Religion Since The Reformation Eight Lectures

129854

RELIGION SINCE THE REFORMATION

RELIGION SINCE
THE REFORMATION

Right Lectures

Preached before the University of Oxford in the

year 1922, on the Foundation of the Rev. John

Bampton, M.A., Canon of Salisbury

BY

LEIGHTON PULLAN-, D.D.

Fellow and Tutor of St John Baptist's College, Oxford

OXFORD

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1923

Oxford University Press

London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen

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Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY

EXTRACT

FROM THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT

OF THE JiATE

REV. JOHN BAMPTON,

CANON OF SALISBURY

" I give and bequeath my Lands and Estates to the

" Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University of
" Oxford for ever, to have and to hold all and singular the
" said Lands or Estates upon trust, and to the intents and
" purposes hereinafter mentioned ; that is to say, I will and
" appoint that the Vice-Chancellor of the University of
" Oxford for the time being shall take and receive all the
"rents, issues, and profits thereof; and (after all taxes,
" reparations, and necessary deductions made) that he pay
" all the remainder to the endowment of eight Divinity
" Lecture Sermons, to be established for ever in the said
" University, and to be performed in the manner following :

" I direct and appoint, that, upon the first Tuesday in
" Easter Term, a Lecturer be yearly chosen by the Heads
" of Colleges only, and by no others, in the room adjoining
" to the Printing-House, between the hours of ten in the
" morning and two in the afternoon, to preach eight Divinity
" Lecture Sermons, the year following, at St. Mary's in
" Oxford, between the commencement of the last month in
" Lent Term, and the end of the third week in Act Term.

" Also I direct and appoint, that the eight Divinity Lecture
" Sermons shall be preached upon either of the following
" Subjects to confirm and establish the Christian Faith, and
" to confute all heretics and schismatics upon the divine

2649

vi EXTRACT FROM CANON BAMPTON'S WILL

" authority of the holy Scriptures upon the authority of
" the writings of the primitive Fathers, as to the faith and
" practice of the primitive Church upon the Divinity of our
" Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ upon the Divinity of the
" Holy Ghost upon the Articles of the Christian Faith, as
" comprehended in the Apostles' and Nicene Creeds.

" Also I direct, that thirty copies of the eight Divinity Lec-
" ture Sermons shall be always printed, within two months
" after they are preached ; and one copy shall be given to the
" Chancellor of the University, and one copy to the Head of
" every College, and one copy to the Mayor of the city of
" Oxford, and one copy to be put into the Bodleian Library ;
" and the expense of printing them shall be paid out of the
" revenue of the Lands or Estates given for establishing the
" Divinity Lecture Sermons ; and the Preacher shall not be
" paid, nor be entitled to the revenue, before they are printed.

" Also I direct and appoint, that no person shall be quali-
" fied to preach the Divinity Lecture Sermons, unless he
" hath taken the Degree of Master of Arts at least, in one
" of the two Universities of Oxford or Cambridge ; and that
" the same person shall never preach the Divinity Lecture
" Sermons twice."

PREFACE

THESE lectures make no pretence of being a history of
the Church during the last four centuries ; for such a
history could not well be compressed within so small
a compass. They are only a few studies and sketches
which I hoped might be useful in present circumstances
to members of the University.

When the lectures were delivered it was explained that
the phrase ' Modern Protestantism ' bore no reference to
English Evangelicalism. The words were used in the
technical sense employed in Germany and Holland, signify-
ing a form of Theism which respects Jesus Christ but
denies His essential Deity. It was also explained that the
word ' Modernist ' was not used in the sense which it
bears in Rousseau, but in the more recent sense brought
from France into England ; namely, to denote one who
holds that he is morally justified in repeating the ancient
creeds and prayers of the Church while repudiating the
meaning of important phrases in those creeds or prayers.
I have criticized Modernism solely in that restricted sense ;
for I believe that it is possible to combine all modern
learning with a loyal adherence to the great Catholic
truths for the defence of which the Bampton lectures were
founded.

In preparing this work for the press I have been largely
indebted to the care and interest of the Rev. F. E. Bright-
man, Fellow of Magdalen College, and of my brother,
Mr. P. D. Pullan.

SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS

LECTURE I

THE COUNTER-REFORMATION AND THE
DOCTRINE OF GRACE

PAGE

I* The year 1521 a turning-point in history. The history of
the Indulgence system. Luther's teaching on
Indulgences and Justification. His practical
influence ........ i

2. The Counter-Reformation organized in Italy ... 8

Theological importance of the Council of Trent,
i. Protestant doctrines as to the Bible, sin, and grace

condemned, but

11. The exact relation of the Pope to the Church left
undefined.

3. The reform of clerical life in Italy . . . -13

St. Charles Borromeo in Milan.

St Philip Neri in Rome. Reaction against infrequent
communion.

4, The so-called golden age of the Church of Spain 16

Mystical writers.

St Ignatius de Loyola. The revolution in Monasticism.

Influence of his ' Spiritual Exercises '.
St. Francis de Xavier. Missions in Asia.
St. Teresa and the Carmelites.

5, France and the revival of sacred learning . ... 23

St Francis de Sales and the Calvinists.
Fenelon. Bossuet, a symbol of his epoch.

6 Jansenists and Augustinianism. Jesuits and Probabilism.

Moral principles at stake. Pascal. His opposition

to Probabilism and Scepticism .... 26

7 Evolution in the resistance to Protestantism. Failure of the

Galileans to preserve a middle path between
Lutheranism and Ultramontamism. Need of such
a path I

SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS ix

LECTURE II

RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN FROM
1550 TO 1689

PAGE

I - B 7 I 55 the position of the English Church defined.
General condition of religion between 1550 and
death of Elizabeth. England and the Popes.
Strength of Romanism in the northern counties . 34

2, Puritanism and the sects ...... 42

a. Presbyterians within the Church.

&. Anabaptists break up the mediaeval conception of

religion.
c. The English and the American Congregationahsts.

All Calvinistic and oppose Episcopacy.

3 The attempt to reconstruct ...... 44

Parker.

Hooker, Donne.

Andrewes. ,,.

Laud. f '

A reformed Catholicism.

4. Scotland. The Reformation. Knox, Melville ... 52

Introduction of Episcopacy.
The so-called Laud's liturgy.

The National League and Covenant. Collapse of Episco-
pacy in the south of Scotland.

5. Cromwell and the Church . . . . , .58

6. Charles II and the Church 60

Renewed troubles in Scotland.

Was reconciliation between Anglicans and Non-
conformists in England possible ?

Calvinism of the Nonconformists. Its later tendency to
Unitarianism.

7. The Prayer Book of 1662 : * lex orandi, lex credendi.'

Ecclesiastical art (Wren) an index to that harmony
between the ancient and the modern which marked
the beginning of the English Reformation . . 66

x RELIGION SINCE THE REFORMATION

LECTURE III

CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM FROM

1520 TO 1700 PAGE

i. The common features of the reforming movements . . 68
z. The divisions of Continental Protestantism.

a. Luther's attitude to Catholicism and the Bible . 70

b. Zwingli, humanist, splits Protestantism by his anti-

sacramentahsm ....... 74

c. Calvin. Predestination. Attempt to rebuild belief

in Church and Bible ...... 77

d. Socinus, anti-Trinitarian. ' Tota lacet Babylon ' . 80

3. Deep religious and ethical differences between Lutheranism

and Calvinism. Patriarchal system v. Theocracy.
Calvinism gams !

4. Development of Lutheranism. Scholasticism, worship,

hymns, mysticism ...... 83

Cahxtus in England.
Grabe in England.

5. Development of Calvinism. Geneva and scholarship.

The learned abandon strict Calvinism. Cameron . 89

Casaubon in England.

Voss in England.

Study of Continental Protestantism leads to an appre-
ciation of the Anglican position.

6. Protestantism in Holland. Calvinist, but modified by

wealth and enterprise. Arminius defends free-will.
The State controls the Church. Amsterdam a centre
of art and toleration. William III , . 92

7. Pietism m Holland and Germany. Its origin international,

largely English. New devption to the Bible . . 95
Voet, Spener.
Pietism goes from England (Bayly) back to England

(Wesley).

LECTURE IV

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH FROM
1700 TO 1854

1. Strong position and gradual extension of Roman Catholi-

cism c. 1700. Would it become universal ? . .98

2. Relation of national Churches to the Universal Church.

Gallican v. Ultramontane theory of the Papacy.
The Bull Unigenitus divides the French Church . 100

SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS xi

PAGE

3. Attempted reunion of Galileans and Anglicans. Louis XV.

Defeat of those who appealed to the primitive J **
Church, Ecclesiastical art significant of this

defeat IO5

4 National and reforming movements in the Church outside

France IO 8

a. Febromanism limits papal claims

b Reforms of Maria Theresa.

c. Joseph II and Leopold II : a State Church.

Suppression of the Jesuits by the Pope in 1773. Its
futility.

5. Missionary work of Spain Serra in California . . .113

6. Roman Catholicism in England Bishop Challoner.

' The old religion ' : its moderation. English
Roman Catholic bishops deny papal infallibility . 115

7. The French Revolution Increasing persecution of the

Church. French bishops in England. Pius VII.
Napoleon I and the Papacy . . . .118
The Concordat. Reorganization of the Church.
8 The authority of St. Augustine replaced by that of Alphonsus

Liguon. Pius IX his disciple. Triumph of Ultra- , f
montanism ....... 125

a. In doctrine.

b. In moral theology.

A French prelate, Mgr d'Hulst, estimates the result , 128

LECTURE V

RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND AMERICA
FROM 1689 TO 1815

1. The secession of the Nonjurors. Survey of religion :

strength of the Church c. 1700 . . . .130

2. The quest for ' another Gospel, which is not another '.

The revolt against the Creeds .... 132

a. Deism and the ' Religion of Nature '. The opponents

of Deism : Law, Leslie, Butler .... 134

b. Arianism. Should Christ be worshipped if His Deity

be denied ? English Dissent becomes Arian.
Clarke, Taylor, Pnestley 137

3. Hoadly the latitudinarian and Law the mystic . . .142

xii RELIGION SINCE THE REFORMATION

PAGE

4. The revival of religion. Could the Methodist organizations

have been kept within the Church ? Wesley made
schism inevitable . . . . . -144
Extraordinary gifts of Wesley and Whitefield-
Banger of antmomianism (seen by Fletcher),
The effect of the Evangelical movement.

5. Profound effect of the fall of the Stuarts on religion in

Scotland and America . . . . .149
In Scotland Episcopacy stronger than Presbyterianism

but gradually crushed by persecution. A remnant

survived. Diary of Bishop Forbes.
Consecration of Bishop Seabury for Connecticut.
Sir Walter Scott.

6. Survey of religion in America. The Church strangled by the

British Government . . . . . 155

a. The Connecticut converts strengthen the Church.
6. Among the Puritans Calvinism led to Unitarianism.

' The Boston religion/ Its failure.
Religious value of the doctrines of the Incarnation and

the Trinity ....... 159

LECTURE VI

ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM AND CALVINISM
SINCE 1700

1. Pietism (continued). The Moravians : Zinzendorf. Missions

in Amenca. Protestant monasticism in America :
Beissel, Miller I 6 I

2. Opposition to Pietism at Halle. Wolff's philosophy.

Fredeiick the Great !56

Influence of English Deism. Toland.
Influence of Voltaire and French sceptics.
The result is the ' Illumination ' (1751). Protestantism
without Christianity.

3. Lessing and Reimarus : Pantheism and Deism. Theology

of Semler and his contemporaries : victims of their
predecessors . . . . . p .169

4. Kant. Rationalism supreme. Mutilation of Church services

and hymns. Rousseau's challenge to the Arian
ministers of Geneva. Protestantism in Holland.
Bilderdijk

SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS xiii

PAGE

5 Partial opposition to Rationalism on part of leaders of
German culture c. 1800. Klopstock, Herder,
Schiller, Goethe . . . . . .176

6. Romanticism, philosophic and literary, becomes religious.

Leads to Romanism in reaction against Rationalism.
Vain attempt to strengthen Protestantism by the
forcible union of Lutherans and Calvinists in 1817.
Genius of Schleiermacher. Value attached to the
idea of a Church ...... 179

7. Ritschl follows Schleiermacher. Their merits and defects . 184

Tubingen criticism ; Harnack.

Disintegration of Continental Protestantism* ' Modern '
or ' Liberal ' Protestantism summarized by
Troeltsch ^

LECTURE VII
THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

1. Retrospect, The separation between the Eastern and the

Western Church in 1054. Its effect upon religion . 192

2. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 left Moscow as the great

centre of Orthodoxy ; but the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople retained his position .... 196
Outline of Turkish policy towards the subject Christian
population.

3. The Reformation affects the Eastern Church (Lutherans :

Cyril Lucaris and Calvinism). The reaction: Peter
Mogila. The official Greek theology remains that
of 1672 I99

4. Easterns and Anglicans. Eastern teaching as to : . . 202

a. The procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father.
&. The Eucharist : Russians modify Greek doctrine.

c. Icons and the reality of Christ's manhood.

d. Saints prayed to and prayed for.

Value of the Eastern conception of the Church . .210

5. After 1700 the Church in the Turkish Empire under diffi-

culties caused by ...... 2 ii

French diplomacy.
Phanariot Greek domination.

xiv RELIGION SINCE THE REFORMATION

PAGE

6. The Non-Greek Churches once under the Turks free them-

selves from Phanariot Greek rule . . .216

a. Bulgarians.

b. Arabs of Antioch.

c. Rumanians.

d. Serbians.

7. The Russian Church since Peter the Great. Holy Synod.

Missions. Revival at the revolution. Persecution
under Bolshevism. The Patriarch Tikhon, Cer-
tainty of new life , . . . . ,221

LECTURE VIII
ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN THOUGHT SINCE 1815

1. The downfall of Napoleon and the growth of Romanticism

(continued) . A new emphasis on the Church and the
Kingdom of God in France, Germany, and England 225

2. The Oxford Movement and its critics : Pattison and Stanley

v Newman and Pusey. The movement essentially
religious < 22g

The Church as ' home for the lonely '.

Newman on development of dogma

3. The year 1835. Scientific Rationalism, starting from the

'Illumination' of the eighteenth century, brings
criticism to bear upon . . . . .238

a. The origin of Christianity.

b. The authenticity of the New Testament.

Collapse of the Tubingen theory. Evil legacy of that
theory in present treatment of the works of
St. John and St. Paul 240

4. Superstition the reaction against scepticism. The Vatican

Council of 1870. Success of Manning . . . 243
The Pope made infallible.

The excommunication of Dollinger. /\X**^

The protest of ' Old Catholicism '. ^

5. Reunion of Christendom. Value of the Anglican position for

such reunion. Modernism as a ' modii$ vivendi
between scepticism and superstition ' . , . 249

6. Effective union not possible without fundamental agree-

ment as to the Person of Christ. Historical exegesis
proves that the Church has correctly interpreted 252

a. The nature of Christ's claim.

b. The fact of the Resurrection.

APPENDED NOTES xv

APPENDED NOTES

LECTURE I

PAGE

NOTE i. The Council of Trent on Indulgences . . , 257

2. The Council of Trent on Episcopacy . . . 257

3. The hymn attributed to St. Francis Xavier , . 258

4. St. Francis Xavier's exposition of the creed . . 259

5. The Five Condemned Propositions attributed to

Jansenius ....... 260

6. A moral reason for supporting the Jansenists , . 260

LECTURE II
NOTE 7. The First Prayer Book of Edward VI and the Canon

of the Mass ....... 261 -

8. The excommunication of Queen Elizabeth . .262

9. British Calvinism ...... 263

10. The Pope as Antichrist ..... 264

LECTURE III

NOTE ii. The Position of the Church of Sweden . . .264,
12. The languages spoken by the Sephardic Jews in

Amsterdam and London . 266

LECTURE IV
NOTE 13. Roman Catholicism in Amsterdam . . . 267

14. The Sephardic synagogue in Bevis Marks, London . 267

15. Medals commemorating the suppression of the Jesuits 268

1 6. The Protestation of the English Roman Catholics in

1789 268

17* The cultus of the hearts of Jesus and Mary . , 270

LECTURE V

NOTE 18. The Wesleyan Methodist and Calvmistic Methodist

Schisms ...,,... 272

19. Political Principles of the Scottish Episcopalians in

the time of George I . . . . 273

20. Early American Church Architecture . . 274

21. The Lapse of American Congregationalism into

Unitarianism ....... 275

LECTURE VI
NOTE 22. Goethe on the Sacraments . 276,

xvi RELIGION SINCE THE REFORMATION

LECTURE VII PAGE

NOTE 23. The Greek nte in Italian Churches . . . , 277
24. Constantinople and Anglican Ordinations . . 279

LECTURE VIII

NOTE 25. Newman on the Anglican Position . . .281

26. Newman on Transubstantiation . . . .281

27. The Return to the traditional Dates of many Books of

the New Testament . . . . . .282

28. The ' Jesus of History ' . . . . .284

INDEX 285

I

THE COUNTER-REFORMATION AND THE
DOCTRINE OF GRACE

Romans iii. 24 : Being justified freely by his grace, through the redemp-
tion that is in Christ Jesus.

LET us think of that memorable year, the year of our
Lord 1521. In that year the terrible army of the Turks
began to threaten central Europe. In that year a European
empire first annexed a great part of the new world. In that
year died Pope Leo X and with him the Papacy of the
Renaissance began to descend into the grave. And in 1521
Martin Luther was finally excommunicated, and Ignatius de
Loyola was converted. On the one side was the German friar
who had burnt the Pope's bull with theatrical display in
front of an enthusiastic mob. On the other side was a soldier
of Spain lying sick, taking a turn for the better when almost
at the point of death, reading the life of Christ and resolving
to be His penitent servant.

Now Martin Luther and Ignatius de Loyola did what
they did, and we are what we are, because Leo X had been
in want of money. The late Pope Julius II had determined
to rebuild the venerable basilica which Constantine erected
near to the circus of Nero where St. Peter was crucified ;
and to raise funds for a grandiose new church Leo 'published
indulgences throughout the Christian regions'. Indulgentia
in Christian Latin meant forgiveness or remission, or, as our
forefathers called it, a 'pardon'. And Luther in Germany
and Zwingli in Switzerland separately began a revolu-
tion by attacking, not indulgences, but the granting of
indulgences as a means of raising money. Leo X had pre-
viously offered an indulgence for all sins and 'reconciliation
with the most High' without even mentioning confession

2649 B

2 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

or contrition, and, if not in intention, yet in effect, the
preaching of indulgences in Germany by Tetzel meant that
the pardon won by the precious blood of Christ could be
secured for the souls in purgatory by a piece of money and
a paper certificate.

It is evident that the whole question of the Pope's
authority is involved in the theory of these indulgences,
whether that theory be unimpeachable or not. And it is
now freely stated by Roman Catholic writers that indul-
gences were converted into 'money transactions' and a
'traffic', and that the greatest abuses prevailed. In fact
the discipline which had originally existed for the purpose of
deepening repentance for sins had been made into a system
for doubling the revenue of the Papal States. We must
briefly notice some stages in this miserable decline.

In the primitive Church a Christian who had committed
a heinous sin, especially such sins as fornication or idolatry,
and then repented and confessed his sin to his bishop or
a priest appointed by the bishop, had to undergo a course
of penitential discipline of prayer and fasting before he
received absolution and was once again permitted to
receive the holy communion. So high was the moral
standard demanded by the Church that it was not until
late in the fourth century that the question was even raised
whether a person who had sinned against the second or the
seventh commandment should receive absolution for a second
offence. It rested with the local Church to determine
whether the spiritual condition of the penitent demanded
a long discipline or justified some indulgence and a com-
paratively early absolution and remission of this temporal
chastisement. 1

By the end of the Middle Ages this wholesome system

1 For the early history of Penance see Pierre Batiffol, * Les Origines de
la Penitence ' in Etudes d'Histom et de Thtologie Positive (Lecoffre Paris

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 3

had become seriously corrupted by a combination of different
evils, It was not a corruption that the Keltic practice of
treating the whole process of confession and penance as
strictly private had gradually spread from the British Isles
to the south of Europe. 1 But it was a corruption that
absolution for heinous sins was granted before the penitent
had undergone any adequate testing or discipline and that
donations in money were sometimes regarded as a suitable
reparation for ill-doing. Moreover, the whole subject became
involved in a very precarious doctrine concerning purgatory
and the merits of the saints.

The penitent was taught that though he was forgiven as
Moses and David were forgiven, yet, like them, he must be
prepared to suffer some temporal punishment. He must
make amends to God whose majesty had been outraged.
If he did not pay to God this satisfaction while he lived,
he must after death before he entered heaven pay it by
suffering the torments of purgatory. And this was under-
stood to mean that he must undergo something more than
the discipline, the formative trials, which God sends us for
the good of our character even when a sin has been forgiven.
It meant the payment of an expiation by bitter suffering,
an agony like the agony of hell, although the Roman canon
of the mass, full of primitive doctrine, speaks of the faithful
departed as resting in the sleep of peace. Could this awful
punishment be mitigated or escaped? Rome said 'Yes;
the Church has an inexhaustible treasure, not only in the
infinite merits of Christ, but in the works which the saints
have done over and above what was necessary for their
salvation. Part of this overplus might be credited to the
repentant sinner/ And in 1343 Pope Clement VI announced
in virtue of this treasure a full pardon of sins to pilgrims
who were truly penitent and had confessed.

1 See O. D. Watkins, A History of Penance, vol. ii, pp. 750 ff. (Longmans,
London, 1920).

B2

4 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

Then the question arose, May an indulgence be sought
for a father, a mother, a child no longer living? Again
Rome said 'Yes'. In 1476 Pope Sixtus IV wrote that if
parents and friends who wished to help those who were
exposed 'to the fire of purgatory for the expiation of sins'
would pay 'a certain sum of money' for the repair of the
church at Xanten, he willed that the money should avail
per modum suffragii for the souls aforesaid. The donation
was to be considered as a recommendation to the Almighty
for a plenary remission of punishment. This is the first
known instance of an indulgence being applied to the souls
in purgatory, and it gave rise to dreams of avarice which
in the next century hardened into one of the worst scandals
in Christian history.

When Julius II died, 70,000 ducats had already been
spent on the new basilica of St. Peter and it was still far
from completion, Leo X, a patron of the arts, wanted to
complete it, and Albert of Brandenburg had been elected
to the great position of Archbishop of Mainz. Albert had to
pay a huge sum before the Pope would give him the pallium,
the narrow scarf which had originally been a decoration
given as a compliment, but had become a symbol of metro-
politan jurisdiction. He had to borrow money through
bankers in Augsburg, and it was arranged that in con-
sideration of a cash payment to the Pope of 10,000 ducats,
Albert's agents might dispose of indulgences. Half the
proceeds were to go to the Pope and the rest was to be
retained by the Archbishop. The bargain was concluded
on April the I5th, 1515. The Dominican John Tetzel was
entrusted with the task of preaching up the indulgences,
and he was accompanied by an agent of the bankers.
Among the blessings promised to the donors of money was
a plenary remission of all sins and all punishment due to
sin. For this an expression of penitence was necessary.
But for the souls already in purgatory a plenary indulgence

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 5

per modum su/ragii was also offered, and for such an
indulgence nothing was required except, as Tetzel said, 'the
rattling of the penny in the box '. He simply put into crude
German what the Popes had written in scholastic Latin.
He did it with the zeal of a revivalist and the acuteness of
an auctioneer, and in due time he was rewarded with the
degree of Doctor of Divinity,

Luther was resolved to test the real doctrine of Rome on
the subject, and for this purpose he nailed up on the door
of All Saints' Church in Wittenberg, the University church
where notices were usually posted, ninety-five short theses
concerning Penance and Indulgences. 1

The theology of the theses into which Luther flung his
indignation, and the history of the subsequent controversies,
I cannot explain at length. But there are two facts which
must be borne in mind if we are to understand the religious
significance of his action. They are quite apart from the
scandal that a money payment had been taken for the
release of souls already in purgatory. The first is that
throughout his early protest against indulgences Luther
held that a Christian who has truly repented and has been
truly absolved is by grace in union with Christ and shares
in the benefits of the merits of Christ and of His whole
mystical body, the Church and that therefore the Pope
can give him no further indulgence except a remission of
ecclesiastical penalty, an argument which appears to be
unanswerable unless it be openly stated by papal authority
that any indulgence beyond a remission of ecclesiastical
penalty is not a pardon, but a prayer for more abundant
grace. The second fact is that it is proved by his conference
with Cardinal Cajetan that Luther had to defend himself

1 These theses and all the important documents of the Indulgence
controversy are printed in B. J. Kidd, Documents Illustrative of the Con-
tinental Reformation (Oxford, 1911).

6 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

against the charge of having maintained that it is necessary
for a person who approaches the sacrament of penance to
believe that he is obtaining grace. It is possible that in this
connexion a heterodox meaning might be put upon his words
sola fides verbi Christi iustificat. But his statement as a
whole is an attempt, not to disparage sacramental confession
to a priest, but to make it more serious and less perfunctory,
to treat it as a real means of grace in which the penitent
takes Christ at His word.

It is one of the greatest tragedies in history that a man
with such an overwhelming force of character, a born leader
of men, did as a result of the unmeasured violence of his
language and the one-sided nature of his doctrine bring no
moral deliverance to his people. Luther's more patient
friend Melanchthon tells us how at Ratisbon in 1541 he and
the other Protestant representatives came to an agreement
with the Roman theologians on the central doctrine of
justification by faith. And in the joy which he felt at that
agreement our Cardinal Pole wrote, *I give thanks to God
through Christ'. But Luther was implacable. His own
doctrine of justification by faith was an eager and passionate
attempt to revive the doctrine of St. Paul. But his doctrine
is by no means purely Pauline. He was familiar with the
scholastic distinction bet ween fides informis and fides formata
cum charitate. But while the schoolmen said that only
a faith formed with love rendered a man acceptable to God,
Luther said that this love was not necessary for justification,
and that it would introduce the idea of winning acceptance
by good works. This inadequate and unscriptural view of
faith, a view which finds expression in his contemptuous
reference to the Epistle of St. James, was attended by other
no less serious mistakes. From his experience of the power
of sin and of the miserable weakness of the human will, and
his deep sense of the need of a Saviour, Luther concluded,
like the later Calvinists, that human nature has been

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 7

totally corrupted by Adam's fall, a theory which in time
prompted men to deny that there is any inherited defect
in the nature that is ours by physical descent. Next he
denied the freedom of the human will, and thereby lessened
man's sense of responsibility. Thirdly, he took a most
pessimistic view of the character, or rather the nature, of
even the converted Christian. He held, and the Calvinists
did the same, that the tendency to wrong desires within us,
the concupiscentia from which no Christian is wholly free,
is in itself sin. The infirmities which cannot be avoided are
confused with the sin which can be avoided, and the funda-
mental distinction between the mere feeling of an incitement
to sin, and a deliberate consent of the will to that feeling,
is destroyed. And the sinner is then consoled by the doctrine
that when he believes, and so long as he believes, all his
sins are as venial sins. It was therefore, though rhetoric,
not mere rhetoric, when Luther wrote, 'Be a sinner, and
sin lustily, but be more lusty in faith and rejoice in Christ.
. . . Sin will not pluck us away from Him, even though
a thousand times, a thousand times a day, we commit
fornication or murder.' x

What is that but an indulgence an indulgence no longer
purchased by money but by an emotion? And what was
the effect of this teaching? It is needless to quote his
enemies. It is enough to read his own words, and the
evidence is thus summed up by an admirer: 'In passage
after passage Luther declares that the last state of things
was worse than the first; that vice of every kind had
increased since the Reformation; that the nobles were
greedy, the peasants brutal; that the corruption of morals
in Wittenberg itself was so great that he contemplated
shaking off the dust of his feet against it; that Christian

1 Epistolarum D. M. LutHeri, torn, i, a Jo. Aurifabro collectus, p. 345 b
Jhenae, 1556, Bodl.Tratt. Luth. 370; and Enders, Dr. AT. Luthers Brief-
wechsel, iii. 208 (Kalw u. Stuttgart, 1884).

8 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

liberality had altogether ceased to flow; and that the
preachers were neither held in respect nor supported by
the people/ 1

For the whole study oi Continental Protestantism it is of
the first importance to remember that by minimizing human
freedom, and by teaching that there is only one effective
Will in the universe, Luther prepared for Pantheism as well
as for Antinomianism, and the Pantheism of the classical
German writers has been one of the greatest barriers in the
way of any revival of Christianity in modern Germany.

The beginning of Church reform in Italy shows a conscious-
ness of the antagonism which existed between the Italian
Renaissance and the Gospel. This antagonism some of the
Popes had tned to disguise by uniting paganism and
Christianity in their own persons. Other men saw more
deeply and understood what an abyss had separated life
and faith. And before we consider the important part which
was taken by Spain in promoting the Counter-Reformation,
we must recall what Italian brains were able to accomplish.

Italy was not only the cradle of the Renaissance which
became the torchbearer of the Reformation. It was also
the home of a reformed Papacy which was able to arrest
the progress of the Reformation. Italians were able to set
in motion the gigantic machinery which at the end of the
sixteenth century affected the whole world then known to
civilized mankind. A religious reaction had begun in Italy
several years before the Papacy had thoroughly roused itself
to reform. Almost immediately after Luther's excom-
munication we find in Italy itself a growth of new religious
orders, some of which were concerned directly with the
education and improvement of the clergy. Such were the

1 Charles Beard, The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, Hibbert
Lectures, 1*83, p. 145 (Williams & Norgate, London, 1883). See too
J. Chevalier, Revue Catholique des Sglises, Mai 1908, p. 287 (Paris, 83 Rue
des Saints-P&res),

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 9

Theatines and the Barnabites, with whom may be mentioned
the Capuchins, who endeavoured to bring back the Francis-
cans to their primitive severity of life. Other orders were
devoted to the instruction of the young. To these belong the
Somaschans, founded for the care of orphans, and the Ursu-
lines, a sisterhood founded for the education of girls, famous
at a later time for their work in Quebec and New Orleans.

We find also in Rome, in Venice, in Padua, and especially
in Naples, little groups, little societies of well-educated
ecclesiastics, literary men and noble ladies, animated by
a really religious spirit, disturbed by the thought of the
moral disorder and theological degeneracy which weakened
Christianity. They were deeply interested in the nature of
faith and justification through the redemption won by
Christ. Interest in these questions gradually developed
three distinct tendencies. The first tendency was that of
the men who went not only as far as Luther but far beyond
him in their negation of traditional Christianity, a tendency
represented by Peter Martyr, Bernardino Ochino, and after-
wards by the Sozzini whose teaching was merely on the
frontier of Christianity. The second tendency appears in
John Valdes, a Spaniard who lived at Naples and was the
author of several original mystical writings; 1 and we find
in sympathy with the same central tendency Morone, Bishop
of Modena, Cardinals Pole and Sadoleto, and Gaspar Con-
tarini, the leader of the party. They represented the highest
and the most uncorrupt Catholicism of Italy, and for a time
their fervour seemed likely to become a fashion. But the
programme of Contarini was abandoned amid the tangle of
political events and the tightening grip of Spain upon
a distracted Italy. The movement for a reformation

1 Among them the Hundred and Ten Considerations. All copies of the
original edition were suppressed by the Spanish Inquisition. It is of
special interest to English Churchmen as it was translated from Italian
into English by Nicholas Ferrar at the instigation of George Herbert and
published at Oxford in 1638.

io THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

without rebellion, and for discipline without despotism, failed
also for another reason. It did not fail because its leaders
were Utopian. To succeed greatly it is necessary to dream
dreams and to see visions. The failure was caused by the
fact that the movement was too exclusively aristocratic and
academic. It made no effort to reach the common people,
and its labours became isolated and individualistic,

The third tendency in Italy met Protestantism with the
whole force of resistance and reaction, Paul III, the Pope
who favoured Pole and Contarini, gave his sanction in 1540
to the newly formed Spanish Society of Jesus, and by the
introduction of the Inquisition in 1542 he definitely checked
the circulation of books of a Protestant character* And in
his honest anxiety for reform he summoned in 1545 the
Council of Trent which laid the dogmatic and the disci-
plinary basis of the Counter-Reformation.

The sessions of the Council were prolonged for more than
eighteen years. Its beginning was feeble, and serious doubts
were entertained as to its ultimate issue. But the issue
left the Roman Catholic Church presenting a compact united
front to the teaching of Luther and Calvin though still con-
taining different schools of thought. Among the numerous
reforms effected must be mentioned the abolition of the
office of quaestors or indulgence preachers, the better educa-
tion of candidates for the priesthood, and the prohibition
of the accumulation of benefices in the possession of the
same ecclesiastic. Strange to say, the doctrine of indulgences
was left indeterminate, although the use of indulgences was
said to be 'very salutary' and recent abuses were strongly
condemned. 1 Otherwise there was a great consolidation of
dogma. At the Fourth Session (8 April 1546) the written
books of Scripture and the unwritten traditions 'received
by the apostles from the mouth of Christ himself, or from
the apostles themselves* were put upon the same level of

1 See app. note i, p. 257.

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE n

authority. At the Fifth (17 June 1546) a moderate view
was taken of concupiscence diametrically opposed to the
Lutheran and Calvinist views that it is truly and properly
sin. At the Sixth (13 January 1547) ft was affirmed that
free will was not extinguished by the fall and that a man
can accept or refuse grace, so that he can by God's help
take a real share in preparing for his justification. It was
also affirmed that no one can have an absolute assurance
that he possesses grace, and that a man who commits
mortal sin loses grace even if he has faith. Thus was
Protestantism definitely excluded.

Hardly less important was the question discussed during
the later sessions of the Council. It involved the whole
problem of the relation of the episcopate to the Papacy.
If the manners of bishops were to be reformed, what was
to be done with the officials who had been rewarded for
their services by the gift of bishoprics in which they never
intended to reside ? The existence of this abuse, an abuse
which had a parallel in England in modern times, found
ingenious defenders. They said that though the order of
a bishop is an ordinance of Christ, the jurisdiction which he
exercises over his diocese is given by the Pope, and therefore
if a bishop is truly consecrated but receives no jurisdiction
from the Pope, he is not obliged to visit his see. The
energetic bishops of Spain vigorously defended the ancient
view that the powers of a bishop are derived from Christ
independently of the Pope. They were opposed by their
fellow countryman the Jesuit Laynez, who thus inaugurated
the policy which Cardinal Manning is said to have summed
up in the saying that the Pope is the only plank left between
the Jesuits and the Presbyterians. The Council finally
adopted certain skilfully drafted canons which left the
question open, though their tenor is rather in favour of
the Papacy. 1 The bishops failed to secure a clear recognition
1 See app. note 2, p. 257.

12 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

of their rights, and the result was that though the Council
did allow some privileges to certain national Churches, these
Churches which remained in union with Rome gradually
became less national and more Roman. However, the
question as to whether the Pope is infallible and can himself
decide without the episcopate what is the true tradition of
the Church was left untouched. It was still quite per-
missible to hold that the bishops had independent rights
apart from the Pope and to deny the Pope's infallibility.

Compared with the more recent developments and accre-
tions in Roman Catholic teaching, the decrees and canons
of the Council of Trent are moderate and well balanced.
The doctrine of grace and of the seven sacraments as means
of grace is in its main outlines, though not always in detail
and in language, in harmony with the teaching of the New
Testament. The Nicene Creed, which states nothing which
the Gospels do not imply, was left in itself intact. And
though it is an exaggeration, it is not a violent exaggeration,
on the part of the most distinguished of German Protestant
theologians, when he says, 'The mediaeval Church went
forth from the Council of Trent as still substantially the
ancient Church 1 . 1 And it went forth strong. Henceforth
all religion and all life, all arts and all sciences, were to be
brought more closely than ever under the rule of the Papacy.
There could be no better emblem of this reformed Papacy
than the new basilica of St. Peter with its immense fa9ade
rising at the end of the wide square and its embracing
colonnades. The proportions of the church are faulty, and
it has none of the mystery of sorrow and thirst for God
that many older churches appear to voice. But it offers
. a welcome to the world, and the spirit of it is militant,
expectant, and all but triumphant.

1 ' Die mittelalterliclie Kirche ging aus dem Tridentinum wesentlich als
die alte hervor.' Adolf Harnack, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, vol. m,
p. 616 (Freiburg i. B., 1890).

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 13

Before the Council closed, there had appeared in Mexico
the first important work of an American printing press. It
was a superb edition of the Roman Missal.

Italy, Spain, and France may be considered in turn as
respectively centres of the reform of clerical life, the revolu-
tion in monasticism, and the revival of Christian learning.

'These most illustrious lords require a most illustrious
reform', remarked the good Archbishop of Braga concern-
ing the cardinals. And that reform was exemplified by
St. Charles Borromeo (1538-1584), Cardinal Archbishop of
Milan. He is the connecting link between the Italian
episcopate of the Renaissance and that of the Christian
reaction. He was a member of a noble family whose seat
was amid the Italian lakes. According to the custom of
the period, he received the tonsure at the age of eight, and
at the age of thirteen became the titular abbot of a monastery
at Arona which was regarded as a mere dependency of his
family. His uncle, Pope Pius IV, whose coronation took
place on January the 6th, 1560, promptly summoned his
nephew to Rome to enter his diplomatic service, and even
the unpleasant experiences of his predecessor did not keep
the new Pope from loading a youthful relative with every
conceivable dignity. He was soon made a cardinal and then
administrator of the vast diocese of Milan, though he was
not yet a priest. A young man of tw6nty-two, he was not
only surrounded with almost royal magnificence, but even
exposed to temptations which remind us of the Roman
debauchery of the previous generation. He kept his head
and he also kept the issues of his heart. He had distin-
guished himself at the University of Pavia, and he now
worked with a will at his diplomatic correspondence and
made his house a centre of refinement and philosophic
discussion. He loved to take part in Latin debates and
confesses that he found it one thing to deliver a speech

14 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

in Latin and another thing to answer questions in that
language. The Pope, wishing his noble family to be saved
from extinction, desired him to abandon a clerical career,
but in spite of the Pope's wishes he was ordained priest in
August 1563, shortly before the close of the Council of
Trent. He had displayed great skill in acting as an inter-
mediary between the Pope and the Council. He helped to
smooth away the differences between the papal and the
episcopal party. He edited the celebrated Roman Gate-
chism of the Council of Trent, and he supervised new
editions of the Vulgate, the Missal, and the Breviary,

On the death of his uncle in 1565 he took possession of
his see, to which he devoted his whole future. His private
life was one of severe simplicity. He improved the character
of the clergy, organized the diocese, and set to work to
reform the monasteries. 1 He met with the strongest opposi-
tion, especially from the order of the Humiliati, who hired
an assassin to shoot him at the altar. The shot only grazed
his skin, and during the famine of the next year, 1570, and
the great plague of 1576 his unsparing devotion to the
sufferers finally won the hearts of the turbulent Milanese.
Included in the large library which he bequeathed to his
successors are no less than ninety-six treatises on medicine,
which were probably bought at the time of the plague. In
matters of art he had good taste, and he studied the ancient
basilicas that the new churches of his diocese might be
simple and dignified in their architecture. What was equally
important for future generations, he was the means of saving
the ancient Ambrosian liturgy for his diocese. Theologians
of to-day know that the history of Christian worship must
be studied if we are to understand the history of Christianity
itself. And with the exception of two solitary churches in
Spain, no ancient non-Roman Latin rite survives anywhere

1 The advice given by St. Charles Borromeo to his clergy is summarized
in his Pastorum Instructions (nova editio, Rothomagi, 1707).

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 15

except in the archdiocese of Milan. We owe it to St. Charles
that in spite of strong pressure he refused to introduce the
Roman liturgy and secured the survival of the venerable
prayers and ceremonies at which we can still assist in the
vast cathedral where he worshipped.

St. Charles visited Switzerland in 1570, often travelling
on foot through the hamlets in the mountains. His visit
resulted in the establishing of a nuncio at Lucerne and in
the foundation of a league which two years after his death
bound the Roman Catholic cantons to take arms against
those cantons which tolerated heresy. He was a man of
his own period. He was not opposed to coercion in religious
matters, but he nipped in the bud the plan of Philip II
to introduce into Lombardy an Inquisition of the pitiless
Spanish pattern. He spent much time in private prayer
and often went on pilgrimage to hallowed shrines. It would
be absurd to blame him if he believed that at Turin he saw
the winding sheet in which the body of Christ was laid, and
that at Loretto he saw, encrusted with goodly offerings', the
original holy home of Nazareth. He was generous to his
family, but he did not try to enrich his kindred with gold
and titles. And as he lived in the sixteenth century, we
may venture to think that one of the best proofs of his'real
goodness is the fact that when his beloved sister was left
a widow, and wished to retire into a convent, he persuaded
her to stay at home and look after her children.

With the name of St. Charles must be linked that of
St. Philip Neri (i5i5-*595), who came to be regarded as
the new apostle of the eternal city. 1 He refused the help of
a rich relative who wished him to devote himself to com-
merce, and gave his care to the poor and the sick and the
pilgrims who came to Rome. He had a great influence with
young people and horrified the over-good by encouraging

1 Life by P. G. Bacci with additions by G. Ricci, Vita d% S. Filippo
Neri (Roma, 1745).

T6 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

dances and games. Like some other great Italians, he
teaches us that it is not necessary to be sanctimonious in
order to become a saint. The centre of his activities was
a hall turned into an oratory for sermons, lectures, prayer
meetings, and music, the word Oratorio being taken from
the musical exercises that he fostered. Like St. Charles, he
obeyed the wish expressed by the Council of Trent in urging
upon others the duty of frequent communion, the neglect
of which had proved one of the most fruitful causes of
misapprehension and superstition with regard to the sacrifice
of the mass. From the priests who associated themselves
with his work St, Philip formed the congregation known as
the Oratorians, not an order of monks, but a voluntary
association of secular priests. The Oratory anticipated our
modern parochial life with its clubs and societies radiating
from the altar. In 1611 there was founded an Oratory in
France, and among the many great French Oratorians is
to be numbered the famous preacher Massillon (1663-1742)
and in more recent times Gratry (1805-1872), a writer of
exquisite simplicity and depth. It was the Oratory of
St. Philip that proved a home to one, who, as old men have
told me, spoke in this church words that came to them like
a revelation, the man whose sensitive intellect and moving
arguments are typified by his own motto, Cor loquitur ad
cor John Henry Newman,

Spaniards reckon the age of the Counter-Reformation as
the golden age of the Church of Spain. The country was
revelling in new wealth and knowledge. The Castilian
language had just passed from youth to manhood. The
Church was more episcopal and less papal than it became
in later times, and was in the forefront of the work of
education. The faith of the people was fanatically Catholic,
tempered hard by their long struggle with the Moors and
sharpened by their hatred and suspicion of the Jews. A few

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 17

Protestant books, now of excessive rarity, were printed in
Castilian, but the majority of the people were in no mood
to inquire into new religions ; they were enthusiastically
eager to express what they already believed. And this
enthusiasm produced leaders of religion as original and as
bold as the Spanish writers of imaginative literature. Some
of the Spanish theological writers themselves show a literary
capacity of the highest quality. Such are St. John of the
Cross and Luis Ponce de Leon, of whom it has been said
that he united the Hebrew thirst for righteousness with
pagan serenity and the Christian charity which resists evil
only with forgiveness. Time would fail me to speak of
them or of St. Peter of Alcintara or Alfonso Rodriguez,
whose book on 'Christian Perfection' might well be abbre-
viated for English use. But no reference to the religion of
Spain could pass over St. Ignatius de Loyola and St. Francis
de Xavier, though neither of them was strictly a Spaniard.
Both were Spanish Basques, and these two members of that
obscure primaeval race did more than any other men to make
Rome to be once again 'maxima rerum'. 1

And here let us give honour where honour is due. The
subsequent decadence of the Jesuits gives us no more right
to condemn St. Ignatius and his six companions than the
corruption of the Franciscans gives us the right to blame
St. Francis of Assisi. Ignatius founded his society in 1534
for the conversion of the heathen. When this work appeared
for the present to be impossible, the Jesuits adapted them-
selves to preaching, pastoral visiting, and the instruction of
youth. The society was a religious order founded upon
military obedience, a principle which had appealed to
St. Pachomius the Egyptian who founded monastic com-

1 The literature dealing with the early history of the Jesuits is very
large. The early Spanish Life of St. Ignatius is by Ribadeneira, 1594.
An interesting Life in English is Francis Thompson's Saint Ignatius Loyola
(Bums & Gates, London, 1909). Of importance are Monumenta Historica
Societatis Jesu (Madrid, 1894-1914).

2649 C

i8 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

munities in the fourth century, and to General Booth who
founded the Salvation Army in the nineteenth. But Ignatius
revolutionized monasticism. It was an innovation for monks
to dress like the secular clergy. It was a startling innovation
to dispense monks from the duty of singing the long daily
and nightly services in choir, a custom which has survived
in a modified form in our cathedrals. It was a momentous
innovation to divide his disciples into six grades of which
only the highest took the most solemn and irrevocable vows.
The idea of a college for training young men in religion and
learning was not a novelty in Spain, but Ignatius gave it
fresh vitality. The success of the new order was amazing.
When the founder died in 1556 there were about a thousand
Jesuits grouped in twelve different provinces. Most of the
principal towns in Europe had Jesuit halls, and Ignatius him-
self had founded not only the great Collegium Romanum
for the teaching of philosophy and theology, but by a master
stroke of policy the Collegium Germanicum for carrying war
into the land of Luther.

But the ability of Ignatius was not confined to organiza-
tion. He gave a new direction to the life of the soul. His
book of meditations and prayers called ' Spiritual Exercises ' l
won an immediate and permanent success. The book is
penetrated by three ideas. The first is that Christ is a king
and the general of an army going forth to conquer. Here
we see a thought of chivalry subtly suggested, as it is subtly
suggested in a very different manner in the great romance
of Cervantes. The second idea is that we cannot conquer
unless we fight. There are some men who wish to be saved,
but will not destroy the obstacles that hinder their salva-
tion. They like the end but not the means. We must
choose both the end and the means, discerning the real
nature both of the pleasures that weaken and of the pains

* Exercitios espiritodles. A good translation into English with notes
is that by W. H. Longridge (Robert Scott, London, 1919).

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 19

that fortify. And the third idea is the need of finding
a path in life, or if we have already entered upon a path,
the need of making the best use of it.

The book is simple enough, but it contains such a variety
of subjects treated with such vivacity that the interest of
the reader is never allowed to flag, and the peculiar skill
of the author is shown by the way in which he makes the
reader use his imagination as a tonic to his will. Its inspira-
tion and its energy do not come from the books which the
biographers say that Ignatius had read. They come from
the fact that, like the works of Thomas & Kempis and John
Bunyan, this book was lived before it was written. If we
would understand Roman Catholicism as an organization
between 1520 and 1700, we must study the Council of
Trent ; if we would understand it as a religion, we must
study the ' Spiritual Exercises' of St. Ignatius de Loyola.

Added to these exercises are certain Rules for thinking
with the Church. These rules comprise some excellent
advice as to a reverent caution in speaking about predestina-
tion, faith, and free will, and the usefulness of even a servile
fear of God if filial fear has not yet been gained. 1 But they
also contain a praise of scholastic theology which might be
interpreted as encouraging a blind adherence to the views
of the greater schoolmen, and the still more unfortunate
phrase in Rule XIII, ' we ought always to be ready to believe
that what seems to us white is black, if the hierarchical
Church so define it '. Such sayings, together with the abject
obedience to superiors which is enjoined in the Constitutions
of the Society, tended to make every Jesuit a wheel in a great
machine, a machine which might indeed be directed towards
noble ends, but might also be equally harmful to the world
and to the individual soul of every member of the Society.

1 This last point is unfairly represented by M. Philippson, who does not
quote the passage in full in his La Contre-R&volution religieuse, p. 116
(Paris, 1884).

C2

20 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

St. Francis de Xavier (1506-1552) was an embodiment
of the spirit of adventure. 1 That is why he is so intelligible
to Englishmen, for we still have ears open to the call of
adventure. Recent criticism has destroyed the belief that
he was the author of the hymn that endears his name to
so many of our people :

My God, I love Thee, not because

I hope for heaven thereby,
Nor yet because who love thee not

Are lost eternally.

But it has left us a convincing portrait of one of the greatest
missionaries since the days of St. Paul. He set out in
1541 in a ship for the Portuguese colony of Goa. A loath-
some fever broke out in the filthy ship, and this fastidious
gentleman washed the linen and cooked the food of the
sufferers. Goa itself needed an apostle. In spite of its
flaunting wealth and fine new cathedral, it was a graveyard
physically and morally. Even among the Portuguese
of Goa he was able to witness to Christ. But he went
on and onward in his tattered gown and old black hood
along Travancore, the Fishery Coast, Malabar, Ceylon,
and the Spice Islands. In Travancore alone he planted
forty-five Christian settlements. He planted a mission
among the Japanese, whose abilities he recognized and whose
character he cleverly delineates. He died on an island
near Hong-Kong in 1552 attended by a faithful Chinese
servant, but his intense desire to enter China was unful-
filled. When he was dying and unconscious he spoke in
a language neither Latin nor Spanish nor Portuguese.
Doubtless it was the ancient Basque that he had talked
in his mother's tapestried room when he was a child in their
old castle below the Pyrenees. He was every inch a man,

1 Life with full Bibliography by Edith Anne Stewart, The Life of
St. Francis Xavier (Headley, London, 1917). For the hymn, see app.
note 3, p. 258.

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 21

able to make himself at home with a Brahmin or a pirate,
and as for the Indian children, they sometimes left him
time neither to read his prayers nor to go to sleep. There
is one fruit of his missionary zeal which has not received all
the attention that it deserves. He wrote for the benefit
of his converts a long instruction in the Malay language,
an exposition of the Christian faith following the lines of the
Apostles' Creed. It is quite as remarkable for what it omits
as for what it contains. There is a mention of the Pope and
a few lines about the torments of purgatory, but the absence
of peculiarly Roman Catholic doctrine is almost complete.
The guide of innumerable souls, a man whose faith became
' a passionate intuition ', he put the first things first. 1

In St. Teresa (1515-1582), the reformer of the Carmelites,
we see the essence of the old Castilian spirit. It is something
both distinguished and distinctive. It is a peculiar union of
idealism and homeliness, of mysticism and common sense,
of courage and submission to God. It is distinctive, and in
her case it is marked by a special experimental knowledge
of God. And yet it is not remote from that which all men, '
except the very worst, hope to find in a good woman. 2

Her writings enable us to understand her from her child-
hood, when she was handsome and vivacious, well educated
and well dressed. At an early age she discerned the differ-
ence between good and evil and resolved to lead a virtuous
life, partly from the fear of God but still more because she
respected the current laws of a woman's honour. Slowly
the fear of God began to soften into the love of God. She
read the letters of St. Jerome, those piquant Latin letters
which praise virginity and throw such a cold hard light upon
the semi-Christian society of Rome in the fourth century
of the Christian era. She resolved to be a nun, and at the

1 See app. note 4, p, 259.

* Vida de la Santa Madre Teresa de Jes&s (Administraci6n del apostolado
de la prensa, Madrid, 1911).

22 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

age of eighteen she entered the Carmelite convent of the
Incarnation at Avila, an embattled city built on a rock
set in a treeless tableland of Old Castile.

It was not until Teresa's fortieth year that she found
real peace with God. She dated her true progress in the
spiritual life from a day when she saw in an oratory a
statue of our Lord covered with wounds. She was smitten
with intense grief at the thought of her want of gratitude
for the love of Christ. She knelt down, weeping abun-
dantly, and prayed for strength never to offend Him
henceforth. Soon afterwards she read for the first time the
' Confessions ' of St. Augustine, and she remained deeply
influenced by his teaching. Like Augustine, she was con-
vinced of the power of God's grace, and made her own his
words, ' Lord, command what thou wilt, and give what
thou commandest '. From the time of her conversion
she became subject to trances and visions which her con-
fessor regarded with suspicion and the sisters of the convent
ascribed to devils. At first she thought that their explana-
tion might be correct, and she never appealed to visions as
a proof of her own sanctity. But she became sure that
Christ was often especially near to her, and believed that once
an angel pierced her heart with a dart tipped with fire. What-
ever be the value of these experiences, the hardest sceptic
cannot question her extraordinary humility, and the most
critical Christian cannot doubt that she understood the
secret of communion with God. "

Meanwhile the rebellion of Luther and Calvin caused
Teresa to reflect upon its cause. She saw the cause in the
relaxation of the religious life, and she formed the project of
reviving all the original rules of the Carmelites. Encouraged
by some earnest priests, she procured the necessary bull
from Rome, and in 1562 mass was said in a house where
four women were installed as members of a new order.
They were to be Barefooted (i.e. wearing rough sandals),

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 23

as distinguished from the older relaxed order (sometimes
nicknamed the Barefaced) . The small convent of St. Joseph
at Avila remains as in her own day, strict and gracefully
severe. In spite of threats and calumnies and even two
years spent under arrest, she persevered in her work of
reform. Sixteen convents and fourteen monasteries were
the result of her untiring efforts and her skill in organizing.
Her troubles did not end until 1580, when Pope Gregory XIII
made the reformed Carmelites into a separate province
distinct from the unreformed. Two years later she died
at Alba de Tonnes. Certainly she was an heroic woman.
And her greatness is not diminished by her masculine
contempt for ' silly devotions ' and her motherly uneasiness
when her young disciples forgot how to laugh.

Let us change the scene from Spain to France. The
religious revival in France had its own distinct characteristic,
the unity of piety with sound learning which for a time made
the Church of France the most illustrious in Christendom.
In the person of St. Francis de Sales (1567-1622) this revival
found its first great exponent. He had a somewhat cosmo-
politan education, having studied at Paris and at Padua.
As a student he was modest, brilliant, and devout, and not
the milksop that he was supposed to be by some of his fellow
students who, when they tried to insult him in the streets
of Padua, found to their cost that he had a capital knowledge
of the gentle art of fencing. He was ordained priest in 1593,
and before his ordination made a resolution which illumines
his whole subsequent life. It was simply to remember all
day that he was preparing to say mass the next morning.

He was sent to Thonon, the principal town of the Chablais
in Savoy, and began his ministry amid circumstances of
extraordinary difficulty; the population was strongly Cal-
vinist, and certainly not likely to change their views in
deference to a dissolute Roman Catholic garrison stationed

24 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

among them. Francis first converted his own co-reli-
gionists and then turned to the native population. When
criticized for his gentleness towards heretics he said, ' I
have never permitted myself to use invective or reproach
without repenting of it. ... Love has a greater empire over
souls than, I will not say strictness, but even force of
arguments/ He was absolutely fearless, he went every-
where, even when his enemies were planning his assassina-
tion, and one winter he spent a night up a tree surrounded
by a pack of wolves who were waiting for the fall of their
expected prey. When almost the whole population had
returned to the Roman obedience he determined to banish
the Calvinist ministers whose religion had been imposed
upon the people by the Bernese some sixty years before.
Delegates from Bern finally requested that he would leave
three ministers in the Chablais; he said he would consent
on condition that they would receive the priests whom he
would send to Bern. The offer was not accepted.

He was made Bishop of Geneva in 1602, though he was
unable to reside in that Protestant citadel. He lived at
Annecy, where he did his utmost to raise the intellectual
level of his clergy, and founded the first convent of the order
of the Visitation. He felt at one with nature. And it was
nature in her beauty, the beauty that he could watch at
Annecy, that coloured his devotions. His treatise on the
' Love of God ' and his ' Introduction to the Devout Life '
remain as masterpieces to teach the Christian how to love
God and how to love his neighbour. They show a delicate
and intimate knowledge of the human soul. St. Francis
de Sales is at his best when describing Christian patience in
contrast with the corresponding Stoic virtue, and that
Christian humility which lies in a valley that few men can
enter without slipping.

St. Francis de Sales, by his eloquence, devotion, and cul-
ture, anticipated that outburst of religious learning which

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 25

marked the latter part of the seventeenth century. It was
the age of Malebranche the subtle metaphysician, of Mabillon
who created the science of Latin palaeography, of Mont-
faucon, of Ducange, of the magnificent group of sacred
orators who remain unequalled in the annals of Christendom.
Of these it was Archbishop F6nelon who said to the son
of King James II of England, ' Never force your subjects
to change their religion'. His literary style and taste
are admirable. His character had many facets and there-
fore he has had many critics. He has been called an Ultra-
montane, a heretic, a hypocrite, and a sentimentalist.
But it is hard to believe that these words would ever be
applied to him by a modern student who had read even
a few lines of his letters or spent even half an hour over his
short ' Meditations for every day in the month *

In Bossuet (1627-1704), Fenelon's contemporary and
theological opponent, we see not only the most eloquent
of all French preachers, but also a great symbol of this
great epoch. His sermons are the work of a theologian,
an artist, a combatant. His mind united the knowledge
of sacred and of profane antiquity. It was a practical active
mind. And yet by some strange paradox, in his dispute
with Fenelon concerning the spiritual life, he considered that
the soul might be even in this world so firmly established
in grace as to be beyond the liberty of choosing, while the
gentler Fenelon, in his conception of the more advanced
states of prayer, held that the soul at every stage of
its spiritual career retains the kind of freedom which
is characteristically human. Such a soul will always
retain the liberty of choice. In prayer, in love, in devoted-
ness, it will enjoy a life that is supernatural but not miracu-
lous. Here the general mind of Christendom has been
with Fenelon and not with Bossuet* But it has been with
Bossuet in repudiating F&ielon's view that the saint's
love of Christ can be so disinterested that he no longer

26 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

loves Christ as his own Redeemer but as the Redeemer of
the world. And Christian common sense has inclined to
side with the Pope who summed up their controversy about
this disinterested love of the saints for God by saying that
Fenelon had erred by loving God too much and Bossuet
had erred by loving man too little. 1

We are now touching that great controversy which had
never been lulled to sleep since the beginning of the Reforma-
tion. What is the grace of God, and how is the freedom of
the human will compatible with the grace of Him who is
almighty and is also love ? In the New Testament grace
is the undeserved lovingkindness of God to man. It comes
from the divine Christ to man, giving to man the assistance
necessary for his salvation. And for some four centuries
after the birth of Christ His followers in opposition to the
fatalism of the Gnostics emphasized the truth that every
man is free to accept this grace and thereby to gain salva-
tion. Then St. Augustine, conscious that God had pursued
him through the years of his sin and of his doubt, and had
converted him almost in spite of himself, came to the
opinion that grace is sometimes irresistible and that God
gives to some men the grace necessary for their salvation
but withholds it from others. He was opposed by the
Pelagians who, falling into the opposite extreme, exaggerated
human merit and minimized our need of the help of God
in ' all holy desires, all good counsels, and all just works '.
Luther and Calvin adopted and even exaggerated the
Augustinian doctrine of irresistible grace and absolute pre-
destination, and the controversy extended to the University
of Louvain, where Bajus tried to revive the doctrine of
St. Augustine in order to refute the ultra-Augustinianism

1 Fenelon's deepest mystical teaching is in his Explication de$ Maximes
des Saints sw la Vie intfriewe. This is usually omitted in editions of his
works. There is a critical edition of it by Albert Cherel (Bloud, Paris, 191 1).

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 27

of Calvin. He was opposed by two Jesuits, Molina and
Lessius, who advocated a theory which was nearer to
Pelagianism, maintaining that the gift of God's grace
to man depends upon the meritorious use which God has
foreseen that they will make of His gift.

Then Cornelius Jansenius, professor at Louvain and
Bishop of Ypres, followed in the steps of Bajus. He died
in 1638, and after his death there was published his impor-
tant book on grace, called Augustinus. It was a learned
attempt to revive the full teaching of the great Latin father,
emphasizing the corruption and weakness of human nature
and the irresistible character of the grace bestowed by
God upon the elect. The controversy which followed the
publication of this book involved the use of much ink and
not a little gall. Within the Roman Catholic communion
widely different views prevailed concerning the doctrines
in question, and extraordinary interest was taken in the
discussion. The Jesuits were determined to secure the
condemnation of a book which struck so heavily at the prin-
ciples of Molina. They succeeded in raising a controversy
in Paris which caused the French bishops to appeal to
Rome. The result was that in 1653 Pope Innocent X
condemned five propositions of a strongly anti-Pelagian
character which had previously been laid before the theo-
logical faculty of Paris by an ex- Jesuit. It should be noted
that four of the five propositions are not in so many words
contained in the book, and that the remaining proposition
is not a maxim of Jansenius, but occurs in his book as an
objection raised by an opponent. Nevertheless the con-
demnation was confirmed in 1656 when Pope Alexander VII
drew up a form of oath which was included in his Bull
of February the isth, 1665. Those who took the oath had
explicitly to condemn the five propositions as taken from
the Augustinus and ' in the sense of the author '- 1

1 See app. note 5, p. 260,

28 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

The solemn attraction of the writings of St. Augustine
and the authority of so devoted a servant of God have not
prevented the Church from avoiding some of his dogmatic
conclusions. Those conclusions cannot fairly be reconciled
with the truth that every man is born into a world redeemed
by the blood of the Lamb, and the general orthodox doctrine
that to all mankind, even to the heathen, there is given
grace sufficient for avoiding eternal death. Then why, it
may be asked, did some of the best men and women in
France side with the Augustinian party ? The reason was
a moral reason. 1 On that side, to take a most notable
instance, was the famous convent of Port-Royal, for ever
associated with the name of Blaise Pascal (1623-1662).
Port-Royal represents a school of thought which has been
called by no mean critic ' the greatest religious birth of
the French Church, before whose heroic and sublime single-
ness of mind, and thoroughness of purpose, and hatred of
pretence and display, even the majesty of Bossuet, and
the grace of Fenelon, and the sweetness and tenderness
of St. Fran?ois de Sales, and the grand erudition of the
Benedictines, fall into a second place '. 2 That school stood
for strictness in the moral life. It knew the beauty of
Christian austerity, and therefore found itself in conflict
with the prevalent Jesuit casuistry. For the same school of
Jesuits, who in their dogmatic theology exalted human merit,
did in their moral theology lower the standard of human
duty. They illustrate the truth that creed does affect
character, and that to live rightly one must think rightly
about God and about oneself.

Since the fifteenth century there had been a gradual
development of moral theology in special connexion with
the hearing of confessions. The greater complexity of life

1 See app. note 6, p. 260.

2 R. W. Church, Pascal and other Sermons, p. 5 (Macmillan London
1896).

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 29

increased the need for a practical discussion of difficult
cases of conscience and the conflict of different duties.*
Books embodying the result of these discussions were pub-
lished for the use of the clergy. It was perhaps inevitable
that some authors tended to be more severe, others to be
more lenient, in their views as to the best methods of
checking sin and training character. And the word casuist,
which might reasonably have been applied to any trained
theologian who had written about cases of conscience,
came to denote a theologian who used his subtilty in the
service of laxity. To casuistry of this type the Jansenists,
and all who were in sympathy with St. Augustine, were
absolutely opposed. And the Gallican theologians, who
believed that a Pope is subject to an Oecumenical Council
of the Church, joined with the Jansenists in opposing certain
prominent Jesuits who defended so lax a system and main-
tained propositions so scandalous that they treated hardly
any sin as really guilty and were taunted with taking away
the sins of the world by treating them as non-existent.

Bossuet, and even the head of the Jesuits, Tirso Gonzalez
(d. 1705), did, like Pascal, attack the fundamental principle
upon which this laxity was based* It is the principle known
as Probabilism, according to which, when it is only probable
and not certain that a particular law applies in a particular
case, it is lawful to give a penitent the benefit of the doubt
if the reasons are serious, even though they be less serious
than the reasons for a stricter course. And the so-called
laxists held that even the slightest doubt was sufficient to
dispense the penitent from taking the stricter course.

Pascal was a man who knew that a knowledge of the
truth is impossible without moral purity. He began life
with all the promise of becoming one of the most brilliant
scientists of his age, he experienced a wonderful conversion
and did not give himself to God to lead a life based on
Probabilism. His Provincial Letters directed against the

30 THE COUNTER^REFORMATION

Jesuits form one of the most telling indictments ever written
to expose hypocrisy. They strike and they flash. Simple
words are joined in brief sentences strong in their eloquence,
carrying conviction by their rigid sequence of argument.
No irony could excel the irony with which he demonstrates
how different Jesuit casuists indicate how little and how
seldom it is necessary for the Christian to love God, or teach
the advantage of having two confessors, one for mortal
sins and one for venial sins, or find reasons for justifying
homicide. The book is a masterpiece of French prose
because of the deep earnestness of the author and the
quick light touch with which he handles the gravest of
subjects.

Pascal died after much physical suffering in 1662. Eight
years afterwards appeared a volume of his Pensfes,
incoherent fragments collected and arranged by his friends.
Fragmentary though the collection is, it remains of great
value. It is a battle against scepticism, a battle brilliantly
conducted by one who sees the difference between reason
and religion, and refuses to relinquish either. Pascal
looks out upon mankind, and he puts side by side the two
extreme views of human life which exist outside the limits
of Christianity. There is the view held by those who, like
Epictetus, think of man's greatness, his moral strength, his
mastery over those ideas and appearances which present
themselves from without, his fellowship with God. And
there is the view of those who, like Montaigne, are con-
cerned with the comedy of life, the vanity of man's business
and pleasure and opinions, who select and catalogue our
failures.

Pascal discerns the right and the wrong in both these
views. He sees man's capacity for greatness. The weakness
of human nature caused Montaigne to smile and to doubt.
It caused Pascal to grieve and to seek. He wishes to ignore
nothing, whether it makes for or against religion. He

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 31

faces the anomalies and the perplexities of life and all the
multitude of human errors, and beyond them all he sees
God and certainty. It is a God who says ' Thou wouldst not
search for me, if thou hadst not already found me '. And
man's greatness is fallen greatness, greatness disinherited.
The disaster of the Fall is a fundamental supposition of
Christianity, and it gives us a key to the anomalies of our
present condition. He is careful to tell us that revelation
does not banish all our difficulties ; but he has an overwhelm-
ing conviction of its truth, because of the profound corre-
spondence of Christianity with what he knows of himself
and of the whole complex nature of man.

The great preachers of France had much in common with
Pascal. They, too, were fine analysts of the soul. They
were haunted by the necessity of bringing a moral revival
into the midst of a society corrupted by idleness, by a pagan-
ized literature and a lascivious monarch. In exposing
the depravity and the atheism of their contemporaries they
knew the value of a definite creed. And when they saw
the fluctuations of infidel philosophy and ' the variations of
Protestantism ', they thanked God that they could point
their hearers to an infallible rule of faith, the same in all
times and in all places. And yet that rule of faith was
changing, though they knew it not.

At the outbreak of the Reformation on the Continent,
the two contending parties, Roman Catholic and Protestant,
were not fully conscious of their differences. Their disputes
turned upon the mode whereby fallen man can be justified
by grace and gain peace with God. But from that centre
the opposition spread backward and forward with astonish-
ing rapidity, touching the whole course of human conduct,
and reaching the two terms of human history, man's
creation and fall and his entrance into eternity. And as
we look back upon five generations of the resistance offered

32 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION

to Protestantism by the Counter-Reformation, we can
detect a steady evolution in the development of that resis-
tance. It was not unif orm. There existed within the Roman
Catholic communion grave divergences of opinion and
practice. Quite apart from the Jansenists with their
sincere if one-sided devotion to St. Augustine, we find
a school, of which Bossuet is the great representative,
always turning to the Bible and the Fathers for the purest
sources of Christianity. And on the other hand there is the
party of the Ultramontanes and later Jesuits, who rather
than leave open any door of reconciliation with the Protes-
tants, lay new burdens upon the conscience of their own
co-religionists. They oppose the Lutheran doctrine that
the corruption of our nature is ' intima, pessima, profundis-
sima' by an attitude towards worldliness and sin which
inclines to easygoing optimism. To Protestant individual-
ism and anarchy they are ready to oppose an infallible Pope;
to the blind rejection of tradition they oppose unhistorical
legend, and to the neglect of the communion of saints they
oppose an ever-increasing worship of God's servants that
finally culminated in such prayers as ' Jesus, Mary, Joseph,
I give you my heart and soul ', where the same words are
addressed to the Creator and the creature. And it was the
latter school, and not the school of Bossuet, that eventually
proved victorious.

Reflexion upon the distinctive doctrines of Lutheranism
and Ultramontanism, doctrines which, however harmful
they may be, never extinguished the light of the Gospel,
will, I think, suggest ,to us that there was room and there
was need for another path of Christian life and thought,
a middle path between those two extremes. The leaders
of Gallicanism strove to find and to keep that path. If they
failed, they did not fail ingloriously. They represented
within the Roman Catholic communion a grave and inward
religion, reasonable and manly, which preferred sense to

AND DOCTRINE OF GRACE 33

sensibility, and thoughtfulness to the lures of imagination,
active in good works and watchful against every appearance
of evil, loyally attached to the Church, and devoted to
the incarnate Word who is ' full of grace and truth '. As
we have already seen, a different party was not only in
existence but was striving for the mastery. It would tolerate
no enthusiasm but the enthusiasm of exaggeration and
excess. It- has gradually rendered more difficult and more
impossible within the Roman communion that moderation
which Ultramontanes regard as a kind of contraband
heresy, a moderation which is both more Catholic and more
apostolic than the two extremes which it has endeavoured
to avoid. Pure Catholicism and undefiled, like perfect
holiness, is for none of us a present possession but an ideal.
And the path where that ideal can be approached most
worthily will be a mean in relation to some other paths,
but in itself it will be the best and the most heroic.

3649

II

RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN FROM
1550 TO 1689

Ps xvi. 7: The lot is fallen unto me in a fair ground: yea, I have
a goodly heritage.

THE heart of mediaeval English religion was not super-
stition. It was devotion to our Lord Jesus Christ and His
Passion. But it was enfeebled by superstition, and in
England as in Italy it was right to purge that superstition.
A reformation was necessary, and in the year 1550 the
English Reformation, as a Reformation and considered
apart from the royal adulteries, murders, and thefts by
which it was unhappily accompanied, was essentially
complete. In no other country was the work done equally
well. Nowhere else had the ancient and the modern spirit
been so wisely combined. The claims of the Pope to govern
and to tax the dioceses of other bishops had been repudiated.
An official translation of the Bible had been issued. A good
statement of doctrine, called the Erudition for any Christian
Man, a book now too much neglected, had been published
with the full authority of the Church. The standard of
private prayer was a Primer based on mediaeval books.
The new Book of Common Prayer contained the order of
the Mass and other public services of the Church carefully
simplified and excellently translated. 1 And lastly there
was the new Ordinal. It asserted that the orders of Bishops,
Priests, and Deacons had been in the Church 'from the
Apostles' time' and that these orders are to be 'continued*.
While preserving the apostolic succession of the ministry
Cranmer severely reduced the clumsy accumulation of old

1 See app, note 7, p, 261,

RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN 35

Roman, Galilean, and later mediaeval forms in the ordina-
tion of priests, and the services were brought back to a
form fundamentally the same as that of the older Roman
books.

With the creeds and with the apostolic succession of the
ministry, the whole ancient sacramental system of the
Church was in essence retained, while also freed from
mediaeval innovations. In Confirmation the primitive
laying on of the bishop's hand was again made of paramount
importance. Penance was freed from the incubus of in-
dulgences. Extreme unction, instead of being used chiefly
as an aid to the dying, became a means towards the recovery
of the sick, as enjoined in the New Testament. And the
chalice, which in some parts of the Continent had only
been finally withdrawn from communicants in the fifteenth
century, was restored to all the faithful. 1 In one and the
same system new learning and light were united with the
language and teaching of ancient saints and Fathers. In
substance, though not in every detail, this system corre-
sponded with the faith and practice common to the whole
Catholic Church in East and West before the great schism
of the eleventh century. And that is a common ground,
a basis, which will have to be seriously considered in any
comprehensive scheme for the future reunion of Christendom.

Time and patience would have commended these English
services to the people, when reverently performed and
wedded to the beautiful Church music of the Tudor period.
Haste and impatience hindered their acceptance ; and the
arbitrary manner in which changes were enforced was
noticed by Bucer, one of the most moderate of the foreign
reformers, who observes, 'all is done by ordinances, which

1 Foi the history of the withdrawal of the chalice, see Julius Smend,
Rdchversagung und Kelchspendung in dey dbendfandischen Kirche, p. 27
(Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Gfcttingen, 1898), and Edm. Martene, De
antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, tom. iii (1737), p. 489.

D2

36 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

the greater part of the people obey very grudgingly '. The
majority of the people did obey, but the mind of many
seems to be revealed in the articles drawn up by the rebels
in the west of England. They say nothing about the Pope
or indulgences. They want Mass without any one com-
municating with the priest except at Easter, They want
the eloquent old ceremonies of Ash Wednesday and Palm
Sunday. They want the reserved Sacrament to be hung
over the high altar, and there to be worshipped. They
want celibate priests. And they say 'we will not receive
the new Service, because it is but like a Christmas game'.
They did not like English at the altar. To them it savoured
of mummery, for it made them think of the mummers
playing St. George and the Dragon as they still do in some
country villages at Christmas. Cranmer poured upon these
luckless rebels the vials of his learning. He was correct
when he said that ancient canons forbid priests to separate
from their wives, correct when he maintained that ancient
rules required the laity to communicate at least three times
a year, and that the canon of the Latin Mass implies the
communion of the people as well as the communion of
the priest. And he was quite correct when he affirmed
that in Italy the holy Sacrament was not hung up in a
pyx above the high altar, a custom which had become
common in France and England in spite of the canonical
rule that the reserved Sacrament should be kept in an
aumbry in the wall. 1

Rapidly the religious confusion grew worse. The vacilla-
tion of Cranmer, blown about by every wind of doctrine
from the Rhine, the publication of a second Prayer Book
before the people were accustomed to the first, the

1 It was revived in the seventeenth century in the gorgeous chapel
erected at St. James's for Queen Henrietta Maria. ' Behind the altar was
a dove holding the Blessed Sacrament.' See Johanna H. Harting, Catholic
London Missions, p. 9 (Sands & Co., London, 1903).

FROM 1550 TO 1689 37

destructive controversial propaganda encouraged by the
Government, the rapacity and hypocrisy of the Duke of
Northumberland, combined to make religious peace im-
possible. And when the boy king died and Mary came to
the throne, the nation was willing to be reconciled with
Rome. Mary, however, wanted more than peace with
Rome. At first she had been disposed to show clemency
towards her restive Protestant subjects. But the rising
in Kent under Sir Thomas Wyatt in 1554 made her think
that clemency was a mistake; and there is another reason
which must be taken into account. She expected a child,
and no child arrived. Tortured by disease and disappoint-
ment, she sought to propitiate God. She was half a
Spaniard, and deep in the heart of a Spaniard is the belief
that in religion and in politics there cannot be an honest
compromise, and also the belief that physical suffering is
a punishment from God. In Spain and Portugal the burning
of Jews was a solemn normal function, an 'act of faith*.
And to Mary the burning of heretics seems to have been
a real 'act of faith', an oblation to the Almighty. Between
three and four hundred victims of lower rank and four
bishops suffered this appalling death. And Mary died
neglected by her foreign husband, hated by the English
people, and only successful in disseminating sympathy for
the opinions which she longed to extirpate.

Elizabeth (1533-1603) saw the necessity of steering a
middle course. In the language of the Book of Proverbs
we may say that her royal heart is unsearchable. Her
beauty, her Byzantine splendour of attire, her immense
physical endurance, her English energy and Welsh duplicity,
her fluent French and Latin, help to create in our minds
an impression of one of the greatest of queens and most
finished of actresses. We know that she liked a learned,
and disliked a married clergy, that she wished the Church
to be governed under the royal supremacy by its proper

38 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

convocations, that she was resolved not to allow England
to come under the Papacy again, that she disliked Knox
and Calvin. But we cannot tell the exact relation of the
religion of her heart to the religion of the father whom
she frequently resembled.

Elizabeth's task was difficult. She tolerated the intro-
duction of the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI, but
tried to deprive it of its Protestant sting by combining
the new formula for giving the holy communion with the
older Catholic words of administration, and she secured
the nominal restoration of the Mass vestments. The vast
majority of the clergy acquiesced in the use of this English
rite. But the new bishops soon compromised with regard
to the vestments. She repudiated the title of Supreme
Head of the Church, knowing that it was equally distasteful
to men of the most opposite religious convictions. But
Parliament, though not the Church, reasserted it in the
plainest terms. Papal authority was abolished and an
offensive phrase about the Bishop of Rome's 'detestable
enormities' was expunged from the Litany. Clergymen
and office-holders might be required to swear that the
Pope's authority was nothing, and if any one advisedly
upheld that authority he was to forfeit his goods. Legally
the Roman Catholics were at the Queen's mercy. But she
was too wise to hurry, and for some time the new oath
was not tendered to the judges and hesitating priests were
treated with forbearance. If the country could have been
preserved from entanglements abroad, the malcontents and
their immediate descendants might have been soon absorbed
into the existing Ecclesia Anglicana.

Such isolation, however, was impossible. Scotland,
France, the Netherlands, and Spain provided a problem
which had to be solved if England was to be saved. It
was a problem of which politics formed the web and religion
the woof. With consummate sagacity Elizabeth and Cecil

FROM 1550 TO 1689 39

began by cutting the connexion between France and the
majority of the Scottish people, with the result that the
nation which in 1550 was grateful to France had in 1560
transferred its friendship to England. The Pope sent to
Elizabeth a courteous letter by the hands of a nuncio.
Philip of Spain suspected that this move was the result
of French intrigue and persuaded the Pope that he had
made a mistake. The nuncio was stopped at Brussels and
the breach between England and Rome became a little
wider. A second nuncio was sent with Philip's approval,
but was stopped on his way by Cecil's work, and Elizabeth
refused to send bishops to the Council of Trent. The Council
reopened, 1562, and that year Pope Pius IV forbade
attendance at English Mattins and Evensong, without even
considering the lawfulness of attendance at holy communion.
The next year, 1563, the English Thirty-nine Articles of
Religion were passed by a Convocation of the province of
Canterbury. Like the decisions of Trent, the Thirty-nine
Articles are not free from ambiguity but nevertheless
powerfully contributed to a consolidation of doctrine.
They adroitly avoid all distinctively Lutheran or Calvinist
doctrine, and though less defiant than the Forty-two
Articles of the previous reign, they cannot be accused
of seeking reunion with Rome by retrogression towards
mediaevalism.

So the knocks and blows went on, but still Pope Pius IV,
a genial diplomat, did not anathematize the Queen of
England. There came the long duel between Elizabeth
and Mary Queen of Scots, the imprisonment of Mary in
England in 1568, then the rising of Roman Catholics in
the north of England, its failure followed by the murmurs
that if only the Pope had excommunicated Elizabeth the
rising would have been better supported. The Pope was
now Pius V, the zealous and austere pontiff for whose
election Charles Borromeo had laboured. He decided that

40 RELIGIUJN 1JN laKJtLAl

a supreme effort was needed on his part and on May the
1570, the Bull Regnans in excelsis was found nailed to the
gate of the Bishop of London's palace.

What the Bull lacks in strict veracity, it gains in vigour.
It accuses the ' pretended Queen of England' of the mon-
strous usurpation of the place of Supreme Head of the
Church and of turning bishops, rectors, and other Catholic
priests out of their churches and benefices. Further, that
'she has abolished the sacrifice of the Mass, prayers, fasts,
distinction of meats, celibacy, and Catholic rites ; has
commanded books containing manifest heresy to be put
forth throughout the kingdom and that impious mysteries,
and institutes according to the order of Calvin received
and observed by herself, be also kept by her subjects'. 1
He therefore excommunicates and anathematizes Elizabeth,
deprives her of her rank, and absolves her subjects from
their oaths of allegiance. Pius V hoped to bring about the
dethronement of Elizabeth and he failed completely.
Gradually Philip II came to the same certainty as Pius
that the haughty island kingdom must be broken if his'
empire was to be secure. And his Armada, like the Pope's
Bull, failed, and infected the English with hatred of Rome
and of the missionary priests who came hither from the
Continent restrained by no obstacle and daunted by no
defeat.

In 1571, the year after Elizabeth's excommunication,
Archbishop Grindal issued Advertisements which throw
considerable light on English religion. The north was then
intensely conservative, clinging to old customs, some of
which were harmless and even edifying. 2 And the Arch-
bishop worried his flock with inquisitive tyranny. He
reduced the majority to subjection. But many definitely
threw in their lot with the Pope, though in the time of

1 See app. note 8, p. 262,

8 J. Strype, History of Edmund Gnndal, pp. 164 ff. (London, 1710).

FROM 1550 TO 1689 41

Edward VI the English feeling against the Pope was so
strong that the Venetian envoy wrote that 'no one, either
of the old or new religion, can bear to hear Mm mentioned '.
A hideous persecution of the Roman Catholics of the north
of England followed in the latter part of Elizabeth's reign.
The Gunpowder Plot was manipulated from abroad ; but
Guy Fawkes and the other Yorkshire gentlemen who
helped him in his desperate adventure had bitter memories
to goad them into crime. The story of the bishops whom
Mary burnt in Oxford is indeed terrible. But for a hundred
Englishmen who have read that story there is perhaps
hardly one who has read the tale of the execution of Robert
Bickerdike of Farnham, or of Margaret Clitheroe of York,
who was slowly crushed to death naked on the bridge
across the Ouse. If ever there was a bridge of sighs, it
was that ancient bridge at York which at last the more
ancient river swept away.

In Oxfordshire during the time of Elizabeth and for
many years of the seventeenth century, Roman Catholicism
was strongly represented among the country gentry and
their dependants. There was little hostility between the
two rival communions. Cases are recorded where recusants,
whether they attended their parish church or not, were
shown leniency when they were not satisfied in their con-
science that they might receive the holy communion. And
as late as 1660 Mr. Thomas Stonor, a recusant, presented
a bell to the parish church of Watlington.

Though at the beginning of the seventeenth century
the Church of England had begun to recover, the opposition
to it had been and continued to be dangerous in the extreme.
Every day the Church of Rome was growing intellectually
more formidable, as it was growing practically more for-
midable. The time past might suffice for the common
sense which had ridiculed false relics and even obscene

42 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

relics, pretended miracles and magical images, and the
taxing of Englishmen to support boy cardinals and Roman
harems. But something more than common sense was
needed to confront a Baronius who spent thirty years in
collecting materials for his ecclesiastical history ; a Bellarmin
who not only wrote copiously but tried to quote his opponents
fairly; a Mariana who loved what was true, and, though
a Jesuit, dared to criticize the Society of Jesus. 1 To meet
such men learning was necessary.

And learning was required to meet the Puritans. They
had come back from Geneva and Zurich fiercely opposed
to the religion of Queen Mary who had driven them into
exile, completely under the spell of Calvin, and with
Calvin's passion for convincing others and forcing others
to obey. The year after the Pope's excommunication of
the Queen, the Puritans began a violent and well-organized
attack upon the English hierarchy and the Prayer Book. 2
The main body had no intention of separating from the
Church of England. They opposed separation. They were
determined to transform the Church after the Calvinist
and Presbyterian model, and the great ability of Thomas
Cartwright enabled them to start the working of their
scheme, a scheme to be imposed on the Church by the
State. At the other extreme of sectarianism were the
Anabaptists. They had no creed of general binding force
and they differed greatly among themselves. But they
united in breaking up the ancient conception of the Church
by opposing the baptism of infants ; and they also broke
up the whole mediaeval conception of the relation between

1 In his work Discours des grands defauts qui sont en la forme du gouverne-
vnent des Jesuites, Traduict d'Espagnol en Francois. No printer's name, or
place, 1625. It was printed in Latin at Bordeaux and reprinted by order
of Charles III when he expelled the Jesuits from Spain in 1767.

- W. H. Frere and C. E. Douglas, Puntan Manifestoes (Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, London, 1907), These manifestoes are
most important for any real understanding of Puntamsm.

FROM 1550 TO 1689 43

Church and State by maintaining that -each congregation
of believers should be independent of all external control,
civil or ecclesiastical, and that no believer should hold the
office of a magistrate.

Between these extremes were the Congregationalists or
Independents who retained infant baptism while rejecting
the Church's doctrine of baptism. The left wing of the
Congregationalists was associated with Robert Browne and
approximated to the Anabaptists. All authority of the
civil magistrate in matters of religion was denied, the
necessity of separating from the Church of England was
upheld, and it was taught that each local congregation
must be independent and founded upon a covenant which
the believers make with God and with one another. The
tendency of this left wing was strongly democratic, and
Browne is the parent of modern English Congregationalism.

The right wing of the Congregationalists was that led
by Henry Barrowe. The Barrowists agreed with the
Anabaptists and the Brownists in regarding the Church of
England as too inclusive and comprehensive, and refused
to look upon all baptized and non-excommunicate persons
as members of the Church. But they differed from the
Brownists in being less democratic and in allowing a more
substantial authority to the elders chosen by the congrega-
tion. The elders were a ruling class, and the distinction
between them and the rest of the congregation was more
marked than in the Brownist system.

Let us bear in mind that whereas English Congregational-
ism is the work of Browne, American Congregationalism in
New England was in its origin mainly a blend of Barrowism
and the original Puritanism. It is true that the men who
on Christmas Day 1620 planted New Plymouth on the site
of an Indian village depopulated by disease were Separatists.
But the men who settled in Massachusetts Bay in 1628
were not. They were Puritans who had been determined

44 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

to reform the Church till it should be without spot or
wrinkle, without a college cap or a ' Babylonish' surplice.
Seeing that it was impossible to get what they wanted in
England, they determined to go to America. The polity
of the Church was held to be immutably prescribed by the
word of God. Each local congregation was autonomous,
but the civil magistrate had the right to interfere in doctrine
and in practice so that the State might itself become more
perfect. The alliance between Church and State was of the
strictest kind, and the American Congregationalists, so far
from being the friends of religious equality, made their
Church an established Church and a persecuting Church,
and in Massachusetts it remained established until the
nineteenth century was well advanced.

The Congregationalists, like the Elizabethan Puritans,
were Calvinists. 1 The British Westminster Confession of
1646, the American Cambridge Platform of 1648, the
English Savoy Declaration of 1658, are all in substantial
agreement in teaching a strict Calvinism, powerfully sum-
marizing the doctrines which had been held by the respective
parties for two generations. We see therefore that apart
from the more ignorant sectaries, such as were most of
the Anabaptists, the English Church was threatened by
three Protestant parties which were united by their accep-
tance of Calvinism and their repudiation of episcopacy.
Their two darling convictions were first that Christ brings
salvation only to those who are irresistibly predestined,
and, secondly, that the Pope is Antichrist. 2 Those two
convictions form a key to the history of this entire period.

The work of defending and reconstructing religion in
England was in a peculiar degree accomplished by Arch-
bishop Parker, Richard Hooker, Bishop Andrewes, and
Archbishop Laud.

* See app. note 9, p. 263. a See app. note 10, p. 264.

FROM 1550 TO 1689 45

Elizabeth in choosing Matthew Parker (1504-1575) to
succeed Cardinal Pole chose a scholar of learning and
moderation. In his younger days at Cambridge he and
some kindred spirits used to meet for the discussion of
theological questions at an inn which was nicknamed
'Germany'. He nevertheless rose to be Vice-chancellor
of the University and with rare wisdom prevented it from
being plundered by a royal commission of Henry VIIL
Under Queen Mary he lived a life of study and retirement
in England, and therefore retained a more impartial mind
than the Marian exiles who became imbued with the
extravagances of Zurich and Geneva. A man of weak
health, he would have preferred to devote himself to his
university, but Elizabeth summoned him to London, and
on December the i7th, 1559, he was consecrated to the see
of Canterbury in Lambeth Palace chapel. The evidence for
his consecration is complete, and it was not until more
than forty years later that certain Jesuits floated the
notorious 'Nag's Head Fable', according to which he under-
went a mock ordination at a tavern in Cheapside. 1

During the fifteen years of his primacy Parker led an
arduous conscientious life. Every kind of dull dreary
thankless work that a prelate could do, came into his
hands, and he did it steadily, carefully keeping good ancient
precedents. He reformed his own courts, reformed hospitals,
prevented benefices being held by children, insisted that
registers should be carefully kept. He found his solace in
books. He not only collected them judiciously, but loved
them, new and old, and encouraged printing and book-
binding. England owes to Parker the revival of the study
of Anglo-Saxon, and the translation of the Scriptures

1 The literature dealing with Anglican Orders is immense. The best
short account of the controversy is given by F. E. Brightman, What
Objections have been made to English Orders?, published by the Society
for Promoting Christian Knowledge for the Church Historical Society,
London, 1896.

46 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

known as the Bishops' Bible, a work which prevented the
Genevan translation from becoming the official Bible of
the Church of England. He took an interest in the pro-
ceedings of the Council of Trent, translating and criticizing
certain decrees of the Council. Under his presidency the
Thirty-nine Articles were passed by Convocation in 1563,
and he issued in 1566 Advertisements for regulating the
services of the Church.

In the midst of much that is sombre and serious we find
from Parker's own pen a delightful account of a visit from
the French ambassador De Gonnorre together with the
Bishop of Coutances and a retinue of young gentlemen.
Of course he knew that they had come as spies, and they
knew that he knew. But every one was affable and friendly.
The French, who arrived on a Friday, were surprised to
find that the English had fast days, fixed prayers, and holy
orders. They even professed that 'we were in religion
very nigh to them . . . they were contented to hear evil
of the Pope, and bragged how stout they had been afore-
times against that authority'. But in spite of all this,
Parker let them see that his house contained an armoury,
and after the departure of his guests he was much relieved
to find that they had not purloined 'even the worth of
one silver spoon'. 1

In Parker we find already that appeal to Christian anti-
quity which, side by side with the appeal to nature and
reason, the nature that God made and the reason which
is God's image, played so large a part in Anglican apologetics.
It was imperatively necessary to investigate the creed and
the ritual of the early Church or to leave undisputed the
challenge from Rome, 'Whose are the glory and the cove-
nants . . . whose are the fathers ? ' Did the passages in the
Fathers which had been assumed to justify the universal

1 Correspondence of Matthew Parker, p. 216 (Cambridge University

Pr<<5; -rfle^ J

FROM 1550 TO 1689 47

jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome, or the full later cultus
of the saints, or a material conception of purgatory, or of
the real presence, really signify these things when studied in
their true context ? The Anglican divines made repeatedly
an appeal to antiquity in opposition to theologians who said
that Rome was always the same. This appeal when wisely
made is no hindrance to development but its help and safe-
guard. It is a necessary element in scientific criticism, as
legitimate as the restoration of the true text concealed in
a corrupt Greek manuscript. It is a sign of progress. It
is no mere appeal from the living to the dead, for the Church
does not die. So Parker wrote, 'We will proceed in the
reformation begun and doubt not by the help of Christ
His grace of the true unity to Christ's Catholic Church and of
the uprightness of our faith in this province'.

The reasonableness of this upright faith, this orthodoxy,
was specially vindicated by Richard Hooker (1553-1600),
a humble parish priest, and his younger contemporary
John Donne, Dean of St. Paul's (1573-1631). Few men
have done more than Hooker to raise controversy to the
high level of courteous and profitable discussion. His
great work on Ecclesiastical Polity is an English classic.
His prose is flowing, majestic, brightened with the occa-
sional sparkle of half-concealed humour, prose fitted to
carry forward great ideas. He has been influenced by
St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, but he has also
felt the air of the revival of learning and of ancient Greek
Christianity. If we look for the fundamental principle on
which his argument is based, we quickly notice a similarity
to the principle selected iq the very oldest Christian book
outside the canon of the New Testament, the Epistle of
St. Clement of Rome dealing with the ministry of the Church.
Hooker builds his work on the all-embracing character of
law, 'whose seat*, he says, 'is- the bosom of God, whose
voice the harmony of the world'. God's law is to be

48 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

discovered by reason, and reason teaches us to strive after
a triple perfection, sensuous, intellectual, and spiritual or
divine.

Applying such an argument to man, Hooker teaches that
all men are governed by the law of God and of reason,
and are also governed by other laws of human origin. These
laws include rules as to both temporal and ecclesiastical
matters, and all these must be obeyed if they do not con-
travene the law of God or of nature, for new articles of
faith and doctrine are unlawful. Obedience is not un-
reasonable because the law really rests upon consent
express or implied. It is the act of the whole body politic,
and this body politic includes both Church and State.
One and the same society is termed 'a commonwealth as
it liveth under whatsoever form of secular law and regiment,
a church as it hath the spiritual law of Jesus Christ '. Among
infidels the commonwealth and the Church were independent
societies. Under the sway of the Bishop of Rome there is
really one society, but he divides it into two diverse bodies.
Within this realm of England there is one society which
depends upon 'one chief Governor*.

According to Hooker, the Jewish monarchy fully justifies
this view of the royal supremacy and with it the pro-
hibition of Nonconformity. He says, ' Our state is according
to the pattern of God's own ancient elect people, which
people was not part of them the commonwealth, and part
of them the Church of God, but the selfsame people whole
and entire were both under one chief Governor, on whose
supreme authority they did all depend \ 1

That was a cogent argument to use against the early
Puritans who thoroughly believed in religious uniformity
and idolized the Old Testament. It was at the same time
a barrier against the Papacy, while itself closely connected
with mediaeval ideas and institutions. The supremacy of

1 Ecclesiastical Polity, Boot VIII, i, 7,

FROM 1550 TO 1689 49

the King is, according to Hooker, held 'by divine right'.
But this does not imply absolutism, nor did Hooker and
the Tudor sovereigns assert that divinity of hereditary
right which was asserted after the accession of James I.
The King has no 'right divine to govern wrong'. In the
first place he is subject to divine law, and in the second
place he depends upon 'that whole entire body, over the
several parts whereof he hath dominion'. Hooker's
Ecclesiastical Polity is a work of extraordinary value. 1 It
is of historical importance because it explains the principles
of the Tudor policy in Church and State. It is of con-
stitutional importance because it marks a halting place
before the outbreak of the struggle between the supporters
of the King and the supporters of Parliament in the seven-
teenth century. It is of theological importance both because
of Hooker's explicit teaching and because there is a remark-
able parallel between his moderate theory of the divine
right of a king and the Gallican theory of papal authority.
The doctrine of royal absolutism and the doctrine of papal
infallibility replaced these theories by giving to the King
and the Pope respectively an uncontrolled power.

Hooker and Donne believed that the traditional forms of
Christian worship are reasonable, and not accepting the
Puritan doctrine that man by the Fall became 'wholly
defiled in all the faculties and parts of soul and body',
they saw not harm, but good, in the ceremonies which
correspond with the wholesome instincts of rational human
nature. * Quench not ', says Donne, * the light of nature,
suffer not that light to go out; study your natural faculties,
husband and improve them; and love the outward acts of
religion, though a hypocrite or a natural man may do them.
He that cares not though the material church fall, I am airaid
is falling from the spiritual. ... He that undervalues out-
ward things in the service of God, though he begin at cere-

1 See W. S. Holdsworth, Columbia Law Review, June, 1921,
2649 E

50 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

monial and ritual things, will come quickly to call Sacra-
ments but outward things, and Sermons and Public Prayers
but outward things in contempt. . , . Beloved, outward
things apparel God, and since God was content to take
a body, let us not leave Him naked and ragged/

Lancelot Andrewes became the most influential bishop
and theologian who represented matured convictions as to
the Catholic heritage and position of the Church of England, 1
At Cambridge he was admired as a catechist ; in London he
was revered as a guide in difficult cases of conscience ; his
sermons were valued above any others of that period.
And though men might steal his sermons, none could steal
his preaching. He knew fifteen languages, and Bacon
submitted his writings to the judgement of Andrewes.
He cared far more for Christianity than he cared for con-
troversy, but he could not stand aside when King James
wished him to enter the lists against Bellarmin. In opposing
Bellarmin he defended unequivocally the Catholicity of the
English Church as judged by the standards of antiquity. To
him this Catholicity was no matter of dry-as-dust specula-
tion. In his teaching he always fixed his thoughts on the
certainties which the Christian world believes to be known
through Christ, and not on the mysteries of predestina-
tion about which men were wrangling in the market-place
and the pulpit. He tried to bring a breath of sweeter,
fresher air into the hot and narrow rooms of pamphleteers
and plotters. He spoke respectfully of Calvin, and fond as
he was of the outward adornments of worship, the copes, the
incense, the tapers, he did not enjoin these things on others
as vital. In his Devotions, the book which carried his
influence to modern times, he appears as a wide-hearted

1 The one and only blot alleged to exist on his character is that he was
one of the majority which decided that the marriage of Robert Devereux,
third Earl of Essex, with Frances Howard, was null. The marriage, how-
ever, was not consummated, and it is doubtful if it could have been. See
Dictionary' of National Biography, vol. xiv, p. 440, article 'Devereux'.

FROM 1550 TO 1689 51

saint, interceding for all classes and conditions of men.
He refused to forget, and he taught others to remember,
that as there is a universal historical Church, we have our
duty towards the whole body, a duty suggested by the very
title-page of the English Prayer Book where the Church
is placed first and the Church of England is placed second.
Therefore, in his own words he prayed ' for the Catholic
Church, its confirmation and enlargement; for the Eastern,
its deliverance and unity; for the Western, its adjustment
and peace; for the British, the supply of what is wanting,
the establishment of what remains *.

Archbishop Laud, who revered Andrewes as ' a light of
the Christian world*, was equally convinced of the con-
tinuity of the Church of England, a spiritual and not a
merely legal continuity, with its life in past ages. He, too,
was obliged to defend the Anglican against the Roman
position. And he did this on a logical and intelligible
ground. He maintained that a national Church has the
right to reform itself while yet remaining a part of the
Catholic body. And it may do so without the Pope if
necessary, because papal jurisdiction is not indispensable.
Following a line suggested by some great mediaeval writers,
and one in close agreement with Eastern Orthodox theology,
he denies that the earthly government of the Church is
monarchical, 1 and asserts that power does not flow into the
Church from the Pope, but from Christ, the Head, into the
whole body, a body most adequately represented in an
Oecumenical Council. His theory leaves room for the
rights of the whole Church and of a national Church, and
of both clergy and laity as active members of the same.

Laud's ecclesiastical policy was to enforce a moderate
uniformity in the conviction that out of this uniformity
a unity of spirit would be generated. It would come with
the gradual formation of habit. He did not expect immediate
1 Works, vol. ii, p. 252 (Parker, Oxford, 1849).
E2

52 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

success, but he had the courage to work for it. He made
a disastrous mistake in trying to use force, and especially
the force of royal authority, to secure discipline in the
Church. But that mistake was in that age almost universal,
and in England we have only seen it vanish during the last
twenty years. It is a malicious misunderstanding which
has prompted the saying that 'the one element in the
Church which to him was all essential was its visibility '.
And the question whether he or his opponents attached the
greater importance to outward details of worship should
not be decided by any one who has not studied the Puritan
discussion concerning the wearing of the hat during divine
service. The very first thing which his enemies demanded
was 'uniformity in religion', and their confederacy, as
Heylin remarks, was ' cemented with blood '. It was the
blood of Laud, in whose trial there was no semblance of
real justice. He was cheerful and loyal, a liberal patron of
learning and upholder of good morals, and he resembled
John Knox in his unselfish disregard of money. If he made
some of the mistakes of a martinet, it is equally true that he
had the virtues of a martyr.

Let us now turn to Scotland. In Scotland the Church of
the later Middle Ages had been as corrupt as the Church
in Rome itself. Typical of the religious condition of the
country is the fact that David Beaton (d. 1546), who
succeeded his uncle as Archbishop of St. Andrews, attended
the marriage of one of his illegitimate children and heavily
dowered her out of the Church's patrimony. Bishoprics
were like ' Pocket-boroughs ' in the hands of great noble
families, and great ecclesiastical revenues were held by
so-called spiritual peers who were merely lay commendators.
But the country was backward, and bishops and abbots
felt at ease in Zion and were slow to see the coming storm.
There had been in Scotland a little Lollardy and a little

FROM 1550 TO 1689 53

Lutheranism; but in 1550 Scotland had no sympathy with
Protestantism and was attached to France and opposed to
England. But a change came fast and furious. The Scots
began to suspect the French policy of their regent, Mary
of Lorraine, Protestantism spread, great lords signed a
* Covenant ' opposed to Rome ; the bishops burnt Walter
Milne, an aged Protestant, and the same year, 1558, on
St. Giles's Day, when the saint's image was carried in proces-
sion through the streets of Edinburgh, the rabble broke the
image in pieces. At the beginning of the Reformation there
existed a small body of intelligent and religious men who
wished for reform, a reform of the kind that found expression
in the first Prayer Book of Edward VI. The Church might
still have been saved, but at the last moment the bishops
did nothing to rescue the sinking vessel. At their final
Provincial Council in 1559 they gave only a halting answer
to a demand for reasonable changes, and the next year
when Parliament assembled and the doctrine of the Church
was called in question, they remained ignominiously silent.
The Pope's authority was then abolished, and the saying
of Mass was forbidden under the most extreme penalties,
the third offence being punishable by death. By their
cowardly inaction the bishops left the way clear for one
who, if he had not the creative genius of Calvin, could fight
as few but Calvin fought.

John Knox, a man hardened by vicissitude, fervid,
disinterested, with a personal magnetism that reminds one
of St. Ignatius de Loyola, had been a chaplain of Edward VI.
His views were those of an extreme Swiss Protestantism,
and when in England he had striven to prevent the custom
of kneeling at holy communion. On the death of Edward
he fled to Geneva. He returned to Scotland in 1555 to
preach and to organize, and found powerful supporters.
He left Scotland again in 1556, thinking discretion the
better part of valour, but he came to his kingdom when the

54 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

Parliament of Scotland repudiated the Pope. He must
in a large measure be regarded as responsible for the fact
that in no country was the change of religion accompanied
by more violence than in Scotland. At Perth, at St. Andrews
and elsewhere, the populace indulged in a veritable orgy of
destruction. A pleasant contrast is to be found farther
north. In Inverness there seems to have been no animosity
against the Church. A Protestant minister of very dubious
character was appointed in 1560, but the old chaplains
were still allowed to enjoy their stipends and for many
years priests filled the office of town clerk. 1

Knox, with five other ministers, was commissioned to draw
up a new Confession of Faith. Its character is Calvinistic.
The doctrine of predestination is stated temperately ; but
it is taught that in consequence of the Fall the image of
God was utterly defaced in man. Like other documents
of the Scottish Reformation its language is that of concen-
trated vituperation, the unreformed Church being described
as ' the filthie synagogue ', ' the horrible harlot ', ' the kirk
malignant '. The same six ministers drew up the First
Book of Discipline which organizes the ministry in agree-
ment with Calvin's ordinances. Public worship was regulated
by a crude Book of Common Order, of which the formulae
can be traced back to Calvin and Farel. It provides fixed
forms of prayer, but it is an astonishing fact that in the
ministration of the Lord's Supper, which was to be celebrated
quarterly, no form is provided for the consecration of the
bread and wine.

In considering the subsequent religious troubles of
Scotland it is worth remembering that Knox neither
banished fixed forms of prayer nor rigidly maintained
a strictly Presbyterian form of the ministry. In 1572,
after twelve years 1 experience, he actually wrote in favour
of the organization, closely copied 'from episcopacy, recom-

i See William Mackay, Life in Inverness in the Sixteenth Gwtwy. p. 51
(Aberdeen, Their Majesties' Printers, 1911).

FROM 1550 TO 1689 55

mended by the Convention of Leith. But he had already
sown the seeds of that religious strife which divided Scotland
for nearly two hundred years. The novel and most unprimi-
tive type of service which he had introduced prejudiced the
people against anything resembling the English Prayer
Book which had been for some years employed in Scotland
and in 1560 was used even in Glasgow. His coarse gibes
at the bishops, the laying on of whose hands in ordination
had been contemptuously rejected, had done their work.
The new attempt to change the government of the Church
merely resulted first in the institution of nominal bishops,
unconsecrated, and the tools of the nobility, and then in
the establishment of a strict Presbyterian polity in 1592.
That was the work of Andrew Melville, one of the ablest
men of the time, who destroyed the old educational routine
of the Scottish universities and made them the handmaids
of the new ecclesiastical system.

James VI of Scotland and I of England (1566-1625)
was an astute and ingenious monarch. Though he was
vain, he loved peace, and before he became king of England
he had displayed considerable wisdom in establishing
constitutional relations between the Scottish Crown and the
ministers of religion. He had set his heart on effecting
a closer spiritual union between the two countries, and
for that end he determined that the titular episcopate
which already existed in the north of Scotland should be
made into a genuine episcopate for the whole country.
He secured, not altogether by honourable means, the almost
unanimous assent of the General Assembly held at Glasgow
in 1610, and three ministers from Scotland were then
consecrated bishops in London. It was wisely arranged that
no part in the consecration was taken by the Archbishops
of Canterbury and York, and in this way any suggestion of
subjecting the Church of Scotland to the Church of England
was avoided. The king afterwards bought back with his

56 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

own money alienated Church lands to support the bishops.
Some of the new bishops were men of real piety and learning,
and they promoted the parish school system which proved
so great a benefit to the country.

Charles I (1600-1649) was more sincerely religious than
his father, but he was less clever. He secured for the
Scottish clergy the teinds or tithes which are still enjoyed
by the ministers of the Established Church. But he alienated
the nobility by an attempt to make them restore their
ill-gotten lands to the Church, and this, no less than his
unwise attempts to regulate the ritual of the Church on his
own authority, led to the downfall of episcopacy in southern
Scotland. The introduction of a new Book of Common
Prayer for the use of the Church of Scotland, July the 23rd,
1637, was the occasion of that downfall.

With regard to this Prayer Book grave misconceptions
are still prevalent. It is still supposed that it was primarily
intended to supplant extempore prayers, and it is still
described as ' Laud's liturgy ' and, because Laud's, ' Romish '.
It was intended to replace existing books, that of Knox and
a book mixing the English service with that of Knox. To
call it ' Romish ' is to pay the Church of Rome an undeserved
compliment which that Church would be the first to repel
And though Laud gave the book his help and his approval,
he had not originally wished for it, because he desired that
the English book itself should be used in Scotland, And
he says explicitly, ' I would have nothing at all to do with
the manner of introducing it V It was prepared on the basis
of English books by two Scottish bishops, John Maxwell
of Ross, and a gentle scholar, James Wedderburn of Dun-
blane, and apart from the royal declaration which precedes
it, it is a book of which Scotland may be justly proud.

Mythology has supplemented ' alliteration's artful aid '
in blackening ' Laud's liturgy '. It is more than doubtful
1 Works, vol. iii, p. 336 (Parker, Oxford, 1849).

FROM 1550 TO 1689 57

that Jenny Geddes hurled a stool at the Dean of Edinburgh
when he began to read the collect, and the tablet erected
to her honour in St. Giles's Church is only a monument of
modern credulity. The historical facts are that serious
riots, apparently planned four months earlier, took place in
the churches of Edinburgh, and the bishop was brutally
assaulted in the streets. The populace became frantic,
and the nobility, determined to keep what they had got,
fomented the opposition to the king and the bishops.
A ' National League and Covenant ' was craftily drafted
in the form of a protest against Popery, a protest which
many dared not refuse to sign though they knew that it
was really intended to inflame the people against the
Scottish episcopate. Large numbers of all classes did sign,
often under serious threats of violence. The university of
St. Andrews refused the covenant, and at Aberdeen, which
for generations was a stronghold of episcopacy, the com-
missioners were politely offered a collation but not signatures.
As we know that even a century later no language but the
Gaelic was spoken over at least half of Scotland, we may
reasonably conclude that in 1638 there were comparatively
few who understood the relation between the Pope and the
Prayer Book, a book which not one person in a hundred
could possibly have seen.

After the Edinburgh riots the Covenanters proceeded
to make preparations for a General Assembly at Glasgow.
It met in the cathedral church November the 2ist, 1638. At
first the disorder was so great that a contemporary Presby-
terian wrote, ' we might learn from Canterbury, yea from
the Pope, yea from the Turks or pagans, modesty and
manners '. 1 A series of charges of the most abominable kind,
including adultery and incest, had been drawn up by the
presbytery of Edinburgh to libel the bishops. These disgust-
ing calumnies having been read and approved by the

1 Letters and Journals of Robert Bailhe, vol. i, p. 123 (Edinburgh, 1841).

58 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

Assembly, all the fourteen bishops were deposed, and eight
suffered the sentence of excommunication, which carried
with it the loss of every civil right. It so happened that the
reader had opened the Bible at the words, * They shall put
you out of the synagogues, yea the time cometh that
whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God service '.
He was told to choose another lesson, and after a virulent
discourse from the Moderator, the Assembly sang a psalm
and departed, we are told, ' with humble joy casting ourself
and our poor church in the arms of our good God '.

Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) strove to replace the Church
of England by an efficient Calvinistic organization meant
to include Presbyterians, Baptists, and Independents. He
believed in his cause* And his extraordinary capacity for
dealing with events and opponents is shown in every line of
his face. Sometimes he resembles Mohammed and sometimes
he resembles Mazarin. His ferocity in Ireland is revolting,
and in his dealings with France and Spain the salesman is
as conspicuous as the saint. His small kindness to the Jews
and the Socinians, who were too weak to hurt him, gratified
his conscience as much as his persecution of the Church that
he feared. The use of the Prayer Book was prohibited
under heavy penalties, churches were desecrated, the clergy
ejected from their livings, forbidden to keep schools, preach,
or administer the sacraments. The story of the manner
in which Cromwell's Puritan spirit came to make room for
secular enterprise forms part of the history of Great Britain.
To the history of the Universities belongs the fact that
he protected them from the assaults of the more extreme
fanatics, while Heads of Colleges and Fellows were expelled
by the score.

It was when Cromwell was Serenissimus Dominus Protector
that Dr. Brian Walton, the great Orientalist, produced the
Polyglot Bible, for which nine languages were employed.

FROM 1550 TO 1689 59

Deprived of his preferments by the Government and
forbidden to officiate publicly, he was allowed to have the
necessary paper free of duty, and toiled in Oxford and
London till the work was done. He had reason to believe
that his great book would be suppressed if it were not
dedicated to the usurper who, in spite of all, was a friend of
learning. He therefore composed two different endings to
the preface. In one of these the Protector and his Council
are courteously mentioned. In the other the book is dedi-
cated to King Charles II who was still ' over the water ',
and the Protector and his Council are not explicitly
mentioned but included under the simple description
of 'those by whose favour we have received the paper
duty-free '- 1

The Spectator of September the 26th, 1712, has preserved
a diverting story in which there figures the good Puritan
divine who attended Cromwell on his death-bed, Dr. Thomas
Goodwin, President of Magdalen College. 2 'A young
adventurer in the republic of letters with a good cargo
of Latin and Greek ' waited on the President in order to be
examined. He hoped to be admitted as an undergraduate
of the college. A gloomy servant conducted him to a long
gallery, darkened at noonday and illuminated by a single
candle. After a time he was led into a chamber hung with
black, until the Head of the College came out to him from
an inner room with half a dozen night-caps upon his head,
and religious horror in his countenance. The young man
trembled, but his fears increased when instead of being
asked about his Latin and Greek he was examined how -
he abounded in grace ' Whether he was of the number of
the elect; what was the occasion of the conversion; upon

1 H. J. Todd, Life of Brian Walton, vol. i, p. 84 (Rivington, London,
1821).

* He has been wrongly supposed to have originated the -worship of the
Sacred Heart of Jesus, See app. note 17, p, 270.

60 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

what day of the month, and hour of the day it happened;
how it was carried on, and when completed? The whole
examination was summed up with one short question,
namely, " Whether he was prepared for death ? " The boy,
who had been bred up by honest parents, was frighted
out of his wits at the solemnity of the proceeding, and by
the last dreadful interrogatory; so that upon making his
escape out of this house of mourning, he could never be
brought a second time to the examination, as not being able
to go through the terrors of it/ He was afterwards known
to the learned as Anthony Henley,

With the Restoration of Charles II the contention between
Episcopacy and Presbyterianism began afresh. The king
had no love for the religion which had been a means of
dethroning his father, and not only were the English
bishops restored to their rights, but four new bishops, all
Scots, were chosen for Scotland (1661). They included
Robert Leighton, the saintly peacemaker, and James
Sharp, the diligent diplomatist and persecutor. Both
were men of learning and ability. But the Government
bound up its own existence with a particular form of
ecclesiastical establishment. It was a stiff and arid form
of Episcopacy under which it was endeavoured to make
the clergy the slaves of the crown, and in which liturgical
worship was almost unknown. This Erastian Episcopacy
was forced upon the people by Scotsmen whose action makes
the policy of Charles I and Archbishop Laud appear by
contrast both dignified and enlightened.

The three Commissioners who in turn represented the
King's authority, John, Earl of Middleton, John, Earl of
Rothes, and John, Earl of Lauderdale, aggravated 'the
troubles ' in the five western shires which were most strongly
Presbyterian until they were past remedy. Lauderdale and
Sharp have had to bear the heaviest load of adverse criticism.

FROM 1550 TO 1689 61

Both had shown signs of a spirit of conciliation at the
beginning; both were driven by fear or fury to cruel
coercion. And although some four-fifths of Scotland were
almost untouched by the struggle between the Government
and the Covenanters, that struggle was itself so serious and
was soon described in colours so lurid, that it could not
fail to leave behind it a legacy of hatred.

In 1663 more than two hundred ministers in the south-
west of Scotland were compelled, against the wishes of Arch-
bishop Sharp, to resign their benefices because they would
not comply with the Patronage Act, which required that
they should seek presentation from the lawful patron of
their- living and collation from their bishop. Their places
were filled with young men inexperienced and often from
some northern diocese. Some of the former ministers con-
tinued to live in their old parishes and held conventicles.
Thus began the history of the later Covenanters, the
quartering of soldiers upon the people to dragoon them
into a preference for Episcopacy, more laws, insurrections,
tortures, and summary executions. Times were no better
and manners no milder than they had been one hundred
years before. A few ministers availed themselves of the
' Indulgences ' offered by the Government in 1669 and 1672,
but they were scorned by their brethren who refused all
compromise. It was proved in 1681 that dislike of sheer
Erastianism was not confined to the Presbyterians, for
eighty clergymen then gave up their livings rather than
accept the Succession Act and the Test Act intended to
prepare the way for a Roman Catholic monarch.

Before that year Archbishop Sharp had been foully
murdered on Magus Moor within sight of his cathedral
city of St. Andrews, and at Bothwell Brig the Duke of
Monmouth had routed an army of Covenanters who, in
anticipation of victory, had erected a gigantic gibbet and
piled around it several cart-loads of ropes. Broadly speaking,

62 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

neither side gave or expected mercy. And as the * Highland"
host ' had been quartered on the people of Ayrshire in 1677
to quell their opposition, so in 1688 the peasantry revenged
themselves by beginning on Christmas Day the cruel sport
of evicting from church and home two hundred Episcopal
clergymen with their families to find food and shelter where
they might. It is one of the little ironies of history that
in Scotland the only time when real freedom of worship
existed before the middle of the reign of George III was
for a few months under the zealous Roman Catholic King
James VII,

Against this gloomy background shines the character of
Robert Leighton, Bishop of Dunblane and afterwards
Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Fenelon of Scotland. He
endeavoured for years to promote a religion which was
pacific and not polemic, and advocated a system whereby
the rights of bishops, ministers, and Church synods should
be harmoniously recognized. His task was wellnigh
hopeless, but it was not wholly without effect in his life-
time, and it has won him the sincere respect of posterity.
Nor will the same respect be denied to William Carstares,
the able, generous, and fearless Presbyterian who influenced
William III and thereby secured for Presbyterianism both
establishment and liberty.

In England, at the Restoration of Charles II, about three
hundred and ninety Congregationalist ministers l and more
than two thousand Presbyterians held benefices of the
Church of England. The question immediately arose
whether the Church could be so remodelled as to include
them or not. The King's behaviour was bad, even base.
In his declaration from Breda he had promised liberty
of conscience. As to the organization of the Church he

1 Transactions of the Congregational Historical Society, vol. vi, 1913-1915,
pp. 25 ff. (F. S. Thacker, London).

FROM 1550 TO 1689 63

offered improvements which gratified the Presbyterians
and would have also strengthened Episcopacy. As to the
services of the Church he offered concessions, which, he
must have known, the bishops could not tolerate. A Bill
in Parliament, founded on the King's declaration, was
rejected, apparently with his approval 1 Nevertheless,
there took place by royal commission the conference for the
revision of the Prayer Book which the King both promised
and promoted. At this, the Savoy Conference, the Non-
conformists, whose behaviour towards the King had been
tactless, not to say impertinent, proved themselves intelli-
gent, conscientious, and irreconcilable. It would be a great
mistake to suppose that their difficulty was a mere matter
of such things as the surplice or the sign of the cross in
baptism. They were, as we have already noticed, strict
Calvinists, believing in absolute predestination and adjusting
all other Christian doctrines to that central error. Richard
Baxter, one of the best of their number, called the Prayer
Book * a dose of opium ', and their hostility both to the
language of the book and to the sacramental doctrine
which it implied was thorough and unsparing. Their plan
of action is evident. It was first to get the book drastically
revised so as to become patient of a Calvinist interpretation,
and secondly to have the use of even this depraved Prayer
Book left so optional that the ordinary Calvinist services
might be held in our churches. They objected to * re-ordina-
tion ', as they termed it, by a bishop, 2 and they opposed the
necessity of confirmation before admission to holy com-
munion. The bishops charitably dispensed from the
absolute necessity of confirmation before communion in the

1 R. W. Dixon, Essay on the Maintenance of the Church of England as
an Established Church, p. 352.

* When the hierarchy was restored in Ireland, Archbishop Bramhall
insisted on the ordination of the Presbyterian ministers who were in
possession of ecclesiastical benefices, but the ordination was conditional.
See Daniel Neal, History of the Puritans, vol. iv, p. 348 (London, 1738).

64 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

case of those ' ready and desirous to be confirmed '. But
they refused to surrender their principles ; and with regard
to confirmation in particular they said quite truly ' it is
the apostolic ordinance ', and ' our Church doth everywhere
profess to conform to the Catholic usages of the primitive
times, from which causelessly to depart argues rather love
of contention than of peace '.

What would have been the immediate result if the
bishops had yielded? Calvinism would have been firmly
entrenched within the Church and the loyal members of
the Church would have felt that their position had been
fatally compromised. To permit officially the denial of
baptismal regeneration, to dispense without necessity from
an apostolic ordinance which the primitive Church regarded
as fundamental, to accept as valid a ministry created in
opposition to that ministry through which the primitive
Church believed the same sacramental gifts were conferred
as the apostles had conferred, and then to claim to be
both Catholic and Apostolic, would have exposed the Church
of England to the whole artillery of Rome.

But there is a further result to be considered. In the
minds of early Christian theologians like St. Irenaeus, there
existed a close connexion between the freedom of the
will, the potential consecration of what is physical, the real
incarnation of our Lord and the sacraments. The Church
had maintained this connexion in the face of the tremendous
opposition offered by the great Gnostic sects on the out-
skirts of Christianity, sects which taught that matter is evil
and substituted fatalism for freedom, a phantom for the
incarnation and magic for the sacraments. And in the
time of Queen Elizabeth Richard Hooker touched the core
of the problem. He urged the Puritans to consider what
does Christianity teach as to the relation between the soul
and the body, what in the sacraments is the relation between
the things that we see and the gift which is unseen, and if

FROM 1550 TO 1689 65

through them Christ extends to the faithful the power of
His incarnate life, how is God incarnate in Christ ? Thus
we are led step by step to the divine Unity in Trinity.
Hooker wrote more prophetically than he knew or his own
contemporaries understood. We shall see in the fifth lecture
how Calvinism in England and America was dogged by
Unitarianism. The divorce from nature, the depreciation
of outward things in the service of God, the reduced value
attached to sacraments, combined to deprive the doctrines
of the Atonement, of the Incarnation, of the Trinity, of their
proper lines of defence, and minister after minister, con-
gregation after congregation, abandoned the Christ of the
New Testament for the idols fashioned by Anus, Socinus,
and Priestley.

There is room in the Church for all that is noble in the
Puritan's view of the sovereignty and the majesty of God,
but it needs combining with the truth that He declares His
almighty power most chiefly in showing mercy and pity
to all His children. There is room for the fear of the Puritan
that attention to things that are seen may divert us from
the things that are eternal, but this fear must be balanced
by the assurance that our Lord Jesus Christ has made all
this visible world a Holy Land, and that, as the Fathers
so often taught, His redeeming work is not in opposition to
the original creation. The best Catholicism has always
contained, and must contain, what we may call a Puritan
element. But is there one among us who would say that
Archbishop Laud and the other Caroline divines were
wrong in refusing to believe that God has created multi-
tudes who are not ethical agents and must inevitably be
damned ?

Free or not free, that is the question. Our bishops, in appeal-
ing to the faith and practice of the primitive Church, were
appealing to certain great principles of permanent authority.
It is quite true that we find many and serious diversities

2649 F

66 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

of opinion in the ancient Fathers. But we also find a noble
unity as to the nature of Christian life and salvation, and the
character and object of Christian worship. This unity in
experience and worship gradually expressed itself in a
growing unity of creed, Lex orandi, lex wedendi. And our
present Prayer Book, that of 1662, is a fine exponent of that
law. It was faithful to the best religious thought of that
time and has continued to exercise a beneficent influence
on a multitude of Christians. If our enlarged knowledge
makes us conscious of its very rare defects, and desirous
of its future enrichment, let us remember that the Scripture
ascribes the power of rightly divining things to come only
to that Wisdom which is conversant with God and ' knoweth
things of old '.

English ecclesiastical art of the end of the seventeenth
century, like all real ecclesiastical art, is an index to the
religious sentiment of the time that gave it birth. If we
turn back to the earlier years of that century we can see
in the beautiful chapel of Wadham College a Gothic survival;
it is just archaic, intentionally so, because its archaism
has a spiritual value. But in the work of Sir Christopher
Wren we find the same art taking a new form developed by
a distinct individual talent. If his fame mainly rests upon
the great cathedral church that he built in London, his
smaller churches have the same quality of dignity and
fitness; they show the same mastery of conditions, the same
skill in harmonizing the old and the modern. The chapel
of Trinity College, probably designed by Aldrich, but
certainly modified to meet the suggestions of Wren, has
the same excellence. A portion of Wren's mantle fell upon
his immediate successors. There are provincial towns
and poverty-stricken districts in outer London containing
refined and vigorous churches designed by this school,
churches with towers and spires that recall the unique
beauty of the work of Wren. The elements of their design

FROM 1550 TO 1689 67

are Roman, but Rome has no spires like these spires of
England. As they lift themselves from and above the noisy
streets, with their white stone against the grey sky, let them
tell us of a worship which is not the worship of Mammon,
and remind us not only of the inheritance which we have
already by grace received, but also of an inheritance incor-
ruptible, reserved in heaven for all who will.

Ill

CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM FROM
1520 TO 1700

Ps. cxix. 105 : Thy word is a lantern unto my feet and a light unto
my paths.

THE different forms which the Reformation assumed in
different countries followed at first the national and political
characteristics of those countries. The Reformation is
therefore as complex as the Church life of the later Middle
Ages, and it would be misleading to speak of it in England
and Scotland, Germany, Switzerland, Holland, and Scandi-
navia, as if it were in each case the result of the same
causes or led everywhere to the acceptance of the same
principles. Yet one main cause was everywhere the same;
it was the determination to submit no longer to a rule
which constantly invoked God's sanction for actions which
were not religious and sometimes not moral. Everywhere
therefore there was a denial of the alleged right of the
Pope to exercise such an authority as was claimed for him
by the early mediaeval False Decretals which Rome now
acknowledges to be false, and a repudiation of the late
mediaeval indulgence system which Rome acknowledges
to have been connected with grave abuses.

Everywhere there was a fresh appeal to the Scriptures,
a revival of translation of the Scriptures into vernacular
languages, and a use of the Scriptures to which the Roman
Catholic Church is now extending a rather belated tolera-
tion. 1 Together with the revival of Bible study came a wide

1 See G. G. Coulton, The Roman Catholic Church and the Bible. Pub-
lished by the author at Great Shelf ord, Cambs , 1921.

CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM 69

hough not quite universal use of the language of the people
n the services of the Church. Communion in both kinds
vas everywhere asserted to be the right of all communicants
ind was permitted after the Council of Trent in several
iioceses of the Roman Catholic Church, though it was
ifterwards withdrawn from all those of the Latin rite. 1
It was everywhere permitted to the clergy to marry either
before or after ordination, whereas the Roman Catholic
Church only permits marriage, and that before ordination,
to priests of the Oriental Churches which are united with
Rome. This brief list nearly exhausts the common features
of the Reformation in matters strictly religious and of
serious importance. The practice of asking the saints
now with Christ for their prayers, a practice which the
Council of Trent too feebly safeguarded against the re-
crudescence of grave abuses, became almost entirely
abandoned in all countries where the Reformation prevailed.
This abandonment formed no part of the original English
Reformation. And if these requests for the prayers of
Christ's friends had been maintained, together with prayers
for the faithful departed, within the limits laid down by
our Church in the time of Henry VIII, less injury would
have been done to the doctrine of the communion of saints
and less stimulus would have been given to the unwhole-
some necromancy which has led so many dupes from the
medium to the madhouse.

The Reformation in Great Britain we have already con-
sidered, and some features of the Reformation on the
Continent now demand our attention.

The Lutheran Reformation embraced a very large part
of what was recently the German Empire, including East
Prussia from which it spread farther east along the Baltic.

1 Papal briefs of April the i6th, 1 564, to theJArchbishops of teainz, Koln,
Trier, Salzburg, Prague, and Gran, permitted the chalice to the laity.

70 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

It was accepted with some variations in Denmark, Norway,
Iceland, and Sweden. Its most conservative form survives
in Sweden where the episcopal succession was maintained. 1
The distinguishing religious feature of Lutheranism was the
insistence upon the doctrine that men are forgiven, 'justi-
fied ', by faith only, that is, * when they believe that they are
received into God's favour and their sins remitted for the
sake of Christ, who by His death made satisfaction for our
sins'. This was sometimes stated in language similar to
that of St. Paul, who in the very centre of his great epistle
to the Romans demonstrates that his doctrine does not
imperil but secure morality. But it was sometimes stated
by Luther himself in terms which disparaged good works
and sound morality. That the danger did not pass away
with Luther can be illustrated from the career of his inde-
fatigable disciple Matthias Flacius (d. 1575) who assailed
George Major, formerly professor at Wittenberg, for main-
taining that good works are necessary for salvation though
not for justification. The storm aroused by this reasonable
statement was so violent that Major was obliged to retract.

Luther's own theology is so torrential, and sometimes
so inconsistent, that it is most difficult to understand or
condense. But modern Continental writers, both Protestant
and Roman Catholic, are agreed that there is a large Catholic
element, both ancient and mediaeval, in Luther's belief
and teaching.

It was to a mystical work of the fifteenth century,
Theologia Germanica, that Luther owed much of his con-
viction that he needed a conscious union with God. It
was to his confessor Staupitz that he owed his belief that
the Christian is truly free when he believes in Christ. It
is to the late mediaeval hymnology and devotion to Christ's
Passion that he owed something that is best in his talent
for sacred song. In fact his debt to the Catholicism of the
1 See app. note n, p 264.

FROM 1520 TO 1700 71

Middle Ages is so great that he has been called 'a mediaeval
heretic'. His attitude towards the earlier Catholicism of
the undivided Church is no less interesting and is more
important. To determine it accurately we must observe
that the external forms of the authority of that Catholicism
were three. They were, first, the gradually formed canon
of the New Testament with which was united the Jewish
canon of the Old Testament; secondly, the rule of faith
expressed at first in local creeds such as the Roman Apostles'
Creed, then in the Oecumenical Creed of Nicaea; and,
thirdly, the episcopate, it being believed that the bishops
were divinely commissioned to teach others to 'hold the
traditions' and to be the instruments of conferring the
same sacramental gifts as the apostles had conferred.

Now Luther, without any necessity for so doing, dropped
episcopacy, and as early as 1520 said that the sacrament of
orders was 'nothing else than a ceremony for choosing
preachers'. His doctrine of the Church is vague, though
he says that the outward marks of the Church are f baptism,
sacrament, and the Gospel, and not Rome'. 1 His doctrine
of the ministry is destructive, and the rapid deterioration
of Lutheranism was hastened by these doctrines concerning
the Church and the ministry. They put Lutheranism
under the heels of the German nobility. With regard to
the rule of faith, he accepted the three ancient creeds.
In a foolish moment he wrote that he hated the word
homoousion, but in spite of that his theology and his religion
are inseparable from his Christology. His own best con-
victions are expressed when he says, 'Wilt thou go surely
and meet and grasp God rightly, so finding grace and help
in Him, be not persuaded to seek Him elsewhere than in
the Lord Christ. Let thine art and study begin with Christ,
and there let it stay and cling.' Luther's Christ is perfect,

1 See F. Loofs, Leitfaden sum Studium der Dogmengeschichte, p. 363, third
edition (Halle, 1893).

72 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

sinless, born of a Virgin, with a risen and ascended body.
But though he uses the ancient language of the Church,
he sometimes quotes it with an accent which the great
Fathers would have rightly regarded as a false accent.
In his eagerness to 'grasp God' in Christ, he taught a fusion
of the Deity and the manhood of Christ in a manner which
threatened the verity of that manhood. He taught, and
his followers taught, that Christ's manhood was given the
properties of His Godhead, a theory akin to the Apolli-
narianism of the fourth century and to the Monophysite
heresy of the fifth and sixth centuries. His doctrine of
consubstantiation confirmed him in the same unfortunate
opinion. Though he rejected the ancient doctrine of the
ministry, he believed firmly in the real mysterious presence
of Christ in the Eucharist. He was determined not to
abandon the words of Scripture, Hoc est corpus meum.
He agreed with the Zwinglians that the body of Christ
is at the right hand of God, but in opposition to them he
affirmed that the right hand of God is everywhere, and
that the body of Christ and His whole manhood are
present everywhere simultaneously. Since therefore Christ's
manhood like His Godhead is properly omnipresent,
ubiquitous, it can be given to us with and under the
sacramental bread and wine. Some of Luther's followers
even ascribed to our Lord's manhood the divine attribute
of infinity, and thus a sincere desire to be faithful to the
Gospel narrative evaporated in a scholasticism which was
neither new nor true.

But Luther's appeal to the Scriptures is one that involved
him in the greatest inconsistencies. Students of early
Church history, if they study Luther, will be struck by
the extraordinary resemblance between Luther and the
great heretic of the second century, Marcion, in their
arbitrary treatment of the New Testament. The old
Catholic theory of the use of Scripture can be summed up

FROM 1520 TO 1700 73

in the maxim that the Church is to teach and the Bible
to prove. Luther left the Bible to stand without the
Church. He taught that Scripture is easy of interpretation. 1
He said, 'No part of Holy Scripture is dark', and once
more, ' It belongs to each and every Christian to know and
to judge of doctrine'. And he meant every German to
judge and to know that he, Luther, was right. He proved
his sincerity by translating the Bible into German, the
simple spoken High German of his day, which he could
write with a directness and force that none of his opponents
could equal. The influence of this translation was enormous.
In addition to its religious influence, it helped to reduce
the Low German language to a provincial patois, and to
unite the nation in such a way that Luther began what
Bismarck completed. This opening of the Bible to the
people had the inevitable result when there was no Church
to say 'Understandest thou what thou readest?' and give
a consistent interpretation of the written word. Novel
views sprang up in every direction and Luther could not
convince everybody that his doctrine was Bible truth. He
was forced to discover some vindication of the canonical
list of books, a list made by the early Church. Sometimes
he comes near to the wise principle which guided the Church
in separating the four Gospels from the forged Gospels.
He accepts a book because it shows to us 'the Gospel
concerning God's Son incarnate who suffered and was
raised'. But his ultimate test is Hot witness to Christ,
but witness to justification by faith as he conceived it.
And therefore he not only called the Epistle of St. James
when compared with other books 'a mere letter of straw',
but also said 'St. Paul's Epistles are more a Gospel than
Matthew, Mark, and Luke'.

Luther's depreciation of the Synoptic Gospels is surpassed
by his contemptuous criticism of different parts of the Old
1 Werke, ed. Walch, xviii. 1416.

74 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

Testament, Such criticism might be in part excused by
his inability to recognize the gradual character of God's
revelation to mankind. But it is in flagrant contrast to
his uncompromising exaltation of blind faith above reason.
Again and again he commends an irrational faith, which,
he says 'wrings the neck of reason and strangles the

beast But how? It holds to God's word: let it be

right and true, no matter how foolish and impossible it
sounds/ 1

This antithesis between faith and reason is contrary
both to the spirit and to the letter of the New Testament.
And whereas modern German writers are wont to plead
that Luther's Gospel will not prove antiquated if it be
removed still farther from the New Testament, it would
be wiser to say that its weakness is caused by a neglect
of the very elements which the New Testament abundantly
supplies,

We cannot be astonished to find that the sweeping
victories of Lutheranism were soon checked by the recovery
of Roman Catholicism, by" the rise of antinomian sects, and
by the penetration of Swiss Protestantism.

It is to the Protestantism of Switzerland, known on the
Continent as the Reformed religion, that we must now
turn our attention,

Huldreich Zwingli (1484-1531) was not like Luther a
runaway friar who had passed through the pangs of
spiritual trouble. He was a humanist who had studied
at Vienna and Basel and had passed from the study of
Litterae Humaniores to the study of Theology* In 1516
he was c people's priest ' at Einsiedeln, where the Benedictine
monastery was, and still is, a famous place of pilgrimage,
and a gorgeous rococo church now shelters the same
dusky image of Our Lady that Zwingli knew. A man of

1 Werke, ed Walch, via. 2043. Erklarung der Ep. an die Galater.

FROM 1520 TO 1700 75

unchaste life, he was not unable to discern the motes and
beams in the eyes of others, and even before his ordination
was convinced that indulgences were 'a cheat and delusion'.
So in 1519, when a friar named Samson arrived with pardons
at Zurich, Zwingli preached against them. The Bishop of
Constance approved, but was obliged to interfere when
Zwingli assailed the observance of Lent. In 1522 he married,
and debated with a Franciscan on the lawfulness of in-
voking the saints. Gradually he carried the clergy and the
town council of Zurich with him and in 1525 the new order
was set up. He was the first citizen in Zurich. The Church
and the State were to be one body under different aspects
and administered by the same persons, who were to make
it a strong moral commonwealth.

Zwingli appealed to the Bible. He rightly gives to the
word 'Gospel* a wider significance than Luther. A more
cultivated man than Luther, he drew his teaching much
less exclusively from St. Paul, indeed he actually omitted
the Epistle to the Romans from his ordinary scheme of
instruction. He is also more Catholic than Luther when
he describes original sin as a disease (morlus) rather than
as an offence (peccatum). And with this moderate view of
original sin we also find in Zwingli the view held by certain
early Fathers that the best ancient philosophers were
instruments of God.

Zwingli's doctrine of predestination is similar to that
of Luther. But the two men start from different points.
Luther starts from his idea of fallen man, Zwingli from his
idea of an omnipotent God. His God is absolutely powerful
and active, causing sin and working evil as well as good.
Everything happens through God and everything is in
God, This God creates in the elect faith in His written
word and the elect know that they are predestined. The
visible Church exists for their sake. Nothing was to be
allowed in worship unless it had the sanction of the Bible.

76 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

Therefore organs and bells were banished as well as images.
Here he could contend that Spirit must act directly with-
out a medium upon spirit. But if we deny that man can
co-operate with God in the saving of his soul, and also
deny that what is physical can be a vehicle of the grace
of God, the sacraments cease to be for us sacraments in
the Church's sense of that word. They are symbols of the
work of Christ, but are not efficacious means of grace.
And what Zwingli denied in doctrine he repudiated in
practice. By an innovation of the most drastic kind the
Eucharist was dethroned from its primitive position as
the chief act of Sunday worship, and the Zwinglian com-
munion service was reduced to an occasional feast at which
cakes of unleavened bread were passed round in wooden
platters together with wine in wooden beakers.

Zwingli's anti-sacramentalism was not an isolated pheno-
menon in his theology, but is connected with his conception
of God, of Christ, and of grace. In opposition to Luther,
who was willing to sacrifice everything to secure, as he
supposed, the perfect revelation of divine love in Christ,
Zwingli was unwilling to entertain the idea of the infinite
communicating itself to the finite, and he sharply separated
the divine and the human elements in Christ. We therefore
reach the astonishing result that the two great religious
revolutionaries of the sixteenth century had gone back to
the errors of the fifth, Luther inclining to the heresy of
the Monophysites of Alexandria, and Zwingli to the heresy
of the rival school, the Nestorians of Antioch.

Zwingli's novel doctrine of the sacraments immediately
exposed him to two dangerous attacks. If baptism be
only a ceremony like circumcision, infants who are no
longer under a ceremonial law like that of Moses need not
be baptized, whereas adults may well receive baptism as
an outward token of their adhesion to Christ. So argued
the Anabaptists, and Zwingli, being unable to beat them

FROM 1520 TO 1700 77

in argument, had to use ridicule and persecution. Luther,
on the other hand, with his strong belief in the real presence,
passionately protested against Zwingli's treatment of the
Eucharist and Zwinglian opinions made little progress in
Germany. So when Zwingli died carrying a banner in
the battle of Kappel in 1531, Protestantism was already
rent in twain. It was shivered by the rock of Zwingli's
anti-sacramentalism, the principle of which, if logically
pursued, would make the Bible dumb and the manhood of
our Lord merely an * alien garment '.

John Calvin (1509-1564). It is not easy for Englishmen
to think impartially of Calvin; and one reason for this
is to be commended and another is to be deplored. The
good reason is that an Englishman generally has a strong
sense of justice, and he resents the notion of a God who
refuses to a vast number of His creatures any chance of
salvation. We ask with Abraham, ' Shall not the Judge of
all the earth do right ? ' The bad reason is that we tend
unconsciously to the oldest British heresy, Pelagianism.
We like to be 'up and doing', active, practical, successful.
We are apt to think that we are too vigorous, perhaps too
virtuous, to need grace, the undeserved, unmerited help of
God, in all that we do. We are slow to welcome that
thought of absolute dependence upon God which gave
strength and freedom to all His saints. And Calvin in
spite of the monstrous nightmare which he himself admitted
to be 'a horrible decree' of God, and accepted, although
it was horrible, at least had the merit of teaching that we
cannot reach God without God's help.

Calvin's great work, the Institutes, appeared only five
years after Zwingli's death. It is a work of genius. It
is an attempt to build an impregnable wall and it is not
a mere monument of defiance protesting against mediaeval
Rome and modern paganism. It is meant as a defence

78 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

which no Italian intellect could take by storm, and which
could not be undermined by Lutheran inconsistency,
Zwinglian rationalism, and Anabaptist explosions. The
foundation of Calvinism is the doctrine of double pre-
destination. 'Predestination is the name that we give
to God's eternal decree by which God has determined with
himself what He wills to be done with every man ... for
some eternal life, for others eternal death is foreordained/ l
And 'if we cannot give a reason why God has mercy on
His own, except that so it pleases Him, so in the reproba-
tion of others we have no cause but God's will'. 2 Calvin
resolutely maintains that if man perishes in his corruption
he only pays the penalty of a calamity into which by God's
predestination Adam fell, and all his descendants with
him. He ridicules the view of those who deny that
God decreed that Adam should fall 'I grant you', says
Calvin, 'it is a horrible decree, yet no one can deny that
God foreknew the end of man before He formed him, and
foreknew it because by His own decree He had ordained
it/ 3

Calvin, a typical Frenchman of Northern France, but
the patriarch of all Puritans, studied in Paris at the same
time as George Buchanan and Francis Xavier. He could
write admirably even at the age of ten, and was so censorious
that when at school he was called 'the accusative case'.
In clear eloquent Latin he writes down the dogmas which
men ought to believe and the discipline which they ought
to obey, attempting to undo the mischief caused by Luther's
degradation of the ministry and Zwingli's degradation of
the sacraments. Everything is in logical connexion with
his view of predestination. His doctrine of baptism and
the Lord's Supper is far nearer to that of St. Paul than was
the doctrine of Zwingli, and it is not unlike that of Clement

1 Instit. Lib. Ill, cap. xxi, sect. 5. * Ibid., cap xxii, sect. n.

* IUd>, cap. xxiii, sect. 7.

FROM 1520 TO 1700 79

of Alexandria and Origen, though it is mutilated by the
theory that real grace is given only to the elect. It is
taught that for the government of the Church Christ in-
stituted four orders, first pastors, then doctors, then elders,
and fourthly deacons, and that from the first every Church
had its senate. The practice of voluntary private con-
fession to a pastor is strongly defended by Calvin. 1 The
true visible Church is upheld by doctrine, discipline, and
sacraments.

To leave the external communion of this Church is
absolutely without excuse. After quoting the promises
made in the Old Testament concerning the everlasting
privileges of Sion, Calvin upholds the duty of fidelity to
the Church, saying, 'Of this Christ himself, the apostles and
almost all the prophets have left us an example. Terrible
are those passages in which Isaiah, Jeremiah, Habakkuk,
and others deplore the maladies of the Church of Jerusalem.
Among the people, the magistrates, the priests, everything
had become so corrupt that Isaiah does not hesitate to
compare Jerusalem with Sodom and Gomorrha. Religion
was on the one side despised and on the other side defiled:
everywhere there are recorded in descriptions of men's
manners acts of theft, plunder, treachery, murder, and similar
crimes. Nevertheless, the prophets did not for that reason
erect new churches for themselves or build new altars on
which they might have separate sacrifices ; but whatever
men might be, because they believed, in spite of all, that
God had set His word among them, and had instituted the
ceremonies by which He there was worshipped, in the midst
of the throng of the wicked they lifted up to Him pure
hands. Verily, if they had thought that they had thence
contracted any contagion, they would have rather died
a thousand times than have suffered themselves to be
dragged into it. Nothing therefore restrained them from

1 Op. tit., Lib. Ill, cap. iv, sect. 12.

8o CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

making a schism but their zeal for preserving unity/ l
Then, after appealing to the example of Christ and His
apostles, he quotes St. Cyprian to the effect that though
there be unclean vessels in the Church it is not our duty
to withdraw from it but to labour that we may be vases
of gold and silver.

So then the Bible, as he truly argues, supports the
authority of the Church. And why do we believe the
Bible? We believe the books of the Bible because they
were 'composed at the dictation of the Holy Spirit'; the
writers of the New Testament were 'authentic amanuenses
of the Holy Spirit ', the prophets uttered the 'oracles' of
God. The authority of the Bible rests upon two facts,
the fact that it was dictated by the Holy Spirit and the
corresponding fact that the same Holy Spirit witnesses to
it and seals it in our hearts. It is worth noticing that this
view of the authority of the Bible is the result of an en-
deavour to improve upon the views of Luther by a doctrine
derived from mediaeval Catholic theology. If the result
is not entirely successful, it does express a religious truth
when it asserts that there is a concurrent witness of the
Holy Spirit in the written word and in the soul of the
Christian. God has made a personal revelation of himself
in Christ to man. The Bible is a means o'f putting us in
contact with that Christ. And from Calvin's own premisses
it might well be maintained that the tradition of the Church
guided by the Spirit, and always recalled to its original
type by a reverent use of the Scriptures, is a third element
coalescing with the witness of the Spirit in the written
word and in the individual soul.

Earnest as were the disciples of Calvin, they could not
exorcize the spectre that haunted the new Church which
he founded. That spectre was Socinianism. Zwingli had
imperilled the doctrine of the Incarnation by his shallow

1 Op. cii* t Lib. IV, cap. i, sect. 18.

FROM 1520 TO 1700 81

view of the sacraments, for it is in the sacraments that we
find ' an extension of the Incarnation '. Yet he maintained
a belief in the Holy Trinity and in the Deity of Jesus Christ.
But Faustus Socinus (d. 1604), an Italian humanist, well
born and well educated, the nephew of a priest of Siena,
emphasized to the utmost the negative elements of Zwingli's
teaching, so as to deny the doctrines of the Incarnation
and the Trinity. He taught a reduced view of Christ's
Person and His work, corresponding with an imperfect
realization of human sin and guilt. According to Socinus,
Christ did not exist before He was born of Mary. He may be
worshipped because God delegated divine power to Him
as to a viceroy. His moral teaching is to be followed, but
His atoning work is limited to His example of obedience
and to the forgiveness of God which He offers. This doctrine,
nominally based upon the teaching of the Bible, was in its
essence a revival of the heresy taught in the ^lird century
by Paul of Samosata who replaced the scriptural truth that
the * Word was made flesh ' by the theory that a divine
character was infused into a human person. Its delusive
modernism attracted a good many adherents, especially
in Poland, and they proclaimed its victory in the lines,

Tota iacet Babylon, destruxit tecta Lutherus,
Calvimis muros, sed fundamenta Socinus.

Socinianism certainly did not destroy the foundations of
the Church. But in one form or another it never ceased to
attract men who imagined that in abandoning Calvinistic
doctrines of predestination sin and atonement it is necessary
to abandon the substantially orthodox doctrine of Christ's
Person which the Calvinists retained.

For a time, however, Calvinism remained the only im-
portant Protestant rival of Lutheranism on the Continent.
The differences between them are profound in theology,
worship, and ethical temper, and the history of modern

2649 G

82 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

civilization cannot be understood unless these differences
are in some degree appreciated. They had in common an
appeal to the Bible, an assent to the doctrines of the Trinity
and the Incarnation, a strenuous opposition to Rome, and
a zeal for education. But they differed even in regard to
their belief in God and predestination and good works.
Luther and Calvin both wished to exclude the idea that
man's works can secure his salvation. But Luther in so
doing wished to preserve the believer's own subjective cer-
tainty of salvation. God is love and He means to save His
elect, though they know that their works fall short of His
demands. But to Calvin God is not primarily love, but
infinite arbitrary power. He glorifies himself by revealing
to man His sovereign freedom of action in the choice of His
elect, and in their character as members of a community
ruled by Christ. The first view tends to sentimentalism,
the second to rigorism.

, In Lutheranism organized ecclesiastical life was weak.
In one German State after another Lutheranism formed
a little patriarchal system. The prince became the absolute
ruler of the Church, the noble patron became the tyrant of the
pastor. Under this territorial system discipline became such
a farce that a money payment was sometimes taken in lieu of
penance, and Lutherans would throw down the fee, when they
approached the confessional, and demand absolution from
the pastor, 1 But soldiers were well drilled, workpeople were
industrious, and there remained a sincerely pious remnant of
people without much initiative, but witnessing to their faith
and producing a devotional and even a mystical literature.

Calvinism, on the other hand, created a highly organized
middle-class theocracy. God is represented by His elect
who choose their ministers, elders, and synods, who learn

1 For this and for other evidence of the almost inconceivable degradation
into which Lutheranism fell, see Kerr D. Macmillan, Protestantism in
Germany (Princeton University Press and Oxford University Press, 1917).

FROM 1520 TO 1700 ' 83

how to govern and exercise discipline. The quasi-Catholic
doctrine of the Church developed a far greater sense of
international life and common action than we find in
Lutheranism. And at the same time the right to a share
in Church government developed a power of initiative and a
sense of individual responsibility. If Lutheranism produced
good musicians, soldiers, and workmen, Calvinism produced
good scholars and clever men of business. The modern
capitalist is usually a child of the Ghetto or a grandchild
of Geneva.

In the century and a half which followed the death of
Luther, Calvinism, a first-class fighting religion, pushed
itself through the midst of Germany. One by one Bremen,
Anhalt, Hesse-Cassel, and Lippe deserted Luther for
Calvin, and on Christmas Day, 1613, John Sigismund,
Elector of Brandenburg, left Lutheranism for the Reformed
Church. Modern Prussia has been built up by rulers
trained in Calvinism moulding a people trained in
Lutheranism.

In the meanwhile there flourished a Lutheran scholasti-
cism devoted to the defence and development of Luther's
teaching. As a result of his teaching with regard to the
Incarnation, the Lutheran schoolmen, like some of the
schoolmen of the Middle Ages, disputed greatly concerning
the conditions under which the divine attributes were
exercised by our Lord Jesus Christ during His ministry on
earth. We need not regard these disputes as a mere flood
of sterilizing controversy. Similar problems were debated
here early in the eighteenth century, and more recently
within the memory of some who are in this church to-day.
And it would be well if we could learn from the mistakes
of Lutherans, Calvinists, and Socinians the moral and the
intellectual dangers of departing from the Christ of the New
Testament.

G 2

84 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

Lutheran Christology has not the high merit of the work
of Richard Hooker. It sacrifices too much to a priori con-
siderations. It leaves the Master less humility, less reality.
But Biblical exegesis had some distinguished representatives
in Germany, such as Erasmus Schmidt of Wittenberg, and
Sebastian Schmidt of Strassburg ; and any religious com-
munity, which through the Bible tries to keep in contact
with Christ, has within it a grand corrective of academic
errors.

Side by side with the Bible Lutheranism preserved some
good ancient traditions in public worship. Corresponding
with their different views of God and the sacraments,
Calvinists and Lutherans manifested a wide difference in
worship. The Calvinists kept alive the iconoclastic spirit
of Zwingli. They denuded their churches of ornament,
so that the omnipotent Spirit might be adored with less
distraction. They wished for nothing in public worship
which the New Testament does not obviously sanction*
The Lutherans wished to retain ceremonies which the Bible
does not forbid. They left their churches adorned with
rich altars, tapers, and crucifixes, ready for the presence of
Emmanuel. The people of Berlin rose in protest when
John Sigismund tried to banish crucifixes and fonts. The
Marienkirche at Danzig is still famous for its store of
mediaeval vestments, and John Wesley, when he visited
Meissen in 1738, was surprised to see a Lutheran minister
in a chasuble of gold and scarlet, ' and a vast cross both
behind and before ' . x The Calvinists abolished Christmas
and the whole cycle of old festivals. The Lutherans kept
the more important. Their services kept part of the ancient
liturgical outlines. Indeed, one of the most recent Lutheran

1 The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, vol. i, p. 113 (London, 1830).
Wesley also notes that at Berthelsdorf, near the Moravian settlement of
Herrnhut, there were two large lighted candles on the altar and a crucifix
over the pulpit.

FROM 1520 TO 1700 85

Prayer Books, that used by the large body of English-speak-
ing Lutherans in the United States, 1 follows mediaeval
German precedents. It perpetuates Luther's rejection of
episcopacy, and also his omission of the old sacrificial lan-
guage in the canon of the Mass which he misunderstood.
But it contains forms for private confession and for con-
firmation, it teaches baptismal regeneration and a doctrine
of the real presence, and gives careful directions as to the
ornaments of the altar. It even contains a laudatory refer-
ence to our First Prayer Book of Edward VI, and though
inferior to it in some important particulars, it is both
directly and indirectly a real tribute to the value of some
of our best liturgical traditions.

With the Lutheran liturgy went sacred song* Lutheran
hynmology of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
going back through Luther himself to mediaeval hymns,
is of a high quality, marked by a new devotion to the Holy
Trinity, the Incarnation, and the work of the Holy Spirit,
The terrible times of the Thirty Years' War were rich in
sacred poetry. During and after that war wrote Paul
Gerhardt (d. 1676), the greatest of German hymn writers.
With him the older school of sacred poetry culminated.
Later in the same century came Johann Franck, whose
poetry is inspired by the idea of union with Christ through
His mystical birth in our heart, and Johann Scheffler,
better known as ' Angelus Silesius *, who became a Roman
Catholic priest. The art of hymn writing in the eighteenth
century became disfigured by a weak emotionalism. The
works of Gerhardt Tersteegen are a happy exception to
that rule. We have in English John Wesley's fine transla-
tion of his hymn

Lo, God is here, let us adore,

1 Common Service Book of the Lutheran Church (Philadelphia, The Board
of Publication of the United Lutheran Church in America, 1919).

86 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

and Catherine Winkworth's l still more beautiful rendering
of Scheffler's hymn with the refrain :

O Love, I give myself to thee,
Thine ever, only thine to be.

The doctrine of many German hymns reminds us that the
tendency of official Lutheranism to favour scholasticism
increased an opposite tendency in the direction of mysticism.
And mysticism sometimes degenerated into theosophy.
This theosophy is extremely complex. In it we can find
Luther's strong antithesis between nature and grace, the
mediaeval mysticism of Eckhart and Tauler, the specula-
tion of the Lutheran pastor Weigel, and the method of
Andrea, who founded the secret brotherhood known as the
Rosicrucians. Nor must we entirely omit the influence of
the Jewish Kabala, with the elaborate system of emanations
from God by which the Jews, after rejecting the Messiah,
tried to bring God into contact with the world. The prince
of Lutheran mystics was Jacob Boehme (d. 1624), f whom
Angelus said :

God's Heart is Jacob Boehme's Element.

He would teach us that there is nothing nearer to each one
of us than heaven, paradise, and hell, and that we may,
if we will, be now in heaven and enjoy that unutterable joy
which the Father has in the Son. But this is not gained
by mere dreaming. We must go through Christ's whole
progress from His incarnation to His ascension, enter into
His process. Boehme is a prophet of the life that is in God,
in spite of his obscurity, his serious errors, and his misunder-
standings. In the time of King Charles I his works were
translated into English, 2 and they exercised a dominant
influence on William Law, the greatest English devotional

1 See her Lyra Germanica, Hymns for the Sundays and chief Festivals
of the Christian Year, translated from the German, new edition (Longman,
London, 1859).

2 By John Sparrow and John Ellistone, for whose works see Dictionary

FROM 1520 TO 1700 87

writer of the eighteenth century. If we wonder how a man
of the intellectual eminence of William Law could become
in many things a disciple of this German visionary, it may be
that we forget that a fisherman, a tent-maker, a cobbler,
may understand some depths of the human heart which
are not sounded by the ordinary philosophy of the schools.

George Calixtus, or Calissen (1586-1656), is a Lutheran
theologian and Church historian who also should not be left
unmentioned. He laboured for forty years to promote
union between the Lutherans and the Reformed, suggesting
as a basis for union the Holy Scriptures and, as a secondary
authority, the consensus of the first five centuries. He was
very learned, a clear writer, and a sincere peace-maker.
By his example and by his instruction he promoted sounder
methods of interpreting Scripture and a clearer recognition
of the necessity of historical investigation in the domain of
theology. He visited France, Belgium, and England,
broadening his mind and sympathies. The fact that he was
accused sometimes of being a Crypto-papist, and sometimes
of being a Crypto-calvinist, gives us a good indication of his
true position. But his own words throw light upon these
accusations. For he always said that ' his tutors in Germany
had not done as much in spurring him on to the study of
ecclesiastical history as the English bishops and the well-
stored libraries that he had seen among them '. l

John Ernest Grabe (1666-1711) was an actual convert
from Lutheranism to the Church of England. A native of
Konigsberg and a member of the university of that place,

of National Biography, article ' Sparrow, John '. See also ' Pordage, John ',
and * Pordage, Samuel*.

1 H. Ph. C. Henke, Calixtus* Leben t vol. i, p. 149. Calirtus was accused
of Romanism, though the great Bossuet called him Rome's ablest antagonist.
He was accused of Judaism for teaching that the doctrine of the Trinity
was not revealed with equal clearness in the Old as in the New Testament,
and suspected of undermining the doctrine of justification by faith because
he taught that salvation might be endangered by sins of unchastity 1

88 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

he became convinced that there could be no valid orders
apart from an episcopate derived from the apostles. He
therefore contemplated joining the Church of Rome, but
resolved first to present a memorial of his difficulties to the
ecclesiastical consistory of Sambia in Prussia. The reply
which he received was unconvincing. But one of the divines
who composed this reply was no less a person than Spener,
the founder of German Pietism. Spener, while believing, as
Luther and mediaeval writers had believed, that there
is a priesthood common to all believers, also believed,
unlike Luther, that the Christian ministry is of divine
appointment. He generously advised Grabe to turn to
England rather than Rome. He came to England and
received a pension of 100 a year from William III. He was
ordained deacon in 1700, and became a chaplain of Christ
Church, Oxford. In 1706 he received the degree of Doctor
of Divinity at the Encaenia.

Grabe devoted -his time at Oxford partly to the study of
the Fathers and the production of books which embodied
the results of this study, and partly to an edition of the
Codex Alexandrinus. By his numerous emendations he
destroyed the value of this laborious edition of the
famous Greek manuscript of the Bible. He also wrote in
English in 1711 an Essay to oppose the learned Whiston's
strange view that the ' Apostolical Constitutions ', a work
of the fourth century, was ' the most sacred of the canonical
books of the New Testament '. On August the 22nd, 1711,
Grabe wrote to the Lord Treasurer complaining of his broken
health and the non-payment of his pension. His pension
was paid together with a gift of 50. He died in the f ollowing
November, the occasion of his death being a bruise near the
liver caused by his last journey to Oxford in the stage coach.
According to Robert Nelson, Grabe was a man of exemplary
piety, humility, and patience. - ' His learned Studies did not
so engross his Mind, as to prevent his daily attending the

FROM 1520 TO 1700 89

Hours of publick Prayer, to which purpose he always
chose his Lodgings near a Church. He laid the chiefest
Stress upon the constant Practice of the Virtues of the
Christian Life, and was also a strict Observer of all the Rules
of the Apostolical Times, and of the Catholick Usages of the
first Christians '- 1 He frequently received absolution and
holy communion with great devotion during his last illness,
' to fortify him in his Passage to Eternity '.

If we turn from the Lutherans to the Calvinists, we shall
find additional reasons for believing that the Anglican
position was well chosen.

Geneva was an intellectual as well as a geographical centre.
Learning and Calvinism often grew side by side so that it is
sometimes boldly claimed that the Reformed Church showed
a clear pre-eminence in almost every branch of knowledge,
Biblical, classical, Oriental, legal, and historical. And we
need not surrender the claims of Ussher and Pearson,
Walton and Pococke, if we grant that it is also an imposing
list which includes the names of Justus Scaliger (1540-1609)
the great scholar of Geneva, Claude Salmasius (1588-1653)
the French scholar, Daniel Heinsius (1580-1655) of Leiden,
the two Buxtorfs (d. 1629 and 1664), the Hebraists of Basel,
and many others. But a close examination of the facts
proves that among the greatest of the Reformed writers
there was a decided tendency to modify or abandon the
distinctive views of Calvin* Instance after instance can be
quoted, and some of these are of special interest for British
scholars. Among them are John Cameron, a notable Scotch
professor at Montauban, Isaac Casaubon, and Gerhard Voss
of Leiden.

John Cameron, born of poor parents in Glasgow about
1570, was a typical Scot, independent, brave, disputatious,
generous, with a preference for living outside Scotland.

1 Robert Nelson, Life of Dr. George Bull, and edition, pp, 404-5 (London,

go CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

He became a pastor at Bordeaux, a professor at Montauban,
and founder of the theological school of Saumur. He was
a prudent innovator who tried to discover joints in the
armour of Calvinism through which he could quietly inject
a gentler and more wholesome spirit. He tried to modify
the strict doctrine of predestination by teaching that God
calls all men to salvation while He does not give to all the
gift of faith, and his doctrine of the Church would not exclude
an Anglican or even deny to a sincere Papist the possibility
of salvation. After his death he was accused of heresy,
but the French Huguenots as a body regarded Cameron
with sincere esteem* 1

Isaac Casaubon (1559-1614), one of the most learned men
in France, is a man who should never be forgotten by the
Church of England. The world has seldom known a more
eager student, a more sincere seeker after truth, one more
glad to be 'alone with God and with his books'. We
who are surrounded by a knowledge of the antique world
accumulated by the labour of more than four hundred years
cannot realize the difficulties, but we can respect the toil,
of one who at Geneva, Montpellier, and Paris sought
diligently for truth and wisdom. Regretting every moment
snatched from study, he could hold his own with the
French king, Henry IV, with Cardinal Du Perron, or with
the theologians of Holland. His religion was not confined
to his study. When in Paris he would go ten miles to worship
at a Protestant temple, even when he had to walk both
ways in bad weather. And it was this man who by slowly
formed convictions crossed over to the position of the
Church of England. Writing to his friend Daniel Tilenus,
professor at Sedan, he explains that he had read Bellarmin,
and that on Scripture, the authority of the old interpreters,
human traditions, on the power of the Pope, on images, on

1 For Cameron, see G. Bonet-Maury, * Jean Cameron ' in Etudes de TUo-
logic et d'Histoire (Fischbacher, Paris, 1901).

FROM 1520 TO 1700 91

indulgences, he could by certain reasons demonstrate all
Bellarmin's positions to be false. But when he came to
the chapter on the sacraments (though there were also some
things which could no less be refuted) it was clear to him
that on certain points the whole of antiquity with one
consent was on the side of their opponents; ' for ', he says,
' unless I am mistaken, I can most certainly prove that
those of our writers who have attempted to show that the
Fathers held our views have egregiously wasted their time
and been blind in broad daylight '- 1

After a transient wish to go to the Greek Church at Venice,
he determined to see the Church of England. He came
and he was convinced. He had to lose many old friends,
both Calvinist and Roman Catholic. But he won good
new friends, including the saintly Bishop Andrewes. His
remarks on Oxford, and his comparison of our university
with that of Paris, are judiciously in favour of Oxford,
though he says 'we are occupied in perpetual f eastings'.
He was well received, and at Magdalen College he was
splendidly entertained. He was not destined to live long
in his new home. He had worked too hard, and he suffered
from an excruciating disease which brought him to the
grave in 1614, while still engaged in writing a reply to the
Roman Catholic protagonist Baronius. On his death-bed
he received the holy communion at the hands of Bishop
Andrewes and asked that the Nunc dimittis should be read
to him. He is a man in whom it is difficult to find a fault,
except that he never took a holiday.

The tendency to break away from Calvinism is once more
illustrated by the career of Gerhard Johann Voss (1577-
1649), a scholar of Dutch family who was born at Heidel-
berg, but studied under Gomarus at Leiden, where he
became the lifelong friend of the celebrated Grotius. From

1 Isaaci Casauboni Epistolae, Ep. 1043 (Fritsch et Bohm, Roterodami,
1709).

92 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

1614 to 1619 he was director of the theological college at
Leiden, and had already gained a high reputation as a
scholar when he was compelled to escape expulsion by
resignation. He had published a history of the Pelagian
controversies, in which he maintained that absolute pre-
destination was not a doctrine of the primitive Church,
a view which modern writers regard as unassailable. The
book excited keen interest in England, and Voss accepted
from Archbishop Laud a prebend in Canterbury without
residence, and was given a doctor's degree at Oxford. He
died at Amsterdam, where he had been appointed professor
of history in the Athenaeum.

In no country was the tendency to desert from Calvinism
more pronounced than in Holland. Officially Holland
became ' Reformed ', that is, Calvinist, but it was in Holland
that Calvinism had to fight against one of its most powerful
opponents, Jacobus Arminius (1560-1609). He had been
a student at the university of Geneva under Beza and
became a professor at Leiden. He was widely travelled,
open minded, and a faithful pastor. He taught that election
and reprobation are conditional, and depend upon the per-
severance, foreseen by God, of some men in good, of others
in evil. He denied that grace is irresistible, and would not
admit that the merits of Christ are only for the elect. He
did not deny election, but would admit nothing as true if
it made God the author of evil.

No doctrines could be more hateful to men who were
convinced that their own election was a certainty. He was
opposed by his colleague Francis Gomarus, and all Holland
became involved in the dispute. In 1610 the followers of
Arminius addressed to the Dutch Parliament a Remonstrance
comprising five articles which protest against Calvinism
and assert the universality of grace. Arminius, worn out
by a controversy which he had not desired, had died in the
previous year. The leader of the party was now Episcopius,

FROM 1520 TO 1700 93

who was supported by Oldenbarnevelt, the distinguished
statesman, and Hugo Grotius, the celebrated jurist. Maurice,
Prince of Orange, at first took their side, and then basely
deserted them. Oldenbarnevelt was executed. Grotius was
immured in the fortress of Loevesteyn, and would have
remained there indefinitely if it had not been for the heroic
ingenuity of his wife who smuggled him away in a box
intended for books and dirty linen.

To settle the dispute once for all, the Synod of Dort was
summoned to meet in 1618. It was meant to be international,
but the French Calvinists were refused permission to attend,
and the German delegates included no representatives from
Brandenburg. The decisions of the synod were almost
a foregone conclusion. They were not quite so extravagant
as the doctrines of Gomarus, but they repeated the five
shibboleths of the Swiss Reformation unconditional elec-
tion a limited atonement the total depravity of man the
irresistible nature of grace and the final perseverance of
the elect who will never be cast away. The sessions at Dort,
the most imposing in the history of the ' Reformed ' religion,
closed with a luxurious feast, and the Arminian teachers
were banished from the greater part of Holland. The result
was hailed with joy by the Calvinists of Great Britain,
where, in the days of James I, to be called an Arminian
was the equivalent of being called a ' Puseyite * sixty years
ago. The synod also attempted to establish a uniform
system of Church government throughout Holland. The
attempt failed, and the different States of the Republic
continued to act separately in their relations with the
Church. This division of the Church into different com-
partments facilitated its subjection to the Government,
and at The Hague the House of Orange ruled both Church
and State on political principles more Machiavellian than
Calvinist. Political considerations secured freedom for
Lutherans, Arminian Remonstrants, and other Protestants,
and the Roman Catholics steadily multiplied.

94 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

The general temper of the Dutch nation, thoughtful,
cautious, and resolute, was very favourable to liberty.
They were a rich mercantile people, and as the Spanish
proverb has it, ' Mr. Money is a good Catholic '. They liked
comfort, good houses, and good pictures. The Protestant
churches which they built were plain but dignified; even
in their colonies such churches as those in Ceylon at Jaffna
and Galle are far from being contemptible. Unlike so many
of their Scottish co-religionists, who abhorred a * kist of
whistles ', the Dutch liked fine organs, and the famous
organ which the Calvinists set up in the cathedral church
at Haarlem is as sweet as the cathedral's mediaeval bells.
Amsterdam has been called ' the Venice of the North ', and
the resemblance is more than the mere outward resemblance
of narrow streets and interlacing canals. Like Venice it
was a home of art, though an art which was no more
Catholic than it was Puritan. Like Venice it became a city
of refuge. Hither came the Jews who fled from Spain and
Portugal. Here they built their stately synagogue, printed
their books, and for many generations spoke the antique
Castilian dialect that may still be heard in Salonika. 1 Here
they excommunicated the great philosopher Spinoza, whose
Pantheism was destined to do more injury to Protestantism
than to Judaism. Hither to Amsterdam came Descartes,
who had learnt much and observed much, resolved to
forget everything and to reconstruct for himself the edifice
of knowledge. And the elite of the Protestants expelled
from France, men of refinement and learning, came to
Holland before the seventeenth century was gone.

1 The existing ' Portuguese synagogue ' at Amsterdam was consecrated
with much pomp, August the 2nd, 1675. It is a fine building in'a Dutch
version of the Palladian style. The sermons of the rabbis were not'wanting
in the imagination engendered by enthusiasm ; oneVrf these sages discovered
the name of William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, in the Book of Isaiah.
On the languages spoken by these Jews, see app. note 12, p. 266. The
Jewish authorities promised Spinoza a yearly pension of i.ooo florins if
he would outwardly conform to the rites of the synagogue. On his refusal
he was excommunicated, 1656.

FROM 1520 TO 1700 95

Out of this Dutch life, a life far more varied and less
phlegmatic than we may sometimes think, there came two
distinct tendencies. The first was the tendency for the
State to tolerate deliberately side by side with an established
Church other religious bodies, usually though not invariably
Christian, and to tolerate the printing of any religious
opinions not actually blasphemous. This represents the
attitude of William III, and it is quite clearly opposed to
the originally theocratic character of the Genevan polity.
The second tendency found its expression in the Pietists.
The word ' Pietist ', which was at first used in German
as a term of reproach, nearly corresponds with our word
' Evangelical ', and not with the present German meaning
of the word ' Evangelical '. It is wrong to identify Pietism
at all exclusively with Germany, and it is also wrong to
think that it began in Holland. It was international,
and it was the outcome of the devotional books, mainly
English, which appeared in the seventeenth century like
springs in the desert. Behind it there is the Pilgrim's
Progress of John Bunyan, the Saint's Everlasting Rest of
Richard Baxter, the Spiritual Guide of the Spanish mystic
Molinos, the book Wahres Christentum by John Arndt,
a devout Lutheran, and especially the Practice of Piety by
Lewis Bayly, Bishop of Bangor, which was translated into
at least five Continental languages besides Welsh and the
language of the Indians of Massachusetts. 1 Nevertheless,
Holland may be said to have nursed this international
Pietism. Gisbert Voet (d. 1676), one of the leading Dutch
theologians of this period, a learned opponent of Labadie
and Descartes, and a sturdy Calvinist, had a mystical
element in his religion, and he hailed as a second Thomas

1 The Practice of Piety was first published in or before 1613 ; the English
editions are almost numberless. It is marred by occasional coarseness but
is both vigorous and devout. It advocates fasting, monthly communion,
and private confession. In the Epistle Dedicatory, addressed to Charles,'
Prince of Wales, mention is made of ' Tobacco pipes ' in * Bibbing houses '.

96 CONTINENTAL PROTESTANTISM

a Kempis his compatriot Teellinck, whose Calvinism was
combined with a spirit of brotherly forbearance and a love
of the divine Redeemer like the love manifested by
St. Bernard. Teellinck had studied in England and lived
with English Puritans. And Spener, the celebrated founder
of German Pietism, is known to have been influenced by the
work of Bayly.

The Pietists differed from the mystics principally by the
greater stress which they laid upon the gravity of sin and
man's need of the atoning death of Christ. They thought
more of obtaining peace with God through the death of
Christ than of gaining immediate union with God through
the indwelling Word within our soul. They took for granted
the Deity of Christ and revived the mediaeval devotion to
His Person and His Passion. They read the Bible, rever-
enced it, and tried to obey it. In Holland their plain dress,
strict observance of Sunday, and avoidance of plays and
public games recalled the habits of the English Puritans.
Spener himself was not a rigorist in doctrine like Voet, but
he was a rigorist in morals. Humble and learned, he was
the principal of a seminary at Frankfort-on-the-Main, and
then was made head court preacher at Dresden (1686). He
was expelled from Dresden on account of his religious zeal,
but was given a position in Berlin and there used all his
influence to secure good appointments being made to the
theological faculty in the new university at Halle. His
Pia Desideria, published in 1675, touched upon the corrup-
tion of Protestantism in Germany and expounded to the
people the remedies which he proposed, foremost among
which was the diffusion of the word of God. He was a man
of faith and charity, and made the university of Halle
a centre of religion.

Moved by the example of Spener three young graduates
of Leipzig founded Bible classes, collegia philobiblica, for the
practical study of the Bible. These classes were suppressed
by the university. Leipzig treated the Pietists very much

FROM 1520 TO 1700 97

as Oxford treated the six Evangelical students at St. Edmund
Hall in 1768 and the Tractarians at a later time. The three
friends were obliged to go, but their work went on. One of
them was August Hermann Francke (d. 1727), whose
strongly practical theology, illustrated by his care for the
poor, his orphanage and his hostel for students at Halle,
spread his name far and wide, and that which he loved better
than his name. It was Francke who rolled away from
Lutheranism one of its greatest stones of reproach by
persuading his co-religionists to begin missionary work
among the heathen.

Pietism gradually deprived itself of the power of doing
more effective work for the kingdom of God by its senti-
mentalism, by its neglect of learning, by its disapproval
of innocent recreation, by its practice of fostering little
associations which kept themselves to themselves, and by
regarding as an impossible ideal the leavening of the whole
body of society with a Christian spirit. Yet it left a mark
upon many who had little sympathy with its hard discipline.
The mistaken notion that religion is in essence a feeling,
a longing, a sentiment, was strengthened by Pietism, and
a long line of German writers from Lessing to Schleier-
macher derived from it some impulse towards their con-
viction that there is an eternal Gospel free from dogma,
a Gospel in which enthusiasm and morality have met
together. A more genuine ' Practice of Piety * which came
from England returned to England. Through the German
Moravians and the Methodists a testimony to Jesus Christ,
a love of the Bible, and a zeal for souls were handed on.
If these Christians were wrong in not believing that all
secular things can be hallowed to the Christian man, and
if we in some sense draw nearer to the world than they, let
us yet seriously consider whether we are overcoming the
world or the world is overcoming us, and whether in some
things where we differ from the Pietists, we differ for the
better or for the worse.

3*49 H

IV

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH FROM
1700 TO 1854

Eph. iv. 4-6 : There is one body, and one Spirit, even as also ye were
called in one hope of your calling; One Lord, one faith, one baptism, One
God and Father of all, who is over all, and through all, and in all.

AT the beginning of the eighteenth century the position
of the Roman Catholic Church was still magnificent. It
is true that the political prestige of the Papacy was waning,
and the new thought which had begun to stir in Italy was
not allied with zeal for Christianity but with the shallow
poetry of the society known as the Arcadian Academy.
In Great Britain the folly of the Jesuits had proved the
ruin of King James II and blasted the hopes of their wiser
co-religionists. 1 But in many countries victory seemed well
assured. Great numbers of the German people had left
Lutheranism for Rome. Most of the Poles who had favoured
Calvinism or Socinianism had forsaken their new creed.
Opposition had been quelled in Bohemia. Amsterdam was
dotted with Roman Catholic churches, though they were
built to look like private houses. 2 In Spain the last remnants
of Mohammedanism and Judaism appeared to be nearly
extirpated, after generations of persecution, almost simul-
taneously with the erection of the beautiful little Spanish
synagogue that still remains like a forgotten stowaway
in the city of London. 3 The new world of America pro-
mised to be almost wholly Roman Catholic. The Jesuit

1 For this, see Ethelred L Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England
(Methuen & Co., London, 1901); and for the method of governing the
English Roman Catholics by Vicars Apostolic and not by Bishops, see
another Roman Catholic authority, Joseph Berington, quoted below, p. 269.

* See app. note 13, p. 267. * See app. note 14, p. 267.

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH 99

missionaries in Canada had been fearless pioneers of the
Cross. There was already a cathedral church in Quebec and
a shrine for Canadian pilgrims at St. Anne de Beaupre. 1
The Indians of Mexico revered Our Lady of Guadalupe, and
the churches of Central and Southern America were buildings
of massive grandeur. Louis XIV had expelled from France
the Protestants of all ranks including members of the old
nobility. It was believed in England that this expulsion
of the Huguenots was contrary to the wishes of the Pope, 2
and Archbishop Fenelon refused to preach to them till
Louis had withdrawn his troops, saying that if missionaries
and soldiers worked side by side people would be willing even
to accept the Koran. Be that as it may, Louis could boast
that his kingdom, like himself, was outwardly most Catholic,
though the moral and material resources of France were
diminished, and London and The Hague gained what
France had lost.

Not only was Roman Catholicism outwardly victorious
over Protestantism and able to dispatch missionaries to
China, India, and Ceylon, as well as to America ; it was also
skilfully undermining the ancient ramparts of Eastern
Christendom. Among the Slavs the political power of
Poland favoured the creation and extension of a great
Uniat Church, acknowledging the supremacy of the Pope
and the decrees of Trent, while permitted to retain almost
unaltered the liturgies and the ceremonies of Eastern Ortho-
doxy. 3 For the masses of the people the transition was not
difficult so long as they saw the same icons and the same

1 This lecture was delivered on March the igth, 1922: a few days later
the beautiful modern church of St. Anne at Beaupre was destroyed by fire.

1 See Verney Memoirs* vol. ii, p. 446 (Longmans, London, 1907).

By the Union of Brest (1596), a great body of Russians within the
kingdom of Poland (named later Ruthenians) submitted to Rome. Finally
the archdiocese of Lemberg came into union with Rome May the 5th, 1 700,
and many more thousands of Ruthenians then became members of the
Uniat Church. In recent times frequent efforts have been made, largely
under Polish influence, to give a Western character to their services.

H 2,

ioo THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

vestments and listened to the familiar sonorous chanting
of the Old Slavonic. Farther south the same untiring
propaganda was at work. The Jesuits were busy in the
islands of the Aegean and were seconded by the Capuchins,
who at the request of Colbert had founded a school of lan-
guages at Constantinople. In the distant patriarchate of
Antioch, Cyril, one of two rival Orthodox patriarchs,
submitted to the Pope in 1709 and sent a profession of his
faith to Rome. The influence of France was in favour of
these proselytizing activities in the Ottoman Empire just
as the influence of Poland was in favour of similar activities
among the Slavs. And there is good reason for supposing
that the same influence will again be exercised in the same
direction, for French statesmen who oppose religion in
France usually value it as an export to Asia.

Now this wide extension of Roman Catholicism is con-
nected with a religious question of grave importance, one
which was by no means completely solved by the Council
of Trent. It is, what is the proper relation of a national
Church to the universal Church of which it claims to be
a part ? The genius of Christianity, or let us rather say the
very mission of our Lord Jesus Christ, is adverse to the
erection of barriers by which one nation endeavours to
separate its religion from the religion of others. He took
means to secure that His followers should form one visible
body, and the acknowledgement of one Lord, one faith,
one baptism, proved a potent corrective of the tendency
to create exclusive religious societies. If St. Paul has
truly interpreted the mind of Christ, there can no more
be two separate bodies, two seeds of Abraham, two universal
visible Churches, than there can be two Saviours, and so far
as any local or national Church asserts a distinctive doctrine
peculiar to itself, so far does it cease to be Christian and
become a sect. The part must be subordinate to the whole

FROM 1700 TO 1854 101

and its independence must be limited by the life of the
whole.

A fruitful diversity in practice and worship is quite
compatible with these truths, and wherever Christianity
embraces the most vital elements in a nation, it will be found
to develop these elements in such a way that they enrich
the international Catholicism which is represented in and
by the national Church.

The outward unity of the primitive international Church
was first secured by the authority of the apostles, and, after
their decease, by the bishops, who succeeded to those
functions of the apostles which were permanently requisite
for the government of the Church. It was not necessarily
a menace to this ecclesiastical constitution that one of these
bishops should enjoy a primacy of honour, and such a primacy
was attributed by the ancient Oecumenical Councils to the
Bishop of Rome. The later doctrine that the Bishop of
Rome is infallible, and the doctrine that he and he alone
can give and take away the jurisdiction of all other bishops,
are quite distinct from such a primacy. Now a conviction
that the Pope is the chief of Christian bishops, even by
divine right, was strongly held two hundred years ago in
union with a denial of his absolute power and personal
infallibility. And as this belief, which permitted to each
national Church a large degree of ordered liberty and
independence, was most forcibly advocated in France, it
won the name of Gallicanism. If we may use a modern
political phrase, Gallicanism means ' Dominion Home Rule '
in ecclesiastical affairs.

The substance of Gallicanism had been expressed in the
celebrated Four Articles drawn up by a General Assembly
of the clergy of France in 1682. Louis XIV, making use
of a power which had previously been exercised by kings of
France, claimed, while a bishopric was vacant, the right of
nominating to benefices in the diocese, and also the right

102 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

of appropriating the revenues of the see. This authority
was disputed, especially by two bishops who, though con-
demned by their own metropolitans, appealed to Pope
Innocent XI. The quarrel then became a quarrel between
France and the Pope, and many of the clergy considered
that the Pope had attacked the liberties of the Gallican
Church. The General Assembly, to defend these liberties,
passed the Articles drafted by Bossuet, the great Bishop of
Meaux. The first Article declared that the Pope has only
a spiritual power, and that in temporal matters princes are
subject to no ecclesiastical authority. The second affirmed
with the Council of Constance that the fullness of * Aposto-
lical* (i.e. papal) power is limited by the authority of
General Councils. The third asserted that the exercise
of papal power is limited by the canons of the Church,
and also upheld the usages of the Gallican Church. The
fourth declared that the judgement of the Pope without
the Church's consent ' is not irreformable '. These Articles
agree in the main with the doctrines previously upheld
by the Sorbonne, and they were re-affirmed by Louis XV,
by Napoleon, and by Charles X. 1

Did our Lord, in order to secure the unity of the Church,
give first to St. Peter and then to each Pope in turn the
authority which the Four Articles contested? During the
whole of the eighteenth century, and a large part of the nine-
teenth, there was a struggle, a fight to the finish between the
adherents of two views of the Papacy, the moderate and the
modern, the Gallican and the Ultramontane. On the one
side were marshalled the Gallicans, the Jansenists, and those
who wished to conform to the Church of the ancient Fathers,
On the other side were the Ultramontanes, the Jesuits, and

1 A discussion of the different types of Gallicanism is given in the
article 'Gallicanisme' in Vacant et Mangenot, Dicttonnaire de TUologie
Catholique, vol. vi (Letouzey, Paris, 1920). For the Declaration containing
the Four Articles, see W. H. Jervis, History of the Church of France, vol. ii,
p. 49 (Murray, London, 1872).

FROM 1700 TO 1854 103

the advocates of new forms of devotion. Some men, like
Bossuet, wisely occupied a central position, firmly main-
taining the rights of a national Church, and loving antiquity,
without falling into the narrowness of Jansenism. But
such men were few, and the result was that when Jansenism
fell it dragged with it other causes which have no necessary
or logical connexion with the Jansenist doctrine of irresistible
grace.

In the meantime the Gallicans, by their serious study of
Christian antiquity, sought like the Anglicans for a common
ground where the differences between all contending Chris-
tian parties might be honestly reduced. In France the result
of this sympathetic study of the past became obvious.
Two Roman Catholic writers have described it as 'an
instinctive opposition to the developments which Catholicism
had received during the mediaeval and the modern period,
and a desire to return with regard to doctrine and practices
to a Christianity that was more spiritual and more sober,
more episcopal also and less papal, and such as was held
to have been the Christianity of the Fathers and particularly
St. Augustine '- 1 That is not an unfair summary of the
case, and a collision between this spirit and the spirit of
Ultramontanism was inevitable. It was not a matter of
academic speculations, but of two different conceptions
of truth, of history, and of worship.

Gradually Gallican priests began to reduce the speed at
which mass was read. Invocations of the Blessed Virgin
and the saints became more strictly requests for their
prayers and not for such help as is given by God. Diocesan
service books were revised, and in the revised versions there
was more of the Bible and less of legend. For instance, in
the Parisian breviary of 1680 Lazarus ceased to figure
as a bishop, and Dionysius the Areopagite no longer appeared

* Brou and Rousselot, Chnstus, p. 915, edited by Joseph Huby (Beau-
chesne, Paris, 1912).

104 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

as the first Bishop of Paris. The Parisian breviary of
1736 went still farther. Its lectionary was derived exclu-
sively from the Bible, it suppressed the festival in honour
of St. Peter's chair at Antioch, and replaced an Invitatory
addressed to ' the prince of the apostles J by another
worshipping Christ as ' the Head of the body, even of the
Church '.* It was a result of the renewed study of the
Bible that the contending factions in the Church of France
defined themselves sharply in 1713, when Pope Clement XI
issued the Bull Unigenitus. This Bull condemned one
hundred and one propositions extracted from a work called
The New Testament with Moral Reflections written by the
Oratorian priest Paschasius Quesnel. Of all these proposi-
tions only twelve were condemned as actually heretical,

Quesnel's book, which was intended to promote the
devotional study of the New Testament, first appeared
in 1694, and might have escaped censure at Rome, if a priest
had not refused to absolve a penitent suspected of Jansenism.
The priest's action raised anew the whole question as to
whether it was lawful for a man who explicitly acknowledged
the Pope's authority in regard of doctrine to observe
simply a ' respectful silence ' in regard of the Pope's authority
as to fact. It was possible to hold the theory that the Pope
had the right to declare this or that proposition to be
heretical, but nevertheless had not the right to compel the
faithful to say that this or that proposition accurately
represents the opinion of the author from whose works it
is professedly taken. The forty doctors of the Sorbonne
held that such a theory was lawful. But the Pope absolutely
condemned their view, ordered the destruction of the
convent of Port-Royal as a centre of the Jansenism with
which the Gallicans were often in sympathy, and appointed
congregations of cardinals and theologians who pronounced

1 Pierre Batiffol, Histoite du Brtoiawe Romain, p. 273 (Picard, Paris,
1894).

FROM 1700 TO 1854 105

against Quesnel's Moral Reflections. Clement XI therefore
made a simultaneous attempt to weaken the revival of
Augustinian doctrine and to fortify papal authority. The
Church of France then found itself divided into two camps,
the Acceptants who submitted to the Bull, and the Appellants
who appealed against it. On the death of Louis XIV the
opposition to Rome daily increased, about thirty bishops
were in the ranks of the Appellants, and among them was
Cardinal de Noailles, Archbishop of Paris.

It is at this point that there was made that remarkable
effort to unite the Church of France with the Church of
England that we associate with the name of William
Wake, 1 a Student of Christ Church, Oxford, then chaplain
to the English envoy in Paris, and in 1716 Archbishop of
Canterbury. Wake had been previously blamed for
advocating * comprehension with Dissenters ', and he was
now scurrilously attacked for making * concessions in favour
of the grossest superstition and idolatry ' for the sake of
union with Rome. This was unjust, for he had done
nothing of the kind. To a certain extent reunion was in the
air. The English Nonjurors, warned by their experience of
King James II, turned their hopes of reunion towards the
Orthodox Eastern Church. But other men had other plans,
and in 1704 there appeared a notable eirenicon under the
name of a Proposal for Catholic Communion by a Minister
of the Church of England, 2 suggesting the possibility of union
with Rome. So long as Gallicanism was a living force the
barriers might reasonably be considered not insuperable,
and even as late as 1824 a Roman Catholic Irish bishop,

1 J. H. Lupton, Archbishop Wake and the Project of Union (1717-1720)
between the Gallican and Anglican Churches (George Bell & Sons, London,
1896).

* Reprinted by George Bonham, Dublin, 1781. New edition with Intro-
duction, edited by H. N Oxenham, An Eirenicon of the Eighteenth Century
(Bivingtons, London, 1879).

io6 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

Dr. Doyle of Kildare and Leighlin, held out an olive-branch
to Anglicans. 1 In the case of Archbishop Wake, as in the
case of Dr. Doyle, overtures did not first come from the
Anglican side. The French theologian Du Pin, acting with
the concurrence of Cardinal de Noailles, entered into com-
munication with Archbishop Wake and came to the con-
clusion that the points of difference between England and
Rome were capable of adjustment. In treating of the
jurisdiction of the Roman Pontiff, Du Pin plainly declared
that the Pope ' can do nothing in those things which relate
to the government of a Bishop in his own Diocese ', and that
his primacy ' does not give him a higher grade among
Bishops : he is only their fellow-bishop, though first among
Bishops ', Wake replied, ' The honour which you give to
the Roman Pontiff differs so little, I deem, from that which
our sounder Theologians readily give him, that, on this
point, I think, it mil not be difficult, on either side, either
to agree altogether in the same opinion, or mutually to
bear with a dissent of no moment '. Wake hoped for
mutual acknowledgement of the two Churches and inter-
communion between them without minute agreement, and
many in Paris openly avowed that they wished for union.
Negotiations were broken off by the death of Du Pin
(6 June 1719), by the vacillation of the Archbishop of
Paris, by the revived energy of the Jesuits after the accession
of Louis XV, and by the assistance given to the Ultramontane
party by the infamous Archbishop Dubois, who had destroyed
the register of his marriage in order to obtain an arch-
bishopric and opposed the Gallicans in order to gain a
cardinal's hat. Louis XV, in spite of the opposition of his
Parliament, required that the Bull Unigenitus should be
registered and obeyed as a law not only of the Church but

1 Dr. John Doyle wrote under the signature of J. K. L. (John Kildare
Leighlin) Letters on the State of Education in Ireland and other works, one
being a reply to the charge of the Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. Magee.

FROM 1700 TO 1854 107

also of the State. The Appellants were persecuted within
the Church, harried by the police, and seriously injured
by the unbalanced fanaticism of adherents who conducted
themselves like the victims of a modern revival. In spite
of grievances and the heart-burnings provoked by the
despotic policy of Louis XV towards Jansenism, it was
only in Holland that a little Jansenist remnant permanently
continued under their own bishops and priests in their
secluded churches, openly maintaining the Augustinian
doctrine of grace and the severe manners of Port-Royal. 1

Primitive austerity had indeed suffered a defeat. In
the middle of the century a good and sensible pontiff,
Benedict XIV, was on the papal throne (1740-1758), but
a certain artificiality and decadence can be observed through-
out the greater part of Roman Catholicism. The decadence
of Continental Protestantism became far more serious.
But within the Roman communion there was no defender
of the faith like our Joseph Butler. Monasteries and
bishops' houses were built to resemble palaces. Preaching
declined even in France, and we approach the period when
Louis XVI, after listening to a sermon of the type then
popular, remarked, ' If the abbe had only said a little
about Christianity there is no subject which he would
have left untouched'. Church music became secular in
character, and the increased use of stringed instruments in
church made the liturgy a pretext for a concert. The
superb church music of J. Sebastian Bach does indeed
belong to this period. But Bach was a Lutheran who
wrote a composition for a festival held in 1730 to com-
memorate the Confession of Augsburg. Neither his Cantatas
nor his Masses are an index to the character of Roman
Catholic ecclesiastical music. As for the churches, and

1 See J. M. Neale, History of the So-called Jansenist Church of Holland
(Parker, Oxford, 1858); and P. Buys, Rome en Utrecht (H. ten Oever,
Amsterdam, 1864).

io8 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

especially those of the German-speaking countries, let
us hesitate to condemn outright the architects of the
rococo style. Their labour may have been a labour of
love when even in monastic churches like those of Ein-
siedeln, Steinhausen, and Zwiefalten, they combined the
solemnity of a sanctuary with the decorations of a pavilion.
Yet amid the peach-coloured marble, the gilded cornices,
the floating cherubs, the columns twisting themselves in
sympathy with the statues of saints who writhe in eloquence
or ecstasy, St. Benedict and St. Bernard could only have
come as visitors, ill at ease if not indignant.

But though worldliness was weakening the Church,
Ultramontanism had as yet gained no universal triumph.
It was opposed by Febronianism in Germany and Josephism
in Austria, which closely correspond with the Gallicanism of
France.

German Roman Catholics, strong in the south and west
of Germany, had for a long time been dissatisfied with the
Concordat which had been made with Rome in 1448 before
the Reformation. Complaints against the Curia were made
in 1522 and again in 1673 in a memorandum drawn up by
the Archbishops-Electors. In the next century the call for
reform took a more definite tone.

At the election of a new Emperor in 1742 the matter again
came up for discussion, and Nikolaus von Hontheim, auxi-
liary bishop of Trier, determined to investigate the nature
of these grievances, very similar to the grievances dealt
with by our English Parliament in the time of Henry VIII.
He embodied the result of his studies in a work published
in 1763 under the pseudonym Justinus Febronius, and called
De statu ecclesiae et legitima potentate Romani pontificis
liber singularis ad reuniendos dissidentes in religione Chris-
tiana composites. The book was far from asserting any
Protestant theory with regard to the Church. The con-

FROM 1700 TO 1854 109

elusions were in harmony with Gallican conclusions, and
a modern Roman Catholic historian of unimpeachable
authority says that in it ' the constitution of the Church is
brought back to its condition in Christian antiquity'. 1
The Pope is acknowledged as head of the Church, on whom
it devolves to supervise the observance of the canons, the
preservation of the faith, and the proper administration
of the sacraments. He is even to pronounce judgement
when matters of faith or morals are in dispute, and his
decision is to be respected unless the universal Church or
a General Council be of a contrary opinion. On the other
hand, the book urges that there should be withdrawn from
the Pope all those privileges which were first conferred
upon him during the Middle Ages, especially those which
were granted as a result of the False Decretals. The right
to confirm or to depose a bishop is to be restored to the
bishops, and princes are advised to reform their national
Churches with the advice of the episcopate.

The book was promptly put on the Index at Rome, but
its circulation was enormous and it was translated into
German, French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese. Deputies
of the Archbishops-Electors met at Coblenz in 1769, and
under the presidency of von Hontheim himself drew up thirty
grievances against Rome in agreement with the offensive
book. The author before his death deplored the tone but
not the theology of his work. In 1785 Febronianism asserted
itself once more. On the occasion of the establishment of
a papal nunciature at Munich, the Archbishops of Mainz,
Koln, Trier, and Salzburg made a final effort to make the
German Church less dependent upon Rome. They deputed
delegates to meet at Bad Ems in 1786 and draw up twenty-
seven articles to be presented at Rome. Rome refused
to accept these articles. And a good many bishops had no

1 F. Xavier Funk, Die Kultur der Gegenwart, ' Die christliche Religion ',
p. 229 (Teubner, Berlin und Leipzig, 1905).

no THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

wish for them, astutely suspecting that subjection to
a distant Pope might be less galling than subjection to
a neighbouring metropolitan. Thus by a strange paradox
it was the immense power of these princely metropolitans
which frustrated the national and reforming movements
which they fostered. Very soon the French revolution
caused these visions of liberty to be forgotten.

Joseph II (1765-1790) had been associated during the
later years of her reign with his mother the Empress Maria
Theresa (1740-1780). She had introduced a number of
ecclesiastical reforms genuinely intended for the good of
her people. A limit was put on the increase of monasteries,
it was most wisely enacted that monastic vows should
not be taken under the age of twenty-five, public education
was organized, several new bishoprics were founded, and the
clergy were no longer dispensed from paying taxes. It was
further enacted that papal briefs should have no force
in the Austrian Empire until they received the imperial
placet. This last enactment was not likely to be viewed with
kindly eyes at Rome. But no great trouble was caused,
for Maria Theresa was a good friend of her Church. Every
inch a woman, tactful, wise, and with a loyal sense of duty,
she was no hypocrite. She believed what she professed.
Judged by the standard of her age, she was tolerant in
religious matters, and her policy was not only fitted to
protect the Church against revolutionary movements but
also to increase its numbers by favouring secessions from
Eastern Orthodoxy. 1

Joseph II succeeded in marring what Maria Theresa had
begun to make. He was the incarnation of autocratic
liberalism, and though he had been associated with his
mother for several years in the government of the empire

1 For the benefit of the many Rumanians in Hungary who united with
Rome, Maria Theresa erected the diocese of Gross-Wardein. This was in
addition to an already existing Uniat see at Fogaras (Alba Julia).

FROM 1700 TO 1854 in

he had not learned his mother's caution. His aims were
sometimes excellent, but he tried to create results without
making preparations. He granted a large measure of civil
and religious liberty both to Protestants and to Eastern
Orthodox Christians. He largely increased the number of
parishes, suppressed six hundred and six out of two
thousand convents and monasteries, and suppressed the
small diocesan seminaries to replace them by great central
institutions in Vienna, Buda-Pesth, Prague, and other
cities. The professors for these institutions were to be chosen
from men known to be in favour of his own principles.
To sever as much as possible the connexion between the
bishops and Rome, papal Bulls were put under civil control,
and bishops were allowed to issue dispensations for marriages
in cases of consanguinity in the third and the fourth degree,
a process which appeared to be quite as moral as paying for
papal faculties for dispensations in cases of the second degree.
In vain Pope Pius VI came to Vienna in 1782 to make a pro-
test : he was received with respect but not with subservience.
But if some of the reforms of Joseph II were desirable,
he had a genius for doing the little things that irritate, and
he pleased the people as little as he pleased the Pope.
Febronianism had started within the Church. Gallicanism,
though powerfully supported by the Church, was in its
essence a protest of the State against a rival and aggressive
power in the Church. Josephism, as it came to be called,
was an attempt to turn an established Church into a State
Church controlled by the Emperor. Hated by the Ultra-
montanes, Joseph II was ridiculed by the Freethinkers and
dubbed ' my brother the sacristan ' by Frederick of Prussia.
In the affairs of both State and Church he failed with the
pathetic failure of a man who is determined to do good to
people who simply wish to be left alone, and makes few of
them happy and all of them ungrateful. He died broken-
hearted in 1790.

H2 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

Maria Theresa's zeal for Church reform was also shared
by her second son Leopold II of Tuscany. He found a warm
ally in Scipio de' Ricci, Bishop of Pistoia-Prato. A synod
held by Ricci at Pistoia in 1786 passed a number of decrees
according to Leopold's mind. The four Gallican Articles
were accepted and the writings of Quesnel were recom-
mended. As only three bishops of the grand duchy were
at all favourable to the plans of Leopold, the only possi-
bility of carrying them into execution lay in his own hands.
He was called to the imperial throne in 1790 and therefore
had to abandon the task. Ricci resigned his office and Pope
Pius VI condemned eighty-five propositions of the Synod
of Pistoia. Once more we see men involved in what appeared
to be the endless conflict between one absolutism and
another absolutism, that of the Pope and that of the
monarch; between one servitude and another servitude,
that of those who wish to be bound by the traditions of
men and that of those who tremble before a God whose
justice is not consistent with love.

The suppression of the Jesuits by Pope Clement XIV in
1773 is an event which coincided to some extent with the
national movements within the Church. Jealousy of their
immense wealth and power, together with the spread of the
scepticism of the movement known as the enlightenment,
and the absolutism of the reigning kings, contributed to the
downfall of the Society of Jesus. But the story of their
downfall is complicated with every kind of motive. In
1757 an attempt was made on the life of Louis XV by one
Damiens who had been a menial in a Jesuit college. Popular
fury raged against the Jesuits and Busenbaum's standard
work on Moral Theology was burnt by the public execu-
tioner. The next year the King of Portugal was fired at
when returning from a visit to his mistress, and the Jesuits
were suspected of complicity in the attempted assassination.

FROM 1700 TO 1854 113

It is to the credit of the Jesuits that Madame de Pompadour
had an excellent reason for hating them; and Pombal,
the powerful minister of the King of Portugal, hated them
because they had opposed a scheme by which their Indian
converts were to be moved from their homes in consequence
of an exchange of provinces between Spain and Portugal. The
Jesuits were dissolved as a corporation, but the dissolution
proved to be futile. It was futile in spite of the solemn and
emphatic language of the Bull Domimts ac Redemptor. 1 The
Jesuits pretended to defer to the Pope's sentence, but they
not only defied the Holy See by nominating a new Vicar-
General, but circulated a forged papal Brief, dated June
the gth, 1774, expressing the Pope's joy at the position
of the order in Russia, whither many Jesuits had gone
for refuge. The suppression was also futile because the
dogmatic and moral teaching with which the Society had
so largely identified itself was not condemned. It was,
as we shall see, revived by St. Alphonsus Liguori, and in the
nineteenth century became the dominant theology of the
Roman Catholic Church.

The success of the Jesuits in the mission field was one of
the causes which led to their dissolution and their dissolution
crippled that success. In particular their great work among
the Indians in Paraguay was permanently ruined.

The Spaniards of the eighteenth century may be likened
to an ancient family fleeced by foreign speculators and living
in a fine mansion two hundred years old and slowly falling
into decay. Yet in spite of some poverty of intellect they
grew in a knowledge of history and science. They built the
cathedral of Cadiz, they numbered among them a great
painter, Goya, and a great missionary, Father Junipero
Serra, the apostle of California. There still exists a picture

1 For the medals which commemorate the suppression of the Jesuits,
see app. note 15, p. 268.

3649 I

114 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

of the Franciscan friar with a face of strange and eager
hope. He with three friends was an inmate of a convent
in Majorca, and from their student days they were made
one by the desire of being missionaries in the Spain that
lay on the other side of the Atlantic. They left Cadiz in
1749 in a small English coaster. The voyage took ninety-
nine days. Father Palon, one of the four, tells us that the
English captain, who knew no language but English and
a smattering of Portuguese, greatly tormented them with
theological arguments though Father Serra refuted him,
quoting text for text. 'The captain would thereupon
rummage his greasy old Bible, and when he could find no
other escape would declare that the leaf was torn and that
he couldn't find the text he wanted/

Arrived in Mexico they were kept at work for nineteen
years, founding missions and preaching. But when the
Jesuits were dismissed from the Spanish dominions 1 in
1767 it was decided to send Franciscans to take charge of
the Jesuit missions in California. Serra was chosen as
president of all the Calif ornian missions and put over a band
of sixteen missionaries. When he received the appointment
* he was unable to speak a single word for tears '. He was
now fifty-six years of age, and he had waited for that call
some forty years.

The first mission founded was that of San Diego in 1769.
Then came a time of hardship and hunger followed by the
choice of Monterey as the centre of the work. The Indians
burnt to the ground the buildings of San Diego and murdered
one of the fathers ; but both the Spanish military commander
and the friars determined that the Indians should be treated

1 Under Charles III, a king ot Spain whose merits as a friend of
his Church and of his country have been obscured by his unfortunate
foreign policy and by the prejudice of historians. A comparison between
Charles HI of Spain and the first three Georges tells greatly in favour of
the King of Spain. The question of the expulsion of the Jesuits is dealt
with at length in Danvila y CoUado, Reinado de Carlos III, vol. lii (Madrid
1894).

FROM 1700 TO 1854 115

with even greater kindness than before. The work went
steadily forward. Before Serra died in 1784 he had founded
nine separate missions ; two years later there were more than
five thousand Christian Indians in Upper California. In
1823 there were twenty-one missions with more than twenty
thousand Christians, no longer savages, but busily engaged
in agriculture, weaving, and metal work. There were
handsome stone churches, surrounded by schoolrooms,
workshops, and enormous tracts of land in a high state of
cultivation. Almost the whole of this fine achievement
has been annihilated. In 1834, after Mexico had become
independent, the property of the missions was secularized
and the fathers and the Indians alike were reduced to abject
poverty. Among the pitiful stories of the time is that of
the mission of Soledad, where Father Sarria, who had
laboured there for thirty years, shared every morsel of his
food with the Indians until while saying Mass one Sunday
morning he fainted from starvation and fell dead in the
arms of his people. In 1846 the American flag was raised in
Monterey and the business of destruction still continued
for about ten years when the churches and some fragments
of property were returned to the Roman Catholic authorities.
Thousands of Indians, beggared, homeless, unshepherded,
were left to live as best they might on the confines of the
new immigration, and the half-ruined churches remain to
tell us that the first civilization of California, and perhaps
the best, was built upon the love which a Spanish schoolboy
had for Jesus Christ. 1

In Great Britain during the eighteenth century Roman
Catholicism passed through a period of deep depression.
In London it was kept alive by the six chapels attached to
the foreign embassies. It was still strong in Lancashire,

1 'Father Junipero and his Work*, The Century Magazine, May and
June, 1883 (The Century Co., New York; F. Warne, London).

I 2

n6 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

in parts of Yorkshire, and in the western Highlands.
Violent persecution had ceased, but the penal laws were
harsh and adherents steadily declined in number. In
Scotland they, like the Episcopalians, suffered from the
fury of the Duke of Cumberland's soldiers, even the remote
and humble seminary at Scalan being discovered and looted.
In England, when the cause of the Stuarts was seen to
be hopeless, one wealthy family after another conformed
to the Church of England, and their retainers gradually
followed their example. As for their religious belief there
is evidence to show that there was a decided tendency to
Jansenism in Scotland, derived not from Presbyterianism
but from influences at work in Paris.

The English College at Douai fell under suspicion of
fostering the same opinions, and in 1711 the Dean of the
cathedral of Mechlin, who had written against Jansenism,
was sent to examine the college ' from the President down-
wards '. The dean was no extremist, acted very justly, and
entirely acquitted the college of any charge of heresy.
Among the schoolboys who were then at Douai was Richard
Challoner, the son of ' a rigid Dissenter ', afterwards a
Roman Catholic priest in London, then Bishop of Debra
and Vicar Apostolic of the London district. 1 From the day
of his consecration as bishop in 1740 in a sequestered convent
in Hammersmith we have abundant records of his character
and work. Throughout his life he rose at six and spent
the time in prayer and meditation until he celebrated the
holy mysteries at eight. He allowed himself sufficient time
for his meals and for a walk in the afternoon, but gave
every possible moment to spiritual reading, writing, and

1 See Edwin H Burton, The Life and Times of Bishop Challoner (Long-
mans, London, 1909) The first of the two volumes contains a good
reproduction of a well-known plate of the good bishop in cope and nutre.
Under the cope he wears a long linen rochet of the type usual among
English Roman Catholic bishops before the introduction of Italian rochets
and cottas in the nineteenth century.

FROM 1700 TO 1854 117

receiving the persons who came to seek his help, paying
also short visits to the members of his flock in the evening.
He never had a house of his own and he gave to the relief
of the poor every penny that he could spare. For forty years
he worked in garrets, in cellars, in workhouses, and in
prisons, making excursions to visit his flock scattered over
several English counties. His care extended to the British
colonies in America, and it is a singular fact that for some
years the only Englishman who continued to exercise
any authority in the United States was this now frail and
aged bishop.

His death was hastened by the Gordon riots of 1780,
when Roman Catholic chapels and houses were systemati-
cally wrecked, and the bishop just escaped from the clutches
of a fanatic mob through the energy of a priest who with
great difficulty persuaded him to leave his rooms near the
Sardinian embassy. He died in London on January the I2th,
1781. The last word which he was heard to utter was the
word ' charity '.

Of his numerous writings two at least should be men-
tioned. His Meditations for Every Day in the Year form
a book of strict and sober piety which raises the author to
the first rank of English devotional writers, and his Garden
of the Soul is a little guide for Christians ' living in the
world '. Since the death of Challoner the Garden of the
Soul has been mutilated, expanded, and even deliberately
falsified, 1 But in its original form it is still the proof, as it
was once the model, of what was called ' the old religion '
The generations which it trained were separated by deep
differences from the paths afterwards favoured by Cardinal
Wiseman and Cardinal Manning. And we can judge of

* Among the latest editions is that published by the Anglican 'Society
of SS. Peter and Paul'. In this edition there is added to the Litany of
our Lady of Loretto the words 'Queen conceived without original sin*
and 'Queen of the most holy Rosary', neither of which clauses appears
even in the last edition, the tenth, issued by Bishop Challoner.

ii8 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

these old English Roman Catholics not only by the prayers
which they recited but by the fact that all their bishops in
their official Protestation to the Government in 1789 added
their signatures to the words ' We acknowledge no infallibility
in the Pope '. l What wonder is it that in the subsequent
onrush of Ultramontanism the hereditary Roman Catholics
of England were regarded as unprogressive, anti-Roman,
and anti-Papal ? 2

It was into this quiet backwater of ancient piety that there
came great ripples from the wreck in France.

At the outbreak of the Revolution the Church of France
was in a condition of belated feudalism. 3 The bishops
numbered one hundred and thirty, not counting the five
bishops of Corsica. Their blood was of the bluest, and
their names were historic. They united elegance with
dignity, and they moved in universities, in parliaments,
and in embassies. Many of them were benevolent and very
few appear to have been bad. But they had no new Bossuet,
or Pascal, or Fnelon. The whole of Christianity was
insolently challenged, and all these bishops could not
produce a David to defend it. And the monks, especially
the ancient orders, were smitten with spiritual paralysis.
The Benedictines of St. Maur had indeed continued their
literary work; but as a rule the monasteries had kept the
wealth and abandoned the industry of better days. And
clinging to the Church, feeding on the Church, were the
holders of 'simple benefices', sinecures, abbots, priors,
chaplains, prebendaries, parasites who did nothing but

> For a fuller quotation from this remarkable 'Protestation', see app
note 16, p. 268.

1 E. S. Purcell, Life of Cardinal Manning, vol. ii, p. 88 (Macmillan & Co.,
London, 1895).

* A luminous account of the state of the French Church immediately
before and during this time of crisis is given by W. H. Jervis, The Gallican
Church and the Revolution (Kegan Paul, Trench & Co , London, 1892).

FROM 1700 TO 1854 119

amuse themselves. The scandals of the court of Louis XV
and the luxury of noblemen and prelates made the Church
a prey to the gibes of Voltaire, the hallucinations of Rous-
seau, and the contempt of the people. It is a striking proof
of the goodness of many of the parochial clergy that in
the next generation there remained so many Frenchmen
who had not bowed the knee to Baal.

Blow after blow was aimed at the Church, In 1789 the
Assembly began by confiscating all ecclesiastical property
and reducing all the bishops and clergy to the position of
ill-paid salaried servants of the State, and we imagine the
thrill which passed through the ranks of these baronial
prelates when the word fell from the lips of Mirabeau.
Then in 1790 the religious orders were suppressed, and under
the pretext of restoring the primitive Church the ' Civil
Constitution of the Clergy ' was made law. The number of
bishops was reduced to eighty-three, the number of new
departments in France, all chapters were suppressed, and
the boundaries of parishes were altered. And that the
Church might be absorbed by the State, the bishops and
parish priests were henceforth to be elected by the people,
not simply the faithful laity, but the persons of any
religion or no religion who elected the civil officials. Incum-
bents were to be canonically instituted by their bishop,
the bishop by his metropolitan, and the Pope's jurisdiction
quietly eliminated. The law overstepped itself. All the
bishops, except four, and the majority of the clergy, rallied
to the side of the Pope and refused to take the required oath
of obedience to the civil Constitution. 1

1 The most notable of the Constitutional bishops was Henri Gregoire,
Bishop of Blois, who ruled his diocese with exemplary zeal from 1791 to
1 80 1. He was a convinced Republican, His book, Les Rutnes de Port-
Royal~des-Champs t contains an interesting chapter dealing with the severe
morality of the Dutch Jansenists and the laxity of their opponents in
giving absolution to 'immondes creatures livrees au libertinage*. He was
a man of fearless courage. During the Terror he not only said Mass
daily but wore his episcopal dress in the streets.

120 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

In spite of this general resistance to the new law, it had
the result of creating a schism. The clergy were divided
into two parties, the non-juring or ' refractory f party, and
the ' Constitutional * party which acquiesced in the action
of the State. Before the end of 1791 the Legislative Assembly
replaced the milder Constituent Assembly. It was largely
composed of young freethinkers of an extreme revolutionary
type, and it proceeded to suppress all religious corporations
and societies, even those which were devoted exclusively
to hospital service. Then in August 1792 all the non-juring
clergy were sentenced to banishment, a measure which
drove some forty thousand persons out of the country.
In September massacres began in Paris, two hundred cut-
throats led by tavern demagogues attacking the prisons
where priests were confined, many of them the flower of
the clergy of France. Of the twelve hundred persons who
perished in that week about three hundred were priests,
so that, in the words of Danton, a river of blood was put
between Paris and the emigrants who had gone from France.
Similar butcheries took place at Meaux, Chalons, and
Rennes* 1

The completion of the work of destruction was left to
the Convention (1792-1795) which replaced the Legislative
Assembly. Sundays and the Christian method of reckoning
times were replaced by the observance of every tenth day
as a day of rest and by a totally new calendar. And to
inaugurate the triumph of unbelief a girl from the opera
was enthroned as goddess of Reason on the altar of Notre-

1 The emigrants who fled to England were so numerous that in London
and its neighbourhood alone ten Roman Catholic chapels of the simplest
character were built for their accommodation. In one of them, that in
Little George Street, Portman Square, there were sometimes present six-
teen French bishops 'and the highest aristocracy of France. See F,-X.
Flasse, Lt Clergi franfai$ rifugii en Angleterre (Societe Generate de
Librairie Cathohque, Paris, 1 886) . Of these ten chapels there still remained
in 1903 the chapel near Portman Square, St Aloysius, Clarendon Street,
Somers Town, and St. Mary's, Holly Place, Hampstead.

FROM 1700 TO 1854 121

Dame of Paris amid the delirious homage of the revolu-
tionaries. In the meanwhile even the Constitutional clergy,
headed by Gobel, the Archbishop of Paris, were harried
into apostasy while the non-juring clergy were tracked like
wild beasts. The horror culminated in the Reign of Terror
( I 793~i794) when the revolutionary tribunals sentenced
thousands to death, including one hundred and twenty
priests at Lyons alone. Under the Directory (1795-1799)
open hostility to Christianity still continued, but the failure
of the worship of a prostituted Reason began to become
evident. The Government tried to find a better rival to
Christianity in a form of Deism known as Theophilanthropy,
a return to an imaginary natural religion. The centre of
this Deism was the church of St. Sulpice. Christian worship,
first in private houses, then in churches, was once more
tolerated. And though the refugee priests in England,
among whom was the saintly writer, Father Grou, 1 won
admiration by their heroic patience and gentle piety,
France owes most to the priests who, close to the guillo-
tine, ' endured, as seeing Him who is invisible ', and con-
tinued to minister in France, compelling the respect of their
enemies.

Pope Pius VI, who had been compelled to cede important
possessions to France, died in exile at Valence in Dauphin6
in 1799. That year Napoleon Bonaparte was in name First
Consul and in reality an autocratic despot. The Church of
France was in a state of anarchy, and the Theophilan-
thropists, though weakening, were still disputing with the
Christians the use of their churches. Bonaparte disliked

1 Jean Nicolas Grou, SJ. He died in 1803 at Lulworth Castle, the
seat of Mr. Thomas Weld. The chapel at Lulworth is a peculiar and
interesting edifice. Mr. Weld was a personal friend of King George III,
and asked of him permission to build a Roman Catholic chapel. This
being against the law, the king suggested that Mr. Weld should build
a family mausoleum which he might furnish as a chapel. The suggestion
was followed.

122 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

anarchy, and he saw that the Revolution had not destroyed
the Church and that the non-juring clergy were gaining the
influence which they deserved. He was convinced that
society cannot exist without morals and that morals
cannot exist without religion. Therefore, in spite of the
malevolent intolerance of some of his companions and
colleagues, Bonaparte determined to raise up from the
earth the religion which was that of the great majority of
his people.

But, if religion was to be raised, it was necessary for her
to be the servant of her protector. He would not imitate
Henry VIII in openly quarrelling with the Pope, nor like
the Emperor Joseph II try to limit the number of candles
to be set upon the altar. He would make use of the new
Pope, Pius VII, to control the Church, and he would infuse
into the clergy a spirit adapted to the new state of society.
That could only be done by the creation of a new hierarchy.
In collecting the necessary elements of his future court he
fell back upon the members of the old regime on the principle
that ' they are the only people who know how to be ser-
vants '. But he knew that the old bishops would either
refuse to be his servants, because they were royalists, or
would be inefficient servants because their flocks suspected
them of compromising with the atheists. Therefore all
the old bishops must resign and be replaced by a new body ;
there then could be no more schism between the non-jurors
and their opponents, and order would be restored under the
aegis of the First Consul.

The Pope took no initiative in the direction of a Concordat ;
and he had some reason for suspecting the great general
who had robbed Rome of some of her fairest provinces.
But a Concordat was arranged in 1801 by which the Catholic
Apostolic and Roman religion was to be freely practised in
France. There were to be ten metropolitans and fifty
bishops instituted by the Pope. They were to be nominated

FROM 1700 TO 1854 123

by the First Consul and in turn they were to nominate
the parish priests, and all alike were to take an oath of
fidelity to the Government. The Pope pledged himself
to ask the former bishops to resign, and had to acquiesce
in the alienation of Church property taken by the State
during the Revolution. Lastly the First Consul was allowed
certain special privileges granted to the kings of France
by former Popes. It was found that eighty-one of the former
bishops were living. Of these forty-five yielded to the
Pope's exhortations and abdicated more or less voluntarily.
Of the eighteen French bishops in England only five con-
sented to resign. The others wrote to the Pope a respectful
but strong protest, saying that they would have to answer
to the supreme Judge for abandoning their flocks, words
which implied their adhesion to the primitive doctrine of
episcopacy. 1 All who refused to resign were then deposed
by a papal Bull. 2 Of the total number thirteen refused to
acquiesce in this deposition, and were supported in their
resistance by a certain number of the faithful, especially
in La Vendee and Poitou* This small community of Catholics
maintained itself throughout the nineteenth century under
the name of La Petite 6glise, and though without bishops
and priests it was not wholly extinct in the first years of the
present century.

Bonaparte had intended to make the new bishops his
own creatures, and therefore wished to select many of them
from among the Constitutional prelates. This was opposed

1 The French prelates in England who refused to resign their sees were
the Archbishop of Narbonne, the Bishops of Angoul&ne, Arras, Avranches,
Leon, Lombez, Montpellier, Nantes, Noyon, Perigueux, Rodez, Vannes,
Uzes, and the Bishop nominate of Moulins.

* By this BuU Qui Ckristi Domini vices, dated November the apth, 1801,
Hus VII 'suppressed, annulled, and for ever extinguished* all the French
sees then existing, and deprived the bishops of all canonical jurisdiction.
The Bull is therefore an important illustration of the doctrine of papal
supremacy, and a testimony to the fact that the present Church of France
is a modern creation.

124 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

by the papal legate Caprara, but Bonaparte insisted upon
the appointment of fifteen. The remaining forty-five were
selected from among the non-jurors, and were chosen well.

The Pope's temporal power was recognized by the Con-
cordat. But he found, to his pardonable indignation, that
when Bonaparte published the Concordat he had added
certain Organic Articles which had never been submitted
to him for his approval. By these Articles the decrees of the
Pope and of foreign, even General Councils, were not to be
enforced in France without the placet of the Government,
no Church Councils were to be held in France without the
authorization of the Government, and the four Gallican
Articles of 1682 were imposed as obligatory on professors
engaged in seminaries. By a remarkable anticipation of
papal policy in the near future the adoption of a single
liturgy throughout France was prescribed. The object of
these Articles was to secure for Bonaparte all the supremacy,
and more than the supremacy, which the kings of France
had exercised in ecclesiastical causes. The Pope protested
while courteously expressing the hope of ' change and
amelioration '.

Bonaparte in 1804 was elected Emperor of the French
and was crowned by the Pope in Paris. His subsequent
conduct towards Pius VII was marked by alternate trickery
and intimidation. His seizure of the Papal States, his
excommunication by the Pope, and the Pope's imprisonment,
are matters of secular history. At a National Council of the
Church of France held in Paris in 1811 Napoleon induced
the bishops to agree that metropolitans should have the
right of confirming elections to bishoprics if the Pope had
not given canonical institution to the bishop elect within
six months. To this the Pope agreed on condition that the
consecrating prelate should always act as the delegate of the
Pope. But he refused to give to the Four Gallican Articles
the approval which the Emperor demanded. The quarrel was

FROM 1700 TO 1854 125

not over when disaster after disaster befell Napoleon, and
he had to sign his abdication while Pius VII entered Rome
in triumph. Pius treated the rival who had bullied him with
Christian generosity, interceding with England for a Mndly
treatment of Napoleon and offering a refuge in Rome to
the members of the imperial family. After all, he had reason
for being grateful to the tyrant. Bonaparte had indeed
created a new Gallican Church, one in which the Pope
was no longer regarded as a meddlesome primate but as
a martyred patron.

The Congress of Vienna restored the Papal States to
the Pope, and with the help of Cardinal Consalvi Pius
reorganized Roman Catholicism in Germany and Switzer-
land. He died in 1823 after one of the most romantic
careers in history. He had re-established the Jesuits
throughout the world. He had also performed an act,
the record of which falls outside the scope of the ordinary
historical manual. He beatified (1816) Alphonsus Maria
Liguori, who in the modern Roman Catholic Church
occupies a place like that which St. Augustine occupied
three hundred years ago. He is the special representative
of that dogmatic theology and that moral theology which
may be described as anti-Augustinian, anti-primitive, and
hostile to all nationalism in religion except the nationalism
of southern Italy.

The authority now ascribed to Alphonsus Liguori is
hard to exaggerate. He was canonized in 1829, made
a doctor of the Church in 1871, and forty years before he
was elevated to this supreme rank it was decreed that
a confessor is always free to follow his opinion without
weighing it. By this decree the Church of Rome has indirectly
sanctioned Probabilism, the doctrine that a man when in
doubt may legitimately follow a course which is probably
right even when the stricter course seems to him to be more

126 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

probable. 1 Liguori himself, after holding a stricter view,
became first an advocate of Probabilism, and then of
Aequiprobabilism, which allows the more indulgent opinion
to be followed if the authorities in its favour are as good as
the authorities on the sterner side. The influence of Liguori,
as a moral theologian and in other ways, has been prodi-
gious. His life was prolonged over almost the whole of the
eighteenth century, his abilities were good, his zeal untiring,
his interest in the poor found a concrete expression in the
religious order which he founded, and the circulation of
his books was wide and rapid. They contain all the most
distinctive features of modern Roman Catholicism.

Against Febronius he defended the doctrine of papal infal-
libility, arguing that Pope Honorius, who was notoriously
anathematized by the Church for his pernicious error with
regard to the Person of Christ, was not anathematized for
heresy, and quoting in favour of papal jurisdiction forgeries
which his own contemporary Pope Pius VI very properly
said might be burned. 2 He made popular the practice,
encouraged by the Jesuits, of rendering to the sacred
human heart of Jesus the worship which the ancient Church
rendered to His divine and eternal Person, a practice
which he also linked with prayers addressed to the heart
of Mary. 3 His large devotional book, The Glories of Mary, is

1 This is in substance admitted by the author of the important article
'Alphonsus* in the Catholic Encyclopedia (London, Caxton Publishing
Company). He says, * The Church herself might be held to have conceded
something to pure probabilism by the unprecedented honours she paid
to the Saint in her Decree of 22 July 1831, which allows confessors to
follow any of St. Alphonsus's own opinions without weighing the reasons
on which they were based*.

* For this, see the Second Letter of Father A. Gratry to Mgr. Dechamps.
Authorized translations of Gratry 's Four Letters made by T. J. Bailey
were published in London by J. T. Hayes at the time of the Vatican
Council of 1870.

* For the cultus of the hearts of Jesus and Mary, see app. note 17
p. 270.

FROM 1700 TO 1854 127

not content with those special prerogatives which the
Evangelists and the Fathers recognize as the true glories
of the Mother of God, but places her in a position like that
of an Arian Christ, and in order to do so tells one puerile
legend after another and quotes as from the Fathers sen-
tences which the Fathers never wrote. St. Augustine, whose
teaching directly excludes the view that the Blessed Virgin
was conceived immaculate, is quoted as teaching the exactly
opposite opinion. 1 Pope Pius IX, in declaring in 1854 that
she was conceived without original sin, in promoting the
worship of the Sacred Heart and the use of such prayers
as * Sweet heart of Mary, be my salvation ', and finally by
proclaiming the doctrine of papal infallibility, acted as the
faithful disciple of Alphonsus Liguori.

The standard of truthfulness upheld by Liguori has been
a matter of vehement controversy, a controversy which in
England is associated with the names of Mr. Kingsley and
Dr. Newman, and is not likely to end until the Roman
Church proscribes certain opinions which Liguori maintained.
All moralists would probably grant that in certain special
circumstances it is right to withhold the truth, and that
there may even be a just cause for using words in which
one sense is taken by the speaker and another sense intended
by him for the hearer. The question of right or wrong
depends upon the gravity of the cause. We may reasonably
believe that the gravity of the cause can only be appreciated
rightly by the man who is habitually truthful, and Newman,
in spite of his defence of Liguori, in spite even of his own
words that St. Alfonso ' was a lover of truth 5 , has summed

1 The Glories of Mavy t English translation, revised by the Right Rev.
Robert A. Coffin, Bishop of Soutlrwark, and approved by Cardinal Wise-
man, p. 271 (Burns, Gates & Washbourne, Ltd., London). For the real
teaching of St. Augustine on this subject as expounded by a learned and
candid Roman Catholic theologian, see J. Tixeront, Histoive des Dogmes,
vol. ii, p. 472 . (Lecoffire, Paris, 1909).

128 THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

up the whole matter by saying, ' I avow at once that in this
department of morality, much as I admire the high points
of the Italian character, I like the English character better 'i

Liguori, a man of the most austere life and eager for the
conversion of souls, made the tragic mistake of supposing
that opinions which appear to be edifying require no
rigorous evidence, and that great leniency towards sin is
a legitimate method of attracting sinners. At the epoch
of the French Restoration (1814) his moral and dogmatic
teaching made its appearance in France. It found advocates
in spite of the protests of the older French priests, many
of whom had suffered for the faith, and who, if sometimes
too severe, had the wisdom to realize that ten serious
conversions are better than fifty that are only superficial.
The struggle took forty years. When it was over, Ultra-
montanism had completely triumphed and Galilean tradi-
tions, like Gallican service books, became a matter of past
history.

In estimating the result of this transformation of the
Church of France, it may be well to quote the words of
a learned French ecclesiastic whose dislike of Jansenism
doubles the value of his criticism. He says, ' In speaking
of Jansenism and of the happy reaction which has delivered
us from it, we have already hinted at a reproach which can be
directed against contemporary devotion. Among a good
number, among a great number, it is composed too exclu-
sively of the very elements of which Jansenism had deprived
it. In former times earnest Christians kept away from the
sacraments: to-day, I shall carefully refrain from saying
that many have recourse to them too often there could be
no such thing as excess in approaching the sources of divine
life; but people have recourse to them under a wrong
impression- as to the true character of the sacramental
system, which is a means, not an end, a help to virtue

1 Apologia, p. 417 (Longman, London, 1864).

FROM 1700 TO 1854 129

and not a substitute. To be a Christian a man ought to go
to confession and communion, but only to go to confession
and communion is not to be a Christian: exactly as if one
were to say: To live a man must eat, but to eat is not to
live. . . . People believe that they are Christians because
they keep in contact with the means of salvation. They
count upon their last hour to confirm in goodness a feeble
will that has fled from trial until the moment when trial
is about to end. To suppose that this presumptuous calcu-
lation is not mistaken is to have a religion which at the best
is useful for a good death: true Christianity is useful for
a good life. What ought to have been sought from the
sacraments is the courage to act: people have sought in
them, on the contrary, a kind of dispensation from effort,
an effort which they supposed to be rendered useless by the
facility of obtaining forgiveness.' *

1 Mgr. d'Hulst, Rector of the Catholic Institute of Pajis, La France
chrttienne dans i'Hisioire, p. 634 (Firmin-Padot, Paris, 1896),

2649

RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND AMERICA
FROM 1689 TO 1815

Eph. ii. 18: For through Him we both have access in one Spirit unto
the Father.

'WHAT I have done, I have done in the integrity of my
heart/ * These words, repeated by Archbishop Bancroft on
his death-bed, might be called the motto not only of his
own life, but that of a great majority of the Nonjurors.
They believed that they would have violated their oath of
allegiance to James II if they had taken the oaths imposed
by the Government of William III. Bancroft himself had
been an exemplary bishop. And it is strange that a good
man like Bishop Burnet should, even in the heat of political
antagonism, have misunderstood him so culpably. For
Bancroft was both learned and active in well-doing ; he had
firmly defended the liberties of the Church and the nation ;
a devout member of the school of Andrewes and Laud, he
had written with wonderful delicacy of those whom he calls
'our brethren the Protestant Dissenters'; munificent in his
liberality, he had himself lived in such frugal simplicity that
when he was uncanonically deprived of his great position he
could say, 'Well, I can live on fifty pounds a year '. If he
and those who followed him were mistaken and quixotic,
they have left to us the great example of men who pre-
ferred what they knew to be poverty to what they believed
to be perjury, and consulted conscience, whether well or ill
informed, rather than comfort. Nine English bishops and

1 George D'Oyly, Life of William Bancroft, vol. ii, p. 62 (John Murray,
London, 1821). D'Oyly effectually demolishes Burnet's caricature of
Bancroft,

RELIGION IX GREAT BRITAIN 131

about four hundred priests retired from their posts quietly
and with dignity.

For a time the Nonjurors had fifty chapels in London
alone, and they made a vain attempt to secure union with
the Eastern Orthodox Church. But their numbers steadily
dwindled until they became extinct in the early years of
the nineteenth century. The decline was inevitable. For
whatever men might think of the House of Hanover, it
was impossible for those who had not taken any oath of
allegiance to the House of Stuart to feel exactly as the
first Nonjurors felt towards the Prince of Orange, the author
of the treacherous massacre of Glencoe, equally detested for
his frigidity and his favouritism. But though they dwindled,
the Nonjurors left behind them a long roll of names that
ought not to perish. In addition to the holy and coura-
geous Bishop Ken, there were John Kettlewell and Robert
Nelson the devotional writers, Thomas Hearne the famous
antiquary, Richard Rawlinson, the bishop who bequeathed
to St. John's College his heart and his worldly treasure, 1
and William Law, the brilliant writer and practical mystic.

The secession of the Nonjurors weakened the intellect and
the piety of the Church of England ; but it was some fifty
years before the effect of that secession could be measured.
The Church was still able to rear such bishops as Thomas
Wilson (1663-1755), a true father in God to the Manx
people, and Joseph Butler, Bishop of Durham. Two great
religious societies, that for the Propagation of the Gospel
and that for Promoting Christian Knowledge, had recently
been founded. Smaller societies for upholding a godly life
existed in many parishes and drew numerous adherents

1 Dr. Richard Rawlinson died in 1755. His heart reposes in a marble
urn in a niche in the small chapel on the north side of the sanctuary of
the college chapel. The words UU thesaurus, ibi cor are painted below
the urn. As a singular instance of academic gratitude, it may be noted
that in the next century ( ? in 1843) to top of the monument was badly
broken and perforated with a gas pipe. It was not restored until 1919.

K2

132 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

from the lower middle and the working classes. Imposing
churches were still erected. Religious books were widely
read. Fasts as well as festivals were by many strictly
observed. Private confession to a priest, though voluntary,
was often practised. And we might have been much
impressed if we had entered one of the London churches in
the time of Queen Anne, let us say on a Christmas morning,
the church unheated and bitterly cold, but fragrant with
rosemary and bay, thronged with people at seven o'clock
in the morning or at twelve, all fasting except the sick or
luxurious, the small altar with its marble top covered with
choice velvet and the costliest silver candle-sticks and
vessels, the citizens in fine brown cloth and ladies in blue
brocade, in some cases not merely kneeling but prostrating
themselves and smiting their breasts as they drew near to
the richly carved altar rails, murmuring the Agnus Dei and
placing their hands in the form of a cross to receive the
body of the Lord.

It was not the weakness but the strength of the Church
that provoked the hatred of anti-Christian writers and
a keen criticism of traditional beliefs, a criticism which
exercised itself even within the borders of the Church,

The quest for a new Gospel and a Christ different from
the Christ of the creeds was no new adventure even in the
time of Queen Anne and George I. But it was pursued
with an eagerness and with a learning that would surprise
many of the readers of our current ecclesiastical magazines.
What were the limitations of our Lord's knowledge during
His ministry, and do those limitations militate against the
doctrine of His Deity; how, if at all, can we attribute to
Himanypre-existence; did He work miracles; can a theory
of the Atonement be constructed that will avoid the con-
ception of a vicarious sacrifice; can the doctrine of the
Trinity, if true at all, be so restated as to remove all

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 133

mystery; is it quite right for a minister of religion to repeat
in cjiurch, and subscribe out of church, the creeds which
he does not believe ? * Such were among the problems of
two hundred years ago. And the two systems known as
Deism and Arianism, though opposed to each other, united
in answering these questions in a tone of revolt against the
Christian faith.

The revolt of the Deists was open and aggressive. We
cannot call it organized: both in England and on the Con-
tinent the Deists fought singly, and if they formed groups,
they did not form a party. Their work was essentially
destructive, whether directed against the truth of the Penta-
teuch or the truth that the prophecies of the Old Testament
are fulfilled in Christ, or the truth of His miracles. They
ignored or directly impugned the unique value of the Holy
Scriptures and some questioned even the immortality of the
human soul. But they held that there is a God, and that
God and duty can be known by 'the Religion of Nature'.
It was their belief that God has given a moral law to man,
and that this law is simply a circumstance of our actual
existence, plain to every man in the world alike, and that
a natural religion is superior to any revealed in the Bible
and the Church.

This belief was connected with another and less prejudiced
movement of ideas.

In the first half of the eighteenth century men were
gaining a crude but increasing knowledge of non-Christian
religions. One proof of this~can be found in the great work
on 'Religious Ceremonies', with copper-plates by Heart, 2

1 For this, see Waterland's treatises on * Arian Subscription' in W. Van
Mildert's edition of Ms Works, vol.ii, pp. 281 if, (Oxford, 1823). 'Those
gentlemen make no scruple of subscribing to our Church's forms; it is
their avowed principle that they may lawfully do it in their own sense
agreeably to what they call Scripture.'

* The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the several Nations of the
known World, written originally in French, was published in a fuller form
in English (Nicholas Prevost, London, 1731).

134 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

in which attempts are made to describe and illustrate all
the religions of the world. The illustrations of the cere-
monies of the Roman Catholics and of the Jews are peculiarly
accurate and artistic, those of the Japanese and other distant
races are at least the work of a very ingenious imagination.
The tone of the book is more sceptical than religious, but
it shows an awakening interest in the variety and unity of
religious beliefs. More serious was the work of certain
Jesuit authors who laid stress upon the natural good qualities
of the heathen races among whom they laboured, not
excluding even the American Indians. In spite of the
hideous sufferings inflicted upon some members of their
order by the Iroquois, we find them painting optimistic
pictures of noble savages whose simple life they believed
to be untainted by the corruption of civilization. In this
way they quite unwittingly put an argument at the disposal
of the enemies of Christianity. And so behind all the
differences between Protestant and Catholic, Jew and
Christian, the Bible and the Vedas, men were invited to
recognize a natural religion, the happy mean between the
coarseness of atheism and the artfulness of priestcraft.

Of the English Deists it is probable that the Platonic Earl
' of Shaftesbury and the licentious Viscount Bolingbroke did
not greatly injure the religious life of their contemporaries.
But the influence exercised by Toland's Christianity not
Mysterious and Tindal's Christianity as old as the Creation
was rapid and serious. Both these writers had been for part
of their lives Roman Catholics and both assumed the mask
of Christian language while denying all mystery in religion.
Toland's own religion seems to have been a Pantheistic form
of Unitarianism. He visited Hanover and sowed the seeds
of unbelief in the soil of a decaying Lutheranism, seed which
bore abundant fruit. Indeed the coincidences between
English Deism and the modern Rationalism and Liberalism
of Germany are highly significant. Toland and Morgan

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 135

anticipated F. C. Baur in their views concerning the rela-
tions between St. Paul and the original apostles, and in
asserting the right of the Unitarian Ebionites to a place
in the Church. Woolston anticipated Strauss by trying to
find inconsistencies in the Gospel record of the miracles,
and by treating all miracles as no more than allegory.
Chubb, by assailing the Deity of Christ in tracts of a popular
character, anticipated the modern rationalistic press in
England and Germany. The name rather than the nature
of the controversy has been changed. For in retaining
a belief in providence and claiming to be Christian while
steadily denying all supernatural revelation and any special
redemptive interposition of God in history, the Deists were
not far removed from some theologians of a later time
whose anti-dogmatic latitudinarianism can hardly be distin-
guished from dogmatic Deism.

The adversaries of the Deists were numerous and capable.
Of William Law we must speak later. Another fervent
Nonjuror who opposed the Deists was Charles Leslie (1650-
1722), an Irish Scot, chairman of quarter sessions for County
Monaghan. Burnet, after accusing him of being 'the first
man that began the war in Ireland' by declaring that King
James was unfit to reign, proceeds to attack him for changing
sides and becoming 'the violentest Jacobite in the nation'. 1
His theological works, written in a lively style, were directed
against Jews and Roman Catholics as well as Deists, and
won from Dr. Johnson the opinion that Leslie was 'a
reasoner, and a reasoner who was not to be reasoned
against'. He wittily confronted the believers in 'natural
religion' with the Hottentots at the Cape of Good Hope as
a proof of what nature can accomplish when left to herself ;
he dealt with the alleged parallels between the story of

1 History of His Own Times, vol. v, p. 436 (Oxford, 1833). Here again
Burnet's representation of an opponent cannot be regarded as impartial.
There seems to be no proof that Leslie was a turncoat.

136 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

%

Christ and the Siamese legends of the Buddha ; l and his
arguments in favour of the miracles of the Bible, though
in themselves of little weight to-day, contain some acute
and valuable suggestions.

Joseph Butler (1692-1752), Bishop of Durham, eclipsed
all other contemporary defenders of Christianity. Anony-
mous writers, afterwards discovered to be men who, while
holding views at variance with the creeds, retained prefer-
ment in the Church of England, accused him of favouring
or even of embracing Romanism, and in later times his
'Analogy has been blamed as in essence sceptical. But the
great majority of students no more doubt his attachment
to the Church of England than they doubt the impressive
and positive character of his argument. Butler displays an
ascetic, even rugged reserve in language. This reserve is
part of his profound reverence for truth, and we may justly
say that he proves very much because he never attempts
to prove too much. His Anakgy has been criticized as
a mere 'retort', but the retort formed a refutation, showing
that from our experience of nature no argument can be
brought against the possibility of revelation, and that the
things to which the Deists objected are not incredible and
can be proved by external evidence. It refuted men like
Toland and Tindal who tried to banish mystery from religion
by telling their readers to observe nature, and the incon-
gruity of nature with alleged revelation. Butler himself
was a philosopher of ardent faith. He refused to see a mani-
festation of the Holy Spirit in the hysteria which was some-
times produced by Wesley's preaching, but he had a deep
thirst for the vision of God. The champion of reason, he
believed no Christianity to be reasonable if it did not glow
with the love of God. And if his Analogy was primarily

1 'Sommonocodom*, evidently Sakyamuni, as is proved by the 'Letter
about Sommonocodom': Charles Leslie, Theological Works, vol. i, p. 130
(London, 1721). This letter is one of the first accounts of the Buddhist
religion written in the English language.

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 137

a book for his own day, it remains as a solemn warning
against that common fearlessness with regard to what may
be hereafter which nothing could ever logically justify
except 'an universally acknowledged demonstration on
the side of atheism'. 1

Midway between Deism and orthodox Christianity was
Arianism. 2 The English Dissenters in the eighteenth
century they were proud of that name had profited by
the advent of William III ; their influence in the country
was important and seemed likely to be increased by a closer
union between the middle-class Presbyterians and the more
democratic Independents. But a new division cut across
the two communities with disastrous results. That division
was caused by a revival of Arianism. There must be some
attraction in Arianism, for it has attracted many people
since it was first taught in Alexandria in the opening years
of the fourth century. In its original form it professed not
to destroy but to explain both the spirit and the letter of
the Bible, and especially of those verses which proclaim the
unity of God or show that Jesus Christ lived in filial sub-
mission to the Father. The lovers of cheap logic relished
the argument that every father must be older than his son,
and that therefore the Son of God cannot be eternal ; and
they did not pause to consider that a man is called his
father's son, not because he is younger, but because he
derives his life from his father. And to minds which were
imperfectly weaned from the later forms of Greek philo-
sophy, the notion of some great intermediate being between
the Most High and this sordid world was an acceptable
delusion, even though this exalted creature had not a perfect

1 Analogy of Religion, Part I, ch. ii; Works, vol. i, p. 45 (Oxford, 1849).

a A valuable outline of the history of English Arianism. and of its rela-
tion to Nonconformity is to be found in the works of Mr. J. Hay Colligan,
The Arian Movement in England (Manchester University Press, 1913} and
Eighteenth Century Nonconformity (Longmans, London, 1915).

138 RELIGION IX GREAT BRITAIN

knowledge of God, and mankind could not gain through
Him an access to the Father. A demi-god can be neither
the soul's guide nor the soul's rest.

The question whether such a creature as this Christ could
properly be worshipped was answered in the affirmative
by the ancient Arians, who for that reason were correctly
accused by the orthodox of polytheism. In the sixteenth
century the Socinians, who taught a similar Christology,
were sharply divided on the subject, and in the eighteenth
some English Socinians refused to worship Christ. Others,
however, were reluctant to abandon the practice, and until
the last decade of the eighteenth century there were Dis-
senters who, while denying His Deity, treated our Lord as
God *in the language of devotion', carrying spices to a shrine
which the Lord had never occupied.

The causes which led the English Dissenters into Arianism
were very complex. Knowing that they had left the Catholic
Church of antiquity, they began to feel a dislike of the
Catholic creeds which their forefathers had retained, and
wanted to appeal to the Bible only. They had all been
brought up in the Calvinism of either the Westminster
Confession or the Savoy Declaration, and they rebelled
against it. Calvinism had given them a bias against the
doctrine of the Trinity by theories of grace and atonement
which made the Father in His awful justice appear essentially
different from the merciful Jesus. Those who had studied
in Holland inclined to Arminianism and the Arminians were
infected with Socinianism, The immoral Antinomianism
taught by the more ignorant Calvinistic ministers in England
as a direct result of Calvin's doctrine of election gave them
an opportunity for appealing to men's reason, and the appeal
was made to men whose conception of the Church and the
Sacraments was lower than that of Calvin and who were
therefore more prepared to accept a reduced Christology.

Such was the field which was rendered more completely

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 139

barren by the far-reaching work by Dr. Samuel Clarke
(1675-1729), named The Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity
and emphasizing the subordination of the Son to the Father.
It has been thought that Clarke was not quite an Arian, and
that he was more like the old-fashioned bishops who sup-
ported Arius because they wrongly suspected that the Nicene
Creed was Sabellian, and because they did not understand
what their own position implied. But, though his language
sometimes wavered, he was really a buttress of Arian heresy.
The nature of his views on the Trinity was adequately tested
by a Roman Catholic named Dr. Hawarden, who was invited
to meet Clarke by Queen Caroline. Clarke unfolded his
theory, endeavouring to defend it as scriptural and orthodox.
Hawarden listened patiently, and then said that he had just
one question to ask, and would the reply be given in a mono-
syllable? Clarke agreed; 'Then I ask', said Hawarden,
'can God the Father annihilate the Son and the Holy
Ghost? Answer me, "Yes or No"/ Clarke continued for
some time in deep thought, and then said it was a question
which he had never considered. The conference then ended.
Quite plainly he could not answer without either confessing
that the Son and the Spirit are essential to the One divine
Being, or pronouncing them to be creatures and unworthy
of the adoration which they have always received from the
Christian Church. 1

During the generation which followed the publication of
Clarke's book, Isaac Watts (1674-1748) and Philip Dod-
dridge (1702-1751) maintained positions which combined
a mitigated Calvinism with a somewhat eclectic doctrine of

1 W. Van Mildert's Introduction to The Works of the Rev. Daniel Water-
land, vol. i, part i, p. 102 (Oxford, 1623). Clarke also mutilated a copy
of the Book of Common Prayer, adapting it to an Arian standard. Editions
of the Book of Common Prayer reformed according to the plan of the
late Dr. Samuel Clarke were published by J. Johnson, St. Paul's Church-
yard, London. The third edition was printed in 1785. It is strongly
Arian in tone but goes beyond Arianism in excluding the worship of Christ.

140 RELIGION IX GREAT BRITAIN

Christ's Person, both accepting the theory of Origen that
Christ's soul existed before He was born in this world.
Their undoubted piety was of great service to the cause of
religion and their hymns powerfully aided the revival of
Christianity in English Dissent in the second half of the
century, '0 God, our help in ages past' and 'My God, and
is Thy table spread* are hymns not likely to be forgotten
while English Christianity continues to exist. Doddridge,
who at his birth had been actually thrown aside as dead,
and became a cultivated and convincing preacher at the age
of twenty, is one of the most attractive figures in the annals
of English Nonconformity. His religion was thoroughly
practical and his writings, his sermons, and the training
that he gave to about one hundred and twenty candidates
for the ministry won and deserved gratitude, affection, and
respect.

At the date of the accession of George III Arianism,
strictly so called, had done its worst. William Hogarth's
picture of 'The Sleeping Congregation', dozing under the
emblem of an inverted triangle, was a satire well deserved
by the section of the Church which had been hypnotized
by Samuel Clarke and his friend Dr. Hoadly, the prelate
in whom George I had recognized a kindred spirit. But
while the formularies of the Church prevented the wholesale
inversion of Christian doctrine, the Dissenters had less pro-
tection against the Arianism of the ministers trained in
their own academies. With the abandonment of the worship
of Christ, prayer declined, the sacraments became more and
more neglected, the sermon became a lecture unkindled by
'enthusiasm', and English Dissent, especially in its Presby-
terian form, sank into a state of profound decay. One of
the most influential Dissenters in the middle of the century
was John Taylor (1694-1761) of Norwich, whose chapel was
described by Wesley as 'too fine for the coarse old Gospel',
a divine of somewhat Arian opinions, who criticized the

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 141

Calvinist doctrine of Original Sin and total depravity in
a work which in America prepared the way for the religious
revolution which we shall consider later. And it was to this
man that John Wesley, himself an enemy of Calvinism,
wrote, 'Either I or you mistake the whole of Christianity
from the beginning to the end. Either my scheme or yours
is as contrary to the Scriptural as the Koran is. Is it mine
or yours?'

Those words were written in 1759. By that time Method-
ism and the general Evangelical movement were not only
stemming the whole tide of Arian and Socinian opinions,
but were ousting them from the meeting-houses of the
Independents. The English Presbyterians showed less power
of recovery than these Independents or Congregationalists.
And the connecting links between English Presbyterianism
and Unitarianism are all illustrated in the career of Priestley,
the Birmingham scientist.

Joseph Priestley (1753-1804) was brought up in Calvinism,
and became prejudiced against it because he was refused
membership in a local meeting-house for not assenting to
the Calvinist doctrine concerning the f new birth'. He
became first an Arminian, then an Arian, then a Socinian,
and finally a Unitarian, teaching in Birmingham and in
Philadelphia that Jesus was only an exalted prophet of
supernatural powers and Messianic office. His book on
The Corruptions of Christianity was criticized in 1783, the
year following its publication, by Samuel Horsley, Arch-
deacon of St. Albans, afterwards Bishop of St. Davids, and
then of St. Asaph. Horsley was a firm friend of religious
freedom. As bishop he wrote a pamphlet on behalf of the
Dissenters, his speech in the House of Lords to secure relief
for the English Roman Catholics was so effective that it
was believed to have turned the scale in their favour, and
in 1792 he took an active part in securing more toleration
for the Scottish Episcopal Church. But he was a drastic

RELIGION IX GREAT BRITAIN

controversialist when controversy was necessary. And in
spite of some blemishes in his own work, he was able to
show that Priestley was neither enough of a scholar to
translate the early Christian writers nor enough of a philo-
sopher to understand them. 1

By a strange coincidence the year after the accession of
George III, 1761, was the year in which died not only John
Taylor, the eminent Nonconformist author, but also William
Law and Benjamin Hoadly, two of the most dexterous
writers among Anglican divines.

Forty years earlier Dr. Hoadly, who during the six years
that he was Bishop of Bangor had not paid his diocese
a single visit, was promoted to the see of Hereford, and
Hereford was only a stepping-stone to the still more impor-
tant sees of Salisbury and Winchester. The secret of this
promotion lay in the principles expressed in a sermon
approved, if not instigated, by King George I. It was
a calculated attack upon the authority of the Church, an
attack in which the preacher was somewhat oblivious of
the truth that if there be little need for the authority of
a visible Church, there will remain still less need for the
authority of a visible bishop. The sermon, not a great
thing in itself, became historic. The king dismissed his
chaplains because they disagreed with Hoadly, and strangled
the Church by suppressing Convocation, And so there came
into power a party which treated forms of Church govern-
ment and worship, and even doctrine, as matters of indif-
ference, Latitudinarians, who were described as 'believing
the way to heaven is never the better for being strait '.

Hoadly's most brilliant opponent was William Law, a man
who before he left the university had made it a rule to

* After Horsley's death a coloured print published by Deighton in 1806
popularized the bishop's features. It may still be met with and is a good
illustration oi the -walking costume of a bishop of that period.

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 143

remember constantly the presence of God, to think humbly
of himself, and to forbear from all evil speaking. His letters
to Hoadly are lucid, logical, and courteous. The duty of
being in full and external communion with the Church which
Christ founded and commissioned is persuasively pleaded.
As for Hoadly's arguments that it is absurd to believe in
any apostolic succession in the ministry, they are cleverly
shown from Hoadly's own premises to involve him in the
admission that genuine bishops exist nowhere but within
the Church of Rome. With equal skill Law cut through
the fallacies which underlay Hoadly's work on the Lord's
Supper, pointing out that his critical method was not only
in itself mistaken, but would, if correct, do away with our
need of a Saviour as completely as our need of a sacrament.
It is difficult to be an honest and accomplished contro-
versialist. But it is more difficult to be a good Christian.
And William Law was indeed a good Christian. The cham-
pion of the Church was also the prophet of an inwardly
verified religion. As a student he was ardent and laborious.
He was an ascetic, but no Manichaean. He allowed himself
one glass of wine at dinner and one pipe of tobacco in the
evening. He loved music and he loved children. A learned
man and a reader of several languages, he had much in
common with the Cambridge Platonists and assimilated the
better teaching of the German mystic Boehme. No one
since the days of Thomas a Kempis has written of Faith
and Love with more glowing and convincing eloquence than
William Law in his works called the Spirit of Prayer and
the Spirit of Love. But his masterpiece is the Qatt to
a Devout and Serious Life, a book that won the praise even
of the cynical Gibbon and converted Dr. Johnson to a living
Christianity. No other book in the English language com-
bines such a fine delineation of human character with such
an eager desire to show that the only road to happiness is
the intention to please God in all that we do.

144 RELIGION IX GREAT BRITAIN

The characters in Law's book breathe the very air of
England. There is the worthy merchant Negotius to whom
the good of trade is the good of general life, honest, suc-
cessful, generous, respected. He will subscribe to buy
a plate for a racecourse or to rescue a prisoner from jail.
But he has no higher inspiration than the wish to do more
business than any other man. There is the shrewd Mun-
danus, old and judicious, who has exercised and improved
his mind in everything except devotion, and in prayer can
only repeat the little form of words that his mother taught
him when he was six years old. There is Cognatus, the
country clergyman who is a careful farmer and has saved
up for a spoilt niece the money which really belonged to
- the Church. He is 'full of esteem of our English Liturgy,
and if he has not prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays, it
is because his Predecessor had not used the parish to any
such custom'. There is Octavius, who seeing that the glass
of life is nearly run, determines to furnish his cellar with
a little of the very best of wine, and realizing the mistake
of having too large a circle of acquaintances resolves to
confine himself to three or four cheerful companions, and
then dies before the wine has come. There is Classicus, the
careful tutor who has a Bible in Greek, but thinks it
c a nobler talent to be able to write an epigram in the turn
of Martial than to live, and think, and pray to God in the
spirit of St. Austin'.

Law never gained and never sought what is called pre-
ferment, but he schooled himself to be almost incapable of
hatred towards a single creature and was a true guide to
the mystical treasure that is hidden in every human soul.

From William Law we may turn to the yet more famous
John Wesley (1703-1791) and George Whitefield (1714-
1770}, both priests and evangelists who helped to give
Oxford its unique place in the history of Christianity. We

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 145

can profit by a knowledge of their mistakes as well as by
a knowledge of their virtues.

It has often been debated whether the societies which
owe their foundation to Whitefield and Wesley could have
remained as auxiliary institutions in the Church of England,
and it is sometimes suggested that if Wesley had been
a member of the Church of Rome, Rome would have
retained his allegiance and canonized him as a saint as she
canonized Ignatius de Loyola. That is a fanciful suggestion.
Very recently Rome has failed to deal by any other means
than the method of excommunication with the leaders of
the Mariaviten in Poland, a body of fervent Catholics who
desired to introduce into Roman Catholicism far less serious
innovations than Wesley would have introduced into the
Church of England. Whitefield and Wesley drew apart,
but it is hard to see how either the Calvinistic Methodism
of the one, or the Arminian Methodism of the other, could
continue to exist as an imperium in imperio. Both Methodist
societies are skilfully constructed and signally complete.
The class meetings, the leaders, the preachers, the assistants,
the stewards, were soon part of a vast structure. Wesley
himself probably believed that Methodism could form a kind
of central hall of piety within the Church* But when he
became convinced that a presbyter is a bishop and ordained
ministers for the American Methodists, few but himself
can have doubted that such ordination meant separation.
The American Methodists were under no illusion in this
matter. One of them, Watters, wrote, * We became instead
of a religious society, a separate Church. This gave great
satisfaction through all our societies/ l

Wesley was openly impatient of authority, as he showed

by his attitude, not only towards Bishop Butler but also

towards the Moravian Zinzendorf, and especially Gibson,

the kindly Bishop of London. His genius for organization

1 See app. note 18, p. 272.

2649 I,

146 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

made everything in Methodism begin and end in his own
supremacy. He wielded that supremacy for the promotion
of holiness with untiring activity, with extreme self-denial,
with tact, with dignity, with the courage that would always
look a mob in the face. But these eminent gifts, used in
the service of the Master, must not blind us to the dangers
of his teaching. If in the latter part of his career he openly
violated the constitution of the Church, he threatened the
doctrine of the Church far earlier. His triumphant sermon
on Free Grace directed against the Calvinism taught by
Whitefield probably did more than any other sermon to
bring English Calvinism to the grave* But Whitefield,
and not Wesley, was with the Church when Wesley taught
the possibility of sinless perfection being attained by man
in his present state of existence.

Still greater danger attended the doctrine of the necessity
of a sensible instantaneous conversion which Wesley had
derived from the Moravians. In his old age he affirmed
that he had not 'for many years thought consciousness of
acceptance to be essential to justifying faith'. Yet that
was the view which he had held with regard to his own
conversion. That a conversion may be instantaneous,
we can have no desire to dispute* A man who has doubted
Christ, or has denied Christ, may begin at some time to
believe, and he may well remember the day and the hour
when he gained peace with God, the discourse, the prayer,
the sight, the sorrow, that led him to his new conviction of
the truth. But to confine the work of the Holy Spirit to
one single method of operation, and to treat as insufficient
that sanctification of the mind and heart whereby the seed
which is sown in baptism grows through the silent influence
of grace, is presumptuous and false. It leads men to judge
the condition of their souls by the condition of their feelings.

Here Whitefield should be preferred to Wesley. As
preachers they both possessed extraordinary talents. White-

AND AMERICA, lf>89-1815 147

field was less cultivated than Wesley, but his superb voice,
the perfect grace of his movements, and his earnest simplicity,
riveted the attention of his hearers. The world has seldom
seen such congregations as gathered on Boston Common to
hear young Whitefield in 1740 ; and when Benjamin Franklin
tells us how he emptied his pockets in response to White-
field's appeal for charity, we understand that it was not
only the uneducated whose hearts were melted. But only
in one instance do we read of a sermon by Whitefield being
followed by an outbreak of wild hysteria. It was otherwise
when Wesley preached. In his eagerness to produce an
instantaneous change of heart, and an immediate assurance
of God's favour, he excited and terrified his ignorant hearers
to such an extent that loud ravings, frightful convulsions,
and blasphemous outcries were blended with shouts of
'Glory!* These disorders, which were attributed too
frequently to supernatural causes, could not fail to prejudice
many Christians against the whole Methodist system, and
encourage the Antinomianism which Wesley himself abhorred
and disclaimed.

Wesley had never been in charge of a parish and he
undervalued calm, steady, parochial work. He under-
valued it even in places where the clergy were his friends
and were as eager as himself for the conversion of sinners.
Among such men are to be reckoned John Fletcher (1729-
1785) of Madeley, Samuel Walker (1714-1761) of Truro,
and Henry Venn (1725-1797) of Huddersfield. To these
men there became attached, before the close of the century,
the name 'Evangelical' with something of a party signi-
ficance, though it had been used by Bishop Berkeley simply
of an inward and spiritual religion as opposed to the lip
service or the will service of hypocrisy or superstition.
While Wesley looked upon the world as his parish, these
Evangelicals looked upon their parish as their world. Not

L2

148 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

that they exercised no influence outside their parishes.
The romantic career of John Fletcher, the clever son of
Swiss Protestants who chose the army for his profession,
became tutor to an English family, and was converted by
a poor old woman on the road near St. Albans, was rich in
interest and influence. His mastery of two languages was
so perfect that he could both move a French audience to
tears and subdue the rough and brutalized colliers in Shrop-
shire. He was a theologian of no mean ability. He wrote
in opposition to Dr. Priestley, paying an honest tribute to
his merits, but giving no quarter to the theory that the
Church had made an idol of her Founder or to the belief
that Socinianism was safe in appealing to the New Testa-
ment. He was alive to the Antinomianism and the fatalism
which dogged the heels of Methodism, and he was indignant
when he saw a merely emotional persuasion that our
salvation was finished on the Cross made into a dispensation
from holiness. He would have nothing to do with a religion
which makes a merit of having no merits ; and in spite of
his ardent faith, or rather in consequence of that faith,
he lays down what he names 'this just principle, that
religion may improve but can never oppose good sense
and good morals'.

The general effect of the Evangelical movement upon
the religion of England was a great quickening of spiritual
life and a magnificent impetus to missionary work among
the heathen. It was, however, attended by a change which
is thus described by Dr. Dale, the most eminent English
Congregationalist in the nineteenth century. He says,
'The Evangelical movement contributed to the extinction
among Congregationalists, and, I think, among Baptists
and Presbyterians, of that solicitude for an ideal Church
organization which had so large a place in the original
revolt of the Nonconformists. ... It demanded as the basis
of fellowship a common religious life and common religious

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 149

beliefs, but was satisfied with fellowship of an accidental
and precarious kind. It cared nothing for the idea of the
Church as the august Society of saints. It was the ally of
Individualism/ 1

Dr. Dale's opinion is correct. And although the best
Evangelicals in the Church of England like Venn were
strongly opposed to Dissent, the ordinary people tended to
lose that conception of the Church which is presented to
us in the New Testament and to make their choice of a
religion depend entirely upon their approval of a preacher.

While we must lament the divisions which resulted from
a neglect to consider the origin, the authority, and the grace
of the visible continuous body of Christ, we can thank
God that the Methodists and the Evangelicals called men
back to the divine Head of that body. The waves of Arian
and Socinian misbelief were gradually reducing the worship
of Him whom St. John describes as 'The true God and
eternal life 1 , to admiration for the best man who gave to
other men some good advice. Fletcher and Venn, to
mention no other names, not only wrote to defend the
Deity of Christ. They enabled others to know His power
to save, to experience His Deity, to obey His commands,
and to follow in His steps. That is to know the historic
Christ, the Christ of the Gospels and the Creeds.

The effect of the fall of the Stuarts upon English religion
was serious, but in Scotland and America it was profound
and permanent.

In 1689 after the arrival of the Prince of Orange in
London, Dr. Compton, Bishop of London, introduced to
him at Whitehall, Dr. Rose, Bishop of Edinburgh. William
addressed him, 'My lord, axe you going to Scotland?'
'Yes, sir/ said Rose, 'if you have any commands for me/

1 The Old Evangelicalism and the New, pp. 16, 17 (Hodder & Stoughton,
London, 1889).

150 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

The Prince replied, 'I hope you will be kind to me, and
follow the example of England.' Then said the bishop,
'Sir, I will serve you so far as law, reason, or conscience
shall allow me/ William knew what that answer fore-
boded. He would certainly have left Episcopacy alone if
it had not been obvious that all the bishops, like the majority
of the people of Scotland, were Jacobites, and in no mood
to obey a Dutch Calvinist. Episcopacy was disestablished
in July 1689 and entered upon its journey of a hundred
years in the wilderness. Some relief was experienced as
a result of the Toleration Act of Queen Anne in 1712, and
in her reign the University of Oxford sent to Scotland
thousands of copies of the Book of Common Prayer : one
may still occasionally be found in a remote Scottish district.
Recent researches have very strongly confirmed both
contemporary writings and lingering traditions as to the
strength of the religious parties existing at the time of
the revolution and the beginning of the eighteenth century.
The 'Episcopate', as they began to be called, were in a
large majority. In the south-west of Scotland a rigid
Presbyterianism was dominant; in the south-east a some-
what more moderate Presbyterianism existed side by side
with Episcopacy, In Edinburgh hundreds of persons were
turned away on Sundays from the place where the Church
service was read by Dr. Monro, the principal of the university,
and even in 17x6 the Episcopalian clergy in Edinburgh
were more numerous than the ministers of the Established
Church. In a few districts of the north of Scotland, the
majority of the people were, as they still are, Roman
Catholics, 1 and certain clans like the Campbells were divided
in their religion. But as a rule Episcopacy was supreme
from the country districts of Aberdeenshire to the western
islands of Tiree and Coll, to Ardnamurchan where, we are

1 These districts are near the Caledonian Canal, and eastward towards
Braemar, and on the west include the islands of Barra and South Uist.

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 151

told, the people idolized the non-juring clergy, and Glencoe. 1
From the north not a single delegate appeared at the
Presbyterian General Assembly of 1690. The diocese of
Ross at the revolution included thirty-two parishes. In
only two of these parishes was there any considerable
number of Presbyterians, and of the thirty-one incumbents
only one submitted to the new ecclesiastical government,
In the whole of Perthshire only three accepted the change,
and in the diocese of lloray out of fifty-nine clergymen
only one. The people resisted the change by every means
at their disposal; from parish to parish we find the same
story with a dramatic variation of details. Sometimes they
used actual violence, sometimes they locked the church
or simply boycotted the new minister, and at Glenorchy
they led him to the bounds of the parish while the local
piper played the march of death, and then made him swear
on the Bible that he would return no more.

In 1712 the magistrates of Elgin confirmed the right of
the Episcopalians to use the chancel of the parish church
of St. Giles. In Inverness Bishop Hay continued to reside
until his death in 1707, and in spite of extreme bodily
weakness did all in his power to help his fallen Church,
extending his care as far as the Orkney Isles, One of his
clergy, Mr. Hector Mackenzie, remained in possession of his
living, officiating in English at the parish church and in
Gaelic at the adjacent church until his death in 1719, The
other charge in Inverness was not filled up until 1703,
having been vacant for twelve years before it was possible
for it to be taken by a Presbyterian. In a city where
ecclesiastical antiquities are few, it is pleasant to behold

1 For the history of the Church in these districts, see J. B. Craven,
Records of the Diocese of Argyll and the Isles, 1560-1860 (William Peace
& Son, Kirkwall, 1907). The author records that in Morven early in the
nineteenth century there were still forty heads of families who were
Episcopalians. There was neither bishop nor priest to visit them, and
when they died all their families conformed to Presbyterianism.

152 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

the elaborately beautiful wooden pulpit once occupied by
Mr. Hector Mackenzie, 1 and the simple white monument
of Bishop Hay, which was rescued from a rubbish shop
to be erected in the new cathedral.

Gradually the Episcopalians were caught in a complete
network of penal laws. George I was not content to punish
individual clergymen who were implicated in the rising of
I 7i5; but ordered all the Episcopal chapels in Edinburgh
to be closed. 2 In Edinburgh this command could not be
carried into execution, but in other places magistrates
shut the chapels, or soldiers were employed to eject the
clergy from those parish churches which they still retained.
Thirty years later, both before and after the battle of
Culloden, the persecution became far more severe, and the
chapels were systematically destroyed by the Duke of
Cumberland's troops who behaved with savage barbarity.
At Inverness General Hawley, a cruel and profligate brag-
gart, ordered 'that the meeting house, with the seditious
Preacher in the midst of it, should be burnt*. It was not
burnt but pulled down, and the good 'preacher', Mr. Hay,
escaped and before long was officiating in the loft of a house
in a neighbouring lane. New and more stringent laws were
passed and spies were employed by the presbyteries to see
whether the laws were obeyed. Every place in which five
or more persons assembled for worship was declared to
be a meeting house, and no clergyman was allowed to
officiate unless he presented his letters of orders and took
the oath of allegiance to the Government. Then, in spite

1 The pulpit, dated 1668 and somewhat resembling the best English
Renaissance work of fifty years earlier, is in the present ' Gaelic church*
connected with the Established Presbyterian Church. It is called ' the
Irish church pulpit' in a Kirk session record of 1689. In 1921 I was told
that the congregation was reduced to 'two or three dozen*. The Gaelic
language has rapidly decayed in Inverness and its neighbourhood during
the last fifty years, and the only considerable Gaelic congregation is to
be found at the 1 1 a.m. service at the laxge Free Church.

* For the politics of the Episcopalians, see app. note 19, p. 273.

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 153

of the protest of the English bishops, the native clergy
were totally disqualified, the registration of their orders,
although already made, being declared null and void*
Therefore no Scottish clergyman, whatever his political
opinions might be, could even read prayers before a con-
gregation of more than five persons, the penalty for the first
offence being six months' imprisonment, and for the second
offence transportation for life.

After a time the persecution lessened. In a quiet corner
of a town house or in a low thatched cottage hidden among
the trees, a congregation would gather round men 'un-
skilled in every art but the art of suffering for conscience'
sake'. At long intervals a bishop would arrive. 'The
bishops ', says a sympathetic writer on Scottish life in the
eighteenth century/ form an interesting though dim feature
in the social and religious life of those days. Little seen,
little heard of in the Lowlands, where Presbytery was
supreme, in the northern parts they are seen flitting in
primitive apostolic fashion and penury from district to
district, visiting the diminutive congregations in Ross or
Moray, in the wilds of Sutherland or the bleak Orkneys.
The worthy bishop, with his deacon, journeys on pony-
back, wrapped in his check plaid and attired in quite
unepiscopal habiliments, or travels on foot carrying a
meagre wardrobe on his shoulders. Hard-working, hard-
faring men, strong in the divine right of Prelacy, these
simple-souled prelates in homespun maintained with a
quaint dignity the honour of their office and poverty of
their lot/ *

There is one word in that picturesque paragraph that
requires modification. It is the word 'diminutive'. The
Journal of Bishop Robert Forbes, with its delightful side-
lights on the Scotland of the early years of George III,

i H. G. Graham, Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii,
p. 125 (Adam & George Black, London, 1899),

154 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

tells us the size of some of these congregations whose
devotion, he says, 'was admirable and past all Description '.
At Brin he had an audience of a thousand people and in
two days confirmed four hundred and eighty people, and
in two 'country chapels' near Inverness he confirmed five
hundred and twenty. 1 There knelt before him people of
all conditions from a dainty little lady of seven to a gigantic
Highlander who had been wounded, stripped naked, and
then stabbed again and left for dead on the field of Culloden.
The devotion of the Highlanders to their older forms of
faith was such that nothing could have killed it but the
impossibility of supplying them with clergy. Even when
political barriers were removed by the death of Prince
Charles Edward, the English Church did almost nothing to
supply the need, and the few remaining priests were left
to watch the grey shadows on the hills and on the sea and
accept the inevitable bitterness.

During the latter part of the eighteenth and at the
beginning of the nineteenth century great numbers of
Highlanders migrated to eastern Canada, where many
have retained their language, and others, especially the
Roman Catholics, have become mingled with the French
Canadian population. 2 Emigration thus completed the
work which persecution had begun, and so Presbyterianism
became solidly representative of the great majority of the

1 These two chapels were at Arpafeelie and Muir of Ord. The present
church at Arpafeelie, built about 1811, is very near the site of the old
chapel. The chapel at Muir of Ord, now a dwelling-house, is probably
the only country chapel dating from the time of the penal laws which
now remains in Scotland. It is a thatched building, long, low, and
picturesque. In the midst of one side is a kind of small transept where
the altar and pulpit were probably placed. It was disused after the
erection of the present church at Highneld.

* A most intelligent Highland soldier, who left Canada during the great
war to fight in France, told me that he went into the cathedral of Notre-
Dame at Montreal to read the names commemorated in the roll of honour.
In a long list he found more Highland names than French. In the Canadian
Roman Catholic dioceses of Antigonish and Charlottetown Scottish Roman
Catholics abound.

AND AMERICA, 1689-1815 155

nation. Little indeed could the remnant guess that, few
as they were, they would exercise an incalculable influence
upon the future. For it was in an upper room in a back
street in Aberdeen on November the I4th, 1784 that three
Scottish bishops did what the English bishops had never
had the courage to do, consecrating Samuel Seabury a
bishop for the Church in America, And it was in sight of

the distant Cheviots blue

that Sir Walter Scott, loving the Church 'whose system of
government and discipline he believed to be the fairest
copy of the primitive polity', 1 enlarged the minds of
thousands to understand the past and to discover the
reality that is latent in romance. Thus he prepared the
way for the Oxford movement. No one can ignore what
Seabury and Scott were able to contribute to the future ;
but behind both those men were others, obscure and for-
gotten, who 'against hope, believed in hope', the men who
could bear to seem to fail, but could not bear to be dis-
loyal to the truth.

Bishop Seabury arrived in America at a critical moment.
Let us try to survey the situation. The Church of England
had been established from the first in Virginia and in other
parts of the south, where the white population was very
scanty. It was also established in New York when New
York became an English colony. No doubt the old Anglican
churches in New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston,
admirable specimens of the art of the Georgian period, 2
had large and generous congregations. But the whole work
of the Church was crippled, and crippled deliberately, by
the refusal of the British Government to send any bishops

1 J. G. Lockhart, Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott, vol. vii, p 4x4.
(Robert CadeU, Edinburgh, 1838).

* For the architecture of these and other American churches, see app.
note 20, p. 274.

156 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

to America in spite of the rapid increase in population
and the entreaties of some of the best men in the Church
of England. If it had not been for the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel the Church could hardly have
survived. Farther east than New York, in Massachusetts,
Connecticut, and New Hampshire, the Puritan colonists
had erected Congregationalism as the established religion.
It was completely in the ascendant, its connexion with the
State was peculiarly close and was not severed till the nine-
teenth century had far advanced. In Connecticut especially
the Church of England was non-existent until 1722, when
Dr. Cutler the rector of Yale College and several of his
colleagues became convinced that Congregationalist orders
are invalid and the position of the Church of England
scriptural. In order to be ordained, Cutler and two others
sailed to England, which then involved a journey of about
six weeks. Cutler and one of his friends caught the small-
pox. The latter died. The two survivors went back to
America, Cutler settling in Boston, and Johnson in Con-
necticut, the one and only clergyman in the colony. A few
years later Mr. Beach, another devout Congregationalist
minister educated at Yale, also became convinced that his
ordination was invalid, and that the Church of England
is, in his own words, ' Apostolic in her ministry and discipline,
orthodox in her doctrine and primitive in her worship \
He too went to England, was ordained, and returned to
America.

Johnson and Beach exercised a deep influence upon the
religion of their country. They met with strong opposition,
measures being taken even to hinder Beach's missionary
work among the Indians. But the Church was joined by
numbers of serious people who were wearied by Calvinist
and Antinomian controversies, new English missionaries
arrived, and at the time of the Revolution the Church of
England in Connecticut was in a healthier condition than

AND AMERICA, 1089-1815 157

in any other part of America. During the Revolution it
suffered far less than the Church farther south* In the
south many church buildings were wrecked, especially in
Virginia where also some years later the property of the
Church was mercilessly confiscated, and a righteous judge
who intended to restore it died the very night before his
judgement was to be pronounced, 1 But more serious than
these material losses was the spirit of frigid scepticism and
rationalism which was affecting the better educated classes
in America, a spirit which is the reverse of the wild revivalism
of the camp meetings which came to be a feature of American
frontier life.

This rationalistic spirit, hostile to the Christian doctrines
concerning God and the sacraments, had infected the
Church in certain districts and found expression in a now
almost forgotten abridgement of the Prayer Book published
in 1773. It omitted the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds,
mutilated the Te Deum, and entirely erased the prayer of
consecration in the communion service. This book un-
doubtedly influenced a 'proposed' Arianizing and anti-
sacramental Prayer Book which was published with ecclesi-
astical authority in 1786 soon after Seabury reached America.
The gravity of the danger can only be understood when it is
remembered that only a few days before his arrival in
Connecticut an anti-Trinitarian liturgy had been adopted
by the most important church in New England, 2 the con-
gregation of King's Chapel, Boston, a fine classical building
which still keeps the altar plate given by the generosity
of English monarchs. Seabury was unable to prevent some

1 For the Church in Virginia at this period, see S. Wilberforce, History
of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America, pp. 177 ff. and 274 ff. (James
Burns, London, 1844). The Baptists seem to have displayed a peculiar
hatred for the Church, and it was largely owing to their action that in
1802 the glebes, churches, and even the altar plate of the churches, were
confiscated.

,* The new liturgy was adopted June the i gth, 1 785 . Seabury was in Con-
necticut by the ' latter end of June '.

158 RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

needless alterations in the Prayer Book, 1 but he took the
lead in resetting the Church from a position which two
generations later was seen to be logically impossible and
theologically profane. He died in 1796, but he had done
his part in defending his brethren from what was soon to be
known as 'the Boston religion'.

By 1800 the religion of Boston was in the hands of a
group of so-called 'Liberal' Christians, in reality somewhat
aggressive Arians, 2 They were Congregationalists who had
deserted Calvinism. And so far as these men protested
that God is beneficent, that Christ is imitable, and that men
should be reminded of their dignity rather than of their
depravity, they certainly deserve our sympathy. Their
success was rapid. In a few years they had on their side
wealth and fashion, culture, and legislation. They captured
the University of Harvard, and whereas not a single Anglican
congregation followed the example of King's Chapel, belief
in the Holy Trinity was abandoned definitely in no less
than one hundred and twenty-six Congregationalist churches.
., It has been truly said that no religious denomination ever'',
started with such advantages as American Unitarianism/
Yet it failed, and even the simplicity, earnestness, and lofty
eloquence of its great advocate, Dr. Channing, could not
prevent its decline. The Unitarians failed spiritually,
because the Christian life is a product of the Incarnation
and is not the acceptance of good rules. No Unitarian
can say with St. Paul, 'I live, yet not I, but Christ liveth
in me \ They failed morally, because while claiming to be
liberal, they were intolerant, using their social and even
their political power to ostracize their former co-religionists.
They failed intellectually, because they began by claiming
to be intensely scriptural, like the English Unitarians who

1 On. the other hand, Seabury insisted upon and secured a form for the
consecration of the Eucharist more in harmony with antiquity and with
the First Prayer Book of Edward VI and the Scottish Communion Office.

4 See app. note 21, p. 275.

AND AMERICA, 1089-1815 159

published a careful mistranslation of the New Testament to
support their claim. 1 And then one of themselves, a prophet
of their own, Theodore Parker, turned upon them saying
that 'if the Athanasian Creed could be proved the work
of an apostle, Unitarianism would deny it taught the
doctrine of the Trinity '.

The controversy raised by Theodore Parker left the older
Unitarianism under sentence of death. Arianism was no
longer possible, Socinianism was no longer possible. It
only remained to be determined whether our Lord should
be considered as a perfect or as an imperfect man, and
then to choose the latter alternative and to support it with
rationalistic German criticism.

In the meantime the Church, first in Connecticut and then
beyond it, served as a refuge for Christians who desired
a religion both reasonable and devout. Its influence ex-
tended even to those who remained separated from its
unity. It is a remarkable fact that the two kindred anti-
Trinitarian sects, the Unitarian and the Universalist, that
wrought havoc in Massachusetts, almost totally failed to
gain a footing in Connecticut. In New York, where the
Church was well represented, Unitarianism had no better
success. As we look back upon these movements we cannot
fail to notice how the divine providence made the Church's
doctrine as to the necessity of episcopal ordinations a
means of preserving and reviving the Christian faith. In
the Church of ancient times the Fathers regarded the aposto-
lical succession of their bishops both as a channel by which
there is transmitted under the power of the Holy Spirit
the grace appropriate for the divers orders in the Church,
and also as a means of preserving the apostolic faith.
This doctrine is ancient, primitive, and linked in no obscure
fashion with the teaching of St. Paul, and in the first four

1 The New Testament in an improved version, published by the Unitarian
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Practice of Virtne
(R. & A. Taylor, London, 1808; fourth edition, ' with corrections', 1817).

i6o RELIGION IN GREAT BRITAIN

centuries of the Christian era it did much to preserve
Christianity from being absorbed in an ocean of frothy
and fruitless speculation. A threefold cord which could
not be broken was formed by a defence of the Gospels,
maintenance of the rule of faith, and loyalty to the bishops,
who, as St. Hippolytus wrote, 'share in the same grace and
high priesthood and teaching office' as the apostles.

So in America it was not by some blind chance that the
doctrine of the Trinity in Unity was preserved from being
dissipated and denied. We realize the importance of the
means as we understand the importance of the result, and
in both we see the hand of God. For the doctrine of the
Holy Trinity is no figment of the speculative imagination,
but a true description of what we as Christians know con-
cerning God. Like the doctrine of the Incarnation it became
clothed in the language of Greek philosophy, but it never-
theless corresponds with the deepest elements in Christian
experience. The truth that the Man of Sorrows is indeed
the eternal Son and Word of God, as well as our elder
brother, throws an entirely new light upon the Fatherhood
of God and the destiny of man. And the life of a new
sonship, a life granted to those who believe in Christ's Name,
is perpetuated in us by the fellowship of the Holy Spirit.
The first Christians were deeply conscious of a Power that
came to dwell within them and guided mind and heart,
who revealed their weakness and removed it, and they knew
that this Giver of life must himself be Lord. We return
to the Father, through the Son, in the Spirit. Each is
divine, the End, the Way, the Power. That is the centre
of our creed, and it should be the centre of our life. The
more firmly we believe it, the more sincerely we shall main-
tain the dignity of our human nature, the more earnestly
we shall struggle to keep the purity, the integrity, the
largeness of this life of ours, which was taken by the Son
of God, to be eternally His own, and to be included by
us in every thought of Him.

VI

ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM AND CALVINISM
SINCE 1700

Col. ii. 8 : Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain
deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and
not after Christ.

THERE is in Pennsylvania a borough named Bethlehem,
and there is another place named Ephrata. Those two
names are memorials of two remarkable offshoots of the
German Protestant Pietism which flourished at the beginning
of the eighteenth century. For though Bethlehem is now
famous for its iron and its steel, and lies in a district that has
long since been invaded by railroads and furnaces, it is
there that in 1741 the Moravian bishop Nitschmann, with
his niece and Count Nikolaus Ludwig Zinzendorf , kept their
first Christmas in America in a stable which they called
Bethlehem. They had come to begin missionary work among
the Indians, and their work was one of great adventures and
considerable success. Some notable Red Indian braves
sleep at Bethlehem. 1 And Ephrata was even before Zinzen-
dorf 's arrival the home of Protestant monks and nuns and
hermits, whose austerity seems to us like a breath wafted
from an Oriental desert. The Pietists had striven to form
societies inside larger communities, and Zinzendorf had
created such a society, more intensive and at the same time
more oecumenical than the Pietist conventicles formed
sporadically in German cities. The Pietists had also

1 Among them is Tschoop, a Mohican, said to be the fether of XJncas.
He reappeared in the novels of Fenimore Cooper as 'Chingachgook'.
Also 'Brother Michael*, a ferocious warrior of the Munsey tribe, who
became an exemplary Christian. Every quarter of an inch from his under-
lip to the top of his forehead was adorned with a round dot to indicate
the number of scalps which he had taken. He died in 1758.

8649 M

i62 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

encouraged individualism, and, in certain conditions hostile
to pristine simplicity of life, religious individualism leads
men to renounce all that is human in the effort to attain
union with God. Thus the organized sect and the lonely
hermit were both a protest against a Protestantism which
was too stagnant and too secular.

Zinzendorf (1700-1760) himself must be put side by side
with his younger contemporary John Wesley, though not
upon so eminent a level. A godson of Spener he was reared
in the strongest aroma of Pietism. He studied in Witten-
berg, improved his studies in Holland and France, and in
1721 bought an estate at Berthelsdorf in Upper Lusatia,
a district where the German language was encroaching upon
that of the Slavonic Sorbs. There and in Dresden he tried
to promote a * religion of the heart * by means of private
Church societies ; but his religion took a new direction on
the arrival of some German Moravian emigrants at Berthels-
dorf, which with his help became the cradle of a neighbour-
ing settlement which was called Herrnhut. 1

These Moravians preserved some of the traditions of the
Slavonic sect known as the Unitas Fratvum or Union of
Brethren, a sect retaining an episcopal succession but
vehemently opposed to the Papacy. In the fifteenth
century it made numerous converts in Bohemia and Moravia,
and spread into Poland in the middle of the sixteenth
century. In 1620, after the outbreak of the Thirty Years'
War, these Czech Protestants were crushed : some fled to
Germany, and the Polish branch of the Union was absorbed
in the Reformed (Calvinist) Church, retaining the episcopal
succession in the person of John Amos Comenius (1592-
1672) who published their System of Discipline, and con-
secrated as bishop his son-in-law Peter Jablonsky who

1 Herralmt lies 18 miles south-east of Bautzen on the Lobau-Zittau
railway. Lobau was still Sorbish at the beginning of the twentieth century.
For this interesting Slavonic region, see Franz Tetzner, Die Slawen in
(F. Vieweg, Braunschweig, 1902),

AXD CALVINISM SINCE 1700 163

was court preacher in llemel. The latter, who was con-
secrated in 1662, handed on the episcopal succession in
1699 to &s son David Ernest Jablonsky, who was court
preacher in Serlin and consecrated Nitschmann as mis-
sionary bishop for the West Indies in 1735 and Zinzendorf
himself in 1737.

Zinzendorf was a convinced Lutheran 1 of a strongly
subjective temperament, delighting in the composition of
somewhat sensuous hymns in which he allowed the worship
of the Father to be obscured by the worship of Jesus, the
Lamb of God and Brother of the Christian. He even spoke
of the Holy Spirit as Mother in the life of the Trinity.
When the Unitas Fmtrum was fully reconstituted in 1747
it was a compromise. On the one hand it included Zinzen-
dorf s sentimental German theology and his method of
creating societies into which he tried to divert every
stream of fervour which he could find in other sects. And
on the other hand the careful rules of discipline and semi-
Catholic ministry recall the great skill in organization which
the Czechs always manifest whether in politics or in religion.
Zinzendorf was pursued by the hostility of the Lutheran
pastors and the Government until the whole community
adopted the Augsburg Confession as its form of faith.
Its right to exist was then formally recognized in Saxony in
1749. But it was before that date, and when he was banished
from Saxony, that Zinzendorf had started the missionary
work in Greenland, in Surinam, Georgia, Pennsylvania,
and Santa Cruz, which became the real glory of the Moravian
Church. He received John Wesley at Heirohut, and though
Wesley did not join the Moravians, he was deeply influenced
by their example. The fervour of Zinzendorf in the service
of Christ was as deep as Wesley's own. He had a true zeal

1 The distinctive creed of the Moravians is stated in their so-called
* Easter Litany*. It was translated into English and slightly modified in
1749. See Ph. Schafi, The Creeds of Christendom, vol. lii, 'The Creeds of
the Evangelical Churches', p. 799 (Harper, New York, 1877).

M2

164 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

for the salvation of souls and lie was one of the first of
Protestants to recognize that missionary work is not a mere
matter of colonial policy but the duty of every Christian
as a Christian.

And then there is Ephrata. 1 Ephrata in the eighteenth
century was a centre of the two different types of monas-
ticism which we find in Egypt as early as the fourth century.
There was the hermit life, and there was the ' common life *
of monks, and also nuns, living under the direction of
a superior. About 1674 one John Kelpius, a native of
Transylvania and a Master of Arts of the University of
Altorf, went to America, withdrew from the world with
several companions, some of whom were also men of learning,
and lived in a cave near the Wissahickon, awaiting the return
of Christ, the heavenly Bridegroom, He died in 1708 and
most of his followers went back to the world. But his
advocacy of the virgin life, his asceticism, and his mysticism
produced a great effect on one Conrad Beissel. Beissel,
who was a native of Ehrbach, had been by trade a baker,
and in the days of his apprenticeship was devoted to music
and dancing until he came under the influence of some
extreme revivalists and migrated to America in 1720.
He was a Baptist, and he adopted the view that Christians
ought to observe the seventh day as holy. He selected
a spot on the river Cocalico previously occupied by another
hermit, and he was gradually joined by a considerable
number of converts. The first coenobitic building, called
' Kedar ', was erected in 1735, In a few years' time it was
necessary to add three others, not including the so-called
' Saal ' or chapel. The ascetics called themselves ' The
Order of the Solitary '. Their religion was in accord with
that of the German mystics of the period. It was marked
by a craving after direct union with God, a sinking of self,

1 For the mcmasticism at Ephrata, see The Century Illustrated Magazine
December 188! (The Century Co., New York; F. Warne, London).

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 165

and an extinction of the individual will in the hope of
obtaining the ecstasy of a divinely given intoxication. In
order to express this ecstatic union with God in Christ the
language of human love was ransacked; Christ the ' Bride-
groom ' and the ' Sophia ' is addressed in the language of
passionate affection, and in the hymns of Beissel the Church
is the lonely and forsaken ' Dove ' longing for His embrace.
The earliest book of German poetry printed in America was
a volume of his hymns printed by Benjamin Franklin in
I73 - 1 The monasteries had no place for idlers. Every
one was put to work, at the farm, the mills, the printing
press ; and the honesty of the monks did much to remove
the prejudice of their less mystical neighbours. Their
dress, which was intended to conceal as much as possible
'the body of our humiliation', resembled that of the
Dominicans.

Beissel died in 1768 and the office of superior then
devolved upon Peter Miller, a good scholar and a blameless
man. But though he fled from the world, the world, or
rather civilization, came nearer and nearer to Ephrata.
Pennsylvania ceased to be a forest, the ' Solitary ' ceased
to be alone, and in 1814 the few remaining monks were
already curiosities. But tradition handed on a tale of
Peter Miller which is worth preserving. During the Revolu-
tion an innkeeper named Widman, a Calvinist who bitterly
detested Miller and once spat in his face without provoMng
him to resentment, took the British side, and was said to
have acted as a spy to the British. He was caught and
sentenced to be hanged. Miller went to General Washington
and begged him to remit the death penalty. Washington
replied that the times needed the severest measures against
spies and traitors ; * otherwise ', he added, ' I should cheer-

1 The first book of prayers printed in the country now known as the
United States was Anglican. It consists of selections from the Book of
Common Prayer translated into the Mohawk language, and was printed
in 1715 by William Bradford, of New York City.

166 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

fully release your friend '. ' Friend!' replied Miller, ' he is
the only enemy I have/ Washington was so deeply im-
pressed that he signed a pardon, and Miller arrived at the
gallows just in time to save his enemy.

Zinzendorf had been trained among the Pietists of Halle
who had struggled against official Lutheranism for the right
to live. Soon there were others who disputed with the
Pietists for the same right. Among the first was the
mathematician and philosopher Christian Wolff (d. 1754)*
He methodized and vulgarized the philosophy of Leibniz
and came into conflict with the Pietists of Halle by professing
to base theological truths on evidence of mathematical
certitude. Open strife broke out in 1721 when Wolff
delivered an oration ' On the Practical Philosophy of the
Chinese '* in which he praised and to a great extent he
was justified in praising the moral philosophy of Con-
fucius, pointing to it as evidence of the power of human
reason to attain to moral truth by its own effort. He was
banished from Prussia by King Frederick William I at
forty-eight hours' notice, not for Confucianism but for
determinism, the king being persuaded that if Wolff's
fatalistic principles were accepted, no soldier could any
longer be punished for desertion, his desertion being pre-
determined.

One of the first acts by which Frederick the Great (1740-
1786) signalized his reign was to recall Wolff to Halle. He
entered the town in triumph, and his teaching was propa-
gated in other towns by philosophic clubs. It gave a stimulus
to the rationalistic theology which had been introduced into
Germany by the English Deist Toland and by English deistic
books. These books were widely studied in Germany, and
influenced both the middle classes and the universities.
Their essence was presented to the public in the writings
1 De sapientia Sinensium oratio (Trevoltii, 1725),

AN V D CALVINISM SINCE 1700 167

of Edelmann, 1 a facile and scurrilous writer, who wandered
like a gipsy from sect to sect, praising the virtues of Christ
and advocating the emancipation of the world from Chris-
tianity. The Pietists had not sufficient learning to stem the
tide of unbelief, the old school of Lutheran theologians was
extinct, and the newer freer school represented by Mosheim
and Baumgarten (d. 1757) had to fight simultaneously
against a subjective scepticism and a subjective Christianity.
Baumgarten's influence was great; hundreds of students
attended his lectures. But his too exclusively scientific
treatment of theology led others to a merely intellectual
conception of Christianity and to a lowering of Christian ideas
which corresponded with the prevalent lack of moral
earnestness. Whereas in England Deism prepared for the
reaction of Methodism, itself half German in its origin ; in
Germany Pietism prepared for the reaction of a dogmatic
Deism which was half English. And French culture, fashion-
able and frivolous, came to act with Deism as a creator
of the so-called ' Illumination '.

Many of us have read Walter Pater's charming Imaginary
Portrait of Duke Carl of Rosenmold. It is as charming,
as enchanted and as unreal, as some dainty picture by
Fragonard; it clothes in a golden haze the beginning of
this movement and introduces at the end a beautiful
description of young Goethe by Goethe himself. It may
be unpleasant, but it is not unprofitable, to recall the real
facts. Goethe (1749-1832) as a youth was already as
debauched as he was conceited. Even before this pretty
episode, when he went skating in his mother's cloak of red
velvet and sables, and before he reached the age of nine-
teen, he was half exhausted by his follies, and characteristi-
cally declared that he had nothing specially to reproach
himself with. 2 But he was repelled from Christianity by

1 He began to publish in 1735.

Dichtung und Wahrheit, Book VIII, vol. xi, p. 331 (Stuttgart, 1866).
The skating incident is in Book XVI, vol. xii, p. 228.

i68 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

the Lutheran doctrine of the total depravity of man, and by
the dryness of the Protestantism in which he was reared,
a religion which appealed neither to the understanding nor
to the heart. And there is a touch of reality and pathos
in his description of the private altar which he made as
a child, an altar made of a red lacquer music stand, on which
he burnt fragrant pastilles at the rising of the sun. English
children do things like that. It was while Goethe was in
his cradle that the ' Illumination ' appeared at Potsdam.

Frederick the Great, who had studied and renounced the
teaching of Wolff, mocked at Christianity though he some-
times respected a good Christian. Despising the German
language, he liked to air his knowledge of French, and he
persuaded a number of French writers to settle in Berlin,
including Lamettrie, an avowed materialist. Voltaire also
loved to make the Bible and the Church the targets of his
satire, and if both he and Frederick had not been inordinately
vain, they might have been joined in a permanent friendship.
Invited by his royal patron, Voltaire arrived in Berlin late
in 1751. And it is from this year that we can most fitly
date the real beginning of the movement that swayed
German thought so greatly and lasted until the early
years of the nineteenth century, the Aufklaruvg.

The quarrel between Frederick and Voltaire forms a
chapter in the history of kings and their philosophers.
Voltaire shook the dust of Potsdam from off his feet, but
his influence remained. The king treated the Church as
a mere department of the State. 1 The art of pedagogy
was remodelled after the style of Rousseau. A popular

* Dr. Pusey has preserved the interesting story related to him 'by one
likely to be accurately informed', that Frederick "shortly before his death,
in expressing his regret at the decay of religion in his dominions, 'professed
that he would gladly sacrifice his best battle, could they but be restored
to the state in belief and in practice in which he had found them*. E. B.
Pusey, An Historical Inquiry into the probable causes of the Rationalistic
Character lately predominant in the Theology of Germany, vol. i, p. 123
(Rivington, London, 1828).

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 169

philosophy, bombastic and self-satisfied, arose on deistic
lines, and a * Universal German Library ' was published in
Berlin, assailing all faith in revelation. The peculiar mark
of this German Illumination, as distinguished from the
systems of Toland and Voltaire, is that it sheltered itself
within the organization of a Christian Church, and in so
doing gradually made it possible for a man to call himself
a Protestant when he had ceased to be a Christian. In
religion the Ulumination was in essence Rationalism, that
is, a mode of thought which makes the acceptance of the
supernatural truths of Christianity subject to man's faculty
of reasoning divorced from the other faculties which are
included with reasoning in faith.

Lessing (1728-1781), the brilliant precursor of the new
humanism, shows points of contact and of conflict with this
mode of thought. He spoke of the contending theological
parties of his day in language too filthy to be quoted, but
he slightly preferred the more orthodox, his vigorous mind
regarding the newer school as shallow and hopelessly incon-
sistent. But when he was librarian at Wolfenbiittel l he
stooped to the work of editing the so-called Wolfenbiittel
Fragments (1774-1778), a series of deistic tracts written by
Hermann Samuel Reimarus (d. 1768). These tracts denied
that the Old Testament revealed a religion, treated the
resurrection as an impudent fraud, and represented St. Paul
as a trickster and Christ as a deluded eschatologist. The
tracts set German Protestantism on fire, and the Illumination
was at its height. Lessing's own belief was in close sym-
pathy with that of the Jewish Pantheist Spinoza, and his
philosophic drama, Nathan the Wise, shows his dislike of

1 The Duke of Brunswick's library at Wolfenbuttel contained priceless
but neglected rarities, among them three copies of a translation of the
Bible in Low German printed at K6ln before Luther. Lessing brought to
light several of the treasures of the library, including a treatise of Berengar
of Tours. By writing a tract on this work of Berengar, Lessing aroused
an interest which anticipated the sensation which he created in 1774.

170 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

a positive religion, his love of an abstract religiousness, and
his revolt against the distant Deity of popular religion.
The position of the generous liberal Jew, Nathan, is nearly
his own position. He was not unconscious of the necessity
of faith, nor even of the value of tradition in the inter-
pretation of the Scriptures, believing that the word of God
cannot be confined to a book. In his heart he valued much
of Christian truth. But he was not satisfied with the
historical evidences for Christianity, and by treating it
as a revelation for the youth rather than for the manhood
of the world, he furthered the Rationalism which he really
disliked.

With Lessing we may mention the three principal
Lutheran theologians of this period, J. A, Ernesti (d. 1781),
J. David Michaelis (d. 1791), and J. S. Semler (d. 1791).
All three have been sharply blamed and warmly praised,
and a nice judgement is required in balancing their merits
and defects. Ernesti is chiefly remarkable for his treatment
of the New Testament, and the great pains which he devoted
to the discovery of its philological and grammatical meaning.
He did good work by promoting the principle that the sense
of Scripture must be determined by the science of language
and not by preconceived dogmatic opinions. But he was
imperfectly conscious of the fact that Christianity as a new
religion modified the significance of words which had been
employed previously to its advent. Michaelis was an
eminent Orientalist, anxious to enrich biblical studies with
analogies discovered in the languages akin to Hebrew.
Unhappily, although he was a convinced, he was not a
converted Christian. He did not abandon the creed of his
good Pietist father, but his habits were disfigured by
intemperance and his lectures were spiced with obscenity.
These two scholars were not strictly rationalistic. Their
desire was to be scientific, introducing into Germany that
zeal for biblical history and textual criticism which existed

AXD CALVIXISM SIXCE 1700 171

in England and Holland before it existed in Germany.
Their learning was extensive, but it would have been put
to a better purpose if they had more often remembered
that to be a theologian it is necessary to have a heart as
well as a head, and that the teachers who insist that the
Bible ought to be criticized like any other book are likely
to have pupils who will criticize it like no other book.

Semler, who was the ablest of the three, is indeed an
instance of the truth that the theologian who sows the
wind may live to reap the whirlwind. A good man, who
like Michaelis had been trained in Pietism, he was an
exceptionally learned scholar, and became a professor at
Halle where he succeeded Baumgarten. He rightly held
that dogma to be studied fruitfully must be studied
historically. And so long as he, a professor of Christian
theology, freely criticized the New Testament, treated the
history of the Church as a series of aberrations, and taught
that every man ought to have a ' private ' religion of his
own and make his own system of belief, his popularity was
impregnable. But this popularity melted like a cloud when
Semler disclosed his conviction that private judgement might
run wild, set himself to criticize the English Deists and the
Wolf enbiittel Fragments, and opposed the infamous preacher
Karl F. Bahrdt, a libertine alike in theology and in morale.
He died broken-hearted when he saw that he had failed to
stop the hurricane of unbelief and opposition, and by a cruel
irony he became branded with the title of ' the father of
Rationalism V

In a great degree these three theologians were the victims
of their predecessors. A stifi and barren Lutheranism,
posing as orthodox, had provoked the feeling that liberty

1 It may be noted that the word liberalis occurs thrice, and
once, among the Latin titles of his -works. The first instance is in his
Instituiio brevio* ad hb&dfan erudrtionem iheologicam, 1765. Semler by
'liberal* meant 'candid*, 'open-minded*. The sense of 'anti-orthodox*
is a later use of the word.

172 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

could only be gained by departing as far as possible from
a system which had kept the Christian student in the fetters
of a new legalism. An understanding of the Bible was stifled
by a mechanical theory of inspiration which taught that
even the variant readings of the Old Testament were
inspired, maintained the pre-eminent sanctity of the
Hebrew language, and asserted that the books of Ruth and
Esther were as indispensable as those comprised in the New
Testament. The same school had also professed to find
in the Bible all later developments of religious speculation
accepted in Lutheran theology. And when it was shown
that these developments had been subsequently evolved,
there came a tendency to accumulate and emphasize their
differences rather than to seek ' the higher unity in which
much of this discordance would have harmonized '. L

The influence of Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) upon
religion has been so variously estimated by his compatriots
that an Englishman may well be cautious in giving his
opinion. On the one hand he has been called ' the philosopher
of Protestantism ', and on the other hand it has been replied
that, if that be the case, Protestantism is ' the grave-digger
of Christianity '. 2 He put the philosophy of criticism in the
place which had been occupied by rationalistic dogmatism.
The soil was the same, but he dug the foundations deeper,
teaching men to see what they are and what they want,
His insight into evil and his exaltation of the categorical
imperative of the moral law were well fitted to help men
to distrust themselves, to rid themselves of conceit, and
even to feel conscious of a desire which only Christ can

satisfy. But he was not a ' schoolmaster to Christ '. He

/

1 E, B, Pusey, op. cit,, p. 145. The whole passage in Pusey is informing
and judicious.

So, as against Paulsen and Bousset, Dr. Albert Ehrhard, Der Katho-
lixismvs und das zwanzigste Jahrhundert, p. 185 (Jos. Roth'sche Verlags-
buchhandlung, Stuttgart und Wien, 1902).

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 173

gave the word religion a new meaning and one essentially
opposed to Christianity. Historically religion has meant
a personal relation between man and God, however God may
be conceived by the worshipper, and God is above each
man and ail mankind. Kant's religion is not that relation.
With him the ideas of God, freedom, and immortality are
postulates of the practical reason ; they are requisite for the
moral life, and the fundamental principle of the moral life
is esteem for man for his own sake. However majestic the
categorical imperative appears, it cannot in religion act
as an adequate substitute for that personal Word who came
among us ' full of grace and truth ' ; and the moral and
religious results of his philosophy are, as Dr. Friedrich
Loofs observes, * in essential agreement with the ideas of
the Illumination '.* He was the chief of eighteenth-century
rationalists, and in 1793 he defined a Rationalist as * one
who simply holds natural religion as morally necessary,
that is, as a duty ', while the Supernaturalist ' believes a
supernatural revelation necessary for a universal religion *.
The distinction between the Rationalist and the Super-
naturalist thus clearly made was widely acknowledged, and
an effort was made by the Supernaturalists to maintain the
truth of the revelation contained in the Bible. The State
had already taken alarm, and various edicts were passed
to suppress the growth of Rationalism. They failed, and by
the beginning of the nineteenth century the battle was
already lost. In England Deism and Arianism, after seriously
threatening Christianity, had been overcome. In Scan-
dinavia the kindred movements also failed. But in Holland,
Switzerland, and Germany the Illumination was supreme.
In Prussia especially the individual had been glorified and
the Church divided into local societies. The liturgies were
mutilated, the Church music was debased, the hymns

1 Grundlinien der Kircbengeschichte, p. 285 (Niemeyer, Halle a. S.,
1910).

174 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

which had been the glory of Lutheranism were transformed, 1
and pastors preached on moral improvement and natural
science.

Among the Calvinists of Switzerland the decay of Chris-
tianity came even earlier than among the Lutherans of
Germany. In 1763 Rousseau, who was himself a sentimental
Deist with Protestant sympathies, wrote a scathing descrip-
tion of the ministers of Geneva and challenged them to
show what difference existed between their belief and his
own. ' You ask them if Jesus Christ is God, they dare not
reply; you ask them what mysteries they acknowledge,
they dare not reply. To what question then will they
reply, and what will be the fundamental articles, different
from mine, on which they are willing that a decision should
be made, if the above articles are excluded ? A philosopher
casts a rapid glance at them: he sees through them, he sees
in them Arians, Socinians. . . . They are really extraordinary
gentlemen, your ministers; one does not know what they
believe, or what they do not believe, one does not even
know what they pretend to believe; their only way of

proving their faith is by attacking that of others From

all this I conclude that it is not easy to say in what the holy
reformation at Geneva now consists/ 2

The history of Dutch Protestantism during the eighteenth
century is not easy to unravel. We can, however, detect
certain forces which were making for the destruction of an
orthodox Calvinism no less than the marked Socinian
tendencies of the sect of Remonstrants. This Socinianism
infected many of the English Nonconformists who studied
in Holland. Within the State Church of Holland itself

1 The common people sometimes resisted successfully the introduction
of deistic hymns.

* J.-J. Rousseau, Lettres de la Montagne, pp. 231 sqq. (Paris, Dalfbon,
1826). Rousseau is probably the first to use the word 'moderniste' in
a quasi-theological sense. He addresses a materialist as a 'moderniste*.
Lettre a M. ]>e***, January the isth, 1769.

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 175

there was a struggle between the strict Calvinists and
the theologians who adopted the philosophy of Descartes.
This struggle was further complicated by the differences
between the rigid Pietists who followed G. Voet (d. 1676)
and the disciples of J. Cocceius (d. 1669) who pushed to
bizarre results the theory that the Old Testament is typical
of the New and repudiated the almost Judaic Sabbatarianism
of the Pietists. The controversy between the Voetians and
the Cocceians broke out anew early in the eighteenth
century. It was gradually appeased; but the fact that both
parties, while not repudiating Calvinistic orthodoxy, were
indifferent towards its distinctive dogmas, prepared for
the latitudinarianism which blotted out the distinctions
between all the leading Protestant bodies in Holland. The
close of the eighteenth century is the low-water mark of
Dutch Protestantism and Dutch literature. Then came a
reaction of some importance.

In the early years of the nineteenth century the most
commanding figure in the Protestantism of Holland was
not a professional theologian but the learned and original
poet, Willem Bilderdijk (d. 1831), He was narrow in his
art and in his patriotism ; he scorned Shakespeare as well as
the new Romantic poets ; but he possessed great force of
character and exercised it on the side of Christianity. He
was supported by two cultured Jewish converts, Isaak de
Costa, a poet and apologist, and Cappadose, a physician.
The clerical mouthpiece of the party was a young minister,
Hendrik de Cock, who was deposed from the ministry of
the State Church in 1834. His followers were persecuted
as separatists ; but in 1839 they were recognized by the
State as a Christian Reformed Church. It stands for the
principles of the Calvinistic Reformation in special opposi-
tion to the rationalistic teaching of the so-called ' Modern '
party in the State Church. 1
1 Some interesting remarks on the religion of the Dutch in South Afrfca

176 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

After Lessing the attitude of the heroes of German culture
towards Rationalism was on the whole unfavourable. The
men of the Illumination had not inherited the historic sense
of Leibniz, nor had they been influenced by Kant's opposi-
tion to deistic dogmatism. And to the leaders of the new
humanism their theories appeared to be stupid and
inartistic. A brilliant group of these men of letters existed
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Lessing was
dead. But there survived Klopstock, Herder, Wieland,
Schiller, and Goethe. Klopstock, the author of the once
popular ' Messiah ', had tried to weave together lofty old
German ideals with Christian poetry. Herder, who marks
the transition from the Illumination to the classical German
epoch, had found the soul of humanity expressed in the
Christian religion. He appreciated the early German
painters, saw the value of Gothic art, and protested against
the current practice of making classical art a model for
all times and all peoples. He had a real sense of historical
evolution. He had a poetic insight into the beauty of the
Old Testament, and for the ethical character of Christianity
a sincere respect. But he thought that the Pantheism of
Spinoza satisfied both the feelings and the intellect, and it
is never quite clear whether he believed that the culture of
the future would merely enrich or actually supersede the
Christian religion.

Wieland wrote at a time when the higher classes were in
their sentiments French, and French of a bad type. He
pandered to their taste by using his great skill in composing
attractive and graceful romances essentially frivolous and
inspired by a cultured materialism. He was only severe
when he wrote against severity, and gratified a public that
relished his warnings against asceticism. Schiller was an

can be found in F. Th, Schonken, De Oorsprong for Kaapsch-Hollandsche
Volksoverleveringen (Swets & Zeitiingen, Amsterdam, 1914). Two ideas of
God are in conflict; one Calvinistic and almost purely of Old Testament
origin, the other more Evangelical and Methodist.

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 177

artist of a very different mould. Idealist and optimist,
dramatist and philosopher, his enthusiastic admiration for
everything beautiful and good exercised a great influence
in Germany, though that influence began to wane with the
new growth of materialism in the second half of the nine-
teenth century. It has been said that he introduced to
the people Kant's rationalism and Kant's ethics clothed in
the raiment of fine poetry. But his own words are that
Kant * has made the law of duty repulsive, on account of its
extreme severity ' and ' Sense and reason; conscience and
sentiment ; duty and inclination these antithetical words
denote discords that should be harmonized; and they are
so harmonized in the mind of a true Christian, when he finds
his delight in the fulfilment of the law. Hence Christianity
must be called the only aesthetic religion/ This harmony
of will and morals he elsewhere identifies with liberty, and
maintains that we can be led to a sense of this liberty by
the study of art. 1 His religion suffered from the icy breath
of Rationalism, but it was not love of fame that led him to
choose Christian themes for his works and to utter Christian
convictions. And not long before his death he wrote these
words: 'In the dark time of superstition Berlin first
kindled the torch of rational religious liberty. That was then
a necessity, and the act was one worthy of renown. Now,
in this age of unbelief, there is another kind of renown that
might be won, and without any forfeiture of the honour
already gained. Let Berlin now add warmth to the light,
and thus ennoble the Protestantism of which this city is
destined some day to be the capital. The spirit of the present
age demands this: that in France Catholicism should
constitute itself anew, that also in Protestantism there

1 Schiller's letters to Goethe dated December the 22nd, 1 798, and August
the 2nd, 1799 further show that he was dissatisfied -with Kant's teaching,
because, like that of Luther, it savoured of an escaped monk a shrewd
criticism.

2649 N

178 ASPECTS OF LUTHERAXISM

should be some thought of religion, and that philosophy
itself should follow in the same direction/ l

Schiller died in 1805. Under the influence of the French
revolution Rationalism had begun to lay aside its Christian
ornaments and to take the form of Atheism. The Illumina-
tion lost its power of enchantment. The gas flares were
blown out, but the poisonous vapours had penetrated so
deeply that Schiller might well speak of the need of ' some
thought of religion ' . Religion and the Church were regarded,
when they were regarded at all, as utilitarian means of
maintaining order. A strong current of fresh air was
needed. At least a breath was coining, and it touched some
chords in Goethe's essentially 'classic' nature. Goethe,
who spoke of the 'solace and hope* expressed in the
paintings of the mediaeval masters, and dilated upon the
exquisite adaptability of the sacramental system to the needs
of human life, 2 came in his old age to the conviction that
Christianity is the highest principle of feeling and action
and * far above all philosophy \ The great receptivity of
his mind and the wide range of his wisdom combine with his
genius for reflective poetry to make him the most imposing
figure in German literature. That receptivity enabled
him to value the mediaeval as well as the modern and the
antique, and that wisdom prompted him to praise the power
of 'self-restoration' which Christianity has manifested.
But no man can believe in Christ who does not love what
Christ loves. And Goethe's subtle egotism and shabby
sensuality kept him nearer to Pantheism in creed and the
pagan Renaissance in practice than to a religion that
preaches self-renunciation and self-control. 3 But we must

1 From a letter to Zelter, dated July the i6th, 1804, Schillers Brief e, vol.
vii, p. 166 (Fritz Jonas's edition). * See app. note 22, p. 276.

* Professor J. G. Robertson, in his article on Goethe in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica> speaks of him as inheriting a * " holy earnestness " and stability
of character which brought him unscathed through temptations and
passions' (vol. xh, p. 182). The falsehood of this statement is shown by

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 !/<

not forget that the brilliant period of German literatun
which we have noticed came at a time when neither Protes
tantism nor Roman Catholicism in Germany were repre
sented in such a way as to attract men of intellectua
ability, and that these writers in particular were surroundec
by a Protestantism that was ashamed of the Gospel anc
afraid to appear supernatural. It did not guide men tc
' see Jesus '. Herder, Schiller, and even Goethe reverencec
some of the moral as well as the aesthetic achievements o j
Christianity, But those achievements were not inspired b}
a belief in a great teacher such as even Spinoza fully acknow-
ledged Jesus Christ to be. They were inspired by a beliei
in the infinite charity of the Redeemer, a charity which is
infinite because the Redeemer is in the truest sense divine.

For thirty years after the death of Schiller Gennanj
experienced the fascination of the Romantic movement
That movement was far more than a mere reaction againsi
the massacres of the French Revolution and the mockerj
of Voltaire. In its genesis philosophy had played an impor-
tant part. The system of Spinoza, which had appealed sc
strongly to Lessing and to Goethe, was denounced as
atheism by the philosopher Jacobi, who in his turn was
denounced as a Pietist and a Jesuit for maintaining thai
the keystone of all human knowledge and activity is belief
Idealism, the philosophy which teaches that ' subject and
object stand in a relation of entire interdependence on each
other a warp and woof ', began to gain many converts,
especially in the University of Jena. However much thej
might difier from each other, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel, and
Fries marked a new era. Religion is recognized as involving
a real presence of the divine in man; union with God is

an allusion to Goethe's 'new mistress* (p, 184). Goethe was a snob as
well as a sensualist. He felt an awe-struck reverence for King Ludwig oi
Bavaria, the dilettante who became a slave to the singer Lola Montez.

N2

i8o ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

conceived of in different ways, sometimes practical, some-
times metaphysical, sometimes sensible ; redemption is repre-
sented as an inward fact, and man's knowledge of God and the
conversion of his will are shown to depend upon a knowledge
of the great leaders of religion, of whom Christ is the chief.
Fichte, who taught that the world is nothing without spirit,
and Schelling, who taught that the world-soul is God, were
the philosophers who most attracted the literary circle in
which German Romanticism was cradled.

The word Romantic had already been used to describe the
literature which appeals to a cultivated imagination, and it
was now applied to an art which was distinct from, and even
opposed to, the classical and antique. The beginning of the
movement was marked by an interest in mediaeval poetry,
especially that of the Romance nations, a poetry which
includes a mythology which was external to the formulated
belief of the mediaeval Church. Romanticism was not
strictly a Catholic movement. But it gradually kindled
an admiration for the social and religious institutions
of the Middle Ages as well as the art of the Middle Ages,
and in so doing it quickened and hallowed that historical
sense in spiritual things which the subjectivism and indivi-
dualism of both Pietism and Rationalism had brought
to the verge of annihilation. It was instinctively opposed
to Rationalism and to the spirit which begins to criticize
before it has learned to appreciate. So the literary and
aesthetic movement gradually became a religious movement,
exciting a thirst for a faith that could satisfy both mind
and heart. The result was twofold. It led a stream of
distinguished converts, such as Stolberg, Friedrich von
Schlegel, and Werner, into a reviving Roman Catholicism
which possessed for them all the charm of novelty and the
grace of antiquity. This Roman Catholicism was of a
moderate type, disliking the Ultramontane view of the
Papacy and convinced that Christianity can be combined

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 181

with modern learning and modern liberty. Such a religion
would have been an inestimable blessing to Germany if
it had not been crushed by Rome at the moment when it
was most sorely needed.

The second result of Romanticism was to give some life
to the union made by King Frederick William III of Prussia
between the Lutheran and the Reformed, that is, Calvinist,
Church, a union effected by his order in 1817, The king,
though a Calvinist, had been impressed by the beauty and
dignity of the services which he had witnessed in Vienna,
and believed that he could render Protestant worship more
attractive by the universal introduction of certain forms
and ceremonies, which, while compatible with the older
Lutheranism, were distasteful to the Rationalist and the
Calvinist* As a general he perceived the possible advantage
of presenting a united front to irreligion and to Rome,
and as a general he ordered the union to take place and his
Prayer Book to be adopted. The difficulty was not very
serious because most of the Calvinists had given up the
doctrine of absolute predestination and most of the
Lutherans had given up the doctrine of the real presence in
the Eucharist, and both communities were deeply infected
with unbelief. In the reception of the sacraments every
individual was allowed to think as he pleased. The signs
were kept as essential, but what was conveyed by those
signs was left uncertain. The new community was given
the name of the Evangelical Church. In spite of the good
Pietists whom it included, its creation proved to be not only
the token but also the instrument of the decay of definite
religion, and sixty years later another King of Prussia
had personally to intervene in order to prevent the Apostles'
Creed from being struck out of the ' Evangelical ' liturgy.
The genuine Lutherans who rejected the union wfere harshly
persecuted. Many of them migrated to Austria and
America. In this way German Protestantism was deprived

182 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

of some of its best members, and the Christian world was
left with a very impressive warning against methods of
reunion which are not based upon spiritual convictions.
Among the sincerest promoters of this ecclesiastical union
was Frederick Daniel Ernest Schleiermacher (1768-1834),
the most imposing figure in German Protestantism since
Luther, 1 In the year 1800 he became preacher at the church
of the Trinity in Berlin. His father was a Calvinist minister,
but he was sent to a Moravian school, a fact which greatly
influenced his whole religion; for his very conception of
religion as a feeling of dependence upon God is derived
from Moravian Pietism. His learning, his scholarship, his
eloquence, and his intercourse with the leaders of the
Romantic movement in Berlin, all contributed to his effi-
ciency as a lecturer and a preacher, and he quickly
initiated a great attempt to reconcile and to mediate. All
founders of religion, he taught, had a new intuition of the
universe, and Christ had, above all others, such an intuition.
He beheld everywhere the divine element and everywhere
the irreligious and the unspiritual, and the need and the
means of overcoming the unspiritual by the spiritual.
And the clearness with which Christ saw the need and
the means constitute what is specific in Christ. Salvation
can be sought only in redemption, in the gaining of union
with Deity, Christ was conscious of a unique knowledge
of God, and of being in God, and He knew that this know-
ledge could communicate itself and kindle religion in others.
He is the cause of the new life, the ideal type of humanity,
and His perfection is proved on the one hand by the exis-
tence of the Church and on the other hand by the fact that
His religious consciousness cannot be explained by merely
natural causes.

1 For Schleiermacher, see W. B. Setbie, Schleiermacker (Chapman & Hall,
London, 1913); also the account in J. H. Kurtz, Letobuch der Kirchen-
gtsckickte, i4th edition (Neumann, Leipzig, 1906). The last division of
this book gives a somewhat full outline of Continental Protestantism since

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 183

On the historical side ScWeieraiacher's system is weak,
and this weakness is far-reaching. He under-estimated the
connexion between Judaism and Christianity. Deeply
attached to the Gospel of St. John he depreciated the
Synoptic Gospels and agreed with the Rationalists in
rejecting the virgin birth of Christ ; a birth congruous with
that essential sinlessness of Christ in which be believed.
Imbued with the importance of the close relation between
Christ and the fellowship of believers, he gave far too little
weight to the fact that this fellowship was created, and could
only have been created, by one who rose from the dead in
the sense which the Gospels maintain. Hoping for a new
unity of even the visible Church, he did not realize how the
polity of the ancient Church depended upon unity and can
once more become its safeguard. Mindful of the truth that
the life of the Church proceeds from Christ, he did not
recognize how admirably the ancient creeds and definitions
of the faith serve to keep intact the witness of the Church
to Christ, and in 1819 he not only advocated the view
that Protestants cannot be bound by any dogmatic decisions
of the past, but even urged that the only thing to which
the Protestant clergy ought to be bound is a repudiation
of Roman Catholicism.

His real work and his great work was to teach, and to
teach from the heart, that the Christian religion was and
is created by the impression which the Person of Christ
produced and still produces in and through the Christian
community. He returns to St. Paul when he emphasizes
the reality of the Christian experience that Christ is our
Redeemer as well as our Teacher and Example, and he
returns to St. Paul in urging that at least the ideal is that
there should be one Church to manifest belief in the one
Redeemer.

1 800. An English translation of an earlier edition of this part of Kurtz's
work was published by Hodder & Stoughton in 1890,

184 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

The mantle of Schleiermacher fell upon Albrecht Ritschl
(1822-1887). Like his predecessor, Ritschl exercised a great
influence upon German thought by the thoroughness with
which he emphasized the value of religious experience, and
also of the regulative use of the idea of religious fellow-
ship. He emancipated himself from the Rationalism of the
Tubingen school and adhered closely to what he believed
to be the fundamental principles of the Lutheran con-
fessions of faith. He laid great stress upon the truthfulness
of the New Testament as an authentic witness of the
primitive Church to the teaching and the Person of Christ.
Religion he treated as essentially practical and social,
a thing not of emotion but of ethical power. A knowledge
of Christ is revealed in the community which has believed
in Christ. Christ's position is unique ; through Him we know
that God is love, and the love of God is His will as directed
towards the realization of His purpose in His kingdom.
Ritschl argues back from the experience of Christians to
the Person of Christ, in whom we find all the great deter-
mining ideas by the aid of which God and man, sin and
redemption, are to be interpreted. The immediate object
of theological knowledge is the faith of the community
and on that positive religious fact theology has to build.
As a philosopher he may be said to have been baptized
into Kant, and even more definitely than Schleiermacher, he
banishes all philosophy from the realm of theology. He
not only depreciates ' metaphysic ' and ' mysticism ' in the
realm of theology, but limits theological knowledge to what
he himself conceives to be the bounds of human need and
experience. His insistence on the relative character of this
knowledge and its sharp difference from theoretical know-
ledge lead him into serious ambiguities and inconsistencies
with regard to some of the vital truths of Christianity. 1

1 Ritschl's most important work was Die christliche Letoe von for
Rtchtfertigung u. Ver$6hnttng t of which an English translation by John S.

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 185

We may thus sum up the work of Schleiermacher and
RitschL They asserted powerfully and persuasively the
truth that Christ is to be regarded as the centre and focus
of religion that His life and death were a supernatural
interposition on the part of God, who is love that we need
redemption and that Christ is essential for that redemption
that no confession that we make of His dignity is of any
value unless it is the outcome of experience that His
work in us teaches us who He is and that in any estimate
of Him we must take into account the experience of the
society which has manifested Him to the world; though
with Schleiermacher the individual is primary and the
community is secondary, while with Ritschl the whole
religious community founded by Christ is primary and the
individual is secondary.

But even according to the most generous criticism the
message of them both falls short of the glory of the message
of the New Testament, The religious importance of Christ's
pre-existence, of His eternal reciprocal relationship with the
Father and His exaltation and present life in heaven, is put
aside. St. Paul draws the richest moral lessons from
the thought that He who existed in the form of God
humbled himself and was found in fashion as a man. The
whole history of Christian worship and of Christian conduct
has been moulded by a recollection of the intercession of
our ascended and glorified High Priest, and by the belief
that He will come to be our Judge. Neither Schleiermacher
nor Ritschl adequately understood the religious value of the
doctrine of the Incarnation. For the one Christ was a man
who had a unique consciousness of God, for the other
Christ had the value of God, But, as the Church had to
maintain in the third century, it is one thing to confess that

Black was published in 1872 (Edmonston & Douglas, Edinburgh) under
the title A Critical History of ike Christian Doctrine of Justification and
Reconciliation. RitschTs Unterricht in der christticten Religion and Ge-
scMchte des Pietismus are also important.

186 ASPECTS OF LUTHERAXISM

Christ was conscious of a unique indwelling of God, and
quite a different thing to confess that in Him was the
fullness of the Godhead. And, as the Church had to maintain
in the fourth century, no one who is not veritably God
can possibly have the value of God.

And, we may indeed ask, what profit was it to blame the
Pietists and the Mystics and the Rationalists for their
individualism and subjectivism and unregulated private
judgement, and to appeal to the experience of believers in
Christ, and then to disregard the most important confessions
of their faith ? A man is not a Christian because he claims
the right to believe, but because he does believe. And an
association of those who believe must sooner or later
compose some definition of their faith. A church which
declined to confess its faith would rapidly become a mere
society for the promotion of good works, and thus involve
itself not only in a repudiation of Catholicism but also in
a reversal of the teaching of Luther.

The unfortunate concessions made by Schleiermacher to
unbelief were of small avail. The very year after his death
Strauss published the notorious Life of Jesus, and he, together
with F. C. Baur, the head of the Tubingen school, drove the
ploughshares of their criticism diagonally across the New
Testament. Strauss criticized the Gospels as unintentional
mythology, Baur criticized them as deliberate forgeries.
The theories of these two writers have been largely aban-
doned, but that of Baur had at least one merit. He saw
clearly that if the rationalistic view of Christ is correct and
the Church is wrong, then we must explain how the Church
came to be wrong. That is the problem, and for the solution
of the problem it is necessary to discover the true position
of St. Paul. We must return to this question in our last
lecture. In the meantime we may notice that though
a slow but certain destruction of Baur's theory was in
progress, German Protestantism continued to struggle

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 187

under hopeless difficulties. The middle of the nineteenth
century was marked by a more definite organization of
Rationalism under the name first of Free Protestantism,
then of Liberal Protestantism, and more recently of Modern
Protestantism. Parties were sharply divided and only
united by a common hatred of Rome and by the occasional
action of the law.

While it would be beside my purpose to speak at length
of any living theologian, it seems right to mention Professor
Harnack as a representative of German Protestantism.
The fertility of his mind, his wide learning, his compact
and lucid style, have won for him a very wide circle of
readers outside Germany. His tribute to the moral value
of Christianity is sincere and impressive. But he is not free
from some of the worst defects of Luther, of Ritschl, and
even of the Tubingen school whose opinions he has demo-
lished. Like Luther he extols the * Gospel ' ; but by the
' Gospel ' he means his own mutilated version of certain
parts of the New Testament. Like Ritschl he lays stress
upon the facts of present religious experience ; but he is far
too ready to regard the philosophic formulation of Christian
doctrine as a mere incubus. Like the Tiibingen school
he disparages evidence which conflicts with his own
belief, and even goes to the length of accusing of deliberate
dishonesty the Christians who first circulated the Gospel
according to St. John. He has again and again come to
the conclusion that Christian tradition was right in much
that concerns the date and the authority of primitive
Christian literature ; and yet he tries to persuade us that
Christian tradition is thoroughly wrong in regard to the
doctrines of the Person of Christ, the Holy Trinity, the
Atonement, and the Church, doctrines which inspired and
united the authors of these venerable books.

In Germany the idea of liberty and the idea of authority

188 ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

have never been reconciled, and the spirit of faith and the
spirit of criticism are engaged in an endless duel. Protes-
tantism is still able to produce some men who are per-
sonalities ; but these very men by the force of their indivi-
duality tend to separate themselves from their fellows,
to form a religion of their own, and to make their
Christianity a mere apprenticeship in religious speculation.
They can neither agree among themselves, nor can they
like a true aristocracy of souls keep close to ordinary people
on the ground of a common Catholic faith and practice.
German Protestantism began by telling the plain man to
open and to read the Gospels and go to Christ. It has come
to shrouding the Gospels in a winding-sheet of sceptical
scholasticism and erasing the grandest features of the
Redeemer.

In Germany we find laborious and learned theologians,
untroubled by wholesome misgivings, bent upon following
one clue and disregarding others, and revelling in false
antitheses. Since the days of Reimarus they have manu-
factured Christs which threaten to become as numerous
as the idols of a Tibetan temple, and so different that it is
hard to suppose that all are intended as representations
of the same Being. The well-known works of Heinrich
Weinel, Albert Schweitzer, and Dr. Sanday quickly put us
in contact with the ideas of these writers. 1 We may perhaps
lay aside the more extravagant theories which depict
Christ as a myth, a madman, or a Buddhist. But we still
find such deep divergences as that which separates those
who believe that Jesus did, or did not, claim to be the

* Heinrich Weinel, Jesus im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (J. C. B. Mohr,
Tubingen und Leipzig, 1903); translated and enlarged by Alban G'.
Widgery, Jesus in the Nineteenth Century and after (T. & T. Clark, Edin-
burgh, 1914), A. Schweitzer, Von Reimarus zu Wrede (J. C. B. Mohr.
Tubingen, 1906) ; translated by W. Montgomery under the title of The
Quest of the Historical Jesus (A. & C. Black, London, 2nd edition, 1911).
W. Sanday, The Life of Christ in Recent Research (Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1907).

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700 189

Messiah. There is an equally serious divergence between
those who represent Him as the preacher of an inward
kingdom of God which was to be realized peacefully through
love, or as the passionate prophet whose every idea was
swayed by the false conviction that this kingdom will be
brought into the world by a sudden and terrible catastrophe.
At the same time we can be grateful that these critics
have added to the number of facts upon which we can, unlike
them, put a fully Christian interpretation, and we can also
be grateful for the thoroughness with which they have
criticized one another's opinions. 1

Quite recently a ray of hope has made its appear-
ance in Berlin. A Christian reaction, openly called by its
leaders ' High Church ' (Hochkirchlich), and not dissimilar
to the Oxford Movement of the last century, is influencing
a considerable number of Protestants who desire a definite
belief and a reverent worship. 2 But, broadly speaking,
the Protestantism of Germany, Switzerland, France, and
Holland is in a state of complete disintegration. For the
more radical German pastors, ' Liberal ' theology is not
liberal enough. Their instructors said that it was right to
reveal in the pulpit the results of criticism and science.
They claim the same right as their masters, the right to say
sincerely what they think sincerely, and they regard the
ordinary ' Liberal ' as a theological Tartuffe. They dislike
ministers who call Christ the Son of God and the only
mediator, when they deny His Deity and His perfect
manhood. They know that the people are leaving churches

1 As for the tone in which most of the books of this school are written,
it may be noted that Dr. Sanday, in spite of his readiness to praise much
of their contents, says, 'Every now and then one is pulled up sharp by
passages like those of which I have been speaking, which I confess move
me to indignation': op. cit., p. 170. This was written with special
reference to Jiilicher, who in Germany would be regarded as by no means
extreme. And Dr. Sanday adds, 'I am afraid there is too much of this
in the school to which Jiilicher belongs*.

* For this, see the Guardian, March the 24th, 1921.

igo ASPECTS OF LUTHERANISM

which are * spiritual cemeteries ', and they wish to return
to sincerity by departing from Christianity openly, while
retaining their pastoral office in the Evangelical Church.
In Germany the diminution of candidates for the Protestant
ministry has been enormous, in Holland it has for some time
been necessary to supplement the ranks of the ministers
from the Dutch in South Africa. Other points also deserve
our serious attention. One is that during the earlier years
of this century statistics abundantly proved that throughout
Germany the proportion both of illegitimate births and of
suicides was higher in the Protestant districts than in the
Roman Catholic districts. 1 The sense of moral obligation is
weaker where the sense of submission to divine truth is
weaker, and ' Modern Protestantism ' has pulverized what
Luther broke. As a spiritual force Protestantism on the
Continent is quite ineffective in opposing Rome. 2 That
is not merely because bands of irregular troops are no
match for a highly disciplined army. The reason lies far
deeper. It is that there are everywhere considerable
numbers of people who realize that a Church keeping the
original Gospels, even with an Italian Pope, provides us
with an infinitely better religion than a school which offers
us selections from a New Testament expurgated by mutually
hostile professors. I have ventured to speak strongly about
some existing corruptions in the Church of Rome. But,
having so spoken, I say that the meanest Roman chapel in
England is nearer to God than the finest temple where they
preach any sham German Jesus.

And this is closely connected with something to which
I would finally draw your attention. We have in England

1 Arthur Shadwell, Industrial Efficiency, vol. i, p. 241 (Longmans,
London, 1906).

* The weakness of Protestantism in Holland as a political and social
force is shown by the Dutch Parliamentary elections of July 1922. Roman
Catholics had 30 per cent, of the votes cast and secured thirty-two of the
one hundred seats in the Second Chamber, thereby gaining political
supremacy*

AND CALVINISM SINCE 1700

been repeatedly told by those who have lately introduced
into this country the precise arguments which Germans
have employed in undermining the faith of their fellow
countrymen in various articles of the creed and in Christ
himself, that their work is one of restatement and recon-
struction, the clearing away of temporary misinterpreta-
tions, the strengthening of conviction as to the real message
of our Lord. In view of these repeated assertions, whatever
degree of sincerity they possess, it will not be amiss to
quote the words of a German professor who cannot with
propriety be treated as a nobody in the intellectual world,
Professor Ernst Troeltsch, He sees quite clearly that the
crucial thing in the difference between the Old and the New
Protestantism is the question of Christology. What is now
left of Christ is said to be His ' originality and spiritual creative
power *. The rest is gone. With a candour which leaves
nothing to be desired Troeltsch says, * From this alteration
in the central point of the system the most profound results
issue, the old Christological dogma and myth are set aside,
the doctrine of the Trinity and vicarious satisfaction are
destroyed or rendered uncertain, the roots of the idea of
the sacraments and the Church are plucked up, and direct
communion with the Bible rendered difficult *. 1

That is ' Modern Protestantism '.

Is there anything harsh or illiberal in our saying that to
describe such an alteration as a ' restatement ' or ' recon-
struction ', or even as a * readjustment ' in theology, is
a grave misuse of language, and that such a religion is
' after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world,
and not after Christ ' ?

1 Die Kultur der Gegenwart* * Die christliche Religion ', pp. 446, 447
(Teubner, Berlin und Leipzig, 1905).

VII
THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

Rev. ii. 1 3 : I know thy works, and where thou dwellest, even where
Satan's seat is: and thou holdest fast my name, and hast not denied
my faith.

ON July the i6th, 1054, three papal legates walked through
the congregation assembled in the great church of the
Holy Wisdom at Constantinople, past the columns of
porphyry under the domes of gold mosaic and the great
wings and faces of the angels, through the jewelled screen,
and placed upon the altar a bull excommunicating Michael
Caerulaxius, Patriarch of Constantinople. If on the one
hand the bull contained statements which were both abusive
and false, yet on the other the conduct of the Patriarch
had been arrogant and provocative.

During the darkest times of the Papacy the eastern
Emperors with singular skill had strengthened their hold
upon the provinces of Southern Italy. It was their policy
to make the country once again a Magna Graecia. In
Calabria eight bishops were made dependent upon the Greek
Archbishop of Santa Severina, and five sees were placed
under the Greek metropolitan of Otranto. Large numbers
of eastern monks settled in the country, also acting as
the apostles of Hellenism. The Greek language was wide-
spread, and the Greek rite took such deep root that in some
parishes it survived until the fifteenth century and even to
the end of the sixteenth. 1 Rome did not prohibit, and
does not now prohibit, the Byzantine rite, and in the
monastery of Grottaferrata within sight of Rome it has
lasted until the present day. But Michael Caerularius

** See app. note 23, p. 277.

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 193

would show no tolerance to the churches of the Latin rite
in Constantinople.

The question of doctrine was entirely in the background.
The points at issue were matters of ceremonial, not so very
different from the matters that caused bitter controversies
and even imprisonments in England in the nineteenth
century. Michael, who observed the Eastern custom of
consecrating leavened bread for the Eucharist, had a
strong dislike of the Western custom, alluded to in England
by the Venerable Bede, of consecrating bread that was
unleavened. Both customs are very ancient, both are
possibly apostolic, and in the ninth century Photius, the
learned Eastern protagonist and opponent of Rome, wisely
left the matter in silence. Michael also disliked the old
Roman custom of fasting on a Saturday, an innocent
practice which probably arose in imitation of the fast
before the Easter communion, and was a means of
preparing for the weekly communion which Bede also
mentions as surviving in Rome in his day. It is difficult
to avoid the conclusion that Michael intended to provoke
a crisis in order to show that he repudiated the Roman
claim to primacy. The Pope, Leo IX, who died before the
legates excommunicated Michael, made that claim, a claim
which the Oecumenical Councils allowed. But in stating
it he put ^Constantinople, no doubt of set purpose, lowest in
the list of patriarchates, in spite of the Second Oecumenical
Council having placed it second only to ' Old Rome *.
If we may lawfully pass judgement on the rivals, we can
hardly hesitate to call the malice of Michael more culpable
than the pride of Leo.

The papal legates had not excommunicated the Eastern
Church as a whole, and some time elapsed before the width
and the permanence of the schism were understood. But
all subsequent attempts at union failed and the doctrine
of papal infallibility has now made the vision of unity seem

2649 O

194 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

only a mirage in the desert. The schism between the East
and the West brought its punishment in limiting the know-
ledge and the sympathies of both parties. In the West all
intercourse with the Greeks, and a knowledge of the atmo-
sphere in which early Christianity had developed, became
delayed until the fifteenth century. The isolation of the
Pope from the other patriarchs of the Church prepared for
his autocracy and in the end for the dogma of his infalli-
bility ; and this autocracy led to that explosion of indivi-
dualism and failure to recognize the corporate life of the
whole Church which have been so common in Protestant
Christianity. In fact it is hard to deny that there is con-
siderable truth in the Russian view that Rome and Protes-
tantism represent different aspects of one and the sam
fundamental error, the exaltation of the individual at the
expense of the body of which he is a member. Nor can we
fail to regret that the conviction that the Eastern Church
is schismatical and heretical has caused Latin Christendom
lavishly to spend men and money in making proselytes from
Orthodoxy, when the same resources might have been
devoted to the conversion of the enemies of the Cross.

Isolation from the West has in turn affected the East.
The great stores of western theological and devotional
literature remained almost unknown. Little was done
to develop the more active side of monastic life, or, in
modern times, of parochial life. Wherever possible a
dignified worship and the strict observance of fasts and
festivals were maintained ; but the schism having origina-
ted with small outward things, a strange importance was
attached to such matters as the kind of bread used in
the Eucharist or the precise manner of making the sign of
the Cross. Conservatism prevented the use of instrumental
music in church, and the introduction of images as distin-
guished from sacred pictures. The short and simple service
of low mass, apparently introduced in the West as early

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 195

as the sixth century, remained unknown. To this day the
liturgy is never celebrated in the Eastern Church without
incense and singing, and the length of the rite and diffi-
culty of providing the necessary ceremonial render the
celebration far less frequent than in the West. The custom
of observing a very rigid fast * for a week before receiving
the Holy Communion, a custom which originated in Lent
and Advent, reduced the primitive weekly communion to
a communion four times a year among the Slavs, and to once
a year among the Rumanians. Such comparatively modern
rites as Exposition and Benediction of the blessed Sacrament
remain unknown, and though the Sacrament is reserved
upon the altar hidden behind the curtain in the iconostasis,
the devotion of the worshipper is quickened more by the
sacred pictures than by a recollection of the adorable
presence.

This Conservatism in worship and practice has sometimes
tempted western Christians to speak of Eastern Orthodox
Christianity as fossilized, or to describe its dogmas as ' flies
in amber'. That is an unwise and hasty judgement. Eastern
Orthodoxy has never ceased to be moulded by the central
doctrine of Christianity, the Incarnation of the Son of God,
and by the truth that we are made partakers of Christ,
the God-Man. A deep reverence is felt for the Gospels.
And we shall not find it hard to sympathize with the Eastern
who thinks that western worship appeals either too much
to the eyes or too much to the head, while his own liturgy,
mysterious and half concealed, with its frequent pathetic
supplications, appeals to the heart. His devotion to dogma-
tism is by no means excessive. It is true that the Oriental
cannot conceive of a full Christian intercommunion in the
sacraments which is not cemented by an agreement in
doctrine ; but the Oriental mind is averse from a minute

Among Orthodox Easterns fasting implies abstinence from meat, eggs,
butter, oil, cheese, all kinds of fish among the Slavs, and nearly all kinds
among the Greeks.

02

196 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

definiteness in dogma. This aversion is most marked in the
case of the Russians. An acute French writer observes,
' The Latin defines and catalogues the divine as he defines
and catalogues himself; it is a physiological necessity . . .
accustom the Russian to definitions of which the Latin
cannot have enough, and you will only arrive at making
him doubt a truth which he can only grasp with his heart*
The Latin has such a horror of human mysteries that he is
obliged to penetrate into the mysteries of God as far as reason
can take him ; the Russian is so at ease in mysteries of every
kind that to explain them makes them less real to him/ l
And we who are not French or Latin need to come into
contact with eastern Christians if we wish to understand
how deeply our national and religious temperament has been
influenced by a civilization which is essentially Roman.

The capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453 left
Moscow as the great centre of eastern Christianity. The
patriarchates of Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Antioch,
though they survive to this day, had long been trodden
under the feet of the Moslem. Serbia was to fall a few
years later than Constantinople. Most of us, unless we are
historians by profession, have forgotten the fear of the
Turks, as we have forgotten the earlier fear of the Tartars.
It would have been an ever-present fear to us if we had
been alive when Luther rebelled against Rome. For in
the year when Luther burnt the Pope's bull Suleiman the
Magnificent ascended the throne of Turkey, and he reigned
from Bagdad to Algiers and from Cairo to Belgrad and
Buda-Pesth. The hapless eastern Christians might indeed ask
themselves whether God was not on the side of the victorious
sultan, and of the false prophet, whose religion is only

* J. Wilbois, L'Avenir de I'Eghse Ru$$$, English translation by C. R.
Davey Biggs, Russia and Reunion, pp. 126, 127 (A. R. Mowbray & Co,]
London, 1908)

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 197

a parody, though a serious parody, of the Christian faith.
Apostasy was well rewarded. In Bosnia, after the whole-
sale massacres which established Turkish rule, the Slavonic
aristocracy, who had been for the most part members of
the strange semi-Christian sect of the Bogomili, accepted
Islam, and their descendants have remained rich and
undisturbed. In Constantinople, when a Christian of good
position became a proselyte, he was led on horseback
through the streets as one whom the king delighted to
honour, and provision was made for his support, whether
he were priest or layman. The policy of exterminating
Christians has only been systematically followed by the
Turks during the last forty years. During the decadence of
the Church which inevitably followed the establishment of
Turkish rule the number of renegades was considerable.
But it is a matter for legitimate surprise that it was not
infinitely greater and that in European Turkey the crescent
never broke the Cross.

The sultans soon saw the advantage of having the highest
ranks of the clergy on their side and under their hand.
They could afford to treat the Patriarch with every honour
if through him they could both tax and tame the whole
Orthodox community and keep alive a jealous dislike of
western Christendom. At the first, therefore, the Patriarch
of Constantinople, as the head of a great community,
enjoyed more power than he enjoyed under a Christian
sovereign, and he began to wear on his brow a jewelled
crown similar to that of the departed emperors. He was
nevertheless an instrument of slavery and extortion. The
Turks lived by fighting, and their intention was to maintain
a warrior class on the basis of a subject population: This
enslaved population had to fulfil three primary duties.
First, they had to till the land for feudal landowners, the
fiefs not being hereditary, but held directly from the sultan.
Secondly, they had to pay taxes, especially a capitation

ig8 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

tax paid by every non-Moslem. Thirdly, they had to pay
the tribute of boys. Every four years the officers of the
sultan made a selection of the male Christian children in
Turkey between the ages of six and nine. These children
were then circumcised, taught the faith of Islam, and in
most cases enrolled in the corps of Janissaries. This
inhuman practice sometimes turned to the advantage of the
Christians, for the renegades occasionally dealt kindly with
the people of their own race. A notable instance is the
Serbian boy who was taken to Constantinople, became
Grand Vizier, and was known by the name of Mechmed
Sokolovid. He was a strict Moslem, and in Constantinople
he turned the church of St. Anastasia into a mosque. But
he never lost his love for Serbia, and under his protection
his brother, the Serbian Patriarch Makarije I (1557-1574),
was able to restore several of the exquisite churches and
monasteries of Serbia, some of which had been built when
the Turks were at the very gates of Prince Lazar's dominions.
But, as a rule, in the latter part of the sixteenth century
and during the greater part of the seventeenth, the position
of the Church was desperate both in the cities and in the
rural districts. Enormous sums were extorted from each
Patriarch-elect at Constantinople, sums which had to be
collected from the people by demanding fees for the offices
of religion. Only by huge donations to the sultans were
a few of the churches saved from being converted into
mosques. 1 Even so, they were only rescued for a time,
for the Greeks lost every ancient church in Constantinople
except one small building, the Panagia MuchKotissa, built
by the Greek princess Mary, daughter of Manuel Palaeologus,
who became the bride of a Mongol Khan. In Serbia and

1 The Christians were not allowed to build any new churches. After
some great fires in 1660 when many churches in Galata and Constantinople
were burned, the churches were rebuilt by the Christians but immediately
destroyed by the Turks. See Paul Rycaut, State of the Ottoman Empire,
p. 103 (London, 1670).

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 199

Macedonia, when the Moslem law against building new
churches was enforced, the Christians tried to conceal them
by building them partly underground, and the practice of
making semi-subterranean churches survived until the begin-
ning of this century. In one point the example of the Turks
may be commended. They appreciated the beauty of the
churches of Constantinople and the skill of the native Greek
and Armenian architects. And for mosque after mosque,
from that of Mohammed the Conqueror in Constantinople
to that built in the nineteenth century in the citadel of
Cairo, they employed architects of Christian race to design
buildings wholly different from the primitive temples of
Islam and almost purely Byzantine in their plan. Greatest
among these mosques is that designed by the Armenian
Sinan for Suleiman that it might surpass Justinian's church
of Saint Sophia, and the other mosque erected by Sinan for
the Sultan Selim at Adrianople. Why, we may ask, have
we Christians built in India churches inartistic, exotic, and
unsuited to the climate, when Indian art would lend itself
to a style as delicate and appropriate as that of the churches
of eastern Europe?

The Eastern Church was quickly affected by the Reforma-
tion. As early as 1559 Melanchthon opened a correspondence
with the Patriarch Joasaph II with a view to promoting
union between the Lutherans and the Orthodox, and
between 1573 and 1581 there was a correspondence between
the theologians of Tubingen and the Patriarch Jeremiah II.
These theologians, like Melanchthon, desired an approxima-
tion as well as information. A controversy began which
Jeremiah saw to be futile, and he finally asked them to
write about friendship and not about dogma. More strange
and pitiful is the story of Cyril Lucaris, Patriarch of Alex-
andria and afterwards of Constantinople (d. 1637). Living
at the very darkest period of his Church's history, when the

200 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

Christians had at least twice been threatened with extermina-
tion, and had been deprived of no less than four churches
to which the patriarchal throne had been successively
removed, 1 he studied at Geneva and became infected with
Calvinist principles. He corresponded with Calvinist
divines in Holland and also with Archbishop Laud. He
presented King James I with the famous manuscript known
as Codex Alexandrines, and one of his Alexandrine clergy,
Metrophanes Kritopulos, came to Balliol College in 1617.
Anxious for a union between the Greek Church and the
Calvinists, he sent to Geneva in 1629 a Confession of a
distinctly Calvinistic character. He met with bitter opposi-
tion not only from the Greeks but also from the Jesuits,
who, backed by France, were extending their influence in
the Levant. The Jesuits incited the Turks to close the
printing press which had been opened under his patronage,
and Cyril himself was thrown into the prison of the Seven
Towers. He was accused of a design of stirring the Cossacks
to fight the Turks, and Sultan Murad had him killed by the
Janissaries. His body was thrown into the sea but recovered
and buried by his friends.

The Confession of Lucaris, which in one year appeared in
two Latin editions, four French, one German, and one
English, must be regarded as authentic, as it was never
repudiated by the Patriarch himself. Unlike the more
moderate and orthodox Confession previously composed
by Kritopulos, it had the almost inevitable effect of causing
a reaction in the Romeward direction. It was not only in
Constantinople that the Orthodox Church was threatened,
nor only by the Jesuits. Kiev, the old holy city of Russia,
was at this time attached with Lithuania to Poland, Protes-

1 After the loss of St. Sophia, the church of the Holy Apostles was used
as the pro-cathedral, then St. Mary Pammakaristos (made later into the
Rose Mosque), then the church of Vlach Serai, then St. Demetrius. Finally,
in 1601, the Patriarch was obliged to move to St. George of the Phanar
on the site of the present church of that name.

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 201

tant churches had been built there and in other places of
White Russia, and Calvinistic catechisms were translated
into Slavonic, 1 The same thing was happening in Wai-
lachia. And in the meantime Polish Roman Catholicism
had driven a deep wedge into Russian Orthodoxy. In 1570
a Jesuit college was founded in Wilna, and at the close of
the century no fewer than nine Russian bishops, including
Michael, the metropolitan of Kiev, were received with their
flocks into union with Rome at Brest (1596). On condition
of their accepting Roman doctrine they were allowed to
retain the Eastern liturgy and other rites. They were hence-
forth * Uniats *, and the ancient mosaics in the unique
Byzantine cathedral of Kiev were covered with whitewash.
Vast numbers of the descendants of these proselytes were
brought back into the Orthodox fold early in the nineteenth
century under Russian pressure, and many thousands
returned to Rome early in the twentieth, when the Russian
Government proclaimed religious toleration.

It was under Polish rule that a new standard of Eastern
Orthodoxy was set up. In 1640 Peter Mogila, a Moldavian,
the Orthodox metropolitan of Kiev, submitted to his synod
an ' Orthodox Confession '. It was written in scholastic
Latin, and its biblical quotations were from the Vulgate.
It was approved by a synod at Jassi in Moldavia the next
year, translated into Greek and approved by the four
Orthodox patriarchs in 1643. This important Eastern docu-
ment was first printed in Calvinistic Holland, and its
strongly anti-Calvinistic tone caused Pope Urban VIII to
send his congratulations to the author. In the meantime
a dispute was in progress between the French Calvinists

1 The Jesuit Skaga says that the Protestants secured three thousand
churches in the kingdom of Poland. The Jesuits won back large numbers
of these Protestants and then turned their attention to the Orthodox.
They tried in vain to win Prince Constantine of Ostrog, who was the
patron of nearly a thousand churches, and then they turned to the
Ruthenian or Little Russian bishops.

202 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

and French Roman Catholics of Jansenist proclivities with
regard to the doctrine of the Eucharist. Both sides
claimed that the Greek Church supported their views,
and the Marquis De Nointel, the French ambassador
at the Porte, asked in writing what was the Eastern
Orthodox doctrine of the Eucharist. After certain pre-
liminaries a clear reply was given. Dositheos, Patriarch
of Jerusalem, summoned a Council at Jerusalem in 1672.
The result was a full repudiation of Calvinism, and the
adoption of certain phrases of Latin theology, including
those used in defining the doctrine of transubstantiation.
This Council, which represents the high-water mark of
Roman influence on Greek doctrine, gave its sanction
to both the Confession of Peter Mogila and a clearly
written and systematic Confession of Dositheos. The
official theology of the Eastern Orthodox Church remains in
substance that of this Council of Jerusalem. But the acts
of this Council are not of supreme authority, though regarded
as worthy of very high respect. In authority the Bible is
placed first, then the acts of the Seven Oecumenical Councils,
then the acts of the Council of Jerusalem including the
Confession of Dositheos, and then the Confession of Peter
Mogila. 1 Below these Confessions come the ordinary
catechisms which have only the direct approval of the
national churches from which they have issued.

A serious knowledge of the theology of the Eastern
Church has become for us not a luxury but a duty. In
the British colonies and in the United States, members of the
churches of the Eastern communion and members of the
churches of the Anglican communion live and work side by
side. Christian charity demands that if there cannot as
yet be a full ungrudging intercommunion between the two

1 For these, see E. J. Kimmel, Ltbw Symbolic* Ecclesiae Onentalis
(Jenae, 1843).

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 203

bodies, there should at least be such a concordat as will
absolutely prevent scandal and heart-burning with regard
to baptism, confirmation, ordination, and mixed marriages.
Such a concordat is being gradually reached. 1 And while
we bear in mind that Eastern Christians regard Orthodoxy
as a unity of life and not as a collection of dogmas, we
should be prepared to consider whether the divergences in
doctrine are such as to make a closer co-operation impracti-
cable. The differences which would occur to the minds of
most of us are four.

There is the old and lamentable dispute concerning the pro-
cession of the Holy Spirit, the dispute in which the Patriarch
Photius took a leading part and which was revived after
the schism had taken place in the eleventh century. The
Easterns have simply kept in the creed the original phrase
to the effect that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the
Father; the West has added the phrase Filioque, ' and the
Son ', inserting something that has not Oecumenical authority
into a creed which had Oecumenical authority. The phrase
* and the Son ' is not false. It could only be false if it were
spoken not by monotheists but by ditheists who imagined
that the Son was a second god, separable from God the
Father. And this doctrine of the procession of the Holy
Spirit came as a natural development after the prolonged
struggle of the Church with Arianism. From the age of the
apostles the Holy Spirit had been to the Christian Church
that Spirit who had wrought the miraculous conception of
the Son of Mary and had spoken by the prophets of His
advent. Yet the supreme necessity of concentrating atten-
tion upon the Person of Jesus Christ did for a time cause the
doctrine of the Third Person of the Holy Trinity to remain

* Hopes of a closer union have been greatly strengthened by the pro-
nouncement made by the Patriarch Meletios and the Holy Synod of
Constantinople in favour of the validity of Anglican orders. For the
Patriarch's letter on this subject to other Orthodox Churches, see app.
note 24, p. 279.

204 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

somewhat immature and ambiguous. When, however, the
fundamental Christian conviction that the Redeemer of the
world can be neither a demi-god nor a human personality
had found its definite expression, it was more clearly seen
that the relation of the Spirit to the Son concerns Their
essential life and not a mere temporal operation. The Holy
Spirit, the Giver of Life, is not a creature nor a transient
phase of God's self-manifestation. The one indivisible
Godhead is self-conscious in three eternal modes. And the
term ' from the Son ' was meant to suggest such a depen-
dence of the Third Person of the Trinity upon the Second
as is compatible with the divine Unity and a full recognition
of the Deity of both the Son and the Spirit. In the East
St, Gregory of Nyssa and St. Cyril of Alexandria were
almost on the verge of stating it, and St. Augustine in
stating it explicitly taught nothing that contradicted the
deeper Eastern teaching. 1 If in East and West we are
in complete agreement as to the Spirit's presence in the
Church and His gracious work in human souls, let us
witness to this agreement. We must not seek peace by
saying that Filioque is false. It is a most valuable safe-
guard against low views of Jesus Christ. But could we not
say that there is higher ecclesiastical authority for the older
form of the creed, and even that we desire on certain
solemn occasions to use that older form ?

Another difference between the Anglican and the Eastern
Churches has been suggested by the Greek definition of the
real presence in the Eucharist. We have already noticed
that the Council of Jerusalem adopted certain phrases of
Latin theology in order to shut the door in the face of
Calvinism. Among these phrases were the words /ACTovo-foxns
and <n>/m/3j3ijK<Jra, the equivalents of ' transubstantiation '

1 For this, see H. B. Swete, D.D., The Holy Spint in the Ancient Church
(Macmillan & Co., London, 1912),

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 205

and ' accidents '. This is in harmony with the teaching
of the Council of Trent, and the cursory reader would at
once conclude that the Roman Catholic Church and the
Eastern Church are here completely united. Such an
opinion must be carefully qualified. The word /AeTov<r&><ns
was first used, and used three times, by George Scholarios,
who had attended the reunion Council of Florence, then
repudiated his own action, and became Patriarch of Con-
stantinople immediately after it was captured by the Turks.
It occurs also in three writers of the next century. 1 It is
identical in meaning with transubstantiation, and is treated
as such by the eminent Russian theologian N. Malinovsky,
and an exact equivalent of the word is used in Russian. 2
But both before and after the Council of Jerusalem the terms
used by the Greek Fathers to describe the operation of the
Holy Spirit in the Sacrament were usually preferred even by
the Greeks. Not only does Kritopulos in his Confession
avoid the words transubstantiation and accidents, but
even the Synod held at Constantinople in 1638 with the
special purpose of counteracting the Confession of Cyril
Lucaris also avoids both words. The attitude of the Slavs
towards the question is even more significant. The acts of
the Synod of Jerusalem were finally sanctioned for Russia
by the Russian Holy Synod in 1838, but only after a revision
which brought their phraseology in several points of doctrine
into closer conformity with the old Oriental type. The
change goes beyond mere wording. Thus the canon of
Scripture is that of certain Fathers followed by the Church
of England, not that of Trent. The word SovXcfe as applied
to the veneration of the saints, and virepbavXcta, as applied to

1 Meletios Pegas, Gabriel Severos, Maximos Margunios. The question
is discussed in the Orthodox Greek periodical Nfo Sfw, January 1907,
p. 125 (Jerusalem, Press of the Holy Community of the Holy Sepulchre)'

Pravoslavnoe Dogmatitcheskoe Bogoslovye, vol. iv, p. 177, foot note i.
The Russians use prelozhenie to correspond with the Greek /jero^oA^, and
presi4shche$tvlenie to correspond with

206 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

the veneration of the Mother of God, are eliminated.
Whereas the penitent is to undergo discipline, he is not said
to perform works of satisfaction, nor are the souls of the
faithful departed said to pay a penalty. Finally the section
on the Eucharist omits the crucial words ' transubstantiated'
and 'accidents', and modifies a phrase suggesting a material
and sensible presence. 1

To sum up. The whole Eastern Church has adopted
words equivalent to transubstantiation, while not investing
them with the highest authority and while repudiating
a material or, as the Greeks say, * physico-chemical *
sense of the word. And the Slavs, not the Greeks, decline
to employ the word * accidents' in connexion with their
doctrine of transubstantiation. All the Eastern Orthodox
declare that the mystery passes human understanding,
and that to explain perfectly the manner of the change is
impossible. And all would probably refuse to accept the
sharpened Tridentine doctrine which was laid down by
Rome in 1875, and apparently intended to exclude one
view of the mystery for which strong support can be found
in ancient writers. 2

If the question of intercommunion were to be seriously
considered, it is quite unlikely that Anglicans would be asked
to accept the acts of the Council of Jerusalem in their
original form. They would certainly be asked to signify
their adhesion to the patristic doctrine implied in the
Eastern liturgies and in the Anglican liturgies used in
Scotland and America.

It seems fitting to say a little about the use of the icons or
sacred pictures which are so conspicuous in Eastern worship
and in Russia are almost ubiquitous. The scientific study of

1 See a paper by W. J. Birkbeck in the Guardtan, March the 3ist, 1907.
DarweU Stone, A History of the Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist, vol. ii,
p. 416 (Longmans, London, 1909).

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 207

Russian icons as works of art may almost be said to date from
IQ3, when the Russian sect of Old Believers began to collect
antique pictures to adorn the churches which were sanctioned
by the edict of toleration. That icons had some religious
and theological significance had long been recognized, and
the history of the Iconoclastic controversy showed that
serious political consequences attended both the veneration
and the destruction of the sacred icons. But the actual
teaching of the Eastern Church on the subject is not much
better known in the West than the history of the art with
which they are associated. There has been a vague idea
that the veneration paid to them in church is idolatrous,
and that in private they are employed as a kind of fetish.
And that the credulity of the vulgar has sometimes com-
bined with the avarice of blind guides to further super-
stition in this regard, no one will question. But if we know
what grossly pagan superstitions have existed in Great
Britain until our own time, we shall be very slow indeed
to condemn the Russian peasant or Greek sailor who puts
his trust in his picture of St. Nicholas or St. George. The
official teaching of the Eastern Church is everywhere that
of the Seventh Oecumenical Council, the Second of Nicaea. 1
The Council affirmed that the tradition of ' making pictorial
representations is perfectly agreeable to the history con-
tained in the Evangelic message for a confirmation of the
real and not a phantastic incarnation of God the Word \
As Professor Bury has said, ' the material representation of
the Saviour was clung to by the Greeks as a visible warrant
and surety of His human nature 1 . 2 The whole history of
Eastern heresies, ancient and modern, shows a tendency to

1 For the history of the Council, see Dom H. Leclercq's Histoire des
Conciles, a revised and augmented translation of the German work of
Bishop Joseph Hefele, vol. iii, part ii, pp. 758 flf. (Letouzey, Paris, 1910).
For a short account of the doctrine in question, see The Seventh General
Council and the Doctrine of Icons (Society for Promoting Christian Know-
ledge, London, 1919) and Brehier, La Querelle des Images (Paris, 1904).

* The Pilot, November the 3rd, 1900.

208 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

a false type of mysticism which in its eagerness for direct
communion with God starves the senses, and neglects the
means by which God has willed that we should apprehend
Him, even the Incarnation itself. To keep the true balance,
such a mentality requires what is material for its thought
and in its worship. Accordingly, while the Council expressly
denies that Aarpcia, divine worship or adoration, may be
paid to the icons, it upholds the salutation of them and
rifATjriKTj ffpoo-KifjJTjcns, the reverence of honour. The salutation
includes kissing, a tribute paid in England to the New
Testament, and indeed the Council itself puts the respect
paid to the pictures on the same level as that paid to the
Holy Gospels. And the honour includes bowing such as
in England is paid to the throne of the sovereign, and the
use of incense and lights as a sign of respect to the sacred
persons represented.

It would be easy to multiply quotations to show how
strictly this teaching is guarded. Thus Kritopulos says
this reverence is not Aarpevm??, ^ bov\iKy; the Synod of
Constantinople says it is given ov AarpOTucS?, dXXa (TXCTIK&S ;
Macarius, a conservative Russian theologian, compares it
with the respect that we pay to the portraits of our father
and mother. And the Russian Catechism says of icons,
'We ought to honour them, but not to make gods of them;
for pictures are merely representations which serve to
remind us of the works of God and His saints'. The
Oriental is inclined to think that there is a savour of idolatry
in those sculptured figures of saints and heroes which we
erect in churches and which his own religion discourages;
the Occidental is suspicious when he sees a grown-up Slav
act as perhaps his own English children act towards a
favourite picture of their little Jesus. Surely it is not too
much to hope that each will learn to believe the other
when he says that he pays divine worship to God, and to
God alone.

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 209

With regard to the saints departed the Eastern Orthodox
Church teaches that the invocation of them is right, if
I may use the word invocation in the ordinary modern
sense of the word. The English Bishops' Book or Institution
of a Christian Man, published with the full authority of the
Church of England in 1537 just after the breach between
England and Rome, condemns 'invocation'. But by
'invocation* it means asking the saints for gifts of health
and grace which God alone can give. It fully sanctions
Ora pro noUs, for it says that it is lawful and allowed by the
Catholic Church to pray to the saints 'to be intercessors
with us and for us 1 . The theologians and the catechisms
of the Eastern Church, both Greek and Russian, express
themselves precisely to the same effect. Thus Macarius
says, 'In venerating the saints as faithful servants, as
righteous men, and as friends of God, the holy Church
invokes them in her prayers, not as gods capable of affording
us assistance by themselves, but as our intercessors with
God, who is the only author and dispenser of every gift
and every grace to all His creatures '. Khomiakofi says,
'We glorify all whom God has glorified and is glorifying;
for how should we say that Christ is living within us, if we
do not make ourselves like unto Christ? Wherefore we
glorify the saints, the angels, and the prophets, and more
than all the most pure Mother of the Lord Jesus, not
acknowledging her either to have been conceived without
sin, or to have been perfect (for Christ alone is without
sin and perfect), but remembering that her pre-eminence,
passing all understanding, which she has above all God's
creatures, was borne witness to by the angel and by Elizabeth,
and above all, by the Saviour himself/

The eastern Invocation of Saints must be considered as
part of the whole system of prayer both for and to the
departed. Thus not only is the intercession of the Holy
Virgin and all the saints directly asked, but they are prayed

2649 p

210 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

for in the liturgy. Some prayers to the saints are couched
in an exuberant form, more like the Italian than the older
Latin invocations. To balance this fact, we must remember
that the saints are believed to be aided by our prayers,
and it is denied that it is possible for them to have performed
works of supererogation of which the merits can be applied
to others. The communion of prayer is so complete that it
is held that Blessed Mary and all the saints have been
assisted by all the prayers of all the faithful that have
lived or ever will live. All the faithful departed are prayed
for ; little children who sleep in Christ being prayed for more
explicitly than in the West. And on the other hand, all
are asked to pray for us, though they may in no wise be
canonized saints. In Russia a parent will ask his departed
children to pray for him, and children will ask their parents
in the other world to pray for them, like the saints.

Let us link these things together. The deep belief in the
Incarnation, the one single universal creed with no local
additions, the one bread from heaven and cup of salvation
from which the children are not barred, the church adorned
not with artistic novelties but with the easily recognized
portraits of one great family, the prayers in which every
one helps every one living or departed, combine to strengthen
a conception of the Church, that deserves our consideration.
It is a conception of corporate life which seems to avoid
some faults which have done much injury to religion in the
West. And it is true to St. Paul's majestic doctrine of
one body visible to us on earth, invisible so far as it is in
Paradise, dependent upon its Head, the unseen ascended
Christ, It will be found that at point after point, whether
it be for instance in the authority of a Council in defining the
faith, or of a bishop in ordaining, or of a priest in celebrating
and absolving, emphasis is laid not upon the individuals as
such, but upon the body of which they are the representa-

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 211

tives and the instruments. This is perfectly compatible
with the truth that the ministry is representative of Christ
and the priest an ambassador for Christ, as Christ himself in
His priesthood represents God to man and man to God.
It is perfectly compatible with a strongly sacramental
belief. And it would lose its meaning if it were combined
with the idea that any separate congregation or society
could form a valid ministry for itself. On the other hand
it is equally a corrective of any tendency to make the
priesthood into a caste or to treat the laity as merely
passive members of the Body of Christ, Ecclesiasticism
in the worst sense of the word can exist quite as much in the
newest sect as in the most venerable patriarchate. And its
remedy is not to teach a lower, cheaper view of the Church,
but one that is higher and more supernatural. And it is here
that eastern theology, and more particularly that of Russia,
offers to us a suggestion and a lesson.

In studying Christianity within the Turkish Empire after
the date of the Council of Jerusalem, two outstanding
facts immediately claim our notice. The first is the influence
exercised by France, and the second is the influence exercised
by the rich Greeks of the Phanar quarter of Constantinople.

France inaugurated a permanent policy in the Ottoman
Empire in the time of Francis I, and early in the seventeenth
century that policy was pursued with the utmost vigour*
Various religious orders, Capuchins, Jesuits, Dominicans,
and Carmelites, had a potent ally in Richelieu's adviser,
Father Joseph du Tremblay. The near East became dotted
with Latin monasteries, and even Abyssinia, Persia, and
Babylon came within the sphere of French religious
activities. The earlier capitulations made between the
monarchs of France and the sultans of Turkey were
intended to secure religious privileges for French Roman
Catholics in the^Ottoman Empire, and to guarantee French

p 2

212 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

protection for the Holy Places owned by the Latin Church
in Palestine. These rights were carefully watched and
guarded by Louis XIV, who in 1674 declared the Jesuits
to be 'chaplains of the King for the French in the Levant',
and in 1709 authorized the Capuchins to perform parochial
functions for the French embassy. But the so-called
'French apostolate' meant a great deal more than the
protection of French merchants in Turkey and certain
monuments hallowed by Christian tradition. It was
extended to large bodies of native Christians.

The Maronites of the Lebanon, a body of Syrian Christians
who had been united with Rome since the time of the
Crusades, helped St. Louis himself in his Egyptian cam-
paign, and reckoned themselves almost as vassals of the
Crown of France. It was natural that they should be special
objects of the pious solicitude of Louis XIV, whose name was
as much revered on Mount Libanus as on Mount Carmel.
He also assisted the Mirdites, the warrior clan of Roman
Catholics in northern Albania.

What France did for the Maronites and the Mirdites it
was possible to do for any Christians who might detach
themselves from their national Churches, whether Orthodox
or heretical, and unite themselves with Rome. Under
Turkish law these Christians could not obtain any legal
recognition as members of distinct denominations unless they
obtained from the sultan a recognition of their spiritual head,
and such a head must also have the recognition of the
Pope. The Turks have always graciously favoured proposals
for dividing the Christians in thek empire. Rome saw the
utility of the Turkish method and aided by French diplomacy
secured a corporate separate existence for different Uniat
communities which, like the Maronites, are subject to Rome
but retain more or less of their national usages and rites.
It often happens that western customs are introduced among
the Uniats by degrees, so that we find Greek and Coptic

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 213

Uniat bishops wearing Italian mitres, and Maronites and
even Armenian Uniats giving Holy Communion in one
kind. 1

So successful was the policy to which I have alluded,
that not long before the recent war it was calculated that,
excluding 100,000 Christians of the Latin rite, there were
within the Turkish Empire 720,000 Christians subject to
Rome and protected by France. 2 The largest defection from
the Eastern Orthodox Church in the Ottoman Empire to
Rome took place in Syria in the eighteenth century ; and the
poverty and weakness of the Christians of Syria and Pales-
tine now that Russia is impotent to give them help will
expose them to the attractions of the same propaganda.

Unhappily the Phanariot Greeks as well as the French
were responsible for some of the weaknesses of the Orthodox
Church. In the eighteenth century the rich and clever
Greeks of the Phanar quarter of Stamboul dominated all the
races of the Balkans. 3 This domination was favoured by the
Turks. The Turks classified their subjects, not by their
race, but by their religion. In their eyes all the Orthodox
were branches of the Rum Mittet, the Roman, that is, the
Greek Byzantine community. And all the Christians,
whatever their nationality might be, were ruled by Greek
civil ministers and the Greek Patriarch. The effect on the

1 This is done in spite of the fact that Rome officially permits the
Armenian Uniats to receive Holy Communion in both kinds. Dictionnaire
de TUologie Catholique, vol. i, col. 1956 (Letouzey, Paris, 1903): 'Toute-
fois, pour eviter tout scandale chez les ndHes, les catholiques ne com-
munient plus sous les deux especes; c'est Ik un privilege dont Us peuvent
user* mais dont ils n'usent pas.'

1 Joseph Aubes, Le Protectorat religieux en Orient, p. 43 (Paris, Bloud
& O e ). The census of the Lebanon taken in A.D. 1922 is instructive. It
included 199,000 Maronites, 81,000 Orthodox, 42,000 Melchites (Uniats of
the Greek rite) , 4,200 Protestants. There were also 1 24,000 Sunni Moslems,
104 Shia Moslems, and 43,000 Druses.

* For much that concerns the Phanar I am indebted to the brilliant
author of Turkey in Europe (Edward Arnold, London, 1900). He writes
under the name of ' Odysseus '.

214 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

religious life of the people was harmful, for the whole system
was intended to be a means of extorting money and lent
itself to other abuses which we must not conceal. It is
only just to add that the Greek theologians of the eighteenth
century were numerous and well educated. The most
distinguished was Eugenios Bulgaris (1717-1800), a native
of Corfu, who studied at Padua, knew nine languages,
wrote an ' Orthodox Confession ', and was called by the
Empress Catherine II to occupy an archiepiscopal see in
Russia.

The War of Independence which caused Greece to be
detached finally from the sultan in 1830 also detached
it from the rule of Phanariot officials. The hapless Patriarch
Gregory V, though he had taken no share in the Greek
insurrection, had to suffer from the Turks as head of the
Rum Millet. He was hanged in his vestments on Easter
Day, April the 22nd, 1822, immediately outside a door of his
patriarchal church of St. George. And to this day the door
remains closed, and will so remain until the Turkish rule
is banished from Constantinople. When the Greeks had
achieved independence, they had no desire to continue to
be under any patriarch nominated by the sultan and
himself an Ottoman subject. The Greek national Parlia-
ment therefore declared the Church to be autocephalous,
and a Holy Synod was appointed after the Russian model

After considerable difficulties the Patriarch in 1850 finally
recognized the independence of the Church of Hellas,
a Church which the Hellenic constitution affirms to be
'indissolubly united, as regards dogmas, to the Great
Church of Constantinople', At the present time it seems
probable that in Greece and in other Orthodox countries
an undue interference with the Church on the part of the
State will have an effect analogous to that of the Tsarist
regime in Russia, and this probability increases the necessity
for independence and integrity in the occupants of the

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 215

patriarchal throne of St. Chrysostom. The politics of
to-day are not the politics of yesterday ; but the history of
the eighteenth and the nineteenth century shows in glaring
colours the result of the patriarchate being made sub-
servient to merely secular force and national ambition.
The effect of this subservience was so paralysing that we
should wonder, not that Christianity sank low, but that
it did not become extinct.

The Greeks, very faithful to their religion, proud of their
ancient literature, and speaking a modern Greek easily
learned and well fitted to become a lingua franca, tried to
Hellenize the Bulgarians, Rumanians, Serbs, and Arabs
of the same religion. Their conduct was not wholly inexcus-
able. For as the Turks had ruined the native civilization
of these races, of whom the Rumanians and the Serbs had
exceptional mental and artistic talents, the Greeks of the
Phanar might argue that where no culture existed, Greek
culture might well be planted. Nor was it wrong if they
wished to diminish the danger of religious schisms or even
to smooth the wheels of peaceful Turkish government*
But any complete Hellenization of these races was impos-
sible, and the Hellenic influence which might have been
spread by self-restraint and toleration was neutralized by
rapacity and intolerance. On the shores of the Danube
bickering and bitterness have been the legacy of Greece.

In Serbia the Church was deprived of its independence
in 1766, when the sultan, under Phanariot influence, -sup-
pressed the Serbian patriarchate at Pe6 and all the Serbians
in Turkey were put under the immediate authority of the
Patriarch of Constantinople. 1 The next year the primatial
see at Ochrida was suppressed, and all Bulgars were made
immediate subjects of the same Oecumenical Patriarch.
The best places of preferment were given to Greeks, Slavonic

1 The last Patriarch in Pec was Kallinikos II, a Greek. Three of his
predecessors in the eighteenth century also appear to have been Greeks.

316 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

service books were destroyed, and Greek books introduced.
The Bulgarian language was written in Greek letters and
the better educated Bulgarians spoke Greek. The Slavonic
clergy were left uneducated. In external matters the
process of Hellenization went farthest among the Rumanians,
for the whole civil administration as well as the ecclesiastical
was in the hands of the Greeks, headed by the Greek
Hospodars who ruled Moldavia and Wallachia. The office of
these Hospodars was fanned out by the Turks on a purely
commercial basis, so that even when they were men of
enlightened views it was inevitable that their rule was
oppressive. They were accompanied by swarms of Greek
adventurers and monks, and vast ecclesiastical estates were
in the hands of Greek ecclesiastics. Yet during the whole
period of Phanariot rule Rumanian literature was never
entirely sterile, and among the Serbs the national devotion
to their beautiful ancient poetry kept alive the memories
of their glorious past. Everywhere a revolt was certain
to come against Greek intolerance and Turkish despotism.
And the ecclesiastical revolt came in its most determined
form from the Balkan race which by descent and tempera-
ment is nearest to the Turks, the Bulgarians.

A Bulgarian Church, orthodox in doctrine but free from
the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, was
established in 1870 in the teeth of Greek opposition at a time
when the Bulgarian State did not yet exist. The Bulgarians
wanted to belong no more to the Rum Millet but to a Millet
of their own, and the sultan issued the necessary firman.
The Exarch, who was the head of the Church, was to reside
at Constantinople, and to have jurisdiction over Bulgarians
even where the Greeks were in a majority and the Orthodox
Church was completely organized. The Bulgarian Church
thus became 'a hostile and proselytizing sect, claiming all
persons belonging to a certain race'. The exasperated

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 217

Patriarch protested against the novel doctrine that persons
of a particular race are entitled to a separate ecclesiastical
organization, branded it with the name of ' Phyletismos ',
and in 1872 held a local synod at Constantinople which pro-
nounced the Bulgarian Church schismatic. The Churches
of Alexandria, Antioch, and Athens agreed ; the Church of
Jerusalem took a rather less definite line, while the Churches
of Russia, Rumania, and Serbia observed an attitude of
non-committal. Sooner or later, when the political atmo-
sphere is clearer, a reunion will probably be effected,
a reunion rendered easier not only by identity of doctrine
but by the fact that Orientals are familiar with the idea of
members of different national Churches or parties in the
same Church being in communion with each other when the
chief officials have openly suspended official relations with
one another.

Undeterred by their experience of Bulgarian national
sentiment, the Greeks continued the same course in Antioch
and Jerusalem. After 1724 all the Orthodox Patriarchs of
Antioch were Phanariot Greeks until 1899, in spite of the
fact that the great majority of the people spoke Arabic.
In the latter year they elected an Arab, Meletios: he was
supported by Russia and opposed by the Phanar and the
French ambassador at Constantinople. The sultan wavered,
then he yielded to Russian pressure, and in 1900 Meletios
became Patriarch, and Arabs have since been appointed to
other sees in the patriarchate. In Jerusalem the contest
between the Greeks and the Arab Christians, who were for-
merly backed by Russia, is hardly yet concluded. The rule
that the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre, which recently
numbered 500 members, 'must all be Greeks.', was an unfor-
tunate illustration of Greek inability to rise above the
distinctions of race and language in religious matters, an
inability from which some of the best educated members of
the Church of England are by no means free. At the

2i8 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

beginning of the present year, 1922, peace was very nearly
restored in the patriarchate of Jerusalem, all the bishops,
with the exception of the Metropolitan of Nazareth, rendering
canonical obedience to the successor of St. James, Damianos,
whose desire it has been to give the Orthodox Arabs of his
patriarchate a greater share in ecclesiastical administration.

In Rumania, as a natural consequence of the complete
national independence attained in 1881, the Church became
autocephalous in 1885 with the consent of the Patriarch of
Constantinople. Bitter resentment, however, was felt by
the Greeks at the conduct of the Rumanian Government
under Alexander John Cuza in 1864. All the monastic
property in the country was secularized, and this property
included estates which belonged to the monasteries of the
Holy Sepulchre, Mount Athos, and Mount Sinai. The
property belonging to the Rumanian Church in the recently
annexed districts of Hungary is not likely to be sequestered.
There, in the province of Transylvania, the Orthodox
Rumanians axe numerous. A vigorous Uniat propaganda
was carried on among them in the eighteenth century by
the Roman Church, which endeavoured to persuade the
people that as their race and language were Roman, so
their religion ought to be. In consequence of these activities
many became so-called ' Rumanian Greek Catholics '. It
is probable that large numbers of them will return to the
Orthodox Church* That their attachment to Rome is not
very deep may be gathered from the following complaint
in a Hungarian (Roman) newspaper: 'The Catholic Union
with the Roumanians lacks both expansive and intensive
faculty. That explains why generally those who are con-
verted from schism do not join the Greek Catholics, but the
Catholic Church of the Latin rite, that captivates with its
intensive verve, and warm, pulsating life. The Church of
the Roumanian rite has nothing of this kind to offer. No-

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 219

where has such an imperfect union proved of value. History
teaches us that only a complete union is sincere and faithful,
that the undulations of Catholic life reach only so far as
there exists unity not only of dogma, but also of liturgy
and discipline. In order to this, doctrine, rites, and hierarchy
must be the same. While near the Yangtsekiang the Chinese
Catholics are telling their beads and in the litany of Loretto
are invoking the Holy Virgin, our neighbour the Greek
Catholic Roumanian peasant knows of neither a rosary nor
a litany. He is ignorant of the sublime eucharistic cult, and
ignores the value of a frequent and fervent partaking of the
sacraments. Catholic regeneration cannot avail with these
people separated by language, liturgy, and canon law/ 1

Serbia obtained a metropolitan united with, but almost
independent of, Constantinople in 1830, and eight years later
the seat of ecclesiastical government was fixed at Belgrad.
In 1879, as a result of the extension of territory granted to
Serbia by the Berlin Congress, the Church became auto-
cephalous. The creation of a vast kingdom of Serbs,
Croats, and Slovenes after the great war of 1914-1918
led to the incorporation of multitudes of southern Slavs
who had formerly been in the territories of Turkey, Austria,
and Hungary. In 1921, with the consent of the Phanar,
a patriarchate was established as heir to the mediaeval
Serbian patriarchate of Pe6, the Metropolitan of Belgrad
being elected the first Patriarch of the new kingdom. The
diocese of Belgrad is for the present united with that of
Sremski Karlovci (Carlo vitz), which before the great war
was the patriarchal see of the Serbians in Hungary
and had formerly been the principal Orthodox see in the
whole Austro-Hungarian Empire. 2 It lies about forty miles

1 The Hungarian Nation, A Monthly Review^ Political, Economic, and
Literary, Buda-Pesth, January 1922,

A vast migration of Serbians took place in 1690, Fleeing from the
Turks these Serbians, under their Patriarch Arsenije III, settled in

220 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

north of the Serbian capital at the foot of the Fruska Gora,
and the patriarchal palace is a building of suitable dignity.

The character of the Serbian Church and people is of
extraordinary interest, and the spiritual problems which
confront them are of extraordinary difficulty. The State
of Jugo-Slavia includes large bodies of Roman Catholics in
Croatia and Slovenia, and numerous Slav Moslems in Bosnia
as well as Albanian Moslems farther south. The so-called
'intellectuals', even before the great war, had been infected
with the atheism professed by the students of the German
and Austrian universities which were frequented by the
more talented young Serbians, and the Church had not had
the time to adapt itself to the rapid change from Turkish
oppression to infidel opposition. Moslem misrule had
prevented the erection of an adequate number of parish
churches, with the result that church-going had declined.
Many monasteries were ruined, and others, containing as
they do some of the finest churches in the Serbo-Byzantine
style, were nearly empty. And yet the religion of Serbia
had not degenerated into a mere stagnant fidelity to the
past. It is deeply rooted in the home life and morality of
the majority of the people. Some of the monasteries were
never totally abandoned, even when monks had to hide
in the depths of the forest and visit the churches secretly,
chanting the liturgy at their peril. And round these
monasteries, which kept the national life aglow, thousands
of peasants encamp on great festivals to receive the sacra-
ments and hear sermons. The religious life will certainly
revive if there exists the courage that was shown, the winter
before last (1920-1921), at Rak6vitza. During the war the
monastery had been cruelly impoverished, the forests cut
down, and the cattle stolen. Hither came the Archimandrite

Austrian dominions. In 1738 Aisemje IV headed another great band of
emigrants to Austria, but they were intercepted by the Turks. The
former band were granted important privileges by the Emperor Leopold I.

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 221

Mardarije, who had been for some years a professor in Russia
and afterwards lived in Chicago. The Patriarch advised
him to begin with seven students to be taught and prepared
for the monastic life. He began with forty, who in the
intervals of their studies set to work to repair the monastery
buildings. They were reduced to such straits that they had
only one potato a day with the roots and berries that they
could find in the woods. At last the Archimandrite told
them he could promise them no food the next week, and gave
leave to any who wished to return home. Of the forty only
two went away. 1 That is Serbia.

Let us now think of Russia.

Peter the Great (d. 1725) leapt over the wall between the
East and the West and he returned a reforming autocrat.
But he did not help Russia to develop on Russian lines.
He pronounced the name of his new capital as if it were
Dutch, and Ms architects built it after the manner of the
Dutch and German barocco cities. He centralized the
government of the Church in a Holy Synod which was not
a real synod but an ecclesiastical committee, and this
committee ruled over local consistories copied from those of
the German Lutherans. 2 His immediate successors con-
tinued his germanizing policy, and the Church deteriorated
as it did under German rule in England. The Tsar was in
no sense a Pope, and hardly any attempt was made to
interfere with the doctrine of the Church; but the new
organization was equally alien to the Russian spirit and
ecclesiastical tradition. .The higher ranks of the clergy
became the tools of an autocratic State, and this gradually
had the double effect of dividing the bishops from the

1 H. J. Fynes-Clinton, in The Christian East, December 1921 (London,
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge).

8 His Church reforms aggravated the great schism made in 1666 by the
conservative ' Old Believers*. One section has remained without pnests
until the present day. The other has a hierarchy.

222 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

parochial clergy and embittering the more progressive
classes against the Church,

Under the Empress Elizabeth (d. 1762) the condition of the
Church somewhat improved, and in the regions beyond the
Volga large numbers of the heathen were converted. The
Russian Church was the only Eastern Church -which could
possibly undertake missionary work, and as it spread east-
ward it gave constant proofs of fresh vitality. In the nine-
teenth century it produced some missionaries of the finest
type, of whom three at least should not be forgotten:
Bishop Innocent, who converted the savages of Kamchatka;
Ilminski, who used his extraordinary linguistic gifts in
converting Moslem Tartars; and above all Bishop Nicolai,
whose success among the Japanese has probably had no
modern parallel. During the Russo-Japanese war he was not
commanded to leave but was requested to remain in Japan,
and when he died in 1912 he left in Japan a Church with
more than 36,000 communicants and every priest was
a Japanese.

Since then has come the Revolution. The Russian Church
immediately set to work to clear away abuses and to
organize itself in a form which expressed its true capacities.
The All-Russian Church Council which began its sessions
on August the i5th, 1917, at Moscow represented every class
in the Russian Church, clerical and lay, and gave full proof
of its sincerity and its ability. But the atheist Jews who
went from New York to Russia with the expressed intention
of outdoing the French Revolution did their work rapidly,
and, as they hoped, thoroughly. They held that the idea
of God is pernicious, that religion is opium. In January
1918 there was issued a decree called the Decree of Liberty
of Conscience, in reality a decree separating Church and
State, and the harbinger of the coming persecution of
Christianity and the massacre of bishops and priests. The
Bolsheviks intended war to the finish against Christian

THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH 223

doctrine, Christian morals, and Christian education. Years
will probably elapse before we learn one-half of the tale of
oppression and agony and woe. Facts will doubtless be
denied as the promulgation of the decree for the nationaliza-
tion of women was promptly denied when it was discovered
that to turn men and women into animals is not a security
against their rebellion. 1 To close the monasteries, to forbid
the surviving bishops to travel, to prevent the training
of ordination candidates, to stop the teaching of Church
music in which the Russians peculiarly excel, to propagate
the wildest blasphemy in parody of the ' Our Father ' and the
' Hail Mary ', are all parts of a vast scheme to destroy religion.
And at first the poison had some effect among peasants who
were hungry for land, workmen who were burdened with
cruel social conditions, and demoralized soldiers who, as
one was heard to say, saw no more wrong in killing a man
than in killing a chicken.

Bolshevism, however, has not destroyed the faith. It has
revived it. The crowded churches, the societies of men and
women who protect them from injury, and such demonstra-
tions as the vast procession in Petrograd on May the 8th,
1921, when some 150,000 people marched with banners to
the Kazan cathedral, testify that the Church is more, and
not less, living. And it has a leader. In November 1917,
the Council of the Church having determined to revive the
Russian patriarchate which Peter the Great had abolished,
lots were drawn after the apostolic fashion in the cathedral
of the Saviour at Moscow. A venerated hermit drew the
name of Bishop Tikhon who had laboured among the
numerous Russians in the United States and was a firm
friend of the Anglican Church.

1 I was well acquainted with a keen and cultured Serbian student,
Mr. D. S. Mari6, a B.Litt of Oxford, who was in Samara when the
decree was issued. He assured me that it was also issued in the government
of Saratov. A Bolshevik lecturer who advocated the measure in Petrograd
was mobbed by women, and the plan was dropped in consequence.

224 THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH

Pious Russians saw in this choice the hand of God.
Tikhon's simplicity, patience, and heroic courage made
them realize that Tikhon represented Russia in a way that
Lenin and Trotzky never can and never will, and as no
Russian who is a renegade from Christ either can or will.
For if Christ does elicit and consummate all that is worth
anything in our character, if it is true that He makes
himself ours, He does this in the East as well as in the
West. And if we Englishmen suppose, not altogether
unjustly, that we obey some of the ten commandments
more easily than some other nations whose opportunities
have been poor and scanty when compared with our
wealth of opportunities, there is no room for boasting
about our merits. Self-examination is better than self-
congratulation. The Orthodox Slav may be a great saint,
or he may be a great sinner. But in his heart he believes
in the Beatitudes which are sung at the celebration of his
liturgy. And so long as any man has that belief, he can
believe in his own future.

VIII
ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN THOUGHT SINCE 1815

St. John xvii. 21 : That they all may be one; as thou, Father, art in
me, and I in thee, that they also may be one in us: that the world may
believe that thou hast sent me.

THE downfall of Napoleon, the Colossus whose feet had
trampled on freedom and religion, was followed by a religious
revival which was like a spring after a long winter. But it
was like an English spring. There were days that were so
warm that they appeared unseasonable, and there were
days of driving rain and unexpected frost. For twenty
years after the battle of Waterloo we can trace the checks,
the conflicts, the signs of change and progress. In England
the Evangelicals and Evangelical books, such as those by
Scott, Venn, and Wilberforce, did much for religion, but
in 1822 there were only twelve Evangelical clergymen in
London. The older school adhering to the principles of the
Caroline divines was not extinct; words, doctrines, and
practices which were afterwards attributed to the Trac-
tarians had, as a matter of fact, never been entirely forgotten.
The piety of this older school was not dead. One of the most
striking instances of integrity in high places is that of
Archbishop Howley when he visited King George IV in his
last illness. It is recorded that the King ' turned round
to the Arch-Bishop to receive the Host '. The archbishop
* declined administering the same until such time as His
Majesty was more calm and free from anger '. The King,
who had quarrelled with an attendant, sent for the man,
shook him by the hand, sincerely forgave him, and after
a few moments of solemn devotion received the sacrament. 1
But on the whole forgetfulness, ignorance, and aimlessness

1 For this, see J. Wickham Legg, English Church Life from the Restora-
tion to the Tractarian Movement, p. 46 (Longmans, London, 1914). This
2649 Q

226 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

were prevalent, and the slackness of the clergy did nothing
to save their popularity.

In France the opposition to religion was most bitter and
determined. The circulation of infidel and immoral books
was enormous: in less than eight years more than two
million two hundred thousand such volumes were printed
in Paris and hawked through the country districts. The
official recognition of the Church and the laws passed to
support it, so far from strengthening religion, made it
suspected. In 1830 priests hardly dared to show themselves
in the streets of Paris, and two years later during the visita-
tion of cholera they were insulted even in the exercise of
their heroic devotion to the sick. In Germany the new
political grouping of the different States made it necessary
for each State to make a separate concordat with the Pope.
But a concordat did not always bring concord even in
Bavaria or in Koln, where the vast majority of the people
were Roman Catholic, There was continual friction be-
tween Church and State, a friction which was inflamed
by the imprisonment of the Archbishops of Koln and
Posen in 1837, an ac * of tyranny which produced an inevit-
able reaction in favour of Rome. In the meantime religion
was not only retarded by these dissensions but numbed by
the frigid individualism and scepticism which blew from
the Protestant districts of Prussia.

And yet a change was coming. In France a pleiad of
distinguished writers were devoting all their great abilities
to the defence of Christianity. They included Chateau-
briand, de Maistre, de Bonald, and Lamennais, whose
names cannot be forgotten either in the history of French

use of the word Host was doubtless extremely rare in the English Church
at that period. The rule of receiving the Holy Communion fasting had
never become extinct. As an instance of this the Rev. G. C. Berkeley,
vicar of Sonthminster, Essex, told me that when he was a boy at Charter'
house, c. A.D. 1824, his 'dame', an elderly Evangelical lady, observed this
rule, not breaking her fast till some time after midday.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 227

literature or in the annals of this revival of religion. They,
and some of their immediate successors, such as the great
preacher Lacordaire, are sometimes described as the
prophets of a Liberal Catholicism, but it would be more
accurate to say that they wished to Catholicize Liberalism,
political Liberalism. 'People tremble before Liberalism/
said Lamennais, 'Catholicize it and society will be born
again.' Germany, on the other hand, produced teachers
of philosophy and religion who were too anxious to adapt
Christianity to the new intellectual transformation of the
period, and had to encounter the massive but enlightened
conservatism of John Adam Mahler (d. 1838) and later of
Dollinger, the greatest figure of modern Catholic Germany.
Interwoven with a definitely religious thought and life
was Romanticism. The men of the Romantic movement
burnt what their teachers had worshipped and worshipped
what their teachers had burnt. We have previously noticed
some of the characteristics of Romanticism. It was not
a mere attempt to walk back into the Middle Ages, On the
contrary, the literature of the time proves that it was
deliberately modern. It disliked the grey tones and the
stiff outlines of a false classicism. It craved for colour.
The dissolution of the Napoleonic empire brought into play
a love of home, of fatherland, and national traditions.
The Romantics were tired of individualism. They had
learnt that brotherhood and freedom are not to be attained
by a violent dislocation of society. They recognized the
existence of mystery, of something more than meets the
eye. That is why they preferred a ruined abbey to a church
which was just an oblong room adorned outside with a Doric
portico and inside with three galleries resting on tubes of
cast iron. Among the charming letters of Sir Walter Scott
is one to George Crabbe in which he makes the modest
confession that to his own 'Gothic ear, the Stabat Matey,
the Dies Irae, and some of the other hymns of the Catholic

Q2

228 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

Church, are more solemn and affecting than the fine classical
poetry of Buchanan ! ' l These words correspond with his
liking for mediaeval Scottish architecture and for episco-
pacy, and they bring us very close to the heart of the
religious side of the Romantic movement.

Individualism and isolation in philosophy and religion,
with the doubt which they engendered, were met by their
opposite extremes. There came in time certain ideas con-
cerning development and evolution which, whether they led
to positivism or to an exaggerated socialism, taught an
extreme anti-individualism. Comte, the philosopher who
made humanity an idol, taught that ' the individual is only
an abstraction ' ; sociologists made the State man's providence
and his proprietor ; and scientists, teaching men to realize
the antiquity and the vastness of the universe, chilled them
with the thought of the pettiness and the fragility of the
individual life. Something was needed, something distinct
from the mania of egoism and from the paralysis of believing
oneself to be too paltry to matter. Was it not then right
that men should think more about the Christian Church ?
And, as a matter of fact, the idea of the Church made a great
appeal to some of the finest minds in Europe, who believed
that man is truly a social being and that nevertheless the
individual human person has an eternal and not a merely
ephemeral value.

What is the Church and what ought to be the
relation of the Church to society? Joseph de Maistre
and Lamennais in France, Schleiennacher and Mohler in
Germany, John Henry Newman and John Frederick
Denison Maurice in England, tried to grapple with the
question. Some of these writers had to encounter a storm

1 Memoirs of the Life of Sit Walter Scott, vol. iii, p. 25 (Cadell, Edin-
burgh, 1837). Among the many precious pieces of history in this volume
is the story that the inhabitants of the island of Egg laughed at their
neighbours of Rum as Protestants of the yellow stick, as having been con-
verted to Protestantism by the malacca cane of their chieftain.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 229

of opposition, and doubtless no one of them was infallible.
But they all believed in Christ and all believed that there
is a kingdom of Christ, a supernatural society, the depositary
of those laws which alone can guide men to brotherhood
and happiness, and that the collective experience and
witness of the Church are God's remedy against anarchy
and doubt. This renewed belief in the kingdom of God,
visibly manifested in the Church, has been fruitful in
philanthropic heroism at home and missionary heroism
abroad. But what this belief meant for the inner life of the
Christian can nowhere be discovered more truly than in
a study of the beginning of the Oxford Movement.

The Oxford Movement became an effective force at the end
of 1833 when it was joined by Edward Bouverie Pusey,
who had been made Regius Professor of Hebrew in 1828.
His solid learning, impressive sermons, and Spartan loyalty
to the Church of England kept the movement from disin-
tegration. But the author of it was John Keble, manly,
unaffected, true gentleman and poet, whose verses had been
published in 1827, tlie Y ear before John Henry Newman 1
became vicar of this parish. It is nearly one hundred years
ago, and the time has come when we can calmly estimate
the verdict passed upon the Tractarians by their opponents,
neglecting the verdict of the mob and the infamous insinua-
tions which were conveyed year after year in the cartoons
of Punch. The criticisms made by Mark Pattison and Dean
Stanley deserve more serious attention. Pattison's own
words of acid disappointment unconsciously reveal to us
why he was not a competent critic of the movement. He
had been a blind disciple of Newman and Pusey, but quite
correctly says that his Anglicanism had been a ' garment '

1 The name was then pronounced 'Nooman', the 'ew r being sounded
like the 'oe' in 'shoe*. I learned this from one of the very last persons
who remembered Newman in his Oxford days, Dr. James Bellamy,
President of St. John's College, Oxford.

230 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

and his Catholicism a ' husk '. l Under that garment and
that husk he had remained at heart a Calvinist who had never
consecrated his intellect to the 'reasonable service ' of
grasping the theology of the Church as a whole. And it was
that very fact which made him disdainfully discontented
with the lesser Tractarians whose intellectual abilities were
smaller than his own. Newman was a far greater man than
Pattison, but he could, as we shall see, find room for the
ordinary Christian, the 'little ones' of Christ.

Dean Stanley, in his essay entitled ' The Oxford School ',
pays a sincere tribute to the learning of Pusey, saying,
' He was deeply learned in all the learning of the Germans '. 2
We may easily believe that if Newman had thoroughly
known the German language he would have employed
with telling effect the works of the great German Roman
Catholics who exposed the unbelief of their compatriots.
Pusey, however, was well acquainted not only with German
books but also with some of the leading German Protestant
scholars, and Stanley does not call in question Pusey's
wisdom in abandoning the too optimistic views which he
once entertained with regard to German religion. Keble is
faintly praised by Stanley, who, in words that to a modern
reader appear grotesque, says concerning Newman, ' it may
be doubted whether in the whole range of historical or
theological thought there is a single subject in which he has
left his permanent mark'. 3 That, indeed, is a strange
judgement to pass upon the man who taught half the
thoughtful minds in Christendom to ask themselves in
what sense they held that there has been, and ought to be,
any development in Christian theology. But behind the

> Mark Pattison, Memoirs, pp. 327, 328 (Macmillau & Co., London,
1885). Pattison, however, testifies to the intense hatred with which
'Puseyites' were regarded: 'If you were able to describe a man as a
Puseyite, he became, ipso facto, unfit for any public appointment ', p. 230.

Edinburgh Review, April 1881, p. 316.

* Loc. cit.> p. 313.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 231

verdict of these two critics, and that of Dr. Arnold, 1 there
is one great fundamental error. It is the error of not
recognizing the religious importance of the Tractarians.

The Oxford Movement of the nineteenth century, like the
Oxford Movement of the eighteenth, was concerned with
religion, the relation of the soul to God. We cannot dismiss
Wesley and Whitefield, or even St. Peter and St. John,
by pointing out that they did some foolish actions. Nor
have we disposed of the Tractarians by saying that they had
their follies. The real fool is the man who is so afraid of
making mistakes that he will do nothing for God. ' A man's
error", said Newman, 'may be more acceptable to God than
his truth. ' The Tractarians tried to call men back to the
Christian character. And they were right, as the Con-
tinental theologians were right, in seeing that this character
was threatened by excessive individualism. The intellectual
life, the moral life, and the devotional life were all threatened :
the intellectual life by arbitrary and self-willed theories
about religion, the moral life by a Christianity which
Pusey called 'Christianity without the Cross 1 , and the
devotional life by a growing irreverence in worship. What
was to be the remedy ? The Tractarians saw a remedy in
the Church, not as a substitute for Christ but as the body
of Christ. The Church, in Newman's beautiful phrase, is
'a home for the lonely', 2 and the Christian must realize
himself as a member of that body, an inmate of that home.

1 Edinburgh Review, April 1836. Dr. Arnold poured torrential abuse
upon the 'Oxford Malignants', whose 'fanaticism* he describes as 'the
fanaticism of mere foolery'. Some excuse for his words may be found in
the fact that they were written during the heat of the controversy con-
cerning Dr. Hampden, whose latitudinarian views were assailed by the
Tractarians. Hampden little deserved such a vigorous defence. His
hatred of Tractarianism led him in 1842 to require a candidate for the
degree of B.D. to write in support of a low doctrine of the Eucharist.
For an impartial account of this 'high-handedness and shabbiness '
see R. W. Church, The Oxford Movement (MacmiUan, London, 1891).

* Parochial and Plain Sermons, vol. iv, p. 185 (Rivingtons, London,
1882).

232 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

This spiritual society had been guided by the Spirit of
God. Guided by Him the Church had been able slowly
to carry forward a process of selection, and to assimilate
the thoughts and arguments which she derived from different
systems but which contributed to her own development.
The individual teacher who by taking part in this process
of selection helps Christianity to advance must exercise
his talent under a sense of grave personal responsibility.
He has to bear in mind his duty to all who like himself
are members of the mystical body of Christ. If he has
any real belief in the Church, he will consider and* calculate
the probable effect of what he says and writes, he will pray
that none of those who seek God will be confounded through
him. He contributes to a common store. He strengthens
the brethren while he advances knowledge.

But what is the position of those Christians who have
neither the time nor the learning nor the penetration to read
much or think much or argue much about the truths of
religion? Are they to be regarded as having no claim to
wisdom, is their judgement of no value, are they necessarily
ignorant, narrow-minded, and without any comprehension
of the world of thought? No. The case is far otherwise.
Not only have the simple and unlearned at their service
the contemplation, the diligence, the erudition of the learned
defenders of the faith, so that when they hear that faith
assailed, they do not feel alone, but are conscious that they
have on their side men whose intellectual distinction cannot
be questioned. Newman has something more to say than
that. Simple Christians can show in a marked and unmistak-
able degree the refining elevating influence of religion,
because, though their powers of reasoning may be small,
their faith 'fits them to be the instruments and organs;
the voice and the hands and the feet of Him who is invisible,
the divine wisdom in the Church who knows what they
know not, understands their words, for they are His own,

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 233

and directs their efforts to His own issues, though they see
them not, because they dutifully place themselves upon
His path ' .! How remote is this doctrine from Mark Pattison's
inept denunciation of ' the mere mechanical association of the
unthinking members of the Catholic Church'. 2 It is the
doctrine of a vital, spiritual, organic unity in which the highly
educated intellectual men and women have not a monopoly
of truth, because life is deeper than thought and the divine
Reason is deeper than man's reasoning. The fact that
God chose the foolish things of the world to confound
the wise, and the weak things of the world to confound
the things that were mighty, is no disparagement of
learning and philosophy. It really gives us a broader view
of both.

And just as in the intellectual life the richer must help
the poorer and all draw wisdom from Him in whom all
wisdom is centred, so it is in the moral life. The weaker
members of the Church have a right to some of the resources
of the stronger. The writings of the saints and the great
devotional books of Christendom help to neutralize the
effect of the evil that is in the world. But the saints are
not dead. To a generation that was ceasing to call Mary
blessed, Keble spoke of the 'blessed maid' as Bishop Ken
had spoken. And every soul in the Church, while retaining
that true individuality which Newman emphasized to the
very last, 3 is brought near to the spirits of the just, and, as
he says, ' if we would be worthy to hold communion with
believers of every time and place, let us hold communion
duly with those of our own day and our own neighbourhood ".
The sanctity of the Christian is not an isolated sanctity.

1 'Wisdom, as contrasted with Faith and with Bigotry', in Sermons
Preached before the University of Oxford, 2nd edition, p. 300 (London,
Rivington, 1844).

Op. cit. t p. 210.

* Op. tit , iv t p. 80, and the meditation on 'God the blessedness of the
soul* in Meditations and Devotions, p. 442 (Longmans, London, 1893).

234 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

We can support each other, help each other to live in an
atmosphere which is frequently a poisoned atmosphere.
We do not help each other simply by what is most common
and fundamental in us all, but by something, however small
it may be, which is distinctive. Every one whose life is
a protest against evil helps to save others from moral
loneliness. The Tractarians did not build these theories
in the clouds. They laid the utmost stress upon the principle
that intellectual truth must be reached by moral character.
Since their day some advance has been made in the study
of social problems and something has been done to lessen
human misery. But who is there among us who could
surpass the piercing eloquence with which Pusey denounced
the Poor Law of early Victorian times and depicted the
Christian who had neglected the destitute, standing for
judgement before the Son of Man ? l

And in worship the Church is also the home for the
lonely. The Tractarians exhorted men to be reverent even
in the meanest church and before the poorest altar because
reverence is simply an acknowledgement of the presence
of God. It is not solitary, it is in company with angels and
archangels and all God's saints. By baptism we were
incorporated into a Church far wider than the English
alone or the Roman alone or the Greek alone, and by the
very institution of that visible rite Christ indicated that the
Church was to be * one visible association of Christians,
and only one; and that permanent'. 2 Just as the unlimited
sway of private judgement had tended to destroy the sense
of responsibility for truth, so it had tended to destroy and
disown the duty of reverence. Newman, speaking in this
church, spoke of professing Christians who 'considered
awe to be superstition and reverence to be slavery', who

1 Christianity without the Cross a Corruption of the Gospel of Christ p 27
(Parker. Oxford, 1875).
a Newman," op. cit., vol. vti, p. 236.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 235

had learnt to be 'familiar and free with sacred things, as
it were on principle'. 1 It is well that the Tractarians
rebuked that spirit and taught that the reverence due to
God from human persons cannot be only mental reverence.
It is paid to an incarnate Saviour, and it must embrace
man's entire personality, including outward actions and
touching outward things. And had not outward forms
and words and rites, appealing to the heart and to the
imagination of the worshipper, kept alive a knowledge of
God's mysteries and served to unite men with that great
society which even in time has looked into eternity ? That
society extending through earth and heaven around the
throne of the Lamb is in its worship the home of every
lonely soul. For we are, when we worship, taken out of
ourselves, out of the toil and fretfulness of daily life, into
that stillness which reigns in heaven by the sea of glass.
You may remember how in one of the most famous of his
sermons Newman speaks of heaven as ' home ' and how the
thought comes back in the poem, ' Lead, kindly light. 1

The belief of the Tractarians in the Church must be
studied from the beginning if we would understand their
relation to the European thought of their period and to
the history of the English Church since Newman's historic
surrender to the Church of Rome. Newman clung to the
Church of England almost with desperation, he left it with
agony. And his heartbroken complaint uttered at Littlemore
is so pathetic because in a great measure it was true. The
Church of England, which had been losing so heavily for two
generations, seemed to him unlike a home, unlike a mother to
her children. 'Thou sellest them for nought to the stranger
that passes by. 1 2 The existing authorities and organs of
the Church seemed to repudiate, and even to repudiate as

1 Op, cit. t vol. viii, p. 6.

Sermon on 'the Parting of Friends' m Sermons bearing on Subjects
of the Day, 2nd edition, p. 462 (London, Rivington, 1844).

236 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

dishonest, a position which was a logical adjustment of
the teaching of the great English divines of the seventeenth
century. He saw, in the main correctly, that if that position
were abandoned, Englishmen must either betake themselves
to Rome or to a Protestantism which Rationalism would
certainly destroy. 1 The treatment of the Tractarians by
the authorities of the Church of England simply played into
the hands of Cardinal Wiseman, a true child of Seville and
of Rome, a man of fashion and a man of letters, ostentatious
but tactful, florid in his language and expansive in his
sympathies. After the Oxford converts had gone and
accepted an Ultramontane form of Roman Catholicism,
it was the massive weight of Pusey which gave the Church
of England time to recover. 'Cunctando restituit rem/
Newman recognized what the common people recognized
when they adopted Whately's word ' Puseyite '. In address-
ing Pusey in 1866 he wrote, 'You more than any one else
alive, have been the present and untiring agent by whom
a great work has been effected. . . . There is no one any-
where among ourselves, in your own body, or, I suppose,
in the Greek Church who can affect so large a circle of men,
so virtuous, so able, so learned, so zealous, as come, more
or less, under your influence/

Newman, after he joined the Church of Rome, was
regarded as suspect. To Roman theologians who believed
in the immutability of dogma his celebrated Essay on the
Development of Christian Doctrine seemed tainted with
a heterodox liberalism. When the Jesuit Perrone attacked
the teaching of this book Wiseman had the generosity to
give Newman his support, but the ordinary dispensers of
official doctrine were on the other side. Newman's philo-
sophic insight had taught him to proclaim the principle of
evolution in the realm of theology before it was definitely
proclaimed in the realm of natural science. He saw that

1 See app. note 25, p 281.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 237

the doctrines of the Church had been 'evolved* with
'effort, hesitation, suspense, interruption, swayings to the
right hand and to the left'. He believed that dogmatic
formulae represent to us the truths confided by God to
the Church. They represent them 'economically', to use
a word familiar in Greek theology, in an outward form, as
the ideas conveyed by the senses represent the external
world, imperfectly indeed, but in a way suited to our
practical needs. They are fashioned in accordance with
the time and the persons concerned, and the task of develop-
ing them in a manner suited to other times and other people
is divinely given to the Church as it is gradually influenced
by advancing culture and knowledge.

It is remarkable that, a few years before Newman, a
Bohemian priest, Anthony Giinther (1783-1863), had been
grappling with the same problem with no little ability and
originality. Giinther held that the dogmatic formulae of
the Church, being adapted to the requirements of this or
that particular epoch, give to the faithful the best possible
approximation to the truths in question, but maybe capable
of revision and improvement in the future as knowledge
advances. Therefore the decisions of the Church in matters
of faith may only have a provisional value. Giinther
unfortunately fell into such grave errors with regard to
some of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity that
any similar theories were certain to meet with distrust and
opposition. And Newman was suspected although he fell
into no such errors as Giinther and firmly held the teaching
of the creeds. He presented his theory of the evolution of
dogma as a hypothesis and carefully sought to lay down the
conditions under which this hypothesis can be entertained
without in any way impugning the integrity of the Christian
revelation. There is a stationary principle as well as a
principle of progression included in a genuine development,
and Newman lays down careful tests for distinguishing

238 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

a true from a false development, though his historical
knowledge was not always enough to enable him to use his
own tests, and he was not fully alive to the importance of
historical evidence when the genesis of a particular doctrine
is under consideration. The famous passage in his AngKcan
sermon on Development, where he compares dogmatic
theology with the science of the musician, has a double
application. For while it suggests that the dogmatic
formulae which convey to the soul divine truths can
never adequately represent these truths as they are in
themselves, it also suggests the necessity of strictly preserv-
ing the formulae. The musician does not despise his
technique, though he knows that the mechanism is not
identical with the ideas that it conveys. To Newman's
mind musical sounds brought 'echoes from our Home',
and the theology of the Church, if it is to speak, like music,
to the soul, must be preserved from error and distortion.

Newman established once for all the fact that if we
believe the Gospels, we must admit that the principal
dogmatic definitions of the Church were the alternatives
to the corruptions which they excluded, and that they
protected and did not supersede the original ideals of Chris-
tianity. But it cannot be denied that his apologetics were
sometimes reckless. His defence of the doctrine of Transub-
stantiation in his Apologia 1 , where he maintains that
nobody knows anything about substance, and that the
'Catholic doctrine leaves phenomena alone* and 'deals
with what no one on earth knows anything about', is like an
attempt to build faith upon a foundation of agnosticism.

Let us return to 1835, a year which marks an epoch

in the history of theology. In that year Dr. Pusey published

his elaborate treatise on Baptism, and became at once the

head and centre of the Tractarian movement. The same

1 See app. note 26, p, 281.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 239

year appeared in Germany Strauss' s Life of Jesus, and a work
on the Pastoral Epistles of St Paul by Ferdinand Christian
Baur, the chief of the Tubingen school. Strauss made no
pretension to have applied the processes of literary criticism
to the sources of the life of Jesus. But the Tubingen school
attempted to bring the somewhat vague results of literary
criticism into connexion with historical processes, and at
the same time 'to force Christian history into the Hegelian
tripudium of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis '. The Tubingen
view of the New Testament was injured by false spectacles;
one eye of the critic was blurred by the old Lutheran opposi-
tion between faith and good works, the other eye by the
doctrines of eighteenth-century Rationalism. The original
'thesis', Jewish Unitarianism, represented by St. Peter,
was to be found in certain sections of the Synoptic Gospels.
St. Paul represented the 'antithesis'; he quarrelled per-
manently with St. Peter, and being convinced that the
Gentiles would not come to Christ by way of circumcision,
he proclaimed salvation by faith. Four Epistles, those to
the Galatians, Romans, and Corinthians, reveal his anti-
thesis, and they only are genuine. The Apocalypse denounces
St. Paul under the name of Balaam and emanates from the
Petrine side. The two parties, Petrine and Pauline, con-
tinued their struggle until both were threatened by a com-
mon enemy, the essentially pagan Gnosticism of the second
century. They were then forced to unite. The necessary
synthesis took place. And of the twenty-seven books of
the New Testament, twenty-two were either revised or
written in the second century to obliterate the ugly feud
of earlier days.

No more brilliant attempt has ever been made to explain
Christianity, and to explain it away. It was in harmony
with the philosophy of the time, it was a natural reaction
against the undue sentimentalism of Schleiermacher, and
it had the merit of forcing students to notice the indi-

240 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

viduality of the different sacred writers and to ask themselves
what was the real relation of St. Paul to the Saviour whose
bond-servant he proclaimed himself to be. But it is false.
Even the four Epistles to which Baur appealed do not
really support his view of the relation between St. Paul and
the original apostles. And every addition of an epistle to
Baur 's list of genuine epistles made his theory weaker. If we
turn to early Christian literature outside the New Testament
the same principle holds good. It was vital to Baur's theory
that no book of a Catholic character should have existed
in the early years of the second century before the alleged
reconciliation of the Petrine and Pauline parties. But in the
letters of St. Ignatius, now proved to be genuine, we find
a Catholic Christianity, name and thing, existing at that very
period. Thus the Tubingen theory in its original form,
and that was its only consistent form, has tumbled like
a tower of sand. It had begun to tumble when Renan,
a flippant pagan, presented to the world in his Life of Jesus
(1863) German infidelity in a magical French disguise,
and was hailed by Strauss as an ally across the Rhine.
Baur was the forerunner of ' Modern Protestantism ', and
Renan the forerunner of Modernism.

With regard to the date of the books of the New Testa-
ment, there has been a retreat to tradition along almost the
whole front. 1 There are indeed some critics, mostly Dutch,
who have insisted that we must deny the authenticity of
even those writings which Baur treated as genuine. And
it is not without some reason that such critics urge that if
we assume that miracles never happened and that there was
nothing supernatural in the life of Jesus, time must have
elapsed before Christianity could assume the coherently
supernatural form which it takes throughout the New
Testament. But they themselves, like Baur, attempt to
make Catholic Christianity the creation of a period later
1 See app. note 27, p. 282.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 241

than the apostolic age, and in so doing make the second
century responsible for the first. That is a wild impossibility,
and it is on the same intellectual level as the old Keltic
legend that St. Patrick swam the Irish Channel carrying
his own head between his own teeth.

It is not my purpose to give any complete picture of the
present state of New Testament Criticism, but there are
two points which force themselves upon our attention.
They are both closely connected with the plan of making the
evidence support views about our Lord derived from Deists
and Rationalists of the eighteenth century. The first is
the strong prejudice that exists in ' Modern Protestantism*
against admitting the possibility that the Fourth Gospel is,
what it professes to be, the work of a personal eyewitness
of the ministry of our Lord. The second is the attempt to
lay at the* door of St. Paul the guilt of radically altering and
indeed perverting the Christian religion. With regard to
St. John's Gospel, the internal signs of an exact acquain-
tance with the historical and religious environment of our
Lord are so numerous, and the author's knowledge of small
details is so evident, that to deny that it is the work of
one who knew Christ in the days of His flesh leads us only
into a blind alley. Those who do deny it have sometimes
plainly been influenced by presuppositions which they have
not cared to disguise, while English scholarship has akeady
done so much to put the question on the basis of ascer-
tained facts that those who are willing to be convinced
can find more than sufficient reasons for a favourable
verdict. 1

With regard to St. Paul, the rehabilitation of the

1 For the most careful sifting of the linguistic evidence, see Professor
C. F. Burney, The Aramaic Origin of the Fourth Gospel (Oxford, Clarendon
Press, 1922). Dr. Burney 's investigations strongly confirm the opinion
that the author of the Fourth Gospel, if not the son of Zebedee, was
an actual eyewitness of the events which he describes. Almost the whole
of Modernist theology is allied with the rash assumption, common to
German nationalism, that the author was not an eyewitness.

242 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

authenticity of nearly all his Epistles, even in the eyes of
non-Christian critics, has produced the most startling results.
The task which Baur set himself was to prove where St. Paul
differed from the original apostles. But he never showed
what was equally important, namely, in what essential
points he did agree with those apostles. Readers who allow
the texts to speak for themselves would affirm that with
regard to the incarnation, the resurrection, redemption,
and the sacraments, there is no vital difference between
St. Paul's Epistles, St. Peter's First Epistle, and St. John's
Gospel. All give us real aspects of primitive Christianity.
To escape the inevitable conclusion, we must either copy the
Tubingen school and pronounce spurious every document
which we find inconvenient, or we must say that St. Paul
recast the Gospel in the moulds of pagan thought. Whether
he began the process of recasting when he was meditating
in the deserts of Arabia or became infected with it when
in company with the citizens of Antioch and Corinth,
the defenders of this theory have not yet decided. The
bolder advocates of it say quite simply that St. Paul con-
structed his own theory of salvation and of the Person
of Christ, making Him a saviour god like Adonis, Osiris,
and Attis. 1 The more cautious, like Harnack, deny that
St. Paul corrupted Christianity, but find themselves forced
to admit what they have previously denied, and to deplore,
as Harnack does, the wrong direction of St. Paul's 'specula-
tive ideas'. 2 Only good is done to history and theology by

1 So Alfred Loisy, fabbert Journal, October 1911, p. 51.

2 In his famous What is Christianity ? Harnack strongly criticizes the
critics who either maintain that St. Paul corrupted Christianity or call
him the real founder of that religion. But a few pages later he admits
that St. Paul did corrupt it by his speculative ideas. A little later we
find an explanation of these words. He says: 'Paul became the author
of the speculative idea that not only was God in Christ, but that Christ
himself was possessed of a peculiar nature of a heavenly kind.' Op. cit.,
English trans., pp. 176, 184 {Williams & Norgate, London, 1901). In
plain words St. Paul invented the doctrine of our Lord's Deity.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 243

a candid recognition of the different manners in which the
apostles apprehended Christian truth, or by noting the points
of contact between Christianity and the pagan religions
which were feeling after God. Genuine Christianity gains
by genuine criticism. But it is mere vanity when students,
regardless of time and space, seek for the origins of
Christian beliefs and institutions anywhere from Memphis to
Mesopotamia, from Elam to Eleusis, 1 origins which might be
found in the nearest London synagogue. But they can be
discovered in the synagogue only on one assumption: I
mean the well-grounded assumption that the New Testament
does not misrepresent the teaching which our Lord gave
to His immediate followers, and that these followers and
worshippers gave to St. Paul the right hands of fellowship.
A divine Christ, and only a divine Christ, explains the
transition from Judaism to the religion of the early Church
in Corinth. ' Modern Protestantism ' is betraying St. Paul
with a kiss. Modern Roman Catholicism is wont to pass
him by. In the meantime let it be our happiness to follow
in the steps of Robertson and Lightfoot, of Liddon, and of
Sanday also when he was still unconquered by the Germans,
and let ourselves be guided by St. Paul to the life of the
risen and ascended Christ and the life in Christ.

The reaction against irresponsible criticism is unreflecting
credulity, and widespread scepticism is always followed
by superstition. So it was that the Vatican Council of
1870, not content with asserting the central truths of

1 One of the pioneers in this eccentricity was Professor Percy Gardner
in his pamphlet, The Origin of the Lord's Supper (Macmillan & Co., London,
l8 93)- According to this learned writer, St. Paul, during his stay in
Corinth, was so much impressed with the Eleusinian mysteries that he
thought it would be good for the Church to have a similar institution.
St. Paul therefore 'asserts that such a sacrament was sanctioned by
a special communication from his Lord*. The professor eulogizes the
apostle for his action and says, 'Surely there is nothing in all this to
pain or shock a modern Christian'.

R 2

244 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

Christianity in opposition to contemporary infidelity, was
persuaded to declare the Pope to be infallible and his
'definitions' to be 'irreformable of themselves, and not of
the consent of the Church '. By this definition of the dogma
of the infallibility of the Roman Pontiff, a dogma declared
to be 'divinely revealed', the Pope was clearly made
superior to the Church, and Ultramontanism secured its
decisive triumph over Gallicanism and, we must add, over
history and truth. 1

The Vatican Council opened on December the 8th, 1869,
a day of heavy rain and threatening clouds, a date purposely
selected that the immense concourse of prelates should
do honour to the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed
Virgin which the Pope, Pius IX, had previously defined.
The bishops met in the north transept of the basilica of
St. Peter. On a throne before them sat the aged pontiff,
his highest hopes in the balance ; near them were pictures
which falsified Church history; and above them were the
words of Christ, 'I have prayed for thee that thy faith
fail not', placed there in order to suggest, in defiance of
patristic interpretation, the infallibility of every Pope in
faith and morals. The Council closed on July the i8th,
1870, when amid peals of thunder and flashes of terrific
lightning five hundred and thirty-three bishops shouted
placet, and only two, one Italian and one American, refused
assent.

The full inner story of the Vatican Council is never likely
to be known. But it is known that on the winning side
were the bishops of Southern Europe and Southern America,
men who in their seminaries had been fed upon the teaching
of Liguori ; and that on the other side had been the majority
of the German, Austrian, and Hungarian bishops, together

1 Sec Edinburgh Review, July 1871, article 'The Vatican Council', and
E. S. Purcell, Life of Cardinal Manning, vol. ii (London, Macmfflan & Co ,
1895).

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 245

with the very flower of the French episcopate ; that tumult,
invective, and intrigue prevailed to a degree which would
be impossible in any ecclesiastical assembly in this country ;
that the minority, apparently numbering eighty-eight,
disputed every inch of the ground ; that some of them in
so doing committed the fatal mistake of protesting against
the threatened definition as ' inopportune ', a mere strategical
move to screen their conviction that it was false; that
all but the courageous two left Rome rather than face their
enemies; and that among the foremost champions of the
new dogma was Archbishop Manning who was well supported
by The Times newspaper, 1 a paper which later, in the days
of Leo XIII, supported the papal condemnation of Anglican
Ordinations.

The true meaning of the dogma remains unsettled. On
the one hand, we find minimizers who assure us that the
Popes have hardly ever spoken infallibly, declare that they
cannot act apart from the Church, and suggest that it can
only be seldom and slowly that a decision can be made as
to when the Pope has finally settled a dispute on faith or
morals. On the other hand, the more extreme supporters
of the dogma desired an oracle whose daily utterances on
religion could not lawfully be disputed by any Christian.
The majority of the bishops who voted placet were probably
a little nearer to the second of these two opinions than to
the first. They wanted neither an infallibility which settles
no disputes, nor one that is the mouthpiece of novel revela-
tions to mankind ; but they wanted to render impossible
that appeal to 'a future Council 1 which had sometimes
qualified men's professed submission to the Papacy, they
wanted prompt and definite answers to difficult questions,
more prompt than could be .given by a Council, and

1 English secular newspapers provided Manning with his trump card
by their assertions that the Ultramontanes alone were consistent and
straightforward. Purcett, op. cit., p. 456.

246 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

therefore they intended to include in the definition all papal
decisions which affect 'such acts as are derived from faith
and morals'. The determination, the energy, the fever,
which marked the action of the papal party can only be
explained by the fact that they regarded the dogma as
one of vital moment, indispensable and practical. At the
time of the Council the English Roman Catholic laity
were, according to Manning's own statement, 'averse and
impatient'. And Newman, whom the Pope of set purpose
omitted to summon as a consultor to Rome, had expressed
intense anxiety lest the doctrine should be defined and
'an aggressive, insolent faction be allowed to make the heart
of the just sad, whom the Lord hath not made sorrowful'.
But when the deed was done Newman acquiesced, so did
the vigorous Bishop Strossmayer, the friend of Slavonic
nationalism, so did the learned Bishop Hefele, Dupanloup
the zealous pastor of souls, and even Archbishop Kenrick of
St. Louis who marshalled the strongest arguments to prove
the doctrine to be untenable. It is tempting to conjecture
what might have happened if Manning had remained within
the Church of England, and if the see of Westminster had
been occupied by an hereditary Roman Catholic.

In the midst of the lamentable surrender one great man
stood firm- It was Ignatius von D6llinger. Dollinger was
born within a year of Newman's birth and he died at a great
age within a few months of Newman's death. He had long
been the pillar of German Roman Catholicism, one of the
most active and enlightened branches of the Church. He
was a power in Church and State, his influence was com-
manding. If he had not Newman's skill in accumulating
brilliant arguments, he had far greater skill in accumulating
a knowledge of historical facts. The better historian a man
is, the better Christian he ought to be, and Bellinger's
Christianity was put to a severe test. The progress of Ultra-
montanism in the middle of the nineteenth century could

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 247

not fail to arouse alarm among German Catholics who were
in the first rank of theological learning. Of these men
Dollinger was the acknowledged chief. He foresaw the down-
fall of the Pope's temporal power, and as early as 1861 he
delivered a series of lectures in Munich, in which he main-
tained that the secular kingdom of the Popes was not
necessary for the discharge of their spiritual functions. In
this matter the Ultramontanes were peculiarly sensitive,
and the papal nuncio, who attended one of the lectures in
deference to the lecturer's great reputation, did not remain
until the end. When the Vatican Council drew near Dollinger
published a series of letters, not Protestant or heretical, but
forming an indictment of the policy which had converted
the Papacy into an autocracy inconsistent with the rights
of the episcopate. Himself a friend of the King of Bavaria,
Ludwig II, he suggested that several European States should
present to the Holy See a declaration that the definition
of the new doctrine was against public policy. This plan
was frustrated, largely by the skill of Manning and his
clever and not too scrupulous Protestant ally Odo Russell,
who was practically, though informally, British minister
at the Vatican.

After the Council was over, the Archbishop of Munich,
who had accepted the dogma which he had previously
denounced, demanded D611inger's submission. Dollinger
then had to decide whether he could or could not endure
to be excluded from that communion of which he had been
one of the most renowned defenders, and which he had ever
regarded as the true Church of Christ. He replied, 'As
a Christian, as a theologian, as a historian, as a citizen,
I cannot receive this doctrine'. He said with truth that the
dogma was founded upon a novel interpretation of the
texts of Scripture, and that to assert it would be a breach
of his oath as a priest to interpret Scripture 'according to
the unanimous consent of the Fathers', and that the bishops

248 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

who had assented to the doctrine had been educated in
seminaries which employed the false proof-passages in the
books of Liguori and Perrone. He was excommunicated. 1
Dollinger and his friends then found themselves in the
position of being without a Church. He was unwilling to
form a new body but associated himself with the newly
formed Old Catholic Church which quickly allied itself with
the old Church of Holland. Unfortunately the German*
speaking Old Catholics, alike in Germany, Switzerland, and
Austria, have shown little of the caution of their Dutch
allies. In Holland 'nearly two hundred years after their
separation from Rome the Old Catholics had kept the Mass
in Latin, a celibate clergy, and the doctrines of Trent.
But the rapid changes made in worship and discipline,
especially the too hasty permission of clerical marriage,
ruined the opportunities of this new German reformation.
It was the work of scholars, and it was supported by
adherents who were more anxious to protest against Rome
than to live as practising Catholics. It left the ordinary
people unmoved; and whereas schemes in favour of a
Catholic system free from Rome were expected to attract
Teutonic races, this expectation has been signally falsified.
For the present it is among the Slavonic subjects of Rome
that the revolt is most serious and most popular* It began
among the numerous Poles in the United States, where the
National Polish Church now numbers some 80,000 people.
It has assumed larger proportions in Poland itself, where the
religious order of the 'Mariaviten' revived the original Fran-
ciscan rules and was excommunicated by the Pope. The
Mariaviten have shown great religious fervour and zeal for
social service. In 1910 they were so numerous as to be already,
under three bishops who were consecrated by Archbishop
Gul of Utrecht. 2 More recently has come the huge defection

1 See DSlHnger, Erkl&wng an den Erzbtschof von Milnchen-Freysing
(Munich, 1871).
a Bishop Kowalski, the General of the Order, was consecrated in 1909;

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 249

among the Czechs, people who never forgot John Hus and
chafed under the rule of Austria and Rome. They have
effected a union with the Serbian Orthodox Church, while
retaining rites of the Western type to which they have been
so long accustomed. 1

What fate is in store for these Churches we can hardly
forecast. They may make mistakes; the German-speaking
Old Catholics have made serious mistakes. But they are
free to occupy a position which is doctrinally and morally
tenable unless the position of Ddllinger and Kenrick and
Strossmayer, and indeed that of the Church of England, is
fundamentally wrong. And they may, if they will, help
Eastern and Western Christendom to join hands in a day
when a Christianity which called itself Pauline and was not,
and a Christianity which called itself Petrine and was not,
will learn better and unite in Christ.

In my first lecture it was suggested that a study of the
Reformation and the Counter-Reformation proves the need
and the importance of maintaining a middle path between
two contrasted hostile movements. The need for that path,
the oldest and yet the most progressive, has never been
more serious than it is at present. Our relation to Rome and
our relation to Geneva and Berlin are not dead questions
of the seventeenth century; they affect our own intellectual
and religious life and our whole attitude towards the
reunion of Christendom. Sound learning and earnest
reflexion will persuade us that others cannot drive us from
our place, and that some of the unwise concessions which

Bishops Golembiowski and ProchniewsM were consecrated at Lowicz in
1910. See Arthur Rhode, Bei den Mariaviten (E. Runge in Gr.-Lichter-
felde-Berlin. 1911); Kalends* 1912 fur das alt-katholische Haus (Kempten
im Allgau, 1911); Kalendarz MaryawicM, 1914 (Lodz, Drukaraia Biskupa
Maryawitow).

The first bishop of the Czecho-Slovak Church, united with the Eastern
Church, was consecrated at Belgrad, September the 2$th, 1921 . The service
was described in the next day's issue of the Belgrad paper Pohtika.

250 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

we have been advised to make would hinder the very union
which they are intended to promote. Our living authority
is the whole Church of past and present days, and our free-
dom is limited by the laws made by Christ for His mystical
bride. The use of ambiguous and equivocal formulae,
like a lax hold upon things which have behind them the
sanction of the whole Catholic Church, such as confirmation,
episcopacy, and the sacramental system, would deprive the
Churches in communion with the see of Canterbury of their
unique capacity for reconciling the true but separated
elements of Christianity which exist outside that com-
munion. Doubtless the first condition of reunion is a
thorough moral renovation, and in the true form of the
Creed the holiness of the Church is affirmed after its unity
and before its Catholicity, for the unity and the Catholicity
of the Church largely depend upon the holiness of her
children. But a moral renovation will necessarily strengthen
opposition to any kind of make-believe or pretence in what
we say, just as it will strengthen fidelity to that stationary
element in revealed religion which is essential for the
progress and formulation of Christian thought.

It is here that we touch the question of Modernism.

Modernism first in France and then in England has
tried to meet the difficulties of faith in a novel manner. It
endeavours to disarm doubt by dissolving truth. It has not
been quite the same in France 1 and in England. The
French form is nearer to Newman and Oxford, the English
is nearer to Harnack and Berlin. And it is an interesting
fact that though French Modernism showed a wider and
more varied intellectual outlook than English Modernism,
the French Modernists attacked those whom they called
'Intellectuals', while the English name the objects of
their hostility * Traditionalists'. But on both sides of the

1 For Modernism in France see Albert Houtin, ffistoire du Modernisme
cathotique (Paris, 1913).

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 251

Channel the Modernists have emphasized the weak elements
in Newman's theory of the development of doctrine and the
function of dogmatic formulae; they have leaned con-
sciously or unconsciously upon a one-sided philosophy which
denies the intervention of God in history ; and they have
recklessly assimilated many of the most dubious conclusions
of German criticism.

These three mistakes led them to the strange opinion
that it is right to worship Christ while not believing in His
Deity ; that it is right to receive the Holy Communion and
declare in the most solemn of all prayers that Christ
instituted this sacrament and commanded it to be continued,
while doubting whether He ever intended it to be repeated ; l
and that it is right to declare that He rose again while
holding that His body rotted in the grave. I submit that
if it be right to employ words 'symbolically* so that they
cover exactly what they were intended to exclude, and
plainly do exclude, there is no superstition that cannot
be condoned. If it be moral for an Englishman to assert
that our Lord was born of the Virgin Mary when he holds
that Christ was the Son of Joseph, then it is moral for
a Frenchman to assent to the doctrine of the infallibility
of the Pope when he believes the old Gallican doctrine of the
Papacy, and it is moral for an Italian to recite the collect
in honour of the holy house of Loretto when he is sure that
it was not carried by angels from Nazareth to Loretto.
Therefore Modernism is not, what it sometimes claims to
be, a means of establishing a modus vivendi between
Catholicism and Evangelicalism, but rather, as was wisely
said several years ago by the present Dean of St. Paul's,
an attempt to deal with the crisis of faith ' by establishing
a modus vivendi between scepticism and superstition'. 2

1 'He may be even uncertain whether Christ intended to institute
a service which should be repealed.' The Modern Churchman, December
1920, p. 483.

8 Dr, W. R. Inge, 'The Meaning of Modernism 1 , Quarterly Review,

252 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

Nor can I see any fundamental difference between the
Roman Catholic Modernists whom at that moment he was
describing and the Protestant Modernists who have accepted
the same standard of truthfulness.

The gravity of this crisis of faith is sometimes greatly
exaggerated. I impute no unworthy motives to those who
imagine that Christianity is being crucified by natural
science and desire to save it from such a fate. But as a
matter of fact no discoveries of science, not even the Coper-
nican system or the truths of evolution, require us to
abandon one single clause of the authoritative statement of
the Christian faith, the Nicene Creed. The intelligent Greek
bishops who composed it, and all the great Fathers of the
Church, believed that their task was not one of innovation
but of interpretation ; and that the Holy Spirit was given
to guide the Church in determining her creed, not to add
to what was apostolical, but to express it in view of new
intellectual situations. Above all, it was their transparent
purpose to keep before the eyes of men that picture of God's
nature which is gradually revealed to us in the Old and in
the New Testament, and to enable them to find in Jesus
Christ all that was found in Him by the apostles and
the evangelists.

The problem which most concerned them is the problem
which most concerns us. The doctrine of the Person of
Christ is again the centre of discussion, 'What think ye
of Christ?'

The question, 'What think ye of Christ?' is no obsolete
question. It can never become superannuated. If we can
be sure that there is a moral meaning in the universe and
in our self, if we can make that supreme act of faith which is

April 1909. The same essay reappears under the two different titles of
'Catholic Modernism' and 'Roman Catholic Modernism' in Dr. Inge's
Outspoken ssays (Longmans, London, 1919), The reason for these changes
would appear to be the fact that after 1909 the name 'Modernist'
became commonly adopted by a party of English Protestants.

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 253

equally the supreme act of reason, and say, 'I believe in
God', I believe because this belief strengthens, settles,
makes me more perfect, fits me for life, then we cannot
ignore Jesus Christ. Nor can we think it right to divide our
manhood, and say that we are willing to affirm as believers
what we deny as thinkers. Christ meets us not as believers
only nor as thinkers only, but as men. And He meets us
as one Christ, not as a naturalistic Christ born in Judaea
and as a supernatural Christ created by the Church. The
Christ of history cannot be separated from the Christ of
dogma, for both in history and in dogma we find the Christ
of experience. 1

There is still, as in the early nineteenth century, a theology
which tends to the doctrine, or even teaches the doctrine,
that Jesus was a human person, only with a much more
perfect filial submission to God and confidence in God
than we have known in other men. Some would say that
each man may become all that Jesus was. And when the
objection is raised that this view of the Founder of Chris-
tianity cannot be reconciled with the evidence of the New
Testament, we are told that this evidence, and therefore
the whole subsequent teaching of the Church, is deeply
coloured by misunderstandings which were inevitable in the
mental conditions of the period when the New Testament was
written, Christ, we are told, was a genius, but the claim that
His life was supernatural must be set aside. We are told to
see in Him a combination of piety with talent and experi-
ence, talent which owes its origin to causes which are entirely
natural though ordained by God, and experience which was
conditioned in a manner wholly and solely normal.

Verse after verse in the New Testament proves that our
Lord attributed to himself a significance for humanity far
exceeding the limits imposed by such a theory. These

1 For some words of Dr. T. B. Strong on the 'Jesus of History' see
app, note 28, p. 284.

254 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN

passages cannot all be wrong. They axe too early in date,
too coherent in character. And consequently we must
conclude either that He was a deluded dreamer, as some
indeed would tell us, or that He was and is infinitely more
than an important link in the chain of human history. The
evidence demands a clear decision in favour of the super-
natural estimate of His Person. That estimate is from the
point of view of historical exegesis unassailable. He inter-
preted His life, His death, His resurrection as the work of
divine interposition. And if we, like Him, do not reject
but admit supernaturalism in the sphere of the spirit, we
cannot say ' Thus far and no farther ' and, unlike Him,
proscribe supernaturalism in the sphere of the physical.

This is not a question only for the learned and the intel-
lectual The simplest Christian can see a difference between
the assertion that the risen Christ is a divine Person with
a human nature, human though changed, and the assertion
that He is a human person without a body. Even children
raise the question. Not very long ago I was taking a country
walk with a little boy about seven years of age. Suddenly
he asked me, 'Had they churches before Jesus came?' I
answered briefly as well as I could. Instantly the child said,
' Could Jesus hear them ? ' You may be sure that I answered
'Yes '. He would not have understood such words as
'Deity' and 'pre-existence'. But it meant something to
him that the Jesus of the manger and the cross always
cared for the world into which He came. That has not
been the conviction of one man, one school, one epoch,
but the Christian conviction of all ages, as it has been the
Christian conviction of all ages that 'Christ died for our
sins, and that He was buried, and that He was raised on
the third day'. If St. Paul and the disciples who taught
him that confession of faith had only believed that the spirit
of Christ had been raised to heaven after death, the mention
of His burial would have been totally superfluous and

THOUGHT SINCE 1815 255

the mention of the third day would have been obviously
misleading.

Just as nothing less than Deity can satisfy the language
in which our Lord advanced His claims, so nothing less than
resurrection from a tomb left empty can satisfy the language
of the apostles and the evangelists. On those two truths
the Christian Church was built. They are the foundation
of a home of freedom, hope, and joy, not a prison for the
confinement of slaves ; and it is false to teach that fidelity
to these truths is a mark of obscurantism and stagnation.
The life of Jesus on earth is but the manifestation in human
form of those attributes which have been His from all eternity ;
and we comprehend His human character, we learn its value
for our own development, when we can say with all our heart,
'Thou art the everlasting Son of the Father, When thou
tookest upon thee to deliver man, thou didst not abhor
the Virgin's womb, When thou hadst overcome the sharp-
ness of death, thou didst open the kingdom of heaven to
all believers '.

It is this Christ, and no other, that binds us with the past
and the future, with the good and holy of all periods since
the world began, this Christ who alone at this moment is
able to save. And if the scattered children of God are again
to be made one, unity can only be secured from Him and
through Him and in Him. The prospect of a united Chris-
tianity is distant, but the vision of peace is a little nearer
than it was. What consolation, what courage, what
energy, what progress this unity would bring, 'eye hath not
seen nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of
man*. But of this we may be certain. Those who believe
that He is 'God of God, Light of Light', and believe that
Jesus hears them, will beyond the possibility of doubt grow
in the discernment of what that truth implies and of what is
really inconsistent with it in thought or practice. If they
do not live to see the accomplishment of their prayers for

256 ASPECTS OF CHRISTIAN THOUGHT

unity, they know that their work is not in vain. God is on
their side, and in the unclouded presence of their Saviour
they will find their reward. In the meantime let each one
of us in looking at the image of our Redeemer crucified, not
only see in His face the reflection of eternal love, but also
see in His arms outstretched to both horizons a token of our
duty to the world and a call to join with Him in His present
and perpetual intercession.

APPENDED NOTES

LECTURE I

NOTE i. See p. 10

The Council of Trent on Indulgences. The Decretum de
indulgenliis passed at Sessio XXV decrees as follows:
' Quum potestas conferendi indulgentias a Christo ecclesiae
concessa sit, atque huiusmodi potestate divinitus sibi
tradita antiquissimis etiam temporibus ilia usa fuerit,
sacrosancta synodus indulgentiarum usum, Christiano populo
maxime salutarem et sacrorum concilionun auctoritate
probatum, in ecclesia retinendum esse docet et praecipit,
eosque anathemate damnat, qui aut inutiles esse asserting
vel eas concedendi in ecclesia potestatem esse negant. In
his tamen concedendis moderationem iuxta veterem et
probatam in ecclesia consuetudinem adhiberi cupit, ne
nimia facilitate ecclesiastica disciplina enervetur.' Then
follows a mention of 'abuses 3 and 'base profits' which are
to be abolished.

Richter, Canones et Decreta, Concilii Tridentini, p. 468
(Typis Bernhardi Tauchnitii, Lipsiae, 1853). J. Water-
worth, Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Oecumenical
Council of Trent, p. 277 (Burns & Dates, London, no date).
The haste with which this decree was prepared is shown by
Waterworth, who says, ' as a general wish had been expressed
that something should be defined in regard of Indulgences,
it was resolved to use the few hours that were left in prepar-
ing a brief statement of doctrine on that subject* (pp. ccxl,
ccxli). A hurried consideration was therefore given to
a matter which had been of transcendent importance.
The decree betrays this haste by totally ignoring the differ-
ence both in theory a,nd in practice between the remissions
of penalty granted in ancient times and the 'pardons'
which led to the Reformation.

NOTE 2. Seep, n

The Council of Trent on Episcopacy. Sessio XXIII,
canon vi, enacts, 'Si quis dixerit, in ecclesia catholica non
esse hierarchiam divina ordinatione institutam, quae con-
stat ex episcopis, presbyteris et ministris: anathema sit/

2649 S

258 APPENDED NOTES

Canon viii enacts, ' Si quis dixerit episcopos, qui auctoritate
Roman! pontificis assumuntur, non esse legitimos et veros
episcopos, sed figmentum humanum: anathema sit.'

The former of these two canons, in stating that the hier-
archy 'was instituted by divine ordinance', says what
would be accepted without hesitation by Ultramontanes,
Gallicans, and Anglicans, not to mention Orthodox Orientals.
But it avoids the precise point which the Spanish bishops
wished to emphasize, viz. that it was Christ himself who
instituted the hierarchy and that a bishop is what he is
and acts as a bishop by virtue of Christ's ordinance, and not
because either (i) jurisdiction has come to him through the
Pope or (ii) the power to exercise jurisdiction received by
him from Christ has come through the Pope. Both these
latter theories imply that St. Peter possessed powers which
were different in kind from those of the other apostles, and
that these powers are possessed by the Pope.

The second of the two canons and the decree of the same
session concerning the residence of ecclesiastics leave
undecided the exact nature of the Pope's authority. Bishops
whom the Pope 'assumes' are real bishops and all who have
the care of souls must tend their sheep. But whether
residence was necessary by virtue of the power of the Pope,
or by a divine law binding on all to whom Christ gave
episcopal jurisdiction, was left a matter of speculative
interest. (The practical importance of the question was
vividly illustrated in 1801 when nearly all the French refugee
bishops in EnglaM refused to resign their sees at the
demand of Pope Pius VII acting at the instance of Napoleon.
See p. 123.)

Richter, op. cit,, p. 174.

Waterworth, op. cit., p. 174. Waterworth regards
'assumed by authority of the Roman pontiff' as equivalent
to 'created by the Roman pontiff', op. cit., index, p. 313.

In addition to the actual canons of the Council it is useful
to study documents such as those contained in I. v. Dol-
linger's Ungedruckte Berichte und Tagebucher zur Geschichte
des Ooncils von Trient, Zweite Abtheilung, N6rdlingen, 1876.
The tension between the episcoparand the papalist parties
is clearly illustrated, pp. 194 ff.

NOTE 3. See p. 20

The hymn attributed to St. Francis Xavier. The hymn
was written neither in Latin nor in Portuguese, though
it was translated into Latin verse and in Goa is known in

LECTURE I 259

a Portuguese prose translation. One Latin version is as
follows:

O Deus, ego amo te,
Nee amo te ut salves me,
Ant quia non amantes te
Aeterno punis igne.
Tu, mi Jesu, totum me
Amplexasti in cruce;
Tuhsti clavos, lanceam
Multamque ignominiam,
Innumeros doiores, sudores
Et angores et mortem :
Et haec propter me
Et pro me peccatore.
Cur igitur non amem te,
O Jesu mi amantissime '
Non ut in caelo salves me
Aut ne in aeternum damnes me
Nee proemii ullius spe,
Sed sicut tu amasti me,
Sic amo et amabo te,
Solum quia Rex meus es,
Et solum quia Deus es.

This is based upon a Spanish sonnet; see Revue Hispanique,
1895, p. 120 (A. Picard, Paris) :

No me mueve, mi Dios, para quererte
El cielo que me tienes prometido;
Ni me mueve el infierno tan temido
Para dexar por esso de ofenderte.

Tu me mueves, Senor; mu6veme el verte
Clavado en essa cruz, y encarnecido;
Mueveme el ver tu cuerpo tan herido;
Muevenme tus afrentes, y tu muerte.

Muevesme al tu amor en tal manera,
Que aunque no hubiera cielo, yo te amdra;
Y aunque no hubiera infierno, te temiera.

No me tienes que dar, porque te quiera;
Que aunque quanto espero no esperara,
Lo mismo que te quiero te quisiera.

The author of these beautiful lines is quite unknown.

NOTE 4. See p. 21

St. Francis Xavier's exposition of the creed. A full
translation of ^the original as given by Teixeira is printed by
Stewart, op. cit., pp. 242 ft It is interesting to compare this
with a modern Portuguese expansion of it printed at Nova
Goa in 1878 in a book entitled Devoto de S. Francisco

S2

260 APPENDED NOTES

Xayier, pp. 139 ff. In the former it is said that ' We are
obliged to believe such of the holy canons and councils as
axe ordered by the Church, and the ordinances made by the
Pope, Cardinals, Patriarchs, Archbishops, and Bishops, and
Prelates of the Church 1 . In the latter it is said that 'We
owe a profound respect, an unwavering faith, a prompt
submission to the canons of the Holy Fathers, to the decrees
of the councils, to the decisions pronounced and directed
by the Sovereign Pontiff to all the Church, and which are
transmitted to us by the intermediary of the Cardinals,
Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates'.

NOTE 5. See p. 27

The Five Condemned Propositions attributed to Jansenius.
These prepositions condemned by Pope Innocent X in his
Bull Cum Occasione of May the sist, 1653, are as follows:

1. Aliqua Dei praecepta Hominibus iustis volentibus, et
conantibus secundum praesentes, quas habent vires, sunt
impossibilia, deest quoque illis Gratia qua possibiUa sunt.

2. Interior! Gratiae in statu Naturae lapsae nunquam
resistitur.

3. Ad merendum, et demerendum in statu Naturae
lapsae non requiritur in Homine libertas a necessitate, sed
sufficit libertas a coactione.

4. ^ Semipelagiani admittebant praevenientis Gratiae
interioris necessitatem ad singulos actus, etiam ad initium
fidei, et in hoc ^erant Haeretici, quod valent earn Gratiam
talem esse, cui posset humana voluntas resistere, vel
obtemperare.

5. Semipelagianum est dicere, Christum pro omnibus
omnino mortuum esse, aut sanguinem fudisse.

Buttarum Privilegiorum ac Diplomatum Romanorum Ponti-
ficum Collectio, torn, vi, pars 3, p. 248 (Romae, 1760).

NOTE 6. See p. 28

A moral reason for supporting the Jansenists. The following
passage from a letter (number 737) of Madame de Sevign6
written from Nantes May the I7th, 1680, shows the attitude
of a cultivated woman who was a shrewd judge of character
'Ma consolation, c'est d'etre a mes Filles de Sainte-Marie;
elles sont aimables; elles ont conserve une ide de vous'
dont elles me font leur cour; elles ne sont point folles, ni
pr6venues; comme celles que vous connoissez, elles 'ne
croient point le pape d'aujourd'hui (Innocent XI) h^retique;

LECTURE I 261

elles savent leur religion; dies ne jetteront point par terre
TEcriture sainte, parce qu'elle est traduite par les plus
honnStes gens du monde; elles font honneur a la grace de
Jesus-Christ; elles connoissent la Providence; elles elevent
fort bien leurs petites filles; elles ne leur apprennent point
a mentir, ni a dissimuler leurs sentiments; point de coque-
sigruesm d'idolatrie: enfin je les aime. M. de Grignan les
croira jansenistes, et moi je pense qu' elles sont chretiennes.'

LECTURE II

NOTE 7. See p. 34

The First Prayer Book of Edward VI and the Canon of 1he
Mass. Professor A. F. Pollard, in his chapter on ' The
Reformation under Edward VI', in The Cambridge Modern
History, vol. ii, p. 485, says in regard to the First Prayer
Book of Edward VI that 'the "abominable canon " was
removed because it shut the door on all but the Roman
doctrine of the Mass'. The canon was not 'removed' but
carefully revised. The doctrine of the real presence was
taught even more distinctly than before, by the insertion of
a phrase from the Greek liturgy of St. Basil. Certain sacrifi-
cial terms were removed. These terms originally referred
to the unconsecrated bread and wine and not to the body
and blood of Christ as offered in the Mass. The single
exception was the phrase sacrificium laudis which Cranmer
retained, connecting it with the 'holy gifts' which have
already been consecrated to be the body and blood of Christ.
It is derived from the Old Testament, where it is applied
to the peace-ofiering. Cranmer expanded it into ' sacrifice
of praise and thanksgiving ', which is the precise phrase
which the mediaeval party in 1546 compelled Shaxton,
Bishop of Salisbury, to apply to 'the oblation and action
of the priest' in the Mass, as one of the proofs that he
rejected the Protestant doctrine of the Eucharist. See my
History of the Book of Common Prayer, p. 99 (Longmans,
London, 1905), and for the sources of the Prayer Book
see F. E. Brightman, The English Rite (Rivingtons, London,
1915). In regard to Edward VTs Second Prayer Book
there is a good deal of truth in the words of Professor
F. C. Burkitt that Cranmer, influenced by St. Augustine,
'was not abolishing the Sacrifice, but only transforming it',
Eucharist and Sacrifice, p, 22 (Heffer, Cambridge, 1921).

262 APPENDED NOTES

NOTE 8. See p. 40

The excommunication of Queen Elizabeth. The Bull
Regnans in excelsis was signed by Pope Pius V on
February the 25th, 1570. The following is the important
passage in which the Pope accuses the Queen of Calvinism:
'Missae sacrificium, preces, ieiunia, ciborum delectum,
coelibatum, ritusque Catholicos abolevit, libros manifestam
haeresim continentes toto regno proponi, impia mysteria,
et instituta ad Calvini praescriptum a se suscepta, et
observata, etiam a subditis servari mandavit/ Buttarum
Privilegiorum ac Diplomatum Romanorum Pontificum Col-
lectio, torn, iv, pars 3, p. 98 (Romae, 1746). Professor
F. W. Maitland, in his chapter on 'The Anglican Settlement
and the Scottish Reformation', in The Cambridge Modern
History, vol. ii, p. 588, interprets this to mean that the
Pope accused Elizabeth of 'participation in "the impious
mysteries of Calvin", by which, no doubt, he meant the
Gene'. ^ I doubt the correctness of this interpretation. The
Bull with its subtle exaggerations betrays a mind too clevei
to be guilty of such a gross falsehood as accusing Elizabeth

OT T"\aT"fl/ v lTia finer i-n o f^olTrJ-nip-f-tr* TTiiAkT-n-jftfJ- * ^/Tv^"f"PT1 Jl * Tin

of participating in a Calvinistic Ei

doubt means 'sacraments'. But ' Instituta' means 'ordi-
nances', and the Pope probably took the word deliberately
from the title of Calvin's famous book, though he carefully
avoids saying that Elizabeth had accepted Calvin's own
institutes.

In this connexion it is of some importance to under-
stand the attitude towards the English Book of Common
Prayer taken by John Knox, who, unlike Elizabeth, was
a Calvinist. Professor F. W. Maitland, loc. cit. f p. 591,
seems to under-estimate the opposition of John Knox to the
English Prayer Book. He says, ' To that book in 1559
Knox had strong objections ; he detested ceremonies > . .
but there was nothing doctrinally wrong with the book/
Now Knox's statements show an antipathy to something
more serious than ceremonies. Not only does he denounce
as 'Diabolicall inventions' the singing of the 'Letanie
and ceremonies properly so called, even those in the semi-
Puritan Second Prayer Book of Edward VI. He also takes
up a doctrinal ground, maintaining that 'wher Christ is
not preached (marke well that I say, preached), that there
hath the Sacrament neither life nor soule'. Therefore ITJ
opposition to the teaching of the English Reformers, Knox
makes the efficacy of the Sacraments depend upon the
doctrine preached by the minister ; and the Scottish Con-

LECTURE II 263

fession of Faith shows that this doctrine must agree with
that of Calvin's Institutes, the Genevan Confession, and the
works of John Laski. See B. J. Kidd, DJX, Documents
Illustrative of the Continental Reformation, pp. 691 1, 703
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1911).

NOTE 9. See p. 44

British Calvinism. The following passages show the nature
of the Calvinism taught by the Presbyterians and by the
Congregationalists in Great Britain and in America. The
passages which the Congregationalists took over from the
Westminster Confession are printed in Roman type, the
parts added by them at the Savoy in blacker type.

' Of the Perseverance of the Saints

'They whom God hath accepted in his beloved, effectually
called and sanctified by his Spirit can neither totally nor
finally fall away from the state of grace, but shall certainly
persevere therein to the end, and be eternally saved.

'II. This Perseverance of the Saints depends not upon
their own free-will, but upon the immutability of the Decree
of Election, from the free and unchangeable love of God the
Father, upon the efficacy of the merit and intercession of
Jesus Christ, and union with him, the oath ol God, the
abiding of his Spirit, and of the seed of God within them,
and the nature of the Covenant of Grace, from all which
ariseth also the certainty and infallibility thereof.

'III. And though they may through the temptation of
Satan, and of the world, the prevalency of corruption remain-
ing in them, and the neglect of the means of their preserva-
tion, fall into grievous sins, and for a time continue therein,
whereby they incur God's displeasure and grieve his holy
Spirit, come to have their graces and comforts impaired, have
their hearts hardened, and their consciences wounded,
hurt and scandalize others, and bring temporal judgements
upon themselves; yet they are and shall be kept by the power
of God through faith unto salvation.'

Further light is thrown upon this by a previous statement
about the non-elect. It is, 'Others not elected, although
they may be called by the Ministry of the Word, and may
have some common operations of the Spirit, yet not being
effectually drawn by the Father, they neither do nor can
come unto Christ, and therefore cannot be saved.'

The verbal differences between the Presbyterian and
the Congregationalist forms make no doctrinal difference.

264 APPENDED NOTES

And the American divine Cotton Mather describes the
'Congregational Churches' in New England as 'Reform'd
Churches, nothing in Doctrine, little in Discipline, different
from that of Geneva'. Magnolia Ghristi Americana, or
The Ecclesiastical History of New England from 1620 to 1698,
Book i, p. i (London, 1702).

The kindness which the early colonists received from
certain Indians, especially one named Squanto, must have
seemed hard to reconcile with the Calvinistic doctrine of the
total depravity of man. Mather, however, compares the
tongue of Squanto with that of the dog who licked the sores
of Lazarus.

A most valuable and complete account of the whole
doctrinal position of the Congregationalists is given in
Williston Walker's The Creeds and Platforms of Congrega-
tionalism (Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1893).

NOTE 10. See p, 44

The Pope as Antichrist. The British Calvinist teaching as
to the Pope is as follows: 'There is no other Head of the
Church but the Lord Jesus Christ, nor can the Pope of Rome
in any sense be Head thereof; but is that Antichrist,
that man of sin, and son of perdition, that exalteth himself
in the Church against Christ, and all that is called God.'
Williston Walker, op. cit., p. 396.

It is said that the first person in Oxford in the seventeenth
century who publicly denied that the Pope is Antichrist was
Dr. Gilbert Sheldon, afterwards primate of all England,
when reading his academical exercise for a degree in divinity,
1628. 'The doctor of the chair (Dr. Prideaux), wondering
at it, said, Quid, mi fili, negas Papam esse Antichristum ?
Sheldon answered, Etiam nego. Dr. Prideaux replied,
Profecto multum tibi debet Pontifex Romanus, et nullus
dubito quin pileo cardinalitio te donab^t ! ' H. J. Todd,
Life of Brian Walton, vol. i, p. 291 (Rivington, London,

Io2X).

LECTURE III

NOTE ii. See p. 70

The Position of the Church of Sweden. At the Lambeth
Conference of 1920 the Anglican episcopate took definite
steps towards a partial intercommunion with the Lutheran
Church of Sweden. The position of that Church is so
ambiguous that greater caution would not have been
unwise. On behalf of the admission of Swedes to holy

LECTURE III 265

communion at our altars it can be urged that the Swedish
Church has retained (i) the three ancient creeds retained
by the Church of England and that the Augsburg Confes-
sion, which the Swedish Church also accepts, need not be
regarded as inimical to these creeds; (ii) an episcopal
succession, it being practically certain that at the time of the
Reformation at least a tactual succession was preserved
through the consecration of Archbishop Laurentius Petri
by Petrus Magni, Bishop of Westeras, who was consecrated
at Rome May the ist, 1524; (iii) edifying Catholic rites and
ornaments, among which the episcopal mitre and staff
and jthe priest's chasuble would in a special degree indicate
the intention of keeping orthodox views of the Church and
the sacraments.

On the other hand it is certain that the Swedish Church has
tolerated, and still tolerates, Lutheran innovations of a
pronounced character. For (i) it is in full communion with
other Lutherans, such as those in Denmark who have only
nominal bishops, and those in America who have no bishops.
This fact alone is enough to cause serious misgivings as to
the doctrine of the Swedes concerning the Church, and as
to their intention in ordaining their priests; (ii) there is
no order of deacons in any strict sense of the word; (iii) the
doctrine and practice with regard to confirmation are
seriously insufficient, and the Swedish bishops have openly
stated that they regard the laying on of the bishop's hand
for^the purpose of confirming as among things that are
indifferent; (iv) the liturgy lacks a definite prayer of con-
secration and the celebrant is not obliged to communicate:
these two facts are in harmony with the Lutheran view that
the presence of Christ is effected at the distribution of the
sacrament rather than at the words of consecration spoken
by the celebrant.

The establishment of sacramental intercommunion should
not be regarded as one of the first steps, but as the ultimate
step, in reunion. And therefore the administration of the
holy communion at our altars to Swedes ought, in view of
the^ possibility of a complete reunion, to be postponed until
their Church as a body has forsaken such causes of estrange-
ment between us as have been indicated above.

For the Swedish attitude towards the Lambeth Conference
of 1920 see 'The Reply of the Bishops of the Church of
Sweden' in Theology, July 1922 (Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge, London).

266 APPENDED NOTES

NOTE 12. See p, 94

The languages spoken by the Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam
and London. It is well known that in the seventeenth
century Amsterdam was a great centre of the important
division of the Jewish community known as Sephardim,
a word which originally meant 'people of Sardis', but
became adopted by the Jews of Spain and Portugal, distin-
guishing them from the Ashkenazim of Russia, Poland, and
Germany. From Amsterdam and elsewhere many of the
Sephardim came to London, a fact which accounts for the
numerous Portuguese names found in the Denizations and
Naturalizations of Aliens published by the Huguenot
Society of London in 1911. Here we find names like
Fonsequa and Pinheiro side by side with Huguenot names
like Du Quesne and Bouverie.

The languages spoken by these Jews are a matter of both
historical and philological interest. It is clear that in both
Amsterdam and London the Sephardic synagogues were
usually called Portuguese. The oldest official vernacular
records in the London synagogue (for which see p. 267) are
in Portuguese. But the language of the majority of the
Sephardim in both cities was Spanish. So far as I can judge
from books in my own possession and others which I have
found mentioned, the vernacular prayer books were all in
Spanish, though I believe that a prayer for the government
of the Netherlands," and later of England, was read in
Portuguese. The following short list of books is enough
to prove the use of Spanish :

Orden de Benediciones, Amsterdam, 5447 (A. D. 1687),
Hebrew and Spanish. Orden de las Oraciones Cotidianas,
David Tartas, Amsterdam, 5452 (A. D. 1692) ; another edition
was published in Amsterdam in 5477 (A. D. 1717), and another
in London by the noted Rabbi Ishac Nieto in A. D. 1771.
The same Nieto published a new translation of the Prayers
for Ros-ashanah y Kipur, Londres, En casa de Ricardo
Reily, Afio 5500 (A. r>. 1740). The introduction is in good
Spanish and claims to be free from the old and inappropriate
words found in other translations. The author condemns
' Castellano-Hebraico; que no es ni Hebraico, ni Caste-
llano'. Another Spanish book of prayers is Orden de los
Cinco Ayunos, David Tartas, Amsterdam, 5455 (A. D. 1695).
There^ seems to be no Portuguese book exactly correspond-
ing with the above mentioned, though a Hebrew Order of
the Daily Prayers with Portuguese notes was published in

LECTURE III 267

Amsterdam by S. L. Maduro in 1768. And early in the
nineteenth century sermons in the London synagogue were
in Spanish, the first English sermon being on March the 26th,
1831. Some light is thrown upon the question by a work
on the Psalms by Yahacob Yehuda Leon, published in
Amsterdam in 5431 (A. D. 1670-1671) . It is called Alabangas
de Santidad. The psalms are printed in Hebrew and the
translation and paraphrase are in Spanish. But the official
imprimatur and report of the censors of the book are in
Portuguese, and the author even speaks of 'our Portuguese
nation*. The explanation seems to be that by the end
of the sixteenth century the strictly Spanish Jews had been
all expelled from Spain or converted to Christianity.
Those in Turkey kept, and still keep, the fifteenth-century
dialect which Nieto calls ' Castellano-Hebraico f . In the
seventeenth century the Jews in Spain were mostly of
Portuguese origin except in Majorca. These Portuguese
Jews retained Portuguese as an official language but
acquired a knowledge of Spanish. Spanish being easier
to learn, and being the vernacular of the Jews who came
to Holland and England from North Africa, prevailed
over Portuguese.

It may be added that until the nineteenth century
marriages between the Sephaxdim and the Ashkenazim were
almost unknown, Also that there was a decided drift of the
old Sephardic families towards Christianity. Descendants
of several such families have been personally known to me.

LECTURE IV

NOTE 13. See p. 98

Roman Catholicism in Amsterdam. In 1716 the Roman
Catholic churches in Amsterdam outnumbered all the rest :
'Het getal der Roomsche Kerken is in deze Stadt vry groot,
en overtreft in meenigte, die van alle de overige gezintheeden
met malkander. . . * Alle de Roomsche Kerken zyn zodanig
gebouwd, dat men van buiten geen hoedanigheid van een
Kerk zien kan/ W egwyzer door Amsterdam, p. 211 (Nicolaas
ten Hoorn, Amsterdam, 1716).

NOTE 14. See p. 98

The Sephardic (Spanish and Portuguese) synagogue in
Bevis Marks, London. This synagogue, the oldest in
London, was dedicated in 1702. The builder was a Quaker

268 APPENDED NOTES

named Avis, who incorporated in the roof a beam given by
Queen Aime. The last-known organization of Jews for
worship in Spain was discovered at Madrid in 1720. An
organization for Moslem woiship was discovered at Cordova
in 1727 and at Cartagena as late as 1769. But the Inquisi-
tion had done its work so thoroughly that Judaism and
Islam were almost extinct by 1700. See H. C. Lea, A History
of the Inquisition of Spain, vol. iii, pp. 308, 406 (Macmillan
Company, New York, 1907).

NOTE 15. See p. 113

Medals commemorating the suppression of the Jesuits.
On the suppression of the Society of Jesus two medals
were circulated in Rome. The first represents the Pope with
the inscription Clemens XIV Pontifex Max., and on the
reverse shows our Lord accompanied by two apostles
driving before Him three Jesuit priests wearing birettas;
and the inscription Nunquam novi vos discedite a me omnes.
A specimen of this medal has been kindly shown to me by
Dr. W. H. Hutton, Dean of Winchester. The second medal
represents the Pope with the inscription Clemens XIV.
Pont. Max, A.V., and on the reverse shows the Church
seated on a globe, holding in one hand a cross and in the
other an olive-branch and the Holy Dove inspiring her,
the inscription being Solus generis humani. Below are the
words Jesuitarum societas deleta MDCCLXXIII.

NOTE 16. See p. 118

The Protestation of the English Roman Catholics in ij8<).
This Protestation has been printed in full by Bernard Ward,
The Dawn of Catholic Revival in England 1781-1803, vol. i,
pp. 139 ff. This most important document brought about
the Relief Act of 1791 which released English Roman
Catholics from persecution. It is of a pronounced CJa.11ic.an
type separated by an immense gulf from the English Roman
Catholicism of the present day. In accordance with
Gallican teaching it contains 'a vehement protest against the
existence of any authority of the Pope which could interfere
directly or indirectly with the government of the realm 1
(loc. cit., p. 144). Its language is irreconcilable with the Bull
which excommunicated Queen Elizabeth, The following
extract illustrates its tenor :

* We have been accused of holding as a principle of our
Religion that Princes excommunicated by the Pope and

LECTURE IV 269

Council or by authority of the See of Rome may be deposed
or murdered by their Subjects or other persons.

'But so far is the above-mentioned unchristianlike and
abominable Position from being a Principle that we hold,
that we reject, abhor and detest it, and every part thereof
as execrable and impious/

'We have also been accused of holding as a principle of
our Religion that implicit Obedience is due from us to the
Orders and Decrees of Popes and General Councils and that
therefore if the Pope or any General Council should for the
good of the Church command us to take up Arms against
Government, or by any means to subvert the Laws and
Liberties of this country, or to exterminate persons of a
different Religion from us, we (it is asserted by our accusers)
hold ourselves bound to obey such Orders or Decrees, on
pain of eternal fire.

'Whereas we positively deny that we owe any such
obedience to the Pope and General Council, or to either of
them; and we believe that no act that is in itself immoral
or dishonest can ever be justified by or under colour that
it is done either for the good of the Church, or obedience
to any Ecclesiastical Power whatever. We acknowledge no
infallibility in the Pope, and we neither apprehend nor
believe that our disobedience to any such orders or decrees
(should any such be given or made) could subject us to
any punishment whatever. '

All the Roman Catholic bishops then resident in England
signed this Protestation. And though one of them,
Dr. Matthew Gibson, afterwards withdrew his name, he does
not appear to have done so on the ground of belief in the
Pope's infallibility.

The action of these bishops is the more remarkable
inasmuch as they were * Vicars Apostolic ', and therefore
peculiarly dependent upon Rome. The Rev. Joseph
Berington, a Roman Catholic clergyman and writer of this
period, gives a scathing description of this method of govern-
ing a Church as ' an economy in its obvious nature, most
extraordinary and dependent, in which they who styled
themselves bishops, were but the delegated agents or
stewards of another, while that other, the Roman pontiff,
was himself the ordinary or immediate bishop of the English
Catholic Church. This bishop apportioned out to his
delegates the quantum of jurisdiction, it should seem
expedient they should exercise, which he could recall, limit,

270 APPENDED NOTES

or modify, as his own will or their conduct might direct.
The agents were independent of each other in their respective
offices (which did but more evince the nature of the link
that bound them to the Roman chair) "moving equally
abreast", it has been said with some wit, "without any
mutual relation, coherence or order among themselves"',
The Memoirs ofGregorio Panzani, translated from the Italian
Original with an Introduction and a Supplement, Supplement,
PP- 373-4 (Swinney & Walker, Birmingham, 1793),

NOTE 17. See p. 126

The cultus of the hearts of Jesus and Mary. The worship
of the Sacred Heart of Jesus was advocated in St. James's
Chapel, London, in the time of Charles II by a chaplain of
Mary of Modena, Father De la Colombi&re. But until
1814 it remained almost unknown to English Roman
Catholics. This is shown by the fact that there are no
prayers to the Sacred Heart in the Garden of the Soul by
Bishop Challoner and none in the excellent Manual of
Devout Prayers which was employed in this country before
his time. The present devotion to the Sacred Heart owes
its realistic form and wide popularity to certain visions
affirmed to have been seen by the French sister, Margaret
Mary Alacoque of Paray-le-Monial (1647-1690), who was
canonized by the late Pope Benedict XV.

Some discussion has taken place as to the more remote
genesis of the devotion. On the one hand it has been urged
that whether the form of it was supernaturally revealed
to Margaret Maxy or not, its antecedents were Catholic.
Among them was the mediaeval devotion to the Five Wounds
of our Lord. The latest English mediaeval art depicted
the Five Wounds arranged on a shield, the wounded Heart
being in the centre. Such a shield is painted on one of the
two rare banners of the time of Queen Mary at St, John's
College, Oxford. On the other hand, it has been urged that
Father De la ColombiSre, who was Margaret Mary's director,
recommended it to her, and that he was influenced by
a popular treatise The Heart of Ohrist in Heaven towards
Sinners on Earth written by the well-known English Con-
gregationalist, Thomas Goodwin, who had been Oliver
Cromwell's chaplain.

It is not necessary to regard the two theories as mutually
exclusive. Father De la Colombtere was in England from
1676 to 1678, and there is no difficulty in believing that
he was acquainted with Dr, Goodwin's treatise. The two

LECTURE IV 271

divines were exercising their ministry in London at the
same time. Pietism had in it something that was inter-
national (see p. 95), and both were probably acquainted
with some of the same mystical books. De la Colombiere
was, at Paray-le-Monial for some time before, and for
a brief time aftet, his stay in London, If the most impor-
tant visionary experiences of Margaret Mary were, as is
alleged, earlier than 1676, there is little likelihood of her
having^ imbibed from her director the teaching of Thomas
Goodwin. The coincidences in their teaching* are remarkable
and the dates of her visions are uncertain, but the evidence
seems in favour of a period before 1676.

Although this devotion entered upon a new phase through
the efforts of Margaret Mary and her director, it had been
already anticipated in part.

1. Before the sixteenth century there seems to have been
no actual worship of the Sacred Heart, but simply a mystical
exercise of affection for Christ connected especially with
meditation on the Five Wounds.

2. In the sixteenth century Louis de Blois and others
gave this mysticism a new turn by invoking the Heart of
Jesus.

3. About 1640 Father Eudes of Caen promoted a venera-
tion of the ' Most loving Heart [sic] of Jesus and Mary ', and
congregations were founded in honour of the 'Heart of Jesus
and Mary'. The extraordinary use of the singular rather
than the plural suggests that heart was regarded primarily
as a metaphorical word for love.

4. The devotion which originated with , Margaret Mary
and her director and spread rapidly after 1685 is the worship
of the material physical Heart of Jesus Christ. It was
regarded with caution and encountered considerable opposi-
tion within the Roman communion, but received the
complete sanction of Pope Pius IX when he beatified
Margaret Mary in 1864. He also gave his definite approval
to the practice of paying the worship of hyperdulia or extra-
servitude to the material physical heart of the Blessed
Virgin. In 1793 this devotion was described by Berington
as 'a modern devotion, and which, with many others, to the
disgrace of real religion, has been invented in our church
from sordid and superstitious views' (op. cit., p, xxxii).

Although the worship of the Sacred Heart of Jesus is
defended as a safeguard against Docetism, the theologians
of the eighteenth century who believed that it savoured of
heterodoxy showed more intelligence than their opponents

272 APPENDED NOTES

care to admit. Rome has already had to condemn the phrase
'Penitent Heart of Jesus', and explain that Mary has 'no
empire properly so-called, no authority, over the Heart of
Jesus ' ; but has leit uncondemned praises and prayers
which adore a deified humanity rather than an incarnate
Deity. (For the history of the devotion see Dictionnaire de
Theologie Catholique, articles 'Coeur-Sacr6 de Jesus', 'Cceur
de Marie', Letouzey, Paris, 1906; and The Edinburgh
Review, January 1874. For a criticism of the implied
theology see A. Nicholson, The Adoration of Christ, The
Blackfriars Printers, London, 1897.)

LECTURE V

NOTE 18. See p. 145

The Wesleyan Methodist and Cakinistic Methodist Schisms.
The circumstances attending Wesley's 'ordination 1 of
ministers for America can be read in Townsend, Workman,
Eayres, A New History of Methodism, vol. ii, pp. gaff.
(Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1909). Thomas Coke,
D.C.L., who was already a priest, demurred at first to being
'consecrated'. His conscientious scruples were overcome
and Wesley, 'assisted by other ordained ministers 1 , 'set
him apart as a Superintendent'. This was in 1784, the
year before Bishop Seabury's arrival in America. Wesley
excused his action on the ground that large numbers of
people in America were without clergymen to administer
the sacraments. For this fact the British Government was
entirely responsible on account of its refusal to send bishops
to America. Francis Asbury was 'ordained' in America
by Coke, assisted by Whatcoat and Vasey, who were
' ordained ' by Wesley and James Creighton, a priest. Wesley
called Coke and Asbury 'joint Superintendents'. But they
both called themselves 'bishops', as is shown in their letter
to the President of the United States (Washington) dated
May the 2gth, 1789.

George Whitefield was not a great organizer such as Wesley
was. But as early as 1743 the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists
were carefully organizing their societies within the Church,
and Whitefield was chosen as their Moderator, the title
being borrowed from Scotch Presbyterianism. He resigned
the office. But under Thomas Charles (1755-1814) elaborate
rules for the government of the sect were drawn up, and
in 1811 Charles took the final step of ' ordaining ' lay preachers

LECTURE V 273

to administer the sacraments. See W. Williams, Welsh
Calvinistic Methodism (Publishing Office of the Presbyterian
Church of England, London, iJT v

NOTE 19. See p. 152

^ Political Principles of the Scottish Episcopalians in the
time of George I. Many acute remarks on the social and
religious customs of the period are to be found in Hurt's
Letters from the North of Scotland reprinted by William
Paterson, Edinburgh, 1876. In vol. i, pp. 222 ff., the writer
speaks of the 'Episcopalians' and says, 'Their Ministers
here are all Nonjurors, that I know, except those of the
Chief Baron's Chapel in Edinburgh, and. the Episcopal
Church at Aberdeen; but whether there is any qualified
Episcopal Minister at Glasgow, St. Andrews, &c., I do not
know.

'The Nonjuring Ministers generally lead regular Lives;
and it behoves them so to do, for otherwise they would be
distanced by their Rivals.

'I saw a flagrant Example of the People's Disaffection
to the present Government in the above mentioned Church
of Aberdeen, where^there is an Organ, the only one I know
of, and the Service is chaunted as in our Cathedrals.

'Being there, one Sunday Morning, with another English
Gentleman, when the Minister came to that Part of the
Litany where the King is prayed for by Name, the People
all rose up at once, in Contempt of it, and Men and Women
set themselves about some trivial Action, as taking Snuff,
&a, to show their Dislike, and signify to each other that they
were all of one Mind; and when the Responsal should have
been pronounced, though they had been loud in all that
preceded, to our Amazement there was not one single
Voice to be heard but our own, so suddenly and entirely
were we dropped.'

The following short passage shows that the Jacobitism of
the Episcopalians was combined with a somewhat demo-
cratic assertion of the right of self-determination: 'The
Nonjuring Ministers have made a kind of Linsey-Woolsey
piece of StufE of their Doctrine, by interweaving the People's
civil Rights with Religion, and teaching them that it is as
Unchristian not to believe their Notions of Government
as to disbelieve the Gospel.'

2649

274 APPENDED NOTES

NOTE 20. See p. 155

Early American Church Architecture. Three of the finest
American churches of the eighteenth century still remaining
are Christ Church, Philadelphia, begun in 1727 ; St. Michael's,
Charleston, begun in 1751 ; St. Paul's, New York, opened in
1766. King's Chapel, Boston, mentioned in this lecture as
the only Anglican church that became Unitarian, was begun
in 1749 ai1 ^ h as a fi 116 interior with double columns supporting
the galleries and roof. St. Philip's, Charleston, begun in
1710, was considered superior to them all, but it was
destroyed by fire and rebuilt in the same style in 1835.

The early churches in the vast country now comprised
in the United States deserve a careful study. Many are
of architectural merit and of historical and religious interest.
It is not possible here to touch upon those erected by the
French in Louisiana, and those erected by the Spaniards in
Florida, Texas, New Mexico, and California from the
sixteenth to the early nineteenth century. Those built
by the English colonists fall into certain distinct categories.
The Anglican colonists in the seventeenth century built
churches which recall the Gothic churches of English country
villages. Such are St. Luke's, Smithfield, Virginia, 1632,
and St. Peter's, New Kent County, in the same State,
1700, somewhat less Gothic. The Puritans built 'meeting-
houses' which are simply large wooden rooms, the exteriors
of which display at least some of the picturesqueness of the
domestic architecture of the period. Such are the meeting-
house at Hingham, Massachusetts, 1681, and the Quaker
meeting-house at Flushing, New York, 1692.

In the eighteenth century we find a strong influence
exercised by the art of Wren and his pupil Gibbs. It is
shown in a rough, simple form in Christ Church, Boston,
1723, and Trinity Church, Newport, 1726. Far more
elaborate examples of the same style are the churches men-
tioned at the beginning of this note. St. Paul's, New York,
bears a rather close resemblance to Gibbs's masterpiece,
St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London, but, unlike Gibbs, the
architect has not placed the exquisite spire immediately
behind a huge portico. Later in the same century, near the
time of the separation of the United States from Great
Britain, the American Dissenters began to adopt Anglican
architecture. This was many years before the English
Dissenters changed the form of their meeting-houses. The
Baptist meeting-house at Providence, Rhode Island, 1775,

LECTURE V 275

is of an Anglican type from its Renaissance spire to its
shallow sanctuary. The same influence is shown, though
rather less strongly, in the Congregationalist Tenter
Church' and 'North Church' at New Haven, Connecticut-
two beautiful buildings erected in 1814. The former of these
two shows a fine example of the American device of placing
the lowest storey of the spire within the portico, between
and near the two central columns. The Congregationalist
'Center Church' at Hartford in the same State has no
structural sanctuary, but resembles some of the best
English work of that date 1806. The double row of Ionic
columns gives to the interior a dignity which is quite lacking
in some of our late Georgian churches. By this time the
Roman style of Gibbs was blending with that of the Greek
revival, and the Anglicans in the United States were
returning to the use of Gothic. An early example of this
is Trinity Church, New Haven, consecrated in 1816.

The Roman style, however, died hard. St. John's, New
York, built in 1807 and barbarously pulled down within the
last few years, was probably the last Anglican church of this
type, and it was but little inferior to its elder sister, the
church of St. Paul, in the same city.

The Americans have given the name 'Colonial 3 to the
architecture of their classical Georgian churches. The name
is convenient, but not rigorously correct. The most distinc-
tively American type of classical architecture was developed,
as we should expect, after the separation from the mother
country. It lingered till about 1830, the year in which
George IV died. One of its best examples is the Independent
Presbyterian church at Savannah, designed by an Englishman
and built in 1800 (burnt and rebuilt later). Here there is
Gothic detail in the windows. And in Trinity Church,
Newark, New Jersey, we find a building erected in 1805 with
a pseudo-Gothic nave, and a portico and spire of good
Colonial Roman design.

NOTE 21. See p. 158

The Lapse of American Congregationalism into Unitarian-
ism. In 1800 there were within the limits of the city of
Boston two Episcopal (Anglican) churches, two Baptist
churches, and one small Methodist society. In these a belief
in the Holy Trinity was maintained. One Congregational
church, the 'Old South church ', where Whitefield had
preached in 1740, had a minister whose orthodoxy was
suspected. On the other hand, the 'Liberal' or Unitarian

T 2

276 APPENDED NOTES

party had ten churches eight were originally Congrega-
tionalist, one was Universalist, and the remaining one was
King's Chapel. The apostate churches in Massachusetts
included the most historic churches of the Pilgrim Fathers ;
the first church of Plymouth, founded 1620, the first
church of Salem, founded 1629, the first church of Boston,
founded 1632. The schism between the two Congregational
parties, the Unitarian and the Trinitarian, became definite
in 1815, the Unitarians still usually keeping the name
'Congregational*. Forty years later the tide had begun to
turn against Unitarianism, and the evaporation of all
definite Christianity among the American Unitarians has
caused a large number to forsake their sect for the Protestant
Episcopal (Anglican) Church. Minute statistics relating to
Unitariamsm a.nd Unjversalism are given by Daniel Dor-
Chester, Christianity in the United States, revised edition
(Hunt and Eaton, New York, 1895). The Unitarian side
can be read in J. W. Chadwick, Old and New Unitarian Belief
(G. H. Ellis, Boston, U.S.A., 1894).

LECTURE VI
NOTE 22. See p. 178

Goethe on the Sacraments. The following passage is a
valuable illustration of the truth that Goethe could prefer
the better while he followed the worse.

'The sacraments are the highest part of religion, the
symbols to our senses of an extraordinary divine favour
and grace. In the Lord's Supper earthly lips are to receive
a divine Being embodied, and partake of an heavenly
under the form of an earthly nourishment. This sense is
just the same in all Christian churches; whether the
Sacrament is taken with more or less submission to the
mystery, with more or less accommodation as to what is
intelligible; it always remains a great holy thing, which in
reality takes the place of the possible or the impossible, the
place of that which man can neither attain nor do without.
But such a sacrament should not stand alone; no Christian
can partake of it with the true joy for which it is given,
if ^ the symbolical or sacramental sense is not fostered
within him. He must be accustomed to regard the inner
religion of the heart and that of the external church as
perfectly one, as the great universal sacrament, which
again divides itself into so many others, and communicates
to these parts its holiness, indestructibleness, and eternity.

LECTURE VI 277

Here a youthful pair give their hands to one another, not
for a passing salutation or for the dance; the priest pro-
nounces his blessing upon them, and the bond is indissoluble.
It is not long before this wedded pair brings a likeness to the
threshold of the altar; it is purified with holy water, and
so incorporated into the Church, that it cannot forfeit this
benefit but through the most monstrous apostasy. The
child in the course of life practises himself in earthly things
of his own accord ; in heavenly things he must be instructed.
Does it prove on examination that this has been fully done,
he is now received into the bosom of the Church as an actual
citizen, as a true and voluntary professor, not without
outward tokens of the weightiness of this act. ... In the
infinite confusion in which he must entangle himself, amid
the conflict of natural and religious claims, an admirable
expedient is given him, in confiding Ms deeds and misdeeds,
his infirmities and doubts, to a worthy man, appointed
expressly for that purpose, who knows how to calm, to
warn, to strengthen him, to chasten him likewise by sym-
bolical punislmients, and at last by a complete washing
away of his guilt, to render him happy and to give him back,
pure and cleansed, the tablet of his manhood. Thus
prepared and purely calmed to rest by several sacramental
acts which, on closer examination, branch forth again into
minuter sacramental traits, he kneels down to receive the
host/ The passage continues with a defence of extreme
unction and the 'spiritual heirship' of apostolic succession.
'It is not he, the priest, whom we reverence, but his office;
it is not his nod to which we bow the knee, but the blessing
which he imparts, and which seems the more holy, and to
come the more immediately from heaven, because the
earthly instrument cannot at all weaken or invalidate it
by its own sinful, nay, wicked nature/ Dichtung und
Wahrheit, Book VII, vol. xi, pp. 284 ff. (Stuttgart, 1866).

LECTURE VII
NOTE 23, See p. 192

The Greek Rite in Italian Churches. The Greek rite still
survives in certain Albanian communities of southern
Italy and Sicily, but is no longer regularly celebrated in any
church existing among the remnants of the Byzantine Greek
population. These remnants, still speaking Greek and then
numbering about twenty thousand, are described by

278 APPENDED NOTES

H. F. Tozer in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. x, 1889.
He concludes that they are descendants of Greeks who
migrated thither not later than the eleventh century, but
that their numbers were reinforced at a later date. He
describes them as forming two separate groups, one in the
'heel' of Italy or Terra d'Otranto, the other in the 'toe',
a mountain region in and around the town of Bova in Calabria.
The language, which had evidently lost ground before the
advance of Italian, was unmixed with Albanian. In all
the Greek villages the church services seem to have long
been in Latin. They were formerly in Greek, and Tozer
quotes Barcio as writing in 1571 to the effect that the Greek
rite was used from Leucopetra to Bova.
a Rossano, about midway between the two districts men-
tioned above, is a city where the Greek rite was peculiarly
tenacious. In it there were seven Greek Basilian monas-
teries in the fifteenth century. In the cathedral the Greek
rite was maintained until 1571, and in other churches of the
city it lingered some fifty years longer. This district was
visited in 1889 by P. Vincenzo Vannutelli, O.P., who gives
a brief account of the Greek rite in Italy in his work Le
Colonie Itak-Greche (Roma, 1890). He says that the Greek
rite was abolished by a Franciscan bishop, Matteo Saraceno,
but is maintained at Rossano on certain days of the year
'per richiamare il tempo passato*. He found the Italian
Albanian villages depressed and poverty-stricken; in
Calabria about thirty had adopted the Latin rite, about
eighteen had kept the Greek, Lungro being the place where it
was best preserved. His notes show plain marks of haste,
as he elsewhere in the same book says the Greek rite is kept
in about twenty-five villages. All were under the authority
of the Roman Church. In Sicily he found numerous
Albanians under Rome using the Greek rite, notably at
Mezzoiuso, La Piana, and Palazzo Adriano. At the last
he specially noted the use of leavened bread and the Western
rite of Benediction after the liturgy. He emphasizes the
fact that in Sicily the faithful are permitted to avail them-
selves of the sacraments of Penance and the Eucharist
according to either the Latin or the Greek rite, except
at the time of their Easter communion or their Viaticum.
Of this practice he approves, and also, to some extent,
of the toleration of a married clergy among Orientals,
instances of which he found in Sicily (ibid., p. 89). See also
articles 'Italo-Greeks' and 'Rossano 1 in Catholic Encyclo-
pedia.

LECTURE VII 279

NOTE 24. See p. 203

Constantinople and Anglican Ordinations. The following

.is a translation of the Official Encyclical of the Oecumenical

Patriarch Meletios to the Presidents of the Orthodox

Churches of the East. It is reprinted from the Church Times

of September the 8th, 1922.

'The Most Holy Church of Constantinople, kindled from
the beginning with zeal for universal union, and always
keeping in mind the Lord's words prayed by Him to His
Heavenly Father just before His Saving Passion, has always
followed with keen interest every movement in the separated
Churches, and has examined with care and study their
every and any expression of faith which might point towards
a rapprochement with Orthodoxy. Further, it has con-
cluded with real joy that amongst them the Church which
has manifested the most lively desire to remove the obstacles
towards a rapprochement and indeed to full union with the
Orthodox Church is the Episcopal Anglican Church, which
herself having first received the light of Christianity from the
East, has never ceased to remember the East and to account
as an important end a sincere rapprochement towards a full
union in Christ Jesus with the Orthodox in the East.

'Therefore the great Church of Christ (now) under our
presidency, necessarily honouring the readiness of this
Church in former periods, especially in the last twenty
years, has entered into many sincere brotherly relations with
it, and recently established a special committee, with instruc-
tions to report upon the still existing points of difference
on the basis of a scientific inquiry, and on the method of
their removal, with a view to accomplishing a full union of
the two Churches in the same Orthodox Christian spirit.

'Perceiving in its labour that on an important question
namely, the validity of Anglican Ordinations the Holy
Orthodox Church had not yet officially delivered any
opinion either as a whole or through any of the particular
Holy Synods, although there have been many discussions
(on the matter) from time to time among her theologians,
and that an authoritative and canonical solution of this
important question would greatly facilitate the desired union
by removing one of the most serious obstacles that oppose
the objective of reunion which is sought on either side
and is dear to God, the committee brought under the
judgment of our Holy Synod a special report treating
scientifically the above-named question. Our Holy Synod

2 8o APPENDED NOTES

studied this report of the committee in repeated sessions,
and took note:

4 i. That the ordination of Matthew Parker as Arch-
bishop of Canterbury by four bishops is a fact established
by history.

'2. That in this ordination and those subsequent to it
there are found in their fullness those Orthodox and
indispensable visible and sensible elements of valid
Episcopal Ordination namely, the Laying-on of Hands
and the Epiklesis of the All-Holy Spirit, and also the
purpose to transmit the charisma of the Episcopal
Ministry.

'3. That the Orthodox theologians who have scientifi-
cally examined the question have almost unanimously
come to the same conclusion and have expressed them-
selves as accepting the validity of Anglican Ordinations.

'4. That the practice in the Church affords no indica-
tion that the Orthodox Church has ever officially treated
the validity of Anglican Ord.ers as in doubt in such a way
as would point to the re-ordination of the Anglican clergy
being regarded as required in the case of the union of the
two Churches,

'5. That expressing this general mind of the Orthodox
Church the most Holy Patriarchs at different periods, and
other hierarchs of the East, when writing to the Arch-
bishops of the Anglican Church, have been used to address
them as "Most Reverend Brother in Christ", thus giving
them a brotherly salutation.

'Our Holy Synod, therefore, came to an opinion accepting
the validity of the Anglican priesthood, and has decided that
its conclusion should be announced to the other Holy
Orthodox Churches in order that occasion might be given
them also to express their opinion, so that the mind of the
Orthodox world on this important question might be
known.

'Accordingly, writing to your . . , well-beloved . . . and
informing you of the considerations which, in this question,
prevail with us, we have no doubt that your . . . also having
investigated this question with your Holy Synod, will be
pleased to communicate the result of your consideration
to us, to the end of a further improvement of our relations
in regard to union with the Anglican Church: in the hope
that the Heavenly Ruler of the Church will supply that
which is lacking through His All-Power-Inspiring Grace,

LECTURE VII 281

and will guide all who believe in Him to a full knowledge of
the truth and to full union, in order that there may be of
them one flock under One Chief Shepherd the true Shepherd
of the sheep, our Lord Jesus Christ, to Whom be the glory
for ever. Amen/

LECTURE VIII
NOTE 25. See p. 236

Newman on the Anglican Position. As early as 1837
Newman said, ' It still remains to be tried whether what is
called Anglicanism, the religion of Andrewes, Laud, Ham-
mond, Butler, and Wilson, is capable of being professed,
acted on, and maintained on a large sphere of action and
through a sufficient period, or whether it be a mere modifica-
tion of Romanism or of popular Protestantism, according
as we view it.' Lectures on the Prophetical Office of the
Church, p. 21 (Rivington, London, 1837). He then strongly
supported the first view. When we remember the frequent
accusation directed against the Tractarians that they
appealed simply to Antiquity, it is worth noting that
Newman in this work expressly repudiates any such notion.
He says, 'The mere Protestant, indeed, and the Romanist
may use Antiquity. . . . We, on the contrary, consider
Antiquity and Catholicity to be the real guides, and the
Church their organ* (p. 322). The whole passage is
important.

NOTE 26. See p. 238

Newman on Transubstantiation. 'People say that the
doctrine of Transubstantiation is difficult to believe; I did
not believe the doctrine till I was a Catholic. I had no
difficulty in believing it as soon as I believed that the
Catholic Roman Church was the oracle of God, and that she
had declared this doctrine to be part of the original revela-
tion. It is difficult, impossible to imagine, I grant but
how is it difficult to believe? Yet Macaulay thought it so
difficult to believe, that he had need of a believer in it of
talents as eminent as Sir Thomas More, before he could
bring himself to conceive that the Catholics of an enlightened
age could resist "the overwhelming force of the argument
against it". "Sir Thomas More", he says, "is one of the
choice specimens of wisdom and virtue; and the doctrine
of transubstantiation is a kind of proof charge. A faith
which stands that test, will stand any test. 11 But for myself,

282 APPENDED NOTES

I cannot indeed prove it, I cannot tell how it is; but I say,
"Why should not it be? What's to hinder it? What
do I know of substance or matter? just as much as the
greatest philosophers, and that is nothing at all; " so much
is this the case, that there is a rising school of philosophy
now, which considers phenomena to constitute the whole
of our knowledge in physics. The Catholic doctrine leaves
phenomena alone. It does not say that the phenomena go;
on the contrary, it says that they remain: nor does it say
that the phenomena are in several places at once. It deals
with what no one on earth knows anything about, the
material substances themselves/ Apologia, pp. 374-375
(Longman, London, 1864).

NOTE 27. See p. 240

The Return to the traditional Dates of many Books of the
New Testament, The most significant, not to say sensa-
tional, return to views which placed most of the books of the
New Testament well within the first century of the Christian
era, occurred in Professor Adolf Harnack's 'Chronologische
Tabelle' at the end of the first part of volume ii of his
Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur bis Eusebius (Leipzig,
1897). Since that time the learned author has adopted
even more conservative views, especially as to the date of the
Acts of the Apostles.

The following extract from Professor Adolf Jiilicher's
Emleitung in das^ Neue Testament, p. 12 f . (Tubingen, 1906),
illustrates the views now held by German ' Liberal ' theo-
logians of the work of Baur and the older Tubingen school;

'Ein grosser Teil der Tiibingischen Thesen hat sich als
unhaltbar erwiesen. Schon innerhalb der Schule, mit
Entschiedenheit zuerst durch Hilgenfeld, wurde erkannt,
dass von den Briefen mit paulinischer Et&ette aus inneren
Griinden I Th,, Phi. und Phm. keinem anderen Verfasser
zugesprochen werden konnen als Gal. und Cor., und dass
eine Annaherungstendenz ihnen nur aufgedrangt wird.
Dass schon aussere Zeugnisse uns hindern, eine grosse
Zahl NTlicher Schriften so tief ins 2. Jhdt. herabzuriicken,
konnte auch auf die Bauer nicht geleugnet werden. Und
was noch wichtiger ist, durch Holsten's Verdienst wird
jetzt von den meisten Tiibingern zugegeben, dass es nicht
angeht, Petrus und die Urapostel iiberhaupt als die Vor-
kampfer des radikalen Judaismus zu betrachten, dass
viehnehr Petrus einen im Verhaltnis zu den von Paulus

LECTURE VIII 283

*

schroff bekampften judaistischen Agitatoren freieren, mil-
deren, nur eben nicht prinzipiell klaren Standpunkt vertritt,
dass auch hier in gewissem Sinne der Gegensatz das Spatere
ist, eine relativ weitherzige Einheit das Urspriingliche.
Aber hierbei stossen wir auf die Hauptf ehler der Geschichts-
konstruktion Baur's. Er iiberschatzt die Bedeutung des
Judaismus in der altesten Christenheit, weil er mit dem
Judentum jener Zeit nicht ausreichend bekannt ist, er
iibertreibt die antijiidischen Element e in der Gedankenwelt
des Paulus und isoliert diesen, als hatte er aUein universalis-
tische Tendenzen vertreten und heidenchristliche Gemeinden
gegriindet, er behalt fiir die Personlichkeit Jesu kattm einen
Raum iibrig. So einseitig paulozentrisch ist seine Auffas-
sung von der Geschichte des Urchristentums orientiert, dass
er djese eigentlich von den Anfangen bis tief ins 2. Jhdt,
hinein von dem einzigen Interesse an dem durch Paulus
angeregten Kampf beherrscht sein lasst, dem Kampf um
die Fortdauer des Gesetzes und die Prerogative der Juden,
wahrend dieser Kampf doch nur ein geschichtebildender
Faktor neben anderen gewesen ist, und zahllose Christen
der ersten beiden Generationen nicht bloss kein Verstandnis
fiir diesen Streit gehabt, sondern nicht einmal etwas von
ihm gewusst haben werden. Es sind ja nicht Gedanken und
Grundsatze in erster Linie, von denen eine neue Religion
lebt, sondern Stimmungen, Empfindungen, Hofinungen sind
das ausschlaggebende; Baur*s Vorstellung von der Ent-
wicklungsgeschichte der apostolischen und nachapostoli-
schen Zeit ist eine zu sehr logisch korrekte und an Farben-
tonen arme, um wahrscheinlich zu heissen. Trotzdem bleibt
es dabei, dass Baur eine neue Epoche der NTlichen Wis-
senschaft erSffnet hat, schon durch eine Menge von neuen
und unangreifbaren Einsichten betreffend Fragen der
Einleitung wie der Exegese und NTlichen Theologie,
vornehnolich aber dadurch, dass er den Betrieb unsrer
Wissenschaft auf eine hohere Stufe gehoben, die subjek-
tivistische Vereinzelung in der Untersuchung beseitigt, die
literarkritische Detailarbeit in den Dienst der Geschichte
der Ideen genommen hat: seit Baur kann die Literatur-
geschichte des NT's nicht mehr ausserhalb des Zusaipmen-
hangs mit der Gesamtgeschichte des Christentums, ja der
Religion und iiberhaupt der Menschheit behandelt werden;
er hat uns gelehrt, die Biicher des NTs wahrhaft geschicht-
lich, als Erzeugnisse des religiosen Geistes einer bestimmten
Zeit und als Zeugnisse fiir denselben zu wiirdigen.'

284 APPENDED NOTES

NOTE 28. See p. 253

The 'Jesus of History 9 . The following words of Dr. T. B.
Strong, Bishop of Ripon, are applicable to all forms of
modern Rationalism except those which deny that our
Lord had any existence.

'I do not quarrel with the attempt to disentangle the
" Jesus of History " from the existing records. But I
think we have a right to ask that the figure which results
should account for the existence of the Church and the
development of its thought and practice. I venture to think
that this condition is not fulfilled. There is one fact written
large over the New Testament as a whole, which is that the
new movement in religion, whatever it was, dated from the
presence in the world of Jesus Christ. None of those to
whom it fell to spread the movement were in the smallest
doubt about this. St. Paul was not a man to accept dicta-
tion or to conceal his own part in the movement; but,
though he tells us nothing new of the life of the Lord,
there is no doubt that his whole mind and will are prostrate
in abasement before the Lord. The same is true of the other
New Testament writers: there is not the slightest vestige
of a suggestion that any of them were acting in any other
capacity than as servants of His. It is difficult to see how
if Christ were merely a prophet of the Second Coming with
an *' interim ethic ", if He were merely a preacher of
righteousness and charity, with no message of Salvation,
if He had succeeded after His death in convincing His
followers of immortality, but did not rise from the grave
it is difficult to see how His followers can have held and
retained the opinion of Him which they express in their
works. . . . You may study the Apocalypses and the mystery
religions and the current philosophy, and show, probably
quite truly, how various elements in the doctrine of the
New Testament fit on to elements in pre-Christian and non-
Christian thought; but this will not explain the figure of
Christ the impression He made upon His followers. What
is called the " Jesus of History " will not, I think, displace
the Jesus of the New Testament, of the New Testament as
a whole and not merely of the Gospels.' The Gospel and the
Creed, pp. 10 ff. (Oxford University Press, 1922).

INDEX

Aberdeen, 57, 273.

Absolution, 2, 89, 104, 129

Acceptants, 105.

Adam, fall of, 7, 49, 54, 78, 141.

Advertisements, book of, GnndaTs,

40 ; Parker's, 46.

Alacoque, St. Margaret Mary, 270,
Albert of Brandenburg, 4.
Alphonsus Liguon, St., 125.
Amsterdam, 92, 94, 98.
Anabaptists, 42, 76, 157 n
Andrewes, Lancelot, Bishop, 50,

130-

Angelus Silesius, 85.
Anne, Queen of England, 132, 150.
Antinomiamsm, 8, 138, 147.
Antiquity, the appeal to, 47, 65,

87, 103, 281.
Anti-Trinitarianism, 65, 81, 137,

157-

Apostles' Creed, 71
Apostolic succession, 34, 159.
Appellants, 105 .
Architecture, English, 66, 274;

Rococo, 108; American, 155,

274.
Arianism, in England, 137, 139 ;

in America, 158 , in Switzerland,

A I7 *'.

Arminianism, 93, 138, 143, 145.

Arrmnius, Jacobus, 92,
Arnold, T., Dr., 231.
Arpafeehe, 154.
Articles, the thirty-nine, 39.
Atonement, doctrine of, 65, 81, 138,
Augsburg, confession of, 163.
Augustine, St , 26, 103, 107, 127.
Augustinus of Jansenius, 27,
Austria, Church reforms in, no.

B.

Bahidt, K. F., 171,
Bajus, M., 26.

Balliol College, Oxford, 200.
Baptismal regeneration, 64.
Baptists, or Anabaptists, 42, 58,
76, 157 w.

Barrowe, Henry, Congregationalist,
43-

Baumgarten, S. J., 167.

Baur, F. C., 186, 239, 282.

Baxter, Richard, 63.

Bayly, Lewis, Bishop, 95.

Bellarmin, R. F, R., 42, 50, 91

Benedict XIV, Pope, 107.

Benedict XV, Pope, 270.

Benedictines, 118.

Benediction, rite of, 195.

Berlin, 84, 168, 169, 182, 189, 249.

Berthelsdorf, 84, 162.

Bethlehem in Pennsylvania, 161.

Bickerdike, Robert, 41.

Bismarck, 73.

Boehme, Jacob, 86, 143.

Bohemia, 162 ; see also Czecho-
slovak.

Bonaparte, 121 ff.

Booth, W., 18.

Borromeo, St. Charles, 13

Bossuet, J. B., Bishop of Meaux,
25, 29, 102.

Boston, U.S.A., religion of, 158,
275 ; old churches of, 157, 274.

Bousset, W., 172.

Brandenburg, Albert of, 4; John
Sigismund of, 83.

Breda, 62.

Brightman, F. E., 45 n , 261.

Browne, Robert, founder of Con-
gregationalism, 43.

Bucer, Martin, 35.

Bulgarian schism, 216.

Bunyan, John, 95

Burnet, G., Bishop, 130, 135.

Burney, C. F., 241 n.

Burning for heresy, 37.

Busenbaum, his moral theology,

112.

C.

Cajetan, Cardinal, 5.

California, Franciscan missions in,

113-

Calissen (Calixtus), George, 87.
Calvin, John, 42, 77 ff.
Calvinism, in Great Britain, 42 ff

63, 141 ; on the Continent, 81 ff. ;

286

INDEX

in America, 44, 158, 263 ; its

connexion with learning, 89 ;

reaction against, 81, 89, 92, 138,

158.

Calvroostic Methodism, 145, 272.
Canon of the Mass, 34, 36, 85,

261.

Canonical Scriptures, 72.
Carlovitz, see^ Karlovci.
Carstares, William, 62.
Cartwright, Thomas, 42.
Casaubon, Isaac, 90.
Casuistry, degeneration of, 28,
Chalice, denial of the, 69 ; per-
mitted to Uniats, 213.
ChaUoner, R., Bishop, 116.
Channing, W. E., 158.
Charles I, King, religious policy of,

56-
Charles II, King, religious policy

of, 60, 62.
Chasuble, Anglican retention of,

38 ; Lutheran retention of, 84,

265.

Chateaubriand, 226.
Choir Office, 18.
Clarke, Samuel, 139.
Clement XIV, Pope, 112, 268.
Cktheroe, Margaret, 41.
Coccems, J., 175,
Collegia philobiblica, 96.
Commonwealth, the, religion under,

58.
Communion, frequent, 16, 36 ;

under both kinds, 35, 69, 213
Confession, auricular, retained by

Lutherans, 82, 85 , by Calvin,

79 ; by Anglicans, 95 n., 132.
Congregationalists, 43, 58, 62, 137.
Connecticut, Congregationalism in,

156 ff. ; the Church in, 156 fi.
Consalvi, E., Cardinal, 125.
Constantinople, the Church in, 192,

211 ft.

Consubstantiation, 72.
Contarini, G., Cardinal, 9.
Convocation, suppression of, in

1717, y2.

Counter-Reformation, i ff.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop, 36.
Cromwell, Oliver, 58.
Cutter, Timothy, 156.
Czecho-Slovak Church, 249.

D.

Dale, R. W., on Evangelicalism,

148.
Dead, indulgences for, 4.

Decretals, False, 68, 109.

Deism, 133 ff., 167, 173, 241.

Depravity of human nature, Pro-
testant doctrine of, 7, 49, 54, 93,
141.

Devonshire, rising in, against the
prayer-book, 36.

Directory, French, 121.

Discipline, Book of, 54.

Discipline, in the ancient church,

2.

Dissenters, in eighteenth century,

Doddndge, Ph., 139.

Dollinger, 1 , 246, 258.

Donne, John, 49.

Dort (Dordrecht), Calvimstic synod

at, 93-

Douai, seminary at, 116
Dresden, 162.
Dupanloup, F. A. Ph., Bishop of

Orleans, 246.
Dutch, Reformed Church, 92 ff ,

174

E.

Eastern Orthodox Church, the,
192 ff.

Eckhart, 86.

Edinburgh, religious riots in, 57 ;
Episcopacy in, 150.

Edward VI, King, 41.

Einsiedeln, Zwingli at, 74 ; church
at, 74, 108.

Elders, Congregationalist, 43; in
Calvin's polity, 79.

Election, Calvinistic doctrine of,
78, 93, 263*

Elgin, 151.

Elizabeth, Queen, 37 fl. ; excom-
munication of, 40, 262.

Ephrata in Pennsylvania, 161.

Episcopacy, in England, 34, 63,
in Scotland, 55 ff , 60, 150 ff. ; in
America, 155 ff. , in Sweden, 70,
265.

Ernesti, J. A., 170.

Erudition for any Christian Man,

Eschatology of the Gospels, 169,

284.
Eucharist, doctrines of, 72, 76, 78,

204,
Eudes, J , teaches worship of the

Sacred Heart, 271.
Evangelical Church, German, 181 ff.
Evangelical movement, 147.
Extreme unction, 35.

INDEX

287

F.

Faith, nature of, 6, 70.

Fall of Adam, effects of, 7, 49, 54,

78, 141.

Farel, Guillaume, 54.
Fathers, appeal to the, Anglican, 35,

46, 50, 64 ; Gallican, 32, 103.
Fawkes, Guy, 41.
Fenelon, F. de S. de la M., Arch-

bishop, 25, 99.
Fihoque, 203.

Fletcher, J , of Madeley, 148.
Florence, Council of, 205.
Forbes, Robert, Bishop, 153.
Francis de Sales, St , 23
Francis de Xavier, St , 20.
Frederick II, King of Prussia, 166.
Frederick William I, King of

Prussia, 166.
Frederick William III, King of

Prussia, 181.
Free Grace, 146.
' Free Protestantism ', 187,
Freewill, 7, 65, 92.

G.

Gaelic language, 57, 151, 152 n.

Galle, church at, 94.

Gallicanism, 29, 32, 101 if,, 124,
244, 268.

Gardner, P., 243.

Geddes, Jenny, 57.

Geneva, 42, 89, 174.

Genevan Bible, 46.

George I and George II, Kings, the
Church under, 132 ff.

George IV, King, 225.

Gerhardt, P, hymn-writer, 85

Germany, Protestantism in, i ff ,
69 ff., 162 ff.; Roman Catholi-
cism in, 108, 247 ; Rationalism
in, 169 ff , 240 ff.

Glasgow, English Prayer Book at,
55; Presbyterian Assembly at,

55,57-

Glencoe, 131, 151,
Goethe, J. W., 167, 178, 276
Gomarus, F., 92.
Goodwin, Thomas, 59, 270.
Grabe, J. E., Lutheran convert, 87.
Grace, divine, 12, 26 ff., 93, 103,

260.

Gratry, A., 16 ; on Liguori, 126 n.
Greek Church, Orthodox, 192 ff.
Greek rite in Italy, 192, 277,
Gregoire, H., 'Constitutional'

Bishop, 119.
Grindai, Edmund, Archbishop, 40.

Grotius, Hugo, 93.
Grou, J. N., 121.
Guadalupe, Our Lady of, 99.
Gunther, A., his resemblance to
Newman, 237.

H.

Halle, Pietists at, 96, 166.

Harnack, A , 187, 242, 250.

Hawley, General, 152.

Hearne, T., 131

Heart, the Sacred, worship of, 59 n. t

126, 270.

Henke, H Ph. C , 87 n.
Henry VIII, King, 45, 122.
Herrnhut, 84 n., 162.
Highlands of Scotland, 150, 154.
Hoadly, B., Bishop, 140, 142.
Hogarth, W , 140.
Holdsworth, W. S^ 49
Holland, Protestantism in, 92, 174,

189 ; Jansenism in, 107 , Roman

Catholicism in, 93, 98, 190 n. ;

Old Catholicism, in 248.
Hontheim, Nik. von, Bishop, 108.
Hooker, Richard, 47, 64.
Horsley, S., Bishop, 141
Huguenots, 90, 99.
Hus, John, 249,

I.

Icons, veneration of, 206.
Idealism, German, 179.
Ignatius de Loyola, St , 17.
Illumination or Aufldarung, 167.
Immaculate conception, 127, 244.
Independents, see Congregational-

ists.
Indulgences, origin of , 2 ff . ; Council

of Trent on, 10, 257.
Infallibility of the Pope, repudiated

by English Roman bishops, 118,

269 ; supported by Liguori, 126 ;

made a dogma, 127, 244,
Inge, W. R., 251.
Innocent XI, Pope, 102.
Innocent, Bishop of Kamchatka,

222.

Inquisition, 10, 15.
Inverness, 54, 151 ff.
Invocation of saints, 32, 69, 209.

J.
Jablonsky, D. E., Moravian bishop,

163.

Jablonsky, P., 162.
Jacobi, F. H., 179.
Jacobites, 150, 273.

288

INDEX

'affna, church at, 94.
ames I and VI, King, 55.
ames II and VII, King, 62, 130.
ansenists, 29, 102 fE.
aasenius, C., Bishop, of Ypres, 27,
260.
Jerusalem, synod of, in 1672, 202 ;

patriarch of, 218.

Jesuits, 18, 27, 32, 45, 106 ; sup-
pression of, 112, 268.
* Jesus of history *, the, 253, 284.
Jews, in Spain, 16, 98, 266 ; in
Holland and England, 94, 98,
266, 267.

John, St, Gospel of, in modern
criticism, 183, 241.
ohn, St., of the Cross, 17.
'ohnson, S., of Yale, 156.
"ohnson, Samuel, Dr., 135
'oseph II, Church reforms of, no.
ustification, doctrine of, 6, 11, 70,
87%.

K
Kant, I., his relation to Christianity,

Karlovci, Serbian see, 219.

Keble, J., poems of, 229.

Kelfmis, J., 164.

Keltic Church, 3.

Ken, T., Bishop of Bath and Wells,

131-
Kenrick, P. R., Archbishop of St.

Louis, 246.
Kettlewell, J., 131.
Kidd,B. J., 5 ., 263.
Klopstock, 176.
Kneeling at communion, 53.
Knox, John, work of, 53 ff.
Koln, 69 ., 109, 226.
Konigsberg, 87.

Lacordaire, H. D., 227.

Lainez (Laynez), J., defends papal

absolutism, n.
Laity, chalice given to, 69, 213 ;

position in Eastern Church, 211.
Lambeth, 45.
Lamennais, F. de, 226.
Lamettrie, J. O., materialist, 168.
Latitudinarian party, 142.
Laud, William, Archbishop, 51, 56,

65, 92.

Laurentius Petri, Archbishop, 265.
Law, W., mystic, 86, 135, 142.
Learning, in seventeenth century,

42, 89.

Leavened or unleavened bread at

the Eucharist, 193.
Lebanon, 212.
Leibniz, G. W., 166.
Leighton, R., Archbishop, 62.
Leipzig, University of, 96.
Leo X, Pope, i,
Leo XIII, Pope, 245.
Leasing, G. F., 169.
' Liberal Protestantism', 158, 187,

189.

Ltghtfoot, J. B., Bishop, 243.
Liguori. St. Alphonsus Maria, 125 ff .
Lippe, 83.
Loisy, A., 242 n
Lola Montez, 179 n.
Loofs, F., 173,
Louis XIV, King of France, 99,

101, 212.

Louis XV, King of France, 106, 112.
Louis XVI, King of France, 107.
Lowlands of Scotland, 153.
Lucaris, Cyril, Patriarch, 199.
Luther, Martin, i fit., 22, 26, 70 fE.,

187.
Lutheranism, 6, 32, 69 ff., 161 ff. ;

in Amenca, 85 ; in Sweden, 70,

264.

M.

Mackenzie, Hector, 151.

Maistre, J. de, 228.

Maitland, R W., 262.

Major, G., 70.

Manning, H. E., Cardinal, 245.

Marcion, 72.

Maria Theresa, Empress, no.

Mariana, J., 42.

Mariaviten, Old Catholic Church of
the, 248.

Maronites, 212.

Mary, blessed Virgin, 126, 270.

Mary, Queen of England, 37.

Mary, Queen of Scots, 39.

Mass, the, 16, 34, 36, 85, 261.

Massachusetts, 43, 156, 159, 276.

Maxwell, John, Bishop of Ross, 56.

Mazarin, J., Cardinal, 58.

Melanchthon, Philip, 6, 199.

MelcMtes, 213 .

Meletios, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, 203, 279.

Melville, Andrew, 55.

Methodists, 141, 145, 272.

Mexico, 13, 99, 114,

Michael Caerularius, Patriarch of
Constantinople, 192.

Michaelis, J. D., 170.

Milan, 13.

INDEX

289

Miller, P., 165
Milne, W., 53,
Missions, 20, 97, 99, 113, 134, 148,

161, 222.

Modernism, 81, 250 ff., 284.
' Modern Protestantism ', 190, 240,

243-

Mogila, Peter, 201.
Mohawk language, 165.
Molina, L., 27.
Molinos, M. de, 95.
Montaigne, M. E de, 30.
Montfaucon, B. de, 25.
Montreal, 154 n.
Moravians, 97, 162.
Morone, G. de, Cardinal, 9.
Mosheun, L., 167.
Mosques, 199.
Mysticism, 70, 82, 86, 95, 143.

N.

Nag's Head Fable, 45.

Neri, St. Philip, 15.

Nestorianism, 76.

New Haven, Connecticut, 275.

Newman, John Henry, 16, 229 ff.,

281.

New York, 155, 159, 274.
Nicene Creed. 71, 157, 252.
Nitschmann, D., Moravian Bishop,

161, 163.

NoaiUes, L. A. de, Cardinal, 106.
Nonconformists, 42, 63, 137.
Nonjurors, 130, 150, 273.

O.

Ochino, B., 9.

Oldenbarnevelt, 93.

Orange, Maurice, Prince of, 93 ;
William, Prince of, 131, 149.

Oratorians, 16.

Orders, Anglican, 35, 45, 63, 245,
279 ; Swedish, 265.

Ordinal, 34.

Organs, 76, 94-

Orthodox Church, 192 ff .

Oxford, Magdalen College, 59, 91 :
Wadham College, 66; Trinity
College, 66 ; St. John's College,
131 ; Balliol College, 200.

Oxford movement, 229 ff.

Oxfordshire, recusants in, 41.

P.

Parker, Matthew, Archbishop, 45 if.
Parker, Theodore, 159.
Pascal, B., 28 ff.
Pater, W., 167.

Paterson, M., on Catholicism, 229,

Pau 3 l 3 III, Pope, 10.
Paul of Samosata, 81.
Paul, St., his doctrine of Justifica-
; tion, 6, 70.
I Pearson, J., Bishop, 89.
1 Pelagianism, 26.
| Penance, 2 ff., 35.
Perfectionism, 146.
Perrone, 236, 248.
Perthshire, 151.
j Peter the Great, Tsar, 221.
Petrograd, 223
Philip II, King of Spain, 40.
Philip Neri, St , 15.
Photius, Patriarch of Constanti-

nople, 193-
Picart, 133.
Pietism, 95 ff., 161.
Pistoia, synod of, 112.
Pius IV, Pope, 13, 39.
Pius V, Pope, 39, 40, 262.
Pius VI, Pope, 121.
Pius VII, Pope, 122 ff.
Pius IX, Pope, 244, 271.
Poland, 81, 98, 162, 248.
Pole, R., Cardinal, 6.
Pollard, A. F., 261.
Pombal, 113.

Pompadour, Mme. de, 113.
Pope, authority of, 2, n, 34, 49,

51, 68, 102 ff., 258 ; infallibility

of, 126, 244 ; as Anti-Christ, 264.
Port-Royal, 28, 104.
Prague, 69 #., in.
Prayer Book, of 1549, 34, 53, 85 ;

of 1552, 36, 38 ; of 1662, 63, 66.
Prayer Book, Lutheran, 85.
Predestination, doctrine of, 44, 50,
^ 54. 75, ?8, 92, 263.
Presbyterianism, 42, 545., 62,

137 ff., 150 ff.
Priestley, Joseph, 141.
Primer, 34,
Probabifism, 29, 126.
Puritanism, 42 ff., 65, 156.
Pusey, E. B., Dr., i68w., 172, 229,

231, 236.

Q *
Quebec, 99.

Quesnel, P., 104, 112.

Rationalism, in America, 157 ; in

Germany, 166 ff., 241 ff.
'Rationalist', defined by Kant,

INDEX

Ratisbon, 6.

Rawlinson, R., Bishop, 131.

Recusants, 41.

Reformation, beginning of, in Ger-
many, i ff , 6o**ff. ; in Great
Britain, 34 ff. ; in Switzerland,
74 ; in Holland, 92.

Reformed, the differences between
Lutherans and, 81.

Reimarus, H. S., 169.

Remonstrants, 93.

Renaissance, i, 8.

Renan, E , 240.

Reserved sacrament, 36.

Restoration, in England, 62 ; in
France, 128.

Revolution, the English, 131, 149 ;
the French, n8ff

Ricci, Sc. de', Bishop, 112.

Ritschl, Albr., 184.

Robertson, F. W., 243.

Rodriguez, A., 17.

Roman Catholics, English, under
Elizabeth, 41 ; in the eighteenth
century, 115, 268 ; in lie nine-
teenth, 1 1 8, 246.

Romantic movement, 180, 227

Rome, local Church of, 15.

Rossano, 278.

Rousseau, J>J, 174.

Rumanian Church, 216, 218

Russian Church, 221.

S.

Sacraments, as retained in English
Church, 35, 63 ; Lutheran doc-
trine of, 71, 85 ; Zwinglian
doctrine of, 76; Calvinist doc-
trine ^ of, 63, 78 ; considered
invalid apart from preaching,
262 ; Goethe on, 178, 276.

Sadoleto, J,, Cardinal, 9.

Sales, St. Francis de, 23.

Sancroft, William, Archbishop, 130

Sanday, W., Dr., 188, 189, 243,

Savoy conference, 63.

Savoy declaration, 44, 138, 263.

Scheffler, J. (Angelus Silesius), 85.

Schiller, J.CHr.F., 176.

Schlegel, R, 180

Schleiermacher, F. D., 182, 185.

Schweitzer, A., 188

Scotland, reformation in, 52 fi ,
Church in eighteenth century in,
150 ff.

Scott, Sir Walter, on Episcopacy,
155 ' on mediaeval hymns, 227.

Scripture, authority of, 10, 68, 72,
80 ; verbal inspiration of, 172 ;

rationalist criticism of, 186, 239,

284.

Seabury, S., Bishop, 155.
Semler, J. S , 170.
Separatists, 43.
Serbia, Church of, 198, 215, 219,

249.

Serra, Junipero, 113
Shaftesbury, A, A. C , Earl of, 134,
Sheldon, G., Archbishop, 264.
Sinan, Armenian architect, 199.
Socinianism, in Holland, 138, 174 ;

in England, 138 ff. ; in America,

159.

Socinus, Faustus, 81.
' Solitary', Order of the, 164
Spain, Counter-Reformation in,

16 ff ; missions of, 20, 113.
Spanish bishops, at Trent, n, 258.
Spener, Ph J,, 96.
Spinoza, B,, 94, 169.
Squanto, American Indian, 264.
St. John's College, Oxford, 131.
St Paul's church, London, 66
St. Peter's church, Rome, i, 12, 244.
Staupitz, 70
Stolberg, F , 180.
Stone, Darwell, 206 w.
Strauss, B F., 135, 186
Strossmayer, J. G , Bishop, 246.
Supremacy, papal, 2, n, 34, 101,

109, 123 ., 258.
Supreme Head, title of, 38.
Swedish Orders, question of, 265.
Switzerland, reformation in, 74 ff. ;

rationalism in, 174
Synagogue, in Amstersdam, 94 ; in

Bevis Marks, London, 98, 267.

T.

Tauler, J., 86.
Taylor, John, Arian, 140
Teellinck, W., 96.
Teresa, St., 21.
Tetzel, J., 2, 4.
Theatines, 9.

Tikhon, Patriarch of Moscow, 223.
Tindal, W., 134, 136.
Toland, J., 134, 136, 166.
Toleration, in Holland, 95.
Tractarians, 230 ff.
Tradition, 10.
Transubstantiation, 204.
Trent, Council of, 10 ff.
Trinity, doctrine of the, 65, 8 1, 160.
Trinity College, Oxford, 66.
Troeltsch, E., 191.
Tubingen school, 2395., 282.
Turks, i, 196.

INDEX

291

u.

Ultramontanes, 32, 102, 244.
Uncas, Mohican, 161 n.
Unction of the Sick, 35.
Uniat Churches, 99, 201, 212.
Unitarians, Socinian, 81, I3 8 I 4 I '*

modern, 65, 158, 253, 275.
Universalists, 159, 276.
Ursulines, 9.
Utrecht, 248.

V.

Vatican Council of 1870, 244 ff.
Venice, 9, 91, 94.
Venn, H., 147.
Verbal inspiration, 172.
Vernacular, services in the, 68.
Vestments, Eucharistic, 38, 84, 265.
Vienna, Congress of, 125.
Virgin birth of Christ, 183, 251.
Virginia, the Church in, 155 fi -
Voet, G., 95, 175.
Voltaire, in Prussia, 168.

W. ' '

Wadharn College, Oxford, 66.
Wake, W., Archbishop, 105.
Waterland, 133 n., 139 n.
Watters, 145.
Watts, Isaac, 139.
Wedderbum, James, Bishop of

Dunblane, 56.
Weinel, H., 188.

Wesley, John, 84, 85, 1442., 16

272.
Westminster Confession, 44* 138,

263.

Whately, R., Archbishop, 236.
Whitefield, George, 1445.
Wieland, Chr. M., 176.
William III, King, 62, 95, 130, 150.
Wilson, Thomas, Bishop, 131.
Winkworth, C., 86.
Wiseman, N. P. S., Cardinal, 236.
Wittenberg, reformation at, 5, 7.
Wolfenbuttel Fragments, 169.
Wolff, Chr., 166.
Woolston, Th., 135.
Wrede, W., 188 n.
Wren, Sir Chr., 66, 274,

X.

Xanten, church at, 4.
Xavier, St. Francis de, 20.

Y.

Yale, 156.

York, persecution of recusants at,
41.

Z.

Zinzendorf, N. L., Count, 161 ff.

Zurich, 42, 75. .

Zwiefalten, monastery church at,

108.
Zwingli, Huldreich, 74 ff.

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