But,  by  a  forced  process  of  interpre- 
tation, all  the  three  Hypostases  are  found  in  Plato.  In 


220  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

the  "Laws"  and  the  "Phaedrus"  Plato  stopped  with 
the  conception  of  the  Third  Hypostasis,  the  World  Soul, 
the  origin  and  cause  of  movement  in  the  created  world, 
which  in  the  "  Timseus "  is  represented  as  a  creation 
of  the  Demiurgus.  In  the  God  of  the  "  Banquet "  and 
the  "  Kepublic,"  who  is  the  source  of  Being  and  Intelli- 
gence, Plato  was  anticipating  the  Second  Hypostasis  ; 
while  in  the  "  Parmenides "  he  describes  the  First 
Hypostasis,  that  absolute  Unity  which  has  no  relation 
with  either  Being  or  Keason,  or  with  anything  else 
either  actual  or  conceivable.  The  placing  of  these  three 
different  conceptions  of  God  in  three  different  compart- 
ments of  thought,  in  three  different  Scales  of  Existence, 
is  not  to  unify  them :  nor  is  that  process  made  any  the 
more  feasible  by  the  invention  of  the  term  Emanation, 
by  which  the  Second  Hypostasis  proceeds  from  the 
First,  and  the  Third  from  the  Second.1  Plutarch's 
Eclecticism  is  based  upon  the  needs  of  the  moral  life  : 
that  of  Neo-Platonism  was  actuated  by  a  desire  for 
formal  harmony,  and  was  steeped  in  a  mysticism  which 
operated  in  drawing  the  soul  away  from  action  to  a 
divine  contemplation.  The  Perfect  Vision,  the  revela- 
tion of  the  First  Hypostasis,  is  the  culmination  of  the 
soul's  progress.  The  Second  and  Third  Hypostases, 

1  "  In  so  far  as  the  Deity  is  the  original  force,  it  must  create  every- 
thing. But  as  it  is  raised  above  everything  in  its  nature,  and  needs 
nothing  external,  it  cannot  communicate  itself  substantially  to  another, 
nor  make  the  creation  of  another  its  object.  Creation  cannot,  as  with 
the  Stoics,  be  regarded  as  the  communication  of  the  Divine  Xature, 
as  a  partial  transference  of  it  into  the  derivative  creature  ;  nor  can  it 
be  conceived  as  an  act  of  will.  But  Plotinus  cannot  succeed  in  uniting 
these  determinations  in  a  clear  and  consistent  conception.  He  has 
recourse,  therefore,  to  metaphors." — ZELLKR. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  221 

being  subject  to  relations  and  conditions,  are  suscept- 
ible of  approach  through  the  Reason ;  but  the  First 
Hypostasis,  being  unconditioned,  cannot  be  grasped 
by  Eeason,  which  moves  in  the  sphere  of  conditions 
and  relations.  Hence,  the  Perfect  Vision  repudiates 
that  Eeason  of  which  it  is  the  culmination :  "  for 
thought  is  a  kind  of  movement,  but  in  the  Vision 
is  no  movement."  In  the  Eevelation  of  the  Perfect 
Vision,  as  well  as  in  the  formal  development  of  the 
Trinity,  we  see  the  influence  of  a  desire  to  compete  with 
Christianity. 

This  ecstatic  contemplation  of  the  highest  con- 
ception of  their  Theology  exhibited  a  mysticism  which 
had  a  more  degrading  side,  one  which  is  specially  con- 
spicuous in  the  Neo-Platonist  Daemonology.  There 
also  the  Mysticism  is  in  combination  with  refinements 
of  logical  definition.  Plotinus  takes  the  floating  con- 
ceptions of  Dsemonology  and  makes  them  submit  to 
a  rigid  classification  in  formal  harmony  with  the  tri- 
partite character  of  the  Divine  Nature.  Divine  Powers 
lie  divides  into  three  classes.  The  first  Power  is  that 
which  dwells  in  the  world  of  Ideas,  apart  from  the  per- 
ception of  man  and  in  close  touch  with  the  Divine 
Intelligence.  The  next  is  the  race  of  visible  Gods,  the 
Stars,  Nature,  Earth  :  the  third  is  that  of  the  Daemons. 
The  Daemons  are  again  subdivided  into  three  ranks  : 
Gods,  Loves,  and  Daemons.  Porphyry  insists  on  a 
similar  classification.  In  one  of  the  oracles  collected 
by  him  and  preserved  by  Eusebius,  the  beings  of  the 
Daemonic  hierarchy  are  classified  with  equal  strictness, 
but  with  greater  simplicity  than  that  shown  by 


222  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Plotinus.  His  highest  rank  corresponds  with  that  of 
his  Master.  The  second  rank  corresponds  with  Plotinus' 
third  class,  but  does  not  here  undergo  a  tripartite  sub- 
division. His  third  class,  unlike  the  first,  which  moves 
in  the  presence  of  God,  is  far  away  from  communion 
with  Him,  and  corresponds  with  the  created  and  visible 
gods  in  the  second  class  of  Plotinus.  He  is  not  always 
faithful  to  this  simplicity.  In  the  third  book  of  his 
"  De  Philosophia  ex  Oraculis  "  he  admits  another  class 
of  Daemons  called  Heroes,  admitting  Christ  to  their 
number.  Elsewhere  he  divides  the  Daemons  into  arch- 
angels, angels,  and  daemons.  Proclus  will  have  six 
ranks:  and  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  who  classified 
this  Daemonlore  for  the  Christian  Church,  will  have 
nine.  We  can  equally  discern  here  the  operation  of 
that  spurious  Eclecticism  which  fits  its  thefts  into  the 
clamps  of  a  preconceived  system.  The  simple  notion 
of  Beings  intermediate  between  God  and  Man,  breaking 
the  distance  between  the  two  by  participating  in  the 
Divine  and  Human  nature,  is  rendered  absurd  and 
impossible  by  its  compulsory  harmonizing  with  the 
demand  of  the  Alexandrine  Trinity.  Plotinus  thought 
he  had  made  Aristotle  agree  with  Plato,  but  the 
harmony  was  of  the  same  character  as  that  secured 
between  Christianity  and  Neo-Platonism  by  making  the 
Christian  God-man  a  Neo-Platonist  Daemon.  The 
Ideas  of  Plato,  the  VOTJ<T<C  TTJC  VOT/O^C  of  Aristotle,  and 
the  World  Soul  of  the  Stoics:  how  easy  to  reconcile 
these  different  conceptions  of  the  Deity,  if  they  are 
placed  in  different  spheres  of  thought,  and  connected 
by  the  mysterious  process  of  Emanation  !  The  Neo- 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  223 

Platouist  school  was  damned  by  its  fatal  proclivity  for 
trinities.  There  were  three  kinds  of  gods,  three  kinds  of 
daemons,  and  three  methods  of  approach  to  the  super- 
natural world.  These  three  methods  were  of  course  syste- 
matic, almost  scientific,  constructions.  Before  Porphyry 
there  were  Magic  (yor^rtia)  and  Theosophy  (Qtoaofyia). 
That  philosopher  introduced  a  third  and  middle  term 
Theurgy  (Btovpyla).  Theosophy  was  the  process  by  which 
the  philosopher  attained  the  Perfect  Vision,  arrived  at 
the  consummation  of  twmq.  Magic  was  the  process  by 
which  the  evil  Daemons,  whom  Porphyry  puts  under 
the  dominion  of  Serapis  and  Hecate,  were  approached. 
The  object  of  Theurgy  was  communion  with-  the  good 
Daemons.  Aided  by  Oriental  fervour,  we  know  the 
absurdities  which  these  systems  developed  in  the  world 
of  practice.  But  the  development  of  these  sciences  on 
the  theoretical  side  was  enough  to  drag  them  down 
with  their  own  weight.  In  Proclus  the  practical  and 
the  theoretic  sides  of  Neo-Platonism  are  both  driven  to 
a  culmination  which  passes  the  intelligence  of  humanity. 
"From  the  Incommunicable  One  spring — one  knows 
not  how — a  host  of  Henads.  Each  has  the  character  of 
absolute  being,  yet  each  has  distinctive  qualities.  The 
Henads  run  down  in  long  lines ;  the  Intelligible  are 
followed  by  the  Intellectual,  these  by  the  Overworldly^ 
these  again  by  the  Inworldly.  From  the  Intelligible 
springs  the  family  of  Being,  from  the  Intellectual  that 
of  Intelligence,  from  the  Overworldly  that  of  Soul, 
from  the  Inworldly  that  of  Nature.  These  principal 
'  chains  '  are  mainly  like  brooks  falling  into  one  river ; 
that  which  has  a  body  may  also  have  a  soul  and  an 


224  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

intelligence  ;  but  they  subdivide  as  they  go  down,  there 
are  different  kinds  of  intelligences  and  different  kinds 
of  souls  dependent  on  them,  so  that  the  river  is  per- 
petually branching  off  into  other  rivers.  Yet,  further, 
the  principal  chains  have  to  be  multiplied  by  the 
number  of  Henads,  for  each  chain  is  a  family  depending 
on  a  God,  and  exhibiting  tliroughout  the  characteristic 
of  that  God.  It  includes  not  only  Angels,  Heroes, 
Demons,  and  human  beings,  but  stones,  plants,  animals, 
which  bear  the  signature  of  the  deity,  and  have  sacra- 
mental virtues  with  respect  to  him." 

If  Proclus  believed  all  this,  we  can  understand  his 
being  a  victim  to  the  grossest  superstition,  both  in 
belief  and  in  practice.  In  the  life  of  Proclus,  second 
Aristotle  as  he  was,  we  see  the  natural  culmination  of 
that  excess  of  Keason  and  that  exaggeration  of  Emotion 
which  had  marked  the  Neo-Platonic  attitude  from 
the  beginning.  When  Justinian  closed  the  School  of 
Athens  in  the  Sixth  Century  its  professors,  the  last 
representatives  of  Neo-Platonism,  were  being  hunted 
down  as  practitioners  of  magic  of  the  meanest  descrip- 
tion. The  "  De  Superstitione "  of  Plutarch  marked  a 
stage  in  the  history  of  the  human  mind  which  the 
Neo-Platonists  left  behind,  and  which  the  European 
world  has  only  just  attained  again  after  centuries  of 
horrible  crimes  born  of  a  sincere  belief  in  witchcraft.1 

1  "  In  the  year  1722,  a  Sheriff-depute  of  Sutherland,  Captain  David 
Ross,  of  Littledean,  took  it  upon  him  to  pronounce  the  last  sentence 
of  death  for  witchcraft  which  was  ever  passed  in  Scotland.  The 
victim  was  an  insane  old  woman  who  had  so  little  idea  of  her  situa- 
tion as  to  rejoice  at  the  sight  of  the  fire  which  was  destined  to  con- 
sume her." — Sir  W.  SCOTT  :  "Demonology  and  Witchcraft"  cap.  9. 


THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  225 

It  is  a  natural  subject  of  speculation  to  those  who 
are  interested  in  the  history  of  this  period,  how  far  the 
character  of  modern  civilization  would  have  been  modi- 
fied, had  not  the  free  and  tolerant  traditions  of  Greece 
been  clamped  into  the  systematized  absurdities  of 
Neo-Platonism.  The  struggle  for  social  and  political 
ascendancy  reacted  also  upon  the  liberal  and  gentle 
spirit  of  the  Man  of  Nazareth,  whose  teachings  were 
thus  embedded  in  a  theological  formalism  which  robbed 
them  of  half  their  meaning  and  all  their  inspiration. 
Christianity  fought  the  enemy  with  its  own  weapons, 
and  the  scientific  terminology  of  the  Neo-Platonists 
gave  definiteness  to  the  Christian  conception  of  the 
Trinity  and  the  celestial  hierarchy,  while  the  whole 
system  of  Dicmonology,  which  has  played  so  sinister  a 
part  in  modern  civilization,  was  to  be  found  entire  in 
the  works  of  Porphyry  and  Proclus.  It  has  even  been 
asserted  that  the  chief  merit  of  the  Neo-Platonist 
school  lay  in  the  fact  that  it  prepared  the  educated 
circles  of  Pagan  Society  for  the  acceptance  of  the 
Gospel,  and  laid  the  foundations  for  the  construction  of 
Christian  Theology.  l  But  it  is  conceivable  that  had 
Christianity  come  face  to  face  with  the  calm  rationalism 
and  gentle  piety  of  Pagan  Pieligion  and  Philosophy  as 
they  appear  in  Plutarch,  more  of  the  spirit,  if  less  of 
the  form,  of  the  old  tradition  might  have  passed  into 
the  teachings  of  the  new  Faith.  We  should,  perhaps, 
then  have  been  spared  the  martyrdom  of  Christians 
at  the  hands  of  Christians,  the  Inquisition,  and  the 
whole  terrible  consequences  of  the  Odium  Thcologicum. 
1  See  Volkmaun,  vol.  i.  cap.  i. 

Q 


226  THE   RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

Plutarch  suggested  a  frame  of  mind  rather  than  in- 
culcated a  body  of  dogma,  and  in  that  he  resembled  the 
founder  of  Christianity  a  great  deal  more  than  the 
most  honoured  theologians  of  the  Church  have  done. 
But  Paganism  girt  on  its  armour  in  direct  hostility  to 
the  new  Creed,  and  from  these  clenched  antagonisms 
sprang  that  accentuation  of  points  of  difference  which 
broke  the  continuity  of  civilization,  and  separated  the 
modern  from  the  classical  world  by  a  chasm  which  the 
efforts  of  four  centuries  have  not  succeeded  in  bridging 
over.1  Is  it  not  possible  that  Paganism,  which  out  of 
the  multitude  of  separate  gods  had  evolved  the  idea  of 
the  One  Pure  and  Perfect  Deity,  might  also,  out  of  the 
many-sided  activities  of  the  half-human,  half-divine 
Daemons,  have  arrived  at  the  belief  in  a  single  mediatory 
power,  and,  with  a  perception  unblinded  by  polemic 
bitterness,  have  been  prepared  to  merge  this  conception 
in  the  Divine  Man  of  the  Catholic  Church  ?  2 

1  Cf.  M.  MARTHA,  "  Un  chre'tien  devenu  paien,"  in  his  Etudes 
Morales:  "La  philosophic  prit  tout  a  coup  des  allures  mystiques  et 
inspire'es,  elle  entoura  de  savantes  tenebres  la  claire  mythologie  com- 
promise par  sa  clarte;  a  ses  explications  symboliques  elle  mela  les 
pratiques  myste'rieuses  des  cultes  orientaux,  a  sa  theologie  subtile  et 
confuse  les  redoutables  secrets  de  la  magie  :  elle  cut  ses  initiations 
clandestines  et  terribles,  ses  enthousiasrnes  extatiques,  ses  vertus 
nouvelles  souvent  empruntees  au  christianisme,  ses  bonnes  oeuvres, 
ses  miracles  meme.  En  un  mot,  elle  devint  la  theurgie,  cet  art  sub- 
lime et  suspect  qui  pre'tend  pouvoir  evoquer  Dieu  sur  la  terre  et  dans 
les  ames.  Le  christianisme  rencontrait  done  non  plus  un  culte  suranne, 
facile  a  renverser,  mais  une  religion  vivante,  puisunt  son  e'nergie  dans 
sa  de'faite,  deTendu  par  des  fanutiques  savants  dont  le  sombre  ferveur 
et  1'eloquence  illumine'e  e'taient  capables  d'entrainer  aussi  une  arme'e 
de  proselytes. 

•  As  it  was,  the  Inter  Neo-Platonists  had  to  content  themselves 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  227 

But  though  the  spirit  of  Plutarch  was  not  destined 
in  this  way  to  pass  directly  on  to  the  believer  in 
Christianity,  the  time  was  to  come  when,  among  the 
best  and  purest  adherents  of  that  faith,  his  teachings 
would  be  regarded  as  efficacious  for  the  sincerest  good- 
ness. "  The  works  of  Jeremy  Taylor,"  says  Archbishop 
Trench,  "  contain  no  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty- 
six  allusions  or  direct  references  made  by  him  to  the 
writings  of  Plutarch."  But  direct  indebtedness  of  this 
kind  does  not  necessarily  imply  similarity  of  spirit, 
and  fortunately  the  mental  attitude  of  Plutarch  is 
one  which  appears  essential  to  human  progress,  and 
does  not  depend  upon  the  continuity  of  a  tradition. 
"  Plutarch,"  wrote  Emerson,  "  will  be  perpetually  re- 
discovered from  time  to  time  as  long  as  books  last."  l 
He  will  be  perpetually  rediscovered  because  there 
will  be  a  perpetually  recurring  necessity  to  look  at  life 
from  his  point  of  view.  But  he  will  be  perpetually 
rediscovered  because  he  is  perpetually  allowed  to 
disappear.  There  will  always  be  those  among  the 
disciples  of  Eeligion  and  the  followers  of  Science  who 
maintain  that  there  can  be  no  truce,  no  toleration 
between  the  two,  and  the  history  of  the  human  race 
will  be  formulated  into  an  indictment  against  the  Super- 
stition of  the  one,  and  the  most  terrible  anathemas  of 
the  Church  will  be  fulminated  against  the  Atheism  of 
the  other.  Meanwhile  those  who  take  a  middle  course 

with  Apollonius  of  Tyana,  instead  of  Jesus  Christ. — "  Apollonius  of 
Tyana,  who  was  no  longer  a  mere  philosopher,  but  a  being  half- 
Ituman,  half-divine"  (EUNAPIUS,  op.  cit.). 

1  See  Emerson's  "  Introduction  "  to  Goodwin's  translation  of  the 
"  Morals." 


228  THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH. 

and  recognize  the  "immortal  vitality  of  Philosophy 
and  the  eternal  necessity  of  Eeligion,"1  and  would 
leave  the  individual  mind  to  select  its  appropriate 
support  from  the  dogmas  of  the  one  or  the  discoveries 
of  the  other,  without  dressing  Philosophy  in  the  fantastic 
garb  of  Religion,  as  the  Neo-Platonists  did,  or  turning 
Religion  into  a  matter  of  rules  and  regulations  as  the 
Clerical  Rationalists  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  did, 
will  be  regarded  by  the  extremists  as  traitors  at  once 
to  the  cause  of  progress  and  the  cause  of  morality,  and 
will  be  placed  among  the — 

"  Anime  triste  di  coloro 
Che  visser  senza  infainia,  e  senza  lodo. 
Mischiate  sono  a  quel  cattivo  coro 
Degli  Angeli,  cbe  non  furon  ribelli 
Ne  fur  fedeli  a  Dio,  ma  per  se  foro." 2 

But  so  long  as  human  nature  is  composite  :  so  long  as 
it  is  compelled  to  feel  an  interest  in  the  home  joys  of 
earth,  and  is  endowed  with  an  imagination  which  soars 
beyond  the  actual  realities  of  life  to  the  possibilities 
that  lie  beyond  its  limits  :  so  long  will  the  spirit  which 
dominated  Plutarch  operate  in  inducing  men  "  to  borrow 
Reason  from  Philosophy,  making  it  their  Mystagogue 
to  Religion :  "  so  long  will  it  be  recognized  that  the 
most  subtle  Dialectic  and  the  most  spiritualized  rapture 
are  dangerous  at  once  to  Reason  and  Religion  unless 
they  are  brought  into  contact  with  the  necessities  of 
daily  life,  and  made  to  subserve  the  ends  of  practical 
goodness  in  the  sphere  of  man's  natural  and  immediate 
interests.  This  recognition  of  Ethics  as  the  dominating 

1  Saisset,  op.  cit.  DANTE  :  Inferno,  Cauto  iii. 


THE  RELIGION  OF  PLUTARCH.  229 

cud  of  till  Thought  and  Emotion  will  lead  men  on  that 
linn  path  of  reasonable  happiness  which,  in  Plutarch's 
own  favourite  expression,  lies  midway  between  the 
headlong  precipice  of  Atheism  and  the  engulfing 
quagmire  of  Superstition. 


FINIS. 


1'KINTKU    BY    WILLIAM    CLOWKS    AND   SONS,    LIMITED,    LONDON    AND    BECCLES. 


Classified  Catalogue 

OF  WORKS  IN 

GENERAL     LITERATURE 

PUBLISHED   BY 

LONGMANS,    GREEN,    &    CO., 

3!)  PATERNOSTER  ROW,  LONDON,  E.G. 
91  AND  93  FIFTH  AVENUE,  NEW  YORK,  AND  32  HORNBY  ROAD,  BOMBAY. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

BADMINTON  LIBRARY  (THE)         .  12 
BIOGRAPHY,  PERSONAL  MEMOIRS, 

ETC 8 

CHILDREN'S  BOOKS        .         .        .31 
CLASSICAL    LITERATURE,    TRANS- 
LATIONS, ETC 22 

COOKERY,  DOMESTIC  MANAGEMENT, 

ETC 36 

EVOLUTION,  ANTHROPOLOGY,  ETC.  21 
FICTION,  HUMOUR,  ETC.  .  .  25 
FUR,  FEATHER  AND  FIN  SERIES  .  14 
FINE  ARTS  (THE)  AND  Music  .  37 
HISTORY,  POLITICS,  POLITY,  PO- 
LITICAL MEMOIRS,  ETC.  .  .  1 
LANGUAGE,  HISTORY  AND  SCIENCE 

OF 19 

LOGIC,   RHETORIC,   PSYCHOLOGY, 

ETC.  ...  1G 


MENTAL,  MORAL  AND  POLITICAL 
PHILOSOPHY  .... 

MISCELLANEOUS  AND  CRITICAL 
WORKS 

POETRY  AND  THE  DRAMA 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY  AND  ECO- 
NOMICS   

POPULAR  SCIENCE 

RELIGION,  THE  SCIENCE  OF 

SILVER  LIBRARY  (THE) 

SPORT  AND  PASTIME 

STONYHURST  PHILOSOPHICAL 
SERIES 

TRAVEL  AND  ADVENTURE,  THE 
COLONIES,  ETC. 

WORKS  OF  REFERENCE 


16 

88 
23 

20 
29 
21 
33 
12 

19 

10 
31 


History,   Politics,   Polity 

Abbott.— A   HISTORY  OF  GREECE. 
By  EVELYN  ABBOTT.  M.A.,  LL.D. 

Part  1. — From  the  Earliest  Times  to  the 
Ionian  Revolt.     Crown  8vo,  10s.  6d. 


Part    II.— 500-445    B.C. 
10s.  Qd. 


Crown    8vo, 


Part  III.— From  the  Peace  of  445  B.C.  to 
the  Fall  of  the  Thirty  at  Athens  in 
403  B.C.  Crown  8vo,  10s.  6d. 

Acland  and  Ransome. — A  HAND- 
BOOK IN  OUTLINE  OF  THE 
POLITICAL  HISTORY  OF  ENG- 
LAND TO  1896.  Chronologically 
arranged.  By  the  Right  Hon.  A.  H. 
DVKK  ACLAND  and  CYRIL  RANSOME, 
M.A.  Crown  Svo,  6* 


,  Political  Memoirs,  etc. 

Allgood.— LETTERS  AND  JOURNALS 

OF  THE  CHINA  WAR,  1860.  By- 
Major  -  General  G.  ALLGOOD,  C.B., 
formerly  Lieut.  G.  ALI.GOOD,  1st  Division 
China  Field  Force.  With  Maps,  Plans, 
and  Illustrations.  Demy  4to. 

ANNUAL  REGISTER  (THE).  A  Re- 
vieyv  of  Public  Events  at  Home  and 
Abroad,  for  the  year  1900.  Svo,  18s. 

Volumes  of  THE  ANNUAL  REGISTER 
for  the  years  1863-1899  can  still  be  had. 
18s.  each. 

Arnold.  —  INTRODUCTORY  LEC- 
TURES ON  MODERN  HISTORY.  By 
THOMAS  ARNOLD,  D.D. ,  formerly  Head 
Master  of  Rugby  School.  Svo,  7*.  tid. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


History,  Politics,  Polity,  Political  Memoirs,  etc. — continued. 


Ashbourne.— PITT  :  SOME  CHAP- 
TERS ON  HIS  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 
By  the  Ri^ht  Hon.  EDWARD  GIBSON, 
Lord  ASHBOURNE,  Lord  Chancellor  of 
Ireland.  With  11  Portraits.  8vo,  21  s. 

Ashley.— SURVEYS,  HISTORIC  AND 
ECONOMIC  :  a  Volume  of  Essays.  By 
W.  J.  ASHLEY,  M.A.  8vo,  9s.  net. 

Baden-Powell.— THE  INDIAN  VIL- 
LAGE COMMUNITY.  Examined  with 
Reference  to  the  Physical,  Ethnographic 
and  Historical  Conditions  of  the  Pro- 
vinces ;  chiefly  on  the  Basis  of  the 
Revenue-Settlement  Records  and  Dis- 
trict Manuals.  By  B.  H.  BADEN-POWELL, 
M.A.,  C.I.E.  With  Map.  8vo,  16s. 

Bagwell.— IRELAND  UNDER  THE 
TUDORS.  By  RICHARD  BAGWELL, 
LL.D.  (3  vols.)  Vols.  I.  and  II.  From 
the  First  Invasion  of  the  Northmen  to 
the  year  1578.  8vo,  32s.  Vol.  III. 
1578-1603.  Svo,  18s. 

Baillie.  —  THE  ORIENTAL  CLUB, 
AND  HANOVER  SQUARE.  By 
ALEXANDER  F.  BAILLIE.  With  Illus- 
trations. Crown  4to. 

Besant.— THEHISTORY  OF  LONDON. 
By  Sir  WALTER  BESANT.  With  74 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  Is.  9d.  Or 
bound  as  a  School  Prize  Book,  2s.  C</. 

Bright.— A  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 
By  the  Rev.  J.  FRANCK  BRIGHT,  D.  D. 

Period  I.  M  EDI^EVAL  MONARCHY  : 
A.D.  449-1485.  Crown  8vo,  4s.  6d. 

Period  II.  PERSONAL  MONARCHY. 
1485-1688.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 

Period  III.  CONSTITUTIONAL  MON- 
ARCHY. 1689-1837.  Crown  Svo, 
7s.  6d. 

Period  IV.  THE  GROWTH  OF  DE- 
MOCRACY. 1837-1880.  Crown  8vo, 
6s. 

Bruce.— THE  FORWARD  POLICY 
AND  ITS  RESULTS;  or,  Thirty-five 
Years'  Work  among.it  the  Tribes  on  our 
North-Western  Frontier  of  India.  By 
RICHARD  ISAAC  BRUCE,  C.I.E.  With 
28  Illustrations  and  a  Map.  Svo,  15s. 
net. 


Buckle.— HISTORY  OF  CIVILISA- 
TION IN  ENGLAND,  FRANCE, 
SPAIN  AND  SCOTLAND.  By 
HEXRY  THOMAS  BUCKLE.  3  vols. 
Crown  Svo,  24s. 


Burke.— A  HISTORY  OF  SPAIN  from 
the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Death  of 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic.  By  ULICK 
RALPH  BURKE,  M.A.  Edited  by 
MARTIN  A.  S.  HUME.  With  6  Maps. 
2  vols.  Crown  Svo,  lo'.v.  net. 


Chesney.— INDIAN  POLITY:  a  View  of 
the  System  of  Administration  in  India. 
By  General  Sir  GEORGE  CHESNEY, 
K'.C.B.  With  Map  showing  all  the 
Administrative  Divisions  of  British 
India.  8vo,  21s. 


Churchill  (WINSTON  SPENCER,  M.P.). 

THE  RIVER  WAR:  an  Historical 
Account  of  the  Reconquest  of  the 
Soudan.  Edited  by  Colonel  F. 
RHODES,  D.S.O.  With  34  Maps  and 
Plans,  and  51  Illustrations  from 
Drawings  by  ANGUS  McNEiLL.  Also 
with  7  Photogravure  Portraits  of 
Generals,  etc.  2  vols.  Medium  Svo, 
36.s. 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  MALAKAND 
FIELD  FORCE,  1897.  With  6  Maps 
and  Plans.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 

LONDON  TO  LADYSMITH  VIA  PRE- 
TORIA. Crown  Svo,  6.s. 

IAN  HAMILTON'S  MARCH.  With 
Portrait  of  Lieut. -General  Ian  Hamil- 
ton, and  10  Maps  and  Plans.  Crown 
Svo,  6-s. 


Corbett  (JULIAN  S.). 

DRAKE  AND  THE  TUDOR  NAVY  ; 
with  a  History  of  the  Rise  of  England 
as  a  Maritime  Power.  With  Portraits, 
Illustrations  and  Maps.  2  vols.  Cr. 
Svo,  16s. 

THE  SUCCESSORS  OF  DRAKE.  With 
4  Portraits  (2  Photogravures)  and  12 
Maps  and  Plans.  Svo,  21s. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS.   3 


History,  Politics,  Polity,  Political  Memoirs,  etc. — continued. 
Creighton  (M.,  D.D.,  late  Lord  Bishop 


of  London). 
A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PAPACY  FROM 
THE    GREAT    SCHISM    TO    THE 
SACK    OF    ROME,    1378-1527.      6 
vols.     Crown  8vo,  5s.  net  each. 
QUEEN     ELIZABETH.       VVitli    Por- 
trait.    Crown  8vo,  as.  net. 

De  Tocqueville.— DEMOCRACY  IN 
AMERICA.  By  ALEXIS  DK  TOCQUK- 
VILLK.  Translated  by  HRNKY  URKVH, 
C.  B.,  D.C.L.  2  vols.  Crown  8vo,  Id*. 

Dickinson.— THE  DEVELOPMENT 
OF  PARLIAMENT  DURING  THE 
NINETEENTH  CENTURY.  By  G. 
LOWES  DICKINSON,  MA.  8vo,  7s.  6t/. 

Falkiner.— STUDIES  IN  IRISH  HIS- 
TORY AND  BIOGRAPHY.  By  C. 
LITTON  FALKINER. 

Fitzgibbon.— ARTS  UNDER  ARMS: 
an  University  Man  in  Kliaki.  By 
MAURICE  FITZQIBBON,  B.A.,  Trinity 
College,  Dublin  University,  late  Trooper 
and  Sergeant-Major  4;">th  Company  (Irish 
Hunt  Contingent)  Imperial  Yeomanry. 
With  6  Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  5s.  net. 

Pitzmaurice.— CHARLES  WILLIAM 
FERDINAND,  Duke  of  Brunswick  ;  an 
Historical  Study.  By  Lord  EDMONU 
FITZMAURICE.  With  Map  and  2  Por- 
traits. Svo,  6s.  net. 

Froude  (JAMES  A. ). 
THE  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND,  from 
the  Fall  of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat  of 
the   Spanish  Armada.     12  vols.     Cr. 
Svo,  3s.  6d.  each. 

THE  DIVORCE  OF  CATHERINE  OF 
A R AGON.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6^. 

THE  SPANISH  STORY  OF  THE  AR- 
MADA, and  other  Essays.  Crowu 
Svo,  3s.  6d. 

THE    ENGLISH    IN    IRELAND    IN 
THE    EIGHTEENTH     CENTURY. 
3  vols.     Crown  Svo,  105.  Qd. 
ENGLISH    SEAMEN    IN  THE    SIX- 
TEENTH CENTURY. 
Cabinet  Edition.     Crown  Svo,  6s. 
Illustrated  Edition.      With  5  Photo- 
gravure Plates  and  16  other  Illustra- 
tions.    Large  Crowu  Svo,  6s.  net. 
'  Silcer    Library '     Edition.      Crown 
Svo,  3s.  M. 


Froude  (JAMES  A..)— continued. 
THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.     Crown 
Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

SHORT  STUDIES  ON  GREAT  SUB- 
JECTS.  4  vols.  Cr.  Svo,  3s.  Gd.  each. 

C-iESAR :  a  Sketch.     Cr.  Svo,  3.?.  6rf. 

SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  WRIT- 
INGS OF  JAMES  ANTHONY 
FROUDE.  Edited  by  P.  S.  ALLEN, 
M.A.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 

Fuller.-EGYPT  AND  THE  HINTER- 
LAND. By  FREDERIC  W.  FULLER. 
With  Frontispiece  and  Map  of  Egypt 
and  the  Sudan.  Svo,  10s.  (Jd.  net. 

Gardiner  (SAMUEL  RAWSON,  D.C.L. , 
LL.D.). 

HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND,  from  the 
Accession  of  James  1.  to  the  Outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War,  1603-1642.  10  vols. 
Crown  Svo,  5s.  net  each. 

A  HISTORY  OF  THE  GREAT  CIVIL 
WAR,  1642-1649.  4  vols.  Crown  Svo, 
5s.  net  each. 

A  HISTORY  OF  THE  COMMON- 
WEALTH AND  THE  PROTECT- 
ORATE. 1649-1660.  Vol.  I.  1619- 
1651.  With  14  Maps.  Svo,  21s. 
Vol.  II.  1-351-1654.  With  7  Maps. 
8vo,21s.  Vol.  III.  1654-1656.  With 
6  Maps.  Svo,  21s. 

THE  STUDENT'S  HISTORY  OF  ENG- 
LAND.    With  37S  Illustrations.     Cr. 
Svo,  12s. 
Also  in  Three  Volumes,  price  4s.  each. 

WHAT  GUNPOWDER  PLOT  WAS. 
With  8  Illustrations.  Cr.  Svo,  5s. 

CROMWELL'S  PLACE  IN  HISTORY. 
Founded  on  Six  Lectures  delivered  in 
the  University  of  Oxford.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  6d. 

OLIVER  CROMWELL.  With  Frontis- 
piece. Crown  Svo,  5s.  net. 

Graham.— ROMAN  AFRICA  :  an  Out- 
line of  the  History  of  the  Roman  Occupa- 
tion of  North  Africa,  based  chiefly  upon 
Inscriptions  and  Monumental  Remains 
in  that  country.  By  ALEXANDER 
GRAHAM,  F.S.A",  F.R.I.B.A.  With 
30  reproductions  of  Original  Drawings 
by  the  Author,  and  2  Maps. 


4   LONGMANS  AND  CO:S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 


History,  Politics,  Polity,  Political  Memoirs,  etc.— continued. 

,  Hill.— LIBERTY  DOCUMENTS.  With 
Contemporary  Exposition  and  Critical 
Comments  drawn  Irom  various  Writers. 
Selected  and  Prepared  by  MABEL  HILL. 
Edited  with  an  Introduction  by  ALBEKT 
BOSHNELL  HART.  Ph.D.  Large  Crown 
8vo,  7s.  6d. 

Historic  Towns.— Edited  by  E.  A. 
FREEMAN,  D.C.L.,  and  Rev.  WILLIAM 
HUNT,  M.A.  With  Maps  and  Plans. 
Crown  8vo,  35.  6d.  each. 


Greville.— A  JOURNAL  OF  THE 
REIGNS  OF  KING  GEORGE  IV., 
KING  WILLIAM  IV.,  AND  QUEEN 
VICTORIA.  By  CHARLES  C.  F.  GRE- 
VILLE, formerly  Clerk  of  the  Council. 
8  vols.  Crown  8vo,  3s.  Qd.  each. 

Gross.— THE  SOURCES  AND  LITERA- 
TURE OF  ENGLISH  HISTORY,  from 
the  Earliest  Times  to  about  1485.  By 
CHARLES  GROSS,  Ph.D.  8vo,  18s.  net. 

Hamilton.— HISTORICAL  RECORD 
OF  THE  14TH  (KING'S)  HUSSARS, 
from  A.D.  1715  to  A.D.  1900.  By  Col- 
onel HENRY  BLACKBCRNB  HAMILTON, 
M.A.,  Christ  Church,  Oxford  ;  late  com- 
manding the  Regiment.  With  32 
Photogravure  Plates,  15  Coloured  Plates 
and  10  Maps.  4to,  42s.  net. 

HARVARD  HISTORICAL  STUDIES. 

THE  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  AFRICAN 
SLAVE  TRADE  TO  THE  UNITED 
STATES  OF  AMERICA,  1638-1870. 
By  W.  E.  B.  Da  Bois,  Ph.D.  Svo, 
7s.  6d. 

THE  CONTEST  OVER  THE  RATIFICA- 
TION OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITU- 
TION IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  By  S. 
B.  HARDING,  A.M.  Svo,  6s. 

A  CRITICAL  STUDY  OF  NULLIFICA- 
TION IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  By 
D.  F.  HOUSTON,  A.M.  8vo,  6s. 

NOMINATIONS  FOR  ELECTIVE  OF- 
FICE IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
By  FREDERICK  W.  DALLINGER,  A.M. 
Svo,  7s.  6d. 

A  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  BRITISH 
MUNICIPAL  HISTORY,  including 
Gilds  and  Parliamentary  Representa- 
tion. By  CHARLES  GROSS,  Ph.D.  Svo, 
12*. 

THE  LIBERTY  AND  FREE-SOIL 
PARTIES  IN  THE  NORTH-WEST. 
By  THEODORE  C.  SMITH,  Ph.D.  Svo, 
7s.  6d. 

THE  PROVINCIAL  GOVERNOR  IN 
THE  ENGLISH  COLONIES  OF 
NORTH  AMERICA.  By  EVARTS 
BOUTELL  GREENE.  Svo,  7s.  f>d. 

THE  COUNTY  PALATINE  OF  DUR- 
HAM :  a  Study  in  Constitutional 
History.  By  GAILLAHD  THOMAS  LAI-S- 
L£Y,  Ph.D.  Svo,  10s.  (W. 


Bristol.     By  Rev.  W. 
Hunt. 

Carlisle.    By  Mandell 
Creighton,  D.D. 

Cinque     Ports.       By 
Montagu  Burrows. 

Colchester.    By  Rev. 
E.  L.  Cutts. 

Exeter.       By    E.    A. 
Freeman. 

London.    By  Rev.  W. 
J.  Loftie. 


Oxford.      By  Rev.  C. 
W.  Boase. 

Winchester.      By   G. 
W.  Kitchin,  D.D. 

York.    By  Rev.  James 
Raine. 

New  York.    By  Theo- 


Boston    (U.S.).      By 
Henry  Cabot  Lodge. 


Hunter.— A  HISTORY  OF  BRITISH 
INDIA.  By  Sir  WILLIAM  WILSON 
HUNTER,  K.C.S.I.,  M.A.,  LL.D. 

Vol.  I. — Introductory  to  the  Overthrow 
of  the  English  in  the  Spice  Archi- 
pelago, 1623.  With  4  Maps.  Svo, 
18s. 

Vol.  II.— To  the  Union  of  the  Old  and 
New  Companies  under  the  Earl  of 
Godolphin's  Award.  170S.  Svo,  16s. 

Ingram.— A  CRITICAL  EXAMINA- 
TION OF  IRISH  HISTORY.  From 
the  Elizabethan  Conquest  to  the  Legis- 
lative Union  of  1800.  By  T.  DUNBAR 
INGRAM,  LL.D.  2  vols.  Svo,  24s. 

Joyce.  —  A  SHORT  HISTORY  OF 
IRELAND,  from  the  Earliest  Times  to 
1603.  By  P.  W.  JOYCE,  LL.D.  Crown 
Svo,  10s.  6d. 

Kaye  and  Malleson.— HISTORY  OF 
THE  INDIAN  MUTINY,  1857-1858. 
By  Sir  JOHN  W.  KAYE  and  Colonel  <;. 
B."  MALLESON.  With  Analytical  Index 
imd  Maps  and  Plans.  6  vols.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  tW.  each. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.  S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WOKKS.   5 


History,  Politics,  Polity,  Political  Memoirs,  etc. — continued. 

Kent. -THE  ENGLISH  RADICALS: 
an  Historical  Sketch.  By  C.  B.  UOY- 
LANCK  KENT.  Crown  8vo,  7*.  Qd. 

Lanj?.-THE  MYSTERY  OF  MARY 
STUART.  By  ANDKKW  LANG.  With 
6  Photogravure  Plates  and  15  other 
Illustrations.  8vo,  185.  net. 


Laune.-HISTORICAL  SURVEY  OF 
PRK-CHR1STIAN  EDUCATION.  By 
S.  S.  LAURIE,  A.M.,  LL.D.  Crown 
8vo,  7s.  &i. 

Lecky.— (The  Rt.  Hou.  WILLIAM  E.  H.). 
HISTORY   OF    ENGLAND    IN    THE 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 
Library  Edition.    8  vols.    8vo.    Vols. 
I.    and   II.,  1700-1760,    36s.     Vols. 
1 1 1 .  and  I V. ,  1 760-1 784,  36s.     Vols. 
V.  and  VI.,  1784-1793,  30s.     Vols. 
VII.  and  VIII.,  1793-1SOO,  36s. 
Cabinet  Edition.     ENGLAND.     7  vols. 
Crown  8vo,  5s.  net  each.    IRELAND. 
5  vols.     Crown  8vo,  5s.  net  each. 
HISTORY  OF  EUROPEAN  MORALS 
FROM    AUGUSTUS   TO   CHARLE- 
MAGNE.    2  vols.     Crown  Svo,  10s. 
net. 

HISTORY    OF  THE  RISE   AND   IN- 
FLUENCE   OF    THE    SPIRIT    OF 
RATIONALISM     IN    EUROPE.      2 
vols.     Crown  Svo,  10s.  net. 
DEMOCRACY  AND  LIBERTY. 
Library  Edition.     2  vols.     8vo,  36s. 
Cabinet  Edition.   2  vols.    Cr.  Svo,  10s. 
net. 

Lowell.— GOVERNMENTS  AND 
PARTIES  IN  CONTINENTAL 
EUROPE.  By  A.  LAWRENCE  LOWELL. 
2  vols.  Svo,  21s. 

Lynch.-THE  WAR  OF  THE  CIVILI- 
SATIONS: BEING  A  RECORD  OF 
'A  FOREIGN  DEVIL'S1  EXPERI- 
ENCES WITH  THE  ALLIES  IN 
CHINA.  By  GEORGE  LYNCH,  Special 
Correspondent  of  the  Sphere,  etc.  With 
Porliait  and  21  Illustrations.  Crown 
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Lytton.— THE  HISTORY  OF  LORD 
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THE  ALPINE  GUIDE.  Reconstructed 
and  Revised  on  behalf  of  the  Alpine 
Club  by  W.  A.  B.  COOLIDOE. 

Vol.  1.,  THE  WESTERN  ALPS  :  the 

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HINTS  AND  NOTES,  PRACTICAL 
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By  J.  THEODOHB  BKXT.  With  117  Il- 
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A  VOYAGE  IN  THE  '  SUNBEAM '  ; 
OUR  HOME  ON  THE  OCEAN  FOR 
ELEVEN  MONTHS. 

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EAST. 

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IN  THE  TRADES,  THE  TROPICS, 
AND  THE  'ROARING  FORTIES1. 

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Crawford.  —  SOUTH  AMERICAN 
SKETCHES.  By  ROBKHT  CKAWFOKD, 
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Fountain.    THE  GREAT  DESERTS 

AND  FORESTS  OF  NORTH 
AMERICA.  By  PAUL  FOUNTAIN.  With 
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LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     11 


Travel  and  Adventure,  the  Colonies,  etc. — continued. 


Froude  (.IAMBS  A. ). 

OCEANA  :  or  England  and  her  Colon- 
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AGE :  Being  an  Account  of  Travels 
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Heathcote.— ST.  KILDA.  By  NOR- 
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Ho witt.— VISITS  TO  REMARKABLE 
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63  Illustrations  and  Photographs  by  the 
Author.  Cr.  Svo,  6s, 


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12     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORK'S. 


Sport  and  Pastime. 
THE  BADMINTON  LIBRARY. 

Edited  by  His  GRACE  THE  (EIGHTH)  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  and 
A.  E.  T.  WATSON. 

Complete  In  29  Volumes.     Crown  Svo.  Cloth,  Price  6s.  net  each  Volume,  or  9s.  net 
each,  half-bound  in  Leather,  with  jilt  top. 


ARCHERY.  By  C.  J.  LONGMAN  and 
Col.  H.  WALROND.  With  Contributions 
by  Miss  LEGH,  Viscount  DILLON,  etc. 
With  2  Maps,  23  Plates,  and  172  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text. 

ATHLETICS.  By  MONTAGUE  SHEAR- 
MAN. With  Chapters  on  Athletics  at 
School  by  W.  BEACHER  THOMAS; 
Athletic  Sports  in  America  by  C.  H. 
SHERRILL  ;  a  Contribution  on  Paper- 
chasing  by  W.  RYE,  and  an  Introduction 
by  Sir  RICHARD  WEBSTER,  Q.C.,  M.P. 
Witli  12  Plates  and  37  Illustrations  in 
the  Text. 


BIG    GAME    SHOOTING. 
PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY. 


By    CLIVE 


Vol.  I.  AFRICA  AND  AMERICA. 
With  Contributions  by  Sir  SAMUEL 
W.  BAKER,  W.  C.  OSWELL,  F.  C. 
SELOUS,  etc.  With  20  Plates  and  57 
Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

Vol.  II.  EUROPE,  ASIA,  AND  THE 
ARCTIC  REGIONS.  With  Contri- 
butions by  Lieut. -Colonel  R.  HEBER 
PERCY,  Major -ALGERNON  C.  HEBER 
PERCY,  etc.  With  17  Plates  and  56 
Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

BILLIARDS.  By  Major  W.  BUOADFOOT, 
R.E.  With  Contributions  by  A.  H. 
BOYD,  SYDEXHAM  DIXON,  W.  J.  FORD, 
etc.  With  11  Plates,  19  Illustrations 
in  the  Text,  and  numerous  Diagrams. 

COURSING  AND  FALCONRY.  By 
HARDING  Cox,  CHARLES  RICHARDSON, 
and  the  Hon.  GERALD  LASCELLES. 
With  20  Plates  and  55  Illustrations  in 
the  Text. 

CRICKET.  By  A.  G.  STEEL  and  the  Hon. 
R.  II.  LYTTEI.TON.  With  Contributions 
by  ANDREW  LANG,  W.  G.  GRACE,  F. 
GALE,  etc.  With  13  Plates  and  52  Illus- 
trations jn  the  Text. 


CYCLING.  By  the  EARL  OF  ALBEMARLR 
and  G.  LACY  HILLIER.  With  19  Plates 
and  44  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

DANCING.  By  Mrs.  LILLY  GROVE, 
F.R.G.S.  With  contributions  by  Miss 
MIDDLETON,  The  Hon.  Mrs.  ARMYTAOE, 
etc.  With  Musical  Examples,  and  38 
Full-page  Plates  and  93  Illustrations  in 
the  Text. 

DRIVING.  By  His  Grace  the  (Eighth) 
DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.  With  Con- 
tributions by  A.  E.  T.  WATSON,  THE 
EARL  OF  ONSLOW,  etc.  With  12  Plates 
and  54  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

FENCING,  BOXING  AND  WREST- 
LING. By  WALTER  H.  POLLOCK,  F. 
C.  GROVE,  C.  PREVOST,  E.  B.  MITCHELL, 
"and  WALTER  ARMSTRONG.  With  18 
Plates  and  24  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

FISHING.       By     H.     CHOLMONDELEY- 
PENNKLL. 

Vol.  I. — SALMON  AND  TROUT.  With 
Contributions  by  H.  R.  FRANCIS, 
Major  JOHN  P.  TRAHERNK,  etc.  With 
9  Plates  and  numerous  Illustrations  of 
Tackle,  etc. 

Vol.  II.— PIKE  AND  OTHER  COARSE 
FISH.  With  Contributions  by  the 
MARQUIS  OF  EXETER,  WILLIAM 
SEXIOH,  G.  CHRISTOPHER  DAVIS,  etc. 
With  7  Plates  and  numerous  Illustra- 
tions of  Tackle,  etc. 

FOOTBALL.— HISTORY,  by  MOSTAOI:« 
SHEARMAN  ;  THB  ASSOCIATION  GAME, 
by  W.  J.  OAKLEY  and  G.  0.  SMITH  ; 
THE  RUGBY  UNION  GAME,  by  FRANK 
MITCHKLL.  With  other  Contribu- 
tions by  R.  E.  MACXAOHTEN,  M.  C. 
KEMP,  J.  E.  VINCENT,  WALTER  CAMP 
and  A.  SUTHERLAND.  With  19  Plates 
and  35  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS.      13 


Sport  and  Pastime — continued. 
THE  BADMINTON  LIBRARY— continued. 

Edited  by  His  GUACE  THE  (EioHTH)  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT,  K.G.,  and 
A.  E.  T.  WATSON. 

Complete  In  29  Volumes.     Crown  8vo,  Cloth,  Price  68.  net  each  Volume,  or  9s.  net 
each,  half-bound  in  Leather,  with  gilt  top. 


GOLF.  By  HOUACB  G.  HUTCHINSON. 
With  Contributions  by  the  Rt.  Hon.  A. 
J.  BALFOUR,  M.  P.,  Sir  WALTER  SIMPSON, 
Bart,  ANDREW  LANG,  etc.  With  32 
Plates  and  57  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

HUNTING.  By  His  Grace  the  (Eighth) 
DUKE  OF  BEAUKOKT,  K.G.,  and  MOW- 
BRAY  MORRIS.  With  Contributions  by 
the  EARL  OP  SUFFOLK  AND  BERKSHIRE, 
Rev.  E.  W.  L.  DAVIES,  G.  H.  LONGMAN, 
etc.  With  5  Plates  and  54  Illustrations 
in  the  Text. 

MOUNTAINEERING.  By  C.  T.  DENT. 
With  Contributions  by  the  Right  Hon. 
J.  BRYCE,  M.P.,  Sir  MARTIN  CON  WAY, 
D.  W.  FRESHFIELD,  C.  E.  MATTHEWS, 
etc.  With  13  Plates  and  91  Illustrations 
in  the  Text. 

POETRY  OF  SPORT  (THE).  Selected 
by  HEADLEY  PEEK.  With  a.  Chapter 
on  Classical  Allusions  to  Sport  by 
ANDREW  LANG,  and  a  Special  Preface 
to  the  BADMINTON  LIBRARY  by 
A.  E.  T.  WATSON.  With  32  Plates  and 
74  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

RACING  AND  STEEPLE-CHASING. 
By  the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK  AND  BERK- 
SHIRE, W.  G.  CRAVEN,  the  Hon.  F. 
LAWLET,  ARTHUR  COVENTRY,  and  A.  E. 
T.  WATSON.  With  Frontispiece  and  56 
Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

HIDING  AND  POLO.  By  Captain 
ROBERT  WEIR,  J.  MORAY  BROWN,  T. 
F.  DALE,  the  late  DUKE  OF  BEAUFORT, 
the  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK  AND  BERKSHIRE, 
etc.  With  18  Plates  and  41  Illustra- 
tions in  the  Text. 

ROWING.  By  R.  P.  P.  ROWE  and  C.  M. 
PITMAN.  With  Chapters  on  Steering  I 
by  C.  P.  SEUOCOLD  and  F.  C.  BEGG  ; 
Metropolitan  Rowing  by  S.  LE  BLANC 
SMITH;  and  on  PUNTING  by  P.  W. 
SQUIRE.  With  75  Illustrations. 

SEA  FISHING.  By  JOHN  BICKERDYKE, 
Sir  H.  W.  GORE-BOOTH,  ALFRED  C. 
HARMSWORTH,  and  W.  SENIOR.  With 
22  Full-page  Plates  and  175  Illustrations 
in  the  Text. 


SHOOTING. 

Vol.  I.— FIELD  \ND  COVERT.  By  LORD 
WALSINOHAM  and  Sir  RALPH  PAYNE- 
GALLWEY,  Bart.  With  Contributions 
by  the  Hon.  GERALD  LASCELLES  and 

A.    J.    STUART-WORTLEY.        With    11 

Plates  and  95  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Vol.  II. — MOOR  AND  MARSH.  By 
LORD  WALSINGHAM  and  Sir  RALPH 
PAYNE-GALLWEY,  Bart.  With  Con- 
tributions by  LORD  LOVAT  and  LORD 
CHARLES  LENNOX  KERR.  With  8 
Plates  and  57  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

SKATING,  CURLING,  TOBOGGANING. 
By  J.  M.  HEATHCOTE,  C.  G.  TEBBUTT, 
T.  MAXWELL  WITHAM,  Rev.  JOHN 
KERR,  ORMOND  HAKE,  HENRY  A. 
BUCK,  etc.  With  12  Plates  and  272 
Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

SWIMMING.  By  ARCHIBALD  SINCLAIR 
and  WILLIAM  HENRY,  Hon.  Sees,  of  the 
Life-Saving  Society.  With  13  Plates 
and  112  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

TENNIS,  LAWN  TENNIS,  RACKETS 
AND  FIVES.  By  J.  M.  and  C.  G. 
HEATHCOTE,  E.  0.  PLEYDELL-BOUVERIE, 
and  A.  C.  AINGER.  With  Contributions 
by  the  Hon.  A.  LYTTELTON,  W.  C. 
MARSHALL,  Miss  L.  DOD,  etc.  With  12 
Plates  and  07  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 

YACHTING. 

Vol.  I.— CRUISING,  CONSTRUCTION  OF 
YACHTS,  YACHT  RACING  RULES, 
FITTING-OUT,  etc.  By  Sir  EDWARD 
SULLIVAN,  Bart.,  the  EARL  OF  PEM- 
BROKE, LORD  BRASSEY,  K.C.B.,  C. 
E.  SETH-SMITH,  C.B.,  G.  L.  WATSON, 
R.  T.  PRITCHETT,  E.  F.  KNIGHT,  etc. 
With  21  Plates  and  93  Illustrations 
in  the  Text. 

Vol.  II. — YACHT  CLUBS,  YACHTING  IN 
AMERICA  AND  THE  COLONIES,  YACHT 
RACING,  etc.  By  R.  T.  PRITCHETT, 
the  MARQUIS  OF  DUFFERIN  AND  AVA, 
K.P.,  the  EARL  OF  ONSI.OW,  JAMES 
MCFERRAN,  etc.  With  35  Plates  and 
160  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 


14    LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Sport  and  Pastime — continued. 
FUR,   FEATHER,  AND  FIN  SERIES. 

Edited  by  A.  E.  T.  WATSON. 
Crown  8vo,  price  5s.  each  Volume,  cloth. 

The  Volumes  are  also  issued  half -bound  in  Leattier,  with  gilt  top.     The  price  can 
be  I  tad  from  all  fiookstllers. 


THE  PARTRIDGE.  NATURAL  HISTORY, 
by  the  Rev.  H.  A.  MACPHEKSON  ; 
SHOOTING,  by  A.  J.  STUART-WORTLEY; 
COOKERY,  by  GEOKGK  SAINTSBUKY. 
With  11  Illustrations  and  various  Dia- 
grams in  the  Text.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 

THE  GROUSE.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  by 
the  Rev.  H.  A.  MACPHERSON;  SHOOT- 
ING, by  A.  J.  STUART-WORTLEY; 
COOKERY,  by  GEORGE  SAINTSBURY. 
With  13  Illustrations  and  various  Dia- 
grams in  the  Text.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 

THE  PHEASANT.  NATURAL  HISTORY, 
by  the  Rev.  H.  A.  MACPHERSON  ;  SHOOT- 
ING, by  A.  J.  STUART-WORTLEY; 
COOKERY,  by  ALEXANDER  INNES  SHAND. 
With  10  Illustrations  and  various  Dia- 
grams. Crown  Svo,  5s. 

THE  HARE.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  by  the 
Rev.  H.  A.  MACPHERSON  ;  SHOOTING, 
by  the  Hon.  GERALD  LASCELLES  ; 
COCIISING,  by  CHARLES  RICHARDSON  ; 
HUNTING,  by  J.  S.  GIBBONS  and  G.  H. 
LONGMAN;  COOKERY,  by  Col.  KENNEY 
HERBERT.  With  9  Illustrations.  Crown 
Svo,  5s. 


RED  DEER.  NATURAL  HISTORY,  by  the 
Rev.  H.  A.  MACPHBRSON  ;  DEER  STALK- 
ING, by  CAMERON  OF  LOCHIEL  ;  STAO 
HUNTING,  by  Viscount  EHRINGTON  ; 
COOKERY,  by  ALEXANDER  INNES  SHAND. 
With  10  Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 

THE  SALMON.  By  the  Hon.  A.  E. 
GATHOUNB- HARDY.  With  Chapters  on 
the  Lnw  of  Salmon  Fishing  by  CLAUD 
DOUGLAS  PENNANT;  COOKERY,  by  ALEX- 
ANDER INNES  SHAND.  With  8  Illustra- 
tions. Crown  Svo,  5s. 

THE  TROUT.  By  the  MARQUESS  OP 
GRANBY.  With  Chapters  on  the  Breed- 
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COOKERY,  by  ALEXANDER  INNES  SHAND. 
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THE  RABBIT.  By  JAMES  EDMUND 
HARTING.  COOKERY,  by  ALEXANDER 
INNES  SHAND.  With  10*  Illustrations. 
Crown  Svo,  5s. 

PIKE  AND  PERCH.  By  WILLIAM  SENIOR 
('  Redspinner,'  Editor  of  the  Field). 
With  Chapters  by  JOHN  BICKERDYKE 
and  W.  H.  POPE.  COOKKRY,  by  ALEX- 
ANDER INNES  SHAND.  With  12'lllu.stra- 
tions.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 


Bickerdyke.-DAYS  OF  MY  LIFE 
ON  WATER,  FRESH  AND  SALT: 
and  other  papers.  By  JOHN  BICKER- 
DYKE.  With  Photo-Etching  Frontis- 
piece and  8  Full-page  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  6s. 

Blackburne. -MR.  BLACKBURNE'S 
GAMES  AT  CHESS.  Selected,  An- 
notated and  Arranged  by  Himself. 
Edited,  with  a  Biographical  Sketch 
and  a  brief  History  of  Blindfold  Chess, 
by  P.  ANDERSON  GRAHAM.  With  Por- 
trait of  Mr.  Blackburne.  Svo,  Is.  6d. 
net. 


Cawthorne  and  Herod.— ROYAL 

ASCOT  :  its  History  and  its  Associa 
tions.  By  GEORGE  JAMES  CAWTHORNK 
and  RICHAKD  S.  HEROD.  With  3'2 
Plates  and  lOti  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Demy  4to,  £1  11s.  Qd.  net. 

Dead  Shot  (The)  :  or,  Sportsman's 
Complete  Guide.  Being  a  Treatise  on 
the  use  of  the  Gun,  with  Rudimentary 
and  Finishing  Lessons  in  the  Art  of 
Shooting  Game  of  all  kinds.  Also 
Game-driving,  Wildfowl  and  Pigeon- 
Shoot.ing,  Dog-breaking,  etc.  By 
MARKSMAN.  With  numerous  Illustra- 
tions. Crown  Svo,  10s.  Qd. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     15 


Sport  and  Pastime— continued. 


Ellis.-CHESS  SPARKS  ;  or,  Short  and 
Bright  Games  of  Chess.  Collected  and 
Arranged  by  J.  H.  ELLIS,  M.A.  8vo, 
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MICAH  CLARKE:  a  Tale  of  Mon- 
mouth's  Rebellion.  With  10  Illus- 
trations. Crown  Svo,  3s.  6(/. 

THE  REFUGEES  :  a  Tale  of  the  Hugue- 
nots. With  25  Illustrations.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

THE  STARK  MUNRO  LETTERS. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  Gd. 

THE  CAPTAIN  OF  THE  POLESTAR, 
and  other  Tales.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


Farrar  (F.  W.,  DEAN  OF  CANTERBURY). 

DARKNESS  AND  DAWN  :  or,  Scenes 
in  the  Days  of  Nero.  An  Historic 
Tale.  Crown  Svo,  6s.  net. 

GATHERING  CLOUDS:  a  Tale  of  the 
Days  of  St.  Chrysostom.  Crown  Svo, 
6s.  net 


Fowler  (EDITH  H.). 

THE  YOUNG  PRETENDERS.  A  Story 
of  Child  Life.  With  12  Illustrations 
by  Sir  PHILIP  BURNE-.JONES,  Bart. 
Crown  Svo,  6s. 

THE  PROFESSOR'S  CHILDREN. 
With  24  Illustrations  by  ETHEL 
KATE  BURGESS.  Crown  Svo,  6s. 


Francis  (M.  E.). 

FIANDER'S  WIDOW.     Crown  Svo,  6.v. 
YEOMAN  FLEETWOOD.     Cr.  Svo,  6s. 

PASTORALS    OF   DORSET.     With    8 

Illustrations.     Crown  Svo,  O.s. 

Froude.— THE  TWO  CHIEFS  OF 
DUNROY  :  an  Irish  Romance  of  the 
Last  Century.  By  JAMES  A.  FROUDK. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


a6     LONGMANS  A.VD  CO.'S  STANbARb  ANb  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Fiction,   Humour,  etc. — continued. 


Qurdon.— M  EMORIES       AND 

FANCIES  :  Suffolk  Tales  and  other 
Stories  ;  Fairy  Legends  ;  Poems  ;  Mis- 
cellaneous Articles.  By  the  late  Lady 
CAMILLA  GURDON.  Crown  8vo,  5s. 


Haggard  (H.  RIDER). 

ALLAN  QUATERMAIN.  With  31 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 

ALLAN'S  WIFE.  With  34  Illustrations. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

BEATRICE.  With  Frontispiece  and 
Vignette.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

BLACK'  HEART  AND  WHITE 
HEART,  and  other  Stories.  With  33 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  6s. 

CLEOPATRA.  With  29  Illustrations. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 

COLONEL  QUARITCH,  V.C.  With 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.  Crown 
8vo,  3.s-.  6d. 

DAWN.  With  16  Illustrations.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  6d. 

DOCTOR  THERNE.     Cr.  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

ERIC  BRIGHTEYES.  With  51  Illus- 
trations. Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 

blEART  OF  THE  WORLD.  With  15 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

JOAN  HASTE.  With  20  Illustrations. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


LYSBETH.      With 
Crown  Svo,  6s. 


26     Illustrations. 


MAIWA'S  REVENGE.    Cr.  Svo,  Is.  6d. 

MONTEZUMA'S  DAUGHTER.     With 
24  Illustrations.     Crown  Svo,  3s.  &d. 

MR.    MEESON'S    WILL.       With    16 
Illustrations.     Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

NADA    THE    LILY.     With   23   Illus- 
trations.    Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 


Haggard  (H.  RIDER)— continued. 

SHE.  With  32  Illustrations.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

SWALLOW  :  a  Tale  of  the  Great  Trek. 
With  8  Illustrations.  Crown  Svo, 
3s.  6d. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  MIST.  With 
16  Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

THE  WITCH'S  HEAD.  With  16 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 


Haggard  and  Lang.  —  THE 
WORLD'S  DESIRE.  By  H.  RIDER 
HAGGARD  and  ANDREW  LANG.  With 
27  Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  M. 


Harte.  —  IN      THE      CARQUINEZ 
WOODS.     By  BRET  HARTK.     Crown 
Svo.  3s.  Qd. 


Hope.— THE  HEART  OF  PRINCESS 
OSRA.  By  ANTHONY  HOPE.  With  9 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 


Howard  (Lady  MABBL). 

THE   UNDOING  OF  JOHN   BREW- 
STER.     Crown  Svo,  6s. 

THE  FAILURE  OF  SUCCESS.  Crown 
Svo,  6s. 


Jerome. -SKETCHES  IN  LAVEN- 
DER :  BLUE  AND  GREEN.  By 
JEROME  K.  JEROME,  Author  of  '  Thm; 
Men  in  a  Boat,'  etc.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

Joyce.-OLD  CELTIC  ROMANCES. 
Twelve  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the. 
Ancient  Irish  Romantic  Tales.  Trans- 
lated from  the  Gaelic.  By  P.  W.  JOYCK, 
LL.D.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


Lang. -A  MONK  OF  FIFE  ;  a  Story  of 
the  Days  of  Joan  of  Arc.  By  ANDHKU 
LANG.  With  13  Illustrations  by  SELWYN 
IMAGE.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS.      27 


Fiction,    Humour,  etc. — continued. 


Levett-Yeats  (S.). 

THE   CHEVALIER   D'AURJAC. 
8vo,  3s.  &/. 


Cr. 


THE  TRAITOR'S  WAY. 
Gs. 


Crown  Svo, 


Lyall  (EDNA). 

THE      AUTOBIOGRAPHY      OF      A 
SLANDER.     Fcp.  Svo,  Is.  sewed. 
Presentation  Edition.    With  20  Illus- 
trations by  LANCELOT  SI-EKO.     Cr. 
Svo.  2s.  6d.  net. 

THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OF  y 
TRUTH.  Fcp.  Svo.  Is.  sewed,  Is.  6d. 
cloth. 

DOREEN.  The  Story  of  a  Singer. 
Crown  Svo,  6s. 

WAYFARING  MEN.      Crown  Svo.  6s. 

HOPE  THE  HERMIT  :  a  Romance  of 
Borrowdale.  Crown  Svo,  6s. 

Marchmont.— IN  THE  NAME  OF  A 
WOMAN  :  a  Romance.  By  ARTHUR 
W.  MARCHMONT.  With  S  Illustrations. 
Crown  Svo,  6s. 

Mason  and  Lang.  — P  A  R  S  0  N 
KELLY.  By  A.  E.  W.  MASON  and 
ANDREW  LANG.  Crown  Svo,  6s. 

Max  Miiller.— DEUTSCHE  LIEBE 
(GERMAN  LOVE)  :  Fragments  from 
the  Papers  of  an  Alien.  Collected  by 
F.  MAX  MULLER.  Translated  from  the 
German  by  G.  A.  M.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 


Melville  (G.  J.  WHYTE). 
The  Gladiators.  Holmby  House. 

The  Interpreter.  Kate  Coventry. 

Good  for  Nothing.  Digby  Grand. 

The  Queen's  Maries.       General  Bounce. 
Crown  Svo,  Is.  6d.  each. 

Merriman. — FLOTSAM  :  A  Story  of 
the  Indian  Mutiny.  By  HENRY  SETOX 
MERRIMAN.  With  Frontispiece  and 
Vignette  by  H.  G.  MASSEY.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  6d. 


Morris  (WILLIAM). 

THE  SUNDERING  FLOOD.  Crown 
Svo.  7s.  M. 

THE  WATER  OF  THE  WONDROUS 
ISLES.  Crown  Svo,  7*.  «</. 

THE  WELL  AT  THE  WORLD'S  END. 

2  vols.     Svo,  28s. 

THE  WOOD  BEYOND  THE  WOULD. 
Crown  Svo,  6s.  net. 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  GLITTERING 
PLAIN,  which  has  been  also  called 
The  Land  of  the  Living  Men,  or  The 
Acre  of  the  Undying.  Square  post 
Svo,  5s.  net. 

THE  ROOTS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS, 

wherein  is  told  somewhat  of  the  Lives 
of  the  Men  of  Burgdale,  their  Friends, 
their  Neighbours,  their  Foeinen,  and 
their  Fellows-in-Arins.  Written  in 
Prose  and  Verse.  Square  cr.  Svo, 
8s. 

A  TALE  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  THE 
WOLF1NGS,  and  all  the  Kindreds  of 
the  Mark.  Written  in  Prose  and 
Verse.  Square  crown  8vo,  6s. 

A  DREAM  OF  JOHN  BALL,  AND 
A  KING'S  LESSON.  12mo,  Is.  6d. 

NEWS  FROM  NOWHERE:  or,  An 
Epoch  of  Rest.  Being  some  Chapters 
from  an  Utopian  Romance.  Post  Svo, 
Is.  6d. 

THE  STORY  OF  GRETTIR  THE 
STRONG.  Translated  from  the  Ice- 
landic by  ElRlKR  MAGNUSSOX  and 
WILLIAM  MORRIS.  Crown  Svo,  5s. 
net. 

THREE  NORTHERN  LOVE 
STORIES,  and  other  Tales.  Trans- 
lated from  the  Icelandic  by  LIRI'KR 
MAGNDSSON  and  WILLIAM  MORRIS. 
Crown  Svo,  6s-.  net. 

%*  For  Mr.    William   Morris's  other 
Works,  see  pp.  24,  37,  38  and  39. 


28     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Fiction,  Humour,  etc. — continued. 


Newman  (CARDINAL). 

LOSS  AND  GAIN  :  The  Story  of  a 
Convert.  Crown  Svo.  Cabinet  Edi- 
tion, 6s.  ;  Popular  Edition,  3s.  Qd. 

CALLISTA  :  a  Tale  of  the  Third 
Century.  Crown  Svo.  Cabinet  Edi- 
tion, 6s.  •  Popular  Edition,  3s.  Qd. 


Phillipps-Wolley.-SNAP  .  A  Le- 
gend of  the  Lone  Mountain.  By  C. 
PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY.  With  13  Illustra- 
tions. Crown  Svo.  3s.  Qd. 


Raymond.— TWO  MEN  0'  MENDIP. 
By  WALTER  RAYMOND.  Crown  Svo, 
65. 


Ridley.— ANNE  MAINWARING.  By 
ALICE  RIDLEY,  Author  of  'The  Story  of 
Aline '.  Crown  Svo,  6s. 


Sewell  (ELIZABETH  M.). 

A  Glimpse  of  the  World. 
Lanetou  Parsonage. 
Margaret  Percival. 
Katherine  Ashton. 
The  Earl's  Daughter. 
The  Experience  of  Life. 


Amy  Herbert. 
Cleve  Hall. 
Gertrude. 
Home  Life. 
After  Life. 
Ursula.  Ivors. 


Crown  Svo,  Is.  fid.  each,  cloth  plain  ; 
2s.  Qd.  each,  cloth  extra,  gilt 
edges. 


Somerville     (E.    CE.)    and     Ross 
(MARTIN). 

SOME  EXPERIENCES  OF  AN 
IRISH  R.M.  With  31  Illustrations 
by  E.  (E.  SOMEKVILI.E.  Crown  Svo, 
6s. 

THE  REAL  CHARLOTTE.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

THE    SILVER    FOX.       Crown     Svo, 
3s.  Qd. 


Stevenson  (ROBERT  Louis). 

THE  STRANGE  CASE  OF  DR. 
JEKYLL  AND  MR.  HYDE.  Fcp. 
Svo,  Is.  sewed,  Is.  Qd.  cloth. 

THE  STRANGE  CASE  OF  DR. 
JEKYLL  AND  MR.  HYDE,  WITH 
OTHER  FABLES.  Cr.  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 

MORE  NEW  ARABIAN  NIGHTS 
—THE  DYNAMITER.  By  ROBERT 
Louis  STEVENSON  and  FANNY  VAN 
DE  GRIFT  STEVENSON.  Crown  Svo, 
3s.  6d. 

THE  WRONG  BOX.  By  ROBERT 
Loois  STEVENSON  and  LLOYD  Os- 
BOUKNE.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  Qd. 


Suttner.— LAY  DOWN  YOUR  ARMS 

(Die  \Vaffen  Nieder)  :  The  Autobio- 
graphy of  Martha  von  Tilling.  By 
BEUTHA  VON  SUTTNEK.  Translated  bj 
T.  HOLMES.  Crown  Svo,  Is.  Qd. 


Swan.—  BALLAST.      By  MYRA  SWAN. 
Crown  Svo,  6s. 


Trollope  (ANTHONY). 
THE  WARDEN.     Crown  Svo,  Is.  Qd. 

BARCHESTER  TOWERS.   Crown  Svo, 
Is.  Qd. 

Walford  (L.  B.). 

ONE  OF  OURSELVES.  Cr.  Svo,  6s. 
THE  INTRUDERS.  Cr.  Svo,  2s.  Qd. 
LEDDY  MARGET.  Cr.  Svo,  2s.  Qd. 

IVA   KILDARE:   a   Matrimonial   Pro- 
blem.     Crown  Svo,  2s.  (5(/. 

MR.  SMITH  :  a  Part  of  his  Life.     t'r. 
Svo,  2s.  Qd. 

THE      BABY'S       GRANDMOTHER. 
Crown  Svo,  tiv.  Qd. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS.     29 


Fiction,  Humour,  etc. 

Walford  (L.  B.)— continued. 
COUSINS.     Crown  8vo,  2s.  6d. 


TROUBLESOME  DAUGHTERS. 
8vo.  2s.  6</. 


Cr. 


PAULINE.     Crown  8vo,  2s.  6d. 
DICK  NETHERBY.     Cr.  8vo;  '2s.  6d. 

THE  HISTORY  OF   A   WEEK.      Cr. 
8vo,  2s.  6rf. 

A    STIFF-NECKED    GENERATION. 
Crown  8vo,  2s.   6d. 

NAN,  and  other  Stories.      Crown  8vo, 
2s.  6d. 


Continued. 


Ward. -ONE  POOR  SCRUPLE.      By 
Mrs.    WILFRID    WARD.       Crown   8vo, 


THE  MISCHIEF  OF  MONICA. 
8vo,  2s.  6d. 


THE  ONE    GOOD    GUEST. 
8vo,  2s.  6d. 


Cr. 
Crown 


1  PLOUGHED,'  aud  other  Stories.     Cr. 
8vo,  2s.  6d. 


THE    MATCHMAKER. 
2s.  6d. 


Crown    8vo, 


West.— EDMUND  FULLESTON  :  or, 
The  Family  Evil  Genius.  By  B.  B. 
WEST,  Author  of  '  Half  Hours  with  the 
Millionaires,'  etc.  Crown  8vo.  B*. 


Weyman  (STANLEY). 

THE  HOUSE  OF  THE  WOLF.  With 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.  Crown 
8vo,  3s.  6d. 

A  GENTLEMAN  OF  FRANCE.  With 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.  Crown 
8vo,  6s. 

THE  RED  COCKADE.  With  Frontis- 
piece and  Vignette.  Crown  8vo,  6s. 

SHREWSBURY.  With  24  Illustra- 
tions by  CLAUDE  A.  SHEPPEKSON. 
Cr.  Svo,  6s. 

SOPHIA.  With  Frontispiece.  Crown 
Svo,  6s. 


Popular  Science  (Natural  History,  etc.). 


Butler.  —  OUR  HOUSEHOLD  IN- 
SECTS. An  Account  of  the  Insect- 
Pests  found  in  Dweiling-Houses.  By 
EDWARD  A.  BOILER,  B.A.,  B.Sc. 
(Lond.).  With  113  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo,  3s.  6d. 


Helmholtz.— POPULAR  LECTURES 
ON  SCIENTIFIC  SUBJECTS.  By 
HERMANN  VON  HELMHOLTZ.  With  68 
Woodcuts.  2  vols.  Cr.  Svo,  3s.  6d. 
each. 


Furneaux  (W.). 

THE    OUTDOOR    WORLD;    or,  The 

Young  Collector's  Handbook.  With 
IS  Plates  (16  of  which  are  coloured), 
and  549  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Crown  Svo,  gilt  edges,  6s.  net. 

BUTTERFLIES  AND  MOTHS 
(British).  With  12  coloured  Plates 
and  241  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Crown  Svo,  gilt  edges,  6s.  net. 

LIFE  IN  PONDS  AND  STREAMS. 
With  8  coloured  Plates  and  331  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text.  Cr.  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  6s.  net 


30     LONGMANS  AND  CO.' S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORK'S. 


Popular  Science  (Natural  History,  etc.) — continued. 


Hartwig  (GEORGE). 

THE  SEA  AND  ITS  LIVING  WON- 
DERS. With  12  Plates  and  303 
Woodcuts.  8vo,  gilt  edges,  Is.  net. 

THE  TROPICAL  WORLD.  With  8 
Plates  and  172  Woodcuts.  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  7s.  net. 

THE  POLAR  WORLD.  With  3  Maps. 
8  Plates  and  85  Woodcuts.  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  7s.  net. 


THE 


Proctor  (RICHARD  A.) — continued. 


PLEASANT    WAYS     IN 
Crown  8vo,  3s.  Qd. 


SCIENCE. 


NATURE  STUDIES.  By  R.  A.  PROC- 
TOR, GRANT  ALLEN,  A.  WILSON,  T. 
FOSTER  and  E.  CLODO.  Cr.  8vo,  3s.  &d. 

LEISURE  READINGS.  By  R.  A. 
PROCTOR,  E.  CLODD,  A.  WILSON,  T. 
FOSTER  and  A.  C.  RANYARD.  Crown 
Svo,  3s.  <5d. 


%*  For   Mr.   Proctor's  other  books  see 

3E      SUBTERRANEAN      \\  ORLI).   pp_  I6  and  35  and  Messrs.  Longmans  & 
With  3  Maps  and  80  Woodcuts.     Svo,  j  Cu_<s  Catalogue  of  Scientific  Works. 
gilt  edges,  7s.   net. 


Hudson  (W.  H.). 

NATURE  IN  DOWNLAND.  With  12 
Plates  and  14  Illustrations  in  the 
Text,  by  A.  D.  McCoRMicK.  Svo, 
10s.  (id.  net. 

BRITISH  BIRDS.  With  a  Chapter  on 
Structure  and  Classification  by  FRANK 
E.  BEDDAHD,  F.R.S.  With  16  Plates 
(8  of  which  are  Coloured),  and  over 
100  Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Crown 
Svo,  gilt  edges,  6s.  net. 

BIRDS  IN  LONDON.  With  17  Plates 
and  15  Illustrations  in  the  Text,  by 
BRYAN  HOOK,  A.  D.  MCCORMICK, 
and  from  Photographs  from  Nature, 
by  R.  B.  LODGE.  Svo,  12s. 


Proctor  (RICHARD  A.). 

LIGHT  SCIENCE  FOR  LEISURE 
HOURS.  Familiar  Essays  on  Scien- 
tific Subjects.  Vol.  I.  Crown  Svo, 
3s.  6rf. 

ROUGH  WAYS  MADE  SMOOTH. 
Familiar  Essays  on  Scientific  Subjects. 
Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


Stanley.— A  FAMILIAR  HISTORY 
OF  BIRDS.  By  E.  STANLEY,  D.D., 
formerly  Bishop  of  Norwich.  With  160 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  3s.  6d. 


Wood  (Rev.  J.  G.). 

HOMES  WITHOUT  HANDS:  A  De- 
scription of  the  Habitations  of  Animals, 
classed  according  to  their  Principle  of 
Construction.  With  140  Illustrations. 
Svo,  gilt  edges,  7s.  net. 

INSECTS  AT  HOME:  A  Popular 
Account  of  British  Insects,  their 
Structure,  Habits  and  Transforma- 
tions. With  700  Illustrations.  Svo, 
gilt  edges,  7s.  net. 

OUT  OF  DOORS  :  a  Selection  of 
Original  Articles  on  Practical  Natural 
History.  With  11  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo,  gilt  edges,  3s.  6</. 

PETLAND  REVISITED.  With  33 
Illustrations.  Crown  Svo,  gilt  edges, 
3s.  6'/. 

STRANGE  DWELLINGS:  a  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Habitations  of  Animals, 
abridged  from  '  Homes  without 
Hands'.  With  60  Illustrations.  Cr. 
Svo,  gilt  edges,  3s.  Gd. 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS.  31 


Works  of  Reference. 


Gwilt.-AN  ENCYCLOPEDIA  OF 
ARCHITECTURE.  By  JOSEPH  GWILT, 
F.S.A.  With  1700  Engravings.  Revised 
(18X8),  with  alterations  and  Considerable 
Additions  by  WYATT  PAPWORTH.  8vo, 
'2ls.  net. 


Maunder  (SAMUKI.). 

BIOGRAPHICAL  TREASURY.  With 
Supplement  brought  down  to  1889. 
By  Rev.  JAMES  WOOD.  Fcp.  8vo,  6.s. 

TREASURY  OF  GEOGRAPHY, 
Physical,  Historical,  Descriptive  and 
Political.  With  7  Maps  and  1C  Plates. 
Fcp.  Svo,  6.s-. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BIBLE  KNOW- 
LEDGE. By  the  Rev.  J.  AVRK,  M.A. 
With  ;"•  Maps,  15  Plates,  and  oOO  Wood- 
cuts. Fcp.  Svo,  6s. 

TREASURY  OF  KNOWLEDGE  AND 
LIBRARY  OF  REFERENCE.  Fcp. 
Svo,  (is. 

HISTORICAL  TREASURY.  Fcp.  Svo, 
G.S-. 


Maunder  (SAMUEL) — continued. 

THE  TREASURY  OF  BOTANY. 
Edited  by  J.  LINOLEY,  F.R.S.,  and  T. 
MOORE,  F.L.S.  Witli  274  Woodcuts 
and  20  Steel  Plates.  2  vols.  Fcp. 
Svo,  12*. 


t.— THESAURUS  OF  ENGLISH 
WORDS  AND  PHRASES.  Classified 
and  Arranged  so  as  to  Facilitate  the 
Expression  of  Ideas  and  assist  in  Literary 
Composition.  By  PKTEU  MARK  ROGET, 
M.D.,  F.R.S.  Recomposed  throughout, 
enlarged  and  improved,  partly  from  the 
Author's  Notes,  and  with  a  full  Index,  by 
tho  Author's  Son,  JOHN'  LEWIS  RCKJKT. 
Crown  Svo,  10s.  6</. 


Willich.— POPULAR  TABLES  for 
giving  information  for  ascertaining  the 
value  of  Lifehold,  Leasehold,  and  Church 
Property,  the  Public  Funds,  etc.  By 
CHARLES  M.  WILLICH.  Edited  by  H. 
BHNCE  JONES.  Crown  Svo,  10s.  fid. 


Children's  Books. 


Adelborg.  —  CLEAN     PETER     AND  !  Crake  (Rev.  A.  D.). 
THE  CHILDREN  OF  GRUBBYLEA.  ! 
By    OTTILIA    ADELBORC;.       Translated 
trbm  the    Swedish   by    Mrs.    GRAHAM 
WALLAS.     \Vith    23    Coloured    Plates. 
Oblong  4to,  boards,  3s.  6</.  net. 


EDWY  THE  FAIR;  or,  Th«;  First 
Chronicle  of  /Escendune.  Crown  Svo, 
2s.  net. 


Brown.— THE  BOOK  OF  SAINTS 
AND  FRIENDLY  BEASTS.  By 
ABBJE  FARWELL  BROWN.  With  8 
Illustrations  by  FANNY  Y.  CORY.  Cr. 

Svo,  4n.  M.  net. 

Buckland.  -TWO      LITTLE      RUN-  | 
AWAYS.      Adapted   from   the   French 
of     Louis     DESXOYERS.       By     JAMES 
BI-CKLAND.     With  110  Illustrations  by 
CECIL  ALDIN.     Crown  Svo,  6s. 

Corbin  and  Going.— URCHINS  OF 
THE  SEA.  By  MAKIK  OVERTON  CMR- 
UIN and  CHARLES  BL\\TI» ;  CJoixo.  With 
Drawings  by  F.  I.  BENNETT.  Oblong 
-Ito,  3s.  6d.  ' 


ALFGAR  THE  DANE  :  or,  The  Second 
Chronicle  of  /Esceiutune.  Crown 
Svo,  2*.  net. 

THE  RIVAL  HEIRS:  being  the  Third 
and  last  Chronicle  of  ^Escendune. 
Crown  Svo,  2.«.  net. 

THE   HOUSE   OF   WALDERNE.      A 

Tale  of  the  Cloister  and  the  Fore*t  iu 
the  Days  of  the  Barons'  Wars.  Cr. 
.svo,  2s.  net. 

BRIAN  F1TZ-COUNT.  A  Story  of 
Wallingford  Castle  and  Dorchester 
Abbey.  Crown  Svo,  '2s.  net. 


32     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Children's  Books — continued. 


Henty  (G.  A.). -Edited  by. 

YULE  LOGS  :  A  Story  Book  for  Boys. 
By  VARIOUS  AUTHORS.  With  61 
Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo,  gilt  edges,  3s. 
net. 

YULE-TIDE  YARNS:  a  Story  Book 
for  Boys.  By  VARIODS  AUTHORS. 
With  45  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo, 
gilt  edges,  3s.  net. 


Lang  (ANDREW).— Edited  by. 

THE  VIOLET  FAIRY  BOOK.  With 
8  Coloured  Plates  and  54  other  Illus- 
trations. Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s. 

THE  BLUE  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  138 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 


THE  RED  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  100 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
6s. 

THE  GREEN  FAIRY  BOOK.  With 
99  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo.  gilt 
edges,  6s. 

THE  GREY  FAIRY  BOOK.  With  65 
Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 
6s. 

THE  YELLOW  FAIRY  BOOK.  With 
104  Illustrations.  Crown  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  6.s. 

THE  PINK  FAIRY  BOOK.     With  67 


Illustrations. 
6s. 


Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges, 


THE  BLUE  POETRY  BOOK.  With 
100  Illustrations.  Crown  8'vo,  gilt 
edges,  6s. 

THE    TRUE    STORY    BOOK.      With 

66  Illustrations.       Crown    8vo,    gilt 
edges,  6s. 

THE  RED  TRUE  STORY  BOOK. 
With  100  Illustrations.  Cr.  8vo,  gilt 
edges,  G.V. 

THE  ANIMAL  STORY  BOOK.     With 

67  Illustrations.       Crown    8vo,    gilt 
edges,  6s. 


Lang  (ANDREW).—  Edited  by— continued. 

THE  RED  BOOK  OF  ANIMAL 
STORIES.  With  65  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s. 

THE  ARABIAN  NIGHTS  ENTER- 
TAINMENTS. With  66  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  gilt  edges,  6s. 


Meade(L.  T.). 

DADDY'S  BOY.     With  8  Illustrations. 
Crown  8vo,  3s.  net. 

DEB  AND  THE   DUCHESS.     With  7 
Illustrations.     Crown  Svo,  3s.  net. 

THE   BERESFORD   PRIZE.     With  7 
Illustrations.     Crown  Svo,  3s.  net. 

THE  HOUSE  OF  SURPRISES.     With 
6  Illustrations.     Crown  Svo,  3s.  net. 


Murray.— FLOWER  LEGENDS  FOR 
CHILDREN.  By  HILDA  MURRAY 
(the  Hon.  Mrs.  MURRAY  of  Elibauk). 
Pictured  by  J.  S.  ELAND.  With 
numerous  Coloured  and  other  Illustra- 
tions. Oblong  4to,  6s. 


Penrose.— CHUBBY:  a  Nuisance.  By 
Mrs.  PENROSE.  With  Illustrations  by 
G.  GRANVILLE  MANTON. 


Praeger  (ROSAMOND). 

THE  ADVENTURES  OF  THE 
THREE  BOLD  BABES:  HECTOR, 
HONORIA  AND  ALISANDER.  A 
Story  in  Pictures.  With  24  Coloured 
Plates  and  24  Outline  Pictures. 
Oblong  4  to,  3s.  6d. 

THE  FURTHER  DOINGS  OF  THE 
THREE  BOLD  BABES.  With  21 
Coloured  Pictures  and  24  Outline 
Pictures.  Oblong  4to,  3s.  <W. 


Stevenson.— A  CHILD'S  GARDEN 
OF  VERSES.  By  ROBKKT  Lou. 
STEVENSON.  Fcp.  Svo,  5.s\ 


LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     33 


Children's  Books — continued. 


Upton  (FLORENCE  K.  ami  BERTHA). 

TH  E  A  DVENTURES  OF  TWO  DUTCH 
DOLLS  AND  A  'GOLL1WOGG'. 

With  31  Coloured  Plates  and  numerous 
Illustrations  in  the  Text.  Oblong  4to, 
6s. 

THE  GOLLTWOGG'S  BICYCLE 
CLUB.  With  31  Coloured  Plates 
and  numerous  Illustrations  in  the 
Text.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG  AT  THE  SEA- 
SIDE. With  31  Coloured  Plates  and 
numerous  Illustrations  in  the  Text. 
Oblong  4 to,  6s. 


Upton  (FLORENCE  K.   and   BERTHA) — 

continued. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG  IN  WAR.  With 
31  Coloured  Plates.  Oblong  4to,  Us. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG'S  POLAR  AD- 
VENTURES. With  31  Coloured 
Plates.  Oblong  4to,  6.v. 

THE  GOLLIWOGG'S  AUTO-GO- 
CART.  With  31  Coloured  Plates 
and  numerous  Illustrations  in  the 
Text.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 

THE  VEGE-MEN'S  REVENGE.  With 
31  Coloured  Plates  and  numerous  Illus- 
trations in  the  Text.  Oblong  4to,  6s. 


Bagehot's 

3s.  Gd. 


THE    SILVER    LIBRARY. 

Crown  Svo.  3s.  Gd.  EACH  VOLUME. 

Arnold's  (Sir    Edwin)   Seas    and    Lands.    Conybeare   (Rev.    W.   J.)    and    Howson's 
With  17  Illustrations.     3s.  Gd.  (Very  Rev.  J.  S.)  Life  and  Epistles  of 

(W.)  Biographical  Studies.1  St.  Paul.  With  46  Illustrations.  3*.  6d. 
DougaU's(L.)BeggarsAll;aNove].  3s.  Gd. 
Bagehot's  (W.)  Economic  Studies.  3s.  Gd.  Doyle's  (A.  Conan)  Micah  Clarke.  A  Tale 
Bagehot's  iW.)  Literary  Studies.  With  j  ?[.  Monmouth's  Rebellion.  With  10 

Portrait.     3  vols.     3s.  Gd.  each.  Illustrations.      3s.   bd. 

Baker's  (Sir  S.  W.)  Eight  Years  in  Ceylon.    Doyle's   (A.  Conan)  The   Captain   of  the 

With  6  Illustrations.    3s.  Gd.  Polestar,  and  other  Tales.      3s.  Gd. 

Baker's  (Sir  S.  W.)  Rifle  and  Hound  in    Doyle's    (A.    Conan)    The    Refugees:    A 
Ceylon.     With  6  Illustrations.     3s.  Gd.  ;      Tale  of  the  Huguenots.      With  25  Il- 
lustrations.     3s.   Gd. 


Baring-Gould's  (Rev.  S.)  Curious  Myths  of , 
the  Middle  Ages.     3s.  Gd. 

Baring-Gould's  (Rev.  S.)  Origin  and  De- 
velopment of  Religious  Belief.  2  vols. 
3s.  6</.  each. 

Becker's  (W.  A.)  Callus:  or,  Roman  Scenes 
in  the  Time  of  Augustus.  With  26  Illus- 
trations. 3s.  Gd. 

Becker's  (W.  A.)  Charicles  :  or,  Illustra- 
tions of  the  Private  Life  of  the  Ancient 
Greeks.  With  26  Illustrations.  3s.  Gd. 


Doyle's  (A.  Conan)  The  Stark  Munro 
Letters.  3s.  Gd. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  History  of  England, 
from  the  Fall  of  Wolsey  to  the  Defeat 
of  the  Spanish  Armada.  12  vols.  3s. 
Gd.  each. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  English  in  Ireland. 
3  vols.  10s.  Gd. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  Divorce  of  Catherine 
of  Aragon.  3s.  6<^. 


Bent's  (J.  T.)  The  Ruined  Cities   of  Ma-    Froude's  (J.   A.)    The    Spanish    Story  of 
shonaland.      With     117    Illustrations.  I      the  Armada,  and  other  Essays.     3s.  Gd. 
Gd. 


3s 


Froude's  (J.  A.;  English  Seamen  in  the 


Brassey's  (Lady)  A  Voyage  in  the  'Sun-  Sixteenth  Century.    3s.  Gd. 

beam'.     With  GG  Illustrations.     3s.  Gd.  Froude's  (J.  A.)  Short  Studies  on   Great 

Churchill's  i  W.  Spencer)  The  Story  of  the  Subjects.     4  vols.      3s.  Gd.  each. 

Malakand    Field    Force,   1897.      With    b'  Froude's    (J.    A.)    Oceana,     or    England 


and  her  Colonies. 

3f!-  6(/- 


With  9  Illustrati 


Maps  and  Plans.     3s.  Gd. 
Clodd's  (E.)  Story  of  Creation  :    a   Plain  \ 

Account  of  Evolution.     With  77  Illus-  <  Froude's   (J.   A.)   The    Council   of  Trent. 
trations.     3s.  Gd.  3s.  Gd. 


34  LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL  WORKS. 

THE  5ILVER  LIBRARY— continued. 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  The  Life  and  Letters  of    Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Dawn.     With  16  Illus- 
Erasnius.     3s.  6rf.  trations.      3s.   6</. 

Froude's    (J.     A.I    Thomas    Carlyle  :     a  |  Haggard's  (H.  R.)  The  People  of  the  Mist. 
History  of  his  Life.  With  16  Illustrations.      3s.  &d. 

179M  835.     2  vols.     7s. 
1834  1881.     2  vols.     Is.  Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Joan  Haste.     With  20 

Illustrations.      3s.    6d. 
Froude's  ( J.  A.)  Caesar :  a  Sketch.    3s.  oa. 

Haggard    (H.    R.I    and     Lang's    (A.)    The 

Froude's  (J    A  )  The  Two  Ch  efs  of  Dun-        World.sDesire.     Witll  27  ft^    ^,  ^ 
boy :  an  Irish  Romance  of  the  Last  Cen-  \ 

tury.     3s.  6d.  Harte's  (Bret)  In  the  Carquinez  Woods, 

Froude's  (J.  A.)  Writings,  Selections  from.;      ^d  other  Stories.      3s.  &d. 

3s.  6d.  Helmholtz's  (Hermann  von)  Popular  Lee- 

Gleig's  (Rev.  G.   R.)  Life  of  the  Duke  of       '«"»,  °"  Scientific  Subjects.     With  68 
Wellington.     With  Portrait.    3s.  M.     \      Ulastratious.     2  ™ls-      *•  M.   each. 
Greville's     (C.    C.    F.)     Journal    of    the  '•  Hope's  (Anthony)  The  Heart  of  Princess 
Reigns    of     King     George     IV.,     King!      Osra-      With  9  Illustrations.      3s.  Gd. 
William     IV.,     and     Queen     Victoria. 


8  vols.      3s.   6d.   each. 


Hewitt's     (W.)    Visits     to     Remarkable 


Places.     With  80  Illustrations.     3s.  6d. 
Haggard's    (H.    R.)   She:    A   History   of  i 

Adventure.  With  32  Illustrations.  3s.  6rf.    Jewries;  (R.)  The  Story  of  My  Heart:  My 

Autobiography.    With  Portrait.    3s.  6d. 
Haggard's    (H.   R.)     Allan     Quatermain. 

With  20  Illustrations.      3s.   6rf.  Jefferies'     (R.)      Field      and    Hedgerow. 

With  Portrait.      3s.    tit/. 
Haggard's    (H.     R.)     Colonel     Quaritch. 

V.C.  :  a  Tale  of  Country  Life.      With    Jefferies'  (R.)  Red  Deer.    With  17  Illus- 
Frontispiece  and  Vignette.      3s.  6^.  trations.      3s.  fjoJ. 

Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Cleopatra.       With  2ft    Jefferies'    (R.)    Wood    Magic:    u     Fable. 
Illustrations.      3s.   6d.  With  Frontispiece  and  Vignette  by  E. 

Haggard's     (H.      R.)     Eric      Brighteyes. 

With  51   Illustrations.      3s.  6d.  Jefferies'  (R.)   The   Toilers  of  the    Field. 

•r.xT   i      With  Portrait  from  the  Bust  in   Sulis- 

Haggard's      (H.     R.)     Beatrice.       With        b         Cathedral.      3s.  6.1. 
Frontispiece  and    vignette.      3*.   6a. 

.„..,     Kaye    (Sir   J.)   and    Malleson's    (Colonel  i 

Haggard's   (H.    R.)   Allan's  Wife.     With  |      History    of     the     Indian     Mutiny     of 
34  Illustrations.      3s.   M.  1837.8.     6  vols.      3y-  &l,    eacl)> 


;s.  («•  R->    "eart   °f  th«   World-  j  Knight's  (E.  F.)  The  Cruise  of  the  'Alerte': 

With  ID   Illustrations.      3s.   6d.  th*    Na^tive  of  a  Sear,h   for  Treasure 

Haggard's   (H.   R.)  Montezuma's   Daugh-  '     on  the  Desert  Island  of  Trinidad.     With 
ter.      With  25  Illustrations.      3*.   bU    !      '2  Maps  and  23  Illustrations.     &f.  6rf. 


Haggard's  (H.  R.)  Swallow  :   a  Tale  of  the 
Great  Trek.  With  8  Illustrations.  3v.  M. 


Knight's  (E.    F.)   Where    Three    Empires 
Meet :  a  Narrative  of  Recent  Travel  in 


Kashmir,     Western     Tibet,     Haltista 
Haggard's   (H.    R.)    The    Witch's    Head.        Gilgit.      With   a  Map  and  54   Illiistra- 
With   16  Illustrations.      3s.   M.  tions.      3*.  «</. 

Haggard's    (H.    R.)    Mr.   Meeson's     Will.    Knight's    (E.    F.)    The    'Falcon'  on    the 

With   16   Illustrations.      3s.   tk/.  Baltic:  a  Coasting  Voyage  from   Ham 

mersmith    to   Copenhagen    in  ;i   Thre.e- 

Haggard's  (H.  R.)   Nada  the  Lily.     With  j      Ton    Yacht.      With    Map  and    11    Illu, 
23  Illustrations.      3s.  fyl.  trations.      r>x.  6</. 


LO.VGMANS  AND  L'O.'S  STANDARD  A.\'D  GENERAL    WORKS.     35 


THE  SILVER  LIBRARY— continued. 


Kostlln's  (J.)  Life  of  Luther.  Witli  (U 
Illustrations  and  4  Facsimiles  of  MSS. 
3s.  Qd. 

Lang's  (A.)  Angling  Sketches.  With  20 
Illustrations.  3.?.  Qd. 

Lang's  (A.)  Custom  and  Myth:  Studies 
of  Early  Usage  ami  Belief.  3s.  Qd. 

Lang's  (A.)  Cock  Lane  and  Common- 
Sense.  85.  »;,/. 

Lang's  (A.)  The  Book  of  Dreams  and 
Ghosts.  3s.  Qd. 

Lang's  (A.)  A  Monk  of  Fife:  a  Story  of 
the  Days  of  Joan  of  Arc.  With  13  Il- 
lustrations. 3s.  Qd. 

Lang's    (A.)    Myth,   Ritual   and   Religion. 

2  vols.      7s. 

Lees  (J.  A.)  and  Clutterbuck's  (W.J.)  B.C. 
1887,  A  Ramble  in  British  Columbia. 

With  Mapsaud  75  Illustrations.    3s.  Qd. 

Levett-Yeats'  (S.)  The  Chevalier 
D'Auriac.  3s.  Qd. 

Macaulay's      (Lord)     Complete      Works. 

'  Albany  '   Edition.     With  12  Portraits. 
12  rols.      3s.   Qd.  each. 

Macaulay's  (Lord)  Essays  and  Lays  of 
Ancient  Rome,  etc.  With  Portrait  and 
4  Illustrations  to  the  '  Lays  '.  3s.  Qd. 

Macleod's  (H.   D.)   Elements  of  Banking. 

3s.  Qd. 

Marbot's  (Baron  de)  Memoirs.  Trans- 
lated. 2  vols.  7s. 

Marshman's  (J.  C.)  Memoirs  of  Sir  Henry 
Havelock.  3s.  Qd. 

Merlvale's  (Dean)  History  of  tho  Romans 
under  the  Empire.  8  vols.  3s.  Qd. 
each. 

Marriman's  (H.  S.)  Flotsam  :  a  Tale  of 
the  Indian  Mutiny.  3s.  Qd. 

Mill's  (J.  S.)  Political  Economy.     3s.  Qd. 
Mill's  (J.  S.)  System  of  Logic.    3s.  Qd. 


Milner's  (Geo.)  Country  Pleasures:  the 
Chronicle  of  a  ycur  chiefly  in  a  Garden. 
3s.  Qd. 

Nansen's  (F.)  The  First  Crossing  of 
Greenland.  With  142  Illustrations  and 
a  Map.  3s.  6d. 

Phillipps-WoUcy's  (C.)  Snap:  a  Legend 
of  the  Lone  Mountain.  With  13  Illus- 
trations. 3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  The  Orbs  Around  Us. 
3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  The  Expanse  of  Heaven. 

3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Light  Science  for 
Leisure  Hours.  First  Series.  3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  The  Moon.     3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Other  Worlds  than 
Ours.  3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Our  Place  among  Infi- 
nities :  a  Series  of  Essays  contrasting 
our  Little  Abode  in  Space  and  Time 
•with  the  Infinities  around  us.  3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Other  Suns  than 
Ours.  3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Rough  Ways  made 
Smooth.  3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Pleasant  Ways  in 
Science. 


Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Myths  and  Marvels 
of  Astronomy.  3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Nature  Studies.    3s.  Qd. 

Proctor's  (R.  A.)  Leisure  Readings.  By 
R.  A.  PROCTOR,  EDWARD  CLODD, 
ANDREW  WILSON,  THOMAS  FOSTEU 
and  A.  C.  RANYARD.  With  Illustra- 
tions. 3s.  Qd. 

Rossetti's  (Maria  F.)  A  Shadow  of  Dante. 

3s.   Qd. 

Smith's  (R.  Bosworth)  Carthage  and  the 
Carthaginians.  With  Maps,  Plans,  etc. 
3s.  Qd. 

Stanley's  (Bishop)  Familiar  History  of 
Birds.  With  100  Illustrations.  3s.  Qd. 


36     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


THE  SILVER  LIBRARY— continued. 


Stephen's  (L.)  The  Playground  of  Europe 
(The  Alps).  With  4  Illustrations.  3s.  Gd. 

Stevenson's  (R.  L.)  The  Strange  Case  of 
Dr.  Jekyll  and  Mr.  Hyde;  with  other 
Fables.  3s.  Gd. 

Stevenson  (R.  L.)  and  Osbourne's  (LI.) 
The  Wrong  Box.  3s.  Gd. 

Stevenson  (Robt.  Louis)  and  Stevenson's 
(Fanny  van  de  Grift)  More  New  Arabian 
Nights. —  The  Dynamiter.  3s.  Gd. 


Trevelyan's  (Sir  0.  0.)  The  Early  History 
of  Charles  James  Fox.     35.  Gd. 

Weyman's    (Stanley    J.)    The    House    of 
the  Wolf:  a  Romance.      3s.  Gd. 

Wood's    (Rev.    J.  0.)   Petland   Revisited. 

With  33  Illustrations.      3s.    Gd. 

Wood's  (Rev.   J.   G.)  Strange  Dwellings. 

With  60  Illustrations.      3s.  Gd. 

Wood's  (Rev.  J.  G.)  Out  of  Doors.    With 
11  Illustrations.      3s.  Gd. 


Cookery,  Domestic 

Acton.— MODERN  COOKERY:  By 
ELIZA  ACTON.  With  150  Woodcuts. 
Fcp.  8vo,  4s.  Gd. 

^vngwin.  —  SIMPLE  HINTS  ON 
CHOICE  OF  FOOD,  with  Tested  and 
Economical  Recipes.  For  Schools, 
Homes  and  Classes  for  Technical  In- 
struction. By  M.  C.  A  NO  WIN,  Diplo- 
mate  (First  Class)  of  the  National  Union 
for  the  Technical  Training  of  Women, 
etc.  Crown  8vo,  Is. 

Ashby.— HEALTH  IN  THE  NUR- 
SERY. By  HENRY  ASHBY,  MD., 
F.R.C. P.,  Physician  to  the  Manchester 
Children's  Hospital.  With  25  Illustra- 
tions. Cr.  8vo,  3s.  net. 

Bull  (THOMAS,  M.D.). 

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OF  PREGNANCY.  Fcp.  8vo,  Is.  6d. 
THE  MATERNAL  MANAGEMENT 
OF  CHILDREN  IN  HEALTH  AND 
DISEASE.  Fcp.  8vo,  Is.  Gd. 

De  Sails  (MRS.). 

A     LA     MODE     COOKERY.        With 

Coloured  and  other  Illustrations. 
CAKES  AND  CONFECTIONS  A  LA 

MODE.      Fcp.   8vo,   Is.  Gd. 
DOGS  :  A  Manual  for  Amateurs.    Fcp. 

8vo,  Is.  Gd. 
DRESSED    GAME    AND    POULTRY 

A  LA  MODE.     Fcp.  8vo,  Is.  Gd. 
DRESSED      VEGETABLES      A      LA 

MODE.      Fcp.  8vo,   Is.   Gd. 
DRINKS   A   LA    MODE.      Fcp.  8vo, 

If.  6d. 


Management,  etc. 

De  Sails  (MRS.)— continued. 
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LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS.     37 


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38     LONGMANS  AND  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS. 


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